THE GULF OF ; MISUNDERSTANDING OR North and South America as Seen by Each Other TANCREDO PINOCHET Copyright, 1920, by BONI & LIVERIGHT, INC, 'tP 20 i920 Printed in the United States of America ©CLA597616 CONTENTS PAGE Introduction ix CHAPTER I The Letters and Their Censor ... 1 II Idealism 7 III Democracy 30 IV Imperialism 56 V Black and White 91 VI Woman's Suffrage 115 VII Marriage and Divorce 137 VIII Religion 163 IX Prohibition 180 X Education, Character and Habits . . 203 XI Pan Americanism 230 XII The Light of Truth 247 m INTRODUCTION This book is neither a novel nor a didactic treatise. In it a woman and a man speak. The woman — so saya the book — ^was born and educated in Chicago, but she might just as well have been bom and educated in Buffalo, New York or Seattle. She is a woman of thia country. The man — so says the book — was born in Santiago, Chile, but he might as well have been born in Argentina, Colombia or Ecuador. He is a man of Latin America. The man — so says the book — wrote letters 'to his wife about this country. It is of no particular importance that these letters were addressed to his wife; they might have been sent to his son, to his brother, or to one of his friends. Or he might have talked to them on the subject instead of writing; or else he might have only thought about these matters instead of writing or speaking about them. Any man who has left the environment in which he has always lived sees things other than those which he has seen before, and is guided by a new train of thought. Whether he writes, utters or keeps these thoughts to himself is of no con- sequence. The thoughts are there. The woman — so says the book — is a member of the Censor's Department of the United States Government during the war. It would make no difference if she V vL INTRODUCTION were not. She is only a symbol, because every woman is a member of the body of censors in war-time and in time of peace, when the beliefs and moral code of her country are attacked. The woman repudiates the way of writing — or speak- ing, or thinking — of the representative of another race which is in contact with hers, and she makes her pro- test. According to the book, she makes her protest, in writing alongside what the man has written. It would be just the same if she had spoken or merely thought about it instead of writing. The line of thought of the man and that of the woman are not systematic. We do not think one day exclu- sively about one thing, and another day about one other thing, and on a third day about yet one other thing. We think every day about a thousand things. Just so did the man and the woman think on this occasion, but the book has classified and placed in one separate com- partment all that the woman and the man thought about each determined subject. Two things cannot be placed in contact without pro- ducing a reaction, a protest, a contention. Place a hot body alongside a cold body : they will contend with each other until they reach an agreement ; and when they are reconciled, if they are of the same size, the warmer body will have given some of its heat to the colder body until both have been reduced to the same temperature. The shock of man with man, of the races with the races, is much more complex, and may occur without immediate contact between them. Communication be- tween peoples is attained by mail, by commerce and by telegraph. i' INTRODUCTION vii This book is the analysis of the shock between Latin America and Anglo-Saxon America. The man and woman who are speaking here are symbols. They may never have seen each other. It does not matter. It may be that the man never came to this country, and that he received his impressions through books, maga- zines or newspapers. It may be that the woman never went to South America, and that she received her im- pressions in the same way. It all comes to the same thing. The two continents, the two races are in close contact. There is a shock, a reaction, and this book is the analysis of this shock, of this reaction. This book is the dialogue of the two continents, the dialogue of the two Americas. It is the report produced by the moral shock of two worlds. The author has listened to this dialogue on both slopes of the Andes and on both sides of the Mississippi; he has classified and written down the things he has heard. The author is indebted for the translation of this book from Spanish into Enghsh to MISS CECILIA M. BRENNAN and MR. WILLIAM SACHS and more especially to MR. CHARLES EVERS Editor of ''The South American" who, guided by the Spanish version, revised and polished the Enghsh text. THE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING OR NORTH AND SOUTH AMERICA AS SEEN BY EACH OTHER THE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING CHAPTER I THE LETTERS AND THEIR CENSOR NO sooner had tlie United States entered the European war than the necessity was seen for an official censorship of international corre- spondence. Accordingly, in New York, San Francisco and New Orleans, the government established offices authorized to examine every letter which left the coun- try. After the sensational discoveries which brought to light the cable correspondence of Count von Luxburg during his stay in Buenos Aires, the order was given to use very special care with all the letters coming from or going to South America. . Miss Mabel Jones was one of the staff charged with the duty of examining correspondence in the Spanish Department of the New York's Censor's Office. During her college course at the University of Chicago, Miss Jones had mastered the language of Cervantes; and, after graduation, she went to Spain for the purpose of continuing her studies of Latin American civilization and making original researches in the Royal Library of Madrid. In order to know well the Spanish America 1 2 TEE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING of to-day, she wished to dive into the history of the conquest and of the colony. A great reader, Miss Jones' interest had been quickly aroused by reading Prescott's *' Conquests of Peru and Mexico," and ©later she had systematically read any book she could get about South American life. She soon became convinced that, in making these original investigations, she was preparing herself to revise ^nd correct jnuch that passes for knowledge with respect to these countries./ The daughter of wealthy parents, this work was her pleasure, and she had the necessary means to live and travel, without being hampered by the necessity of earn- ing her daily bread. After finishing her studies in Madrid, she returned to the United States, where she spent a year with her family, and then undertook a long journey through Latin America. She devoted much time to seeing Argentina, Chile, Uruguay, Peru, Ecuador, Venezuela, Colombia and Mexico. A few days were spent in Eio de Janeiro and short trips made into the small republics of Central America. The only Latin American country she did not visit was Paraguay. She had now a large accumulation of notes prepared and classified for writing an intensive book on Spanish American civilization, when the European war broke out. The first chapters of her work were written when her own country declared war against Germany. She was then thirty-eight years old. Miss Jones believed herself in duty bound to devote all her energies to help her country. If she had been able to do nothing else, she would have set about knitting woolen garments for the Red Cross, as millions of her fellow-countrywomen were doing, but, to her great satis- THE LETTERS AND THEIB CENSOR 3 faction, the Government accepted the offer of her services in the Spanish Department of the Censor's Office in New York. In this work she found ample field for her studies, as there passed before her, like an endless film of moving pictures, the ideas, the opinions and the different points of view of the immense number of representative South Americans that, as transient visitors or permanent resi- dents of the United States, were carrying on a corre- spondence with the other America. These live, intimate documents of a throbbing reality she found far more absorbing than had ever been the crumbling archives of the Royal Library of Madrid, in spite of all its wealth of data relating to days gone by. The reading of private letters of eminent men, which posterity has been able to bring to light, has proved, at times, to be the one technical point lacking, the. real key-note of interpretation in great historical moments. The perusal of these letters of a nameless but select multitude, which speaks without restrictions of present day life, gave access to an intimate library often denied to the historian and sociologist. Miss Jones was finding her work intensely interesting. Purely commercial letters did not especially attract her attention. Some enigmatic notes were the object of detailed study, and often they were allowed to pass as a decoy in order later to reveal a secret. Sometimes it turned out that they were simply love letters of girls whose parents had not sanctioned the correspondence, or of married women who had adopted a species of code for clandestine communication. One letter from a South American gentleman to his 4 TEE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING wife seemed of most unusual interest. It was a bitter criticism of men and things in the United States, a series of what Miss Jones mentally qualified as profoundly mistaken judgments. Of her own accord, and even at the risk of overstepping her duties in the Department, she determined to add to the letter, on separate sheets, a few observations on the opinions of the writer. She made copies of both the letters and of her own comments, to serve later as references for use in her books. A few days later there came to the office another letter from the same gentleman to the same lady, and again Miss Jones thought it proper to add her comment. These letters, written in Chicago, 111., were directed to Santiago, Chile, and continued to be mailed with the utmost regularity. Although these letters criticized ad- versely the United States, there was no sufficient reason why they should be detained by the censorship, but Miss Jones thought that it could do no harm, and might do good to add her comments to each of them. The Chilean gentleman and Miss Jones were unac- quainted, but to her the correspondent of Chicago seemed to be a palpitating reality. It was the soul of Latin America that vibrated in his letters. She now saw in wilting what she had heard a thousand times in her long journeys. This false conception of her country had continually tormented her. He wrote from his room in the Hotel Blackstone, fac- ing Lake Michigan, and something indefinable clouded the view of this observer: he could not see into the depths of American life, just as his eyes could not pene- trate the depths of the lake. Should he be given a diver's dress to enable him to explore the ocean of American life? THE LETTERS AND THEIR CENSOR 5 Formerly, when she was in Buenos Aires, Rio, Santi- ago or Bogata, she made allowances for those who spoke in generalities of her country because they did not know it ; but here was an intelle infinite force and exuberant virility. My country is devoting itself with untiring enthusi- asm to the decoration of everything: ports, cities, parks and homes. Lincoln Highway is a road which crosses the continent, and will be a matchless Eden, costing millions of dollars. In ever^^ city there are municipal committees and private associations for the fostering of civic art. Models, ideas, lines and inspiration are being imported from Europe; but the seal of Americanism is being added in every case. Your husband thinks the sky- scraper horrible. I find in it a special, new beauty : the modern obelisk of the Titans of action. The Parisians have in their Place de la Concorde an Egyptian obelisk, and to it is attributed an architectural grace sanctioned by centuries of existence. Our sk;y^scrapers have not had time to be beautified by tradition, but the very edi- fice of the hotel in which your husband lives in Chicago is worthy to figure with pride among such classical ex- amples of architecture as the Alhambra and Rheims Cathedral. The love of art for art's sake grows daily among us. When the war which has enveloped this planet first broke out, a battalion of our art students were to be found in Europe, in all the art schools of Italy, France and Germany. For our part, we have founded here art schools which will be centers of attraction for the whole IDEALISM 23 world. The most famous musicians of the universe pass almost their whole lives among us. Chicago maintains two theaters for opera alone, and if it is true that my country has not yet given birth to many great artists to rival with those of the European civilization, our democracy is nevertheless beginning to create men and women of genius able to interpret the new spirit of hu- manity, the spirit of the new world. We are now busy in making that supreme work of art — democracy. We are cultivating human capacity in extenso. Every great genius of the past was, in some degree, the result of an intensive culture of the few at the expense of the many. In our country we have reached a point in the intensive cultivation of the many never before attempted in the world. Wait a little and see the flowering of this cul- ture. This, madam, explains why in my country we have tried to solve first the problem of quantity in the dif- ferent branches of industry, leaving until later those of quality. If the mother of ten children is ill provided with resources, she will rather give bread to the ten than pie to three, leaving the other seven with nothing. That is to say, if the fate of all of them interests her equally; but if she has favorites or accords privileges, she will leave seven children hungry and feast the other three. The opportunities impartially offered to all the citizens of my country have created a demand for articles of luxurj^ That is to say, in my country we manufac- ture for all, whereas in Europe the produce of labor is still to some extent for the privileged class exclusively. I Quantity is the first cry of democracy. A workman may possess and does possess among us property of all kinds : I a sewing-machine, a Victrola, a motor car, a house, just 24 THE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING because we have attended to the problem of quantity in the first place. And this does not signify that we have not also advanced very rapidly with the improvement of quality at the same time. Your husband makes an accusation of materialism against our country for certain legal prosecutions called *' breach of promise" cases entered into by women who ask as compensation large sums of money. In this he does us a manifest injustice. The conduct of some of our women is not a characteristic trait of American women in general. In our nation of a hundred million inhabit- ants, every ordinary incident of our daily life does not get into the newspapers, but, of course, only what is out of the ordinary. One of our most famous journalists has said that when a dog bites a man, that is not news ; but when a man bites a dog, that is news. If John Smith, an unknown laborer of any town or city, dies in his bed of pneumonia or tuberculosis, the incident does not occupy a line of space in the local paper; but if John Smith, an unknown laborer, should be lifted up by a hurricane and deposited in fragments some twenty miles away, all the papers of the country would publish the notice of his death on the front page. So it is with everything. The tranquil happiness of hundreds of thousands of homes, the promises of marriage kept and those broken for some reason and the consequences silently endured, are not chronicled in the daily press. The exceptional case of some girl who sues for twenty, or fifty, or a hundred thousand dollars because a man has failed to keep his promise to marry her is published by the papers eager to dilate upon the unusual items arising out of our complex American life. These are really isolated IDEALISM 25 cases, madam, in which women, usually of the upper classes, avail themselves of the ample protection which our laws offer them. If there were similar laws in other countries offering a like protection there would be plenty of women to take advantage of them. Without making too much of this one detail, I would like to add that only a short time ago I read in one of our newspapers of a young lady from Chile, of idealistic Spanish ancestry, who had presented herself in our courts asking a hun- dred thousand dollars damages in a breach of promise prosecution of one of my countrymen. Your husband says, madam, that science is not stud- ied here for its own sake, but for the sake of money. The expansive force of steam was not discovered in this country, but only one of its practical applications. Yes, madam, we are people of a practical idealism; we are constructive dreamers. The sanitation of Panama was a work of practical idealism, as was the devotion of the American doctor, who, in seeking means to combat the ravages of swamp-fever, discovered the poison-bear- ing mosquito, and died a victim of his idealism. .' The series of endowed institutions in this country, cre- ated for the purpose of making investigations of all kinds, not for business ends, not for making money, but to lavish it at the call of the common welfare, wou.ld fill .a list long enough to cover many of these pages. The Carnegie Institute in Washington owns forty-two mil- lion dollars, and the interest of this fund is used for scientific, geographical or purely scholastic investigation. The Carnegie Fund for International Peace, with ten million dollars, has for its object the investigation and economic causes of war. It has a department of edu- cational exchange which pays foreign professors to give 26 TEE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING courses in the United States. The Rockefeller Institute for medical investigation in New York is a center of inquiry into the causes of disease for its prevention and cure. The Russell Sage Foundation, with a fund of ten million dollars, has for its object the investigation and suppression of the cause of poverty and ignorance. I shall not continue, madam, to name institutions of this type for fear of tiring you with long, dry statistics, but I ask you, when you gaze at the summit of San Cristobal Hill in Santiago, to remember that the Astronomical Observatory which is there was erected and is being maintained by money from this country, and that our astronomers, who live there like hermits, studjdng the stars, are not exactly looking for money in the heavenly constellations. We are eager, it is true, to make money, to acquire wealth by means of work and effort, because money is the value resulting from work and effort; but at the same time there is in us a passion for spending this money more and more directly for the common welfare. Nowhere is the social role of money better understood than here ; nowhere else are more dollars made to work for universities, schools, libraries and settlements. The passion for money in my country is largely idealistic. This may not be so apparent in the American of the first generation, but it is quite true of Americans whose spirit has lived here for generations past. Moliere could not have written L'Avare here, nor could Shakespeare have found here a Shylock for his Merchant of Venice. My country materialistic! Is a people materialistic which has such unlimited faith in education that thej' take it with equal fervor to the negroes and redskins of America as to the Malays of the Philippines, the Latins IDEALISM 27 of Porto Rico and the Esquimaux of Alaska? Can a nation be called materialistic which sends religious mis- sions to all the confines of the universe ? Are they ma- terialistic who would abolish the consumption of alcohol in spite of the wealth and influence of the liquor inter- ests? Can a people be called materialistic which com- bats vice in all its forms with untiring zeal, vigorously restraining a practice officially tolerated almost every- where else in the world, in pursuit of the idealistic dream to abolish the prostitution of the flesh? Is it materialistic to make of every immigrant unable to read and write a citizen with electoral rights equal to those of the direct descendants of the first colonists? Is materialistic a people which gives the suffrage to women, together with all those prerogatives which have been man 's by tradition in all the world ? Finally, madam, why are the United States taking part in this war of the old world ? Why have we aban- doned the traditions of the ]\Ionroe Doctrine, which de- mand that Europe shall not intervene in the affairs of the new world, offering at the same time to refrain from interference in old world affairs? Why send hundreds of thousands of citizens to shed their blood in France and spend billions of dollars, if not in response to a call of burning idealism for the defense of liberty, justice and "democracy in the world? Why have the millionaires acquiesced with smiling affability to the imposition of a burden amounting to sixty per cent, of their revenues as a contribution to the maintenance of this war in another continent? Why have the sons of the million- aires vied for places in the aviation corps, offering the hey-day of their youth on the altar of an ideal? The French philosopher, Henry Bergson, in an ad- 28 THE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING dress delivered October, 1917, to tlie members of the American and English Eed Cross in Paris, said in part : **Any one of us who has crossed the Atlantic is be- lieved to have discovered America, and is expected to give an account of his discovery. Such was my case, a few years ago. Called upon to give an opinion of the American people, I told the audience that there was probably no country in the world where material in- terest was less considered, where money was less cared for, where the highest ideals more thoroughly and con- tinually penetrate and permeate every day life. Amer- ica, I said, is the land of idealism. The lecture was listened to favorably, because, over here, we have al- ways been fond of America; yet when it was over a man came up to me and said: ''I don't know your books, sir, but judging by the way you spoke of the American people, I guess that you belong, as a philoso- pher, to the optimistic school.' I have not met the gen- tleman since ; but I am perfectly sure that, seeing what the Americans are doing and have already done in the present war, he will never again venture guessing to what school a philosopher belongs." In the midst of fervent acclamation on the part of his fellow-citizens, President Wilson uttered these words, which should be graven in letters of gold in the history of mankind : **The world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of political liberty. We have no selfish ends to serve. We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indem- nities for ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall freely make. We shall be satisfied when these rights have been made as secure as the faith and the freedom of nations can make them. But the right is more precious than peace, and we shall fight for IDEALISM 29 things which we have always carried nearest our hearts — for democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own governments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a universal dominion of right, by such a concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all nations and make the world it^fi^-^lf at last free. To such a task we can dedicate our lives, and our fortunes, everything that we are and everything that we have, with the pride of those who know that the day has come when America is privileged to spend her blood and her might for the principles that gave her birth and happiness and the peace which she has treasured." I leave it to you, madam, to say whether these are the words of a sordid materialism, words uttered by a president, in a democracy, and acclaimed by a whole people. Does it not seem to you, madam, that Wilson is the poet of international politics? I could write m.any pages on this theme, but I think that what I have said will suffice to show you that we are not a materialistic people, mere money-grubbers. Rather do I think that a Cervantes is wanted to write a Don Quixote of the twentieth century, in which our country is shown gallantly fighting for high, shadowy ideals with such tenacity, faith and generosity and with such a spirit of sacrifice that will turn the distant cloud- land of our dreams into a radiant sun of reality. I beg you once again, madam, to excuse this intrusion in your private correspondence, but I feel sure that you will know how to understand and pardon me. Your Friend of the Other Continent. CHAPTER III DEMOCRACY HARDLY a week had gone by since Miss Jones had forwarded the foregoing letter when a new one from the same Chilean in Chicago to his wife reached her table. It was already late, and she was about to leave the office as she opened the envelope ; but such was her impatience to read the letter, that she took it home with her, and in her quiet, warm library, this was what she read : Chicago, 111., , 1918. My dearest: This country boasts of being the first democracy of the world. The classic definition of democracy here is that given by Lincoln at Gettysburg, ' ' A government of the people, by the people and for the people." It is largely a theoretic formula, the slogan of Roosevelt, the touchstone of all patriotic speeches, but it has really no actual existence. The truth is that those who govern here are a group elected by the moneyed classes and not by the people. It is a mere pantomime of democ- racy. In no other part of the world is class distinction so marked as it is here. The millionaires are in a class by themselves. There is no aristocracy of blood as in 30 DEMOCRACY 31 Europe, the aristocracy that pulses through one's veins, an inheritance through centuries of nobility, of valor and of virtue from father to son through long genera- tions. Here they appreciate a long pedigree for horses, dogs, chickens and even swine, but not for men. A large fortune gained in the tallow industry suffices to make a genealogical oak spring up over night. Europe has her Counts, her Dukes, her Marquesses and her Princes; New York has her upper Four Hundred, her select families. The upper circle of Yankee plutocracy outdoes in many ways the extravagances of courtiers in the time of Sardanapalus, who ground up pearls and diamonds in their food. Rockefeller has a fortune of twelve hundred million dollars, and a yearly income of sixty millions. Ogden Armour, here in Chicago, has a fortune of a hundred and twenty-five millions, from which he derives a yearly income of six millions two hundred and fifty thousand dollars. Frick earns more than eleven millions a year. Thirty millionaires of this country could have loaned to the government of their own private fortunes all the money collected in the Second Liberty Loan, the sum of three billion dollars. Yet the daughters of these democratic multi-million- aires go to the old world to win for themselves a share in the effete titles of European Counts, Marquesses, Dukes and Princes. It is true that to-day, because of the war and of the great number of men that are being sent to Europe, it may be said that there is abundance of work for every one, but none can deny that in normal times there is here an army of unemployed who are unable to get work of any kind, and are reduced to frightful poverty. 32 TEE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING I will cite you another one of tlie witticisms published in their newspapers which is, as usual, only an exaggera- tion of the truth: A man in Chicago sees a person drowning in the lake. His first impulse is to rush to save him, but then he discovers that the man struggling desperately for his life is a friend who occupies a position which he himself could fill. He thereupon leaves him to drown and hurries to the office where his friend had been working, before any one else should have time to apply for the position. ' ' I have come, ' ' he said to the manager, ''to offer myself for the job held by my friend John Doe, who is drowning in the lake." ''You are five minutes late," replied the manager, "the man who pushed him in was here first." The foregoing is a mere joke and a clever one. Psy- chologically considered the humor consists in exaggerat- ing — until it becomes unbelievable — an actual truth; the difficulty of getting a living in America. To cap this I am going to tell you of an actual occurrence which sounds like fiction but which is a horrible reality — a counterpart of the preceding jest. Not long ago three eminent men in Chicago died suddenly after a dinner tliey had partaken together in a hotel. Upon examina- tion of the case it was discovered that they had been poisoned by some powder placed in their food. Further investigation proved that many waiters were accustomed to put this powder in the dishes ordered by patrons w^ho did not tip them. Such cases of poisoning are frequent. ^ The truth of the matter is that the lower classes, in spite of their much advertised democracy, live here in more frightful misery than in any other country on DEMOCRACY 33 the globe. It is enough to read books like "The Jun- gle ' ' and ' * King Coal ' ' of Upton Sinclair in order to get an idea of what poverty is like in the United States. Jack London, in his book, ''The Iron Heel," gives some idea of what life in this country will be once capital and labor will have met in battle array. And meanwhile, what means this democracy of po- litical oratory, of the demagogue, what means this adula- tion of the workers, this deception of the poor? It is a way of flattering them so that the blusterers may climb to political power. But the result will be far more tragic than one can foresee. The laborer has become arrogant, wants everything and thinks himself entitled to demand everything. He believes himself equal to the upper classes. You cannot imagine the tyranny of the American labor unions. They declare a strike to inforce the acceptance of some audacious demand which they have put forward, and then prevent the men from entering the factories until it is granted. These work- men forbid their employers to engage men who do not belong to the unions. The capitalist, the man who pro- vides the work, is a slave of the working man. Once there was a strike in the McCormick workshops in Chi- cago, employing thousands of workmen. The factory engaged through the Pinkerton agency the services of new men, so-called strike-breakers, who form a special profession in this country ; but these professionals could do nothing, and had, indeed, a narrow escape from a horrible death, because the strikers set fire to the vessel which was bringing them across Lake Michigan. Not long ago there was another strike in Evanston, near Chicago. In order to recommence work the fac- tory had to engage the services of fifty strike-breakers 34 THE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING ■who were compelled to live at tlie factory under the protection of seventy policemen. You can understand now what the tyranny of work- men intoxicated v/ith democratic ideas means. A fruit of this social philosophy are the "Industrial Workers of the World," workmen who do not speak with their tongues but with bombs of dynamite with which they daily succeed in terrorizing this country. There are at present under indictment a hundred and twelve of these Industrial Workers, who are accused en masse of fo- menting dynamite outrages and treason. All this is the result of the famous Yankee democracy, that will probably bring in its wake a catastrophe like that of the Bolsheviki in Russia. There it has been shown quite convincingly what a government, "of the people, by the people and for the people," really is, namely, chaos and the appointment of ignorant laborers as Secretaries of Finance. This may come to pass any day in this country that maintains its social organization as by a miracle in a tottering balance. Not because the United States can boast so far of a material triumph can we admit that they have succeeded as a democracy. The success of a country is proven by the record of centuries. To-day one chapter suffices to tell of the grandeur and fall of Rome. Men count their lives by years, but nations count theirs by generations. The United States of America has only begun to live, and as yet cannot speak of any really definite triumph. This democracy is only an experiment, and runs the risk of those who experiment in laboratories with un- known explosives. I think that this government of an anonymous, irre- sponsible multitude is an absurdity. They do not even DEMOCEAGY 35 know what is good for them. This nation represents an experiment in democracy, the result of which is going to be tragic. Up to the present it has sncceeded because it has never been a democracy in reality, but only a democracy in theory. How different things are in Germany,* where, never- theless, the workman lives better than in any other country, though he is not flattered nor permitted any undue interference in the election of his governors. There government is by the upper classes, which are the most capable in any country; there the social hier- archy is respected, and they have the courage to recog- nize the value of caste, inherently superior by virtue of its antecedents. Here, as in our own country, they lack the courage necessary to proclaim openly the superior inherited ability of the higher classes, though we cannot deny that they possess all the sterling virtues of the human race. And it is from here, from the United States, that the new current of democratic ideas has gone to Chile; ideas that have infected our people, constituting one of the most serious dangers that threaten us for the future. We owe our progress and our order to the traditional regime of our country, by means of which the intelligent classes hold permanent control of the government as in Germany. It is not, as you well know, that I am a German sym- pathizer in the present war. The Germans are entirely too ambitious and aim at world control. It is proper that all the world should be on guard to show that it has no intention of being so dominated ; but we have to * This letter is supposed to have been written when Germany was at the high water mark of its military achievements. 36 TEE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING admit that Germany is the most efficient nation of the globe, exactly because there the most efficient classes rule without hindrance. p\ The basic idea of democracy is against the law of nature. Society is a living organism, the individuals composing which are equivalent to the cells of an indi- vidual organism like that of man. It is impossible to imagine the cells of the feet di- recting the whole structure of the human body; it is the cells of the brain which tell the feet where they are to go. In a social organism the upper classes constitute the brain of the nation, and this it is that should de^ termine the destiny of the people and dictate the regu- lations to which they must submit. In nature liquids occupy the place which corresponds to their density; -> mercury cannot be made to float on water. Men also occupy in society the place in which they belong ac- cording to their merit, and this merit is hereditary. In Germany, the worth of an electoral vote is in ac- cordance with the individual merit of the elector in question. The vote of a man of high rank has, natu- rally, greater weight. This is logical and just ; it is an advantage to the nation. In our country, although we had the weakness to adopt in theory the principles of > the French Revolution, we have had the common sense not to accept such a dangerous policy in reality, and our electoral votes count in accordance with the wealth of each elector. The vote of one who can purchase the greatest number of votes is worth the most. This has saved us. If our people had conducted their own elec- tions with this so-called democratic freedom we should have failed utterly as a nation. There they declaim against bribery as a salute to the flag of democratic prin- DEMOCRACY 37 ciples; but no politician of any party, except labor, wishes sincerely to see any change in the reality of onr electoral system. Here in the United States there is an increasingly ardent desire to place the government in the hands of the people. The jndges are elected by popular vote, in some States they may even be impeached by a peti- tion drawn up by the same electors, a prerogative which is entitled the "recall." A proof, however, that faith in this system of popular election is not absolute is shown by the fact that Judges of the Supreme Court are not chosen by the popular vote. On the contrary, they receive their appointment directly from the gov- ernment, as in our country. Another most extraordinary democratic right of the common people in many States of the Union are the pro- ceedings called ''initiative and referendum." This ac- tually permits them to make laws directly. It means that a certain number of voters may present for the popular vote any private petition that has in no way been in- stigated by the authorities elected by the people. A municipal candidate, or a candidate for the legislature, may have been elected on a definite political platform, with a definite program to carry out. If in any way he breaks faith with the terms of this program, or de- • parts from his political platform, he can be impeached by the same will that put him in office: the popular vote. It may happen sometimes that he has conducted himself according to the terms of his platform but that those who had elected him had seen fit to change their minds about some certain topic. These voters, in a group whose number is determined by law, may petition that this or that legal project be submitted to ballot. 38 TEE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING Not long ago in Chicago tliey secured abont one hundred and fifty thousand signatures to a petition that it be decided by a popular vote whether Chicago should or should not be a prohibition city. In order to put this question to popular vote there were needed the signa- tures of only one hundred and six thousand five hundred voters. If this project had become law, as has happened in so many other States, it would have been an example of legislation initiated directly by the people. A law dictated by the State Congress may, by means of the referendum, be submitted to the popular vote, that is to say, the people may veto the decisions of the legis- lators. I do not think that this could ever come to pass in our country, and alas for us if it should ! It would take too long to explain this to you in de- tail, but the sum and substance of it is this : A maximum of power is given to the people, not only to elect its representatives and to recall them before they finish their term, but also to instigate direct legislation, some- times in opposition to the will of the very persons whom the popular vote has placed in office. Moreover, the franchise, or right to vote, is as widely extended as pos- sible, and includes the women in a great many States, a condition that will soon exist in all parts of the coun- try. Some day, perhaps, the animals and plants will vote as well ! Soldiers can vote, and just now they are taking steps to enable those who are actually in the trenches in Europe to exercise this right of American citizenship. It will not surprise me if there should come a day when American warships will send home the votes of their crews by wireless from all the seas. What most particularly impresses me in the barefaced deception of this pretended democratic system of gov- DEMOCRACY 39 ernment of the people, by the people and for the people is the fact that the "people," the multitude, neither thinks nor wishes nor cares for anything in which it is not directly interested. It allows itself to be swayed unconsciously in affairs of common or collective interest. A few leaders tak^ charge of a project and organize the respective propaganda. "When I tell you that there have been secured a hundred and fifty thousand signa- tures to the petition which would make of Chicago a prohibition city, do not imagine for a moment that a hundred and fifty thousand persons have come forward voluntarily to sign this petition. Nothing of the sort. It has been taken from house to house, from office to office by solicitors pleading for signatures and seeking to convince the voters just as merchandise is offered for sale by traveling salesmen. The petition is not a re- flection of the collective will of the people, but of the will of a small group that knows how to drag in its train an unthinking mob. It is just this that saves for the present the democratic regime of the country. It is already apparent here in Chicago that the Social- ists are gaining ground, and, in order to beat them at the last election of Judges for Cook County, the Re- publicans and Democrats, the two traditional parties of the country, had to join forces against them. One need not be unusually penetrating to see that the Democrats and Eepublicans in the future will unite into one party representing the interests of capital, in order to combat the ever growing Socialist party representing the endless exactions of the working class. And after them will come the Bolsheviki, the nihilists, the anarchists, the iconoclasts of civilization. There will be no other means of saving the situation than that of dictating a new law 40 THE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING to curtail the voting power of tlie lower elements of society, for otherwise there must come the downfall of the present organization. And this curtailment will be the denial of the democratic theory, of a government of the people, by the people and for the people. Even now there are editorials in the most prominent newspapers that advocate the idea of placing more obstacles in the w^ay of the suffrage of the naturalized foreigner; and in other articles of the public press it is even claimed that the Socialists should be denied the right to vote. Eadical measures like this will have to be taken, in this country and in all "the world, because if it is really true that this is now only nominally *^a government of the people and by the people," at the rate at which things are going, with the development of the labor unions, it might become a real government of the com- mon people, which will be as exacting as the Soviets of the Russian Bolsheviki. In all that I have told you, you can see to what ex- tremes is carried this democracy that we foolishly ac- cept in theory and wisely repudiate in prastice. In our country no one speaks of this openly in the news- papers nor in the magazines nor in books; no one has dared frankly to come to the defense of the aristocracy, and we must needs feign reverence for this democratic chorus in which the world now lifts its voice. This is one of the most outrageous conventional falsehoods of which our new civilization is guilty. Germany is the only country that has preferred not to lie, but has had the courage to defend the doctrine of an aristocracy, to fight and shed blood in its cause; and, consequently, that country is the most efficient in all the world, in science, arts, industry and strength, so much so that DEMOCBAGY 41 Germany, in the intoxication of its triumph, has wished to rule the world. There is only one other example of this type on the whole planet : Japan. These are strong countries and their strength is that of their ablest men. The United States also has its super men, but they are surrendering their power, abandoning their prerogatives end avoiding their responsibility. It is a renunciation. That is what democracy signifies, the renunciation of the fit and the advent of the unfit. But I have already talked too much, my dear one, of the affairs of this country, and very little of our private affairs, I ought «to Your husband who adores you. No sooner had Miss Jones finished reading this than she started to write the answer. There was no time to finish that night, and on the following day she had to go to the Public Library to look up some items which she could not find in her own librarj^ Her supplemen- tary notes finally took shape in these words: ]\Iadam : Since I took the liberty to make a few observations on your husband's former letter, it may not seem strange that I do the same with this. The letter that goes to you by this mail arouses in me as many, if not more, objec- tions than the last. Yes, madam, your husband is right, we are a national 42 TEE GULF OF MISUNDEBSTANDING experiment in democracy, but it is an experiment in which the country has an immense faith, a faith that is almost religions. We have faith in a government of the people, for the people and by the people. Yf e believe that every man and every woman should have freedom to govern him or herself personally as best it suits them within the limitations that the rights of others impose; but we do not believe that those in office have the right to govern us as they please, in contradiction to the will of the gOA^erned. "When our nation had just awakened to independent life it was thought to make of it a monarchy, and to Washington was offered a royal crown, but the spirit of liberty which had impelled the first colonists to America brought about the triumph of the Republic. The history of our political development, first with its ''congres- sional caucus" (oligarchy, the election of the candidates for the presidency of the republic in private conferences between congressmen) afterwards with political conven- tions, and finally with the popular liberty more freely expressed to-day, show that we are rapidly making of our country a democracy in action, not in theory alone, as your husband says. We do not believe, madam, in the divine right of authority. We believe that the authority to govern a people comes from the will of that same people. Neither do we believe in the prerogatives of a governing class, in an aristocratic regime. As your husband says, we appreciate the value of a pedigree in horses, cows, chickens and hogs, but not in men. Madam, if you have a prize chicken farm or a horse-breeding establishment, you subject all your best stock, which you desire to im- prove and perpetuate, to very special conditions of DEMOCBACY 43 feeding and propagation, and you are constantly seeking to improve the race which is your specialty. With the human race nothing of the kind is possible. The son of a magnate, lacking the urgent need to work that made his progenitors rich and powerful, and surrounded by comforts and luxuries, is exposed to the danger that instead of cultivating and improving the virtues that should be his by right of inheritance, he is very apt to acquire vices unknown to his ancestors. If this rich man 's son should conserve and perfect the sterling quali- ties of his forebears, he will enjoy, in a democratic so- ciety, all the prerogatives of his parents in open com- petition with others as able as he, whether they are heirs of superior men, or sons of men of humble origin who in the rude school of life have fashioned their characters and acquired qualities essential to social and economic success. Napoleon II has no claim to the admiration of the world although he happened to be the son of Napoleon I, and Abraham Lincoln is revered by humanity al- though his father was a carpenter who could not read or write when he married. We believe every man to be the architect of his own character, the sculptor of his own monument, and we strive to keep the social structure such that the survival of the fit shall be real- ized as easily as the downfall of the unfit. We believe thaf the greatest riches a country possesses are its own citizens, and we likewise believe in giving to each and GYery one of these the best possible chance to develop their personality. We have faith in what a broad educa- tion will do, and we wish to place it within the reach of every man in order to permit him to develop his powers to their utmost. It is also part of our social 44 TEE GULF OF MI8UNDEESTANDING creed that talents sliould find easy and automatic means to place themselves in the setting which they deserve, in order that they may render the greatest possible service to the community. What would it have availed our country if Edison had continued selling newspapers to railroad passengers? It is much better that he should have the management of his present large fortune, and of his laboratory at Menlo Park, where he can produce more, not only for himself, but for the common good. We do not yet know enough about biology to deter- mine whether individual organisms are democratic or aristocratic, but we do Imow that human society is more complex than the human individual, because its constit- uent cells are more complex, and it is therefore not logical for your husband to say that the basic idea of democracy is against the law of nature. Democracy is a question of social justice, but it is also a question of social convenience, of social advantage. A democratic organization is the most adequate human organization for the most intense utilization of all the resources of mankind, that is to say of the material, the intellectual and the moral opportunities that are his dower. A democratic organization means, in the first place, an equality of opportunity for all. You have seen, no doubt, in your own country, the condor spreading out its majestic wings high over the peaks of the Andes, free and powerful, covering great distances in its rapid flight; and you may have seen, in the Zoological gar- dens, the same condor, apparently free, without a fetter to impede his soaring to the heights. Why does not the latter also fly? Why is he dejected and sad? His wings are there, entire ; the sky is there, free and open, but the DEMOCRACY 45 gratings that limit his enclosure do not permit him to make the running start necessary for his flight. Man laughs at his great wings. The condor seems to be free, but he is not. Thus, the man who has not had his chance at a public school — that wide arena where the first unfettered trials are made to prepare for the real race of lif" — seems to be free, all his limbs are whole and sound; he has the wide world before him for his flight, but . . . his freedom is derisory, he is a prisoner like the condor. This equality of opportunity exists in my country on an ever increasing scale. It exists on a larger scale than in any other country of the world. The term *' self-made man" has passed from the English to all modem languages. The *^ self-made man" is a product as American as the pineapple is Brazilian. In the presi- dency of the Republic, among the secretaries of state, in Congress, in the judicial career, in industry, in com- merce, in the army, in the navy^ in all human activities, you may see children of unknown fathers, messengers, even newsboys as they arrive at maturity become lead- ers in some branch of activity. These same boys would not have been able to rise in the same way in any anti- democratic country, because *' self-made man" does not mean made by himself alone, without the help of so- ciety, but formed by himself with the help of society, and without the help of the special privileges that in other countries involve the inheritance of a more or less considerable fortune. Society helps with its public schools, its night-schools, its Sunday schools, its libraries, its free lecture courses, its museums, its art galleries, its churches, its settlements; that is to say, society has, in a democratic regime, hundreds and thousands of 46 TEE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING tentacles that go reacliing out into the remotest confines of the nation striving to touch as by a magic wand every brain and every heart. For each there is a ladder by which he may reach the heights appropriate to his capacity now developed to its greatest extent by these social agents with which, whether or not he wills it, he is, nevertheless, placed in contact every day of his life. This secures to society a constant renewal 6i its di- recting elements. It does not mean the renunciation of the fit and the advent of the unfit, as your husband believes, but the elimination of the unfit and the advent of the fit. In your country, the presidency of the Re- public has been generally in the hands of a few privi- leged families, that is to say, within a republican consti- tution there has been perpetuated a European aristo- cratic regime. This is not the case with us. We have never had both father and son elected to the presidency. Neither the fame nor the ability of the father secures the future welfare of the son; in each generation all enter the race on equal conditions. I do not pretend to say that this is the invariable rule in oar country now, but it is the tendency of our evolution, and has been since the beginning of our history. Not long since, madam, the University of Wisconsin celebrated its fiftieth anniversary^ There were present four of the former Presidents of the University. One of them, ex-President Northrop, pronounced these w^ords which illustrate my thought verj^ clearly : ' ' The utility of the University is not limited to the great men it forms. The utility of the public school is not measured by the number of exceptionally able men that have studied in it, but in the general betterment of the multi- tude. If we can make the sum total of our citizens fifty VEMOCBACY 47 per cent more capable, it is much better than to make some of them a hundred per cent more capable, while the multitude has not been appreciably improved. The ideal of democracy is to make the multitude intelligent, not to form a few intelligent leaders and leave the com- mon people in obscurity. We need intelligent leaders, but we also need an intelligent people, able to follow those leaders." The above does not imply the suppression of social divisions, as these are not in themselves a negation of democracy. We consider the public school a democratic ideal because there all have a common basis upon which to begin — one and the same platform from which to make the start of life's flight. This does not mean, however, that a democratic regime obliges the person of culture to live with illiterates, or the millionaire with the pauper, though their doing so is not prohibited or even censured; it signifies merely that the illiterate has every facility to make himself a man of culture and the beggar a like chance to become a millionaire. There are select circles, and separate groups, but the doors that lead to them stand wide open to him who wishes to pay his entrance fee in effort, talent, perseverance and honesty. Democracy is not equality among men, but equal opportunities for all men. Democracy does not mean the leveling of mankind to an average standard, but the bringing of opportunities to a level that all can reach. Your husband may say when commenting on the power of our millionaires that this equality of chance is only a hollow phrase beside the privileges of an ac- quired fortune. Let us see. He speaks of the enormous fortunes of this country. 48 TEE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING There are sucli, it is tme. John D. Eockefeller has a fortune of twelve hundred million dollars, and many others follow closely after. Doubtless, unjust social conditions have made these extraordinary accumulations possible. But, madam, have you any idea of the amount to which this private fortune is assessed for public revenue? Rockefeller's annual income amounts to sixty million dollars and his taxes to forty millions. The present tax — a war tax, it is true, but likely to remain at little less than his ratio — provides that all incomes exceeding two million dollars shall pay sixty-three per cent to the state. It is one of the great checks to the undue privileges of capital. The additional taxes on income now in force are progressive. These undue prerogatives of capital are moreover subjected to limitation by our democracy in many dif- ferent ways, such as by the laws that regulate trusts, income and inheritance taxes, and by other methods which each new social period proceeds to formulate. William Kent, a millionaire and a member of the Tax Committee, has recently expressed his opinion with re- spect to this problem in the following words: ^' There should not exist such employments as footmen, butlers or chauffeurs. Men of fortune retain a gTeat number of persons employed in these positions of luxury. I would like to see," added this millionaire, '4he income tax so high that this class of employees could not be retained hy wealthy families." "We do not fear at all what your husband sees fit to call the undue pretensions of the working man. We firmly believe that the working man will continue to secure higher wages and shorter hours of work, partly as a measure of social justice and partly as a dictate of social DEMOCEACY 49 seliisliiiess, because society needs that all its members sliould liave an equal opportunity to develop personality to its higbest, a thing that is impossible under actual conditions of industrial servitude. We must face the inevitable, madam, that the crowbar, the plane, the brace and bit, the furnace and the lathe are all taking on the •majestic proportions of heraldic escutcheons, of the royal crowns. Only yesterday we read how our dele- gation of working men was received in the palace of the King and Queen of England and feasted by the highest dignitaries of the United Kingdom. No, we are not afraid, we are not troubled as we note this evolution. On the contrary, we have enthusiastic- ally gone out to meet it that we may help it. Even our wealthy magnates understand the transformation and comment upon it without becoming alarmed. Do you know what one of the best known millionaires of the U. S. A. says in regard to this? This steel king, Mr. Charles M. Schwab, is president of the Bethlehem Steel Company, which exploits the iron of El Tofo in your o-wn Chile, the company which has built on that far off coast the port of Cruz Grande, and which is trans- porting a mountain of iron from your countrj^ to mine. The company of which Mr. Schwab is president em- ploys a hundred thousand workingmen and pays in wages twelve million dollars monthly. It signifies that economically speaking, the word of such a mxan has weight, and it has also great weight politically speaking, as not long since Mr. Schwab was Chairman of the Board controlling the construction of ships for our government. This man uttered these words when not yet an employee of the government at a salary of one dollar a year: "A¥e are on the threshold of a new 50 THE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING era. The new order of things is going to be hard for many of us and it will come sooner than we were ex- pecting. It means a social rebirth of all the world. Some call it socialism. Others call it Bolshevism. What it means is this: The man that works with his hands, the man that does not possess riches is he who will rule the business of the world, not only in Russia and Ger- many and the U. S. A., but literally throughout the world. This great change will be a social adjustment. I repeat that it is going to be hard for those who possess a large part of the capital, but in the end it will prob- ably be beneficial for all of us; and so we ought not to oppose this movement without informing ourselves re- garding its dominant ideas. I have no wish to lose the money I possess. The more money a man has the more he wishes to have. The change from the old to the new order of things will be steady but rapid. The aristoc- racy of the future will not be the aristocracy of riches. It will be the aristocracy of those who have done some- thing for their country and for the world." You see, madam, that even the owners of great for- tunes do not entertain much fear of the social evolu- tion that inspires your husband with so much dread. As for the extravagance of our millionaires to which your husband alludes, frankly, I think it is very much exaggerated. I believe that, in comparison with mil- lionaires of other countries, what most distinguishes the American is their cheerful readiness to give away their millions in works destined for the benefit of the whole people. The same Mr. Schwab, not long ago, in Chicago, where he was speaking as Director General of the Shipping Board, related a very telling story: Going with Mr. DEMOCRACY 51 Carnegie to inaugurate a library and an auditorium, gifts which Mr, Carnegie and he were making to the University of Pennsylvania, he went to his room to dress for the ceremony, and found his valet desperately hunting under the bed for a collar-button, "I am leaving your service," said the indignant man to his employer. ^'You and Mr. Carnegie come here to give away millions, but you are the owner of only one collar- button, which I have dropped on the floor and cannot find." While Mr. Schwab was making his speech, his wife was in the hotel knitting woolen clothing to send to the soldiers in the trenches. This is where I must tell you that there is much exaggeration in the general belief that the daughters of our millionaires lose their heads over European princes. Naturally, some cases of this kind occur among the thousands of millionaires' fami- lies, and they are given so much publicity that the in- experienced observer very frequently makes a mistaken generalization. Riches have their privileges^ madam. How could it be otherwise? But the tendency in our democracy is to see to it that these privileges of fortune shall be only equal to the strength and the intelligence em- ployed in acquiring them. Thus, an arrow can fly through the air only in proportion as we have bent the bow to shoot it. A slight flexion of the bow and 'the arrow makes a short flight. "We bend the bow with force and the flight is long. In human life, a democracy disposes of existence in such a way that no one is ?ble to shoot his arrow farther than the force used in bending the bow will permit him. Your husband, madam, gives a very synthetic de- 52 THE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING scription of our electoral system, and he seems to see a national peril in our faith in a "government of the people, for the people and by the people." He believes that the puffed up working man will become a destroyer of society. AVe do not believe that this ample liberty for the workingman to impose his ideas in the election booths need bring dangerous results to the country. On the contrary, this is the legal way gradually to change our social organization already so greatly modi- fied in the course of our history. This is the way in which the aspirations of all our citizens are tried out openly and the reason why those of the majority succeed. This is the safety valve of the machine of progress. The violent revolutions and counter revolutions in Russia are a consequence of the traditional oppression of the work- ingman in the domain of an aristocrac}^ If Russia had had a half century of democratic organization, it would not have fallen into the present chaotic condition that your husband condemns. We do not know as yet what will be the end of Russia, but if it should find the path of democracy while struggling desperately in the darkness to find its destiny, Russia will stagger the world with its progress. The suggestion that your husband has seen in some of our newspapers that we should suppress the right of the socialist to vote does not entitle him to accept this idea as representative of a tendency of our thought. You will see, madam, in our daily papers, in our maga- zines, in public speeches and in books the most out- rageous and contradictory ideas. This is only one of the manifestations of our democracy, in which every- body thinks himself authorized to express his opinions, whatever they may be. In other countries the pro- DEMOCJRACY 53 fessicn of thinking and expressing opinions is restricted to the educated classes, or to those who make their liv- ing with their pen. Here every one says what he thinks, and, as is natural, some perfectly preposterous opinions are expressed. The observer who studies our country should not forget that this is a trait of our national idiosyncrasy, or his comments will contain many mis- taken inferences. This free expression of the opinion of all is a demo- cratic school. In our schools public speech is a branch -of the usual course of study, not a luxury, but simply a means to enable every one to express his opinion pub- licly without self -consciousness. If errors come to light, it matters as little as if a boy does his school task wrong in the class or makes a mistake in his manual training work. It serves as a step onward to better things. Each day we see incorporated more new elements into the realm of citizenship, and from the most humble ranks there rise up men who turn out to be torchbearers in their different walks of life. Unquestionably there is in my country still much ig- norance and much poverty to be reclaimed. Your hus- band asks you to read Upton Sinclair's books to get an idea of the poverty among the working classes. This pauperism is found chiefly among the European immi- grants who have not as yet adapted themselves to our democracy. We have in our country, that receives this immense European immigration, more than five mil- lions who cannot yet speak our language. In Chicago alone, madam, the city from which your husband WTites, my own native city, one-third of its inhabitants are foreigners ; another third is composed of sons of foreign- 54 TEE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING ers, and of the other third, a third part have either father or mother a foreigner. We are building up our den3ocracy of foreign materials ; we are making a monu- ment out of clay brought from across the sea. To study the living conditions of our workingman one should not choose as a type the recently arrived immi- grant, who has not had as yet the time to adapt himself to our ways; but any one who travels a little in our country, and will take the time to visit the homes of American workmen, will find carpenters, mechanics, painters and workingmen of all the industries living in their own houses, with one or two baths, with parlors, pianos and libraries, and more comforts than those of the middle-class of a generation ago. This is not the rule as yet, but it tends to become more so every day. I do not believe, madam, that the happiest working classes are to be found in Germany, as your husband says. They have been systematically trained into being submissive automata. They have no such opportunities as the workingmen in the United States, where every day one sees men of the humblest origin rising to social, scientific, economic and political heights. As our ex- ambassador Mr. Gerard says: ''In Germany all the higher offices are held by the members of the Prussian nobility. Germany is still the country of great land- holders. Laws that have been abolished for years in England, still exist in Germany to permit these enor- mous estates to pass from one generation to another without being divided up. The workingmen of German cities work longer hours and earn less than in any other part of the world. More than fifty-five per cent of the families in Berlin live in one room. ' ' I have quoted this to you, madam, merely to answer the expressed DEMOCBACY 55 belief of your husband that an oligarchy insures the greater well-being to the workingman. It will not be necessary to add that in the countries of Latin America the condition of the workingman is infinitely inferior. I do not pretend that we have reached perfection. Far from it. Our country is a democracy in the making and, as in all works of construction, it presents still, alongside the parts already made and finished, crude material, stone, sand and lime, in formless piles. When an artist is fashioning a piece of sculpture, you will see by the side of the work in course of creation, masses of shapeless clay as yet nothing but a lump of common earth. Maybe the head is finished; maybe the soul is already there, but we shall not be able to appreciate the beauty of the composition until the whole is finished. It is not right to judge the work by the formless mass of clay that has not yet taken on the lines the artist means to give it. The construction of a democracy is a far more laborious piece of work than the pro- duction of the finest masterpiece of the most gifted artist; there must be formless masses of material while the work is in progress, and of this mere clay no one can judge until it has been given the breath of life. In our democracy only the first blows of the chisel have made their mark. Let us not be so superficial as to condemn the work in preparation because it has not yet received the last finishing touches. Let us wait and help to give life to the monument that is the work of our hands, of our brain and of our heart. Very sincerely. Your Friend from the Other Continent. CHAPTER IV IMPERIALISM MISS JONES now looked for these letters from Chicago with the same interest with which she expected her own private correspondence; and although their contents naturally hurt her feelings, it cannot be denied that she vehemently desired to read the letters because they expressed so well what Latin Americans in general were thinking about her country. One morning she noticed at once the elegant and ener- getic handwriting of the Chicago correspondent among the heap of letters piled up on her desk. That morning Miss Jones did very little work in her office. Reading and meditating upon this long letter took up all her time until the luncheon hour. The letter was as fol- lows : • Chicago, 111., , 1918. JMy Dear One : — One frequently sees it stated in the newspapers of this country that a democracy offers guarantees of peace to the world, whereas an aristocracy is a threat of war to all humanity; that it is necessary, therefore, to conquer Germany in order to make democracy safe and give peace to the world. I cannot see upon what this assertion could 56 IMPERIALISM 57 logically be based. The United States boasts of being a democracy, and bas, nevertlieless, waged war against Mexico for the purpose of seizing her northern provinces ; it has made war against Spain to get possession of Puerto Rico and the Philippines, and upon Colombia to seize Panama. In less than a century they have annexed, by right of conquest, a million square miles of what was formerly Latin American territory. Among these conquests are the taking of Texas and of sixjmore States that were Mexican possessions before the American invasion, which was pushed even to the ancient Aztec capital. This was the imposition of the southern slave States. Those seven States, in which there was no slavery, were taken precisely so that slavery might be established in them, thus degrading them socially in order to secure a larger representation from the southern States as partisans of slavery in the Federal Congress. This policy of aggression and conquest, this imperial- ism without precedent in latter days, has been shown by a North American writer, "William Hard, in an ultra- sensational article severely condemned by the American governm^ent. It was published in the Metropolitan Magazine. The author imagines a conversation between Wilson, the Kaiser, Venizelos, the prime minister of Greece, and a bandit of the Dominican Republic, in which it is shown that the United States, in their rela- tions with Latin America, have proceeded without a shred of honesty. The United States is unquestionably the most im- perialistic country in the world. The first States of the Union, since those times when the English Puritans landed from the Mayflower, have not been satisfied later with reaching out toward the West, even to the 58 TEE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING Pacific. They have desired and have obtained colonies in distant seas. Roosevelt has defended this policy of intervention on the part of his country in the small South American republics by use of the personal argu- ment of a man who holds a big stick in his hands. ''If I have a happy home/' he seems to say, ''enjoying there- in a prosperous life, and I find that in the house at the right hand side of mine they make a great deal of noise at night, and do not let me, or my wife or children sleep, I am justified in knocking at the door of these neighbors and demanding silence : and if the noise con- tinues, I have the right to use my big stick to make them keep quiet. *' An argument this to snuff out by main force the revolutions of Mexico. Continuing this phi- losophy, Roosevelt has said almost in these words: "If in the house on the left they have in the yard a pile of filth, the odor of which infests my house and places in danger my life and that of my wife and family, I have the right to rap on their door and to demand that they clean up their premises, and if they do not do so, I compel them with my big stick.*' An argument this for interfering in Ecuador and forcibly cleaning up Guaya- quil, if the Ecuadorians will not or cannot do so. Like- wise, Roosevelt considered himself at liberty to open a door (Panama) for his own use in his neighbor's house, when by doing so he would contrive to shorten the distance between two rooms in his own house : the room to the East, New York; and the room to the West, San Francisco. Tyranny will always find a suitable pretext to warrant an abuse of force. Could not the same argument be stretched so that the United States might with its '^hig stick'' rule over all Latin America? The United States IMPERIALISM 59 is becoming now a military — a warrior country. They are creating a stupendous army and navy. When these forces are mustered out from the European war, will they not look for a way to occupy themselves elsewhere ? Every organ must exercise its functions or it dies. Or- gans that are not used become withered. If the fish would cease to swim, its fins would no longer function and would, in course of time, disappear. If a species of bird should not fly for generations, the wings would likewise go, just as the blind mole does not need to see in the darkness of its underground galleries. The United States has been imperialistic in the past; it is so to-day and will be more imperialistic to-morrow. Consider the name they have appropriated for them- ^ selves. They call their country America, and its citizens Americans. Is not Canada a part of America, and are not the Canadians Americans? Mexico, Brazil, Argen- tina and Chile, are they not a part of America and are not their inhabitants as much entitled to be called Americans as those of the United States ? But no, they have taken the name as their own. If the United States had formed their country in the old world, and if they had conquered European Turkey instead of the land of the red man, they would surely have called their country Europe and their inhabitants Europeans, that is, if they did not call it THE WORLD once and for all. It is particularly serious for us that North American capital should be finding its way to our country in ever increasing quantities. In Chilean mines alone they have invested more than five hundred million dollars, and this is only the start to capture our natural resources, as is the case on a larger or smaller scale in all the Latin American republics. If, a little later on, there should be 60 THE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING a great labor strike, with attacks upon the life and property of the North American owners of these great mining possessions, might not these men of the "big stick" ask reparation for their wrongs and indemnities for their losses, and might they not even venture so far as to interfere in our internal political life? The most powerful navy in the world would be ready at their orders, anxious to go into action. We are the country of iron, of coal and of copper. We shall always be an irresistible lodestone to North American capital and enterprise. Although we are so far away, our danger for the future is very great. Sometimes my conscience pricks me when I think that the success of my efforts to sell to the Yankees my copper deposits may aggra- vate the danger to which our country is exposed in the future. As a matter of fact, our government ought not to permit the sale of our mining resources to the Ameri- cans, and as it would be impossible to make an odious exception for them alone in our legislature, we should prohibit the sale of our mines to foreigners in general. There exists a veritable Yankee peril for Latin Amer- ica. I have always thought so, and what I now see and read only confirms my suspicions. Of course, there are many here who write of Pan Americanism — of inter- continental love; but all that is only vain chatter, as I can easily prove to you by quoting from books and papers published here. The University professor, Hamilton Wright Mabie, in lectures he gave at Japanese Universities under the auspices of the Carnegie Foundation in the cause of international conciliation, said these words: **A war with Mexico ended in a forced sale to the United States of a territory that constitutes now six IMPERIALISM 61 of our States. ^lany Americans believe that this war was unnecessary and nnjust, but a glance at the map will show that this territory, for which the United States paid eighteen million dollars, was an integral part of our national dominion, and sooner or later would have had to come under the flag of the United States." An argument this which would serve Germany for claiming the Belgian coast; a contention that would justify Brazil in taking possession of Uruguay. It suffices to look at the map to be convinced of this. This argument was proffered by an American professor in a foreign country, under the auspices of a Yankee founda- tion for the promotion of universal peace ! A magazine called The Seven Seas, the official organ of the Army and Navy League, says in one of its num- bers: **A world dominion is the only logical and natural final aim of a nation. The real militarist believes that pacifism and humanitarianism are respectively the mas- culine and feminine manifestations of a natural degen- eration. It is the absolute right of a nation to live with the greatest possible intensity, to expand, to found new colonies, to become as rich as possible through all appro- priate means, such as armed conquest, commerce and diplomacy. ' ' One of the most important newspapers of Chicago, the Chicago Trihune, prints every day this motto : "My country, in her intercourse with other nations may she be always right; but my country, right or wrong." A famous American writer, Alfred Mahan, says in one of his books: 4^ 62 TEE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING *'As civilized man has every day a greater necessity for lands that he may occupy, he is always in search of new fields where he may establish and develop himself; but as it happens that this planet is entirely explored and exploited, there are no longer desert continents or desert isles; there are only territories more or less oc- cupied by a population more or less well organized. Hence proceeds the natural direction of human tides, whose impulse, like all natural forces, follows the line of least resistance. When two races, one highly organ- ized and the other of inferior and rudimentary organiza- tion, meet, the result is not doubtful; the first dispos- sesses the second, because the right of the previous occu- pant disappears before the right of the superior ex- ploiter. ' ' According to Mahan, to dispute about the morality of the phenomena that are developed in accordance with that principle, is like disputing about the morality of an earthquake. What do you think of the philosophy of this American sociologist? The Germans themselves might adopt and use it as a pretext for taking possession of all Russia or all France. They only need consider them-selves su- perior exploiters in order to force the former occupants to retire from their own fatherland. Consequent^ they could proceed with a moral right about which it would be as foolish to dispute as about the morality of an earthquake. Not long since, at the invitation of President "Wilson;, there visited this country twenty newspaper men from Mexico. While in Chicago one of these journalists, Senor de la Parra, made a speech rather unfriendly towards the United States, an impertinent speech, if you take into account that the journalist was a guest of this country. But if it is true that the utterances of the IMPERIALISM 63 Mexican were out of place, it is none the less true that certain comments of the public press were much more impertinent. Arthur Brisbane, editor-in-chief of the Chicago Herald and Examiner, published on the front page of his paper a comment on the remarks of the Mexican, as follows: **It would be worth while for the Mexicans to study the character of "VVoodrow Wilson. The Kaiser forgot to make that study; this ought to serve as a warning to Mexico. Mr. Wilson wishes nothing more of Mexico than civility of the damnedest, commonest kind ; further- more, with respect to the lives and properties of Amer- icans, Mexico ought to respect these lives and interests and leave to one side its one-fourth Spanish and three- fourths Indian idea that the United States are afraid of the Mexicans. In only one of the twelve war camps this country has all the material necessarj^ to tear Mex- ico to pieces like an old newspaper. It would be worth while for Mexico to proceed with courtesy and justice, especially if it wishes to continue its life as a nation. We took and we improved a large piece of Mexico not long ago : Texas, etc. The next piece that we take will be larger." This editor does not say *'may be,'* he says '*will be." H. H. Powers, who was professor of the famous Uni- versity of Stanford, has attracted a great deal of atten- tion by his two recent books. The last, *' America Among the Nations," appeared after the United States had entered the war, and after the declaration that they were fighting for justice and democracy. This book might be quoted almost entirely in corroboration of what I have written. Its principal merit, in my con- ception, is the barefaced frankness with which it speaks. I reproduce a few lines taken from different chapters: 64 THE GULF OF IIISUNDEBSTANDING A ''Our Latin American neighbors, though sharing our preference for democracy and modeling their govern- ments as closely as possible on our own, persist in re- garding us with mingled suspicion and fear. Neither our protestations of friendship, nor our democracy, nor our history as they read it, reassures them." Take note of this introduction of our author, that I quote only that you may compare the above with the rest of the quotations that follow. Speaking of the struggle that the North American colonies had with the Indians, he says: ''You can make a man of him (the Indian) in time; but not as easily as you can displace him with a better man already made." Speaking of the purchase that the United States made from France of possessions that really belonged to Spain, he says : "The reluctance against purchasing stolen goods we did not feel, as indeed nations never do." . . . "This acquisition, the largest ever made in all our history, was accomplished at the ripe age of fifteen years." Continuing the same theme, the author says; "Florida was necessary to complete our natural frontier, in itself a strong incentive to aggression. If it had been objected that Spain had rights in Florida, the answer would probably have been that incompetency invalidates all such claims, a doctrine instinctively ac- cepted by energetic peoples and ever a cardinal prin- ciple of American policy." Florida was perhaps a natural frontier coveted by the United States; but notice what he says of the natural frontiers of his country. Mentioning that its limits reached at one time to the Eocky Mountains, a natural frontier, he says: "But the American people have not IMPERIALISM 65 been looking for stopping places. For them all stopping places have been starting places, and that forthwith." In reality it cannot be said that the Philippines, Hawaii and Alaska are natnral frontiers. Why not the Straits of Magellan? He continues: ''We want the earth, and we say so quite frankly. Not that we have far reaching designs of w^orld empire, far from it. Such unholy ambitions have always been abhorrent to us. We merely want the next thing be- yond. We are like the young woman who had no sym- pathy with the craze to be rich. All she wanted was to have money enough so that when she saw something she wanted, she could buy it. " . . . ' ' Incentives to the control of the American tropics are likely to be found in the world's growing need for their products, the neces- sity of more intensive exploitation, the inefficiency of their peoples, and the incompetency of their govern- ments to encourage and protect foreign enterprise. It would be rash to predict that this inherent conflict be- tween northern energy and tropical lethargy will not result in farther extension of northern control over the American tropics. . . . Doctrines do not determine des- tiny but destiny determines doctrines." Speaking of the possibility of a union among Latin American countries, such as has formed a single great nation in North America, he says: ''This historic method will not be applied, certainly not if we can help it, and as a consequence, South Amer- ica will seemingly remain divided. . . . The relation of Latin America to the United States is inherently that of a protectorate, and the ^lonroe Doctrine is the rec- ognition of that relation. This the Latin nations per- fectly understand and deeply resent. . . . The demands made by a single invention like the automobile are rev- olutionary in our relations to the tropics. These de- mands, the tropics in the hands of their own people, 66 THE GULF OF 3IISUNDEBSTANDING and managed in the true tropical way, are utterly un- able to supply. Yet there is almost no limit to their productivity if their exuberant nature forces can be brought under human control. ' ' Notice this, my dear wife: the inhabitants of Brazil, where rubber is produced for automobiles, are not hu- man; and this author says previously that even when one can make a man of a savage, it is much easier to eliminate the savage and put in his place a man already made. A decisive argument for not educating Latin America, but on the contrary replacing the native popu- lation by North Americans already educated. If rub- ber is the magnet of Brazil, nitrate, also not produced in the United States, is the attraction held by Chile. Many of us fear the consequences of the successful manufacture of synthetic nitrate in this country. Maybe this artificial production here would be our salvation in the future. If they have their own nitrate they will not trouble to get possession of ours. What does this author think of us in particular? Here you can see: ''Chile and Brazil have a hybrid population with little power of organization or of rigor- ous assertion." This shows a supine ignorance so far as our country is concerned. And of the Filipinos, what does he say? ''We have given them a copy in minia- ture of our American government, a Senate, a House of Representatives, a Cabinet and all, which they use much as a Hottentot would a high hat." And this stupendous book by a professor of one of the most famous American universities, ends with this declaration of principles that could not be in more fla- grant contradiction to all the previous pages. Speaking of a possible objection that what both England and the IMPERIALISM United States aim at in the present^^r is to put the Anglo-Saxon on top in place of the Teuton, he replies: *'No, what we want is the English principle on top instead of the German. This principle is the principle of fellowship, not of feudalism. It leaves each one free to live his own life and think his own thoughts and go his own ways, and to see the power and the greatness of fel- lowship in this liberty of its members/' The Monroe Doctrine is one of the greatest camouflages of history. '' America for the Americans" is a tragic sentence for us. The first word, *' America," means the three Americas ; and the last word, ' * Americans, ' ' means the inhabitants of the United States. "We do not need so interested a tutor. This doctrine never had the semblance of kindness and protection for weak Latin America. It was, from the beginning, a protection for the United States itself, which feared the possession by Europeans of colonies on American soil because this might place its own independence in danger. If Mexico had become German they would have had to fear that some day Washington or New York or San Francisco would have to be German. The Monroe Doe- trine will be in the future, as it has already begun to be, the anesthetic to be used by Uncle Sam as he ampu- tates Central America and South America. No doubt, Americans are clever surgeons ! What wonder, then, that South America should hate the United States? This anecdote might well be a true story: A Yankee asks a citizen of Ecuador : "Why do you not clean up Guayaquil? Americans will not come to such an insanitary spot." The Ecuadorian replies: '*But we prefer the filth to the Americans." J. Gamble Reighard writes in the Sunset review: 68 THE GULF OF MISUNDEBSTANDING ''"Who said that the South Americans wished to be Pan Americans? In the United States there are enthu- siasts who write and speak as if the Latins were anxious to form closer relations between our country and theirs . . . Latin America has no wish to learn anything from us ; they look for inspiration to the Latin nations of Eu- rope, to which they are related by ties of race, by cul- ture and by all natural sympathies. In speaking of Latin America we ought never to lose sight of this es-" sential fact: the fundamental difference of culture be- tween the Southern Iberian and the Northern Anglo- Saxon." This is the truth. "We are two opposed worlds acci- dentally bearing the same name. We have no more in common than have William Taft, ex-president of the United States, and William Hohenzollern, German kaiser, only the name. A matter for serious consideration is that Anglo- Saxon America wishes to devour Latin America. The United States have been comparatively slow in starting the conquest of South America because they have been so busy during the past century in conquering their own continent. The same thing has happened in regard to their industries. They did not look for foreign trade in the beginning because they had first to supply their own market. They had first to get rich by exploiting their own resources. Now that they have satisfied their needs in this respect they are looking about for foreign markets to conquer. The same thing will happen in their thirst for territorial conquest. The Monroe Doctrine is this : A glutton who is eating his own plate of food and has neither time nor hunger nor stomach to eat the dish that he sees farther on. He understands that later he will have time, hunger and stomach to partake of it IMPERIALISM m and he says to those who might wish to help themselves : **Let no one touch that dish." America for the Ameri- cans ! We hope that the greedy one will not have digested his first course until we are sufficiently strong to de- fend ourselves. How fortunate it is that Latin America for the most part has kept herself neutral in this war. No matter how much the great nations may protest to-day about justice and equity when referring to the weaker nations, we cannot be so innocent as to believe in them even when in exceptioi'' al cases such protests are made in transient good faitli If we should declare in favor of the Allies and Ger- many should triumph, the latter would take us after- wards in her fist and squeeze us as one does a lemon; if we should side with Germany we would be cut to pieces quite as promptly by the Allies. And which side is going to win? "W^e do not know. Whose triumph would be to our advantage ? That of neither the one nor the other. It would be better for South America that neither the Allies nor Germany should triumph. Again, in a prob- able future war between Japan and the United States much less would it be to our advantage that either should triumph. Men have a conscience, nations have none. As Professor Powers saj^s in the book that I have men- tioned: ''Doctrines do not determine destiny, but des- tiny does determine doctrines." It is to our advan- tage that there should be a balance of power in the world, seeing that the world has no conscience. An eqaiilibrium of nations is the only salvation, the only security for small nations. When this balance of power ceases, when a nation believes itself to be stronger, noth- ing is respected. Belgiwrn, The great nations have in- 70 TEE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING vented a maxim that is above all moral codes: **The vital interests of the country come first." Is there no parallel in the world for the case of Belgium ? The rape of Panama. The balance of power among the great nations suits us in order that the little ones should be respected. For this reason, up to a certain point, South America has been respected. The United States has kept us from being conquered by Europe. Europe has defended us, as far as she could, from being conquered by the United States, and this state of affairs will continue if none of the parties in the fight gain an absolutely definite victory, only, of course, until the day arrives that is not far dis- tant, in which we shall be respected for our own strength. South America is the continent of the future and we ourselves want to fashion this future according to our temperament, according to our soul, according to our idiosjmcrasy. Latin Americans will never mix with Anglo-Saxon Americans. It is impossible, although there should come thousands of thousands of the youth of South America to study in the universities of the United States, in order to transplant to our soil this civilization. Because a nest of duck eggs are hatched out by a hen they do not have to be chicks that break the egg-shells. "We shall always keep our soul, our temperament. Oil does not mix with water, and if it is attempted to force the mixture, there will be a protest that may be violent even on the part of the sensitive Latin American spirit. Speaking of this I wish to say Your husband who adores you « » « IMPERIALISM 71 Miss Jones took very much to heart the task of an- swering these letters. It seemed to her that she was speaking to the whole of Latin America. Not only did she retain a duplicate of her notes, but she also care- fully copied the original letters from Chicago. At first her idea had been to use many of the items for some fu- ture work of her own, but when writing the follow- ing comments, she began to see that the publication of these letters themselves would make a useful book: Madam : This letter of your husband's has caused me the deep- est regret, but I am well aware, nevertheless, that it contains a synthesis of opinion held by many Latin Americans with regard to my country. They distrust and fear us. They think we are a menace to their peace and their future. I believe, madam, that this distrust and terror engenders the dislike and even the hate that many feel toward us. For my part, I entertain a great love for Latin America. I believe this is because I know it so well, be- cause I have studied it for j^ears, because I have read ! its history, because I foresee its future, and because I ' regard its problems from its own j)oint of view. I know and I understand Latin America, and for these reasons I love it. Our President, "Woodrow Wilson, in an address which he delivered in Buffalo not long since to the workingmen of my country, referred to a reply of Charles Lamb when they asked him if he hated a certain person of whom they were speaking. The cele- brated English author replied: *'No, how could I hate him if I know him ? ' ' To know a person intimately, to penetrate into the 72 TEE GULF OF 3IISUNDERSTANDING deep recesses of his soul, to be able to interpret in the light of all circumstances, every reflection, whether real or fancied, every gesture, every action of a person, signifies to have a close regard for that person. Katusha, the fallen woman, condemned for a crime committed in the house of ill fame where she plied her evil trade, was intimately known by Prince Neckludoff, who followed her into exile in Siberia, and he, a prince, loved that woman and asked her to be his wife. The secret of love is to know, to understand, to see beyond the super- ficial fallacy of vision; and the secret for hating is to ignore, to see all through a distorted lens and to willfully reject the view bared in the radiant light of the noon- day sun. The Americas do not know each other. Any person of culture in your country knows the history of Egypt, but ignores completely our history, just as we ignore the history of Latin America. This mutual ignorance appears to have been officially fostered if we examine the curricula of public schools and colleges in both American continents. The result is that each forms hasty judgments that are not based on reliable informa- tion. Your husb'and, madam, sees our country always through a prism of suspicion and fear, and for that reason all looks gloomy to him ; he interprets all by the same stereotyped formula. He conceives an imperalis- tic country, accepting a qualification by which they refer to us quite commonly in Latin America. However, the truth is that we are not imperialistic and every day we are farther from being so. We are fighting to-day, offering the blood of our best sons and the accumulated IMPERIALISM 73 fortunes of a century precisely to strangle foreign im- perialism. Your husband, my dear lady, has come to see even in our name ''America" an intention of conquest. The name is wrong. It is not improper to call ourselves the ''United States of America," but wrong if we call our- selves "Americans." This is due only to the difficulty there is in giving us another name. It is easy to form the name Argentine from Argentina, Chilean from Chile, Brazilian from Brazil, but it is not so easy to coin a word like "Unitedstatian" of America. On the other hand, there are many names in history ill bestowed which re- main as they are because custom sanctions it. The whole American continent ought to be called Columbia and not America, because it was Christopher Columbus, and not Amerigo Vespucci, who discovered it. We speak in America of the Orient, meaning the lands of ancient civilization situated to the east of Europe, because they are called by this name over there; whereas we should really call this part of the world the Occident, as it lies to the west of us. The conquest of our continent from one sea to the other has obeyed the necessity to which Mahan refers, that of a more gifted people displacing the Indian who lived on an inferior plane of civilization. This conquest of our continent is parallel to the con- quest made by you South Americans in your own con- tinent. In this necessary struggle between the Indians and the Americans there were doubtless less cruelties than in the conquest of Mexico or of Peru. For some time it was a general belief in Spain that the Indians had no soul. It is sufficient to see how our government treats the 74 TEE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING Indians to-day, the schools created for them, the way in which they are protected and helped in the develop- ment of their properties, to understand that we know our duty as a Christian nation toward these primitive inhabitants of the soil. To-day there are nearly ten thousand Indians enrolled in our army and navy^ al- most every one of whom has gone voluntarily to fight for his country. Last year it was calculated that there were some three hundred and forty thousand Indians in my country, surely many more than inhabited the land when the first colonists landed here. These Indians un- questionably live a better life than they ever lived be- fore the European colonization. It is not my desire to make odious comparisons, but we must admit that Latin America has not yet taken seriously its obligations toward the indigenous inhabi- tant in each of those countries. There are countries like Bolivia where they sell them along with, the live stock of an estate. Much that is done there for the benefit of those poor Indians is due to the initiative, sacrifices, devotion and money of our people. "We have mission- aries, men and women, even in the heart of your own country, madam. These missionaries of both sexes go to live in those solitudes, in the midst of the Indians, not for tlie sake of an income, which is ridiculously small, but urged by an overwhelming desire to serve the hum- blest of the human race. It seems absurd that a South American, in judging us, should advance as proof of our imperialism tlie conquest of our continent in the struggle with the original inhabitants. As for our foreign expansion, there is more than a little to say in our defense, and I hope IMPERIALISM 75 that you are sufficiently interested to attend to what I have to say. In the Monroe Doctrine your husband sees a tragic menace for the future of Latin America, and he stamps it as having had an ulterior motive from its very be- ginning. I agree that the Monroe Doctrine was dictated partly for the security of our own country. It was also in part for our own sake. When a millionaire founds a hospital, and endows it for the express purpose of combating the plague of cancer, is it not also to his personal interest and to that of his family that the dis- ease should diminish in his city or his country, and that they should be safeguarded by the experience and re- search which he has promoted ? Does it lessen the merit of his philanthropy if, reciprocally, he and his family should benefit by it? Every good action toward others re- flects upon the benefactor as there is reflected in a mir- ror the face of one who looks in it. The United States was with Latin America in its campaign for independence, and decided later to uphold that independence. The Mon- roe Doctrine has been of service to South America. It has been an easy pillow upon which the Latin American continent has been able to rest its head quietly during its childhood and flrst youth. When no longer needed, it will be relegated to oblivion, just as the cradle is sent to the lumber room when it is no longer needed by the little one. Your husband quotes the words of Professor H. H. Powers to prove that we consider the Monroe Doctrine an acknowledgment of our protectorate over Latin America. If there has been any subject among us specu- lated upon and discussed it is just this Monroe Doctrine. In almost any gathering of persons who discuss this 76 TEE GULF OF 3IISUNDERSTANDING , doctrine there are as many opinions as there are differ- ent kinds of raiment. To the interpretation of Profes- sor Powers' line of thought as exposed in such stupen- dous citations as your husband quotes, may I not contrast that of our own ex-President Roosevelt, considered even by your husband the most imperialistic of Americans. He says the following in his autobiography : ''The Monroe Doctrine lays down the rule that the "Western Hemisphere is not hereafter to be treated as subject to settlement and occupation by Old World powers. It is not international law ; but it is a cardinal principle of our foreign policy. There is no difficulty at the present day in maintaining this doctrine, save where the American power whose interest is threatened has shown itself in international matters both weak and delinquent. The great and prosperous civilized com- monwealths, such as the Argentine, Brazil, and Chile, in the Southern half of South America, have advanced so far that they no longer stand in any position of tutelage toward the United States. They occupy to- ward us precisely the position that Canada occupies. Their friendship is the friendship of equals for equals. My view was (and is, because Mr. Roosevelt has repeated this on several occasions) that as regards these nations there was no more necessity for asserting the Monroe Doctrine than there was to assert it for themselves. Of course, if one of these nations, or if Canada, should be overcome by some Old World power, which then pro- ceeded to occupy its territory, we would undoubtedly, if the American nation needed our help, give it in order to prevent such occupation from taking place. But the initiative would come from the nation itself, and the United States would merely act as a friend whose help was invoked. The case was (and is) widely different as regards certain — not all — of the tropical states in the neighborhood of the Caribbean sea. Where these states are stable and prosperous, they stand on a foot- IMPERIALISM 77 ing of absolute equality with all other communities. But some of them have been a prey to such continuous revolutionary misrule as to have grown impotent either to do their duties to outsiders or to enforce their rights against outsiders. The United States has not the slight- est desire to make aggressions on any one of these states. On the contrary, it will submit to much from them without showing resentment. If any great civil- ized power, Russia or Germany, for instance, had be- haved toward us as Venezuela under Castro behaved, this country would have gone to war at once. "We did not go to war with Venezuela merely because our people declined to be irritated by the actions of a weak oppo- nent, and showed a forbearance which probably went beyond the limits of wisdom in refusing to take umbrage at what was done by the weak, although we would cer- tainly have resented it had it been done by the strong. ' ' It is important, madam, that you take into con- sideration that our constitution prohibits acquisition of territory by conquest, for which reason, Florida, the Philippines and Panama, like Louisiana and Alaska, have all been territories that we have bought and paid for. Even in the cases of our victorious wars we have amazed the world in that we, the conquering nation, have paid indemnities. I do not believe there is another countrj^ in the world whose constitution is so stamped with this principle of international honor. On surrendering Alsace-Lorraine France had to pay to Prussia the highest indemnity that had been paid in the world up to that date, and this in a war provoked by the victors. Eng- land, France and Germany have colonized in thirty years nine million two hundred and fifty thousand square miles of territory, containing one hundred and thirty- nine million souls, which is equivalent to a domain larger than all Central and South America, and con- 78 THE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING taming nearly twice the population of all Latin America. It is true that some of the purchases of territory made by my country have been forced: for instance, the ter- ritory which we bought from Mexico following the war which brought about the annexation of Texas, a State which had already made itself independent and had re- peatedly asked to be taken over. We, as a country, in our already long history, have committed errors and injustices, both in domestic as well as in our foreign policy. Where is the man who has not committed such errors? In our former rela- tions with South and Central America there can be cited cases of actuations that redound to our discredit. This our present political leaders constantly recognize. How have these injustices occurred? Moneyed in- terests have, on several occasions, secured objectives abroad that were opposed to the principles of stainless morality. In reading our history, as in reading the history of any other country throughout the record of mankind, we find on strict investigation, ever the struggle between justice and unlawfully acquired privileges. Our country cannot be an exception to this universal law, and also there have been and there are still such unjust privileges among us. Great corporations have been able to laugh at justice and to carry on unlawful busi- ness within our country, in defiance of the rights of our citizens. Who can doubt that trusts like these would be successful in their perverse way when ex- tending operations to foreign parts? This has been responsible in the past for a foreign policy at times unjust. It led us to the annexation of Texas and to the war with Mexico, strenuously resisted by the moral forces of the North. That was a triumph of evil in our IMPERIALISM 79 domestic struggles between good and evil. It is the reason why Plenry Clay was not elected President in the campaign that gave the office of Chief Executive to Polk. The annexation of the Mexican territories to our country was an imposition of the slave interests. It was triumph, with reverberation abroad, of undue privileges, just as other privileged interests have often triumphed in internal affairs, to the detriment of our own citizens. But any one can see, comparing with the past, that justice is getting the upper hand against these privileges in internal affairs. Our present tendency is carrying us toward the nationalization of all public utility industries that involve privileges, such as railroads, telegraphs, telephones, the merchant marine, river commerce, and surely, later on, mines and other natural resources. From now on there will be less to fear from the foreign policy of the United States than in the past. If there are examples in our history of an interna*- tional policy at variance with morality, such as can be explained in the way I have just indicated, we can, nevertheless, offer many more examples in which we have proceeded according to a moral code higher than that of other great powers. A case in point was the conduct of President Wilson in the combined action of England, Germany, France and Japan regarding China. In this instance our country was opposed to the interests of our capitalists and in defense of the purest interna- tional ethics. My dear madam: in no other country in the world is there being waged such a fight against interests which abuse their power as that in which we are en- gaged; and as imperialistic wars are always dictated 80 TEE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING by these interests, the conclusion is natural that our country will henceforth be less involved in unjust wars than in the past. Nevertheless, madam, when hastily analyzing some ar- bitrary act, we are liable, instinctively, to darken the colors of accusation and to fail to give due consideration to extenuating circumstances or justification on the part of the aggressor. I wish to analyze for you the two cases to which your husband refers: those of Panama and of the Philippine Islands. The truth in these respects is little known in Latin America, as I have had ample occasion to notice in my journeys through those coun- tries. To compare the case of Panama with that of Belgium is possible only with an unfathomable ignorance of history. The construction of the Panama Canal was a necessity felt by the whole world since Balboa first crossed the isthmus with his dauntless companions in adventure. This is obvious to any one who glances at the map of the world. France, impelled by the genius of de Lesseps, construc- tor of the Suez Canal, tried to carry out this enterprise. The immense capital and genius of France failed signally in the attempt. The United States, by means of the Hay-Pauncefote treaty, acquired, as far as Europe was concerned, the right to take up the work that had been begun by the Old World. The government of my country hesitated as to whether they should open the proposed route through Nicaragua or through Panama, the first country being independent and the second a part of the Re- public of Colombia. Both Nicaragua and Colombia used every effort to induce us to give them the prefer- IMPERIALISM 81 ence. The experts appointed by Roosevelt to report on the matter gave their decision in favor of Panama. At the request of Colombia, the Hay-Herran treaty was celebrated, conceding to us the right to construct a canal across the isthmus. As a matter of fact, the Re- public of New Granada, the predecessor of Colombia, had guaranteed us this right since 1848. But Colombia main- tained a continual state of anarchy. Then came the im- prisonment and death of President San Clemente and the dictatorship of Marroquin. This despot believed he could disregard the Hay-Herran treaty, and so gain time to allow for the expiration of the contract with the French company of Panama, whereupon he could lay claim to the forty million dollars that the United States was to pay to the French company. Not only was my country, under the presidency of Roosevelt, highly indignant at this treatment, but also in no lesser degree was Panama, where all wished ar- dently for the i^rompt opening of the canal that was to benefit this region in so many ways. Naturally this provoke4 » revolution in Panama. I say naturally, madam, because Panama was accustomed to revolutions. From 1850 to 1902 there had been fifty-three revolutions or attempts at such in Panama ; tliat is to say there had been one revolt each year. Panama brought forth revo- lutions as naturally as an apple tree bears apples every fall. Ex-President Roosevelt maintains that it is by no means a fact that he provoked this last triumphant revo- lution of Panama. What he did was to refrain from helping Colombia to reestablish order, as he had helped on former occasions; and he believed that he had good cause for such abstention, given the conduct of Colombia. 82 THE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING This revolution broke out just at the time when Roose- velt had prepared a message to Congress asking for the relinquishment of the Panama Canal project unless they were prepared to pass measures compelling Colom- bia to respect its contracts. In spite of this, a treaty of friendship with Colombia is pending in the Senate, in which the independence of Panama is recognized, and by which my country pays twenty-five million dollars for the Canal Zone. This is over and above the compensa- tion previously given to the Republic of Panama. This treaty will be approved because it has the support of public opinion. The Latin Americans, in general, know but one version of the history of the canal and certainly that version presents a hard case. I have studied this problem carefully and sympathetically and with a leaning in favor of Colombia, and I have found that my country has conducted itself most honorably. We Americans have always been indifferent to the opinions that for- eigners have of us and therefore have never cared to defend ourselves when attacked unjustly beyond our own borders, and I believe 'that this idiosyncrasy has had fatal consequences^ as it is what most has separated the two Americas. Neither has the case of the Philippine Islands been properly explained to our neighbors of the other America. Those who burn the midnight oil have given many reasons for our war with Spain. This war was not waged with any idea of conquest, but only to put an end to the oppression by the Spaniards in Cuba after that island had been fighting for years for the independence that its Iberian sisters had achieved. The struggle at our very gates was unequal and bloody. IMPERIALISM 83 If at the door of your house, madam, a big man is abusing a little boy, would you and your husband re- main impassive, contemplating the fight? We did not remain impassive. The blowing up of the Maine was as if the two combatants' in the unequal fight had broken a window in your house. The explosion of the Maine was like the tragedy of Sarajevo in the present world war, the insignificant, immediate and determining cause. My country interfered to secure Cuban independence, a thing that it accomplished. No other nation of the world has respected thus its pledged word in interna- tional obligations of this sort. Did England respect hers in Egj^pt? The fact that the Spaniards had warships in the Philippines with which they could blockade our com- merce, made us fight in Manila and take from the Spaniards their possessions of the Pacific ; possessions as unjustly and cruelly governed as the same Island of Cuba. It has not been and is not our wish to keep these islands, but in undertaking to give them their independence, we have not specified a fixed date, pre- ferring to give the Filipinos sufficient time to prepare themselves for free and independent citizenship. Even when the Filipinos are ready and desirous to exercise the rights of citizenship, I doubt whether we should ac- cept them as citizens of the United States rather than see them independent. No efforts have been spared by the United States to prepare the Philippine Islands for their own govern- ment. What have we left undone to help their in- habitants to advance as a race, as a people, and not as tools of their North American rulers? We brought in the first place hundreds of young Filipinos to be 84 THE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING trained in our country as teachers of their own race. The educational work carried out by us there has no precedent in the history of those islands, nor in the history of any colony of any country. Egypt is an English protectorate, Egypt has eleven million inhab- itants and the Philippine Islands eight million. Egypt has two hundred and eighty-one thousand children in its schools, and the Philippine Islands have six hundred and ten thousand. This educational work, let it be said in passing, the American carries with him wherever he goes, with an unquenchable faith. In Alaska, the region of the eternal snows, in the cities near the pole, it has created schools for the Esquimaux; and the adult Es- quimau attends night school at Shismareff, in the north- east of Alaska. Professor Powers may say what he pleases of the American policy in the Philippine Islands; he may say that our attempt to teach them free government is like putting a silk dress on a hippopotamus. But he un- accountably forgets that he is dealing witli facts, though he claims to do so in every chapter of his book; and this American idealism, this American faith in education is for us an Aladdin's lamp, a fact and a reality in spite of Professor Powers, who, without realizing it, fre- quently poses as a preacher of imperialism, instead of being, as he pretends to be, a commentator or expounder of existing realities. One should not allow one's self to be carried away by a writer who has fallen in love with a bit of colored glass through which he sees the sea, the mountains and the sky, all of the same color. It is a fact, madam, that as much in deciding problems of internal import as in its foreign affairs, our country raises its moral standard higher each day that passes. IMPERIALISM 85 This can be seen crystallized in President Wilson's policy which has dictated a new international code to the world. Certainly the American nation would not have been provoked into entering this struggle with the Central Empires if it had not believed that therein were involved principles of justice and morality. One more example of our so-called Imperialism will suffice to illustrate my point. There is a case in which the Senate of the United States refused to accept the annexation of a Latin American territory after the in- habitants had actually voted in favor of it. From 1844 until 1861 the Dominican Republic was an independent state, and was, in the latter year, annexed to Spain, only to obtain its independence once again in 1865. It was the wish of President Grant to annex the country to the United States, and a treaty to that effect was ratified by the Dominican people. This treaty was rejected by the American Senate by a tie vote. The growing interest of the multitude in international affairs; Wilson's new plea for a diplomacy open to the bright sunshine, recommended for some time past by many American writers; the frank incorporation of the feminine conscience in affairs of state; the greater influence of the workingman in governmental decisions, even to the point where Presidents and Ministers of State have to persuade and convince instead of driving them; all this indicates that imperialism will be an ex- tinct social species in the second half of the twentieth century, just as the Megatherium is an extinct animal in our age; and, madam, the death blow will be dealt by the United States. Your husband is right in say- ing that the world has no conscience, but the truth is 86 TEE OULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING that my country is making powerful contributions to- ward supplying the omission. A new world is coming into existence: the epoch of recognition of the individual. The twentieth century recognizes the strength, the worth of the individual, and believes in the greatest expansion of every heart, of every brain and of every conscience. This century will be called the century of Democracy. No matter, madam, that the Latin Americans will never mix with the Anglo Americans, as your husband says; no matter that we have different temperaments and a different idiosyncrasy. So are the peoples of Asia and those of Europe different. But this does not mean that in the world we cannot entertain a mutual respect nor all cooperate in the work of progress, of truth, of justice and in beautifying the planet that is our com- mon home. A jasmine flower cannot be grafted onto a rose bush. Each plant has its own peculiar life, and takes in varied proportions its food from the common soil, and their respective flowers have different colors and a different fragrance to perfume the air. The different peoples and races of this great garden of man- kind, madam, are distinct plants of different colors and perfume, destined in a none too distant future to enfold the earth in an atmosphere of tranquil and radiant beauty. I say a garden, and not a natural virgin for- est, because the garden is man's work and the forest where laws of brute nature alone have their sway pre- sents to us the case of a giant tree spreading imperialistic foliage to deprive its weaker rivals of the sunlight. Please do not believe, dear lady, by what I have said that these notes are intended to uphold the pacifist who lays down his arms, trusting tliat the world is, or IMPERIALISM 87 will be, actuated only by principles of justice in its inter- national relations, but looking at the history of man- kind in general, we have to recognize that the trend is in that direction. See how every nation now seeks to justify its warfare as defensive, whereas in ancient times no pretext for conquest was considered necessary. But the truth is, the principles of individual morality accepted by every nation as binding within its bound- aries are replaced by blind egotism when treating of in- ternational relations. H. H. Powers is right, in a way ; but in prophesying the future he does not see the new forces which will be in the way of future wars and will make unjust wars impossible on the part of my country. By the great affection I feel for Latin America, and because I understand it better than most of my country- men, I recommend j^ou to arm yourselves to the full extent of your ability. After this war is over sad times are surely coming for the world. But while she 'arms, Latin America needs to develop itself educationally and economically. I do not forget that Brazil alone is bigger, territorially, than my country, excluding Alaska, and that it has as many or more natural resources than the United States. Chile, although so small, is a country whose mountains are in great part made of iron, and whose subsoil, in enormous extensions, is of coal. As these are the magnets of civilization, it will come to pass that great industrial centers will make of Chile a dense manufacturing country. Your country will make itself respected not for its natural undeveloped riches and its untrained population, but by the natural resources that are put to good use, which implies education of the people who develop these riches. China, with immense natural resources, and with an enormous population has 88 TEE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING not been able to make itself respected. Traditional fanaticism has impeded their penetrating to the depths of the earth and therefore its great deposits of iron only now are about to be exploited. I firmly believe that yonr hnsband is mistaken when he advocates the idea that the South American countries should forbid the development of the natural resources of their territories by foreign nations, and by my coun- try in particular. It is precisely capital that Latin America needs for its development. Capital has to come from the financial centers of the world. In importing such capital the younger nations give material and moral impetus to the dormant national forces. Seclusion in this epoch of internationalism is like the Chinese fanaticism that pre- vents the opening up of the entrails of the earth. To prevent foreign capital from carrying away too much of the national wealth, the Latin American governments ought, in mj^ opinion, always to be partners or stock- holders in these great foreign enterprises that are ex- ploiting your natural resources, and to invest the re- spective incomes in the education of all your citizens. I do not believe that the American who has brought and will in future bring his industrial enterprise to Latin America should necessarily be hated there. I know of many cases in which they are admired and be- loved. Your husband loses no opportunity to illustrate his points with jest and anecdote, taking for granted that these have a basis of truth, however great the exaggeration that makes us laugh. This method is some- what risky. I could also illustrate my statements with jokes and stories which, by analysis, would show no foundation of truth. That you may see the method is not IMPERIALISM 89 seductive, I am going to top tlie story of the Ecuadorian who preferred filth to Americans, with an anecdote I heard in South America. A South American lady — I shall not say of what country — went to see a doctor because her leg pained her sorely. The doctor asked to see the leg uncovered so that he could examine it. The lady blushed and refused to permit it. Thinking that it was a case of bashfulness, the doctor insisted, whereupon the young lady admitted at last, red with shame : ' ' To-morrow, doctor, I am not prepared." The doctor understood, and told her that she might return the following day. The next day the doctor on examining the leg, and seeing nothing much the matter with it, wished to compare it with the other. Blushing again, the girl replied once more : ' ' To-morrow, doctor, I am not prepared." "Would it not be cruel to make a deduction from this story, madam? Let us pair off and forget the two anecdotes, the one about filth preferred to Americans, and that of the South American girl who was not pre- pared. Having studied well the two continents, we must come to the conclusion that the principal difference between the two Americas is in the more retarded evolution by Latin America. With the material and economic edu- cational advancement of Latin America, the differences between our two civilizations are disappearing. I be- lieve that the future activities of my countrj^ in the re- publics of the South are destined to bring about a greater evolutionary progress than that realized by European action. The American carries his spirit of progress wherever he goes. Note the case of the great plants for the extraction of copper in your country: Chuqui- 90 TEE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING camata, El Teniente and Potrerillos. The only place in Chile where the consumption of alcohol is not permitted is El Teniente of the Braden Copper Co. At Chuqui- camata, of the Chile Exploration Company, in regions formerly desolate, at ten thousand feet above the level of the sea, in the midst of a desert, Chileans have the best school of democracy. Not only has the American taken to this place a hundred million dollars, creating an industry that could not be made by Chilean capital, and giving life to a dead region, but an example is here shown to all the rest of the country of how to regard the human element in large modern industrial works. In a word, we are exporting copper from Chile and importing de- mocracy to Chile. This will apply to all Latin America, day by day, on a larger scale. A Latin America evolutionized to the diapason of the century 's advancement, a Latin America that cannot truthfully be taunted with a seventy per cent illiteracy, a thirty per mil mortality or a consumption of thirteen quarts of pure alcohol per head, will command respect because the banishment of illiteracy, the decrease in the death rate and higher culture bring in their trail added wealth, greater strength, better defense and more se- curity. Pardon, madam, this very long postscript to your hus- band's letter, and believe me to be Your Sincere Friend from Another Continent. CHAPTER V BLACK AND WHITE s HORTLT after sending off the foregoing notes, an- other letter arrived at the Censor's Office, which Miss Jones read with eager interest: Chicago, 111., 1918. My dearest : I have spoken to you at length about Yankee im- perialism and of its external ambitions but here within there is also another imperialism. Not only have the United States colonies in distant seas ; they have colonies on their own continent. They have imported colonies. Afroyankeeland is the great interior colony of this country, and never in the world's history has a colony been treated with more rigor and cruelty. The Yankees have enriched our language with several very significant words representing ideas purely their own, such as ^' bluff" and ''lynch." Lynch! In other countries this word has not been coined, simply because it has not been needed. One cannot think of negroes without thinking of lynch law, just as one cannot think of fire w^ithout smoke. The United States has about twelve million negroes, though some claim that the number reaches sixteen 91 92 THE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING million, if all those with some taint of African blood are inchided. These negroes are not intruders who have come to invade America of their own free will. The thirst for gold of the primitive planters brought them by main force from the Dark Continent, and here used them as beasts of burden. These negroes were hunted like wild animals on the coasts of Guinea. At first the captains of slave ships engaged in the hunt themselves, but centers were soon established along the African coast where negroes were purchased from the chiefs of the slave-hunting tribes. These centers were called slave markets. Once on board, the slaves were chained in couples and transported under much worse conditions than those now accorded to animals. Many succeeded in jumping overboard with their chains, pre- ferring death to the fate awaiting them. A captain always counted upon losing by involuntary death or from suicide a fourth part of his cargo of negroes, but the trade was always remunerative, since back in the year 1700 an adult negro v/as salable at from one hun- dred and twenty-five to two hundred dollars ; boys bring- ing from fifty to sixty. Soon the business of raising negroes grew in this country, on the same basis as breeding pigs and sheep. Virginia and Maryland were famous for their breeds of negroes, and healthy negro women were sold and forced to produce offspring with any male whom the master of the plantation might select. That is to say, these negroes of the United States came from Africa neither of their own free will, nor with pleasure, nor were those born here called to life by the yearnings of maternity, but by the ssrdid avarice of the American planter. BLACK AND WHITE 93 "When -universal conscience abolished slavery on the face of the earth (and Chile, our country, was the first to abolish it in America) the United States had to abolish it also. This act of emancipation came later in the United States than in almost all Central and South American countries. Furthermore, when this country snatched from Mexico part of her territories, a conse- quence of the war over Texas, they implanted slaverj^ in the once Mexican territories, where it had already been abolished. And I believe with many thinkers, that the abolition of slavery in the United States was not the dictate of a collective superior conscience, but an economic strug- gle between the States of the North and the States of the South. The slave States could use negroes to good advantage on their cotton plantations, whereas the non- slave States of the North could not employ them in their industries, in which an ability was required that they did not possess. Therefore, I believe that it has not been a spirit of justice and humanity that has inspired the abolition of slavery in this country. At all events, I believe that the negroes would live happier to-day by returning to the slavery they "en- joyed" before. Every slave master would care for them, at least as much as he cares to-day for his cattle ; for it is only too true that the present condition of the negro is unbearable, and a disgrace to the United States. The prerogative of manhood is denied them here. In nearly all States a negro may not marry a white woman, nor vice versa, under penalty of fine, imprison- ment and absolute nullity of the marriage. I have read of a divorce granted to a married couple, happy until then, because a child born had crisp, curly hair and 94 TEE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING thick lips, indicating by this treacherous atavism that the mother — who appeared white, and who believed her- self to be white, and who her husband thought was white — had had among her progenitors one with a few drops of African blood in his veins. Negroes may not travel in southern States in rail- road cars used by the whites, nor are they received in hotels except those reserved exclusively for the col- ored race, nor may they attend the same schools as the whites. In the cemeteries blacks and whites must not rest together. The case has been cited of a mother who was not permitted to rest in eternal sleep beside her children on account of recent restrictions regarding the burial of whites and blacks in the same cemeteries. Why! there are buildings that have separate elevators for whites and blacks; you may enter one with a dog, but not with a negro. The negro is considered as a leper. If a negro buys a house in a white district even of a northern city like New York or Chicago (which the whites try to prevent at all costs), the contaminated district may be considered as dead for the whites; the value of all property in the vicinity falls immediately. Sometimes, real-estate firms take advantage of this method to depress the value of the property in a deter- mined ■ section of the city. They bring negroes to re- side there temporarily, and pocket huge profits by means of heavy purchases effected during the transitory slump in price which they have brought about themselves. Even the Trade Unions, with their famous proletarian solidarity, keep the negro at a distance. In Chicago no negro is permitted to become a member of the white workmen 's associations. It has been found impossible to send them all to BLACK AND WHITE 95 certain States intended exclusively for them, nor eonld tliey be transported en masse to the Philippines or to Liberia ; therefore, they live in -the same cities as the whites and are seen everywhere, but do not even pray together since it has been found necessary to build separate churches for the negroes. Here there is a black Christ for the African Americans and a white Christ for the European Americans. A negro may distinguish himself greatly as did the famous Booker T. Washing- ton; he may even arrive at a position of extreme emi- nence, but the country will make an outcry if the Presi- dent should ask him to dinner — England makes no out- cry when the same negro is received by the King at Buckingham Palace. And what is a negro? All the rivers in the world, the Amazon and the Mississippi, the Danube and the Nile, the Yangtse Kiang and the Orinoco, the thousands and thousands of rivers in the world that throw their fresh water into the sea do not sweeten the water of the ocean; but one drop of negro blood that falls into the veins of a white man is enough to blacken entirely the man, his children, his grandchildren and his great- grandchildren. In Alabama the law says that a negro is one who has received black blood in any of the last five generations. Here the life of a negro is less respected than that of a dog. The newspapers tell day by day, as the most natural thing in the world, the news that a negro has been lynched. To lynch means to kill a defenseless man at the hands of a blood thirsty mob. This process takes many forms: beating to death, stoning, hanging the victim to a tree and even burning alive. These lynchings are sometimes perpetrated on one 86 THE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING man, at other times on a great number. Not long ago there was a collective lynching in St. Louis. It was a St. Bartholomew of negroes. Spurred on by an un- justified agitation against them, the whites in a furious mob sought the negro quarters to wipe out the meek African population. In the pitiless massacre men, women and children fell. The white women, ladies, incited the assassins, and themselves used pins which they buried in the naked flesh of the despairing victims, who made heroic efforts to defend themselves. I did not witness this ; it occurred just before I arrived here, but I read about it in their own papers and magazines which had no motive in exaggerating the facts of this incident, but rather to conceal them. Do not suppose that these a.!re exceptional cases; they are of a frequency that makes them chronic. In Pine Bluff, a small village of Arkansas, there was on one occasion a dispute between white and black work- men. One fine day the white workers placarded the streets with posters bearing inscriptions that could be seen in the full light of the noonday sun by their black fellow workers: '^Negroes, take care. We 7ieed your jobs. We give you two weeks to leave the village or else suffer the penalty of death.' ^ The unhappy creatures had either to obey or die. In order that you may realize that the spirit of this lynch-law is in the souls of this people and that nobody can wrench it out, I will tell you that in the 1903 conferences at the famous summer University of Chautauqua, one, Mr. John Temple Graves, of Atlanta, Georgia, proposed to his audience the legalization of lynch-law in the United States. ''Why not make lynch- ing legitimate by law?" he said. ''Lynching must con- BLACK AND WHITE 97 tinue at all events ; why not give legal authority to the masses ? Why not provide them with the means of doing instantly and legally what they will do anyhow in defiance of the law?'^ And in this way the orator con- tinued to expound his thesis, himself an enthusiastic ad- herent of the right to lynch. Of course! As lynchings cannot be abolished, the only way in which these assaults can be saved from con- stituting an act of anarchy, and so safeguard the honor of American democracy, is to give the multitude, the mob, legal authority to lynch. What? Judges appointed by the people ? No, the people themselves accuser, judge, and executioner. Is not this government of the people, by the people and for the people? The spectacle of lynchings is unknown in the other countries of the world. It is a manifestation of the internal imperialism of the United States. And the imperialism of a democracy is the worst kind of im- perialism. The individual believes himself all power- ful, even to break laws and mete out justice to him- self. Can anything more cowardly than lynching be im- agined? It cannot even be compared with the Spanish fight of the toreador with the enraged beast. To- gether we attended a bull fight in Madrid. Do you remember? You almost fainted. And that horrible spectacle is the fight of a man against a furious animal, stronger than he. The aggressor runs all the risks of the struggle and often dies in the contest. Although the bull-fight is cruel (and I rejoice to think that we have not accepted it from old Spain, our mother coun- try), the sacrifice of a lusty bull at the hands of a fighter w^hom he may kill cannot be compared with the 98 THE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING sacrifice of a defenseless man at the hands of a fnrious mob armed with stones and sticks. Further back in history, in the days of ancient Eome, another savage spectacle flourished ; the contest of gladi- ators ; neither can this feature of national cruelty, which has placed an opprobrious stamp on Eoman civilization, be compared with the American spectacle of lynchings. In the Roman arena it was a fight of man to man, a combat of muscles; in the American public square it is an armed mob against a defenseless person. At first the gladiators were recruited among criminals condemned to death or penal servitude by the laws of the Republic; later, when there were schools of gladiators to prepare professionals, the strongest and most valiant gladiators were admired as heroes, even to the extreme of Roman ladies soliciting their love. And yet, in spite of Roman cruelty, there were in those spectacles traits of pity and clemency unknown to American lynching. When the fallen gladiator raised his finger, asking mercy of the public, the latter often granted it by waving their hand- kerchiefs, whereupon the victorious gladiator had to cease his attacks. There is none of that old clemency in this modern martyrology of the United States, the emulator of Rome in the twentieth century. Two thou- sand years of Christianity have not softened, but hard- ened the souls of these modern republicans. This is the discipline that inspires North American character, and which has taught it to trample under foot the weak nations of Latin America — the small republics of Central America, Mexico and Colombia — and which even threatened us by bombarding unjustly and treach- erously our ports. It is the same spirit; it is lynching in distant seas. BLACK AND WHITE 99 Thank God, we have no negroes in Chile; but many South American countries have a large African popu- lation. There you will not find the furious antagonism of races existing here, and never have I heard of lynch- ing in Brazil or Peru. This is an exclusive privilege of Anglo-Saxon America — of the country of democracy, of liberty and of equality. If they claim to set up this nation for us as a model, it means that we must learn from them this modern gladiatorism which surpasses as a spectacle of cruelty everything that history records. I think and think, I meditate and meditate, I study and study, I compare and compare, and I cannot under- stand how there are people blind enough to advise Latin America to look to this country for inspiration in her progress. Your husband who adores you Miss Jones felt no surprise in reading this letter. "When living in Spanish America, she had very often read in the local papers descriptions of the lynching of negroes, together with bitter censure of her country on ■this account. Mss Jones had studied this problem with some in- terest, and had at her disposal authoritative sources of information to enable her to reply to the scathing indict- ment formulated by the Chicago correspondent. She was busy all day long in writing her comments, which took definite shape in these words: 100 THE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING Madam : The problem of the colored race in our country is one of the most serious we have to face; but I believe it to be a blessing for the negroes, a blessing for the United States and a blessing for humanity that it has fallen to us to face this problem. It is a commonplace to maintain that it would have been better never to have brought negroes as slaves to the United States. I do not think so. It has been better for them that they came, as I am going to show you, and better for America and for the world, because the most trans- scendental problem for the good understanding of the races on the earth is going to be solved in our country, and the most significant educational experiment in the world is here being made on a scale without precedent. In the days when Africans were brought to our coasts like beasts of burden, the slave trade was con- sidered lawful and moral all over the world. They were not brought here as an addition to our family or our nation. They were imported, literally, as if it were a matter of simple beasts of burden. It was even considered a crime to teach a negro to read. That was the sentiment of the times. Captain Hawkins, one of the initiators of the slave traffic, was knighted by Queen Elizabeth of England, and his coat of arms had for its insignia the bust of a negro with arms tied. In those times, madam, your ancestors were or were soon to be proprietors of negro slaves. In spite of all, even in those remote times in which the first negroes were imported to the United States, some chosen spirits of my country were already opposed to slavery, considering it a violation of human liberty. Only a deep ignorance of history, madam, and the BLACK AND WHITE 101 tendency to follow the philosophy of those who in- terpret history from an exclusively economical point of view can explain why it has been said that the aboli- tion of slavery was a question of bread and butter in my country, an economic struggle between the North and the South. When the southern States decided to make them- selves independent, their objective was to perpetuate slavery in their territory. Any one who knows some- thing of the history of my country, must admit that if in the War of Secession the South had triumphed and we had seen two republics established on our soil, the liberation of slaves in these same southern States, that is to say in the new slave republic, would only have been a little delayed. When interpreting history, the importance of the economic factor cannot be denied; but they are blind, madam, who do not see in all triumphs of humanity, in spiritual triumphs, the ascending pathway of sublime endeavor, of higher ideals, which success has scaled. I believe humanity has become better and better through the centuries and the ages in consequence of work done by spirits highly gifted and inspired by the Christian principles of love, justice and truth, and by those who have sacrificed themselves in the belief that it was their duty to pay to the future the debt contracted with the past. I wish I were able to show you, in all its splendor, the monumental, grand, human staircase of effort, virtue, sacrifice, unselfishness, and generosity which brought freedom to the slaves in my country. This is a stairway with steps as clear and well defined^ as those which lead from the cellar to the topmost story of the gigantic Wool- worth Building in New York; only it is not of iron or 102 TEE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING cement ; it is of strong hearts, of tempered souls and of superior spirits. And as the visitor to Woolworth's temple of commerce does not see the marble steps, be- cause he takes the elevator, so also are the steps of this moral staircase invisible to the people who have not followed this marvelous history of effort step by step, but have been carried to the topmost story in the ele- vator of their fathers* achievements. In 1619 the first negroes landed in Virginia, and shortly afterwards slavery began to be organized in my country. Almost simultaneously, agitation against this slavery began. The first traces of the contest are lost in the past and the anonymous; they are vague, undetermined, without a clear consciousness of their further evolution. The names of these fighters are not recorded by history, just as it does not tell the name of him who cast the bronze out of which was to be fashioned the Liberty Bell in Philadelphia. But let us consider some of these steps : / The first public protest of a religious body against slavery was made in 1688, in Pennsylvania, which was t»ut one of the English colonies. In 1729 Ealph Sandi- ford publishes ''The Mystery of Iniquity,'* a condem- nation of slavery. In 1737 Benjamin Lee publishes a book in which slavery is denounced. From 1746 to 1767 John Woolman travels in the central and southern colonies preaching against slavery. In 1750 Anthony Benezet establishes a free school for negroes. In 177G Samuel Hopkins attacks slavery with pen and tongue and succeeds, in 1774, in having a law passed prohibiting the importation of negroes into Rhode Island, which was followed by the law of 1784 declaring free all ,, eral culture is fathomless. Any one of our boys who has been through high school knows a hundred times more than the Yankee who is considered a cultured person here. I have spoken to managers of large business houses, to engineers and to doctors, in more or less in- timate conversation here in the hotel. As a rule, they are well prepared in their respective lines and special- ties J but they show absolute ignorance as regards culture in general. Out of the ordinary is he who can speak French or Spanish. They think English is the language of the universe and they do not bother to learn other languages. For them all the civilization of the world is here. f The Yankee is of astonishing superficiality. He learns only what is absolutely essential to make a living. Of the sciences, when he must, he learns the principles and the laws, but not the reasons for those principles and laws. In mathematics he learns how to use the tables. An engineer learns the strength of materials in a week, since he is taught only to consult the tables. This is why this country has not produced a Pascal, or a Des- >> cartes or a Newton. Neither has it produced geniuses in literature. Where i^ their Shakespeare, their Cer- EDUCATION, CHABACTEB AND HABITS 209 vantes, their Moliere, their Dante? Kodin would never have been able to find in this country a model for his '* Thinker." But if the schools and colleges do not teach the Yankee child the humanities endowing man with the smallest modicum of culture possessed by him in all civilized countries, neither do they teach manners. I have never seen people more badly behaved in any other part of the world. They are rude in their language with the rudeness of baseball ; they do not know how to sit, they put their feet on the table; they do not know how to eat, they eat chicken with their hands ; they do not know how to greet one, they do not take off their hat ito greet even their superiors; they say: this "man," this "woman," whereas, in all the other countries of the world this "gentleman," this "lady," is the rule of speech. In a trolley or railroad car a man seldom gets up to give his seat to a lady. This is the only country in the world that I know of where chewing-gum is used. On Broadway, New York, the most brilliant, most complicated and, doubtless, most expensive electric sky sign is one advertising chewing- gum. Enormous posters glorifying this chev/ing-gum may be seen everj^where. Of course, you do not know •of it even by name. It is a gum that the people here chew incessantly. It is a sticky, disgusting ingredient that the jaws of almost all the Yankees are squeezing every hour of the day. I cannot understand how this disgusting habit has become so popular, to the extreme of making the chewing-gum industry as important in this country as the match industry. And even tlT?)ugh the art of chewing gum is disgusting, you will see well- 210 THE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING dressed people of decent appearance, young girls, chew- ing gum in theaters and at receptions. ^ This lack of ceremony can be seen everywhere. On hot days the Yankee walks through the streets with his coat off; in automobiles he appears in his shirt sleeves; in the parks everybody sits on the ground without coat and vest, and even with their shirts open. On the lake shore young couples are seen in bathing suits seated together. In one of my previous letters I mentioned the word lynchmg as of genuine Yankee manufacture. There is another word which this nation has contributed to the vocabulary of all languages: ''bluff." Hence our word ^^hlufear." Here everything is "the biggest in the world," ''the most beautiful in the world," "the most expensive in the world." The Chicago newspaper that I generally read is called "The Chicago Tribune," and under the title it has this sub-title : ' ' The Largest News- paper In The World," which, of course, is not true, but so that none may surpass it, it publishes on one of its pages a small caricature section in the form of a newspaper and calls it ' ' The Smallest Newspaper in the World." Everybody here brags about what they are doing. For instance, a Liberty Loan campaign is launched. The government orders millions of buttons ; one is given to everybody who buys a bond and they pin it on their coat lapel, like a medal. To have bought the bond is not sufficient for them, they must brag about it, they must boast, they must show that they have bought their bond. The Red Cross launches a campaign and, of course, distributes paper banners, so that every one who gives a dollar can put one in his window. If in a house EDUCATION, CHARACTER AND HABITS 211 there is one person who has given a dollar to the Red Cross, one cross is gummed to the window-pane; if two persons have each given a dollar, two crosses are pasted in the window, and so on. In some of these windows I saw, alongside two or three crosses, the sign ''100%," and when I asked what this stood for, I was told that it meant that every one in the house had given a dollar. For the families of those who have gone to war they have invented what is called "a service flag" on which a red star is depicted for each man in the family who has gone to war and a golden star for each man who has died in the service of the country. Windows display these flags to acquaint each passerby with the fact that a member of the family has gone to the war; they are also carried on automobiles. Not long ago I saw the window of a private house converted into a show-case like those in shops. In it were exhibited not only the service flag, but the letters that the young man of the house had sent, postal packages and a German helmet that he had captured from the Prussians. I cannot think what they do in the schools of this country, since no culture or manners are taught. Their only object appears to be that of preparing the in- dividual to make the dollar: aggressiveness in business. On no account would I consent to have my children educated here. I do not know the schools, colleges and universities of this country, except by their outside appearance, by their buildings, which are generally magnificent. But if I may judge by their produce, I think we have nothing to envy in the American educational system. There is, however, an aspect which revolted me from the first moment I saw the pupils coming from schools, 212 TEE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING whether it be an elementary or high-school; I mean co- education. Boys and girls not only attend the same school, but they attend the same classes and sit on the same benches. '^ This promiscuity of the sexes in schools robs woman of her charm, it makes her masculine. Hence the reason why woman in this country has acquired so many features that are exclusively masculine elsewhere. In almost all homes the men get up from the table after dinner to wash the dishes and to occupy themselves with other domestic details exclusively feminine. To see men in the parks wheeling a perambulator, or carrying the baby in their arms while the wife walks at their side carrying the dog, is a common scene in the cities of this country. Of course you know that a servant here is almost a rara avis, and that the owner of an automobile can seldom afford to keep a chauffeur. It being impossible to have a servant, man is one in this "womanocracy." Man here occupies an inferior position. In other countries the question is discussed as to whether a woman is intellectually man's equal. Not here, where this controversy is old already. The question discussed here now is whether man is intellectually on a level with woman. The following joke, which illustrates this point of view in American life, I read the other day in a newspaper : Professor Phirstboy prided himself upon his advanced and enlightened views concerning women and their place in the scheme of things: He sat next to a very clever woman at a little dinner the other night, and in reply to a remark of hers ex- claimed : EDUCATION, CHABACTEB AND HABITS 213 "My dear ladj^, I go further than believing in woman suffrage; I maintain that man and woman are equal in every way." ''Oh, professor!" said the lady very sweetly; ''now you flatter yourself." Of course. Just imagine the bold professor placing himself on a level with woman. This difference in habits extends to all the aspects of life. The menu of the Yankee house is simply unbear- able for us. They eat stuffed turkey with cranberry sauce; I have been served in hotels with artichokes cooked in cinnamon; they put sugar on lettuce and to- matoes; and all the rest in the same style. This difference in the way of living is extended to the houses themselves. Very often there can be seen in the windows of the restaurants here a compact pile of unopened oysters with large pieces of ice on top and underneath. That, I think, is a symbol of a Yankee city. The men are piled up, one on the other, in their enormous houses, with a room for each family, like oysters in calcareous shells, without any of them having relations with their neighbors or knowing anything about them. Even the ice is a symbol: a Yankee city is a refrigerator, the souls are frozen. • Here they are determined to do away with prostitu- tion, and the traffic is illegal in nearly all States of the Union. This constitutes a radical departure from the wise traditions of continental Europe, adopted in our country and in all Latin America. Particularly in Chicago a pitiless campaign is being waged against women of easy virtue. A young country- man of ours told me how, when walking one day in Michigan Avenue, a fairly good looking girl eyed hink 214 THE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING suggestively. He reciprocated the look and invited her to take something at a restaurant, as if he were on a Paris Boulevard. The girl accepted, and after supper he asked her to accompany him to a hotel. This invitation was also accepted by the young woman, but no sooner were they alone in the room when she showed him her detective's badge and marched him off to prison, from which he escaped only on payment of a fine for having encouraged prostitution. Did you ever see such a thing? Male detectives are also on the watch for girls guilty of the same misdemeanor. They do not understand here that legalized prostitu- tion is a necessary evil, tolerated for the purpose of abating a much greater evil: the furtive prostitution of the home, of the daughter of honorable parents, who runs the risk of seduction by the beast that is in man, and which they think here can be curbed in defiance of the law of nature. This is another world and certainly not a superior one. It is a world eminently inferior. Here one does not live — one exists. I do not know what grounds Latin Ameri- can admirers of this country have for praising this coun- try at the expense of our own countries. The following is by an Argentine, Alfredo Colmo, taken from his book, *'The Countries of Latin America," and cited by Pro- fessor William R. Shepherd, professor at Columbia University : "What has the United States in common with the countries of Latin America ? Very little : the incidental fact of its geographical location in the same hemisphere> and the external circumstance that it became independ- ent at almost the same time. . . . What, then, does it offer by way of unlikeness? Nearly everything, and in , EDUCATION, CEABACTEB AND HABITS 215 terms so disparate that they are but little less than diametrically the opposite of one another. Details and secondary matters apart, the contrasts, in which those countries never hold the place of vantage, are the fol- lowing: populousness and uninhabitedness ; wealth and misery; deeds and words; activity and atrophy; educa- tion and inculture ; industry and politicalism ; commerce and militarism; order and impulsiveness; legality and defiance of law; free will and arbitrariness; morality and egotism; truth and falsehood; principles and men; railways and mules ; civilization and stagnation and even barbarism; liberty and slavery, etc." These are the words of Senor Colmo, and they are surely the limit. Writers are needed who will defend Latin America instead of reviling it. Do people travel on mules from Santiago to Buenos Aires or on a railroad as modern as thai from Chicago to New York? Have we not erected high upon the Andes a Christ at whose feet we tell the world that the Andes mountains will first crumble before the peace can be broken between the great countries that the mountain range separates? Is not Buenos Aires growing more rapidly than New York ? Have we not writers, sculptors and musicians greater than those of the United States? I know not why we have taken into our head lately to send our teachers to this country to look for inspiration from the Yankee methods of education. We have noth- ing to learn here and we could certainly teach them a great deal. Our natural bond of union is with Europe. Thence our politicians, our writers and our artists drew their inspiration. There is nothing more opposed to our idiosyncrasy than the idiosyncrasy of the Yankee 216 TEE GULF OF 3IISUNDEBSTANDING and it is absurd for us to pretend to learn their methods of educating the future generations. Your husband who adores you. The perusal of this letter angered Miss Jones for half an hour. Her first impulse was to reply with heat, but true to her conviction that a calm statement of her case would best serve her purpose, she held the insulting letter over until the following day, when her comments took form in these words: Madam : Your husband is shocked at finding in general very little culture among the persons with whom it has fallen to his lot to associate in our country. It happens that your husband himself, who is eminent in your country, who has had a careful University education, who has traveled in Europe, who has de- voted a gi'eat deal of time to reading in foreign lan- guages, and who possesses a more than ordinary general culture, will naturally not often find people who have the same degree of culture as he. I even agree that it would be easier for him to find in Chile, your country, persons of high culture than in my country. The reason is very simple: there he has his circle of intel- lectual friends, of choice minds with which he is in daily contact; here he meets at random with all kinds of people. There he is in his own atmosphere; here he EDUCATION, CHARACTER AND HABITS 217 is transplanted. Very often the manager of a bank with whom one talks at a dinner may have been during all his early youth a humble worker to whom the exceptional opportunities that our democracy offers suffice to enable him to overcome economic difficulties, specializing his I studies in the line he needed most for his advancement. In your country, madam, as in all Latin America, there is a small number of persons who are very cul- tured, but there is an immense mass of the population quite uneducated, and when speaking of the culture of a country we must do so in just the same way as when speaking of its wealth. In the latter case not only are the millions of the millionaires counted, but also the cents of the poor; the sum total of wealth is estimated. Considering things in this way — which is the only right way to discuss them w^hen treating of democracies — it cannot be denied that the culture of the United States is enormously superior to that of Latin America. / On the other hand, your husband, being a Chilean, is astonished at the ignorance of the people with whom he speaks regarding the geography of his country; but, do you think that your countrymen are very familiar with the geography of the world? Do you think that I could not name for you, and other Latin Americans, •cities with a population of half a million of which you have not even heard? Has not the news of the world war shown us all our supreme ignorance of the world's geography ? The truth is, that man all over the world is still pro- foundly ignorant of things that he does not see, that he does not smell and that he does not touch. The things he sees, smells and touches he knows more or less well, 218 TEE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING and when he leaves his environment he is astonished that men who live in other surroundings are not familiar with the things that he knows from childhood. We na- tions live in a shell, like the oyster. The ignorance of Latin America about our countiy is as supine as our ignorance about Latin America. However, there is a world of difference between this last statement and admitting that superficiality is the dominant note in our country. I do not want to make offensive comparisons with Latin America, but the indi- cations are all thatfwords mean there more than ideas, form more than things. , Our universities are serving as a model of inspiration to Europe. The intellectual pro- duction of our present university professors is of in- estimable importance. In no country of the world has the national task of study, in all its branches, been taken care of with more ardor than in my country. In no country are there so many libraries as here. Between the years 1775 and 1800 there were thirty public libraries in my country; between 1800 and 1825 there were one hundred and seventy-nine ; between 1825 and 1850 there were five hundred and fifty-one ; between 1850 and 1875 there were twenty-two thousand and forty. To-day it can truly be said that there is no one in the United States who does not live near some library. And these libraries have each day more and more read- ers, and each day sees an increase in the number of serious books, not novels, circulated by them. My country also has a real national institution in its open forums where public lectures are given, generally with the right of free discussion; and statistics tell us that each year one person out of eleven of our popula- EDUCATION, CHABACTEB AND HABITS 219 tion attends these lectures where all the vital problems of the day are discussed. It is true that our country has not produced literary geniuses of the caliber of Shakespeare, Cervantes, Moliere or Dante. Neither has Latin America. I think that this is because each of the two continents has a literature which is a branch of that of the mother country and which has not as yet become perfectly ripe. Neither have Canada and Australia produced literary geniuses who have dazzled the world ; but it would have been enough for your husband to have brought to mind the figures of William James, Emerson, Whittier or Whitman, to have made it impossible for him to say that Rodin would not have been able to find here a model for his Thinker. However, I must admit that in your institutions of secondary education wider general instruction is given than in ours. You impart more knowledge; you fill the pupils' heads with more data, you know more about world history ; and when I say you, I refer to the small part of the population that attends school. /TWe have put more emphasis in the formation of character. Our schools give an education ; yours give instruction. There word has been deified; here action has been deified^ As for our exaggerated love of sport: the baseball game which your husband saw in Chicago was a con- test quite naturally exciting the enthusiasm he de- scribed, because it was played in order to establish who were the champions of the country. We have a love for sport of all kinds and, in my opinion, this partiality is a virtue rather than a vice, whatever may be the ex- tremes of enthusiasm and delight to which the meeting of the champions lead the people. There is something 220 THE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING finer in that baseball game than in a bull fight or in a horse race where fortunes are at stake. Sport, the edu- cation of the animal in man, is a part of our program of national education. Have we not the social refinement to which your hus- band is accustomed? Are we uncouth in our manners? Of course, I believe that there are very many people in my country as refined as the most exclusive society of Latin America; but I must admit also that in the so- called upper classes persons of bad manners are found, which is rarely the case among the privileged classes in the countries of Latin America. Why? For a very simple reason more to our credit than to our disrepute. I picture your husband, madam, as the prototype of the well bred man of savoir faire and distinguished and exquisite refinement. He learned that from the cradle, he inherited it from his father, from his grandfather and his great-grandfather, and he passes it on to his children, grandchildren and great- grandchildren. There is hardly any interchange in the social layers. The rich and distinguished man of to- day is the sou, grandson and great-grandson of rich and distinguished men of the past. You will agree with me, however, that leaving those privileged classes and descending in the social scale until we reach the laundress, the bricklayer and the day-laborer, the manners we find are very different. If there existed in your country the facilities enjoyed in mine for the poor to obtain the best economic and social positions, you would discover that refinement, distinction in manners and aristocracy of movements would not be a characteristic feature among all people of the upper classes. EDUCATION, CHABACTEB AND HABITS 221 It is this stability of caste in the countries of Latin "America, and the unrestricted field for the advance- ment 0? competence in the ranks of our democracy, Which accounts for the fact that there aristocracy has a stamp of distinction, while here the man of good educa- tion can le seen side by side with the unpolished man who has succeeded economically and socially. That the man of my country is discourteous towards Woman I do not believe. Your husband should not confound our habits of business life with our habits of social life. The American does not remove his hat in the elevator of an office building, even if there are ladies present, but he uncovers in the elevator of a hotel. I have always heard, madam, this accusation made by Latin Americans and Europeans that our men are not very gentlemanly or courteous towards women. In these notes to the letters of your husband, madam, I have made an effort to appear as little chauvinisie as possible, but now I cannot resist the impulse of say- ing that the man of my country is the most courteous in the world, the most gentlemanly towards women. Your husband makes fun of the husband who wheels a perambulator through our streets or who carries his child. In the countries of Latin America I have noted that the suitor always carries the parcels of his be- trothed when walking together, but I did not always see the husband carrying his wife's packages. Is it not true courtesy for a husband to help his wife in housework when there is no servant in the house ? Is it only courteous to say: ''Pardon me, madam. I am delighted to make your acquaintance ? ' ' Should courtesy be expressed by words or by actions ? 222 THE GVLP OF MISUNDERSTANDING Does your husband also lay to the debit in the trial balance of our progress the fact that it is difficidt to keep a servant among us ? Why is it difficult ? Doubt- less in some cities of Latin America a person who earns one hundred dollars monthly can have two servants in his house, and one who earns two hundred dollars a month can have four. Why? Because the labor of servants is cheap. And why is it cheap? Because of the backwardness of those countries. In some cities of Latin America a servant can be employed for a dollar a month. But, thank God, this will not always be so ; some day there will not be in Latin America a single woman whose work will be remunerated at the rate of only one dollar a month. Madam, your husband describes to you in detail the whole scene of the baseball game between the White Sox and the Giants in Chicago which it fell to his lot to witness. Allow me to describe to you in detail another scene that I was privileged to witness, where those base- ball players, virile, sound in body and soul, gave proof that the potency of the muscle is not at variance with the highest form of courtesy. I am going to describe to you a scene that I was fated to witness and which will never be effaced from my memory. It was on the high seas, in the Titanic^ a powerful transatlantic steamer, the sinking of which was doubt- less brought to your notice at the time. The largest ship in the world has hurled itself at midnight against a mountain of ice while the last notes of a waltz are still vibrating in the saloons, when the ladies have not yet discarded their silk dresses nor the men their dress-coats. The steamer has called for help from all the ships within its wireless zone; but EDUCATION, CHABACTEB AND HABITS 223 there is no time to wait on deck until they come, because the ship may at any moment dive to the utter- most depths of the abyss. There are hardly enough boats to save one out of every six of the crew. The wa- ter overwhelms the dynamos and all lights are extin- guished. Communication with the outside world has ceased; the Hertzian weaves carry no more messages. Feeble minds become deranged, but in the midst of this confusion and panic there is something clear, something which shines as a light; it is a cry heard on all sides, a voice in command, an Anglo-Saxon mandate that waves like a flag, the supreme touch of courtesy: ^'SAVE THE WOMEN FIRST !" That order is obej^ed; the scanty places in the few boats are to be filled with the women and children on board. The wife descends, followed by her maid, not by her husband. Astor, the millionaire, leads his wife, who is soon to become a mother, to the lifeboat ; he asks the officers for permission to accompany and protect her, but they an- swer no, not while a woman remains to be saved. The master of five hundred millions, clad in his dress-clothes, meekly obeys, steps back and makes way for a woman immigrant, a barefooted Syrian woman, who obtains precedence because she is a woman. Astor lights a cigarette and says good-by, waving his hand to the boat in which departs his wife, young, beautiful, adored, while he, smiling, remains behind awaiting death. The wife of Straus, another millionaire, refuses to enter the lifeboat unless her old husband comes, too. The officers request the old man to go, both because of his advanced age and because it is the only way to save his wife. The octogenarian replies: *'I am old, but you 224 THE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING cannot take away my prerogative of being a man." So both husband and wife perish, after taking care that their servant is saved. Practically all the women and children are saved, with the exception of the wives who would not abandon their husbands, preferring to die with them, it being impossible for any human force to drag them away. The women and children of the steerage are also saved, while the magnates and millionaries die like heroes, standing, as the men of the ship's band, knowing they have only a few minutes to live, fill the air with stirring music. One individual, overcome by panic, loses his presence of mind and tries to save himself; but Major Butt, of the United States army, with the roughness of the base- ball player, catches him by the arm and throws him (Stunned to the deck. *'I am sorry," says the stern soldier, *'but the last woman in the steerage must leave the ship before you." Some Chinese coolies save themselves in the darkness by gliding, crawling like snakes. An Italian conceives the idea of saving his life and losing his honor ; he dons some of his wife 's clothes and descends at her side. The semidarkness protects the fraud, the men make way for him and aid him to the lifeboat. If he had put on a king's crown or the insignia of a multi-millionaire he would not have attained his object, because the voice of command was: women first; even the ragged immi- grants; after them the men, even the magnates and millionaires. Many of the latter enter the boats to take leave of their wives and return to the ship, which they know will be their tomb. EDUCATION, CH ABAC TEE AND HABITS 225 Guggenheim remains on deck, which attracts brave men as an electric light attracts butterflies. He writes home a few lines : ' ' If anything happens to me, tell my wife that I have tried my best to do my duty." In one boat seven women are saved who are return- ing from their honeymoon, while the orange blossoms with which they w^nt to the altar have not yet withered. Their husbands, when leaving them in safety while they remain to die, are not perturbed; with a princely smile they seem to add a final courtesy to their sweet bonds of love. The women of the steerage who have been saved say that the gentlemen in evening dress took off their life- belts and tendered them like courtiers who offer flowers to a queen. Miss Edith Evans gives up the last seat in the last boat to one of her friends and remains behind to die, saying these words that would have shaken Sparta : ' ' You have children. ' ' At times it still seems to me that I am in that boat in which thirty of us women were saved, and think I hear the voices of the shipwrecked in the distance. So long as the boat w^as able to hold more, we picked up every- body we could ; but soon we had so many in it that any added weight would imperil the lives of us all. An old man swam towards us. He grabbed hold of our boat; but he was told that if he tried to climb in we should all sink. The man answered quietly: ' ' Very well ; you are right. May God bless you, ' ' and he drifted away from the boat, going to die like an un- known hero under the waves cold as the pole. The sun of the following morning lit up that sea in 226 THE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING which hundreds of gentlemen had perished so that the gallantry of the men of our race might not perish. And this tragic scene that I have described to you, madam, is one page in a book of thousands of pages that could be written to define the courtesy of our men for us. Our national education forms the character of the individual; it teaches habits that have already been partly converted into racial features, and these habits are sterling qualities of our race. If we have produced the word "bluff," almost un- translatable into Spanish, as your husband says, we have also produced other words, such as "a square deal" and ''fair play," which are a product of our education and which are even more difficult to translate into Span- ish than the word ''bluff." From this circumstance I should not infer, madam, that "fair play" and "square deal" do not exist in your countries. "Bluff," as a national feature, is something inherent to all countries that have attained great success in their collective lives. It existed among the Romans. On its coins and stamps France has pictured the French Republic as sowing the seeds of civilization in the world. Germany coined the world-known phrase: ^'Deutschland ueher Alles/' ^^Chauvinisme'' is a French word; "jingoism" is English. I do not believe, however, that hluff is a character- istic feature of our country. Bluff, of a collective na- ture, is closely associated with clannishness and is com- mon to every country, to every State, to every province, to every city, to every political party, to every organiza- tion and to every school ; it is the spirit of exhibiting all those things which are an honor to the group to which EDUCATION, CHARACTER AND HABITS 227 one belongs, and, of course, the noise that is made by the one who has the most things to boast of attracts most of the world's attention. It is not that I am here defending Muff; I am explaining it. Your husband speaks of the buttons that the buyer of a Liberty Bond exhibits on his coat lapel, of the service flag and of the Red Cross insignia. These ex- hibitions are made principally as a means of propaganda, as a mode of emulation for one's neighbor, or just for convenience, so that solicitors may not lose time. We have not the craze for orders, so prevalent in Europe. I have read that in France, some time ago, a strike of postmen for an increase in salary was settled by the promise that the Government, unwilling to grant the increase asked for, would award a medal to every post- man. That would be impossible in my country. More- over, neither is Latin America free from this reverence for orders of chivalry. When President Manuel Estrada Cabrera of Guatemala received from the French Gov- ernment the decoration of a Grand Officer of the Legion of Honor, he immediately decreed that the day on which he received this honor should be a legal holiday for the whole country. We do not believe, madam, that legalized prostitu- tion is a suitable defense for the honor of our home life. On the contrary, legalized prostitution is a school for vicious men, who spread their vice beyond the ''red light" district. Nor do we believe it to be i^ight that the state should recognize the profession of a class of women as slaves of vice in order to defend other women in their innocence. To the state the purity of the woman 228 TEE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING highly placed is as sacred, and not more so, than that of the woman born in a lower stratum of society. "We differ from Latin America and continental Europe in our way of facing this problem because the countries of which these continents consist are autocracies, whereas we are a democracy. Over there they do not scruple to sacrifice women of the poorer classes so that they shall serve as instruments of pleasure for the upper classes, under the fictitious pretext of defending the virtue of the privileged classes. Here we think that the virtue of the poor is also worthy of defense. If I were asked what is the predominant feature of our national character, I should answer, without hesitation: the spirit of service. I remember that when on my travels through Latin America I was walking along the streets of a city, I noticed how a woman peddling fruit overturned a basket containing peaches, plums and apples. I hastened to assist her in picking up the fruit ; but she, never suppos- ing that a lady would bend down to help her, was more easily inclined to suspect that I wished to deprive her of her fruit, and exclaimed angrily: *' Leave that alone, it belongs to me." In our country the spirit of service is the soul of the nation. I do not think that there is anybody here who is not directly united with some service association. ]\Iany make their spirit of serving the moving principle of their lives. Now this good will to serve others is, in my opinion, the supreme manifestation of courtesy. It was the spirit of service that induced my country to go to war, raising an army of six million men and spending thirty billion dollars, to help their brothers in democracy. EDUCATION, CHARACTER AND HABITS 229 I think that the famous Argentine writer quoted by your husband exaggerates when belittling South Amer- ica. That is a groat continent with a wonderful future ; but it will attain its future triumphs by recognizing the virtues of others and by trying to take advantage of everj^thing suitable without destroying its own tempera- ment and idiosyncrasy. With affectionate regards, From your Friend of the Other Continent. CHAPTER XI PAN AMERICANISM MISS JONES thought that the Chicago corre- spondent had at last exhausted the fury of his indictment against the country which sheltered him, when this new letter, a corollary of all the previous ones, arrived at her office : Chicago, lU.j 1918. My dearest : After all I have told you about this country, after having shown you that this people is entirely different to us in ideals, education, character and manners, to the extreme of being antagonistic, one cannot help feeling surprised that the peoples of Latin America should regard with pleasure this new doctrine so much in vogue nowadays in the new continent; I mean, Pan Americanism. What is Pan Americanism? The union of the two Americas, the Latin and the Anglo-Saxon. What is this union for? We have nothing in common: neither interests nor ideals. Is it because we are near each other? Argentina, Uruguay, Paraguay and Brazil are nearer to Europe than to the United States. Europe sells us her goods cheaper, which is quite natural since the workmen here are asking double wages every month ; 230 PAN AMERICANISM 231 Europe buys more from us than does the United States ; Europe gives us her ideals, her literature; Europe is the source of all culture, and we should drink from the original source, not where the river flows into the sea with all the, refuse it has brought with it on its way. The commercial contact of the two Americas is harm- ful for Latin America, for it is an established social law that when two civilizations, one more developed in a material way than the other, come into contact, the more developed people tyrannize over the less de- veloped people, and the latter become satellites of the former's empire. Some carry their Pan Americanism so far as to pro- pose that all the countries of America should join in a Z Oliver ein^ which means that we should allow the manu- factures of the United States to enter free of duty, and that this country should receive our produce under the 3ame conditions. With childlike candor they want us to agree to the offer made in the stable by the hen to the horse: The hen pecked the oats which fell from the horse's manger, and was kept on the hop to avoid the feet of the noble charger which paid no attention to the con- venience of the humble fowl. • One day the hen said philosophically to the horse: **Mr. Horse, I have something to propose to you. If you will promise not to tread on me, I promise not to tread on you. ' ' This is what Pan Americanism means: You, Latin America, may send us your natural produce, which we shall allow to enter our ports free of duty; and we Americans shall send you our pianos, our automobiles, our typewriters also duty free. We may forgive the 232 THE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING hen for not taking into consideration that her foot- steps do not hurt the horse; but we cannot forgive the United States for making us this offer knowing that we are not manufacturing countries, while in sending them our raw material, such as coal, iron, copper, wood and cotton, they reap the benefit by returning them to us in the form of manufactured goods. One of the most intelligent sociologists of the United States, Josiali Strong, in one of his books, follows the argument of Professor Drummond, who, in his work ''The Ascent of Man," maintains that when men be- came sufficiently intelligent to invent a tool the evo- lutionary development of the hand ceased. He tells us that the more we gave the hand to do the better it became adapted to its work. The hand continued in its development to adapt itself to all work required of it. But the fatal day came (fatal for the development of the hand) when man invented the first tools. Thereupon, what the hand did and learned to do better every time began to be done by auxiliary tools; so that the new things that had to be made brought about no further perfection of the hand, but rather a new tool or the improvement of those already in use. Tools are the prolongation of the hands; levels do the work which the forearm did before. Hammers are substitutes for the fist ; knives do well what the nails did imperfectly; pliers are the fingers. The day when the cave-man made his first tool, the evolution of the hand stopped. In the course of the successive ages the hand might have arrived at a stage of develop- ment where many things which cannot now be made without tools could have been made by the hand alone. Something analogous to the foregoing, continues Mr. PAN AMERICANISM 233 Strong, may be applied to backward races when placed in touch with advanced races. The manufacturing coun- tries take the place of the tools with regard to the hand, which here represents the backward countries ; and from the moment when the manufacturing countries begin to supply goods to the backward countries, they hold up their industrial development. All this was said by Mr. Strong to establish the fact that the industrial future of the United States is im- mense and that it need not be feared that the backward markets of Latin America will be able to supply them- selves from their own resources. The maiden seeks fragrance and beauty in the flower, the bee and the humming bird their daily food. We ourselves see in Latin America the cradle of our life, the couch of our dreams, all that is most sacred and most dear; the sons of this other America see here a market. Just as smoke is associated with fire, gloves with the hand and shoes with the feet, so the Yankee thinks of Latin America as a market for his produce. I have never seen a Yankee paper in which the ' ' end- less opportunities of the Latin American market" are not spoken of. Public lectures are held day after day to boost the trade opportunities of Latin America. Every month new magazines in Spanish appear, which are nothing else than a means of commercial penetration, with hundreds of pages of advertisements in which the excellence of their chewing gum and their patent medi- cines are proclaimed. The religious campaigns of evangelical propaganda, which count upon the help of business men who give liberally to ''evangelize" Latin America, are really only another means of trade penetration. Inter- Ameri- 234 THE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING can conferences and congresses are also nothing but means of commercial penetration in Latin America. We joyfully welcome these peals of the Pan American bells, without thinking that we are only giving away part of our sovereignty by so doing. Pan Americanism is the bridal robe, decked with immaculate orange blossoms, with which the colossal campaign for the commercial conquest of Latin America by the United States is covered. But this is not a bride who wishes to marry for love, but for interest. A great reception, with banquets and speeches, is given to all eminent Latin Americans who visit this country. There is in New York a "Pan American So- ciety" to which belong the great merchants, manu- facturers and bankers who do business with Latin America. The purpose of this society is to offer ban- quets to representative men of Latin America who visit New York. There are many business houses in this country which maintain an official staff intrusted with the social entertainment of their clients at the expense of the firm. They know well that these extra attentions bring orders for goods. This Pan American Society takes the place of such a diplomatic staff employed by the big exporters; it is a commercial bait. The foregoing does not constitute anything dishon- orable. It is legitimate that the United States should use all honest means within its reach in order to sell as much as possible to our countries; but I object to the campaigns disguised with the incense of Pan American- ism, for here the interested parties make believe that Pan Americanism means the union of both Americas, the better understanding between both Americas, mutual help between the two Americas, whereas it really stands PAN AMERICANISM 235 for nothing else than the commercial conquest of Latin America by the United States. To show yon that I am right in what I say, I will cite the case of the Pan American Congress which was held at our capital. The American delegates to the Congress were sociologists, statisticians and diplomatists, who came with the intention of exploring new markets for their country. One of them was Archibald Cary Coolidge, who is author of the book entitled: "The United States as a World Power." After showing in this book that the United States, looking round the world, have seen that Asia and Africa are monopolized by European countries, which, like France in Madagas- car, have taken from them all the markets, Cary Coo- lidge says that "there remained, however, two regions where the Americans believed they saw splendid pos- sibilities for the future. But to make the most of these possibilities they must take decided action. In the re- publics of Latin America there was no highly developed native industry to be feared as a rival. There was noth- ing but the competition of Europe, which had too long had the field to itself, and the Americans were con- vinced that they could meet this competition victo- riously if only they made the best of their natural ad- vantages. A first step was to draw closer to these fel- low-republicans to the South, for the benefit of all con- cerned. This led to the policy known as Pan American- ism. . . . ' ' "The manufacturing industries of the United States,'' he says further on, "have developed, and are develop- ing, at such a rate that the Americans are not afraid to meet their European rivals in almost any branch of trade. It was to be expected that they should turn their 236 TEE GULF OF 3IISUNDEFSTANDING gaze to the southern half of their own hemisphere, where, as yet, they are only beginning to get a good commercial footing, but where the future appears to offer them golden opportunities. ^Vhy should the American merchant leave this splendid field to be ex- ploited by the Englishman or the Germans? Is it not the plain duty of his government to aid and encourage his enterprise in every possible way?" **In South America," he adds elsewhere, **the Ger- mans are convinced that they have found a field of splen- did possibilities, and their progress in recent years has been startling in its rapidity ; but to South America the Americans are turning much of their attention, and with the aid of Pan American sentiment, they hope to win the first place for themselves." The United States sent men of this caliber, men who think in this way, to form part of the Pan American Scientific Congress in our country. And in spite of everything we have allowed ourselves to be duped. Here they have made of the Bible an adequate text for the foundation of hundreds of religions, each of which interprets the Holy Scriptures in its own way. The same applies to Pan Americanism: to the vendor of shoes it means that Latin America buys his foot- wear; to the maker of locomotives it means that Latin America buys his engines. That is all. Since the whole problem of Pan Americanism is a question of commercial relations, it presents itself to us in this form: Does it suit us better to make our com- mercial relations closer with the United States or with Europe ? I believe that closer relations with the United States are undesirable because this country is too absorbing PAN AMERICANISM 237 and has tlie tendency to get our natural resources en- tirely into its power. For instance, in doing a fruit business with Central America they have not been satis- fied with the business of buying and selling, but have extended their operations to the purchase of the planta- tions. The same applies to the iron and copper of Chile, to the copper and petroleum of Mexico and to the frozen meat of Uruguay and Argentina. We are responsible for this, as I also am myself, since I am in treaty to sell them my copper deposits, a fact which does not fail to lie hea-v^ on my conscience. The most serious matter, however, is that the Yankee is persuaded that his flag must follow his business, and having manifold interests in Latin America, he is in- clined to meddle with its internal politics. Nowadays, a President for IMexico or for any country of Central America cannot be elected without the consent of the White House, which is for us the Black House. Ac- cording to the measure by which their business extends towards the South their political influence will also be extended, and some day they will be dictating our eco- nomical policy from the Rio Grande to the Straits of Magellan. Nothing of this kind occurs with regard to our inter- change of business with Europe, and therefore we should prefer to encourage our commercial relations with Eng- land, France, Spain, Germany, Italy and Belgium. On the other hand, it is our duty to oppose the doctrine of Pan Americanism with that of Ibero-Americanism. There are more interests in common between Chile and Uruguay, between Argentine and Colombia and be- tween Mexico and Peru than between any of our repub- lics and the United States. The extraordinary growth 238 THE GULF OF 3IISUNDEBSTANDIN0 of this country during the nineteenth century will be ex- celled by the growth and development of Latin Amer- ica in the twentieth century. Ours is the continent of the future. We have had the good fortune to inherit a continent with vaster natural resources than any other, and we shall occupy a conspicuous place in history when we are able to harvest the accumulated patrimony of material, intellectual and moral treasure derived from twenty centuries of Christian civilization. Old Europe yields us already solved all the most transcendental problems of mankind. For Latin America is the task of observing, choosing and applying them, according to her idiosyncrasy and her temperament. The New World will have an Anglo-Saxon civiliza- tion in the North and a Spanish-American civilization in the South. Of a truth these civilizations will be an- tagonistic, and farseeing men of South America should commence to prepare their countries for the struggle to come by uniting them in spirit for a common purpose. Your affectionate husband, Soon after reading this letter. Miss Jones found on her desk a communication from the Chilean lady to her husband in Chicago. This was the first letter of the kind she had seen, which is not surprising, as it was no part of her duty to read the correspondence from Latin America; but the censor to whom the letters from San- tiago, Chile, were generally intrusted for examination, finding Miss Jones' comments on the first letter of this series inclosed, sent her the lady's missive for examina- tion. PAN AMERICANISM 239 The Chilean landowner 's wife wrote almost exclusively of family affairs, occupying only one paragraph to tell her husband how interested she was in his description of American ideals, the more so because the censor had added comments to all topics he had discussed. Once more Miss Jones was on the point of writing to the Chicago correspondent, but she did not do so. She contented herself with writing a reply to this letter, just as she had done with regard to all the others, and she foresaw that this would be the last one which would require an answer. She wrote: Madam : Your husband's present letter has not astonished me in the least. It is the natural corollary of all the pre- vious ones. If you have tacitly accepted all he has told you with- out having weighed in your mind my remarks, it is but natural for you to look with displeasure upon the grow- ing spread of Pan American ideals. But if you have quietly meditated on my notes to your husband's letters and believe I am right, then you should enthusiastically applaud the Pan American movement, the intellectual, moral and material union of the two Americas. It is true that there are also commercial interests bound up in this movement ; this is one aspect of Pan Americanism, its material aspect. But it is not its only aspect, nor is it the most important. The history of the world shows us man in a state of constant moral development. This moral development can be measured only by the human capaeitj^ to extend its interest and its love from merely individual limits, from the love of each individual for himself, to love for 240 THE GULF OF BIISUNDEBSTANDING his family, his people, his race and for mankind. The moral growth of the human soul is its expansion towards a greater and more comprehensive love. The primitive savage took care of himself and his children, in their early years. It was a great moral advance when he be- came interested in the well-being of his tribe. As man advances, his interest, his affection and his love expand. The present epoch shows us that a hun- dred million men, women and children in America took so seriously the happiness of men, women and children deprived of their rights in Old Europe, that they re- solved to give their peace, their money and their lives to defend these far-away victims. Societies are living organisms, but much more com- plex than the individuals, cells, of which they are com- posed. Man is an egoist in his infancy. You probably have noticed that your children, in their early years, are very selfish. This is due to the instinct of conserva- tion. Societies are still organized beings in embryo and that explains the collective egoism of nations ; but in propor- tion as a country progresses, in proportion as it has more confidence in itself and in its economic and moral force, it becomes more altruistic. The United States is to-day the most altruistic country in the world. Our participa- tion in the present war, in which we are giving our blood and money for justice and the well-being of others, is the most conclusive proof that our society is no more in an embryo state. The day seems to be dawning in which mankind is to have a collective conscience, is to have a soul, and in which the earth is going to be a single social organism, which cannot be injured at one extremity without the PAN AMERICANISM 241 commotion and instinct of defense being felt at the other. The League of Nations that is being spoken of is the alphabet, that is beginning to be sketched of this new human condition, of this international and interconti- nental soul. And this new internationalism does not mean the death of nationalism, just as the constitution of nations did not mean the death of individualism. Furthermore, only those nations are strong in which the individual is strong, in which the family is united. The greater assertion of each individual, the cell of the nation, makes the nation itself stronger; and the greater liberty of a country, the greater assertion of a country, the cell of mankind, would make the society of nations stronger. But we shall arrive very slowly at this union. There still are principles in dispute. There are several classes of mankind in the world. Before having a sole con- glomerate on the planet, there will be several con- glomerates. And in the final fusion of these conglom- erates the strongest will prevail. On the fingers of one hand we can count the centuries of European civilization in America. Here, between the Atlantic and the Pacific, two continents exist into which Europe could fit twice over. These continents, almost in their entirety, claimed their right to constitute inde- pendent nations little more than a century ago, and a score of countries were born to life who adopted — in its general lines — an analogous constitution for their peo- ples, similar ideas as standards of their progress. For a century, however, these twenty nations have been isolated among themselves, isolated both materially and morally. Each one of them, closed up in a narrow 242 TEE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING national individualism, has bnsied itself vv^ith develop- 1 ing its own moral and material entity without bothering much about the fate of its companions of the continent. And all have grown with a vertiginous rapidity. And they will grow with even more rapidity in the future. The problem has been presented to the thinkers of the two Americas, to the dreamers of the future, whether it is suitable for these countries to continue being iso- lated in their struggle for progress, or whether there are advantages in a material and spiritual union that will make the two Americas a conglomerate of related na- tions, ready to aid one another mutually in their strug- gle for progress. The United States has one hundred million inhabitants; Latin America also has one hundred million. At the end of the present century the two Americas will possibly have four hundred million in- habitants. Is it not of interest for the whole continent, for all mankind, that these Americas should have an analogous purpose? In the struggles of the faraway future, is it advisable or not that all America present a single front, or are there advantages in leaving these countries to sow to-day the seed of the discords of to- morrow ? I firmly believe that it is for the best interests of each one of these countries to observe a policy of close union, of intimate community of ideas, a policy of Pan Ameri- canism. Your husband thinks that Pan Americanism in this country is a drug, a patent medicine to benumb Latin American initiative, so that the United States may be able to freely develop a policy of commercial and terri- torial expansion in the rest of America. He arrives at this conclusion because Pan American- PAN AMEBIC ANISM 243 ism generally goes hand in hand with the idea of inter- American commerce. But your husband does not take into account that commerce means mutual service. Our manufacturers and merchants do not ivy to sell to Latin America what Latin America does not want to buy, what Latin America does not need. Everything in life is commerce, that is: interchange, material interchange, intellectual interchange, moral interchange. And it is these three interchanges that unite countries more closely. The university professor, the lecturer, the Latin American student who comes to our universi- ties, the magazines in Spanish that are published here, carry our ideas to the countries of Latin America. The church and the school, and the hospital sent there by our missionaries are the base for our moral interchange. In these two instances we give and we receive ; we teach and we learn. The Christ that you Chileans and Ar- gentines have erected on the top of the Andes, is better known in our public schools than in yours, and its mean- ing is a lesson for us in international ethics. The His- panic Society of America is a center of Pan American comprehension, without any commercial aspect. Moreover, why not the material interchange also ? We .want to buy from you what you produce and we need; we want to sell you what we produce and you need. Coffee, cotton, saltpeter and sugar are needed by us, and you have them in excess. Our manufactured articles are needed by you and we produce them in excess; but this commerce of raw materials against manufactured articles — your husband says, quoting Josiah Strong — is going to hold back the industrial development of Latin America. No, madam, that is an obvious error. If that were true, my country would not have become an 244 THE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING industrial one from the moment when it was in contact with industrialized Europe. Do not forget that the commerce of Latin America with my country is one of the most powerful agents for fostering the development of industries in those countries. Take, for example, the exx)ortation of ma- chinery to Latin America. Our machinery for making footwear, has it not developed the industry of footwear there? Our machinery for woodworking, has it not de- veloped the furniture industry? These examples can be multiplied indefinitely. It is an error made by many — among them Josiah Strong — to believe that the industrial development of Latin America would not be for the best interests of my country. The industrialized United States of the twen- tieth century imports much more from Europe than the agricultural United States of the first years of our na- tional life. If Latin America industrializes itself, it will rapidly double its population and will raise the liv- ing conditions of its inhabitants. Its consumption would multiply in geometrical proportion. A new industry creates others and others and others. If Latin America were to-day as industrialized as my country, the com- mercial interchange between both continents would be at least a hundred times greater. The above does not mean that Latin America should not try to foster the develop- ment of its favorable industries, by means of customs* tariffs, as we have done ourselves. I, madam, have no personal interest in the commercial interchange between my country and Latin America. But I believe in the advantages to be gained from this interchange because I know that commercial relations unite peoples. You in Chile have had, until lately, most PAN AMEBIC ANISM 245 of your commerce with Germany and England, and a consequence of that commercial interchange has been that you have imported German teachers for your pub- lic schools and your army, and English officers for your navy. You have hardly had commercial relations with Spain and, in spite of its being the mother country, you have not looked to her for inspiration in your na- tional development. Without doubt, your husband is right when he says that all the Latin American republics should unite in a common ideal. When we speak of Pan Americanism we do not mean the union of each republic of the other America with the United States and their isolation among themselves. We mean the union of each Latin American republic with each one of the other republics of America; we mean the union of all the free countries of the whole American continent. But it is rash and absurd to speak of Ibero-Ameri- canism in opposition to Pan Americanism, to speak of the union of the Ibero-American republics to oppose the United States as a danger of the future. In the notes to your husband's previous letters I think I have shown that there is no reason to fear discords of any kind between the two continents, and that if some shad- ow is thrown on the horizon, it is our duty to make the sky clear by means of mutual understanding and intelli- gent comprehension. Europe has not solved for us all problems, as your husband believes. On the contrary, Europe will have to receive from this New World the solution of many of her own problems. She will have to ask our aid, as she has done already. And it is Amer- ica, united, fresh, luxuriant, strong and intelligent, and not America at variance, weakened, steeped in blood 246 TEE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING and hate, that will stretch its hands towards the Old World to pay the sacred debt that we contracted with her on receiving her inheritance and her civilization. I am more than pleased that I have undertaken the task of answering your husband's letters. They have hurt me, I cannot deny that, but I have understood that they are the crystallization of an estimate very general in Latin America. What encourages me is the thought that perhaps you have meditated deeply on these prob- lems and that you have duly appreciated all I have told you. I must confess that I have many times been tempted to write to your husband. You cannot imagine how desirious I am to know him, how I wish to converse with him regarding all these grave problems. I want to ask his pardon personally for having in- truded in his correspondence and to explain to him that I have been animated by the best intentions. I am sure, madam, that you have understood my purpose and that you have read with sympathy everything I have had to Your Friend of the Other Continent. CHAPTER XII THE UGHT OF TRUTH THE anonymous hero of our story, wlio was writ- ing from Chicago to his wife in Santiago during part of the year 1918, finally received, very late, the news that his letters — in which he had com- mented unfavorably on men and things in the United States — had been supplemented by notes from the censor in New York. He received in November, at about the time when the armistice was signed, the censor's criticisms of his two first letters, and by each following steamer he continued to receive, one after the other, the further comments on his letters to his wife. Of course, in the subsequent letters he wrote to his wife, the Spanish-American ceased to disparage the country that was sheltering him. Now, it was he who was subjected to criticism for the observations he had made. These notes of the censor arrived after he had had the time and the opportunity to observe more closely and to understand better many things that he had judged at first sight too superficially. The sudden ending of the war provided him with much food for reflection. He witnessed in Chicago the delirium of popular ebullition when the news of peace arrived. The people lost all notion of propriety, intoxi- cated to frenzy with the elixir of victory. And why? 247 248 THE GULF OF 3IISUNDERSTANDING Had he not believed, when he saw the enthusiasm with which this country gave itself over to preparation for w^ar that they were going to fight because war meant good business for the nation? And now that the war had ended so suddenly, demolishing at one blow great business enterprises, why this delight? Would not everybody lose by it? Could it mean that this country really loved peace? And did it mean that the nation had made war, with much sacrifice of blood and money, only for love of justice ? When he saw clearly that this country had no inten- tion of claiming any indemnity from the enemy; when he saw that many newspapers even recommended that the United States should make to Belgium, France and Italy a gift of the millions that it had loaned them, he began to understand that this country had not fought to earn other people's money, but to mitigate other peo- ple's suffering. The wealthy Chilean landowner had come to the United States with the purpose of selling the valuable copper deposits that he had discovered on his extensive holdings in one of the central provinces of his country. Pie had brought along with him reports and plans made by the most famous experts of the United States. While the war was going on, business men had listened to his proposition and had shown some interest; but all of them had said that it would be necessary to wait for peace. It was true that copper would then go down in value, but, for the duration of the w^ar, it was absurd to think of installing this new plant in Chile, since it could not be made productive for some years, that is, not until after peace had been declared. The most hopeful prospect arising out of the many TEE LIGHT OF TRUTH 249 interviews with capitalists which he had had was one in negotiation with a gentleman of Chicago, John H. Chasewell; but even he could make no promises before the end of the war. *'Just now we can think of only one thing: winning the war," he had said at the acutest stage of hostilities. Even he, in spite of his advanced age, was thinking of enlisting, if circumstances should demand his quota of blood. Once the war was over, everj^thing changed. The cap- italist paid close attention to his proposition, receiving him several days in succession at his office. While they talked the visitor's attention was drawn to the portrait of a beautiful woman, which was stand- ing on the desk. He had noticed in the offices of many business men framed photographs of their wives, and he, who adored his wife, had never thought of placing her likeness on the desk at his office. Nobody did this in his country; indeed it would invite ironical remarks on the part of his friends. Then he looked penetratingly at this Yankee, young at the age of fifty, healthy, virile, merry, a golf player, so human in the midst of his figures, his statistics and his plans — this big boy who often referred to his wife in conversation as a lover speaks of his sweetheart. ''No, Mrs. Chasewell believes that the Latin Ameri- can workmen are as human as ours are, and much more sensitive," he said on one occasion; and when he men- tioned his wife, he looked at the portrait as if he were formally introducing her. On one occasion Mr. Chasewell invited the Chilean to luncheon, and this was the beginning of a certain intimacy that disposed the American to later invite the 250 TEE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING Chilean landowner to dinner in his own home. There he became acquainted with Mrs. Chasewell ; and there a door was suddenly thrown open to him that until then had been closed — the entry to a home in this country. Later the Chilean gentleman became acquainted with many other homes and many other ladies, who soon convinced him how greatly he had erred in his general- izations about the American woman. He remembered having read in an American book about the meeting between a citizen of the United States and a Japanese in Tokio. In the course of their con- versation, which had for its theme the Land of the Eis- ing Sun, the Japanese asked : ' * Have you seen her yet ? ' ' *'If I have seen her? Whom?" asked the American. '*Ah! If you had seen her, you would not have asked who. . . /' They met again some weeks later. The American had seen the marvelous, the indescribable Fujiyama — with the summit capped with snow, reflecting the sun's rays in a thousand different tones of color — which rises thou- sands of feet above the plain, unique and incomparable in grandeur and beauty. It is not strange that the na- tives speak of her as something unique in the world. Months passed by, and the Japanese, now on a visit to the United States, sought from the Pacific to the At- lantic something that might compare in beauty with the Holy Mountain of Nippon. He saw the Josemite Val- ley, the Rocky Mountains, the National Parks and Ni- agara, but nowhere could he find the one distinctive thing like *'her" of Fujiyama. As he gradually made friends, American houses were opened to him, and one day, at last, he exclaimed joyfully: *'I have found the THE LIGHT OF TRUTH 251 marvel of America, it is the home, the domestic hearth, and it is more beautiful than ours." *^ He was right. When the traveler in the United States sees the facades of the houses, when from the train he perceives the villas in country towns, he sees only brick and stone; but he does not see, he does not imagine — unless he has had the privilege to know it — the home that is inside, where true happiness reigns, where the husband is not the lord and master of his wife as in a South American home, where the children have their own in- dividuality. The American home is not confined by the four walls of the house ; it radiates beyond. The great number of institutions for social betterment which inundate Chi- cago are extensions, prolongations of the American home interior. The woman of this country is not satisfied with being the mother of her children; she seems to wish to be a mother to all the destitute of the community. One afternoon, when passing through Thirty-ninth Street, near the Lake, he saw that a public block-party was being held in the middle of the road. A band was playing on a temporary platform. His companion, who was from the quarter, told him that this was one of the dances given there twice a w^eek. It was free, perfectly free, without formalities of any kind, to any one who cared to take part. ''This district of Oakland," he was told, ''is for us a village in the middle of Chicago. Ours is a vast metropolis, but it is our pleasure to preserve an air of village life in each district. We even publish a little newspaper, for free distribution, giving the family news of the section. In this way we get to know one another ; not one among us need feel isolated. The local theater 252 TEE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING gives an "amateurs' niglit" once a week, when neigh- bors meet to be entertained with music, song and other amusements. A prize is awarded by the public, accord- ing to their taste. The winner is he or she who receives the most applause. In this way we also stimulate in- diviHual talent." All this was a revelation to him. He began to under- stand that a city cannot be known to one who lives in the best hotel, and makes his observations from his bal- cony. This spirit of association within each quarter of the city desiring to preserve the aspect of a country town was carried to even greater lengths in other cities like Cincinnati, where they were making of each block a social unit. Mrs. Chasewell had received him with infinite cor- diality. **I am very much interested to hear about life in Latin American countries," she told him on one occa- sion. "My husband has valuable mining interests in Honduras, and I have accompanied him twice on his visits there. It is a country with inexhaustible mining resources, but what has most interested me are the peo- ple. I help him in the social aspects of his work. I do not believe that American capital has any right to exploit the natural resources of Latin America, if it is not willing to face the social responsibilities of all capi- tal invested for profit. The foundation of commercial, industrial or mining enterprises exclusively for the sake of money itself is to-day a thing of the past in my coun- try. To make money is evidently the aim of our busi- ness, of course; but if a concern does not care for the happiness of the men it employs; if it does not raise them to a higher plane of life ; if it does not cooperate THE LIGHT OF TEVTE 253 "with them to promote the welfare of the community, then that concern is held unworthy of public esteem. ' ' The Chilean's attention had already been called to some items in the estimate of expenses that Mr. Chase- well had made for the installation of a copper smelting plant on his property. He had put aside five million dollars for workmen's dwellings, sanitation work and recreation, in spite of the detailed reports in his posses- sion describing the humble standard of life and the very low wages to which the men were accustomed. * * No, ' ' Mr. Chasewell had told him ; "if we are going tb do big business there, we must consider the work- man as a partner who is entitled to the wages, health, happiness and education constituting his rightful share in the profits yielded by the work." We are not going to sweat men, but machines, by means of intelligent or- ganization. "We shall raise men to a higher plane. This is what is going on through all Latin America. Wher- ever we have brought our industry, we are paying higher wages than before, providing better dwellings ... we educate." The man of fortune is less of an egoist in this coun- try than in any other. The case of the millionaire Ford, the big automobile manufacturer, who, when tak- ing contracts for the Government during the war, un- dertook to retain not a cent of profit — a promise which he lived up to — was but one shining example among thousands of other similar cases. Our hero brought to mind an incident of the Civil War that he had read not long before. President Lincoln, in his distress, calls Vanderbilt, the millionaire, and says to him : ''The Merrimac has anchored outside James River Bay. How much do you ask for capturing her?" 254 TEE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING *'I ask nothing, because I do not speculate in my country ^s misfortune. In two days the Merrimac will be in your hands, ' ' answers the millionaire ; and in thir- ty-six hours this promise was fulfilled. On a larger, equal or smaller scale there were thou- sands and thousands of Vanderbilts in the war of lib- erty against slavery, just as on a larger, equal or smaller scale, there were thousands and thousands of Fords in this other war of democracy against autocracy. The few profiteers were isolated black stains in a blue sky, dis- playing to better effect the beautiful majesty of the firmament. He had now had occasion to see how the whole nation sacrificed its personal interests before the nation 's altar ; all, the poor and the rich, women and men. He had heard other Spanish-Americans say, before the United States went into the war, when they saw the invasion and the horrors of Belgium and when the Germans sunk the Lusitania, that the great American democracy would not go to war because its business re- quired peace. In pursuit of the dollar they would toler- ate disgrace unworthy of a great nation. Then it was peace for money's sake. And later, when this country joined the belligerents, he had heard it said that this move was also for the sake of money, that they already had loaned so many millions of dollars to the Allies, had extended so much credit, that they also were obliged to lend a helping hand as a measure of prudence. And this Latin Ameri- can began to understand that he had been blindly and passively following the current of opinion that syste- matically condemned this country, do what it might. Nothing easier, nothing more comfortable, no philosophy THE LIGHT OF TEUTH 255 »nore, simple, than to form a priori, an opinion abont an individual or a nation and later reconcile to this preju- dice all the actions of the individual or nation. This is much easier than to analyze carefully and then to mod- ify the former point of view. Had he not done this very thing? When discussing this country, had he not always tried to adapt his judg- ment to the preconceived impressions which had been stereotyped in his mind? Now, when he meditated upon the letter to his wife in which he had told her that this country was mate- rialistic, egoistic, a mere dollar hunting ground, the fig- ures of the big multi-millionaires who cheerfully paid a tax of more than sixty per cent, of their profits to win the war; the figures of the large and small contributors, of all those who relinquished their profits and of all those who gave their time to win the war ; of those who went as soldiers to give their blood, and the women who went as nurses to the battlefields to win the war ; the figure of a whole nation of one hundred million people assuming the heroic attitude of a sublime altruism, all this an- swered him: ''No, we are not egoists, we are not materialists." Not only were they not egoists, but they had carried their idealism to the point of being incorrigible dream- ers, the Don Quixotes of the world. When he thought of the letter that he had written in which he told his wife that this country was not really a democracy, that an oligarchy was in power which im- poses on the people its judgment and will, he began to see that the muster of directors was not here a heredi- tary body, as in Germany, or as in the Latin American republics. A number of capable men ruled here, but 256 TEE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING these were recruited from the ranks of every social stratum. Here was no governing caste ; new men, whose families had not figured on the public stage in previous generations, were elevated to high rank in the adminis- tration, ascending by the white marble stairs of their o^vn merits. And what happened in the official admin- istration of the whole nation, from the presidency of the Kepublic — with its Lincolns and its Wilsons — was also the case with regard to the administration of private fortunes; laborers of yesterday — Carnegie, Ford, Edi- son — were the emj)loyers of to-day. Fortune is a social force, and its handling is given automatically by the nation to the most capable. He saw that the same dem- ocratic principle was applied in private life, in thou- sands and thousands of clubs, associations and civic, religious, athletic and recreative organizations. As a democracy this country was not perfect ; it had defects; but the ideal was there as the goal which all wished to reach. A remedy is being found for every evil. Nothing is perfect; but comparing this country with others, is not this the most nearly perfect of democ- racies ? And, had he not been mistaken in believing that an aristocratic government like that of Germany was more efficient than a democratic government like this? Was it well that the countries of Latin America be governed by hereditary castes? Was it not fully demonstrated that a democratic government is not only fairer, but also more efficient? What had not the United States accomplished in eleven months of war ? What a fine spirit of discipline there was in this de- mocracy! When the people were asked — asked, not or- dered — to save gasoline because it was needed by the TEE LIGHT OF TRUTH 257 government, and to avoid riding in motor cars on Sun- days, except in cases of extreme necessity, did lie not see that in Chicago the request of the government had more effect than an imperial ukase? The few automo- biles seen in Michigan Avenue carried a placard on which was written: *' Doctor." It is not admitted here that the government is the master of the people ; it is considered to be the servant of the people. The government is the representative of the popular will. Before the Christian era kings con- sulted the Pythonesses of the Oracles in order to find out what they should do to govern with wisdom and jus- tice. In this country the Delphian Oracle of the Sanc- tuary of Apollo is the American people; Mount Par- nassus stretches from the Pacific to the Atlantic, frona the frontiers of Canada to those of Mexico, and in it each citizen is the Sibyl who tells his lawgivers ho-jv to govern with wisdom and justice. And these soothsayers of the twentieth century, who have commenced to mumble their advice with the same vagueness as that of the ancient oracles, are noAV speak- ing every day with more clarity, more knowledge and more intelligence, because more and more the means of self culture are being placed within the reach of all. AYith the land of his birth before his mind's eye, he concentrated his thoughts upon what the education of the masses in his country would really mean: a new era in which the number of those able to give in alHssimo the full measure of their support to the cause of na- tional progress would be steadily {?% crescendn, until the country was indeed a Commonwealth. The An^^Io-Saxon. word had come naturally and unconsciously to this Span- ish-American, because it had no equivalent in Spanish. 258 TEE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING At other times he would call to mind the letter in which he had denounced to his wife the imperialism of the United States, and then he remembered the pa- tient attitude of this country in face of the outrages inflicted on Americans by some of the rebel factions of Mexico, the independence they had given Cuba, the in- dependence which, in good faith^ was offered to the Philippines, and the emphatic declarations made during the war that there would be no annexations, although this country had been a decisive factor in the victory. All these facts seemed to shout in his ear : ''No, we are not imperialists, we have no desire to be. "We wish only to be a great country, prosperous and happy, and to help all other countries, as well as we can, also to attain prosperity and happiness." There were elements of imperialism in the country, and some of the newspapers were also imperialistic in their tendency. How could it be otherwise ? In a coun- try of a hundred million souls, every one of them with liberty to give an opinion, secure in the knowledge that it would obtain a hearing, and where there is an inex- haustible faith in one's fellow man, be he a college grad- uate or a yokel, was it not to be expected that imperial- ists might be found, not to say sorcerers, occultists and futurists ? When he thought of what he had written so bitterly reproaching the United States for its attitude toward the negroes, he could not help recalling the affrays be- tween whites and blacks that had taken place in the country during the year of his residence in it. But at the same time he had to consider very closely what this grafting of the negro race in a country of whites really signified. TEE LIGHT OF TRUTH 259 He recollected a conversation he had had with a negro who had attained national celebrity as a thinker. It was an intimate talk in which the negro spoke with the utmost sinceritj^ ''Yes, I have white blood in my veins," he said. ** Every negro who has distinguished himself — like Booker T. Washington, for instance — has had white blood in his veins. The thoroughbred negro is of a race inferior, both intellectually and morally, to that of the white. The process of moral advancement, until he at- tains the level of the civilization under w^hose protection he has been received, must entail a long period of strug- gle and suffering. I have faith in the future of the negro race, but only because it enjoys here wonderful facilities for improvement." One day, getting off a trolley-car, he saw a man sur- prised in the act of stealing a lady's purse. When the thief saw that he was caught, he threw the purse on the ground, but the crowd which had gathered round shouted at him : ' ' Pick it up ! Pick it up ! " as they pre- pared to take him to the nearby police-station. The pickpocket was by no means inclined to appear before the police with the stolen object in his hand, and it was a sight to see the threatening fists of the crowd raised to strike as they cried again : ' ' Pick it up ! Pick it up!" These and other similar incidents had given him the clew which explained — though it did not excuse — lynch- ing in this country. These nameless throngs which lynched were not thirsty for blood, they were athirst for justice, and had not — in the moment of passion — enough control over their actions to await the slow but sure march of official justice. 260 TEE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING And was it not foolish of him to have written to his wife declaiming against the right to vote in the United States being given to women ? During one year that he had lived in this country he had been able to see that women here were a much more intense social factor than in his own country. Certainly, in the countries of Latin America there was a smaller proportion of women equipped for civic life, and it would be inopportune to grant to all — the prepared and the unprepared — the right to take part in public affairs. The same thing, however, applied to man. But even in his own country, was not woman interesting herself more and more in the great national problems? He had come to the conclusion that, undoubtedly, in a democracy, however nearly perfect it may be, it is need- ful to place certain restrictions on the right to vote. No insane person should vote, nor children ; nor any un- cultured illiterate; certain requisites should be insisted upon before allowing an individual to exercise his rights as a citizen. But these restrictions, as well as these rights, should be applied impartially to men and women. Often some incident or a new acquaintance would make him think of matters about which he had written to his wife, and he found himself comparing them with other analagous incidents and other persons whose ac- quaintance he had made before. Familiarity with the interior of a happy home, acquaintance with a married couple, of which the woman enjoys complete liberty and is faithful and sincere, and whose husband loves her and respects — in every detail — her dignity as a woman, led him to understand the felicity of other homes of which he had had a glimpse. He then began to see that it is -^the exceptional cases, the big scandals, that make most TEK LIGHT OF TTWTE 261 noise, that attract most attention, that are most fre- quently mentioned in the newspapers, and that most largely contribute to the pernicious hr^ it of generaliza- tion common to the ill-informed. And if marriage is a failurj, as sometimes happens in all parts of the world, with all peoples, with all races, either because the man is unworthy of his wife or she unworthy of him, what is more natural than a desire for freedom on the part of the spouse who has been an innocent victim, instead of a perpetual widowhood? With regard to this question of women's rights, not only had he been confuted by the censor of New York; not only had the facts shown the fallacy of his argu- ments when he had later begun to understand this coun- try, but even his ov.n wife disagreed with him. "All you tell me about the United States," she had written, **is so interesting, and the censor's notes have made it doubly so. I must say very frankly that your letters often puzzle me, and sometimes — as for instance with regard to all your references to the question of women's rights — I am less inclined to take sides with you than with the censor. We are a very happy couple, you and I, but this is not the general rule. The condition of woman 4, in all Latin America is a continental tragedy. I can easily imagine how much happier woman is in the United States and how man is happier in consequence. You think that your letters would cure me of my longing to know the United States, but they have had the con- trary effect. That country attracts me now much more than Europe." And something that all his life had seemed to him most natural, most logical and most advisable for the cause of national morality, was that the Church be sup- 262 THE GVLF OF MISUNDERSTANDING ported by the State. The people themselves are not generous enough to pay on their own initiative the ex- penses of the church — he had always believed. The state must exact from all citizens the payment of con- tributions for the support of the most important services of the nation: safety, justice and education. Are not religion and fear of God more important than these ? Only when he saw that in the United States the Catho- lics were more devout and sincerely religious than in his own country, w^hen he saw that they supported their own Church with more liberality than the state in Chile had ever shown in supporting the national cult, he began to think the matter over very carefully, thereby divesting himself of many prejudices that had become incrusted in his mental personality. He began to understand that it would be much better for Catholicism in his country — as in all Latin America — to retain no connection between Church and State. The money which the State gave to the Church, the budget estimates for the cult, that every year gave rise to a sectarian dispute in Congress, would be easily covered by public initiative, and the people would be more intensely and sincerely religious by the mere fact of their contributing voluntarily to the sup- port of the Church. He had often to take his meals without wine because in certain restaurants none was to be had. At first this seemed to him an unheard-of thing, but he had to put up with it. Sometimes he was invited to dine at a house where only water was served, which seemed to him nothing less than a crime, a breach of hospitality. On the occasion of a short trip that he had made to a dry State, he spent two weeks without tasting a drop of wine. The first day he found this deprivation unbearable, the TEE LIGHT OF TRUTH 263 second day He was able to put up with it better, and though at the end of his journey he was naturally anx- ious to return to Chicago in order to take his meals with wine, he was surprised to note how each day it had been easier for him to enjoy a meal with water instead of wine. Personal convenience contributes greatly to every- body's system of philosophy. "We rarely find individ- uals willing to reason and act on the strength of the ab- stract, eliminating their personal convenience in order to formulate their social or political creed; and there is nothing very strange in the fact that our Spanish- American vineyard proprietor should begin to look with a certain modicum of sympathy — timid sympathy, it is true — ^upon the prohibition movement of this country, seeing that the land he owned not only could produce grapes, which drop by drop had distilled a fortune for him, but also possessed, hidden in its bowels, copper, for the exploitation of which sober men would be needed. This line of thought influenced him subconsciously. And this campaign against alcohol was beginning to take root in Latin America. In Mexico, Brazil and in Chile the governments had been taking steps which were bringing them nearer to prohibition. The United States would soon be on a basis of prohibition ; the great experi- ment was about to be made throughout the country, and upon the result of this experiment depended the fate of whisky, wine and beer in Latin America. Every coun- try in the world is a social laboratory, and it is best that all should not make the same experiment at the same time. Germany and Austria-Hungary had been experi- menting in autocracy; the United States were experi- menting in democracy. And the world had learned its 264 TEE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING lesson. Europe was experimenting with official prosti- tution, the United States with the suppression of pros- titution. Latin America experiments with the negation of women's rights, the United States with their ex- altation. France experiments with the glass of wine at mealtimes, the United States with the glass of milk. In no other country are so many social experiments made as in the United States because here each State is also a laboratory within the nation. Here there is per- sonality for the individual — man, woman and child; there is personality for the community, for the city and for the State. And in no other country are the experi- ments being made with more faith and more vehemence. Every new idea, every new proposal which has any prob- ability of success is given an opportunity to make good. This Spanish-American gentleman had believed that the United States occupied a lower place than the coun- tries of Central and South America in the matter of culture, habit and social manners ; but, just after he had received from Chile the notes that the censor in New York had added to the letter in which he spoke about this subject to his wife, an incident had occurred which caused him to alter his mind on the subject. A young American who spoke Spanish, but who had never been in a Spanish-speaking country, told him that on a visit to New York he had attended several times at the Span- ish Theater of that city in order to exercise his ear in the language; and he added that he had never seen a display of worse behavior. The audience shouted such impertinent vulgarities at the actors that they had made him blush as never before in his life. That theater is frequented exclusively by Spaniards and Latin Americans, and the young man from Chicago THE LIGHT OF TRUTH 265 had come to the conclusion that the people of these coun- tries were habitually coarse. The hero of our story had to take it upon himself for the first time the defense of Latin Americans from such attacks, and to maintain that the theater which the young man from Chicago had at- tended did not cater to the best people from these coun- tries. But the very fact that he had to undertake this defense made him think that he, in his turn, had perhaps jumped at conclusions with the same undue haste as the person whose inferences he was now setting right. There were uncultured, uneducated, badly behaved people everywhere, in that America and in this Amer- ica ; with the difference that in Latin America the social classes are so widely separated amongst themselves that the well bred man has no opportunity of criticizing the vulgar herd. It is an unheard-of thing over there that a millionaire should seat himself alongside a workman, as might easily happen here. The censor's argument concerning the letter in which he had spoken of the want of good manners, of courtesy in the United States had impressed him greatly. Here was no privileged, hereditary class which inherited its social manners with its name and fortune. Here a workman could become a man of importance in the land, often in a few years' time. In this democracy there were to be found rough men among the upper classes ; whereas in Latin America this was not the case because stability of caste v/as there the rule. The description of the sinking of the Titanic had moved him acutely. This at least was evidently the truth : those men who might per- haps not yield their seats to ladies in a trolley-car were quick to give their life-belts to women in a wreck at sea. One afternoon, after having visited Hull House, and 266 TEE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING after a delightful chat with Jane Addams, right in the settlement, where he had tea with this wonderful woman and with other women who worked with her, he returned to his hotel and seated in his room up on the tenth floor, with his eyes fixed upon the lake, there came to his mind a deeply felt experience of his life. It was an intimate story about a pretty girl of his own social circle, to whom he had done irreparable harm by airing an injurious and unjustified opinion about her. Later, he came to know her intimately and became convinced of his lamentable error. Why did this story come to his mind? Because he was beginning to believe that the United States was a second girl about whom he had expressed injurious and unjustified opinions. It was not so easy to become acquainted with a country as with a person, but in fact a country has also individual characteristic features; and the ugly conviction was already dawning on him that he had been slandering unconsciously a country not only worthy of the greatest respect and admiration, but worthy also of being imitated by the sister countries of America for the good of the entire continent. Moreover, the successful conclusion of his business here, the sale of those deposits which left him the pos- sessor of a large fortune and a stockholder in the new enterprise, influenced subconsciously the new condition of his mind in observing, judging and generalizing. In the transaction of this business he had been treated with the most rigorous honesty and the most exquisite affabil- ity ; his country was spoken of with the utmost respect ; it was proposed to remunerate generously the men that were going to be employed and to provide good living THE LIGHT OF TRUTH 267 conditions for them. All this also helped him to get rid of his former prejudiced viewpoint. The day was approaching when he must return to his native land. Before leaving he was to stop for a few weeks in New York, a city with which he was not per- sonally acquainted, since on arriving in this country he had landed in New Orleans and had visited only the Southern, Western and Central States. In New York he took an apartment in the Waldorf- Astoria, and from there made short trips to Washing- ton, Boston and Philadelphia. Two days before he left, General Pershing arrived in New York. The city was en fete. He also was moved to see from his window on Fifth Avenue the "march past" of soldiers who had been led by a simple, unassuming man, a genuine type of the people whose flag he defended. The afternoon before his departure, while engaged with packing in his room, he was called to the telephone. A lady wished to see him. He went down and received the lady in one of the large saloons on the main floor. "Sir ," began the young lady, whose big eyes irradiated sympathy, "I have not the pleasure of know- ing you personally; only by chance I discovered that you were here, and I have not hesitated in coming to ask you for a moment's conversation. IMy name is Mabel Jones. It was I who in the Censor's Office of the Government read and added comments to the letters which 3^ou wrote your wife." The gentleman's surprise was such that he could not control himself sufficiently to hide it. "Please sit down, madam, your visit is a great pleas- ure for me." ' ' I want to ask your pardon personally. ..." 268 TEE GULF OF 3II8UNDERSTANDING *'But it is I who should ask your pardon and thank you. I have contracted a debt toward you which I do not know how to repay. I have read all the notes with which you supplemented my letters, and they have been a decisive factor in showing me how I should judge of this country. I beg your pardon, madam, for the errors into which I had fallen/' She smiled. ''Is it to one who is convinced, or to a Latin gen- tleman, traditionally gallant with ladies, that I am speaking ? ' ' The elegant figure, the delicate features, the gentle manners and the instinctive aristocratic grace that this man had inherited from his forefathers served but to corroborate the preconception that Miss Jones had formed of him. He, smilingly, but giving to his tone and to the slight movement of his head all the attri- butes of conviction, rejoined: * ' A convert, madam, and also a repentant sinner. ' ' The conversation swept quickly from one topi' to another, speaking of imperialism, of democracy, of woman suffrage, of education, of marriage and of di- vorce. Now that they had reached the same level, it was easy to understand each other. In the midst of a well dressed crowd in constant move- ment, amid thousands of voices muffled by carpets and curtains, surrounded by the scent of flowers and the melodious strains of the orchestra, they seemed to be as isolated as the monks of St. Gothard; and as the sun bathes the mountain tops, the light of truth bathed the spirit of this Spanish- American. The conversation took them so far, that night began TEE LIGHT OF TEUTH 269 to fall without either of them noticing the flight of time. "When he saw how late it was, he asked her : ** Would you be so kind as to accept an invitation to dinner ? It is the first and last opportunity that I shall have to see you.*' And she, knowing that he was leaving on the follow- ing day, and having her message still untold, did not scruple to accept the invitation. They were only a few steps away from the spacious dining room of the hotel, with its windows looking out upon Fifth Avenue, very near one of which they took their places. He repeated in different ways how very grateful he was to iMiss Jones for all the trouble she had taken, ex- pressing himself as doubtful of ever being able to recom- pense her trouble. ''You can repay me by granting a favor I wish to ask you." *'It will be a pleasure for me to have the opportunity to do anything for you. ' ' ''My supplements to your letters have contributed, you tell me, to make you better capable of understand- ing this country. I think that by publishing them to- gether with your letters, which are a revelation of the way in which many Latin Americans judge the United States, others might also be induced to learn the truth about my country. I doubt whether the perusal of these letters will alone suffice to definitely convince anybody with deep-rooted convictions toward a contrary opinion, but they may serve as a compass to direct the mind, as a help to understanding. Would you give me per- mission to publish your letters?'^ "With the greatest pleasure, although I would prefer that you do not publish my name. Or if you wish my 270 THE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING name to appear, you must give me permission to change the form of the letters, which I wrote as if I were speak- ing freely, alone with my wife.'' ''Oh! That is just something that must be preserved. It could very rarely happen that any one would write in that way for our public, censuring our nation; but you have left on record in those letters the form and substance of opinions held by many, very many Latin Americans regarding my country. There are writers among them who have spoken with still more rancor of my country in books, magazines, newspapers and public lectures. These opinions are mistaken, sometimes pur- posely, and evidently inspired by bad faith, but most of the time they are due to ignorance. At all events, it is advisable to know these conceptions in order to combat them. It makes no difference that your name is with- held. You are a Latin American, a representative Latin American of the highest class of those countries. That is what matters." "Thanks for your good opinion. You may use those letters as you see fit. ' ' All New York seemed to be passing through the Ave- nue, the most imposing artery in the world. From their seats, the American of the North and the American of the South were as if seated on the banks of a swollen human river. ''Yes, I have arrived at the true comprehension of the significance and beauty of democracy, and I believe that this country, more than any other, is striving whole- heartedly that democratic ideals may prevail," he con- tinued gravely. ' ' This nation has the biggest collective soul in the world. I told you before that I was a re- I)entant sinner, a convert. I might say that it is an- TEE LIGHT OF TRUTH 271 other man whom you are meeting now. I have been transformed^ I have a different soul in the same body. Not only have I changed my mode of thinking with re- gard to your country ; I have acquired a new philosophy regarding many of the cardinal problems of life. As he spoke, his eyes seemed to shine with a new light, the illumination of awakening. It was more than the awakening of a man; it was the awakening of a conti- nent. ' ' Of all the things you have said to your wife in those letters, of all your judgments, which appears to you now as the most mistaken? Which of them do you regret most ? ' ' asked Miss Jones. This question delighted the Chilean gentleman. Though all that he had said in the letters was liable to put him out of countenance before an American lady, there was one thing which mortified him more than the rest. *'What I most regret to have said is that the American woman is not a woman, but a neutral being, and that I would not have married one of them if there had been no other women in the world. They are charming." ''1 might have expected that answer," she said smil- ingly. ' ' Politeness is second nature to you Latin Ameri- cans. ' * *'I admire this country," he went on, seeing that he need no further insist in his apology. ^'I think you are giving a lesson to the whole of our America ; but do you not think that there is a real social menace, a danger for democracy, in this popular ferment, in these ideas of communism, of bolshevism, that fill the air in your coun- try?" 'The American people, on the 272 TBE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING whole, believe in democracy. Foreign elements, which we have in more abundance than any other nation, have come to preach here a revolutionary socialism which is at variance with our principles. There is but one way to play the game of life, and indeed all games, whether they are of the mind or of the muscle. Be it chess or base- ball, both sides begin with the same elements. The two castles, the two bishops, the two knights of one player can move from square to square in the same way as the castles, the bishops and the knights of the other player. And in baseball the balls and bats are the same for both teams. But the intelligence, the plan of campaign of one chess player or one baseball captain is superior to that of the other, and sooner or later a master stroke puts the balance in his favor. The de- feated party is not beaten definitely; more study on his part, more practice, more attention, may see him the winner to-morrow. Good sportsmen go on with the game; as losers they join in the applause for the victors, who reap the laurels won by their efforts. Later on these honors may be theirs. *'Thus, in a democracy we want the game of life to begin under equal conditions for all. The public school, the library and the college are within the reach of every one. The winners are those who, with more effort and more intelligence, move their pawns to the best advan- tage. All have a chance to win on a larger or smaller scale. "We must play the game. The distinctive token of victory differs according to the game that is being plaj^ed. In chess it is checkmate, in baseball the home run, in art the glory, and in business it is money. *'But the game must be played, and the laws of the game must be respected, which in the case of life are THE LIGHT OF TRUTH 273 the laws dictated by the majority. There must be win- ners and losers. And the winners of to-day are not necessarily the winners of to-morrow. If the losers are in the majority, and if they are not satisfied with the rules of the game, they can change them, because the fundamental principle of our laws is that they can be changed in accordance with the will of the majority.'' ''And what do the communists want in this game of life?'' ''They want . . . not to play the game. They claim that there should be no winners or losers. They want it to be established that he who exerts himself, he who studies and he who works shall enjoy the same honors as he who does not exert himself, or he who does not study, or he who does not work ; they claim that Edison should receive the same remuneration as the joiner who makes a wooden box for the phonograph invented by the scientist; they want Carrel to earn as much as a quack dentist; they think that Ford should earn the same wages as a chauffeur. They would snatch away the winning pieces from a chess player who is about to win the game. These Utopian and nonsensical pretensions are equivalent to an order for the removal of mountains, a foolish mandate to raze the Andes or the Rocky Moun- tains in order to make of the world an even, level plain. This is at variance with the spirit of our country." The orchestra filled the room with its melodies. Ele- gantly dressed ladies and gentlemen continued coming in and occupying all the tables of the large dining room. Outside, the Avenue looked like day, with its brilliant lights. The human river streamed on in a continuous and overflowing torrent. "But the men and women of our country," she con- 274 TEE GULF OF MISUNDERSTANDING tinned, ''have confidence in themselves, they wish to play the game of life and to continue their efforts in the struggle to perfect the laws of the game. ' ' At that moment — it was a day of civic celebrations and of receptions for great soldiers — the strains of the national hymn of the United States were heard, and the Chilean gentleman felt himself overpowered by al- most the same emotion that always moved him when hearing his own national hymn. He rose immediately, even before the rest of the people, and at that moment, there, in the heart of New York, he felt that he was in a glorious country, which was receiving the men of old Europe, and inspiring them with the new energy and ideals that a virgin world has to offer. He felt, for the first time, the fibers of continental love vibrate ; he had a presentiment of the future greatness of all America, and he understood that he must be animated by a spirit of love, fraternity and mutual intelligence, in order to take his part in the fulfillment of the great destinies of the New World that was to be a world made new. They were an American of the North and an Ameri- can of the South, educated in two different continents, with different idiosyncrasies. They were two souls, sym- bolical of two different races which had come from Eu- rope three centuries ago, and were occupying different rooms in the same continental palace. During three centuries these peoples had merely exchanged visiting cards. Only now were they beginning to know each other; only now was it dawning upon their minds that mutual understanding and cooperation were necessary. He would return home, to the side of his wife and children who were anxiously waiting for him; she would remain here, at the side of those dear to her. TEE LIGHT OF TRUTH 275 Their eyes met; not the eyes of a man and a woman lit "Up by passion, but those of one America and the other America that understood each other, two con- tinents of a new world that had been divorced from each other and that wished to be re-united. THE END 3Lt-77-l