Class __ Book __ COPYRIGHT DEPOSIT / GENERAL vSTERLING PRICE, BATTLES -AND- Biographies of Missourians OR THE Civil War Period of Our State V By L. WEBB. ^' Kansas City, Mo.: hudson-klmberly pub. co. 1900. 29578 li-ibrsir'y of Coriv-ese I Two Copies REcr^ED | AUG 3 1900 I Copyright entry SECOND COPY. Delivered *o ORDER DtVlSlOM, 67156 \mJ-^^ DEDICATION. To my Father and Mother, who courageously faced the hardships and sacrifices of the war, he as a soldier in the Confederate Army, she in supporting a helpless family, in exile under Order No. 11,1 affectionately dedicate this work. W. L. WEBB. Copyrighted 1900, By W. L. WEBB. TABLE OF CONTENTS. Chapter I.— Why They Fought 7 Chapter II. — Kansas Troubles 28 Chapter III — Premonitions of War 40 Chapter IV. — The Camp Jackson Affair 49 Chapter V. — Lyon Declares War 57 Campaign of the Missouri State Guards.— Chapter VI — First Great Movements 63 Chapter VII.— Price's Army 71 Chapter VIII.— Battle of Wilson Creek 75 Chapter IX. — From Springfield to Lexington 87 Chapter X. — Battle of Lexington. 94 Chapter XL — From Lexington to Pea Ridge 108 Chapter XII.— From Des Arc to Corinth 116 Chapter XIII. — From Vicksburg to Peace 126 Chapter XIV.— The Battle of Independence 135 Chapter XV. - The Battle of Lone Jack. . 147 Chapter XVI. — Newtonia, Cane Hill, and Prairie Grove. . . 168 Chapter XVII — The Raids of Marmaduke and Shelby 179 Chapter XVIII —The Battle of Helena 187 Chapter XIX. -Banks and Steele Defeated 195 Price's Great Raid.— Chapter XX. — From Dardanelle to Lexington 207 Chapter XXL— From Lexington to Westport 218 Chapter XXIL— The Battle of Westport o , o .226 Chapter XXIIL— The Retreat 240 Chapter XXIV. -Order No. 11 247 Chapter XXV.— Quantrell and His Men 265 Chapter XXVI.— The Story of Doniphan 278 Biographicai.. — Chapter XXVIL— General Sterling Price 283 Chapter XXVIIL— Claiborne F. Jackson 294 Chapter XXIX.— General Jo. O. Shelby 305 Chapter XXX.— General John S. Marmaduke 311 Chapter XXXI.— Bledsoe of Missouri. ... 316 Chapter XXXIL— Colonel Upton Hays 322 4 TABLE OF CONTENTS. Chapter XXXIII.— Other Biographies 326'> Major John M. Edwards 326> R. Iv. Yeager 331 Major B. L. Woodson 333 H. V. P. Kabrick .334 F. M. Webb 335 Captain Wm. H. Gregg 336 Lieutenant Hopkins Hardin 337 Colonel John B. Stone 338 J.M.Lowe 340 Colonel John T. Hughes 342 Captain W. F. Wilkins 345 Colonel W. F. Cloud 349 General Gideon W. Thompson 353 W. A. Knight 356- Samuel H. Chiles 358 Wm. E. Cassell 359 Captain Schuyler Lowe 360 Captain Turner A. Gill. ■ • • 360 Colonel John C. Moore 362 Colonel John N. Southern 363 Captain A. A. Lesueur 365- Captain S. C, Ragan 366- Major H. J. Vivian 367" INTRODUCTION. If any here, By false intelligence or wrong surmise, Hold me a foe; If I unwittingly or in my rage Have aught committted that is hardly borne By any in this presence, I desire To reconcile me to his friendly peace. 'Tis death to me to be at enmity — I hate it, and desire all men's love. — Shakespeare. Dining the Civil War 487 battles were fought in the State of Missouri. Such a display of the war passion almost demands an apology to the civilized world. But the Avorld will applaud the military activity of our people when it compre- hends the conditions which alone are answerable for so much bloodshed. These conditions are un- folded in the first five chapters. Then follow seven chapters dealing distinctively with the suc- cesses and failures of the Missouri State Guards. This was a remarkable organization with a re- markable career, heretofore insufficiently dis^tin- guished by historians from Confederate troops. During the first year of the war there were practi- cally no Confederate soldiers in Missouri. All'the fighting occurred between the State Guards and the Federal troops. The Missouri State Guards marched and fought under the flag of Missouri, an ensign made of blue merino, with the coat-of- arms of the State emblazoned in gold on both sides. The purposes of the State Guards was to repel invasion and to hold the State in an atti- tude of armed neutrality. After the battle of Pea Ridge, the State Guards were gradually absorbed into the Southern Confederate service. Ta^^o chapters are devoted to the operations 6 INTRODUCTION. ' of the Missoiirians in the Cis-Mississippi Depart- ment, and two chapters to the operations of Mis- sourians in Arkansas. The chief battles, raids, and campaigns in the State are outlined. Quan- trell and his men and Order No. 11 each have a chapter. Especial attention is given throughout the book to the movements of armies. The reader will understand how the two forces at any battle happened to be there, whence they came and whither they go. I have indulged in no sensational or blood- curdling recitals. The nobler aspects of war should alone be accentuated by the writer who aspires to perpetuity in his work. To this higher standard of history I have attempted to conform my labors. The book closes with biographical reviews of a few only of the men who made the war period oT our State immortal. ThCvSe biographies are sup- plemental to the main work, in connection with which they should be read. The book is written from the Southern stand- point, but it is not partisan. The Southern sol- dier will find here no fulsome laudation of the ^^Lost Cause.'' I have written the truth about him; that is praise enough. I have withheld no meed of praise from any Federal soldier who has come within the purview of my subject. A few Federal biographies are inserted. The hot passions engendered by the Civil War are dead and cannot live again; therefore, I have written without constraint and have not hesitated to utter the truth. W. L. Well. Independence, Mo., July 4, 1900. Chapter 1. WHY THEY FOUGHT. I will allow a thing to struggle for itself in this world, with any sword or tongue or implement it has, or can lay hold of. We will let it preach and pamphleteer and fight, and to the utter- most bestir itself, and do, beak and claw, whatsoever is in it; very sure that it will, in the long run, conquer nothing which does not deserve to be conquered. What is better than itself it cannot put away, but only what is worse. In this great duel. Nature herself is umpire, and can do no wrong: the thing which is deepest-rooted in Nature, what we call truest, that thing and not the other will be found growing at last. — Garlyle. There was no delusion about it. The people of the two sections understood clearly and defi- nitely what impelled them to the issue of arms. The War of the Rebellion was not the project of ambitious men. It was the people's war and it was fruitful of lasting good to the human race. The two sections were equally right — and equally wrong, and every victory of one was ultimately a victory for the other. From the time of the constitutional convention to the election of Lin- coln, negro slavery had obtruded itself in some form into the consideration of nearly every great question that occupied public attention. The North and South fell apart, divided on many problems that harassed the minds of men from\ the beginning of our independence, but matters pertaining to slavery alone gave edge to sectional: 8 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MIS80UR1ANS. antipathy and furnished all the irritation and all the excitement necessary for the precipitation of the bloody conflict. There were causes remote and immediate. The proximate causes of the war may be uttered in two words — the Underground Eailroad operated by the North and the Fugitive Slave Law enacted for the South. For forty year^ the Underground Railroad pertinaciously carried negroes, aggregating many thousands, from South- ern slavery to Northern freedom. The South be- came exasperated at this ruinous pillage, and in 1850 secured the passage of a new Fugitive Slave Law. This was a brutal, inhuman law, enacted with the hope of estopping the nefarious opera- tions of the Underground Railroad. The Underground Railroad and the Fugitive Slave Law — these wrought the temper of the divided nation to the pitch and strain of revolu- tion. The North would have seceded had not the South done so. The experiment of disunion had to be tried before the sections could be welded into a nation. As early as the days of Washington the Quak- ers had a secret society in Philadelphia whose ob- ject was to promote the escape of slaves into Can- ada. Societies consecrated to the same cause con- tinued to multiply, and by the year 1820 were nu- merous. By the year 1840 these societies were in systematic operation, not only all over the North, but also throughout the slave States. A negro escaping from his master was clandes- WHY THEY FOUGHT. 9 tinely conducted at night from one "station" to another. He was hidden during the day in some barn or cellar. Sometimes the fugitives traveled in companies, and the business was wholesale. The operators used steamboat and steamship lines, railroads, canals, and road wagons. There were stations in the principal cities of the country. There died in St. Louis, in the summer of 1899, a man by the name of Evens, in whose veins was negro blood. Evens was one of the trusted oper- ators of the Underground Railroad. He kept a wagon yard and a supply of large boxes. He w^ould secrete a negro fugitive in one of these boxes during the night, and next morning he would load the box into his wa^on and drive boldly and leis- urely dow^n to the river and then cross the ferry to the Illinois side. He returned with the box empty. The negro slaves soon heard of the avenues of escape. White abolitionists who settled or trav- eled in the South spread the information among the negroes, giving them minute details. Ohio, always opposed, in the abstract, to slavery, hired each year, from Kentucky and Virginia, on an av- erage of 2,000 negro slaves. These heard of Can- ada and the settlements of the free negroes in the Northern States. The slave-holders used to at- tempt to counteract abolition persuasion among the negroes by representing to them the rigors of the Northern climate. The number of escapes of negroes by the Un- 2 10 BATTLES AND BIOORAPEIEB OF MIS80URIAN8. derground Railroad was variously estimated. One congressman placed the number at 100,000 for the period of forty years ending with 1850. A congressional committee reported in 1861 that the number of fugitive slaves had greatly decreased in the preceding decade, but the census of 1860 is known to be erroneous on this subject. Senator Trusten Polk, of Missouri, in a speech in the Senate, January, 1861, said : *' Underground Railroads are established, stretching from the remotest slave-holding States clean up to Canada. Secret agencies are put to work in the very midst of our slave-holding com- munities to steal away slaves. * * * This lawlessness is felt with especial seriousness in the border slave States. * * * Hundreds of thou- sands of dollars are lost annually. * * * i^en- tucky loses annually as much as |200,000. The other border States no doubt lose in the same ratio, Missouri much more. "But all these losses and outrages, all this dis- regard of constitutional obligation and social duty are as nothing in their bearing upon the Union in comparison with the animus, the intent and pur- pose of which they are at once the fruit and the evidence.'' Prof. Wilbur H. Siebert, of the Ohio Univer- sity, has published a large volume, entitled "The Underground Railroad.'' He closes the work with this sentence: "The Underground Railroad was one of the greatest forces which brought on the WHY THEY FOUGHT. 11 Civil War and thus destroyed slavery.'' He pub- lishes in the book a map streaked with interwoven, complicated red lines, exhibiting clearly the Un- derground Eailroad system on land and sea. The author says: "Thus it happened that in the course of sixty years before the outbreak of the War of the Eebellion the Northern States became traversed by numerous secret pathways leading from Southern bondage to Canadian freedom.'- The introduction to the book says: "In aiding fugitive slaves the abolitionist was making the most effective protest against the continuance of slavery; but he Avas also doing something more tangible; he was helping the oppressed, he was eluding the oppressor, and at the same time he was enjoying the most romantic and exciting amuse- ment open to men who had high moral standards. He w\as taking risks, defying laws, and making himself liable to punishment, and yet could glow with the healthful pleasure of duty done. * * The Underground Eailroad was simply a form of combined defiance of national law^s, on the grounds that those laws were unjust and oppres- sive. It was the unconstitutional but logical re- fusal of several thousand people to acknow^ledge that they owed any regard to slavery or were bound to look upon a fleeing bondsman as prop- erly of the slave-holder, no matter how the laws read. * * * It gave opportunity for the bold and adventurous; it had the excitement of piracy, the secrecy of burglary, the daring of insurrection; 12 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MIS80URIANS. to the pleasure of relieving the poor negro's suffer- ings, it added the triumph of snapping one's fingers at the slave-catcher. * * * As yet we know too little of the anti-slavery movement which so profoundly stirred the Western States, including Missouri and Kentucky, and which came closely into contact with actual conditions of slavery." The most prominent figure in Underground Railway circles was that of John Brown, a brave, fanatical man, who operated from the Missouri- Kansas border and finally at Harper's Ferry. His last exploit was intended to be an open consumma- tion of fifty years of secret Underground Railroad l^rojects. His action at Harper's Ferry stirred the South with a profound and intense excitement. The long-dreaded servile insurrection seemed near at hand and the South shuddered. The fact was then unknown that the negro race is incapable of any united and sustained effort. John Brown gave more oil to the fire of sectional hate in one day than had all other abolitionists in fifty years. The South held a vested property right in negro slaves and openly denounced as a thief any man who took such i^roperty from rightful owners. The Underground Railway, therefore, was re- garded as a system of wholesale pillage, and in bearing it for fifty years th-e South thought itself very patient. The North as a whole disavowed the doctrine of abolitionism and condemned the Un- derground Railroad, but the people of the North were a unit in denouncing the sin of slavery. And WET THEY FOUGHT. 13 all the people of the North united in a campaign against slavery, the most remarkable campaign the world has ever witnessed. They denounced slavery in the papers, in books, in pami)hlets, from pulpits, from rostrums and platforms; by resolu- tions in conventions, in societies and legislatures. Tlie}^ sent petitions to Congress voluminously signed and they packed the mail-bags with incen- diary documents intended to incite the slaves to insurrection. Congress Avas flooded every morn- ing with resolutions from legislatures praying that the Union be dissolved or that hostile action be taken against slavery. Jeff Davis said in a speech: ^^Sir, it is a melancholy fact that, morn- ing after morning, when we come here to enter up- on the business of the Senate, our feelings are har- rowed up by the introduction of this exciting and profitless subject, and we are compelled to listen to insults heaped upon our institutions.'' The South was exasperated at the North for such expressions of antipathy toward the institu- tion of slavery. Underground Railroad charters were seen in Whittier's and Lucy Larcom's poems, in "Uncle Tom's Cabin" and in all the range of Northern literature. The Underground Railroad system had its franchise in Northern public sentiment In 1850 the South secured the passage of the new Fugitive Slave Law. The North was in- stantly overrun with slave-hunters; coarse men — usually hired agents — who found as much pleasure 14 BATTLED A^'D BIOGRAPHIES OF MISSOURI AN 8. in reclaiming a negro as the Underground Rail- road operator did in kidnapping him. The immediate effect of the new Fugitive Slave Law was to stimulate the business of the Underground Railroad, which at once received public recognition and aid in the passage of Per- sonal Liberty Laws in all the Northern States. The human race has not yet produced a people who would not fight under such conditions. Each section was incensed and outraged by the actions, the sentiments, and the laws of the other. The Fugitive Slave Law^ was brutal in its terms; and it was executed upon the Northern peo- ple by inhuman processes. A slave-ow^ner, or his agent, might pursue andpersonally arrest a fugitive slave; he might command the assistance of any by- stander. All federal officials and all the machin- ery of the federal law were at his service. The law of 1850 imposed judicial duties, in the arrest and return of fugitive slaves, on the United States commissioners, on the judges of the United States circuit and district courts, on judges of territorial courts, and on such special commissioners as the various courts might appoint. The United States commissioners had power to arrest and imprison any citizen for offenses against the United States. It was the duty of all United States marshals to execute all warrants and processes of judges and commissioners. A fugitive slave, upon being ar- rested, was brought before a judge or commis- sioner, whose duty it was to summarily dispose of WHY THEY FOUGHT. I5 the case. The testimony of the fugitive was not admissible. No jury was permitted in such cases. The ownership of a horse might be tried before a jury, but not the ownership of a negro. This was not so unreasonable as it appears to be. A jury of Northern citizens would have been un- prejudiced in the case of a horse; in the case of a negro the verdict would have been regarded as a foregone conclusion. By the abuse of the Fugitive Slave Law, the legally free negroes of the North were in danger of arrest and transportation to the South. The law was a dangerous exercise of fed- eral power and was directly subvertive of the State rights doctrine so strongly advocated by the South. But if the Fugitive Slave Law was brutal and in- human, so was the condition against which it was intended to militate. Both the Fugitive Slave Law and the Underground Kailroad were respon- sible for theft and murder. To counteract the outrageous processes and the enforcement of the Fugitive Slave Law^, fourteen of the free States enacted what came to be known as the Personal Liberty Laws. The laws of Maine provided that no sheriff, deputy sheriff, coroner, constable, jailer, justice of the peace, or other offi- cer of the State should arrest or detain, or aid in so doing, in any prison or building belonging to the State, or in any county or town, any person on account of a claim on him as a fugitive slave, under penalty not exceeding |1,000, and made it the duty of ail county attorneys to repair to the 16 BATTLES AND BIOGBAFHIES OF MimOURIANS. place where such person was held in custody, and render him all necessary and legal assistance in making his defense against said claim. The statutes of New Hampshire declared that slaves coming or brought into the State by or with the consent of the master should be free; to hold a slave was felony. The laws of Vermont held that no court, justice of the peace, or magistrate should take cognizance of any certificate, warrant, or process under the Fugitive Slave Law, and provided that no officer or citizen of the State should arrest or aid and assist in arresting any person for the reason that he was claimed as a fugitive slave. This Northern exercise of State rights was not ax>preciated by the South. The people of the two sections were thus face to face in enmity and war w^as inevitable. Yet the disputes arising out of questions of slaver}^ were inadequate to raise such a war as broke out in 1861. These disputes would have been com- promised again and again, as they had ever been; but other questions pressed to the front for settle- ment and assassinated compromise. The burden of all other questions fell on the shoulders of the institution of slavery. Superficial observers have said that slavery caused the war. Slavery indi- cated the point of friction; here was the excite- ment, the agitation, but back of slavery were the impact and momentum of such heavy questions as the tariff, State rights, construction of the Con- WHT THEY FOUGHT. 17 stitution, alternate admission of Northern and Southern States to the Union, acquisition of new territory (known in our day as "expansion"), the extension of slavery into new territory, and some others. Slavery questions might be compromised ; these others could not be compromised, being fun- damental. They had to be referred to the arbitra- ment of the sword. Among the questions up for determination by the war was the question as to the right of a State to secede. The war settled the question of secession, settled it forever and settled it right; settled it no less for the North than for the South. And the question of secession needed to be set- tled for the North even more than for the South. For seventy years after the Constitution went into operation, the people of the North taught the doctrine of secession, and often threatened, even attempted, to put it into practice. Mr. Pow^ell, in "Secession and Nullification in the United States," says: "The effort of eleven States to break loose from the Union in 1800-61 was not an episode dependent on a novel reading of constitutional rights, nor was it solely a con- sequence of the desire to perpetuate a social sys- tem based on slavery. It is a very partial and a very partisan reading of American history that fails to see that from the acceptance of the Consti- tution in 1790 there had been a tendency to assert the right of States to nullify national enactments or even to sever their relation to the Union. This 18 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISSOURIANS. i ^ has been a shifting sentiment; asserted now at the South and now at the North. Overt acts have been six in number. The first of these occurred in 1798, and in Virginia and Kentuck}^ took the shape of nullification resolutions. The sec- ond was the effort of New England, in 1803, to create a Northern Confederacy, consisting of five New England States with New York and New Jersey. The third was the desperate effort of Vice-President Burr to create a cleavapi Department, and, bidding farewell to those he led away from the State, he returned to this side of the river, and, invading Missouri, suf- fered defeat at Westport. The men commanded by Price were as brave as the bravest that ever fol- lowed a general. They belonged to the first fami- lies of the State. Neither Grant nor Lee com- manded any better soldiers than these Missourians commanded by Price on either side of the river. They are to live in history as long as history lives. The coming ages will do them fuller justice than the past has done. Edwards says beautifully: ^'We ask sympathy and honor, and love and glory for those who struck with Price and Bowen, and Parsons and Green, and Marmaduke and Shelby, and Cockrell and Gates, and in after times, per- hapB, when Missouri is asked for her jewels, she will point to these as her priceless ones." CAMPAIGX OF THE MISSOURI STATE GVARDS. 75 Chapter VIII. BATTLE OP WILSON CREEK. His death (whose spirit lent a fire Even to the dullest peasant in his camp) Being bruited once, took fire and heat away From the best-tempered courage in his troops. — Shakespeare. An army had now come forth, created by the marvelous energy and genius of General Price. This army sprang into being as Minerva sprang from the head of Jove, full armed and full grown. It was a grim instrument of destruction wielded by a master hand. Price Avas one of earth's great men; he was great in himself, but great also as the exponent of the military instincts of his men. These citizen-soldiers drilled themselves into an army in one month and fought themselves into vet- erans in one battle. Price's army was unique in its origin, its purpose and its achievements. It had no countrj^ unless it could retake its own. Price had no capital to defend, no government to obey, no superior to give him orders, no authority over him to receive his reports, and no department to send him supplies. His army was independent and self-supporting; it fought without aid and con- tested succesvsfully the sovereignty of the greatest government in the world on behalf of the sover- eignty of the State. When this splendid army turned to devour 76 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF AIISSOURIANS. Lyon, it was animated by the news from Bull Run. The South believed itself unconquerable; the North believed it; England believed it; the world believed it. The battle of Bull Bun seemed to con- firm the universal belief in the invincibility of the South. The battle ot Wilson Creek was the initial move in a great plan for regaining the State. Gen. Pil- low, one of the heroes of the Mexican War, was to come over from Tennessee and join forces w^ith Jeff Thompson, the ''Swamp Angel" of southeast- ern Missouri. Gen. Hardee, whose Army Tactics was the standard work of the day, but which Grant avers he did not read, was to come up from noi*th- ern Arkansas. Price and McCulloch were to de- stroy Lyon, and then all these forces were to con- centrate on St Louis, the fall of which was deemed inevitable; thence this, the "Army of Liberation," would sweep the State and capture all the Federal troops or expel them from Missouri's sacred soil. Of all the actors who were to play a part in this mighty programme. Price alone carried out in some degree the role assigned him. Gen. Lj^on was at Springfield with 7,000 or 8,000 troops. Snead thus describes the coming of Lyon: "The chroniclers of the city still delight to tell of the brave appearance that he made that day, as he dashed through the streets on his iron-gray horse, under escort of a bodv-guard of ten stalwart troopers enlisted from among the German butch- CAMPAIGN OF THE MISSOURI STATE GUARDS. 77 ers of St. Louis for that especial duty, and how the fearless horsemanship and defiant bearing of these bearded warriors, mounted on powerful chargers and armed to the teeth AAath great revolvers and nuissive swords, their heroic size and ferocious as- pect gave lustre to the entry into the chief city of the Southwest of the grim soldier who had cap- tured the State troops at St. Louis, had driven the governor from his capital, had dispersed the army that was gathering at Boon vi lie, and had forced Jackson and Price and all their men to fly for safety into the uttermost part of the State." For some weeks Price and Lyon glared at each other. Each was eager to fight; each wanted rein- forcements; each was fearful that the other was re- ceiving reinforcements. It was a fearful time for each. But reinforcements came to neither. Lyon sent messenger after messenger to Fre- mont in St. Louis, crying always, "Soldiers, sol- diers, soldiers!" Fremont has been much criti- cised for not relieving Lyon. But Fremont may not have been altogether blameworthy. His every soldier was needed elsewhere. Even a better man than the old pathfinder might have failed. A messenger said to Fremont: "If you don't send reinforcements, Lyon will fight without them." Fremont replied: "If Lyon fights, he must do it on his own responsibility." And then the first Ee- publican candidate for the presidency went on with his Oriental splendor and left Lyon to his fate. Lyon could wait no longer, believing as he did, that 78 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISS0URIAN8. large rebel forces were pouring in from the South and massing in his front. The term of enlistment of 3,000 of his soldiers, nearly half his army, was about to expire. Lyon could delay no longer. A regiment came down from Fort Leavenworth and a regiment from Boonville. No other reinforce- ments came. On the other hand, Gen. Price was urging Mc- Oulloch to join him against Lyon. McCulloch had returned to Arkansas. He had been assigned to the department of the Indian Territory. Snead writes bitterly, saying: "Missouri, with her 100,000 men and resources greater than those of all the cotton States together, was worth noth- ing to the Confederacy in com]iarison with two or three regiments of semi-civilized Indians who ouglit never to have been allowed to cross the borders of their own territory.'' The Richmond Government said to McCulloch: "The position of Missouri as a Southern State still in the Union requires, as you will readily per- ceive, much prudence and circumspection, and it ghould only be when necessity and propriety unite that active and direct assistance should be af- forded by crossing the boundary and entering the State." Price entreated McCulloch to come with him, and finally said: "I am an older man than you, General McCullough, and I am not only your senior in rank now, but I was a briga- dier general in the Mexican War, with an inde- CAMPAIGN OF THE MISSOURI STATE GUARDS. 79 pendent command, when yon were only a cap- tain; I have fought and won more battles than you have ever witnessed; my force is twice as great as yours, and some of my officers rank and have seen more service than you, and Ave are also upon the soil of our own State; but, Gen. McCul- loch, if you will consent to help w^hip Lyon and to repossess Missouri, I will put myself and all my forces under your command, and we will obey you as faithfully as the humblest of your men. * * All the honor will be yours. * * You must either fight beside us, or look on at a safe distance, and see us fight all alone the army which you dare not attack even Avith our aid. I must have your ansAver before dark, for I intend to attack Lyon to- morrow." McCulloch hesitated. He said the Missourians were not an army, but a mob, and would run at the first fire; then his regulars would sustain the brunt of the battle. It transpired the next day that Mc- Culloch was Avell-nigh routed at first by Sigel, while the Missourians Avon a great victory over Lyon. McCulloch finally consented to accompany Price against Lyon. They marched to Wilson Creek and camped at sundown, ten miles from Springfield. The plan was to attack and surprise Lyon's en- trenchments that night, but a cloud came up in the Avest portending rain. There was not a cartridge- box in the army. To keep the powder dry they re- mained in the camp. After supper— of roasting- ears, brought from the near-by fields, the usual 80 BATTLE t^ AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISSOURIANS. . fare — the men got up dances before the camp-fires; many of them were without arms, but these entered the battle the next day against orders, to be ready to take the arms of fallen comrades. The next morning at daylight a bomb-shell leaped into Price's camp-fire, upsetting his coffee-pot. It was a greet- ing from L^^on. The Federals had marched from Springfield in the night and had surprised the Mis- souriaus at breakfast. In a moment there was "mounting in hot haste." Thousands of Price's men were stampeded and scattered in the woods and did not arrive on the battle-field during the engagement. But enough were found of steady nerve to meet Lyon and hold him back. In the midst of the confusion and excitement attendant on the surprise in front, a messenger came to Price with the news that a similar attack was being made in the rear. No pickets had been put out the night before at either front or rear. Lyon, therefore, had every advantage at the beginning of the battle, and he might have won the day had Sigel, who planned the battle, been as great ih action as in council. But Lyon hardly hoped for victory. He was fighting to cover his own retreat. He greatly overestimated the strength of Price and McOuUoch. He placed their combined forces at 30,000. Had Price's army numbered that many, Lyon's entire command might have been annihi- lated on the field of battle, that 10th of August, 186L Snead says the Union forces numbered 5,400 men ; of these 1,200 w^ere with Sigel and were CA3IPAIGN OF THE iMISSOURI STATE GUARDS. 81 never in the battle. Lyon entered the battle, therefore, with only 4,200 men. The Southern forces the night before were 10,175 troops of all descriptions. These were utterl}^ surprised by Lyon's early morning attack and 4,730 Avere stam- peded and lost in the woods. The Southern forces were therefore, reduced to 5,439, and some of these were in the rear for the purpose of repulsing Sigel. Lyon did not know what chances of victory he pos- sessed. He could not forget the slaughter of his men at Cole Camp and the defeat of Sigel at Car- thage. He had himself experienced a bitter skir- mish a few da^'s before at Dug Springs with the same Southern forces. He was well apprised of the indomitable courage of Price's men, and he knew that he lay between them and their homes, or the sites of their homes marked by blackened chimneys, pointing like accusing fingers to heaven. Lyon was despondent. He had a premonition of his fate. The night before, after marching near enough to the unguarded Missourians, he and Schofield lay down to sleep between two friendly rocks. But Lyon could not sleep. Presently he re- marked prophetically: ^'Schofield, I believe in pre- sentiments, I have a presentiment that I shall not survive this battle." When he went to the attack next morning, his onl}^ hope was to cripple Price and afterAvards to retreat leisurely and securely back to Eolla, the nearest railroad point. This he might have done without a battle, but a decisive, earnest, courageous nian^ such as Lyon, animated 82 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISSOURIANS. by his "sublime fanaticism," could not retreat from such a field without striking* a blow. With true military instinct, Price had raised his merino flag where the brunt of the fighting fell. Lyon and Price were directly in front of each other. It w^as an opportunity that both desired. The high resolve of the two commanders Avas reflected in the hosts of the two lines which came eagerly to the bloody work. Here for the first time the Kan- sans and the Missourians met in a great battle. They had been in temper for such a combat for years. On ])art of the field the fight j)roceeded as a border skirmish. The tAVo lines would ap- proach each other silently, and when separated by sixty paces they delivered simultaneously a with- ering, deadly fire. Then they silently retired as though the work were done; they reloaded their weapons and came again. This was the privates' battle and it was akin to murder. As the smoke thickened in the hot air over this strange battle in the woods, the opposing lines ceased to move back to reload and only moved back when forced to do so by a resistless charge. The carnage be- came frightful. The slopes of Bloody Hill were strewn with ghastly corpses. Never before had such slaughter been witnessed on this continent; scarcely yet has it a parallel, save at Gettysburg, or Chickamauga, or Franklin. Lyon fought like a demon; Price was superb. Bloody Hill was becom- ing immortal. Price charged time and again up the slope, only to be repulsed by the Federals lying CAMPAIGN OF THE MISSOURI STATE GUARDS. 83 on the crest. The Federals even more often broke over the crest of the hill and flowed down like an inundation of fire and Avere thrown back. One of the Federal officers, writing of the beginning of the battle, says: "For a few mo- ments I thonght we had won the fight almost before w^e had begun it, but just then I saw the rebel camp fairly vomiting forth regiment after regiment, until it seemed as if there was no end of men coming against us. They were coming on the left and right and in front .of us — in some places in three lines — all on the double-quick, and then I changed my mind." Lyon wondered what had become of Sigel. Then came a shell leaping through space on an errand of death, Avith an angry dominating roar which sank into a Avail and a sob almost human as it died aAAay beyond the ranks. The sound was horror made manifest, and it told a mournful story. The voice of that projectile was dilferent from the uoav familiar voice of Price's round shot, which came Avith a petulant Avail, a mingling of shriek and squeal. A hundred Federals ex- claimed: "My (rod! they are firing Sigel's ammu- nition at us." Ly(m Avas desperate, but undis- mayed. He was constantly at the front, leading, cheering, and directing his men. His horse had been killed and he had been twice wounded, once in the head. He was begrimed and bloody. When King David Avould have gone into the battle his folloAvers Avould not permit it, because he was 84 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISS0URIAN8. worth ten thousand of them. But Lyon was not so restrained. He was reckless of danger. Stur- gis gave hira another horse and he rode again to the front, swinging liis hat and calling to his men to follow. Here, in the furor of the final charge, he received his third and fatal wound. He fell from his horse and expired with a rifle ball in his breast, Avhile the heavy fight went on around him. This final charge, like the others, was borne back in heavy disaster. When Sturgis learned that L^^on had been lost in the charge, he assumed the command and ordered the disconsolate troops from the field. Early in the morning Sigel cautiousdy ap- proached Price's and McCulloch's cam]) in the rear. The surprise was here as complete as the surprise in front. Five weeks before Sigel had been routed at Carthage by Jackson's unorganized squads. But now they had Price betAveen two fires and they would crush hiin. One of the German troopers asked: "Where is de man mit de ox cannon?" In a moment "Old Sacramento'' replied. Her never- to-be forgotten intonation inspired terror. "Mine Gott in Himmel!" exclaimed the German, and the retreat here was more disastrous than the re- treat from Carthage. When the day was done on Bloody Hill, Sturgis marched back to Springfield. There behind the works he found SigePs men — but not all of them. His cannon and a large part of his force had been left with McCulloch in the rear of Price. It is related on good authority that Sigel CAMPAWN OF THE MISSOURI STATE GUARDS. 85 plundered McCiilloch's camp himself and then waited for Ljon to drive Price to him. And while he waited the unexpected happened. McGulloch, who fled at first, came back, and Sigel's army was destroyed. Snead, who was Price's aid, and who wrote an un warped, impartial book, ^^'lie Fight for Mis- souri," concluding the same with an account of this battle, says: ^'Sturgis retreated to Holla, 125 miles, with an enormous army train of over 400 heavily laden wagons, among whose spoils were |210,000 that had been taken from the State Bank at Spring- field. The troops moved at day, inextricably mixed up with the multitude of fugitives with their wives and children; their horses and cattle, their wagons and carts and household goods were flying before Ben McCuUoch, whose very name was then a terror to the Union men of Missouri, that they more nearly resembled a crowd of refugees than an army of organized troops. In this condition they scampered along to Kolla, and arrived there August 17th, seven days after the battle. ^^All this time, during all this disorderly retreat of a defeated army over difficult roads and through a not friendly population, more than twice its num- bers of well mounted and w illing Southern soldiers lay absolutely idle at Springfield. They might eas- ily have captured the entire force and its richly loaded train, worth more than |1,500,000, and with the captured store, could have armed and supplied 86 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISSOURIANS. 10,000 Confederates. But McGullocli sulked in his tent and his army melted away. Nothing ex- cuses that brave soldier's conduct on this occasion, except the fact that the Confederate Government was then opposed to an aggressive war or the in- vasion of an}' State which had not seceded and joined the Southern Confederacy." The losses at Wilson Creek were heavy. The loss on each side Avas 25 per cent — a bloody record. The battle was mainly fought at Bloody Hill, be- tween 3,550 Union men, who lost 892, and 4,239 Southern men, who lost 988. CAMPAIGN OF THE MISSOURI ^TATE GUA.RD8. 87 Chapter IX. FROM SPRINGFIELD TO LEXINGTON. General Price, he marched to Lexington, And there he thrashed out Mulligan. —Om Rchcl Song. Tramp, tramp, tramp, the boys are marching; Cheer up, comrades, they will come, And beneath our starry flag We will breath the air again Of freedom in our own beloved home. — Old Ffxloral Song. There is something superb in the march of tin army. If the army is a victorious one and is marching through a friendly region, its progress will be triumphal. Price's army rested awhile at Springfield; then it moved across the State, con- scious of its power, thrilling its foes with appre- hension and awe, and was greeted by salvos of welcome from its friends. It swept to the north along parallel roads and struck the Federal base at Lexington with the impact of a hurricane. Af- ter a great battle an army is lame and halt and for days is weary and disinclined to move. The men are nervous, moody, and fretful. If the army has lost a fourth of its men, as Price's did at Wilson Creek, it will need to be reorganized and reoffi- cered and its morale reestablished. After the Fed- erals departed from Bloody Hill at Wilson Creek, the exhausted victors lay down where they were 88 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MIS80URIAN8. and rested. A few of the dead were buried that afternoon, but not many. A battle-field after nightfall, silent and terrible in agony, is one of the most appalling features of war. The following artistic delineation of a night-enw^rapped battle- field is not inapplicable to the field of Wilson Creek : ^^From dark to midnight there is groaning and wailing. Then a fear comes upon the wounded men and they are silent. It is not fear of death — not fear of the dead beside them — but of the night itself, of the ghouls who may come to plunder. This feeling of fear even extends to the w^ounded horses. A wounded horse often lies down as soon as he is struck. When he finds himself growing w^eaker, his aim is to get upon his feet again. If he can do so, he will stand with his legs braced and peer into the darkness and neigh and whinny his hopes and fears. If he cannot rise, he will la}^ his head on the ground and sigh and sob, and the noise will add to the fright of the wounded men within hearing. By midnight the field is quiet. A plun- derer roaming about will imagine that all the fallen are dead. Ue w ill not know to the contrary until he lays hands upon them. For an hour or two the wounded will remain voiceless and with- out movement. Then the darkness and the silence around him makes him believe that death it at hand. He does not want to die among the dead. A feeling comes to him that he must crawl away AM PA ION OF rUE MISSOURI STATE GILiRDS. 89 and die by himself, and after a little he acts iip- ou it. "A burial party finds a battle-field covered with trails. The wounded have dragged them- selves yards or rods away from the spot where they fell. They have drawn themselves over the earth, inch by inch, to hide beside logs — in thickets or fence corners — in swamp or forest. Those who have crawled farthest are dead when mornino- comes, and on their faces is a look of terror and despair. They were creeping away from death and darkness, but were overtaken. And the men with the stretchers find those who still live silent and wide-eyed and speaking only in whispers. They have had their blood chilled by the blackness of night and the footsteps of death, and it will be days before they find their voices or smile again.*' SloAvly and laboriously. Price's army remod- eled itself. In a few days it moved u]) to Spring- field, and for two weeks Price was occupied in drill- ing, recruiting, and reorganizing his forces and in dispatching couriers here and there to the North. McC'ulloch settled down at Pond Springs. Al- though he was in nominal command at Wilson Creek, and although he received from the Confed- erate Congress a vote of thanks for the victory, he failed to achieve the glory so justly earned by Price. But he had lost the most precious hours of the battle in chasing Sigel. McCulloch was a brave man, and Price would have fared badly that day without the aid of the regiments from Ar- 90 BATTLEIS AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISSOURIANS. kansas, Texas, and Lousiana. lu two weeks Me- Ciilloeli abandoned the State of Missonri and dropped back into xVrkansas and rested until the battle of Pea Ivid^e. Pearce, of the Arkansas State Guards, soon disbanded his men whose terms of service expired. When every possible preparation had been completed and the final niessen<>;ers had been dis- patched to Harris and Green north of the river. General Price put his army into unexpected mo- tion. The State of Kansas was instantly in a furor of excitement and alarm, fearing an invasion. General Lane, the ''Grim Chieftain,'^ sent swift horsemen to summons reinforcements to Ft. Scott Colonels Jennison and Johnson Avere sent to lecoi- noiter in the direction of Dry Wood. General Ivains, with his southwest Missouri forces, was there waiting and ready to answer for havin:ji, seized a large herd of Government mules tlie diy before. A furious battle of several hours' durati )n w^as fought, after which the Federals fell back to Ft. Scott, whereupon General Lane retreatel t) a safe distance into Kansas. He threw up brea t- works and remained there until Price had passe 1 on; then he fell in behind and burned OsceoLi. When Lane evacuated Ft. Scott, nearly the entir.' male population accompanied him. Jennison was left to hold the place until Price should arrive in sight During the night Jennison's 400 men van- dalized the place, according to their custom. Gen- eral Price marched unopposed to Lexington, driv- CAMPAIGN OF THE iMIS^WURI ^TATE GUARDS. 91 ing in a force of Federals under Peabody at Warrensburg. General Price had ordered Generals Tlios. A. Harris and Martin E. Green to join Mm in the neighborhood of Lexington with their forces from the northern part of the State, where for three months they had been organizing under great difficulties. Anarchy prevailed in that section. Gen. Pope Avas the Federal commander of northern Missouri. Wiley Brit ton, a Federal soldier and author of "The Civil War on the Border,'^ says: "The drunken and lawless acts of the Federal soldiers were believed to have been countenanced from headquarters, instead of being corrected. Union men were insulted and robbed and plun- dered of their property, and his (Pope's) policy was regarded as a license for such acts. In one in- stance it is asserted and not denied that the mem- bers of a regiment shipped over sixty head of horses and mules taken from citizens to Chicago to be sold, the proceeds of Avhich went to the men's pri- vate accounts. In numerous other cases the Fed- eral soldiers appropriated to their private use the property of citizens of the localities through which they marched or where they were stationed. The Federal soldiers also in several cases fired at the citizens from the railroad trains with as little con- cern as they would fire at a flock of birds. Such abuses tended to alienate all classes instead of making them fast friends of the Government. Bands of Secessionists were allow^ed to organize 92 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISSOVRIANS. and commit depredations within less than a day's march of the idle Federal troops, and weeks passed without efforts being made to disperse them. * * "General Pope was not alone in the short- sighted policy of punishing the citizens indiscrim- inately for the war-like acts of the Secessionists. He had a rival in General Lane, commanding the Kansas brigade, then operating in the western counties of Missouri, between Fort Scott and Kan- sas City. Gen. Lane had acted with commendable energy and zeal in raising and organizing troops to defend Kansas from invasion. As Generals Price and Kains marched north toward Lexington, after the action at Dry Wood, Gen. Lane contin- ually threatened the left flank of the Southern forces, and no doubt did much good in preventing detachments of Secessionists from making raids into Kansas. Hearing that a considerable force of Secessionists had been left at Osceola to guard Price's ammunition train and other supplies col- lected at that point for his army. Gen. Lane made a rapid march with his command to that place for the puri^ose of capturing and destroying the train and supi^lies. When he arrived near town he met with scmie resistance from a small f(UT-e of the ene- my. He then ordered up his battery of four guns and commenced to shell the woods and town. Af- ter a little skirmishing, the Secessionists retreated, and Gen. Lane moved into town, and not only de- stroyed the stores which had been collected for the Southern forces, but burned the place to ashes. CAMPAIGN OF THE MISSOURI STATE GUARDS. 93 It was the county seat of St. Clair County, was the head of navigation on the Osage, and contained much substantial wealth for a town of its size. "Many of the merchants of western and south- western Missouri and the Indian Territory had their goods shipped from tlie East to Osceola, and from thence hauled in wagons to their destination. As it was the nearest shipping-point to the lead mines of tlie Southwest, hundreds of tons of lead turned out by the Granby mines were hauled there annually and shipped to St. Louis. "In destroying the town. Gen. Lane seemed to be unconscious of the fact that his conduct would be just excuse for retaliation, and that it might possibly come with interest, and he did not seem to realize that he was making a name for his com- mand that should not attach to troops engaged in honorable warfare. Perhaps upwards of one- third of the people of St. Clair County were Union- ists, and many of the men were in the Federal army; some, too, in Kansas regiments. Gen. Lane destroyed and appropriated their property with the same recklessness that he did the property of the Secessionists. He was incapable of seeing that the loyal people of Missouri were entitled to the protection of the Federal Government, even if they were fighting its battles.'' 94 BATTLE IS AND BIOGRAFHIEH OF MISSOURIANS. Chapter X. BATTLE OF LEXINGTON. There stood a hill not faj", whose grisly top Belched fire and rolling smoke. — Milton. Why the Federals were unprepa-red to receive Price at Lexington remains one of tlie mysteries of history. Colonel Mulligan, commandant of the place, knew of the approach of Price two weeks before the beginning of the siege, and had sent nrgent messages to Fremont for reinforcements. The only reply vouchsafed was an order to hold Lex- ington to the last extremity. General Pope was north of the river with 5,000 to 10,000 Federals; Sturgis had a large force at Macon City, whither he had fled from Wilson Creek. Jeff. C. Davis held Jefferson City with 10,000 troops; a fleet of trans- ports might have been sent in that time from St. Louis; there were the forces at Leavenworth, and even General Lane might have followed behind Price from Fort Scott. There were 50,000 Federal troops in Missouri, armed and maintained by the Government for no other purpose than to meet such attacks as now threatened liexington. Every commander in the State knew what Price meant to do. By railroad CAMPAIGN OF THE MISSOURI STATE GUARDS. 95 aud river these 50,000 troops could have all been sent to Lexington; half that number should have been sent there. Yet Mulligan was left to his fate. Fremont did order Jeff. O. Davis to go by rail to Sedalia, western terminus of the Missouri Pacific Kailroad, and to march from there with a large force to relieve Mulligan. Price would have cov- ered the distance between Sedalia and Lexin.i- ton under such circumstances in one day. Davis thought the trip impracticable, and disobeyed the order. General Sturgis was ordered forward from Macon City, and he, with ^'Bloody Hill" green in his memory, made a belated and futile elTort to reach Lexington, the only effort of any Federal commander. General Price reached Lexington on Septem- ber 13, 1861, chasing Colonel Peabody. The latter had gone to Warrensburg to caiTy out the pro- visions of Fremont's proclamation, and was sur- prised by General Price. Peabody delayed the pursuit and saved himself by burning the biidg' s behind him as he retreated to Lexington. After notifying Mulligan of his presence by copious salutes from Guibor's and Bledsoe's bat- teries, General Price went into camp at the fair grounds, two miles south of the city, and began systematically to draw his lines tightly around the l)eleaguered garrison. General Parsons, who branched off from Price's army to watch Sedalia, was ordered to Lexington. Cols. Sanders and Pat- ton were coming down from northwest Missouri, 96 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISSOURIANS. and at Blue Mills fought a stirring battle when they attempted to cross the Missouri IJiver. Gen eral Green was soon to arrive, and Harris had al- ready arrived. None of Price's reinforcements failed him, while Mulligan Avaited and looked in vain for help which he ought to have had by every tenet of military science. If it seems hard that Mulligan was left unsup- ported by the War Department of his Government in this trying hour, his great opponent seems to have been equally neglected by the Confederate Government True, Price was not fighting for the (J'onfederacy directly, but he was fighting its ene- mies and should have had its support. Mulligan did everything possible to save his command except to fly across the river in boats moored at the wharf. He constructed around the Masonic College a redan of great strength, with embrasures, parapets, and a banquette f < r barbette guns. The works were greatly strengthened dur- ing the five days of Price's preparation. These five days were enough for the utter anni- hilation of Price by the Federals. But Price was taking no unwarranted risk. He knew the people of Missouri as no other man knew them. He had personal and well-known friends in every hamlet and township and neighborhood. He expecteit these to rally to his standard. Fremont had issued his famous proclamation on August 30th, which was so radical that President Lincoln modified it by annulling two of its extremest provisions, CAMPAIGN OF THE MISSOURI STATE GUARDS. 97 namel3% the one emancipating the shives of Mis- souri and the one confiscating private propert}^, real and personal. Another provision of the proc- lamation established martial law over a large part of the State. Price rightly guessed that this in- considerate and rigorous proclamation would send recruits to his camp, and everywhere benefit the cause for which he was fighting. The situation was dramatic and heroic. Mul- ligan, with his riiicago Irish, and Peabody, with his Missouri militia, waited gallantly for destruc- tion, which was obviously upon them. Mulligan's men had seen much skirmishing since their occu- pation of Lexington a few weeks before the siege. Colonel Eoute, of Liberty, led a thousand unorgan- ized men from Clay and Jackson counties against Mulligan. These camped at the fair grounds, but they came away after causing Mulligan some un- easiness, perhaps all they expected to accomplish. Capt. Shelby, restless, enterprising, had arrived from Springfield Avith his company ahead of the main army. Mulligan's scouts and Shelby's men had met and fired at each other not infrequently at different places in Lafayette County. During the week that Price was encamped at the fair grounds there were numerous conflicts between scouts and pickets. A great deal of powder was wasted in this way with no effect other than the effect of keeping the excitement at fever heat on both sides. Eagerness for the great battle was thus engendered. 98 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MIS80URIANS. While encamped at the fair grounds Gen. Price dispatched Gen. D. R. Atchison on the road to- ward St. Joseph to hasten forward the command under Col. Thos. Patten. Gen. Atchison had been United States senator from Missouri, and had acted as president of the Senate. He met Patten at Blue Mills Landing, where an attack of Federals was repulsed in an hour's engagement on Tuesday, the 17th. On Wednesday morning, September 18, 18G1, Gen. Price ordered the assault from all directions on Mulligan's works. Gen. liains was stationed northeast of the fortifications, while Gen. Parsons was southwest, across the deep ravine. Col. Con- greve Jackson's and Gen. Stine's divisions were held as reserves and were not engaged. Batteries were planted at distances of six hundred yards on four sides of the fortifications. The batteries were ccmimanded by Churchill, Clark, Hi Bledsoe, Lan- dis, of St. Joseph, and Guibor, of St. Louis. At an early hour the various divisions were in the posi- tions assigned them. Sharj^sliooters Averesent for- ward from all quarters and at the signal the battle began with a tremendous fusillade from all attack- ing parties. The batteries opened with the sound of a thousand storms. The beleaguered Federals replied gallantly. For three days the thunder of battle shook the foundations of the earth. Almost at the beginning of the battle, Col. Eives, acting in place of Gen. Slack, led his own regiment and Col. Hughes' down the river bank to the landing, CAMPAIGN OF THE MISSOURI STATE GUARDS. 99 where he captured a steamboat. He was relu- forced by Gens. Harris and McBi'ide. The boat was h)aded afterwards with 2,000 sokliers, who were sent to the opposite bank as a gnard ai^ainst Stiirgis, w]io was cominc^ up from Macon Cit3\ Just above the landin^i^ and near the Federal outer entrenchments stood the residence of Col. Ander- son. Above it floated the sacred hospital M<^. Those Avho were ca]>turing- the boat were fired up- on from this hospital. Several companies of Har- ris' command charged the house and took it, a splendid foothold within the P^deral lines. Mean- time Harris and McBride took possession of the impregnable bluffs nortli of the Anderson house. These positions enabhMl the besiegers to so harass and annoy the Federals that Mulligan ordered a strong force to retake the Anderson house. His order was carried out to perfection. But the house Avas held but a few minutes by the Federals. Harris charged the ])lace again and took it and held it. The final assault on the fortifications was made at the sloi)e guarded by the Anderson house. Before the end of the first day, a messen- ger from Gen. Atchison arrived at Price's head- quarters Avith news of the battle at Blue Mills. The news was received by the army with a great shout. On Thursday morning the attack was renewed, after a restful night. A Federal newspaper writer of the time, an eye-witness, wrote: "Thursday jthe cannonade amounted to but little — it was mainly 100 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISSOURIANS. confined to the twelve-pounder of the Confederates, with an occasional reply from the besieged. But the cracking of small-arms was incessant, and so thick and close were the enemy about the works, and so accurate the aim of their sharpshooters, that a man, a head, or a cap shown for a single instant above the works was sure to be saluted with fifty balls that never went many inches from the mark.'' Thursday night Price ordered hot shot fired into the college, hoping to burn the building or explode the Federal magazine, which, however, was kept in the basement. On Friday morning the pro- gramme of the preceding days was resumed. The batteries were at work early and the sharpshoot- ers occupied every tree, rock, elevation, gully, house, or other sheltering object in the vicinity of the works. On the river side the fighting had all the time been heavy from the Anderson house and the extemporized fortifications north of it. At the wharf several hundred bales of hemp were await- ing shipment. The hemp industry was a large one in those days. The soldiers saturated these hemp bales with water, then rolled them up the hill. Behind each moving bale were crouched two or three soldiers, firing as they came. Mulligan turned loose his batteries and the full tide of lead from his small-arms upon the advancing breast- works. Slowly and laboriously, but surely and steadily, the moving forts aiiproached the Federal position. It was now only a question of a few CA3IPAIGN OF THE MISSOURI STATE GUARDS. 101 hours when a large part of Price's army would be clambering into the Federal fortifications. Bevier quotes a Federal writer: "Let sneering Europeans no longer dispute our capacity for war, for here we have an idea developed in the heat of battle by a Western general, which excels the best strateg}' ever developed inLombardy or theCrimea. It was a stroke of genius — one of thosehappy adap- tations of chance means which prove the talent of the general and elevate the art of battle above the level of mere downright force. It excels, by far, the fine conception of Jackson's breastw^orks at New Orleans, for it engrafts upon that artifice a superior idea. It was an active rather than a pas- sive stratagem, and inspired an inert and merely resisting body with a living, moving and assailable function. "We have heard of flying artillery, and seen its execution; but who ever heard before of flying re- doubts, which, while they give shelter to an ad- vancing line, can successfully withstand the heav- iest cannonade. Poor Mulligan must have gazed upon this miracle, in the method of approach, with much of the same wonder as the Scottish king be- held from liis battlements the advance of Birnam wood upon Dunsinane, and his heart must have sunk as heavily within him at the sight. No valor could withstand the marching bastion. It was impregnable to bayonet charges and inaccessible to cavalry, and the force behind it was superior to his own." 102 BATTLED AND BIOGRAPHIES OF AIISSOURIANS. Some time in the afternoon Major Becker, of the Home Guards, ran out a white flag, at his oAvn suggestion. Mulligan a\ as not ready to surrender, and he ordered Becker under arrest and gave or- ders for the battle to be resumed. The firing, how- ever, gradually subsided, and a parley ensued, at which terms of cai)itulation were agreed upon. If Mulligan was averse to surrendering, Col. Bh^lsoe was equally opposed to it. Gen. Price sent three orders to Bledsoe to stop firing his battery. The garrison surrendered and 3,500 Federals became prisoners of war. These were paroled and on Sat- urday and Sunday mornings were liberated on the oj)posite side of the Missouri River. Among those captured were Colonels Mulligan, Peabod^^, Mar- shall, White, G rover, and Major Van Horn. The property surrendered was immense, arms, ammuni- tion, wagons, teams, camp equipage, more than a hundred thousand dollars' worth of commissary stores, and nearly a million of money. The latter had been' taken from tlie P'armers' Bank at Lexing- ton, in accordance Avitli the contiscation orders issued by Gen. Fremont. The Bank of Warrens- burg would have suffered in the same way under the same order had not Price arrived there when he did and driven Col. Peabody back to Lexington. Col. Mulligan refused to be paroled, inasmuch as his Government did not reco'>nize the State Guards as belligerents. He was, therefore, held as a pris- oner and accom])anied Price's army south. Mul- ligan was under the care of Gen. HaiTis, and the CAMPAIGN OF THE MIS.SOURI STATE GUARDS. 103 two men became strongly attached to each other during the several weeks the}' were together. Mulligan Avas finally exchanged and fell in battle, fighting for the Union, somewhere be^^ond the Mis- sissippi. Harris Avas elected to the Confederate Congress. Notes, U. S. (Irant, AAiio Avas in northern Missouri during the summer of 1861, makes notable men- tion of General Thos. A. Harris in his "Memoirs.*' Says Grant: ''As we api)roached the brow of the hill from which it was expected we could see Har- ris' camp, and possibly find his men ready formel to meet us, my heart kept getting higher and higher, until it felt to me as though it was in my throat I would haA e giA^en anything then to have been back in Illinois, but I had not the moral cour- age to halt and consider what to do; I kept right on. When we reached a i3oint from which the valley below was in full view, I halted. The place wiiere Harris had been encamped a few days be- fore was still there, and the marks of a recent encampment Avere plainly visible, but the tio-^pj were gone. My heart resumed its place. It oc- curred to me that Harris had been as much afraid of me as I had been of him. This was a vieAV of the question I had never taken before; but it was one I never forgot afterAvards. From that event to the close of the Avar I never felt trepidation upon confronting an enemy, though I ahvays felt more or less anxiety.'' 104 J^A^TTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISSOURIANS. A newspai^er writer of the time, who posses- sed most decided Federal sympathies, wrote of the battle: ^^Tlie Home Guards, as. a general thing, sneaked into the trenches and refused to fight at all — the cannon were useless for the w^ant of am- munition. Dead horses strewed the ground in every direction, producing a most intolerable odor. These, and perhaps similar circumstances, charac- terized the condition of affairs at about the time of the capitulation, and were sufficient not only to drive a man into surrender, but into suicide or insanity." The same newspaper article describes the ap- pearance and conduct of Price's men and officers after the victory. The officers deported them- selve as gentlemen, but the howls of joy and drunken jubilation, from thirty thousand throats, beggars all descriptions. The author of the arti- cle writes as follows : "Here went one fellow in a shirt of brilliant green, on his side an immense cavalry sabre, in his belt two navy revolvers and a Bowie knife, and slung from his shoulder a Sharp's rifle. Tlight by his side was another, upon whose liip dangled a light medical sword, in his hand a double-bar- relled shot-gun, in his boot an immense scythe, on his heel the inevitable spur, his whole appearance, from tattered boot, througii which gazed auda- ciously his toes, to the top of his head, indicating that the plunderings of many regions made up his whole. Generally, the soldiers were armed with CAMPAIGN OF THE MISSOURI STATE GUARDS. 105 shot-guns or squirrel rifles. Some had the old flint-lock muskets, a few had Minie guns, and others Sharp's or Maynard's rifles, while all, to the poorest, had horses. * * * "I saw one case that shows the Confederate style of fighting. An old Texan, dressed in buck- skin and armed with a long rifle, used to go up to the works every morning about seven o'clock, car- rying his dinner in a tin pail. Taking a good posi- tion, he banged away at the Federals till noon, then rested an hour, ate his dinner, after which he resumed operations till six p. m., when he re- turned home to supper and a night's sleep. The next day a little before seven saw him, dinner and rifle in hand, trudging up the street to begin again his regular day's work — and in this style he con- tinued till the surrender." Gen. Sturgis made a feeble effort to reach Lex- ington. He disembarked his forces at Utica on the Hannibal & St. Joseph Railroad, some forty miles north of Lexington. This was Tuesday morning. By twelve o'clock noon he had under arrest some twenty men and one captain for pilfer- ing around town. Meantime Sturgis had been busy pressing wagons and teams for the overland trip to Lexington. The troops marched ten miles that afternoon and then camped until morning. The newspaper writer above quoted says: ^^Wednesday morning about eight o'clock, and when at a distance of some thirty miles from Lex- ington, the whole command was electrified by the 8 106 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISS0URIAN8. faint mutter of a cannonade that crept up sullenly on the air from the direction of Lexington. All day, without a moment's intermission, and that night up to midnight, the roar of the conflict came up from the south as if a half-dozen thunderstorms had met and were battling on the distant horizon. The day Avas savagely hot, and the men, unused to walking, although inspired by the music that seemed inviting them on, gave out in scores. So that, notwithstanding the march was kept up till long after dark, only twenty miles were made that day. They were now within fifteen miles of Lex- ington, and Gen. Sturgis determined to halt the men, give them a few hours' sleep, then push on. At one o'clock in the morning the command was roused up, a cup of coffee was dealt around, and the march resumed.'' Sturgis had sent a messenger ahead to inform Mulligan of his coming. The messenger fell into the hands of Price's scouts. He was searched and the dispatches taken from the lining of his coat. After the boats were taken on Thursday, Price sent over a force to wait for Sturgis on the north side of the river. But Sturgis did not arrive. lie abandoned his impedimenta to Price — wagons, teams, tents, everything — and fled to Liberty Landing, where he embarked for Leavenworth. Our illustration, "The Surrender of Mulligan," is from an old painting copied by Miss Bertha Cald- well, daughter of T. C. Caldwell, of Independence, Mo. It is a faithful portrayal of the appearance CAMPAIGN OF THE MISSOURI STATE GUARDS. 107 of the victors as they marched up to take posses- sion of the Federal works. Mulligan says in an article in ^^Battles and Leaders of the Civil War" : ^'Our cartridges were now^ nearly used up, many of our brave fellows had fallen, and it was evident that the fight must soon cease, when at 3 o'clock an orderly came, say- ing the enemy had sent a flag of truce. With the flag came a note from General Price, asking, ^Why has the firing ceased?' I returned it with the reply written on the back: ^General, I hardly know^ unless you have surrendered.' He at once took pains to assure me that this was not the case. I then discovered that the major of another regi- ment, in spite of orders, had raised a white flag." 108 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MI880URIANS. Chapter XI. FROM LEXINGTON TO PEA RIDGE. Thus, sometimes, hath the brightest day a cloud; And after summer, evermore succeeds Barren winter, with his wrathful nipping cold. — Shakespeare. The indifference of the Federal troops in Mis- souri to the fall of Lexington profoundly stirred President Lincoln. He urged Fremont to repair the loss without delay. Price remained a full week in Lexington after capturing the place. By that time Fremont's vast military machine was put into slow motion. Price was in danger of be- ing crushed. He faced about and made off leis- urely for the South, like a hunted lion that bounds away, but is not much afraid. Pope was in his rear with 10,000 troops; Sigel wa& at Sedalia with nearly 10,000; Hunter was at Versailles with 10,000; Gens, Asboth and McKinstry were at Tip- ton and Syracuse Avith an aggregate of more than 10,000; on the west Gen. S. D. Sturgis was at Kan- sas City with 3,000, and Lane was a little further south w^ith 2,500. This spectacular array of Fed- eral forces was highly gratifying to Fremont, who came on from St. Louis to superintend personally the movements w^hich he now ordered. He left St Louis, September 27th, the day that Price broke camp at Lexington. Price had hoped to winter at CAMPAIGN OF THE MISSOURI STATE GUARDS. 109 Lexington, but he was now in a trap and must run the gauntlet for 150 miles south to safety. He ran slowly, ten miles a day. He was compelled to dis- band large bodies of unarmed recruits. Moving forward, he ordered demonstrations made to the right and to the left, while his center proceeded with his immense train. The Federals were de- ceived by these feints of their wily foe. It was a splendid game, and Price won it. McCulloch had agreed to send up wagon-loads of lead from the Granby mines in Newton Counly, but he failed of his promise, alleging that Price would hardly need the lead, being forced to retreat, as predicted by McCulloch. A vigorous movement of Polk's and Hardee's forces into southeast Mfssouri at this time would have drawn Fremont in that direction to protect St Louis. Then McCulloch should have joined Price, and the combined army might have wintered on the Missouri Eiver. But the State of Missouri had not yet seceded, and therefore it was no part of the Southern Confederacy and had no legal claim on the aid of the Confederate Army. Price's army halted for two weeks at Neosho. Here, by proclamation of Gov. Jackson, the Legis- lature convened. An ordinance of secession was passed. Senators and representatives were chos- en to the Confederate Congress at Richmond. Mc- Culloch could now conscientiously invade the State, and he came gladly, uniting his forces with 110 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MIS80URIANS. Price's; remaining, however, in Missouri but a few days. After Price had effected his masterly retreat, Fremont came pouring after him. Price fell back to Cassville in Barry County and prepared to engage Fremont's forces. By this time Lincoln was thoroughly disgusted with Fremont, and or- dered his removal. Gen. Hunter, who succeeded Fremont, ordered a retroi Department with an army of 8,000 Missourians. Only 800 of these were alive when peace was made, and half of these were languishing sick or wounded in hospitals. Such mortality has never been re- corded of any other army in all the range of his- tory, ancient, medieval, or modern. These Mis- sourians were always assigned to the chief posts of danger because they were unwavering and of exalted morale. Had General Price, the greatest of Missouri warriors, been placed in chief com- mand of all the forces operating in front of Grant, the story of Vicksburg might be totally different. Perhaps Grant would not have become com- mander-in-chief of United States armies, nor have reached the presidency. After the disastrous bat- tle of Corinth and the extrication by General Price of the army from the perilous position in which it had been left by Van Dorn, it fell back to Holly Springs and went into camp near that town. Here theMissouri command was reorganized. Brigadier General John S. Bowen was transferred with the Missouri First to Price's corps. Several regiments of Arkansans and Missourians were organized into a brigade and placed under Colonel Gates. Gen- FROM VIGKSBURG TO PEACE. 127 eral Martin Green was given command of the Sec- ond Brigade. F. M. Cockrell acted as brigadier general. Generals Lovell and Tighlman represented to Jeff, Davis that "Price's urmy was an armed mob, without drill or discipline, unsoldierl}^ in appear- ance and equipments, and withal a disgrace to the service." Van Dorn was ordered to review the Missourians and report. In his report to Davis and Price he said: '^I have attended reviews of the armies of Generals Beauregard, Bragg, Albert Sidney and Joseph E. Johnston, and also in the old United States service, and T have never seen a finer looking body of men, nor of more orderly appear- ance and efficiency, nor have I ever witnessed bet- ter drill or discipline in any army since I have be- longed to the military service.'' Soon after this report, but not in consequence of it. Gen. Lovell was relieved of the command of the Department of Mississippi and East Tennessee by order of President Jeff. Davis. General John C. Pemberton was appointed in his stead. The disparity between the size of the man and the size of his position was soon apparent. The greatness of Jeff. Davis was not always displayed in his selections of subordinates. The campaign in the Mississippi Valley passed from failure to failure in rapid succession under Beauregard, Bragg, Hardee, Van Dorn, Lovell, Pemberton, Joe John- ston, and Hood. In January, 1863, General Price visited Rich- 128 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISSOVRIANS. mond for the purpose of inducing the Confederate Government to sanction his return with his army to Missouri. The interview between General Price and Jeff. Davis was a stormy one. (See biography of Price.) Davis at last consented, reluctantly, that Price's army of Missourians should return at the earliest practical date, to be determined by General Bragg, a favorite of Jeff. Davis. General Price returned to his camp and made a farewell speech to his devoted followers. He told them that he had sought and had obtained assignment to the command of the Trans-Mississippi Depart- ment, whither he would go at once. The^^ would soon follow him, he said. Butthe time never came when the Missourians could be spared from Missis- sippi and Tennessee and they never marched again under Price. General Grant now addressed all his energies and his genius to the apparently hope- less task of reducing Vicksburg. General Steele was at Helena and the Confederates established themselves at Grand Gulf. In April, Colonel Cockrell crossed the river and led a perilous ex- pedition into the SAvamps of Louisiana. Superior skill and energy alone enabled him to get safely back to Grand Gulf. At the battles of Grand Gulf, Port Gibson, Champion Hills, and Big Black the Missourians nobly fought to defend the weak- est side of the great line of w^orks around Vicks- burg. They were led by such wariors as Bowmen, Cockrell, Maury, Green, Gates, Erwin, Bevier, Gause, and others. The Missouri batteries did FROM YICK8BURG TO PEACE. 129 great execution and suffered much before Vicks- burg under Colonel Hi Bledsoe, Captains Schuyler Lowe, Landis, Guibor, Wash, etc. Some of these batteries fought at Chattanooga. TheMissourians were always in the vortex of destruction and their losses were always heavy. As Grant slowly and systematically drew his lines nearer to Vicksburg, the Confederate armies retreated into the inner works of the doomed city. Colonel Bevier, histo- rian of the First and Second Brigades, says: "In this beleaguered city of many hills the weary and war-worn, but brave and undismayed Missourians, of Bowen's division, came to a halt after their pro- tracted and toilsome marches and battles, faced to the front and dressed their lines, sadly thinned out, and many a brave fellow missing forever, but still as correct, prompt, and soldierly in formation as the most exacting martinet could require." The terrible weeks of the siege wore away, and famine and disease invade the doomed city, great allies of the besiegers. General Martin E. Green and Colonel Eugene Erwin were killed while defending the works. Finally, when the last morsels of mule meat and dog meat were in the haversacks. General Cock- rell proposed to lead a charge with his Missourians in an effort to cut through the coils drawn so closely around them. But the time for fighting had passed and on the Fourth of July Pemberton surrendered. President Jeff. Davis sent a telegram to Pern- 130 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MIS80URIANS. berton thanking the Missourians "for their gal- lantry and the discipline manifested by them in the campaign just closed, and especially for the prompt succor they rendered, as reserves, to every weak point and to every doubtful position." Soon after the surrender. General Bowen was taken sick and died. The Confederates were exchanged. Early in September we find them settling in winter quar- ters at Demopolis. Another reorganization was now necessary. The Missouri army was small and many regiments were consolidated in order to form a few brigades. President Jeff. Davis visited the camp and complimented the Missourians very highly. In the spring of 1864 the Missourians marched to Cassville, Georgia, and became an integral part of General Joseph E. eTohnston's army. Sherman was pressing toward Atlanta, while Grant in- vested Richmond. Johnston defended Atlanta with a masterly skill, only second to the skill dis- played by Lee in defense of the Confederate capital. Suddenly an order came from Jeff. Davis relieving Johnston of the command of the Army of the Ten- nessee and naming as his successor General Hood. When Sherman heard that Hood was in command, he sprang to his feet and exclaimed: "I know that fellow!'' Heavy fighting ensued, reckless, massive, headlong charges by Hood and the ulti- mate fall of Atlanta. Hood swung back to Sher- man's rear, where Sherman most desired him; Sherman then began his "march to the sea." FROM riGKSBURG TO PEACE. 181 Hood marched to Allatoona, which was un- successfully attacked b^'^ French's division. Hood now started on his disastrous expedition to Nash- ville. Over muddy roads the army marched to Franklin, defended by General Schofield. Here was fought a battle, the story of which is as blood- curdling as any in the annals of the Civil War. The troops came to the attack most gallantly, car- rying the outer works and in some places the inner works also. Bevier quotes Anderson: ^^The or- der to advance was general, and the line moved forward with banners streaming and the band of our brigade playing; the movement was executed with perfect order, and the line, in solid and un- broken ranks, charged on. ' A heavy battery from a fort some distance in the enemy's rear poured a destructive fire on our lines as they moved up. Their infantry did not open upon the brigade until it was within thirty steps of the works, when it was met b^^ a deadly and terrific fire from troops armed with the seven-shooting Spencer rifle; and here the slaughter of the remainder of that gallant band of Missourians Avas almost consummated; in less than half a minute most of them went down. One of the survivors says, Avhen he looked around after the first shock, there were onl}' seven or eight men of his company standing, and the ranks of the brigade were proportionately thinned. Our lines were too weak to carry the works in their front, and the order was given to fall back; some, however, rushed forward and gained the fortifications, but 132 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISSOURIANS. were there, with few exceptions, killed or made prisoners." • Bevier quotes again: "General Oockrell went into the fight with all the vigor and vim of a Mar- shal Ney. In a few minntes he returned, riding his wearied horse, severely wounded in both arms and in his leg, and unable to dismount until help came. The horse of Colonel Gates, which had so often followed Cockrell's over many a weary mile — all along the tottering line of the Confederacy, wherever the carnage was the deadliest — as if by instinct, turned and followed him now. His rider was powerless to guide him, both arms shot through and hanging limp by his side. I shall never forget the steady, calm gaze of this old hero of many a battle-field, as he sat upon his horse, erect as a statute, until I assisted him down and he and the general were borne from the battle-field through a shower of bullets and balls.'' Bevier narrates: "The unfortunate wounded suffered untold horrors, many of them remaining on the field for ten or twelve hours without food or water, in the freezing mud and amid the cries and groans of three thousand suffering and dying fellow mor- tals, and half that time exposed to the plunging shot of both friend and foe." Towards midnight Schofield abandoned the works and retreated to Nashville, where Thomas lay with the main army. Bevier says: "When the brigade formed in front of Franklin, a field report showed present ' FROM YICKSBURG TO PEACE. ]33 687. After the charge, on duty, 240; being a loss of nearly two-thirds, almost equal to that of the Light Brigade at Balaklava." The battle of Franklin occurred on November 30, 1864. Hood marched on to Nashville, where the Mis- sourians performed some skirmish duty, but before the great disastrous battle was fought, they had been sent to obstruct the Tennessee River; they erected a pontoon bridge, over which Hood's for- lorn army escaped south. Bledsoe's battery held back most defiantly the pursuing squadrons. The retreating men marched like a mob. The Missou- rians alone "moved erect, soldierly, shoulder to shoulder, with apparently not a single article of equipment lost, with a style and bearing as if they had never known defeat." The army -rested at Tuinelo, the camp of two years before; here Hood was relieved of his com- mand, at his own request. About February 1, 1865, the army was ordered to Mobile. En route the army was joined by Cockrell, still suffering from his wounds, and by Colonel Gates, who had lost an arm. The Missourians now numbered about 400, all that were left of the 8,000, unless we count some 400 languishing with sickness or wounds. From Mobile the worn veterans were soon or- dered to Fort Blakely, whither came General Can- by and besieged the works. On April 9th General Liddil, first in command, and General Cockrell, second in command, surrendered. The prisoners 134 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISSOURIANS. were taken to Meridian, where, on May 4th, they were paroled and returned to their homes in Missouri. About 150' Missourians escaped into the water at Blakely and succeeded in evading capture. THE BATTLE OF INDEPENDENCE. 135 Chapter XIV, THE BATTLE OF INDEPENDENCE. The attack on Independence was made at break of day, with the rush and overwhelming sudden- ness of a whirlwind. This battle was properly a prelude to the battle of Lone Jack; more properly a part of it. The battle of Independence greatly ex- asperated the Federals all over the State; it was a portentous renewal of the war in Missouri. Al- though the battle was planned by Col. Hughes, assisted by Thompson and Hays, the Federal authorities for the moment charged the disaster to Quantrell, and sent Major Foster out from Lex- ington to punish him. Foster came to Lone Jack on this mission, and was defeated in one of the hardest battles of the war. After the fearful bat- tle of Pea Ridge in March, the larger part of the State Guards went with Price across the Missis- sippi River. These all took service in the Confed- erate Army, except Parsons' infantry which re- turned in a few weeks to the Trans-Mississippi De- partment. Fragments of companies, however, lingered along the Southern outskirts of the State, or in northern Arkansas. In midsummer, 1862, there seemed to be a spr ntaneous, widespread, but disconnected movement back into the State. From beyond the Mississippi River and out of Arkansas came captains, who expected to recruit 136 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISSOURIAifS. regiments, and colonels who expected to recruit brigades, and lieutenants and privates who ex- pected to raise companies. Among those who passed beyond the Mississippi River and fought at Corinth and then returned were Shelby, Huj^jhes, and Thompson. Among those of the State Guards who remained in Arkansas were Rains, Cock- rell, GolTee, Jackman, Hunter, Tracy, and Hays. Quantrell remained in the State. The above offi- cers, who were expatriated after the battle of Pea Ridge, began to reappear in the State in July and August. During their absence the State had not been wholly given up to undisputed Fed- eral control. Missouri had never been without numerous small commands of State Guards, squads and companies of guerrillas or other organ- izations of Southern sympathizers. These were about over the State in independent bands in nu^l- bers ranging from a few scores to several hun- dreds. The Federal sympathizers were organized in equal variety and in greater magnitude. The chief difference between the two classes was this : all the Confederate organizations were composed wholly of Missourians; the Federal organizations were composed of soldiers from Kansas, Iowa, Il- linois, and Missouri. Such conditions prevailed over the State during the entire period of the war, and rendered the State at all times a fertile field for recruiting. Such conditions resulted also in frequent bloody conflicts. General Schofield, Fed- eral commander of the Department of Missouri, THE BATTLE OF INDEPENDENCE. 137 reported over one hundred battles in the State between May 1 and September 20, 1862. Dur- ing the four years of the Civil War there vrere fought 487 engagements in the State of Missouri, and reported at the War Department at Washing- ton, an average of two a week. Virginia alone had a greater number, over 600. Among the first, if not the very first, to return after the dreadful exodus following the battle of Pea Ridge, was Colonel Upton Hays. About the 1st of eTuly, Colonel Hays came to Quantrell, in Henry County, and remained w^ith his band of ninety-six men most of the time until July 10th, on which date they fought a battle on Walnut Creek, in the northwest comer of Henry County. Before QuantrelPs next battle, near Index, Cass County, Hays said to Quantrell that he wanted to get back into Jackson County to resume recruit- ing, which he had already commenced, and asked Quantrell for a guard of thirty men. Quantrell gave Hays the guard, with Geo. Todd as com- mander. About the 1st of August, 1862, Hayes had recruited about 150 men at a camp on the Charlie Cowherd farm, near Lee's Summit. The camp was on the high prairie and a flag was raised on a very tall pole to indicate the location of the camp to all w^ho w^anted to enlist. The flag was plainly visible from the top of the court-house in Independence. Independence was a Federal post, commanded by Col. James T. Buel, of the Seventh Missouri 10 138 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MI880URIAN8. Cavalry. Buel took command of the Independ- ence post on the 7th of June. The troops under his command consisted of three companies of the Seventh Missouri Cavalry, two companies of Colonel Newgent's battalion, provisional militia, commanded by Captains Axline and Thomas, and a company of the Sixth Ke^iment of militia, com- manded by Captain W. H. Kodewald, of Independ- ence, in all about 500 men. Colonel Buel deter- mined to break up Hays' recruiting-camp on the Cowherd farm, a very proper military step for him to take. Accordingly he sent to Burris at Kansas City and to Colonel Huston at Lexington to send him some reinforcements. On Sunday, August 10th, Colonel Buel gathered up all the firearms in the hands of the private citizens of Independence. His object was to ^^prevent a fire in the rear," he said. From this it is evident that he meditated an immediate attack on the camp at the Cowherd farm. Meantime, Cols. Hughes and Thompson had arrived at Hays' camp with about seventy-five men. Colonel Hughes was on his way to his old home in Clinton County, north of the river. He was recruiting a brigade, and Hays, we may sur- mise, would have taken his regiment into Hughes' brigade. On the night of August 10th Quantrell who had been nursing a wounded leg, arrived at the camp with twenty-five men. The little army at the Cowherd farm now amounted to 250 men. They had only two rounds of ammunition each, not enough to enable them to resist the contemplated fHE BATTLE OF INDEPENDENCE. I39 attack by BuePs well-armed and superior force. The leaders decided, therefore, to attack and if pos- sible capture Buel at Independence before he could attack them and before he should be reinforced, thus securing their own safety and providing them- selves with ammunition. Acting Brigadier-Gen- eral John T. Hughes was to have command of the venture. There was no free interchange of visits between Independence and the camp. No one could leave Independence without a passport from Colonel Buel. All the roads were carefully guarded. Not- withstanding, the leaders at the camp were thoroughly informed as to Buel's plans and the ex- act location of Buel's troops, his headquarters, his commissary stores, the size of his force and the number of Southern men confined in jail. Their information was full and explicit. Buel's forces were not disposed with any view to resisting an attack. Headquarters were in the McCoy build- ing, near the public square, on West Lexington Street. On the opposite side of the street and a little further down Captain Rodewald was quar- tered with a company in the building now occupied as a station by the Metropolitan Street Railway Company. At the county jail on North Main Street, and at the commissary store near it, were stationed about twenty-five men under Lieutenant Meryhew. The balance of the soldiers were living in tents between Union and Pleasant Streets, south of Lexington Street, and were nearly half a mile 140 BATTLES AND BIOQBAPHIES OF MI8S0URIAN8. from headquarters. Buel had about 500 men and they were all present at the beginning of the bat- tle. The old citizens of Independence, such men as Judge James Peacock and L. M. Sea, have told me that the Southern sympathizers knew on Sun- day evening that an attack would in all proba- bility be made at daylight next morning. Buel ought to have known the imminence of his danger; but he was over-confident. He heard alarming rumors, but such rumors were common and easily created at any time by a few guerrillas riding through the countr^^ He had groAvn accustomed to rumors. The recruiting-camp had no terror for him; those composing it had no arms, no organiza- tion, and were few in numbers. The idea of an attack from them was simply preposterous. The coming of Confederates from the South was not suspected by any Federal commander in Missouri. About four o'clock on Monday morning the dis- charge of a gun broke the stillness of morning in Independence. Those who the evening before had received intimation of what might occur were instantly awake. Perfect quiet followed; maybe the gun was an accident; then nearer a volley broke out, accomiDanied by loud yelling; then a fusillade and the battle had opened and the whole town was aroused. The attacking army came in on Spring r Street. Captain Hart, of St. Joseph, was at the | head of the column which was approaching the public square, on East Maple Avenue. The Federal guard at the jail fired and Captain Hart fell, mor- THE BATTLE OF INDEPENDENCE. 141 tally wounded, the first of a long list of fatalities among officers that day. The little army now dashed up to the square and rode to the south side, where Quantrell formed his men hastily into platoons. Colonel Hughes had required of Quan- trell but two duties, namely: (1) to pilot the com- mand safely to Independence; (2) and to cut off Buel from his regiment and hold him away, and Hughes would do the balance. Quantrell went past BuePs headquarters at full run, Hughes and Thompson following. Rodewald's guard fired into the passing troops and Kit Chiles fell dead in the street, but no halt was made until the Confederates ran into the Federal encampment. The first vol- ley was deliA^ered with terrible effect upon the Federals sleeping in their tents. Captain Breck- enridge exclaimed: "Boys, we are surrounded and we had better surrender,'^ but Captain Axline called out in a loud voice : "Boys, rally behind the rock fence." Axline's order was obeyed. The tents were abandoned and the battle at once as- sumed the form of a regular siege and defense. At almost the first Federal volley Colonel Hughes was shot in the forehead and died instantly. Colonel Hays assumed command and for four or five hours the fighting was incessant. Five times Hays led his command against that impregnable rock fence and five times lie was beaten back. Colonel Gid. Thompson was badly wounded in the leg and he turned his command over to Captain Bohanon. Colonel Hays was wounded in the knee, but con- 142 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MI880URIANS. tinued in the fight. Mortality among the officers was heavy. The Confederate officers who fell were: Colonels Hughes and Boyd; Major Wortle and Major Hart, alread}^ mentioned; Captain Chambers, of Independence; Captains Brown and Clark; and Lieutenants Jones and Johnson. The Federals were well protected, but both sides suf- fered. There was no dearth of courage on either side. The Federals might have escaped to Kan- sas City at any time. The rock fence extended for half a mile westward. Captain Axline ordered Lieutenant Herrington to take forty men and re- port to Buel at headquarters. Herrington went straight to John McCoy's house in the northwest part of town, from which a few shots were fired at a little squad of Quantreirs men, who twitted them for being poor marksmen. Herrington and his forty men then retreated in safety to Kansas City. The men behind the rock fence could see BuePs fiag floating over headquarters. Finally a mes- senger arrived with orders to surrender. After QuantrelPs men had done the parts as- signed them, they scattered over town in squads of three to five. They were among many of their friends in Independence. When a squad of QuantrelPs men arrived at the jail about 9 o'clock, they found that Lieutenant Meryhew with fifteen or twenty men had gone up North Main Street immediately after Major Hart had been killed. These escaped to Kansas City. Captain Wm. H. Gregg took possession of the jail, THE BATTLE OF INDEPENDENCE. 143 and, being the strongest man in his squad, he took a sledge-hammer and broke the locks on the cell doors. A number of Southern men were released and also a few Federal inmates. James Knowles was in jail for killing a Southern man. He was shot and his cell was not molested. Meantime Buel was beleaguered in the bank building by sharp-shooters. Captain Eodewald had repaired to BuePs headquarters with his company. The win- dows of the building were used as port-holes when- ever they could be used at all. The Confederates kept up a steady fire at the windows, but Buel was not suffering and he showed no disposition to sur- render. The besiegers held a consultation. Quan- trell said to Hays: "Give me thirty men and plenty of guns and ammunition and I will take Buel out of that bank." In twenty minutes Buel surrendered. Quantrell took position in the building across the street near where the First National Bank now stands, shooting over the roof of a low building, beside BueFs building. A fire was started by the side of this low building; the bullets were sent like hail into Buel's windows. A white flag was raised and Buel asked for a parley. He surrendered unconditionally and sent a mes- senger to his troops under Axline to surrender. The battle lasted for more than five hours. Notes. Buel had made unnecessary boasts as to the manner in which he would deal with Quantrell should he ever meet the guerrilla chief. Perhaps 144 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISSOURIANS. for this reason Quantrell was sent into the bank building to receive BuePs surrender. Quantrell treated his prisoner with great magnanimity. This fact, couj^led with the fact that Buel had made a poor defense of Independence, caused the Federal authorities to have Buel put under arrest for betraying the post into the hands of Quantrell. Buel, however, was acquitted, as he should have been. Colonel Gideon Thompson, though severely wounded, paroled the prisoners. Colonel Thomp- son was the senior officer of the command. The number of killed was between thirty and forty on each side. Britton says: "After gather- ing up the captured property, such as they did not burn, the Confederate forces marched out of Inde- pendence, in the direction of Blue Springs, about five o'clock in the afternoon. The arms, ammuni- tion, quartermaster, and commissary stores cap- tured made a train of fifteen to twenty wagons. The ordnance and quartermaster\s stores were much needed b}^ the Confederates to arm and equip new recruits. '^ After the battle, Wm. Hallar and Captain Breckenridge, who had fought each other fre- quently during the summer, were in conversation when a man rode along on Breckenridge's fine horse. Breckenridge called to the man and made him dismount, saying he wanted Bill Hallar to have that horse. Upon hearing this, the soldier yielded the animal willingly. After QuantrelPs men had accomplished the THE BATTLE OF INDEPENDENCE. I45 work at the jail, they moved up to the commissary department, first door south of the Commercial Hotel. Here they captured Captain Thomas, who had waylaid Geo. Todd, John Little, and Ed Koger at a crossing on the Little Blue. Koger and Little were killed, but Todd escaped unhurt out of the very clutches of the Federals. Todd now asked Thomas if he was in command of the waylaying party, and Thomas acknowledged that the charge was true. Todd at once ordered Thomas upstairs, where he was loaded with about 200 pounds of bacon and flour, which Todd said had been taken from the farmers of Jackson County. On reach- ing the street, an excited Confederate soldier came from the battle around BueFs headquarters with the report that the fight was to be abandoned. There was nd time to be lost A prominent fol- lower of Quantrell promptly shot Thomas down, whereupon Todd was greatly offended, as he felt entitled to do the killing himself out of revenge for the waylaying episode. W. L. Bryant, a prominent citizen of Inde- pendence, Mo., who was quite a young man at the time of the battle, relates an interesting conver- sation which he at the time heard between Colonel Buel and Cole Younger. The two were discussing the events of the day. Younger said: "Colonel Buel, did you put yonr head around the corner of that building yonder during the fight?" Buel re- plied : "Yes. I came there to look over the battle- field, but remained only a moment It was too hot 146 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MI880UR1ANS. for me." Younger continued : "I shot at your head with this revolver. Come and see how narrowly you escaped.'' The}^ proceeded to the northwest corner of the bank building, where Younger pointed to a bullet-mark on the brick wall. The bullet struck scarcely an inch from BueFs head. The mark is still plainly visible. Bullet-holes are numerous about the second story at the northeast corner of the building; they are visible to this day. Britton says: "The paroled Federal prisoners stayed in Independence several days after the bat- tle, gathering up and taking care of the wounded of both sides and burying the dead. During all this time no Federal troops from any quarter came in, and on the morning of the third day Colonel Buel, with his officers and enlisted men, somewhat over 150 in number, started on foot for Kansas City and Leavenworth to be exchanged.'' Of the 150 paroled, 90 belonged to Rodewald's comj)any. Therefore, only 60 Federals surrendered at the rock fence. What became of the balance of Buel's army? They escaped to Kansas City. They be- lieved Quantrell was in command of the attacking force, and they believed he would have them all shot if they surrendered. The rock fence extended from the battle-field to where Lexington Street crosses the Missouri Pacific Kailroad, half a mile away. Two hundred and fifty Federals passed down this fence, and escaped to Kansas City. For other particulars, see biographies of Colo- nel Thompson and Major Vivian. THE BATTLE OF LONE JACK. 147 Chapter XV. THE BATTLE OF LONE JACK. Cowards die many times before their deaths; The valiant never taste of death but once. Of all the wonders that I yet have heard, It seems to me most strange that men should fear. — Shakespeare. The yearly course, that brings this day about, Shall never see it but a holiday. — Shakespeare. This notable engagement may be accounted as a type of all the battles of the Civil War. The story of the Lone Jack battle is told whenever any action of the war is recounted. This battle was the culmination of a raid, and thus foreshadowed Antietam, Gettysburg, and Westport. It is fur- ther typical in the firmness of its ]*eld on the mem- ory of men. "The yearly course that brings this day about" brings indeed a holiday. Thousands of people meet annually on the 16th of August, near the noble shaft, standing guard over the brave who fell in battle on that heroic day. The keeping of a day is the true, the enduring monu- ment of any event. Our Declaration of Independ- ence has no monument, needs no monument but the Fourth of July. We celebrate the birth of our Savior with one day in the year and His resurrec- tion with one day in the week. The battle of Lone Jack was fought on the great national issues of 148 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISSOURI AN S. the day. There were no Kansans at this battle; the troops were Missourians on both sides and they represented American manhood. They fought to settle great national questions and were unmoved by local animosities. The noblest side of our hu- man nature was revealed at Lone Jack in the earn- estness of death. There is no hypocrisy in a bat- tle. Our liberties are safe forever, if from genera- tion to generation and forever shall be cherished and held dear the sacrifices and achievements of such men as fought at Lone Jack. The movement culminating in tliis battle be- gafn in Arkansas at Frog Bayou, near Van Buren, whence had departed, early in the spring, such of Price's army as made records beyond the Missis- sippi. Those who did not cross the Mississippi re- mained here under General Eains, who hoped the summer would not wane before recruits came down from Missouri. But Colonels J. V. Cockrell, S. D. Jackman, D. O. Hunter, and others of the State Guards, under Eains, found that their com- mands could not be brought up to regimental standards without more abundant recruits than were likely to arrive during Mie fall, and these could be secured only by an invasion of Missouri. General Eains assigned the command of the expedition to Colonel Yard Cockrell, with instruc- tions to penetrate the State as far as he could, but not to sink the command. The matchless Jo. Shelby, then a captain, just returned from Corinth, whither he had gone with TEE BATTLE OF LONE JACK. 14g Price after Pea Kidge, was placed at the front with his company of seventy gallant, daring men. Marching orders were issued August 1, 1862, and the "boys'' joyfully turned their faces toward Mis- souri. They were tatterdemalians in appearance; the}^ were poorly mounted; some had bridles of rope or bark; many rode bareback or on sheep- skins or blankets. Had they depended on the graces, the equipments and soldierly appearance of their ranks for the attraction of recruits, the expedition had been doomed to failure. But if dash and daring and perfect morale counted for anything, they might hope for great results. As to clothing and horses and accouterments, these mi gilt be captured from the Federals in Missouri. This part of their programme was not the least of their purpose nor the least of their accomplish- ment. General Jackman described the outfit as "the most laughable and amusing body of cavalry imaginable to start out on a recruiting and killing expedition, when those who were to be killed were the best mounted and best armed men in the world, and backed by the strongest Government in the world." As Cockrell marched up from the South with his expedition, his ranks were swelled by the ad- dition of companies, squads, and individuals. In Butler County the gallant Colonel Coffee, of the State Guards, and Colonel Tracy, of the Confeder- ate Army, joined him with their commands.. The time was opportune for invasions of the State, 150 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OE MI880URIANS. and many fragmentary commands were coming up from the South to get recruits. H. R. Gamble, provisional governor of the State, was at this mo- ment enforcing his famous order requiring all men of military age to join the State militia or Home Guards. This order sent thousands of men into the woods, all of whom were anxious to reach the Southern Army. Recruiting-camps were popular resorts and CockrelPs standard was everywhere welcomed. On the night of August 14th the army camped in Johnson County. Captain Shelby dashed away with his company into Lafayette County, where his home was and where were the homes of his men. Shelby was acting by orders of the Confederate Government. He was not subject to the orders of Cockrell, except voluntarily. Shelby's purpose w^as to raise a regiment at his old home. Thus it happened that Shelby was not at the battle of Lone Jack. Colonel Cockrell turned the command over to Colonel Hunter and proceeded toward his home at Warrensburg. On the morning of the 15th Hunter moved early and marched all day to ward the northwest. At night he had arrived in tlie neighborhood of Lone Jack. Colonels Coffee and Tracy, who were independent of Colonel Cock- rell and of each other, camped to themselves. Tracy stopped two miles southeast of Lone Jack and went into camp with his men on the Dave Arnold farm. Coffee went into camp with his force at the Graham farm, half a mile southw^est of Lone Jack. TEE BATTLE OF LONE JACK. 151 Hunter proceeded through the village and went on three miles and a half further and camped on the George Kreeger farm. Before Cockrell reached his home, and when almost in sight of it, he learned that a large bod^^ of Federals, probably Colonel Warren's Iowa troops from the post at Clinton, was moving in the direction his army had gone. He hurried toward his command and arrived at Hunter's camp that night. Never had an army been in greater peril than now threatened the little army scattered around Lone Jack. Warren was coming up from the southeast with 800 men; Blunt with 1500 was coming up from Fort Scott and was near at hand on the southwest; Major Foster had already ar- rived and was bivouacked on the streets of Lone Jack; from the northwest an unknoAvn number of Kansans under Burris and Eansom were pouring down to avenge the capture of Buel at Independ- ence on the 11th inst. Colonel Cockrell had no artillery; he expected no reinforcements except from HaySj although Quantrell was near by, had he but known where to find him; he had but slight authority over the men about him — no authority over part of them; he had but one wagon contain- ing a small amount of ammunition, and he w^as heavily encumbered with unarmed recruits. The western terminus of the Missouri Pacific Kailroad was at Sedalia. From that point Major Emory S. Foster marched on the 13th with a con- 152 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISSOURIANS. siderable force across the country to Lexington, then in command of Colonel Huston. At mid- night of the 14th Foster was informed by wire from General Totten at Jefferson City that he had been selected to operate against the rebels sup- posed to be near Lone Jack under Hays and Quantrell. The presence of Cockrell, Hunter, and Tracy was unsuspected. On the 15th, a dry, hot day, two armies, ignorant of each other's exist- ence, made a long, fatiguing march, approaching each other at right angles at Lone Jack — Foster's army from Lexington and CockrelPs army from Johnson County. That night, a beautiful moon- lit night, the Federals lay, in the streets of the lit- tle village with their two cannon in their midst, and rested — a ]3relude to the final rest for many. Before the moon was up the rim of Coffee's force was touched by the rim of Foster's. Some shots were exchanged; Foster discharged his can- non at Coffee's rapidly retreating columns. The men at Hunter's and at Tracy's camps heard the cannon's opening roar and were thus rudely ap- prised of the presence of Federals in the neighbor- hood. Foster would have fared better the next day had he refrained from firing his cannon that night. Those premature shots lost him the battle and lost him his cannon. The boom of artillery was a timely and fortuitous announcement to Tracy and Hunter of impending danger. Cockrell had arrived by this time and he supposed the can- non belonf]fed to Warren's command from Clinton. 1 THE BATTLE OF LONE JACK. 153 Tracy broke camp precipitately and making a wide detonr arrived during the night at Hunter's camp. Coffee disappeared in the darkness and did not re- turn until after the battle next day. Cockrell was informed by the citizens that Captain Geo. Webb and Dr. Winfrey, of Lone Jack, had been organ- izing a company during the week at the Ingram farm, within a mile of Hunter's camp, and that they had recently gone westward to join Hays. Cockrell dispatched two swift horsemen to find Hays. Upon the arrival of Colonel Tracy, Cockrell called a council of war. The officers de- bated whether it were wiser to steal away that night in safety to the southward, or fight. The debate was short; they would fight. Hays and Coffee might come, or might not The Federals in Lone Jack were evidently more than a mere scout; the artillery proclaimed that. Cockrell, Jackman, Tracy, Hunter, these determined to make the attack at daylight next morning on whatever force might lay before them. It was a bold resolve. After the battle of Independence, Colonel Hays succeeded to the command of all the sol- diers who came up from the south with Hughes. Colonel Gid. Thompson was their rightful com- mander after Hughes fell, but Thompson was suf- fering from a wound in the leg received at In- dependence and was unfit for duty. Captain Bohanon acted in Thompson's place. Colonel Ha3^s was camped on the Harbaugh farm, twelve 11 154 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MIS80URIANS. miles northwest of Lone Jack. Toward midnight CockrelTs messengers arrived witli news that the Federals were in Lone Jack. The news was enongh. Ha3's roused his sleeping men and or- dered them to mount. The compan}^ recruited by Webb and Winfrey had not been organized, but many of the men lived in the neighborhood of Lone Jack, and this company was placed at the front. A rapid march was made to Hunter's camp. When Hays arrived with his command at the lane lead- ing up to the Kreeger farm, he found Cockrell and Tracy on their horses waiting in the road. A brief consultation was held. The night was waning. Cockrell sent orders up to the camp for Hunter to rouse his men quietly and to put his columns in motion for Lone Jack. As tlie leadeis rode forward they conferred together, and by the time they reached Noel's farm the plan of battle and the disposition of the forces had been agreed upon. They would dismount for the battle and approach the Federals stealthily and take them by surprise. Captain David Shanks, of Hays' com- mand, who was familiar Avith the topogra])hy of the region, was to remain mounted and with forty men was to ride around north and east to the rear of the Federal camp, and was instructed to bring on the battle and cut off retreat. In the confu- sion among the Federals, occasioned by Shanks' feint on the east of their camp, the main attack would be instantly made by those lying ready on the west of their camp. Hunter was to hold the THE BATTLE OF LONE JACK. I55 extreme right, Trac}^ the center, and Hays the left. Jackman was at the right of Hays. The plan of battle was a good one. The leaders ex- pected to repeat w^hat had been done at Independ- ence five days since. Before day the Kebel forces moved forward en masse to the Anderson Long grove, a mile from the Federal camp. The men dismounted. The companies were arranged for the fight. Six rounds of ammunition were doled out gingerly from the ammunition w^agon to those with arms, about 1100 men out of possibly 1800 or more present. Stealthily, lynx-like, in the dark before dawn, these reapers of death crept into the weed-grown field adjoining the battle-ground. They came into position and stood for a moment expectant, alert in the gray dawn. There was tragedy, mysterious and inscrutable, froAvning darkly along that irreg- ular, almost haphazard line of squirrel rifles and shot-guns, weapons come for the first time from the gentle chase of the woods to the stern, bitter chase of men. These young soldiers, with young wives at home or girlish sweethearts betrothed, were fitter to build a shrine than to write a chap- ter on the bloody pages of history; they did both that day. A few veterans were among them, some who had gone out the summer before with Price and some had been with Doniphan in Mexico. These veterans had been face to face with death in all its forms and the mystery of dissolution no longer appalled or terrified. Death was accepted 156 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MIS80URIAN8. as a fatality and was neither courted nor shunned. Somewhere down the Coufederate line a gun was discharged by accident; in an instant the Fed- erals were in motion. It was well for them. In a moment the attack was made; in a moment the attack was met Here they fought it out in a deadly grapple; for five hours the awful, awful work went on. There were 1000 or 1200 Federals in the street. On the east side of the street was a bois d'arc fence, except where a long blacksmith shop stood. On the west side of the street were a few store buildings, residences, a hotel and some other buildings. Back of these buildings were garden plats, barns, and plank and rail fences sep- arating the town property from the farm land, overgrown with high weeds and scattered patches of corn. Over this farm land the attacking party moved cautiously and drew near the Federal camp unobserved. A painful halt was made; daylight was broadening and Shanks had not brought on the fight The plan of battle was disconcerted. The men were nervous and one man accidentally discharged his gun. The Federals were aroused and could be heard stiiTing in excitement and alarm. Their bugle sounded to arjns. The time for tlie attack liad come; the time for the surprise had passed. A wild forward rush brought the Rebels to the fences in rear of the buildings. A perfect rain of lead now interchanged across the forty or sixty yards of space between buildings and rear fences. The battle was on in full blast THE BATTLE OF LONE JACK. 157 Colonel Hays, with the unerring instinct of a great soldier, formed his 400 in line at a point most advantageous for exploits startling and heroic. Just in front of these brave 400 was the Federal battery of two guns planted to enfilade the street. Around the battery the Federals were massing in some confusion, leading horses forth and keeping up a desultory firing at Hays' men as the latter moved nearer. Colonel Hays, always cool, observant, of ready perception, noted that the Federals were beginning to shield themselves behind their horses and were firing from the sad- dle-bows. Then he gave a command, piteous in its execution, the first command and perhaps the last of the day, for this was the privates' battle. He called to his men above the roar of the con- flict: "Shoot the horses." For many minutes more horses fell than men. The poor animals, wounded and dying, groaned piteously. The two- cannon battery was not idle. These vicious instru- ments of death manifested their horrible capa- bilities by frightful roar and smoke. "Take the battery!" the cry ran along Hays' line. Captain Mart Rider, Captain Halloway, and Captains Webb and Winfrey dashel across the street with their companies and captured the battery in a hand-to- hand melee. Here the captors stood and fought and were not reinforced. A number of brave men fell in this first contest over the battery. In the excitement and enthusiasm of this momentary but dearly bought success, a young man leaped on one 158 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISSOURIANS. of the guns aud, swiiigiug his hat over his head, shouted: "Hurrah for Jeff. Davis!'' Before the echo of his voice came back, his soul was speeding away to eternity. The routed Federals returned in a heavy charge and retook the battery, driving Hays' men to right and left, a part falling back to the line of their comrades across the street and a part taking shelter behind the hedge on the east side of the street. Colonel Hays and Captain Webb were the officers behind the hedge. In a few minutes Captain Long, with a company of Federal cavalry, appeared in the standing corn east of the hedge and a short but terrific fusillade occurred. This was hardly noticeable, however, along the street where the battle was raging as if the Pluto- nian regions had sent internal fires to harass the earth and to destroy the lives of men. On the west side of the street a s])ontaneous and well-nigh uni- versal impulse is gathering head to capture that deadly battery again. It is evident that Hays' men will now have support from many parts of the field. The men move forward in a more sullen and desperate temper than before. The Federals see the storm coming and draw closer about the guns. For a moment there is a lull, not quite a silence, then the wild and frantic charge. Confederates and Federals mingling, clubbing with guns, shouting, cursing, men falling and dying; the Federals give back almost in a moment and the guns are again in Confederate hands. But they were not long retained by their new masters. The Confederate THE BATTLE OF LONE JACK. I59 forces were beaten back with heavy loss and in great confusion. Captain Winfrey had now about one hundred men, only five of Avhoni were of his old company. These five were Alvis Noel, Jas. AV. Noel, Dave Adams, Jacob Adams, and Wm. Lewis. One of Hunter's men carried the flag over Win- frey's comj^any. Other companies were equally disarranged and disorganized. The battle was raging from one end of the little town to the other. Captain Winfrey, whose' home was here, led his company in a charge against the Federals in his own house and drove them from it and from his drug store adjoining his dwelling. From the up- per windows of the hotel Foster's fine riflemen poured out a deadly, ceaseless fire on the Confed- erates crouching behind fences, outbuildings and whatever would afford shelter or concealment. Colonel Hays rode up the line on a black horse, the horse from which he was shot at Newtonia, and ordered the hotel to be set on fire. Two or three soldiers went forAvard — crept forward, gathering combustibles as they went. In a few minutes the building was in flames. It was a holocaust. The charred bodies of one or two men and a horse were discovered in the embers after the battle. Mrs. Bart Cave, hostess of the hotel, fled throngh the Confederate lines with her two small children and lay down for safety in the standing corn. Before the battle was over her babe muttered and cried. She rose on her elbow to give it attention and a ball penetrated her breast. She died two weeks 160 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISS0URIAN8. after. South of the hotel was a large barn, which the Confederates captured from the Federals. A number of wounded Federals were calling for water. They were supplied from the well in the barn. Captain Long, Major Foster's favorite, lay there, wounded through the body, and but one limb unbroken. He said: ^'I have done my best, but it is all over with me.-' A Confederate placed a blanket beneath his head and gave him water. The Confederates fired with such vigor and accu- racy from this barn as to draAV upon them the at- tention of the battery in the street. Cannon-ball after cannon-ball ripped with great clatter througb the clapboard siding. How many times the Fed- eral battery changed masters that day will never be known. The cannon were responsible for the bitterest and bloodiest contests. Major Foster, who was wounded in the battle and fell into the hands of the Confederates, wrote many years after the battle: "Sergeant Scott handles his guns magnifi- cently. With nothing but round shot, he finds round shot amply sufficient. Ball after ball, with unerring deadly aim, plunges through the hotel, through the houses to the north and south of it. Wherever a Confederate fusillade bursts from a window, a cannon-ball crashes. * * * "At half past six the engagement has become general. The Confederates^ facing eastward, fight with the August morning sun full in their eyes — a serious disadvantage. But this is not so serious, THE BATTLE OF LONE JACK. 161 as they are armed with shot-guns, good to kill at short range, even without accurate aim. This ac- counts for the fact so often noted of this engage- ment — there was no skirmishing at long range at Lone Jack. The bloody work went on full five hours across a street only sixty feet in width — when it was not a hand-to-hand encounter. There was not a cloud in the sky and the heat was ter- rible. * * * "Such a combat is full of incidents. There was here no swaying back and forth before each other of uncertain, wavering lines. From seven o'clock till ten the opposing forces, like two wrestling ath- letes, held each other in a horrible embrace, each striving for advantage, neither seizing it. "In such a struggle soldiers become their own officers and seek adventure on their own account. A bunch of weeds becomes the hiding-place of a sharp-shooter, who makes the affair a personal matter. A convenient shed conceals bloody men waiting eagerly for opportunity to kill. A face at a window is a signal for a shower of balls. A few hours of such fighting bleeds the opposing forces terribly. The final result of such a contest is only postponed, not in anyway rendered uncertain. That force will yield which first bleeds to death or loses the power to bleed the other. * * "About ten o'clock the deadly fire of the Con- federate sharp-shooters posted in a small log house, some distance north of our center, greatly harassed our right. To make the artillery effect- 162 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISS0VRIAN8. ive against the house it must be dragged into the street and there served. Sergeant Scott will do it. Captain Brawner will support him with his rifle- men. While preparation is making for this, the roar of shot-guns on our front seems to decrease, almost to cease. Are they out of ammunition? Suddenly a man on horseback rides among the men behind the houses west of the street, distrib- uting cartridges from a basket, escaping unhurt. The Federals gave him a rousing cheer in recogni- tion of his nerve. He was a good one.'' Major Foster narrates the final struggle over the guns, as follows: "We fall upon the Rebels in the middle of the street and struggle with them for the guns. The carnage here is frightful. In less time than is required for the telling of it, the sixty Federals are forty, and of these all but a dozen are disabled. Captain Long is mortally wounded. Lieutenant Rodgers is sorely hurt. Others lie in heaps — dead and dying. My brother and I, with ten others, remain unhurt and the guns are in our hands. We seize them and drag them eastw^ard toward the shop." Both sides momentarily expected reinforce- ments during all the terrible morning. So nearly equal were the contending forces that any rein- forcement to either side would have brought vic- tory on its banners. Major Foster says: "About half past nine a force of perhaps 200 men appeared near a mile south of us on the crest of a prairie ridge. They were Federals. We sent to them THE BATTLE OF LONE JACK. 163 across the green expanse a ringing shont of wel- come. But they came no nearer and in a few mo- ments disappeared behind the hilltop. This was a force sent out from Lexington after we left that post. I never knew what pressing business pre- vented them from joining our picnic." Captain David Shanks captured sixty Federals on the east side of the battle-field. Ten men were detailed to report with these prisoners at head- quarters. When they came to the road north of Lone Jack they encountered a body of Federals. The guards ran and the prisoners thus escaped to their friends. These Federals did not go into the battle. They were probably from Wellington. Finally a great dust was seen rising away to the west of the Noel farm, two miles away. The Con- federates shouted, "Hurrah for Quantrell!" The Federals thought they had been fighting Quantrell all the morning; if he was yet to come into the ac- tion, they would stay no longer. They retreated precipitately and the Confederates were glad to see them go. The battle was over. Notes. At the close of the battle the cannon were in the possession of the Federals, who abandoned the guns because all their artillery horses had been killed ; otherw^ise the battery would not have fallen into the hands of the Confederates. Noah Hunt, of Lone Jack, says that 110 dead horses were counted on the streets after the battle, all Federal horses. 164 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISS0UBIAN8. QuantrelPs men were in camp at or near David Dealy's farm, five miles northwest of Lone Jack, on the morning of the battle. Qnantrell had orone the day before to Independence, leaving Captain Wm. H. Gregg in command, with orders not to break camp under any circumstances. For sev- eral hours Captain Gregg obeyed the order in plain hearing of the battle. When his fighting propen- sity could no longer be restrained, he gave the order for his men to mount, and they went like the wind. The dust they raised seems to have frightened the Federals from the battle-field. Some say Foster was whipped already, and that before he was Avounded he Avould have surren- dered, but, believing that he was fighting Qnan- trell, he feared that his men would all be shot. Major Foster says of Colonel Vard Cockrell: "I conceive, therefore, that it is to his tenacity and ability that we owe the pounding we received that day.'^ , As Captain Gregg's command dashed down the rocky hill west of Lone Jack, the victorious Con- federates were met returning for their horses. They had not stopped to gather the booty from the field, such as arms, etc., left by the retreating Federals. I could give the names of a dozen men who are accredited with the daring deed of firing the hotel. For this reason I refrain from giving any. Many of Col. Hays' men did not know until after the battle was over that any other Confed- THE BATTLE OF LONE JACK, 165 erate tropps were present. Hunter's and Tracy's and Jackman's men fought like tigers. Hunter's command probably suffered the heaviest loss in killed. His men had seen some service, as had also those of Jackman and Tracy. Hays expressed dissatisfaction with the management of the battle before the battle was over. A citizen of Lone Jack, concealed near enough to hear the battle, says the roar of guns was inter- mittent. Sometimes the battle sound almost died into silence, and then would break out anew. There was much shouting and not a little profane swearing. After the battle Colonel Hays marched out to the west and resumed recruiting, and did not go south for perhaps ten days. Colonel Yard Cockrell departed southward with his captured cannon. One of these guns is accredited with firing the shot which crippled the iron-clad Queen City, on White River. General Jackman, in his version of the Lone Jack battle, says that often the soldiers were com- pelled to retire from the battle to replenish their ammunition; many of these never returned, and this so disgusted Cockrell that he fired seventeen shots at the Federals from his revolver. Jackman says he went into the fight with about 500 men; Jas. W. Noel, of Lone Jack, who has greatly as- sisted me in gathering data for this chapter, be- lieves Jackman went in with only thirty-two men. The Federal and the Confederate loss in killed were about equal, about ninety each. These were 166 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISS0URIAN8. buried near the old oak tree from which Lone Jack took its name. Soon after the war the Con- federates erected a fine monument at Lone Jack, commemorative of their dead. Eastham Allen, of Lone Jack, says the messen- gers who notified Hays that the Federals were in Lone Jack the night before the battle were Isaac Arnold and David Yankee. Mr. Allen speaks pos- itively as to Arnold's being one, and he believes Yankee was the other. Switzler, in his history of Misouri, has a foot-note which exhibits a very common mixture of truth and error found in his- tory. Colonel Yard Cockrell was in command at Lone Jack. Colonel Coffee's command was not in the battle at all. Coffee arrived with a body guard just before the battle terminated. Here is Switz- ler's foot-note: "Among the remarkable incidents of the battle, the following is worthy of record: When the Federal force had fallen back and taken refuge in a large hotel, and were pouring from its windows a death-fire upon the Confederates, caus- ing them to lie down and take shelter behind the plank fencing that surrounded the hotel, news came to the headquarters of General Coffee that his men had exhausted their cartridges. Yolunteers were called for, to risk their lives in that terrible storm of Minie balls, and supply the soldiers behind the fencing with the needed ammunition. David R. Boneton, a son of Jesse A. Boneton, of Boone County, responded; and, filling a carpet-sack with deadly missiles, mounted his fine charger (named THE BATTLE OF LONE JACK. 167 'Sterling Price'), and dashed forward on his mis- sion. He sat on his horse and distributed the cartridges amid a storm of bullets, coming out un- scathed.'' Mr. Switzler is a good historian, but he can find other claimants to the honor he gives Bon- eton. I know a man who claims the honor for himself, and I have heard veterans name others. Eastham Allen was with Captain Shanks, who made his headquarters at the old church northeast of town. A lull occurred in the battle, and Cap- tain Shanks, who was a brave and devoted man, took fourteen of his forty men and went to the bat- tle-field to ascertain why hostilities had ceased. Presently the battle was resumed. Shanks charged the Federals several times and was not more than ten feet from them, the hedge fence intervening. Captain Shanks, James Compton, ITenry Snow, and A. C. Arnold jumped the hedge with their horses and were right among the Fed- erals. Shanks ordered his men to retreat south- ward, and they passed out of range. It is generally accepted as a fact that the battle was precipitated by the premature discharge of a gun in the hands of an excited Confederate. But Captain Shanks droAv the fire of a Federal picket in passing to the east side. Major Foster says the picket gave the first alarm. 168 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISSOUBIAtfS. Chapter XVI. NEWTONIA, CANE HILL, AND PRAIRIE GROVE. The army of Missouri soldiers seemed to van- ish from existence after the battle of Pea Ridge in March, 18G2. From that date till past midsummer the soldiers who for a year had taken part in so many great and spectacular performances were strangers to all operations in their own State. But in August, captains, colonels, and generals at- tended by small retinues, nuclei of future battal- i(ms, brigaeles, and divisions, began to arrive at different points in the State. The Federal victor}^ at Pea llidge eliminated Curtis and his army from the State as effectually as defeat had eliminated Price and h^s army. But the dissipation of the State Guards and the withdrawal of Curtis to the swamps of Arkansas did not relieve the State of hostilities. General Schofield, the Federal com- mander of the Department of Missouri that year, reported over one hundred battles in the State from April 1st to September 20th. Britton, in "The Civil War on the Border," dis- cussing the unrest of this period, says at page 343: "The surrender of Independence, the defeat of Major Foster's forces at Lone Jack, and the report that the combined Eebel forces in Jackson and Lafayette Counties were four or five thousand strong, created much anxiety in the minds of the NEWTONIA, CANE HILL, AND PRAIRIE GROVE. i69 people in the border counties of Kansas. And there were good reasons for such anxiety. It was known that a good many rebels in the border counties of Missouri were smarting to avenge the conduct of Colonel Jennison and the lawless bands of Red Legs from Kansas. These Rebel sympa- thizers alleged that Jennison's men and the Kan- sas lied Legs robbed and plundered the people of Missouri of personal property which could not in au}^ manner be applied to military purposes, and it was sometimes hinted that the Secessionists would get even with General Lane for wantonly burning Osceola. There was a general feeling along the Kansas border that, on account of the alleged depredations referred to as not justifiable acts of war, the organized Rebels of Missouri would, if an opportunity offered, retaliate with in- teresf Britton, who was a Federal offtcer, here foreshadows QuantrelFs raid on Lawrence the following year. General James G. Blunt, commanding the De- partment of Kansas, including the Indian Terri- tory, was at Fort Scott at the beginning of August, 18()2. lie learned from many sources that num- erous detachments of Rebels were passing north- ward out of Arkansas. His forces had just re- turned from an Indian expedition and for a week his men rested and his thin, grass-fed horses were permitted to fatten. On August 9th he ordered his cavalry to mount and his 2000 infantry to get into one hundred Government wagons, drawn by 12 170 BATTLE IS AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISS0URIAN8. Government mules. With this outfit he started toward Lone Jaclv. All along the route he saw fresh trails through the long grass; the grass in the trails bent to the north. Arriving in the vi- cinity of Lone Jack, he heard that a great battle had been fought and that his friends had been discomfited. He found a trail with the grass bending to the south. He followed it and chased Cockrell to the Arkansas line, a bitter, unrelenting race. General Hindman had organized an army from the swamps and the mountains of Arkansas, had reunited the scattered State Guards under Kains, and was now moving toward Missouri to welcome and assist Cockrell, and Shelby, and Thompson, and all the recruits for the Southern Army, and to lead them in a grand invasion of the State. Blunt returned to Fort Scott and prepared for long marching and heavy fighting. General Schofield was at Springfield with a Federal army of ten thousand men, prepared to resist Hindman's aggressive movements. The signs portended a cam- paign rife with many battles. While Colonel Cockrell was fighting the battle of Lone Jack, Captain Shelby was raising a regi- ment in Lafayette County. Edwards says: "Wa- verly was selected as the point of concentration, and from every portion of the surrounding country troops came pouring in for enlistment. Ten com- panies Avere organized in a day, and the next Cap- tain Shelby had a thousand men of the best blood of Missouri. The struggle against surprise and \ NEWTONIA, CANE HILL, AND PRAIRIE GROVE. 171 complete overthrow was terrible, for Federal gar- risons and detachments were on every side; but his old veterans nobly sustained him, and made up by energy and incessant scouting what they lacked in numbers. * * Captain Shelby gathered up his new recruits and followed after Cockrell, on a parallel and lower line, with speed as great and anxiety as heavy/' At Coon Creek, in Jasper County, Shelby's wear}^ men were attacked by Blunt's Federals, un- der Colonel Grano. A five-minute battle ensued, in which several Federal soldiers and some Rebel horses were killed. About the 12th of September Colonel Shelby reached the Southern rendezvous, on the skirt of a beautiful prairie, near Newtonia. Simultaneously, Colonel Hays arrived with the Jackson County regiment and Colonel Coffee with the recruits from southwestern Missouri. These three regiments were organized into one Missouri cavalry brigade, and by orders of General Hind- man were placed under the command of Colonel Shelby, who was ordered to hold his position, scouting well to the front in all directions while giving his recruits necessary drill and discipline. '^At an election held in the Lafayette County regi- ment. Captain Shelby was unanimously chosen colonel, B. F. Gordon lieutenant-colonel, and George Kirtley major. The Jackson County reg- iment in turn elected Upton Hays colonel, Beal G. Jeans lieutenant-colonel, and Charles Gilkey major. The Southwest Missouri regiment elected 172 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISS0URIAN8. John T. Coffee colonel, John 0. Hooper lieutenant- colonel, and George W. Nichols major. Thus the organization was completed, and Colonel Shelby assumed command of that immortal brigade which afterward carried its flag triumphantly in a hun- dred desperate conflicts, and poured out its blood like water from Kansas to tlie Rio Grande." (Ed- wards.) While the brigade was drilling at this camp, a detachment of Federals occupied New- tonia. Colonel Hays was ordered to take his reg- iment and drive them out of town and back to Mount Vernon. In executing this duty, Colonel Hays was killed and Major Charles Gilkey was promoted to the position of colonel. Colonel Cooper, Eebel commandant of the In- dian Territory, marched from the Cherokee Nation with four thousand half-breeds, full-bloods, cow- boys, Texans, etc., and camped near Shelby, as- suming command, being the ranking officer. On September 30th, General Sollaman advanced up- on the town and gallantly drove everything be- fore him. Even Bledsoe's battery could hardly stay the Federal tide. Shelby sent Lieutenant Gordon to the front and Cooper ordered up his In- dians. The battle raged for hours, then there was a lull. Toward nightfall the Rebels renewed the attack with irresistible fury and the Federals were driven away. General Schofleld was exasper- ated at this defeat and came on himself in a few days, determined to drive the Rebels out of the State. On the 4th of October he arrived in front NEWTONIA, GANE HILL, AND PRAIRIE OROTE. 173 of Newtonia. He deployed his forces with con- summate skill. The Rebel pickets were all driven in at the same moment. Colonel Cooper had al- ready determined not to fight. He retreated to- ward the Indian Territory and Colonel Shelby re- treated toward Pea Ridge, where Rains was en- camped on the old battle-field of last March. In a few days General Blunt was in full pursuit of Cooper with a band of Pin Indians and a troop of Kansans. The Indians were divided about equally in their allegiance to the United States and to the Southern Confederacy. The employment of the Indians in the Civil War was not creditable to either North or South. Abowt this time, General Marmaduke, who quit the State service after the Boonville affair, re- turned from beyond the Mississippi, and was as- signed by General Hindman to command the cav- alry now in northern Arkansas. General Mar- maduke advanced to Cane Hill, at the northern foot of the Boston Mountains, and waited the ap- proach of Blunt. He had not long to wait. Blunt, who was equal to Shelby in his manipulation of and reliance on artillery, opened on the Rebels with a cannonade, long remembered for the ter- rible accuracy of the work performed. For an hour the battle raged; Blunt was unable to dis- lodge Shelby until by a flank movement he ren- dered Shelby's position untenable. Marmaduke ordered a retreat. For fifteen miles, up and down the mountain sides, through gorges, and along 174 BATTLE IS AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MI8S0URIAN8. streams, the battle raged until night. Wherever there was a boulder, a clump of pines, or a crag, Shelby posted a company, which, when routed, fell back past other companies, similarly posted, and again took up position far to the rear. Blunt hurled his troops savagely against company after company thus posted by Shelby. The Sixth Kan- sas made the last charge, and lost its leader, Colonel Jewell. Shelby's men were crouching in ambuscade on the sides of a deep ravine. With sabers drawn, hooting and yelling and hurrahing, the brave Kansans rushed to repulse and certain destruction. Edwards describes, in one of his most eloquent passages, a scene at the close of this battle: "With the darkness came a flag of truce from General Blunt (which was received by the heroic Emmet McDonald, who had been fighting all day with the stubborn rear), asking for Colonel Jewell's body, and asking permission to bury his dead and take his wounded from the field of the Confederates. It was cheerfully granted, and General Marmaduke and Colonel Shelby met him on neutral ground, and conversed as freely and calmly as if but two hours before they had not sought each other's life with fell tenacity. ^Wliose troops fought me to-day,' asked General Blunt. ^Colonel Shelby's brigade,' replied the gen- erous Marmaduke. 'How did they behave. Gen- eral?' 'Behave?' answered Blunt; 'why, sir, they fought like devils. Two hundred and fifty of my best men have fallen in this day's fight, and more NEWTONIA, CANE HILL, AND PRAIRIE GROVE. I75 heroic young officers than I can scarcely hope to get again. I don't understand your fighting/ he continued; Svhen I broke one line, another met me, another, another, and still another, until the woods seemed filled with soldiers and the very air dark with bullets.' Just then the body of Colo- nel Jewell was carried tenderly past by his sor- rowful soldiers, and a frown passed swiftly over the face of General Blunt, but it cleared instantly, and he said in a troubled vMce: 'Ah! there goes a model soldier — and far away in Kansas he leaves a poor old mother who will look long for his return.' *How many men did you fight us with to-day?' asked Shelby. 'I am ashamed to tell,' replied Blunt, evasively, 'but more than you had to meet me.' After holding some further conversation, the generals separated to their dreary bivouacs." Blunt fell back to Cane Hill and began to gath- er about him all the Federal forces in that region. Hindman was concentrating, massing, counseling, and preparing with the greatest alacrity for the supreme effort to open the door into Missouri. The one great battle of this campaign was now to be fought. It was to decide again what the battle of Pea Ridge, a few miles away, decided nine months before. The issues at stake were the same; the contestants were not the same. The battles of Independence, Lone Jack, Newtonia, Cane Hill, and a hundred hot, unrecorded skir- mishes were parts of the campaign now to culmi- nate in the battle of Prairie Grove. It was a bat- 176 BATTLED AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MI880URIAN8. tie of the North and the South contending for Mis- souri, an issue finally settled in favor of the North at the battle of Westport. If some future Creasy ever writes ^'The Fifteen Decisive Battle® of Our Civil War/' he will name Pea Ridge, Prairie Grove, and Westport as the most important battles of the number. And around these his pen will linger in fond portraiture of all the noble exercises of valiant war, the fi)ifsse of military maneuvering, plans and counter-plfws, the wily, wary, skillful generalship, and the undaunted courage of men. Hindman determined to drive a wedge into the center of Blunt's segregated forces. General Her- ron was at Fayetteville, east of Cane Hill, coming with six thousand to reinforce Blunt's ten thou- sand. If quick enough work could be done, these two forces might be destroyed in detail. Shelby and Marmaduke and Fagan were sent to meet Herron. They encountered him at Prairie Grove. Meantime Blunt was to be given employment by feint or fight. Colonel Monroe was detailed for this work and attacked Blunt fiercely at Cane Hill. For hours Blunt thought the entire Rebel Army was in his front, and he sent couriers to Herron at the same time that Herron sent couriers to Blunt, each asking for aid. At Prairie Grove, Colonel Shanks opened the battle. Herron was an intelli- gent, energetic, and fearless fighter, who was as de- voted to artillery as either Shelby or Blunt. Herron had forty splendid guns; with these he played for time. His cannonade was unsurpassed; its work NEWTONIA, VAJSE HILL, AND PRAIRIE QROTE. 177 was insatiate butchery. After two hours of artil- lery practice, Herron ordered a charge on the right against Shelby and Fagan. The attack was re- pulsed, and Shelby's men charged the retreating Federals to IleiTon's very guns, both suffering terribly. Again Ilerron came to the attack and again was repulsed. Herron prayed that Blunt or night would come, as Wellington at Waterloo prayed that Bltlcher or night would come. Suddenly wild and frantic cheering to the west on the Federal right drowned the roar of battle. Blunt had aiTived. The dreadful conflict was now renewed. Both armies knew the fatal hour was about to strike; both armies stripped and like sin- ewey athletes grappled for the mastery. "For four dreadful hours the red waves of battle ebbed and flowed around the hill, in and out amid the beautiful woods of Prairie Grove, and almost upon the sacred altar of the quiet country church, point- ing its tall spires heavenward, as if praying God's mercy on the infuriated combatants. Blunt, grim and stubborn as a bull-dog, threw himself upon General Parsons, and dealt him ponderous blows for an hour and more, when Parsons closed sud- denly upon him and bore him back, bleeding, through a large orchard to the timber beyond, where he had massed thirty pieces of artillery in one solid park. * * Herron on the right had less success than Blunt, and was driven back at all points with greater loss. Night alone closed the battle, leaving the Confederates in possession 178 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISSOURIANS. of the field and believing in victory, though some- what scattered and demoralized/' That night Hindman retreated back to the mountains of Arkansas, and Missouri was again saved to the North. That cold, bleak December night was spent by burial parties and relief corps from both armies caring for the dead and the wounded. The piteous groans of dying men and wounded horses made the night dismal. The scenes of that battle-field will never be forgotten by participants in the battle or the charitable wit- nesses present next day. THE RAIDS OF MARMADUKE AND SHELBY. 179 Chapter XYII. THE RAIDS OF MARMADUKE AND SHELBY. The War of the Eebellion was a war of raids. Witness the great raids of Lee, Sherman, Morgan, Price, Marmaduke, and Shelby. Perhaps Shelby was the most restless and indefatigable raider that the war produced. He was never known to remain contented!}^ in camp more than a few days. Not even winter quarters could hold him. There was no better cavalry commander in the war on either side than General Shelby. While General Price was drilling his new army at Cowskin Prairie in 1861, Capt Shelby returned to Lafayette County to recruit and to harass the enemy. The count}^ was well occupied by Home Guards, whom Shelby with his company kept in turmoil for two weeks. He captured a steamboat, Sunshine, he made and used wooden cannon, burned bridges, dug rifle-pits, and fought the Home Guards and regulars, then returned to Price in time for the Wilson Greek battle. After the AYilson Creek fight, while Price reorganized his army, Shelby made another dash into Lafa^^ette County, where he met the Home Guards in many skirmishes and battles, preludes to the siege of Lexington. Shelby's next raid to Missouri was with Cock- relPs expedition after Corinth, marked by the bat- tle of Lone Jack. 180 BATTLE 8 AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISSOURIANS. The stately Marmaduke was a great cavalry leader. He was a West Pointer and his cam- paigns and raids were characterized and modeled by all the tenets of strict military science. Mar- madnke was su])erb on horseback. After Blunt had driven Shelby and Marmaduke back from Cane Hill and Prairie Grove far into Arkansas, the Confederate Army rested in cantonment at Lewisburg. Blunt followed on to the Arkansas Elver, which he proposed to cross and attack Lit- tle Bock, Confederate headquarters. Blunt's line of communication reached down from Holla, Mo., railroad terminus, whither supplies came from St. Louis. General Hindman, perhaps the ablest general ever in charge of the Trans-Mississippi Department, ordered Marmaduke to take his divi- sion of cavalry and march into Missouri, sever Blunt's communication and force him by starvation to retreat out of Arkansas. General Marmaduke selected for this hazardous service the Missouri brigades, commanded by General Shelby and by General Porter. On the last day of December, 1862, this army broke camp at Lewisburg and turned to the north, to face not only the Federal enemy, but also the blasts of a Missouri winter. In a week the eager, swift-riding Missourians were nearing Springfield, already famous in the annals of the war. The place was defended by General Brown, a brave and generous Federal commander. Springfield was fortified by formidable works. On the morning of January 8, 1863, Marmaduke THE RAIDS OF MARMADUKE AND SHELBY. Igl dismounted his command, two miles from the city, and marched to the attack with Thompson on his right, Gordon or his left, and Gilkey (Hays' old regiment) in the center. The front of the town was guarded by an extensive and strong stockade, which surrounded the large brick female college. As the Confederates aj^proached the stockade the fighting became furious. A charge was now or- dered and the stockade was carried by assault. From the embrasures of the earthworks the Fed- eral cannon swept the street, but the Confederates took possession of the first line of rifle-pits and carried back a Federal gun, which was added to Collins' battery. The fighting continued through the day; at night Marmaduke withdrew, taking the road toward Eolla, unmolested by pursuit. General Porter was off toward Rolla and the divided forces reunited at Sand Springs. Marma- duke lingered along the Rolla road, capturing a few supply trains and preventing others from set- ting out, until Blunt returned with his whole army to Springfield. Marmaduke now retreated into Arkansas, having full}^ accomplished his purpose. The return was marked by hardships and battles. At Ilartsville a ferocious battle was fought. It was here that Colonel Emmet McDonald fell. This eccentric and chivalrous young man had vowed not to cut his hair until the Confederacy was es- tablished. Here also fell Colonel Wymer and many others. At Batesville the remainder of the winter, 182 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MI8S0URIANS. about two months, was passed, and before turning again to invade Missouri, Shelby gave a sham bat- tle for the benefit of the ladies. In April, General Marmaduke returned from Little Rock, w^hither he had gone to meet General Price. At this conference the "Cape Girardeau Expedition'' was decided upon. Cape Girardeau, on the Mississippi Kiver, was a depot of supplies for a por-tion of Grant's army, now operating against Vicksburg. The capture of Cape Girar- deau would have greatly weakened Grant. It was understood that General John McNeil commanded the place — McNeil, whose name is forever linked in history with the Palmyra massacre. Marma- duke captured some Federal dispatches containing an order for McNeil^ then in Stoddard County, to proceed to Pilot Knob, but McNeil disobeyed the order and hastened back to Cape Girardeau. Had McNeil obeyed his orders, he would have been captured. Two days after McNeil reached Cape Girardeau, Marmaduke arrived with his entire division, known as "Price's First Corps of the Trans-Mississippi Department." The Confeder- ates prepared for immediate attack; before doing so, Marmaduke summoned McNeil to surrender, giving him but thirty minutes to consider the mat- ter. McNeil refused and the battle opened with a tremendous fusillade. The heavy boom of artillery and the incessant crash of small-arms reverberated over the Father of Waters, on whose bosom scur- ried to and fro hundreds of steamboats screeching TEE RAIDS OF MAEMADUKE AND SBELBY. 183 out their dismay. Again McNeil was summoned to surrender, but reinforcements were now disem- barking, and his reply was defiant. The Confederates made a gallant but unsuc- cessful assault. Marmaduke was repulsed with heavy loss, and he returned toward Arkansas, fol- lowed hard, not by McNeil, but by Colonel Vandi- ver from Pilot Knob. Vandiver was cautious, even to timidity, but he forced the Confederates to fight at Jackson, Bloomfield,and St. Francis Eiver. Had McNeil joined Vandiver in the pursuit and had the pursuit been conducted in a soldierly, en- terprising manner, Marmaduke's army might have been eliminated from the service at the St Francis River. The next effort to relieve Vicksburg was the attack on Helena, July 4th, the day Vicksburg surrendered. Immediately after this. General Frederick Steele received orders to proceed from Helena against Price at Little Rock. He obeyed the order with energy and alacrity, sending com- motion and consternation throughout the Rebel strongholds in Arkansas. The Confederates were justly discouraged. The Arkansas River was held by the Federals at all imijortant points. At this gloomy hour Shelby came forward with a unique plan to revive the spirits of the army. He de- sired to lead an expedition to the Missouri River. His superiors demurred at first and attempted to check his ambition for such a perilous under- taking. Shelby had been severely wounded in the 184 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISSOURI AN S. hand at Helena. It was argued that the wound in- capacitated him for such a long and arduous jour- ney. He replied that he would rather go and lose both hands than to remain idle in Arkansas. As to the dangers, he courted them. Shelby was mas- terful not only in camp and field, but also in coun- cil. His knightly bearing won for his Quixotic and presumptuous project the reluctant endorsement of both Marmaduke and Price. General " Kirby Smith was constrained to issue the requisite order. On September 23, 1863, Shelby set out with 800 Missouri "boys,'' all shouting joyously as they started. The little army might never come back. They were going five hundred miles into the ene- my's country. Shelby had with him Shanks and Langhorne and Gordon and Elliott and Thorp. He had two pieces of artillery and twelve wagons heavily loaded with ammunition. Fighting be- gan long before Missouri was reached. On the way Hunter and Coffee joined the expedition. They reported that the summer had been a sad one for Missouri, the darkest season of her mournful history. The State was infested with guerrillas. At every hamlet and cross-roads were garrisons^ of militia. Tliat summer the black fiag waved over Missouri; killing and burning had been indiscrim- inate. Quantrell had raided Lawrence in August, and Ewing in retaliation had issued and enforced Order No. 11. Shelby met fugitives under this or- der from Jackson, Cass, and Bates counties, down as far as the Arkansas line, women and children THE RAIDS OF MARMADUKE AND SHELBY. Jg^ and old men, in rickety wagons, drawn by teams too shabby for army service. This summer was truly awful for Missouri. The Home Guards and militia were kept in perpetual turmoil by the guer- rillas, who by this time were almost perfect in their craft. Shelby entered the State at a point from which he might threaten Springfield. His route lay through Neosho, Greenfield, Humansville, on to the Osage River at Warsaw, then to Cole Camp, and on to Tipton and Boonville. Battles and skir- mishes occurred daily, almost hourly. At Boon- ville, Gen. Brown, then stationed at Jefferson City, attacked Shelby's army, which retreated toward Marshall, where Gen. Ewing was stationed with a large force. With Brown in the rear and Ewing in front, both commanding forces superior to Shel- by's, the bold raiders were face to face with de- struction, quick and terrible. Shelby ordered Shanks to defend the rear with two hundred men, while he, with the main army, fought Ewing in front. Two hot engagements were now fought simultaneously not half a mile apart. Very quickly both Shanks and Shelby were completely surrounded. Shelby cut his way through, escap- ing with thinned ranks to the west Shanks cut his way through, escaping to the east Then be- gan two races for safety in Arkansas, Shanks on one road with all that were left of his two hundred, and Shelby on another road with his decimated ranks, each ignorant of the other's fate, Some- 13 )gQ BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MlSSOURIANS. where south of Springfield, on the wire road, Shanks and Shelby camped Avithin five miles of each other, and their scouts met. At midnight a joyful reunion took place. Shelby marched on leisurely toward White Kiver, almost without ammunition. General Mc- Neil dropped in behind and followed on to the Arkansas River. There was no fighting between Shelby and McNeil. The raid ended at Washington, Arkansis. 1 BATTLES OF MISSOURIANS IN ARKANSAS. 187 Chapter XVIII. BATTLES OF MISSOURIANS IN ARKANSAS. {Helena.) An account of the battles fought by Missouri ans in Arkansas wouhl fill a volume. The Mis- souri Confederate soldiers spent by far the larger part of the time of the war in Arkansas. I shall content myself with a fair outline of the move- ments, campaigns, and battles of the Missourians in our neighboring State. The custom among our leading citizens, who become absorbed in either civil or military affairs east of the Mississippi, has been to disregard the importance of the western half of the continent. No able general was sent during the war by either of the contending govern- ments to take charge of the respective forces in the West. The failure to do so w^as a mistake on the part of the United States, and a blunder on the part of the Southern Confederacy. * The operations in Missouri and Arkansas were not always independent of the operations beyond the Mississii)pi. A clear conception of the war in the West can be attained only by noting the move- ments of Beauregard, Bragg, Hood, and Lee, and of McClellan, Grant, Sherman, and Kosecrans. After General Price had begun a great career in the country above Yicksburg, Jeff. Davis, in- stead of promoting that career by giving the great 188 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISSOVRIANS. Missourian larger powers, permitted him to return to the West, and there submerged him in subordi- nate positions, under men not his equal in great- ness. Vicksburg fell. The Trans-Mississippi Ar- my fought to give relief to its beleaguered friends. The belated and ill-starred assault on Helena was made for no other purpose than to weaken Grant's terrible grasp on Vicksburg. Price and Shelby and Marmaduke each advocated the move on Hel- ena long before General Holmes could be brought to see the importance of such action. It was too late to benefit Vicksburg when Holmes — "old Granny Holmes,'' the soldiers called him — arrived in front of Helena with his Trans-Mississippi Army. Vicksburg was about to fall; the last blow in its defense was about to be delivered on Helena. The battle here was modeled, on a larger plan, after the battle at Gape Girardeau. The river, the boats, the cannonade, the object of the battle, and the re- pulse were all repetitions of what had been wit- nessed and experienced at Cape Girardeau. In the latter part of May, General E. Kirby Smith ordered General Holmes to move toward Helena, and Holmes directed his forces to con- centrate at Jacksoni^oii: on the White Eiver. Thither came by June 22d Price's division of infan- try, consisting of one thousand in Parsons' Mis- souri brigade, and McEea's brigade of four hun- dred Arkansans; Fagan's brigade of Arkansas in- fantry, numbering fifteen hundred; and Marma- duke's division of Missouri and Arkansas cavalry, BATTLES OF MISSOURI AN 8 IN ARKANSAS. 189 numbering two thousand; making a total of four thousand nine hundred. This army made one of the most extraordinary marches in the history of the war. The route hiy through the low, swampy White RiA^er bottom. The rain was incessant. The infantry were generally in water up to the waist. The men dragged the cannon and the sup- ply wagons through bogs and bayous. There was no pontoon train and the swollen streams were bridged with logs. The march from Jacksonport to Helena occupied twelve days, and men and animals were exhausted by the excessive labor. Napoleon's passage of the Alps was hardly more arduous than the march of this army from Jack- sonport to Helena. On July 3d the army arrived in front of Helena. A council of war was held at General Holmes' headquarters. Price was not in favor of an attack now. The place had doubtless been strengthened against their coming by troops from around Vicks- burg; an attack could draw from Grant no more troops. If Helena were taken, the garrison would escape to transports lying then at the wharf, and Vicksburg would thus be strengthened by the cap- ture of Helena. But Holmes would not listen to Price now, as he had never listened to him in the past. Holmes replied: "General Price, t|iis is my fight and I am going to attack Helena; if I fail, I will bear the odium; if I succeed, I want the glory." Helena, commanded by General Prentis, was 190 BATTLE IS AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISS0URIAN8. defended in the rear by the Mississippi Eiver and its gunboats, by Fort Hindnian at the southern suburbs, by Fort Solomon at the northern sub- urbs, by the Graveyard fort on the west, and by a strong citadel at the center of the city. General Holmes, who was a hero and a skillful tactician at this battle, assigned General Fagan to attack on the south. General Price to attack on the west, and General Marmaduke to attack on the north. General Walker was to march down the river to the assistance of Marmaduke. All attacks were to be made at sunrise on July 4th. At the appoint- ed hour Fagan and Price made a simultaneous charge, driving straight forward, in face of wither- ing storms of shot from boats and batteries, from embrasures and rifle-pits. Fagan was utterly re- pulsed, while Walker and Marmaduke failed even to make an attack. General Price carried the fort in front of him and his men charged into the center of the town, led by Colonel Lewis, who at Lone Jack received a wound in the head. General Shel- by brought forward the two cannon captured at Lone Jack, but used them ineffectually, owing to the nature of the ground. These cannon were costly ordnance that day; many a brave Missou- rian fell in manual effort to save them. The fail- ure of Marmaduke and Walker and the repulse of Fagan left tlie advance of Price's division unsup- ported and in precarious surroundings, the center of fire from all tlie forts. The object now was to save Price's division, not to capture Helena. The BATTLES OF MT880URIAN8 IN ARKANSAS. ig^ safe withdrawal of Price Avas doubtful; superior generalship of the leaders and the bravery of the men alone saved the army. When the smoke hung heaviest over Helena, Vieksburg surrendered, and ,while the surviving Missourians at Vieksburg were being paroled, the surviving Missourians who fought at Helena were retreating toward Little Rock. The Southern Confederacy, triumphant until now, was tottering and leaning to its fall. General Steele pushed after the flying Confeder- ates, but had many a hard battle before he took Little Rock. General Marmaduke failed to make the attack at Helena because General Walker failed to march to his support. The two men were not friendly thereafter. Estrangement grew with multiplied failures in the retreat before Steele. After the re- treat from Brownville and after the battle at Bayou Metre, General Marmaduke asked that his division be removed from General Walker's com- mand or that his resignation be accepted. He was permitted to withdraw his division. General Walker felt that in some way his bravery had been impugned by Marmaduke's peremptory withdraw- al of his division. General W^alker, therefore, challenged General Marmaduke for a duel. Colo- nel John C. Moore, now of Kansas City, acted as Marmaduke's second and named as weapons Colt's navy revolvers, at fifteen paces. At the second shot Walker fell, mortally wounded, and was con- veyed back to Little Rock in Marmaduke's ambu- 192 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISS0URIAN8. lance. Marmaduke was put under arrest, but was soon released and resumed command of his divi- sion. Steele was pressing hard on Little Rock. Somewhere down the river, below Little Rock, Colonel Gilkey, commanding Hays' old brigade, lost his life in a fight with one of Steele's gunboats. Major Shanks, suffering from a wound received at Helena, became colonel by promotion. General Slielb}' had been unable for service owing to a wound received at Helena, and Dr. Webb had or- dered him to forego all military effort. But Shel- by was under higher orders, the orders of military ardor, and he went to the front amid tremendous enthusiasm of his soldiers. A great battle was deemed inevitable. Steele threw pontoon bridges across the river below the capital, and the Federals swarmed over. On September Ttli the Confeder- ates evacuated Little Rock, and General Steele took possession. Price retreated leisurely to Ark- adelphia, and Avas not pursued and was not at- tacked in his new position. In two weeks Shelby was weary of rest and sought permission to lead an expedition to Mis- souri, an account of which see elsewhere in this volume. In five or six weeks after the fall of Little Rock, General Marmaduke conducted his division down the river to Pine Bluff, occupied by Colonel Clay- ton, of Kansas, and a force of Kansas troops. Pine Bluff was probabl^^ of no more importance than BATTLES OF MIS80URIANS IN ARKANSAS. 193 any other point on the Arkansas River held by the Federals. This point was selected for the reason that it might be easily surprised. On Sunday morning, while Clayton's troops were at dress parade, Marmaduke dashed up and peremptorily demanded of Clayton the surrender of the place. Clayton, taken completely by surprise, would not even receive the flag of truce. He remembered General Jackson's breastworks at New Orleans, and there Avere more cotton-bales at Clayton's com- mand than Jackson ever saw. While Marmaduke waited for a reply to his demand, Colonel Clayton constructed an impregnable fort of cotton-bales. When Marmaduke made his assault thirty minutes later, he was received with such warmth that he decided to retreat, but not until the battle lasted five hours. General Holmes, whose spirit was broken at Helena, if not his heart, had no more fight in him. He was a disconsolate man, and as he turned his back on Little Rock he said to Marmaduke: "Steele will not pursue us. His Government will not seek to disturb us now. W^e are an army of prisoners, and self-supporting at that.'' Holmes was correct. Grant saw the situation in the same light, and therefore scarcely approved the expedi- tions, now to be related, of Banks to Shreveport, Steele to- Camden, and Porter with his fleet up the Red River. Sherman quite approved the Red River and Camden expeditions, but this only re- 194 BATTLE IS AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MI8S0URIAN8. veals the difference in the perception of Grant and Sherman. At Camden the "boys" fought a great sham battle. Here General Holmes relinquished his command over the District of Arkansas, and was succeeded by General Price. BATTLES OF MISSOURIANS IN ARKANSAS. I95 Chapter XIX. BATTLES OF MISSOURIANS IN ARKANSAS. [Steele's and Banks^ Fiasco.) Generals Sherman and Banks met at New Or- leans and agreed on a plan of campaign up the Ked Kiver. Shreveport was to be converted into a Federal stronghold and a loyal State government was to be established in Texas. French operations in Mexico were creating disquietude and uneasi- ness at Washington City. The immense possibility of a new republic in the Southwest, heretofore a dream, moving first in the brain of Burr, might be realized now. So thought Shelby when, at the close of the war, he marched to join the French in Mexico. Shreveport was a great cotton emporium; it was at the head of navigation for large steamers; its fortifications, depots, arsenals, and shops, its proximity to Texas and Arkansas, and its com- manding position over Louisiana, marked it as a point of stategic importance. Sherman believed the possession of Shreveport would be highly ad- vantageous to his government. General Grant was never in favor of the Ked River expedition. With the true insight of a great soldier, he in- sisted that the winning of victories in Georgia and Virginia were vastly more important; he gave a reluctant endorsement to the expedition and stip- ulated that it should be abandoned if not com- 196 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISS0URIAN8. pleted in thirty days. After a tentative move from the Gulf at Sabine Pass, in obedience to Lin- coln's order, the Ked River route was decided to be the more practical one. Porter was to run up the Mississippi River with his squadron of iron- clads to the mouth of Red River, where 10,000 of Sherman's troops would be placed on transports and where other arrangements would be perfected for the ascent; Steele was to come down from Lit- tle Rock and capture Camden on his way down to join Porter and Banks at Shreveport. The plan was magnificent. There were men enough and boats enough; there was time enough and money enough to win success. Even Grant did not antici- pate failure, but he doubted whether any great ad- vantages w^ould accrue from certain victory. But "The best laid schemes o' mice and men Gang aft a-gley, And leave us naught but grief and pain For promised joy." Porter i)roceeded up Red River with a fleet more imposing and powerful than had hitherto ever assembled on any river of this or any other continent. Banks concentrated an army of 30,000 troops at Alexandria to co-operate with the fleet. Porter reached Coushatta, where he first met Con- federate resistance. Banks pushed on without opposition to Natchitoches, one hundred miles from Shreveport. To meet this formidable invasion of Confed- erate territory, General E. Kirby Smith, one of BATTLES OF MI8S0URIANS IN ARKANSAS. I97 the purest men the South had, ordered General Magruder, commandant of the Texas District, to send all the available troops in that State, leaving the Gulf coast open to invasion. General Colton Green came up in command of the Texans. Gen- eral Smith ordered General Price, commandant of the Arkansas District, to dispatch in haste his in- fantry, consisting of Parsons' and Churchiirs divi- sions. These reported to Smith at Shreveport and were hurried forAvard to meet Banks. General Maxey with his Indians was to reinforce Price for the loss of Parsons and Churchill. General Dick Taylor, son of President Taylor, was assigned to the command of all the forces operating in front of Banks and against Porter's fleet. Banks was as- sisted by Generals A. J. Smith, Lee, Franklin, Mower, and others. On March 8, 18G4, Banks' ad- vancing army met the Confederates at Mansfield, and was beaten back with terrible slaughter. The rout of the Federals was complete and the scene baffles all description. General Ransom said afterward that "Bull Eun was nothing in comparison." Banks fell back to Pleasant Hill, where on the 12th he was attacked by General Taylor, avIio was following up his advantage gained on the 8th inst Another great battle ensued, in which Ta3dor lost many of the cannon and wagons captured at Mansfield. Banks converted the vic- tory of this day into virtual defeat by retreating in consternation to Pleasant Hill Landing, thirty- five miles aAvav, where Porter had arrived. Banks 198 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MI8S0URIAN8. now saw plainly that the expedition was too large an undertaking for him. The fleet had passed up with great difficulty over the rapids. The water w^as low and was steadily falling. Dams were constructed across the river with vast labor in or- der to secure water deep enough to float the iron- clads down to the Mississippi. General Kirby Smith now threw away the greatest opportunity of his life — the opportunity of annihilating an arm}^ of 40,000 men and a great fleet. But stead- fastness of purpose was not one of Smith's vir- tues. His attention was divided between Banks and Steele. His divided attention manifests it- self in his post-bellum writing. The Confeder- ates harassed the demoralized Federals and chased the fleet for some days before they were re- called to turn against Steele. Speaking of the retreat inaugurated at Pleasant Hill, Wilson says in his "Pictorial History of the Great Civil War": '^The Shreveport expedition ought to have been a success. As it was, the National Army had lost alreadj' eighteen guns, small-arms in large num- bers, 5,000 men., 130 wagons, and 1,200 horses and mules, and had accomplished nothing. '^ The chief actors in this campaign on both sides were accused, no doubt falseh , of conspiracy to speculate in cotton. General Dick Taylor was re- lieved of his command, owing to a spirited corre- spondence with General E. Kirby Smith. General Banks was overslaughed, and General Canby suc- ceeded to his place. Meantime how fared Steele, BATTLE T OF MISSOURI AN S IN ARKANSAS. IQQ who, on March 23, 1864, marched out of Little Rock with 12,000 cavalry and 3,000 infantry? Price was to hold this vast army in check with only 6,000 or 8,000 men. His infantry, under Par- sons and Churchill, were absent fighting Banks. The greater part of Price's army, now in winter quarters at Camden, consisted of new and untried recruits. The lusty young Missourians who com- posed Price's army at the beginning of the war, three years before, were all in their graves, save some 3,000, distributed under Shelby, Marmaduke, Parsons, and Churchill. The great majority of Price's troops were from Arkansas and Texas. General Steele ordered General Thayer to march from Fort Smith with his 5,000 troops to Arkadel- phia and there join the main army. General Clay- ton, who repulsed Marmaduke at Pine Bluff, and who afterwards successfully encountered Shelby when the latter was foraging in the region about Pine Bluff, and who had never been defeated, was ordered to form a junction with Steele at Camden. Steele's army was large enough and it was handled skillfuly enough to go whither it pleased. Steele saw no Confederates until he reached Arkadelphia, two-thirds of the distance to Camden. Gen. Shelby inaugurated at Arkadelphia that remarkable sys- tem of harassment which in six weeks sent Steele ingloriously back to Little Rock. Shelby, who at this moment became a brigadier-general on ac- count of his raid to Missouri the previous autumn, attacked and captured Steele's rear guard of two 200 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MIS80URIAN8. companies. Steele's communication with Little Hock was effectually severed and from now on the Federals were annoyed continually from attacks on both flanks and in the rear; their supi)ly trains were captured; their foraging parties were de- stroyed, and starvation met Steele at Camden. Fr(mi Arkadelphia the road to Camden traversed the Washita lliver bottom. Along this road skir- mishes were frequent, implacable, deadly. The Confederates fought with the bitterness of out- raged local pride. The Missourians had been ex- patriated and fought for revenge; the Arkansans were defending their invaded State; the Texans anticipated subjugation and fought desperately. Steele was a disciplinarian and held his army well in hand. At the LittleMissouri River, Marmaduke contested the crossing, and the delay gave Shelby time to pass from the rear to the front, where he took position on the plain of Prairie d'Ann, bor- dering on the marshy river bottom. For two or three days Steele lay in position waiting to be attacked, while Price lay ten miles away, be- hind hastily constructed works. Finally General Thayer, belated, arrived with his 5,000 troops from F(H't Smith. Steele now had 20,000 troops, minus his losses since leaving Little Hock. The two days' waiting had not been wholly devoid of action; bit- ter skirmishes had occurred. On the third day Steele advanced his batteries and a terrific artil- lery duel took place. Finally Steele moved in force, determined, as he said, to break "the infernal BATTLES OF MI8S0URIANS IN ARKANSAS. 201 tenacity of Shelby's bloodhounds.'' Marmaduke and Shelby held him in check for a time and the fighting was desperate. Price ordered a with- drawal from Steele's front, and Steele marched on toward Camden. At Poison Springs, Shelby and Marmaduke again took position and fought an- other hard battle, after which Steele pushed on and entered Camden. Here General Steele ex- pected to capture Confederate supplies. He found instead gaunt famine. His distress of mind was not assuaged by intelligence from Banks. He learned with dismay that Banks had failed in- gloriously. General Price skillfuly circumvalated Camden and waited for Steele to starve, or come out. The tedium was relieved by desultory and repeated dashes at Steele's position. On April 20th hard ne- cessity compelled the Federal commander to send out a foraging force up the river along the road be- yond Poison Springs. The foragers had 250 wag- ons, escorted by an ample cavalr^^ force, including a regiment of negroes. They gathered up a gen- eral assortment of everything produced in the State of Arkansas and were returning. At Poison Springs, Marmaduke intercepted the train, assisted by General Maxe}^ and his Indians and General W. L. Cabell, known among the privates as "Old Tige," on account of his fighting qualities. The battle w^as a hard one, but resulted in a complete victory for Marmaduke and the capture of the en- tire train. 14 202 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MI880URIAN8. ^^When the Indians reached the captured train, they were enchanted; as far as they were con- cerned, the battle was over. They considered that the greatest victory of the war had been achieved, the power of the Yankee nation hopelessly broken, and the independence of the Confederacy placed beyond a doubt. Marmaduke, however, restrained them with stern orders. But the battle-field of- fered a brilliant o])portunity for the display of their skill; and many a mountain of useless plun- der was seen, beneath which reeled and swayed an invisible Indian.'' (Edwards.) Steele was in dire distress. A train of 300 wagons was sent out toward the Saline River and carefully guarded by a much larger force than the one destroyed at Poison Springs. General Fagan discovered this train by chance. Operating under General Fagan w^ere the brigades commanded by Shelby, Cabell, and Dockery. Shelby was sent to make a detour in order to gain the Federal front, while Fagan brought on the attack at a place immortalized in history as Mark's Mill. Cabell brought on the fight and stood his ground with tenacity justifying his sohriquet. The Federals defended their train with desperation. CabelFs punishment was almost unendurable and his men were on the point of giving away, which meant a rout; Cabell begged his men to fight ten minutes longer — he knew Shelby Avould not fail him; in less than ten minutes Shelby, with a few of his fleetest cavalrymen, dashed up on the opposite side of BATTLES OF MIS80VRIAN8 IN ARKANSAS. 203 the Federals. Terror and demoralization spread through their line, and when Shelby's main force came into action the scene was sickening, inde- scribable; the negroes slain fell in windrows and the white soldiers were slaughtered in large num- bers; 357 wagons were taken; over 1,300 prisoners; twenty ambulances; nine pieces of artillery. This crushing defeat bespoke the utter extirpation of Steele's army. Late in the afternoon of the day following the battle at Mark's Mill, Steele evac- uated Camden. Mr. Wilson, special war corre- spondent of the New^ York Herald, w^hom I have quoted elsewhere, says in his histors : ^'On the night of April 26th Steele threw his army across the Washita River; and at daylight on the 2Tth he began to fall back, by way of Princeton and Jenk- ins' Ferry, on the Saline River. The roads were in the most wretched condition, and the rain fell in torrents. At Jenkins' Ferry he was attacked by an overwhelming force, led by Kirby Smith in person. Steele got his men quickly into position, and the battle at once became general. The Con- federates fell on the National lines with tremen- dous energy; again and again they came up in full force, now on the left, and now on on the right, and finally made a desperate effort to crush the left and center. More than once the National lines yielded to the tremendous pressure and fierce on- sets of the enemy ; but nothing could cool the cour- age or relax the energies of those brave ^Vestern regiments. Every charge of the enemy was sue- 204 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISS0URIAN8. cessfully repelled. The battle had commenced at early dawn. It was now near noon. The critical moment of the fight had arrived. The National left, which was held by the Thirty-third Iowa, whose ammunition was exhausted, was yielding to the pressure of the heavy masses of the enemy. Four companies of the Fortieth Iowa hastened to its support, formed under a terrible fire, and re- stored the line. The tide of battle now turned. The Confederates, not prepared for this fresh ad- vent of strength and heroism, began to fall back. For one whole hour the Nationals pressed on their front, the Confederates slowly but steadily yield- ing up the ground. At noon the victory was com- plete, and the Nationals remained masters of the field. In this fierce struggle Steele lost 700 men in killed and wounded. The Confederate loss must have exceeded 3,000 men, including three general officers. Leaving a burial party behind, Steele crossed the Saline Eiver and continued the retreat. He was not further molested. On the 2d of May, after a weary march, over a swampy country, his half-famished troops, broken and dispirited, were safe in Little Rock. The battle at Jenkins' Ferry did credit to Steele and to his brave soldiers; but the expedition, like that of which it was intended to form a part, was ill-omened and disastrous.'*' To recapitulate Steele's great fiasco: The chief battles and skirmishes occurred at Arkadelphia, Rocheport, Spoonersville, Okolona, Antoine, Wolf BATTLES OF MIS80URIAN8 IN ARKANSAS. 20") Creek, Elkins' Ferry, Moscow, Prairie d'Ann, Poi- son Springs, Mark's Mills, and Jenkins' Ferry. Steele lost over 2,000 prisoners, 500 wagons and teams, fourteen pieces of artillery, and an un- known loss in killed and wounded. He regained Little Kock in a rout His losses largely made up the supplies which enabled Price to invade Mis- souri the following September. The Confederates reported their loss at 1,000 men killed, and they estimated an equal loss on the other side. Estimates of losses are notoriously in- correct in all histories so far written. On this ac- count, I have refrained, as a rule, from giving such estimates. After the battle of Jenkins' Ferry, the Confederates rested awhile at different points, some at Arkadelphia and some at Camden. General Marmaduke was commissioned as a major-general, the commission dating from Jenk- ins' Ferry. A like commission rewarded General Fagan, dated Mark's Mills. From this time until the inauguration of Price's great raid, Marmaduke and Fagan operated in Chicot County, in the ex- treme southeastern part of Arkansas, harassing the Federal shipping on the Mississippi River. Shelby went to White River and had many battles. At Clarendon, on White River below Des Arc, he captured and blew up the Federal iron-clad Qmen Citif. One of the cannons captured at Lone Jack has been credited with firin,£r the shot that crippled the Queen. The next day General Carr sent four other gunboats from Duvall's Bluff. The larger 206 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MIS^URIANS. of these, the Tyler, was disabled, but escaped. Carr arrived with a large army and the fighting continued for three days. The summer of 1864 was an active one for the Missourians in Arkansas. However, on the 30th of August the divisions of Fagan and Marmaduke concentrated at Tulip, Dallas County, Arkansas, under Price, preparatory to the invasion of Mis- souri. By the IGth of September these two divi- sions had arrived at Batesville, where the third division, under Shelby, was waiting. Here began Price's great raid. jii PRICE'S GREAT RAID. 207 Chapter XX, PRICE'S GREAT RAID. FROM DARDANELLE TO LEXINGTON. Are not Abana and Pharpar, rivers of Damascus, better than all the waters of Israel? — II. Kings v. 12. With great reluctance General Price relin- quished his hold upon the Missouri Kiver at the beginning of the war. His one unquenchable ambition was to return to the river and establish his army on its banks. Twice he did return to the river in brilliant ^'raids'' that attracted, respect- ively, the apprehension of the North and the ad- miration of the South. The first ^'raid" followed his victory at Wilson Creek; the second followed his victory over Steele in Arkansas. Richard J. Hinton, a Federal officer, author of ^^Rebel Invasion of Missouri and Kansas,'' says of Price's last great raid : "In distance from base, extent of country traversed, and objects aimed at, it was hardly less stupendous in character to those whose magnificent success have illumined with new lustre the name of General Sherman. The similitude ends, however, when success is named. * * For months rumors were rife that General Price was coming. Rosecrans deemed such a thing nearly impossible. Steele ought to have known. Curtis at Leavenworth ^deemed it both monstrous and impossible that a rebel army could 208 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISSOURIANS. march unchecked in the sli2^htest degree, for over 200 miles beyond our advanced line, into the very heart of our territory ; not only without resistance, but almost unknown to the commanding officer of the department immediately concerned.' '' General Lee's army was bleeding to death around Petersburg; Sherman was operating in front of Atlanta preparatory to his great march through Georgia; a mistake had been made in the Army of the Tennessee in the removal of conserva- tive Joseph E. Johnston and the promotion of the dashing but less able Hood. Missouri Federals might be ordered en massv to the decisive battle- fields east. General E. Kirby Smith, by no means the ablest man in the Southern Army, was in su- preme control of the Trans-Mississippi Depart- ment. His besetting sin was indecision. At this juncture he was perplexed as to the best disposi- tion to make of the large army in his department — whether to send it to Lee or Hood, or to send Price on a raid to Missouri. Price, Marmaduke, Shelby, Fagan, and Cabell advocated the raid to Missouri. These argued that the raid would not only give employment to the Federals in the West, and so prevent their departure for the East; if the raid were fully successful, detachments of troops from Sherman, Thomas, or Grant might be ordered West. General Dick Taylor and others warmly ad- vocated the policy of concentrating all forces East. Taylor had even secured from the Confederate Gov- ernment the command of the Trans-Mississippi Ar- PRICE'S GREAT RAID. 209 my when it should arrive on the other side, and he stood anxiously waiting. Taylor and Smith were not on good terms; who shall say this fact had no influence with General Smith in deciding for the Missouri raid? But there were ample and valid reasons for retaining the army on this side of the great river. The Southern soldier preferred to fight each for his own section. Herein was seen the lack of a strong central power in the South. In the minds of these Western leaders there was a vague idea that the fall of the Southern Confeder- acy in the East would not involve necessarily the fall of the Confederacy in the West or in the South- west. If Eichmond fell, perhaps assistance from the French in Mexico would come and a very de- sirable new republic might rise without the Cis- Mississippi States. Again, the army had everything necessary to make a great and successful raid, and the fruits of a successful raid could not be over- estimated. All things considered. General Smith concluded to risk something on the Missouri raid. His policy, however, was a sort of compromise; he sent only a small detachment to Missouri. A man more determined and decisive than Smith would have sent the entire army. Steele's disastrous campaign to Camden and the Red River expedition under Banks and Porter, in the spring, supplied Price's army with transpor- tation, small-arms, artillery, camp equipage, and ammunition enough to load 300 wagons. He had several Parrott guns: two captured by General 210 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MI8S0URIAN8. Dick Taylor at Pleasant Hill, La.; two captured by Marmaduke at Poison Springs, near Camden; four captured by Fagan at Mark's Mill ; a number of mountain howitzers, and a wicked little one-inch gun used very effectively in picking off artillery- men at long range^ — about thirty guns in all. While Price was thus openly prepared to come to Missouri, the State was clandestinely and surrep- titioush^ prepared to receive him. Secret organi- zations among Southern sympathizers had been established all over the State. These lodges prom- ised large recruits to Price's army. General W. L. Cabell has recently filed a paper with Camp Sterling Price, at Dallas, Texas, in which occurs this reference to such lodges: ^^Both General Price and General Kirby Smith had received messages and couriers from the lead- ers of a secret organization called the 'Order of the American Knights of the State of Missouri,' who represented that as soon as he came into the State with his strong command that he would receive a great number of this order who were good and true men and who would make Al soldiers, and which would enable him to get possession of and to re- main in the State of Missouri during the winter. I knew nothing of this order myself, but in a con- sultation with Generals Smitli and Price, both of them seemed perfectly satisfied with the reliability of the messages received. I was informed of the purported strength of this order, and also informed that they would rally to our standard as soon as PRICE'S GREAT RAID. 211 we got a foothold in the State; that I was to be promoted and placed in command of this accession to our Rrmj. Such were General Price's written instructions from General Smith. General Price was under the impression that this 'Order of the Knights of Missouri/ as well as numbers of South- ern men outside this order, would join the Confed- erate Army as soon as tliey knew he was in the State with his corps, and that would increase his army b}^ at least 20,000 men. But we found that our increase would be but a few thousand men of all ages, and that the F'ederals had complete con- trol of the State of Missouri.'' In addition to the lodges in Missouri there were the "Golden Circles" of Illinois. These also prom- ised great aid to Price, if only he came to Missou- ri. Missouri had a large "Pawpaw^" militia, men pressed unwillingly into the Federal service by the "Gamble order." There was a groundless fear among the Federals that the "Pawpaw" militia had an understanding with the "Knights" and that a general revolt was in process of incubation. No intimation had reached Rosecrans that Price had any information of the volcanic conditions in Mis- souri. He had not heard even a whisper of Price's coming. He raised a number of provisional regi- ments, to serve for one year, not to meet Price, but to resist the "Pawpaw" militia insurection and the threatened uprising of the "Knights." He deemed the danger of so grave a nature that he ordered the arrest of the Belgian consul atSt. Louis, who was 212 BATTLES AND BIOaRAPHIES OF MI880URIAN8. at the head of the order of "Knights/' together with some forty other members, including the sec- retary and the treasurer of the order. General Price crossed the Arkansas Elver at Dardanelle, and entered Missouri with three divi- sions, under Marmaduke, Shelby, and Fagan. Pa- gan's troops were mainly Arkansan veterans, com- manded by Brigader Generals Cabell, McKae, Slemmons, and Colonel Dobbins; among the regi- mental commanders were Colonels Munroe, Hill, Gordon, Reeves, Baker, Crandall, Crawford, Witts, McGee, and Anderson. This division had two rifled guns made in Texas. Marmaduke's division was commanded by Generals Clarke, Graham, and Tyler, and Colonels Freeman, Lowe, Bristow, Green, Jeffries, Burbridge, Fauthers, and Kitchen. Shelby's division was commanded by Generals Jeff. M. Thompson and Jackman ; Colonels Smith, Slayback, Hunter, Coleman, Coffee, Crisp, and Schnable; Lieutenant-Colonels Irwin and Elliott; and Major Shaw. With these forces Price marched into the State. Rosecrans thought that Price had about 5,000 men and that he would turn west along the Osage River and join the Indian commanders, Cooper, Maxey, and Gano, and might attempt to invade Kansas. Rosecrans made many mis- takes. His fame suffered at Chickamauga in his contact with Bragg, and it was further dimmed by his experience with Price in Missouri. Rosecrans first heard of the presence of Price's army in But- ler and Stoddard counties. He then revised his PRICES GREAT RAID. 213 former conclusion; he thought St. Louis must be the objective point of the expedition and was con- sequently greatly alarmed. Reports were conflict- ing and sensational. General A. J. Smith, on his way down the river to Memphis, was ordered to disembark with his command at Jefferson Bar- racks, and he reported for duty toKosecrans. Gen- eral Ewing, who two years before issued "Order No. 11,'' was ordered to Pilot Knob. This place was attacked by Fagan and Marmaduke, while Shelby proceeded from Fredericktown to Potosi, fighting battles and driving before him or captur- ing everything as he went. A hard day's fight at Pilot Knob was necessary to convince Ewing that he must retreat or be captured. The battle con- tinued all day with severe losses to the Confeder- ates. During the night a force of carpenters made ladders with which the Federal walls were to be scaled next day. About four o'clock in the morn- ing a loud explosion shook the earth and awakened every sleeping soldier. The ladder-makers all threw down their hammers. The Confederates felt a sense of relief. Everybody knew what had happened. Ewing had evacuated the fort and had blown up the magazine. The three divisions now marched toward Jefferson City, which Price pro- posed to take. Thos. C. Reynolds, who had been elected lieutenant-governor of the State of Mis- souri in 1860, was to be inaugurated governor of the State, vice Governor Jackson, deceased. He was present with the army, on Shelby's staff, for 214 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MI880URIANS. the purpose of being inaugurated. The Federals hurried forward heavy forces to defend the capital of the State. General Sanborn came in from Springfield; McNeil arrived from Rolla; General Brown came from Warrensburg; General Fisk came up from St. Louis, each with his command. At the Osage River, not far from Jefferson City, where the Confederates crossed. Colonel Shanks was dangerously but not mortally wounded, in one of the innumerable skirmishes that marked the progress of the expedition. It was now October 8, 1864. The day before. Price's army gathered like a cloud of destruction about the capital of the State. Governor Reynolds looked at the great dome of the capitol from the adjacent hills and longed for the hour of his inaug- uration. In after days, Reynolds, w^ho was a scholar and a smooth, finished writer, attacked General Price in a letter which charged the great Missouri leader with incompetency and with mis- management of the expedition. Perhaps Rey- nolds' bitterness had its inception that morning, October 8th. On that morning Price turned his back on Jefferson City, his own capital, where a decade before he abode as the civil ruler at the head of the commonwealth. He turned his army square to the left and marched westAvard in a sort of triumph across the State; and, as he went, drove Federals before him, gathered recruits, tore up railroads, burnt bridges, destroyed telegraph lines, captured towns and garrisons, increased his train PRICE'S GREAT RAID. 215 from 300 to 500 wagons, and in doing all this ac- complished somewhat the purpose for which he left Arkansas, by drawing after him in pursuit all the Federal soldiers in the eastern part of the State. General Fiske reported by wire to General Cur- tis at Kansas City that on the fith and 7th se- vere fighting had occurred around Jefferson City. Then the wires ceased to work, and Curtis heard no more until Blunt and Lane met Price at Lex- ington on October 20th, and retreated before him. General Pleasonton arrived at Jefferson City on the day Price marched away westward. Here he remained until about the 20th to expedite the movement forward of General A. J. Smith's in- fantry and artillery from St. Louis. He assigned General Sanborn to the command of the forces to go in immediate pursuit of Price. The first brig- ade of Federals was composed of the First, Fourth, and Seventh Missouri State Militia, and a battal- lion of the First Iowa Cavalry, commanded by Colonel John F. Philips, now United States judge in Kansas City. The second brigade was com- posed of the Third, Fifth, and Ninth Missouri State Militia, and the Seventh Illinois Cavalry, commanded by Colonel Beveridge. Colonel J. J. Graverly commanded a regiment. McNeil, Brown, Catherwood, Winslow, and others, accompanied by General Pleasonton, reinforced Sanborn with their commands at Waverly on the 20th, at the time Smith arrived at Sedalia, These forces ag- 216 BATTLEi^ AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MI880URIAN8. gregated an army larger than the Confederate forces whom they were closely following. After leaving Jefferson City, Price's army came on leisurely toward Lexington with Pleasonton's immense army rolling in his rear. He was joined en route by Quantrell, Todd, Anderson, and all the guerrillas in the State. These did service as scouts and they participated in all the battles, suf- fering many losses. Anderson was killed as he marched up the north side of the river, and Todd fell near Independence. An army, as it marches, throws out many feelers in all directions. Gen- eral Clark was ordered to cross the river and to recruit from the northern side as he passed up. General Jackman also crossed the river, and marched his men through the neighborhood of their homes. General Jeff. Thompson, who had Shanks' regiment, marched to Sedalia, terminus of the Missouri Pacific Railroad, and occupied the place. At California, Marmaduke faced about and administered severe punishment to the Federals hanging on his rear; at Tipton, Fagan charged back on Pleasonton; while Shelby and Jackman made flank movements. Pleasonton's impetuosity was here converted into timidity. But if Pleasonton learned a lesson at California and Tipton, so did Price. The latter hastily dispatched couriers to Jeff. Thompson at Sedalia, and to Clark beyojad the river, with orders to rejoin the main army. With a large, aggressive army behind him, and a force of unknown magni- PRICE'S GREAT RAID. 217 tude ahead of him, Price must keep his own army compact and well in hand. General Clark cap- tured Glasgow and Shelby forced the surrender of Boonville. All the commanders in Price's army captured and paroled many prisoners. By the time Price reached Dover and Waverly all of his large forces scouting off to the right and to the left had been brought together. If Price's army had been enlarged by the accretion of raw recruits, it had also suffered a depletion by the withdrawal of hundreds and hundreds of seasoned veterans, who dropped out to spend a few days or a few hours with their families, whom they might 15 2lS ByXTTLEH AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MiSSOURlA^S. Chapter XXL PRICE'S GREAT RAID. FROM LEXINGTON TO WESTPORT. Ez fer war, I call it murder, — There you hev it, plain an' flat; I don't want to go no furder Than my Testyment fer that. — LoicvU, Bi(/h)ir PaprvR. When Price arrived at Lexington he found his old camp at the fair grounds occupied by Blunt, who I'iij across his pathway ready to dispute his further progress towards Kansas. Shelby, lead- ing the advance as usual, precipitated the battle in a furious charge, and was as furiously met by Blunt. These two had met before — in bivouac and battle, at Cane Ilillj Ark. Blunt was a stub- born fighter. His position was invariably at the front. In this battle he personally directed the action of his artillery, while ^'Jim'^ Lane, Senator from Kansas, stood in the ranks and used a Sharp's carbine. Shelby knew in a general way that the men confronting him were Kansans. It was enough to know. He had marched all the way from Arkansas for such an opportunity. The bat- tle raged for some time when Blunt retreated and Price came up and occupied for a few hours his old camp of the days of Mulligan. There was intense and reciprocal hatred be- tween Price's army and the Federal army gather- PRICE'S GREAT RAID. 219 iug ominously in Price's front All Federal sol- diers encountered in or near the border counties were loatliingly denominated "Jayliawkers,'' or ^'lled-Legs" by Price's men, while among the Fed- erals Price and all his followers were reproach- fully designated ^^J^ushwhackers'' and ^^guerril- las/' Such epithets in those days were used with the bitterest animosity. Kansans and Missouri- ans had alike suffered since the beginning of the war in '61. Crimes had been committed in both States and revenge was rife in the hearts of men. The veterans of the two armies had seen their com- rades fall on many a hard-fought field. The final reckoning was now to be made. Those on both sides who fought from Lexington to Westport thought less perhaps of the great national issues they were assisting to determine than of the local scores so long uppermost in their minds. The war period of our State cannot be understood without a full comprehension of the feelings existing be- tween the people of Missouri and Kansas. The old troubles died with the termination of the war, and the people of the two States are ornaments to the nation's life and to our human race. When Curtis heard of the westward movement of Price from Jefferson City, he was thoroughly alarmed for the State of Kansas, over which he established martial law. He urged Governor Car- ney to call out the entire State militia to check the "unscrupulous marauders and murderers." Hinton says: "Peril waited at every man's door and in- 220 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISSOURIANS. vasion was the skeleton at many a farmer's fire- side.'' In three days the entire fighting poulation of Kansas seemed to be marching toward the Mis- souri line. The men came without a change of clothing; each had a blanket or buffalo robe and a haversack and each was expected to be self-sup- porting, according to the instructions contained in the call. Curtis stopped all boats from running down the river past Kansas City; only one boat came up, and it had been fired on by Mart Rider and a hundred scouts. Price halted but briefly at Lexington. There was a maiftfest eagerness among his officers and his men to strike the Kansans in front. Blunt hurried away from Lexington and by two o'clock that night reached Little Blue, east of Independ- ence five miles. He attempted to burn the bridge, but Marmaduke arrived in time to extinguish the flames and save the structure for immediate Con- federate use. After the Rebel army and train had safely crossed, the bridge was destroyed and the pursuing Federals were compelled to ford the stream, and were thus delayed several hours. Marmaduke, who was now in the lead, promptly attacked Blunt The Federal commander skill- fully deployed Jennison's "Red-Legs" and Moon- light's Kansas militia to the right and left in the shelter of the woods and behind stone fences; he was able to hold Marmaduke's extreme advance; reinforcements soon arrived from Independence and Kansas City. General Curtis himself came PRICE'S GREAT RAID. 221 down and assumed management of the battle. Marmaduke, feeling new distress in front, dis- patched a swift horseman to the rear for reinforce- ments, and Price sent him Shelby, who was now at the extreme rear, guarding the train. Fagan was marching in the center and his forces might have been more quickly brought to Marmaduke's aid. But Fagan's men had no personal feeling against these Kansans, as had Shelby's. Fagan's men, therefore, stood aside while Shelby thundered by, every man in his command impatient for the fray. Meantime the Federals were receiving constant additions of fresh troops. Shelby massed his troops on Marmaduke's left. The battle had raged from early morning until nearly twelve without intermission and with multiplied arms. As the fight grew fiercer the Federals were driven back. Nearly every inch of ground between Little Blue and Independence was hotly contested. The losses were heavy on both sides. Finally, after eight hours of constant battle and slow retreat, the Fed- erals broke into a run, and, dashing away from In- dependence, sought rest and shelter behind the works on the west bank of the Big Blue. A halt was made in Independence long enough for Curtis to read to his troops a dispatch of Sheridan's vic- tory at Fisher Hill, Va. Hinton says, as the Fed- erals were leaving Independence, "citizens ap- peared on the streets to scoff at our retiring troops, and welcome their congenial traitors.'' The peo- ple of Independence knew their "boys" were com- 222 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISSOURIANS. ing home. The ''boys'' were then coming up the hill east of town, and in a few moments Captain Maurice Langhorne dashed into the streets at the head of his company. The Rebel army camped in and around Independence that night, October 21, 1864 It was the duty of General Cnrtis to select the field of the battle in which Price was to be met and overthrown. Obviously Little Blue and not We^t- port was the field for the great battle, but Curtis could not induce the Kansans to leave their own State. They came to its boundary, but would not penetrate into Missouri, for fear of being away from home on election day. They wanted to vote for Lincoln. The pending November election was in evidence throughout this campaign. Price hoped to prevent the election of Fletcher to the governorship of Missouri, and Governor Reynolds fought like a Turk at Little Blue, w^here he prob- ably expected the final contest. At Little Blue, Pleasonton was in nearer proximity with his main army to Price's main army than he ever was after- ward. Price might here have been ground to atoms between the upper and nether millstones, even without the Kansas militia. The Federals had easily three times as many men as Price had, and Price was surrounded and cooped in a valley, where such a man as Grant would have crushed him like an egg-shell. But Curtis was not a great general and he failed signally at Little Blue; he threw away his first, his only opportunity to bag PRICE'S GREAT RAID. 223 Price's entire army. The Federal eommander-in- cliief was disgusted. In his report General Grant said: ''The impunity with which Price was en- abled to roam over the State of Missouri for a long time shows to how little purpose a superior force may be used.'' General Curtis decided that the Big Blue should be the scene of the great battle, lie forti- fied that stream for fifteen miles with rifle-pits and breastworks, defended everywhere in front by abattis. At all the crossings troops were massed in heavy forces and Curtis believed he could de- fend his long line against Price's comparatively small army. But Price had fought too many big generals to be deterred by a few "Jayhaw^kers"and ''Red-Legs" under a man of the Curtis caliber; he had crossed too many large rivers to be much de- layed by a stream no larger than the Big Blue. He expected Curtis to get out of his way and let him pass on to Leavenworth. On Saturday, after he had crossed the Big Blue, General Price sent word to Leavenworth that he w^ould take six o'clock din- ner there Sunday evening. Curtis w^as something of an engineer — a skill- ful engineer, said his partisans — and his prepara- tions along the Big Blue were elaborate. General Deitzler was placed on the left at the crossing be- tween Independence and Kansas City, near the Missouri River. To the ri<»ht of Deitzler, up the stream at Simmons' ford, Curtis stationed Colonels Moonlight and Pennock. Above this a force was 224 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISSOURIANS. stationed at Hinkle's cattle ford. Still further up the stream was Byrom's ford, occupied by Colonel Jennison and his ^'Ked-Legs.'' The next ford above this was the Eussell or Hickman Mills crossing, held by General Blunt. All these fords were fortified. Curtis established his headquar- ters a mile west of Byrom's ford. On Saturday morning Sanborn and McNeil charged into Independence, captured two of Ca- bell's guns, and a number of prisoners. General Marmaduke, who the day before lost two horses in battle, barely escaped capture at the hands of Mc- Neil. Early that morning Shelby had sent Jack- man forward and followed quickly himself toward Byrom's ford and Hickman Mills crossing. Cap- tain C. W. Rubey, of Sanborn's staff, says: ^'On the 22d the Confederates, with a portion of Shel- by's division, attacked the two fords named, which were the keys to General Curtis' position, forced them and sent the defenders in retreat westward. Colonel Jennison's force, after a resistance of an hour or two, was driven from Byrom's ford and pursued to the Kansas line at Westport. General Blunt, owing, as he said, to the misconduct of some of his men, was speedily sent flying from Hickman Mills, after a rather serious loss, and did not stop until he reached Olathe, well into Kansas. Then, of course, finding his right flank completely turned. General Curtis, with the remainder of his forces, fell back to Kansas City and Westport" Shelby crossed the Big Blue at Byrom's ford PRICE'S GREAT RAID. 225 and pushed straight on for Westport. At dusk, Westport lay just before him, almost within range of his guns. Two Federal brigades came out to resist his entrance into the town. A short, sharp engagement took place. The Federals lost two of their guns and 217 of their men were killed. Shel- by remained right there until morning. When night came, Saturday, October 22d, Curtis' mag- nificent line along the Big Blue had been driven back five miles, and all of Curtis' fortifications along the stream had been passed and left in the rear, unoccupied by the advancing and triumphant Confederates. Price had brought across the Blue his entire army and his splendid train of 500 wag- ons and 5,000 head of cattle, accompanied by thousands of unarmed recruits. The dreams that night were of conquests on the morrow. Price knew that some forces were operating against his rear, but he did not suspect that Pleasonton, with an army of 20,000 troops, double his own army, would leap upon him in the morning. He gave those in his rear scarcely a thought and those in front concerned him but little. He would march almost unchecked to Leavenworth. 226 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MI8S0URIANS. Chapter XXII, PRICE'S GREAT RAID. THE BATTLE OF WE ST PORT. Our bugle sang truce — for the night cloud had lowered, And the sentinel stars set their watch in the sky; And thousands had sunk on the ground overpowered, The weary to sleep and the wounded to die. The Federals at Kansas City used to count five seasons for Missouri: sprinc:, summer, autumn, Price's raid, and winter. Price came every sum- mer, or a part of his army. The people of Kansas learned to fear Price after the battle of Wilson Creek in 1861, when he marched to Lexin^on and besieged and captured Mulligan in the face of 50,000 Federal troops* Since 1854 Kansans had lived in almost hourly fear of armed invasions from Missouri, and when they saw the intrepid Price marching northward from Wilson Creek with banners of victory held high, they believed that he was coming to them and that their day of doom had dawned. From that fearful hour Price became the bugbear, the hefe noire of Kan- sas. Now as he approached their border with a mighty army, whose course from the South and through Missouri had been unchecked, a cry of terror almost shook the petals from the sunflow- ers. A flood of angry, dismayed Kansans poured down to resist the advance of the fearful Price. PRICE'S GREAT RAID. 227 Never did a people act with greater promptitude and determination tlian did the people of Kansas at this time. They came to Westport, the point threatened, and beat back the foe so long feared. This battle was the last between Missouri and Kansas. At Westport lie buried the animosities that precipitated, through a series of 3- ears, many a gory conflict botAveen two erring peoples. Over the bloody graves at Westport the Missourians and Kansans shook hands and swore undying friend- ship. Sunday morning dawned cool and clear. The Confederate cliieftains had apparent reason to be satisfied with the prospect. The night had been peaceful, "and over all in front of Westport there, the glad, bright sky sj^read a tearless man- tle; the wind blew itself to silence; the night waned slowly; and sweet sleep put its sickle in among the soldiers and reaped tenderly a soft har- vest of harmonious dreams.'' Strange that Ed- wards should have said this — Edwards, who puts himself to trouble to blame Gen. Price for the disas- ters, impending but unseen. Edwards was a prose poet, not a war critic. He essays to criticise Price for not turning south at Independence; blames him bitterly for camping south of Westport on Satur- day night, instead of escaping southward with his train. It is evident that Price had no expecta- tion that retreat would become necessarv^ neither had Shelby any such expectation, nor Marma- duke, nor Cabell, nor Fagan. Let Edwards testify 228 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MI8S0URIANS. against himself while describing the situation on Saturday night: "The chieftains uuder Price had marched far and fought little for this night's bivouac upon the plains of Missouri. The fleet of horsemen had anchored in mid-ocean, and the sails were all furled and the pennons were still. In the dead calm of the admiral's slumber there was no white line of breakers seen to the westward; and the hollow mutterings of the storm rolled no angry waves from the north. Confidence spread a great sleep-hunger over all the soldiers and they ban- queted until sunrise. A fitful, gusty, moaning night was half of it, too, when the elements por- tend calamity and death. Grouped around the dead Kansans were Shelby's warriors, indifferent, tired, and hungry. They neither knew nor dread- ed their danger. ^Shelby takes us in and Shelby can take us out,' they argued ; ^so sleep, boys, while you may.' Poor fellows, in the utterance of this simple confidence they knew not the sorrow it gave the impatient leader, lying among his guns and peering out through the darkness toward West- port. Away over to the left yonder, where a few fickle grass fires leaped like ignes fatui into light, is couched the wary Marmaduke, anxious, nerv- ous, but prepared for great things to-morrow. He, too, has seen, and felt, and argued; but noth- ing came of it at all. That great fused, welded mass of shadows around him is his old brigade; farther away a little, the long, irregular, zigzag PRICE'S GREAT RAID. 229 fire-line marks the borderers under Freeman; and nearer than both, with its little blue, silken ban- ner, fringed and fabricated by one of the whitest, queenliest hands in Arkansas, is his escort, under the intrepid Stollard — Shelby's gift toMarmaduke. In the rear of these two folded, dormant wings, two miles off, stands a large frame house, jubilant with lights and moving figures, the headquarters of the commander-in-chief. The handsome caval- ier, Fagan, is there with his tried Arkansans, and the wind toys with the long locks of the soldier and ruffles the gold lace on his elegant uniform. Fagan had ever a keen eye for nature, and he enjoyed the delightful scene^ — a land ocean, with armies for fleets and stars for beacons. The brave, proud Cabell is uneasy in his massive repose, yet he thought only, as the smoke curled up from his bivouac pipe, how he would fight to-morrow, and how he would hurl his splendid brigade back to regain his battery." Perhaps in all the range of American literature there is not another such a mixture of fact and fancy as this quotation discovers. The fancy is harmless, save where it stoops to innuendo against Price. Price's army was most admirably disposed for a Sunday march to Leavenworth. The immense train of 500 wagons and a band of 5,000 cattle, ac- companied by the necessary teamsters and herd- ers, had crossed the Big Blue during the day, Sat- urday. The train was also accompanied by 2,000 230 BATTLED AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MIS80URIANS. or 3,000 unarmed recruits, unfortunate impedi- menta in event of lieavy ligliting-. The train lialted south of Westport for the night, after an easy, ten-miles journe}^ from Independence, inter- rupted some hours at the Big Blue. In the rear of the train were Marmaduke and Fagan. Shelby was between the train and the Federals at West- port. These Federals at Westport had been se- verely punished and beaten at sundown on Satur- day evening, and little ai^prehension was felt from that quarter. The march westw ard and into Kan- sas would hardly be checked. Neither Price nor Shelby could know what a furor their coming had created all over Kansas; they did not know that practically the entire fighting population of Kan- sas had concentrated to dispute their crossing the State line. Neither could Price nor Marmaduke know that Pleasonton was massing such an over- whelming force in their rear. Early on Sunday morning, October 23, 1864, General Pleasonton, who took personal charge of the pursuing Federals at Waverly, ordered Colonel John F. Philips forward from Independence to clear the fords of the Big Blue, guarded by Marma- duke and a part of Fagan's divisions. For hours the crossing was contested with unabated and de- termined fury. The Federals came up in force and Marmaduke fell slowly back. In an hour the entire Federal army, except A. J. Smith's in- fantry, debouched upon the high and spacious plain extending between the Blue and Westport. PRICE'S GREAT RATD. ' 23 1 The great battle of Westport was fought on this enchanting pastoral landscape. The scene was inspiring; 35,000 troops could be seen with a single sweep of the glass, moving in the picturesqueness of battle and the regularity of parade. Marmaduke stood doggedly across the ^'oad, and Pleasonton hurled forward brigade after brigade. Soon Mar- maduke was losing ground, inch b}' inch; he could neither withstand the onsets of Pleasonton nor could he retreat; one horn of the dilemma meant destruction, the other meant a rout. In this ex- tremity he appealed to Shelby. But Shelby was struggling near Westport in very much the same predicament. Again and again Marmaduke sent messengers impatiently to Price and to Shelby witli orders to say that he must give way if not rein- forced. Marmaduke held back the Federals until their impact became irresistible. Time had been gained and Price was moving southward. The Federal forces released by the withdrawal of Mar maduke now came into action against Shelby. Price had sent an order for Shelby also to retreat^ but Shelby could not retreat; he was grappling in a death struggle with Curtis and could not break away without destruction, immediate and terrible. But let General Shelby tell his own story: ^'The 23d of October dawned upon us clear, cold, and full of promise. My division moved squarely against the enemy at eight o^clock, in the direction of Westport, and very soon became fiercely engaged, as usual. The enemy had re- 232 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MI880URIANS. gained all the strong positions taken from them the day before b}^ General Thompson, and it be- came imperatively necessary to force that flank of the enemy back. Inch by inch and foot by foot they gave way before my steady onset. Regiment met regiment and opposing batteries draped the scene in clouds of dense and sable smoke. "While the engagement w^as at its height, Col- lins burst one of liis Parrotts, but fought on with his three guns as if nothing had happened. Again were the Federals driven within sight of West- port, and here I halted to re-form my lines, natu- rally brolvcn and irregular by the country passed over, intending to make a direct attack upon the town. "About twelve o'clock I sent Jackman's brig- ade back to the road taken by the train, for it was reported that General Marmaduke had fallen back before the enemy — although he had never notified me of the fact, or I never saw his couriers, which I learned afterward were sent — and thus my whole flank and rear w^ere exposed. Jackman had scarcely reached the point indicated when he met an order from General Fagan to hasten to his help at a gallop, for the entire prairie in his front was dark with Federals. "Jackman dismounted his men in the broad and open plain and formed them in one long, thin line before the huge wave that threatened to en- gulf them. Collins, with one gun, hurried forward PRICE'S GREAT RAID. 233 to help Jackman and opened furiously upon the advancing enemy. ^'On and on, their great line overlapping Jack- man by one-half, they came to within eighty yards. Down went that line of gray, and a steady stream of bullets struck them fairly in the face, until they reeled, scattered, and fled. But the wing that ex- tended beyond and around Jackman's left rode on to retrieve the disaster of their comrades, and came within thirty paces at full speed. Again a merciless fire swept their front; again Collins poured in double charges of grape and canister, and they, too, were routed and driven back, when General Fagan thanked Colonel Jackman on the Afield of his fame, fresh and gory.' It was a high and heroic action, and one which shines out in our dark days of retreat like a ^cloud by day and a pil- lar of fire by night.' '^There on an open prairie, no help or succor near, no friendly reserves to cover and protect a retreat, Jackman dismounted with almost the for- lorn determination of Cortez, who burnt his ships, resolved to conquer or die. Fresh lines of Feder- als forced Jackman to mount his horses and he fell back after the train, fighting hard. "Now my entire rear was in possession of the enemy, and the news was brought when Thomp- son was fighting for dear life at Westport. With- drawing him as soon as possible, and with much difficulty, for he was hard pressed, I fell back as rapidly as I could after the retiring army, the force 16 234 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MI8S0VRIAN8. I had been fighting at Westport coming up just be^ hind, when, reaching the road, the prairie in my rear was covered almost by a long line of troops, which at first I supposed to be our own men. This illusion w^as soon dispelled, and the two great waves, uniting, came down upon one little brigade and Colonel Slayback's regiment The prospect was dark and desperate. "Not a tree or bush was to be seen for weary miles and miles, and no helping army could be seen anywhere. I knew the only salvation w^as to charge the nearest line, break it if possible, and then retreat rapidly, fighting the other. The or- der was given. Thompson and Slayback fell upon them with great fury, mixed in the melee, and un- clasped from the deadly embrace weak and stag- gering. In attempting to re-form my lines, which, after breaking through and through the Federals, were much scattered, an enfilading battery of six guns swept the whole line and another in front opened with terrific effect At the same time the column which followed me from Westport came down at the charge, and nothing was left but to run for it, w hich was now commenced. ''The Federals, seeing the confusion, pressed on furiously, yelling, shouting, and shooting, and my own men, fighting every one on his own hook, would turn and fire and then gallop away again. Up from the green sward of the waving grass two miles off a string of stone fences grew up and groped along the plain — a shelter and protection. PRICE'S GRiJAT RAID. 235 The men reached it. Some are over; others are coming up, and Slayback and Gordon and Black- well and Elliott are rallying the men, who make a stand here and turn like lions at bay. The fences are lines of fire, and the bullets sputter and rain thicker upon the charging enemy. They halt, face about, and withdraw out of range. My command was saved and we moved off after the army, trav- eling all night." The people at Leavenworth could hear the in- cessant din of battle of the forenoon. They were in consternation. Late in the afternoon the bat- tle roar grew fainter and then the wires quivered with news that Price was retreating south. The people could hardly give credence to such happy news until Curtis wired that martial law had been abolished. During the battle General Curtis had his head- quarters on the roof of the Harris Hotel in West- port. From here a view of nearly the entire bat- tle-field could be obtained. J udge W. R. Bernard, still a resident of Westport, was called first lieu- tenant of the Home Guards. On the day of the battle he was appointed aid to General Curtis, and was with Curtis all day on the roof of the hotel. Judge Bernard says of the battle: "With powerful field-glasses I could see little bunches of men skirmishing about. I had never seen a battle before, and it did not look much like war to me. Away off to the south I could see a cloud of white smoke which told of a battery at work, 236 BATTLES AND BIOaRAPHIES OF MISS0URIAN8. and the faint boom of the cannon would come to us when the wind was in the right direction. Nearer at hand, right across Brush Creek, were Shelby and his men. We could see them plainly at times and the bullets from their guns came into the town. General Curtis was fighting to keep Shelby out of the town. His adjutant was Colonel Cloud. Every once in a while Colonel Cloud would go down to the street and send a regiment against Shelby. The men would cross Brush Creek, climb the hill, fire a volle}^ and come scampering back. Then Colonel Clond would come up and take an- other look. We could see little squads of men kicking up the dust off to the south and hear vol- leys of shots. It was not very exciting, and I asked the colonel if that was the way battles were fought. I did not see many men killed and it looked as if a lot of lead was being wasted. The colonel said that battles were fought in that manner. ^'After several regiments had been sent against Shelby and had come tumbling back, Colonel Cloud came up on the roof and said to Curtis : ^General, that 's the third time those regiments have gone up there and come back. I propose to send them up next time dismounted, and they '11 have to stay and fight' The general said, ^All right,' and a reg- iment was dismounted, every fifth man taking charge of the horses, which were taken back up Penn Street out of the way. That regiment didn't come back in a hurry. PBICE'8 GREAT RAID. 237 "Shelby was making things pretty lively out on the Wornall road. The bulk of the fighting was at the Ward place, where the Country Club is. The Ward pasture, which is part of the Country Club golf links, was the scene of some pretty hot fighting. A big old tree stands in this pasture, and around it Shelby had a lively fight After the battle we picked -up several dead Confederate soldiers there. There was fighting all around the Ben Simpson house, and a cannon-ball went through the front gable of it. The hole was there for some time, but it has been covered up. Farther along the road, at tlie Wornall house, which w^as used by the Confederates as a hospital, there was some lively fighting, and I was told that one of the prettiest contests of the day took place there be- tw^een a squad of Shelby's cavalry and a Federal battery. The cavalry charged, the battery using their pistols, and drove the gunners away. "Along in the middle of the afternoon a shell from Shelby's battery fell almost within the town, scaring the people and alarming General Curtis. It struck on the high land just north of Brush Creek, about what would be Forty-third and Penn streets if Penn were cut through — Bunker Hill it is called. At that General Curtis ordered a re- treat. He sent word to Colonel Tom Moonlight, w^ho was at the Shawnee Mission and didn't see much of the fighting, to come in, but Moonlight went the other way and did not pass through 238 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MI8S0VRIAN8. Westport. Then, with his staff, General Curtis retired to Wyandotte." General Pleasonton said, among other things, in his report : "Brigadier General E. B. Brown was ordered to move his brigade forward and attack the enemy at daylight and keep pushing him vigorously^ as he would be well supported. Not finding any at- tack being made, I went to the front I found Brown's brigade on the road, so disordered as to be in no condition for fighting, and General Brown himself had made no provisions for carrying out my order. I immediately arrested him and also Colonel McFerran, of the First Missouri State Mili- tia, whose regiment was straggling all over the country, and he was neglecting to prevent it, and placed Colonel Philips, of the Seventh Missouri State Militia, in command of Brown's brigade. "The night previous, at Independence, I had ordered General McNeil to proceed with his brig- ade from that point to Little Santa Fe, and to reach that latter point by daylight. General Mc- Neil failed to obey this order, but came up to the Big Blue, some five or six miles above the point at which the rest of the division was fighting, about 12 m. on the 23d, and instead of vigorously attack- ing the enemy's wagon train, which was directly in front of him, with but little escort, he contented himself with some skirmishing and cannonading, and the train escaped. The Rebel general Marma- duke stated after he was captured that had Mc- PRICE'S GREAT RAID. 239 Neil attacked at this time, they would have lost their whole train. I trust that this conduct upon the part of General McNeil will meet the marked disapprobation of the major-general commanding, as it has mine. ^'Finding that General Brown had not attacked the enemy on the morning of the 23d of October at the Big Blue, I immediately ordered Winslow's and Philips' brigades into action, with Sanborn supporting, and after a very obstinate battle the enemy were driven from their position to the prai- rie on the Harrisonville road beyond the Big Blue. It was then about one o'clock in the day, and the enemy, in very heavy force, were fighting the Kan- sas forces at Westport under General Curtis. My appearance on the prairie caused them to retreat from before Curtis on the Fort Scott road, and in passing they formed to attack my position. A brigade of their cavalry charged the right of San- born's brigade and shook it considerably, but I or- dered up six pieces of artillery and by means of a double-shotted canister soon caused them to halt and finally beat a hasty retreat." Major John N. Edwards estimated the loss to Shelby alone, who bore the heaviest fighting, at over 800 in killed. The battle of Westport was an important en- gagement. It had an important bearing on the great national contest. Price having departed from the State, the Federal soldiers were with- drawn to the east side of the Mississippi River, 240 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISSOURIAN^S. Chapter XXIIl. PRICE'S GREAT RAID. THE RETREAT. For the third time General Price was forced to turn his back on the Missouri Eiver: once at Boon- ville, when Lyon came up the river with soldiers in boats; once at Lexington, after Mulligan had sur- rendered; and finalh^ at Westport, where he was defeated by Curtis and Pleasonton. He departed with great hope the first time; he went with both hope and defiance the second time; but the third time he rushed away at panic speed, fully con- vinced that he would never again visit Missouri as a warrior. He had failed. Nor had he fought all the Federals brought forward to be thrown against him. General A. J. Smith's infantry were at In- dependence w^hen the thunder of artillery came from Westport. Smith marched to Harrisonville and was in no battle during Price's raid. There is nothing so pitiful as the retreat of a vanquished army; nor so pitiless as the pursuit of the victors. The flight of Price from Westport to Fayetteville, Arkansas, was marked by misery; the pursuit by Blunt was relentless; the skirmishes and battles were implacable. The rout of retreat was strewn with wrecks of wagons, scattered camp equipage, abandoned tents, clothing, guns, dead horses — and dead men, both Federal and Confederate. The line \ I PRICE'S GREAT RAID. 241 of retreat was well marked by other evidences of warfare. Shelby, according to Edwards, "was leaving Kansas and taking terrible adieus. He was fighting the devil with fire and smoking him to death. Haystacks, houses, barns, produce, crops, and farming implements were consumed before the march of his squadrons, and what the flames spared the bullet finished. On those vast plains out west there, the jarring saber-strokes were un- heard and the revolvers sounded as the tapping of woodpeckers. Shelby was soothing the wounds of Missouri by stabbing the breast of Kansas." But in spite of Shelby's prowess, and of Fagan's watchfulness, and of Cabell's hard fighting, and of Price's fatherly solicitude, the retreat was calam- itous. At Mine Creek, just beyond the Marais des Cygnes, occurred the greatest misfortune of the raid. Generals Marmaduke and Cabell were made prisoners of war, carried triumphantly back to Kansas City, thence to Sedalia, and from there to St. Louis, and thence to Boston Harbor. Marma- duke and Cabell were at the rear covering the re- treat. The Federal advance in two brigades, un- der Colonel Benteen and Colonel John F. Philips, succeeded in crossing somewhere above Marma- duke's position, while the main Federal army charged straight ahead with accustomed impetu- osity. Marmaduke sent away, one at a time, the members of his staff, all seeking to bring reinforce- ments, for the peril was imminent and the very existence of the Confederate army was at stake, 242 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISSOVRIANS. The Federals, who had crossed above, came on firing and yelling. Marmaduke, who was near- sighted, mistook them for the expected reinforce- ments coming to his assistance, and he shouted to them to stop shooting. But the Federals knew what they were doing and bore down on Mar- maduke, surrounding him instantly. Marmaduke yielded up his stainless sword. Cabell, "old Tige,'' was captured at the same time. It was a fearful hour for the Confederates. "Marmaduke's staff, in the hot, swift moments preceding his cap- ture, had been dispatched everywhere over the field with orders, entreaties, threats, and com- mands. There was deep grief on E wing's bright 3^oung face, as he rode back from the fatal field. Price's handsome features were wet Avith tears; and the peerless Moore [Colonel John C. Moore, of Kansas Qity], cool and grim outwardly as a Pala- din, felt sick at heart and sorrowful." (Edwards.) At this battle the Confederates lost heavily of arms, equipage, wagons, and cannon, besides the irreparable loss of men, captured and killed. Shelby had gone on ahead in order to secure a lit- tle rest for his worn soldiers, after fighting for days in the rear. Price sent for Shelby to come back and save tlie army. He faced about and again confronted the advancing Federals and for a brief period stayed their progress, then resumed his march after the retreating army. The pursuit was continued, Sanborn leading. The Confederates were overtaken again at the PRICE'S GREAT RAID. 243 Marmiton as tliey-had been at the Little Osage and the Marais des Cygnes. Heavy fighting oc- curred again, but after a brief but stubborn resist- ance the Confederates passed over and proceeded south in the darkness. Arkansas was finally reached. The march had been unprecedented for courage, speed, endurance. In six days 204 miles had been traversed. At Newtonia, Blunt had charged upon the exhausted Confederates; Shelby, as usual, ordered his veterans to the rear, accom- panied by Jackman, and a terrific battle was fought. Blunt was so severely j)unished, although ultinuitely victorious, by aid of reinforcements, that he grew circumspect and cautious. He there- after refrained from provoking heavy engage- ments. Price reached the Arkansas Biver on the 6th of November. Winter now overtook the army and the worst stage of misery was now encoun- tered. There were no rations and the desolate army staggered on without hope. Small-pox — an ally of winter — carried off hundreds. Shelby sought and obtained permission of Price to turn off on the Canadian Biver with his command, where a profitable week was spent in hunting and feasting. Finally Price reached Clarksville, a lit- tle village in Northern Texas, and the great raid was at an end. In military circles Price's great raid was pro- claimed one of the most brilliant campaigns of the war. Price wanted to spend the winter on the Missouri Biver, For years he had been the most 244 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MIS80URIAN8. colossal figure in Missouri, whether in civil or mil- itary life. He believed he could raise an arm;^ in Missouri by stamping his foot. If his great raid fell short of the expectations which animated him at its beginning at Camden, he nevertheless lived and died believing it more a success than a failure. Doubtless the verdict of history will conform to his belief. The "Pawpaw'' militia failed him ut- terly; the "Knights" and the "Golden Circle" failed him; perhaps in his heart of hearts he expected these to fail him. But from the body of the peo- ple he did gather recruits, and in satisfactory num- bers, judging from his report to General Smith. Doubtless he found the Federals more strongly en- trenched in the State and more numerously posted than he expected to find them. He reported on December 28, 1864, to General E. Kirby Smith, the commander of the Trans-Mississippi Department: "I traveled 1434 miles; fought 43 battles and skir- mishes; captured and paroled 3,000 officers and men, captured 18 pieces of artillery, 3,000 stands of small-arms, 16 stands of colors which I brought out, at least 3,000 overcoats, large quantities of blankets, shoes, and ready-made clothing for sol- diers; destroyed miles of railroad; burned bridges and depots; destroyed property to the amount of 110,000,000. * * * * I lost 10 pieces of artil- lery, 2 stands of colors, 1,000 small-arms, while I do not think I lost 1,000 prisoners. * * * I brought with me at least 5,000 recruits." Notwithstanding all this, he was liberally crit- PRICE'S GREAT RAID. 245 icised for not doing more. Governor Kejnolds wrote a scathing letter "to the public/' in which General Price was soundly abused and in language so elegant that Major John K Edwards found oc- casion subsequently to adopt bodily many of its sentences and all of its philosophy. Before clos- ing his long letter, Governor Keynolds says: "Though the expedition has failed to accom- plish the grander objects aimed at, yet the good results inevitable under even the worst man- agement have been obtained. It produced some diversion in favor of Forest, and enabled thous- ands of our citizens to join our ranks; some came out with the army, and others are gradu- ally finding their own way to our lines. Thus the army of the department is really stronger than ever. The old troops will, with proper discipline, soon again be the magnificent brigades which in September crossed the Missouri line. * * * "The moral power of our State in the Confeder- acy is vastly increased by the fact that thousands from our sister States, for the first time visiting our populous central counties, have heard the pul- sations of the great heart of Missouri, and cheer- fully testified that it is sound and true to our cause, even after three years of oppression by the en- emy and imagined desertion by their Southern brethren." The fact is worth noting, though not mentioned by either Reynolds or Edwards, that a heavy majority of troops in Price's army, at the time of 246 BAfTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF 3II8S0URIAN8. the great raid, were not Missourians. Price's vast army of young men slept beneath the sod. The graves of his young soldiers of three years before billowed the earth throughout the South, on both sides of the Mississippi River. Perhaps those who came with Price, visiting, as Keyuolds says, our central counties for the first time, fought as val- iantly as Missourians could have fought; perhaps Price comanded these strangers as skillfully as he could have commanded Missourians; yet these in- vading soldiers, fighting like veterans, were not all veterans. Reynolds and Edwards, and some still living whom I could name, believed Price should have marched straight to St. Louis, occupied the place, subjugated the State of Missouri, marched into Illinois, and from thence proceeded eastward and northward until utterly destroyed by Federal forces drawn off from the armies of Thomas in Tennessee and Grant in front of Richmond. Mor- gan's raid was to be repeated on a grander scale. All those who have since regretted that Price did not make this really wild raid, admit with great unanimity that the army would have been de- stroyed. Price knew tliat such a campaign would be suicidal. History will not condemn Price for saving his army. ORDER No. 11. 247 Chapter XXIT. ORDER No. 11. If tell'st this heavy story right, Upon my soul the hearers will shed tears; Yea, even my foes will shed fast-falling tears, And say, — Alas! it was a piteous deed. — Shakespeare. History is a voice sounding up from the past with no whisper of the future. History repeats itself in nothing save in teaching over and over the doctrine of the old Hebrew prophets, that a moral force and a divine purpose govern the affairs of men. One writer defines histoi'y as an "epic conceived in the spirit of God." Another writer says: "All history is an imprisoned epic — nay, an imprisoned psalm and prophecy.'' But the histo- rian's task may well cease when he has presented the facts in their proper relation to each other. Such is the limit here assigned to the treatment of Order No. 11. On the 19th of August, 1863, Quantrell and his men broke camp on the Blackwater in Johnson County, Mo., and marched into Kansas; two days later, they made the famous raid on Lawrence, the home of Jim Lane. On August 25th the famous Order No. 11 was issued. Order No. 11 was issued avowedly on account of the Lawrence raid. Kansas and Missouri had been at war along the border since 1854. Slavery extension and 248 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MI8S0URIAN8. squatter sovereignty originated with these two when, as territories, they advanced respectively toward Statehood. Bad men, clothing themselves with the contentions of patriotic citizens, crossed the boundary line from either State to the other and committed crimes of every kind from petit larceny to foul murder. Professor Spring, of the Kansas University, says that while the Missouri- ans committed crimes black enough, the "Jay- hawkers'' were the sapeiicr devils. When the war came up, some of the best men of Missouri, such as Generals Frost and Bowen and Colonel Up. Hays, were standing guard with armed forces to prevent incursions of Kansas marauders. After the great Civil War was well on, the guerrillas of Missouri undertook to checkmate these marauders and to retaliate upon Kansas for the misdeeds in Missouri of such men as Pennock, Jennison, and others. Jim Lane burned Neosho, Missouri, and Quantrell burned Lawrence, Kansas. General Schofield, who, with headquarters at St. Louis, commanded the x\rmy of the Frontier from April 1 to September 20, 1863, held that the border counties of Kansas could be immuned against the Missouri guerrilas if the border coun- ties of Missouri were depopulated. He explained that the guerrillas would quietly assemble at a point agreed upon, then boldly ride over the coun- try, harassing Union men, attacking detachments of Federal troops and occasionally making forays into Kansas. If chased by superior forces, they ORDER No. 11. 249 dispersed and scattered in the border counties of Missouri and were reabsorbed by the peaceable portion of the community or were safely harbored by non-combatants, from whom they became in- distinguishable. General Schofield determined, therefore, to remove all the inhabitants, loyal and disloj al alike, from certain counties, and to seize all the proAdsions and provender which the citi- zens in departing might be forced to abandon. '^General Order No. 11. "Headquarters District of the Border, ''Kansas City, August 25, 1863. "1. All persons living in Jackson, Cass, and Bates counties, Missouri, and in that part of Ver- non included in this district, except those living within one mile of the limits of Independence, Hickman's Mills, Pleasant Hill, and Harrisonville, and except those in that part of Kaw Township, Jackson County, north of Brush Creek and west of Big Blue, are hereby ordered to remove from their present places of residence within fifteen days from the date hereof. "Those who within that time establish their loy- alty to the satisfaction of the commanding officer of the military station near their present place of residence will receive from him a certificate stat ing the fact of their loyalty, and the names of the witnesses by whom it can be shown. All who re- ceive such certificates will be permitted to remove to any military station in this district, or to any 17 250 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISSOVRtANS. part of the State of Kansas, except the counties of the eastern border of the State. All others shall remove out of the district. Ohicers commandinoj companies and detachments serving in the coun- ties named will see that this paragraph is promptly obeyed. "2. All grain and hay in the field or under shelter, in the district from which inhabitants are required to remove, within reach of military sta- tions after the 9th day of September next, will be taken to such stations and turned over to the proper officers there and report of the amount so turned over made to district headquarters, speci- fying the names of all loyal owners and amount of such product taken from them. All grain and hay found in such district after the 9th day of Septem- ber next, not convenient to such stations, will be destroyed. ^'3. The provisions of General Order No. 10 from these headquarters will be at once vigorously executed by officers commanding in the parts of the district and at the station not subject to the operations of paragraph 1 of this order, and espe- cially the tow^ns of Independence, Westport, and Kansas City. "4. Paragraph 3, General Order No. 10 is re- voked as to all who have borne arms against the Government in the district since the 20th day of August, 18G3. ^'By order of Brigadier General Ewing. "ZT. Hannahs, Adjt-Gen'l." ORDER No. 11. 251 / The news of the order quickly reached the re- motest corners of the district aft'ected. In a fcAV days the highways of the land were rife with fuj;i- tives, courageous Avoinen and little children, de- crepit old men and young boys. They drove sniall herds of cattle, or a few flocks of sheep, belonging to three or four families, which for mutual assist- ance usually went together. The household goods went in rickety wagons drawn by oxen or super- annuated, horses, exempted from army service be- cause too feeble to carry a soldier. The wisdom of Order No. 11 has been very ably attacked by General Geo. C. Bingham. The ne- cessity and righteousness of the order has been ably presented by General Schofleld. Let these two be heard. General Bingham was the artist from whose painting our illustration is taken. He was a Federal officer, but such was his antipathy to the Kansans that he refused to march to the re- lief of Mulligan at Lexington, where he might have to associate with Kansas troops. General Ewing, who was in command at Kansas City, issued Order No. 11. Upon him fell the bitter condemnation of General Bingham. When General Ewing was the Democratic candidate after the war for the gov- ernorship of Ohio, General Bingham visited that State, exhibited his famous painting, made speech- es, and with relentless antagonism contributed to Swing's defeat. General Ewing asked General Schofleld for a letter in defense of Order No. 11. The letter follows: 252 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISSOURIANS. "West Point, N. Y., Jan. 25, '77. ''General TJiomas E icing ^ Lancaster, 0,: "My dear General, — I avail myself of the first opportunity that has presented itself to reply in detail to your letter of the 30th of December last. "It was in May, 1863, that the command of the Department of the Missouri devolved upon me, and you were soon after assigned to command the district which embraced Missouri and Kansas. The condition of that border at once became the subject of earnest consideration. The guerrilla warfare, which had been waged in that district, with only temporary intermissions, for two years, had finally degenerated, as all such contests are liable to do, into revolting barbarism. Civiliza- tion and humanity demanded its prompt suppres- sion, whatever might be the means necessar^^ to that end. "A large majority of the people had already been driven from their homes, or had voluntarily left them. None remained beyond the immediate protection of the military posts, except such as were, whether voluntarily or not, useful to the guerrillas. Those who remained were simply pur- veyors for these border warriors, furnishing them with provisions, forage, and temporary shelter necessary for their operations. "There were two, and only two, possible ways by which this border war could be stopped. The one was to permanently station in that region troops enough to protect all the people, drive out ORDER No. 11. 253 all the guerrillas, and prevent their return. The other was to remove the source from which the guerrillas obtained their supplies. The latter was proposed by you, and at once admitted by me as a measure absolutely necessary to be adopted, if the former was impracticable, but I preferred the for- mer, and hence hesitated to adopt the latter. But I had the States of Missouri, Arkansas, Kansas, and Nebraska, and Colorado and the Indian Territory — over four hundred thousand square miles of dis- tributed territory — to take care of, and operations against the Confederate Army in Arkansas to be prosecuted. It was difficult to spare even a small force to guard the border of Kansas and Missouri. There had already come a demand upon me from Washington to send all possible reinforcements to General Grant, who was besieging Vicksburg. To this, all minor considerations had to yield. The preservation of a few farms, with their crops, in Western Missouri, or anywhere else, could not be considered for a moment in comparison with the success of Grant's army in opening the Mississippi to the Gulf. Of course, I had sent to General Grant all the troops I had in reserve, and had at that time none left to reinforce you on the borders of Kansas. "Soon after, the guerrilla operations culmina- ted in the fiendish massacre of the defenseless peo- ple of Lawrence. There was no longer any ques- tion what must be done, and you promptly issued the order, which had before been considered and 254 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MI880URIAN8. discussed. A few days thereafter, I Adsited you at Kansas City and went to Independence. I spent several days in investigating the subject and con- versing wuth the people who had left their homes in obedience to your order. There was left no room for doubt of the necessity of the measure that had been adopted; hence, after a comparatively unimportant modification, I approved your order and thus assumed the whole, or at least my full share, of the responsibility for it. Upon returning to St. Louis, I made a full report of the matter - to President Lincoln, explaining the necessity of ij what had been done and assuming the responsibil- ity therefor. Neither that humane President nor any other officer of the Government ever uttered one word dissent as to the wisdom, justice, or humanity of that policy, and I now repeat that the responsibility for the policy was fairly shared with you by the President and by me in proportion to our respective rank and authority. "You understand that I have no desire in this to throw responsibility on President Lincoln, nor to defend mvself. I have never re^rarded that act ! as requiring exculpation. On the contrary, it was i an act of wisdom, courage, and humanity, by ^vhich the lives of hundreds of innocent people were saved and a disgraceful conflict brought to a summary close. Not a life was sacrificed, nor any great dis- comfort inflicted in carrying out the order. The necessities of all the poor people were provided for and none was permitted to suffer. ORDER No. 11, 255 "A few unthinking people have no doubt sup- posed that the order was an act of retaliation for the massacre at Lawrence. Nothing could be more absurd. The farmers of western Missouri were not regarded in anywise responsible for Quantrell's acts. Whether they were willing or not made no difference. If they raised crops, his men lived upon them, as did also our troops when they had occasion. A larpe proportion of these citizens who were in good circumstances had vol- untarily ceased this unprofitable purveying and had gone elsewhere. It was simply an act of dis- passionate wisdom and humanity to stop it alto gether. To call your order an act of inhumanity or of retaliation upon the people of Missouri is like accusing the Kussian commander of similar crimes against the people of Moscow when he ordered the destruction of that city to prevent its occupation as winter quarters by the army of Napoleon. ^^For my own part I have been and am still en- tirely content to leave to impartial history the ap- proval or condemnation of each of my official acts during the late war. But it is simply justice that you, who have been censured by some for your cel- ebrated order, have this statement of the facts in regard to it, for such use as 3^our just vindication may require. "I am. General, very truly your friend and obedient servant, /. M. Schofield, "Major-General." 256 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MI8S0URIANS. "Jefferson City, Feb. 22, 1877. '^Editor Repiihlican: '^Dear Sir, — We, the undersigned members of the Missouri Legislature, representing counties em- braced in the desolating order of General Thomas Ewing issued in 1863, in justice to our constituents who were sufferers therefrom respectfully request that the enclosed communication from General Bingham, in reply to the recent letter from Gen- eral Schofield vindicating said order, may be given a place in 3- our paper. "(7. N. Nolan, Jackson County. "Henry H. Craig, Jackson County. "/?. F. Wallace, Jackson County. "Stephen P. Twish, Jackson County. "Senator 0. T. Ballingiil, Jackson County. "Wm. Hall, Vernon County. "John JI. Snllens, Bates County. "J. F. Brookhart, Cahs County. "Editor RepuhUcan : "My attention has been called to a letter which appeared in your paper yesterday, written by Major-General Schofield, now in charge of the Mil- itary Academy at West Point, and addressed to General Thomas Ewing, of Lancaster, Ohio, for the purpose of relieving that gentleman from the odium which he has justly incuri'ed by the well- known and infamous military order issued by him in 1863, in the enforcement of which a large and populous district of our State, embracing several counties bordering on the State of Kansas, was ORDER No. 11. 257 utterly desolated — its inhabitants driven from their homes, their dwellings committed to the flames, and their farms laid waste. ^'The general has exercised a caution, charac- teristic of all great military commanders, in allow- ing nearly fourteen years to transpire before ven- turing upon the defense of a measure which for heartless atrocity has no parallel in modern an- nals. He will be apt to discover, however, that there are those yet surviving who will be able to confront him in this prudently delayed effort to subordinate history to the service of tyrann}^ ^'He ventures to assert that ^the order was an act of wisdom, courage, and humanity, by which the lives of hundreds of innocent people were saved and a disgraceful conflict brought to a summary close.' That ^not a life was sacrificed, nor any great discomfort inflicted in carrying out the or- der,' and that ^the necessities of the poor people were provided for and none w^ere permitted to suf- fer.' Never did an equal number of words embody a greater amount of error. The order was, soon af- ter it was issued, denounced by the late Gen. Blair, as an act of imbecility. Upon the supposition that it was intended to aid the cause of the Union and weaken the Rebellion, his denunciation was cer- tainly just. In view, however, of its purpose as revealed by its actual results, in the ruin of thous- ands of our citizens and the speedy transfer of their movable w^ealth to their dishonest neighbors in Kansas, it must be confessed that it exhibited the 258 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MI8S0URIANS. consummate wisdom of the serpent. Never was a robber}^ so stupendous more cunningly devised or successfully accomplished, with less personal risk to the robbers. As an act of purely arbitrary \- power, directed against a disarmed and defenseless population, it was an exhibition of cowardice in its most odious and repulsive form. As outraging every principle of justice and doing violence to every generous and manly sentiment of the human heart, its title to be regarded as an act of human- ity can only be recognized by wretches destitute of every quality usuall}^ embraced under that appel- lation. It did not bring ^a disgraceful conflict to a summary close.' It, indeed, put an end to pred- atory raids of Kansas ^Red-Legs and Jayhawkers,' by surrendering to them all they coveted, leaving nothing that could further excite their cupidity; but it gave up the country to the bushwhackers, who, until the close of the war, continued to stop the stages and rob the mails and passengers, and no one wearing the Federal uniform dared to risk his life within the desolated district, ^^I was present in Kansas City when the order was being enforced, having been drawn thither by the hope that I would be able to have it rescinded, or at least modified, and can affirm, from painful personal observation, that the sufferings of the un- fortunate victims were in many instances such as should have elicited sympathy- even from hearts of stone. Bare-footed and bare-headed women and children, stripped of every article of clothing ORDER No. 11, 259 except a scant covering for their bodies, were ex- posed to the heat of an August sun and compelled to struggle through the dust on foot. All their means of transportation had been seized by their spoilers, except an occasional dilapidated cart, or an old and superannuated horse, which were neces- sarily appropriated to the use of the aged and infirm. '^It is well-known that men were shot down in the very act of obeying the order, and their wagons and effects seized by their murderers. Large trains of wagons, extendins: over the prairies for miles in length, and moying Kansasward, were freighted with eyery description of household fur- niture and wearing apparel belonging to the exiled inhabitants. Dense columns of smoke arising in eyery direction marked the conflagrations of dwell- ings, many of the evidences of which are yet to be seen in the remains of seared and blackened chim- neys, standing as melancholy monuments of a j'uthless military despotism which spared neither age, sex, character, nor condition. There was neither aid nor protection afforded to the banished inhabitants by the heartless authority which ex- pelled them from their rightful possessions. They crowded by hundreds upon the banks of the Mis- souri Kiver, and were indebted to the charity of benevolent steamboat conductors for transporta- tion to places of safety where friendly aid could be extended to them without danger to those who ventured to contribute it. General Schofield repre- 260 BATTLES AND BIOaRAPHIES OF MISS0URIAN8. sents the counties embraced in the order as having been nearly depopulated by *a savage guerrilla warfare,' which for two years had been waged therein, thus attempting to make it appear that the order operated only on a few remaining far- mers, who, ^whether they sympathized with the guerrillas or not, were mere furnishers of supplies to these outlaws.' '^It is true that such w^arfare had been waged, but the largest portion of the guerrillas engaged in this warfare were the well-known Mayhawkers and Ked-Legs' of Kansas, acting under the author- ity of no law, military or civil, yet carrying on their nefarious operations under the protection and patronage of General Ewing and his predeces- sors from the State of Kansas. The others, consti- tuting the more determined and desperate class, were chiefly outlawed Missourians, known as bush- whackers, and claiming to act under Confederate authority. Their members, however, were at all times insignificant in comparison with the Federal troops stationed in these counties. ^^As the inhabitants had all been disarmed by Federal authority, they were powerless to resist these outlaAVS, and, as General Schofield admits, were compelled to yield to their demands, whether willingly or unwillingly. Yet they were not, as General Scofield's affirms, mere furnishers of sup- plies to these outlaws. On the contrary, it may be safely asserted that the supplies furnished by them to the Federal forces, if properly estimated, would ORDER No. 11. 261 reach twenty times, if not fifty times, the amount forced from them by bushwhackers. These des- perate characters could at any time have been ex- terminated or driven from the country had there been an earnest purpose on the part of the Federal forces in that direction, properly braced by a will- ingness to incur such personal risks as become the profession of a soldier. ''But the guerrilla warfare in these counties had not, at the date of this order, nearl}^ depopu- lated them, as alleged by General Schofield. The inhabitants possessed fertile and valuable lands. Many of them had become wealthy, and all pos- sessed comfortable homes, from which neither the tyranny of their military rulers nor the frequent depredaticms of Kansas 'Red-Legs' and Confed- erate bushwhackers had succeeded in expelling them. The sweeping and indiscriminate order, therefore, operated in all its diabolical and ruinous force upon a population quite as numerous as then inhabited an equal number of any other border counties of our State. I was present when an offi- cer reported to General Ewing that several hun- dred citizens, in obedience to the order, had re- ported to the military post at Harrisonville, Cass County, had proved their loyalty to the satisfaction of the officers in command there, and earnestly re- quested that they might be armed in order to de- fend themselves and their property. This reason- able request was refused, it being doubtless in- 262 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MIS80URIANS. tended that their property should supply other wants than those of its owners. "If it shall become necessary, I feel confident that it can be easily shown that not a reason given by General Schofield in justification of this crime against humanity has any just basis in fact relat- ing thereto. His efforts to make it appear as the result of a necessity analogous to that which w^ar- ranted the conflagration of Moscow is sufficient to excite the risibility of any one familiar with the two cases. Napoleon was entering Moscow with a victorious and overwhelming force in the midst of a Russian winter, during which his only reliance for subsistance would have been upon the supplies stored within the limits of the city. The destruc- tion, therefore, of these was the salvation of the Russian empire. In the case of the measure which he undertakes to defend the overwhelming force was with General Ewing, whose duty it was to protect the people and exnel the bushwhackers who infested their country. In doing this, how- ever, he would necessarily have exposed himself and command to a few casualties incidental to war. He therefore adopted the policy, safest to himself, of expelling the disarmed and defenseless people, leaving the country in possession of their enemies, who had no difficulty in procuring all the supplies they needed in the counties immediately adjoining. "Such an order could scarcely be justified as directed against communities on a level in deprav- ORDER No. 11. 263 ity with the ancient denizens of Sodom and Gom- orrah. Yet those whom it embraced in its ruinous swoop, in all the virtues Avhich characterized a Christian community, Avould not have suffered in comparison with any other rural population. Their political character may best be determined by a few facts of their history. In the election for members of our State Convention early in 1861, in which the question of secession was distinctly in- volved, not a single vote in the entire district des- olated by this order was cast for a secession candi- date, and those charged with being inclined in that direction were defeated by overwhelming majori- ties. During the entire period of the war, out- raged and oppressed as they were, they furnished, at every call for troops to replenish the forces of the Union their full quota b}^ volunteers, thus re- sponding to the necessities of their Government without the compulsion of a draft. "General Schofield ungenerously attempts to make President Lincoln jointly responsible with himself and General Ewing for the execution of this order. It is evident, however, that the assent and approbation of the President were predicated solel}' on the representations of his general, and not upon the actual facts relating to the matter, of which he could have had no personal knowledge. It can be proved that he went up to Kansas City from his headquarters in St. Louis for the purpose of rescinding this order, from the execution of which purpose in harmony with the noble instincts 2B4 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISS0URIAN8. of humanity, he was likely deterred by the same commanding influence which has induced him to attempt its defense. ^^General Ewing has doubtless discovered that this, his crowning- military achievement of 1863, was not of a nature as well calculate but easy and graceful in his carriage and gestures; his hands and feet were remarkably small and well-shaped; his hair and whiskers, which he wore in the old English fashion, were silver white; his face was ruddy and very benignant, yet firm in its expression ; his profile was finely chiseled, and be- spoke manhood of the highest tj^pe; his voice was clear and ringing, and his accentuation singularly distinct. A braver or a kinder heart beat in no man's bosom; he was wise in counsel, bold in ac- tion, and never spared his own blood on any bat- tle-field. No man had greater infiuence over his troops, and as he sat on his superb charger with the ease and lightness of one accustomed all his days to ride a thoroughbred horse, it was impos- sible to find a more magnificent specimen of man- hood in his prime than Sterling Price presented to the brave Missourians, who loved him with a fer- vor not less than we Virginians felt for Lee.'' After peace was made. General Price went to Mexico for a year, where he was a member of the board of emigration. He returned to his Chariton GENERAL STERLING PRICE. 293 County farm, where he lived out the brief remain- ing da3^s of his life. In 1867 the cholera appeared in St. Louis. General Price, with characteristic disregard of personal danger, went to St. Louis to look after some business interests of a commission house with which he was connected. He was stricken down and 'died September 27, 1867. 294 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISSOURIANS. Chapter XXYIII. CLAIBORNE F. JACKSON. His life was gentle; and the elements So mixed in him., that Nature might stand up, And say to all the world, Thla is a nian. ^ — Shakespeare. History has done less for this man than it has for some smaller men. Claiborne Jackson has been scantily recognized by all who have essayed to write the history of his time. His was a strong, robust, manly nature. He scorned subterfuge and was open, direct, and honest He was ar- dently devoted to the welfare of the State, and was devoid of any shred of selfish ambition. He had been a successful business man and was es- teemed wealthy when called by his fellow-citizens to the governorship of the State. He cheerfully sacrificed his fortune on the altar of duty. In one year he was an exile from home and suffering the pinch of penury. He was hardly able to "make tongue and buckle meet," as he expressed it in the colloquialism of the day. But his poverty was an honorable one. At the moment of mak- ing the above remark, he was the guardian and the possessor of vast stores and large sums of money belonging to his beloved State. But he was puritanically honest and upright; not a cent nor a piece of provision would he touch for per- sonal use. These same stores were later divided CLAIBORNE F. JAGK80N. 295 in a rude, soldierly way among the Missouri troops, to whom they belonged as much as to any- body, and Jackson died in poverty far from his home and among strangers. To write a complete biography of Governor Jackson would be tanta- mount to writing a history of the State for a pe- riod of a quarter of a century. He was in the Missouri Legislature, House and Senate, for many years; he was a member of the Constitutional Con- vention of 1845; he was bank commissioner for four years under Governor Stewart, from which position he succeeded to the governorship. As a legislator, he served as speaker of the House and was otherwise and always a useful and influential member. He was author of the banking law of the State; he was also author of the famous Jack- son Eesolutions, which had the effect of retiring Senator Benton to private life. He became gov- ernor at the most stormy period of the State's his- tory. His public career was long and useful. Claiborne Fox Jackson was born in Kentucky, April 4, 1807. His grandfather, Joseph Jacks m, was a native of Ireland, who settled at an early day in Virginia. Dempsey Jackson, father of Governor Jackson, was a Virginia Revolutionary soldier, and distinguished himself at the battle of Cowpens under General Morgan. Dempsey Jackson married Miss Mary Pickett, and in 1792 moved to Fleming County, Kentucky, where he died in 1832. His widow moved to Howard County, Missouri, and died at the home of her 296 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISSOURIANS. son, Judge Wade M. Jackson, father of John Pickett Jackson, of Independence, Mo. The young future governor of Missouri left his Kentucky home without parental consent at the age of 18. He came to Missouri on horseback and settled near his brother. Judge Wade M. Jackson, at Old Franklin in Howard County. He was an active, enterprising young man, fond of cock-fighting, horse-racing, and fox-hunting. From the position of clerk in a general mercantile store, he worked his way up until he was proprietor of a large and lucrative business. He was a man of financial ability and soon amassed a fortune. He became a banker and politician. In early manhood he was chosen to represent his county in the Legislature. Here he found the sphere of his public career. The young and rapidly growing State needed at the helm such clear-headed and progressive men as "Claib" Jackson and Sterling Price. These two men w^ere nearly the same age, and they were life-long friends. In every epoch of our State, prominent and influential men have been unknown to Congress. Jackson was never a member of the national Leg- islature, although he was the Democratic congres- sional nominee at one time; he was defeated by Jas. Linley, Whig. Jackson had defeated a cer- tain railroad j)roject in the Legislature; this fact was turned against him by Linley at the last moment. Jackson was not an orator, although a good public speaker; he was a debater and a man GOVERNOR C. F. JACKSON. CLAIBORNE F. JACKSON. 297 to be feared on the hustings. In one of his speeches he referred sarcastically to the bad spelling of John B. Clark, Sr. Mr. Clark took umbrage at what ite considered an unmerited stricture, and promptly challenged Jackson to fight a duel. Jackson accepted the challenge, and named rifles as the weapons, at 80 yards' distance. Jackson was an expert with a rifle. He had been known to bring down with his rifle a deer that he was chasing at full speed on horseback. Judge Abial Leonard bore Clark's challenge to Jackson. Leon- ard w^as a friend to both men, and he used his influence to prevent' the duel; he was finally suc- cessful on the day preceding the date of the duel. Jackson afterwards appointed Clark brigadier general of the State Guards. Governor Jackson was married three times, and the three wives w^ere sisters, daughters of Dr. John Sappington. No children w^ere born of the first marriage; two sons w^ere born of the sec- ond, and tw^o daughters and one son of the third- Jackson's wives w^ere aunts of General John Sap- pington Marmaduke. This fact acccmnts for Mar- mad uke's middle name. Why was not Marmaduke appointed by his distinguished uncle to the com- mand of the Missouri State Guards, instead ot General Price or General Doniphan? Evidently nepotism was not one of Jackson's weaknesses. In 1849 Jackson was in the State Senate. The war with Mexico had eventuated in our acquisi- ti(m of large tracts of Spanish territory. Con- 20 298 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISSOURIANS. gressman Wilmotj of Pennsylvania, had intro- duced his famous Proviso, which sought to ex- clude slavery forever from all our newly acquired Western territory. The Wilmot Proviso did not prevail in Congress, but its presence there re- vealed and asserted the depth of the Northern sentiment against the institution of slavery. Sen- ator Jackson introduced a set of resolutions which were as defiant and in effect as far-reach- ing as was the Wilmot Proviso, against which they were directed. The Jackson Resolutions were adopted by the Missouri Legislature, and they remained on the statutes of the State until they were annulled by the upheaval of the Civil War. They retired Senator Benton to private life after an unbroken service of thirty years in the upper house of Congress. The Jackson Resolutions were passed in January, 1849. They averred that the Constitution of the United States was the result of a compromise between the conflicting interests of the States which formed it; that Congress had no power not delegated to it; that the right to prohibit slavery in any territory belonged to the people thereof, and not to the general Govern- ment; that the General Assembly regarded the conduct of the Northern people on the subject of slavery as releasing the slave-holding States from the Compromise of 1820; that '^iu the event of any act of Congress which conflicts w^tli the sen- timents herein expressed, Missouri will join the CLAIBORNE F. JACKSON. 299 slave states against the encroachments of North- ern fanaticism." The State was soon in a foment Senator Ben- ton came on from the national capital, and in May, 1849, delivered an address in the Hall of Kepre- sentatives at Jefferson City which set the State ablaze. He appealed from the action of the Leg- islature to the people. He maintained that the Jackson Resolutions were in conflict with the Missouri Compromise and also in conflict with a previous Missouri resolution wherein it was de- clared that the peace, permanence, and welfare of the National Union depended upon a strict adher- ence to the letter and spirit of that compromise, and which instructed senators and representa- tives to vote in accordance with its provisions. He denounced the Jackson Resolutions as entertain- ing a covert purpose of ultimate disruption of the Union. Benton was a great man and a gTeat statesman. He had been the political autocrat of Missouri politics for thirty years. He held that eminence by right of superior ability. But his sun was setting. He was in advance of the public thought of his State. He saw that slavery must be discontinued, and he rejoiced that it was so. He made a brilliant campaign all over the State, advocating principles which the war made good. Mr. B. F. Switzler, in his history of Missouri, says: '^It must not be inferred, however, that Colonel Benton prosecuted this canvass, able and distinguished as he was, without strong oppo- 300 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MI8S0URIANS. sition and resistance, for all over the State there were gentlemen of great ability and influence who controverted his position and denounced his course. Among the most distinguished and tal- ented of his opponents, gentlemen who ably ad- dressed the people in various places in condemna- tion of his views of j)ublic duty and policy, and his refusal to obey the instructions of the Legis- lature, we may mention James S. Green, David E. Atchison, James H. Birch, Louis V. Bogy, John B. Clark, Sr., Trusten Polk, Claiborne F. Jackson, Robert M. Stewart, Carty Wells, Robt. E. Acock, Wm. Claude Jones, and others — men whom it must be admitted had a strong hold upon the pub- lic confidence and wielded immense power over the State/' In 1860 Jackson was elected governor of the State. The Jackson Resolutions, passed eleven years before, were still a part of his political creed. The clouds of war were lowering around him when he took the oath of office. The princi- ples of the Jackson Resolutions were leading State after State to secede from the Union. The time had almost arrived when "Missouri will join the slave States against the encroacliments of North- ern fanaticism.'' In view of these old and settled convictions of the governor, the tone of his inaug- ural message is singularly dispassionate. Ex- tracts from the governor's message and from proclamations are published elsewhere in this volume. CLAIBORNE F. JACKSON. 301 After the election of delegates to the State convention on February 18, 1861, when the people registered 80,000 majority against the known position of Governor Jackson, only a handful re- mained true to the executive. A few months later, after Blair's fiery patriotism and Lyon's martial impetuosity had done what Jackson fore- saw would be done and vainly tried to forestall, thousands of old friends renewed their loyalty to the governor, and from that time on stood with him. This renewed loyalty of old adherents was, by his own confession, the proudest period of Jackson's life. Incorruptible and faithful him- self in all things, he Avas touched by the candor of others. Not only did his old friends return; many of those Avho had heretofore opposed his policies now stood Avitli him. But there was a time when the State swung aAvay from him and he stood alone; he was calm and unyielding. The spectacle was heroic. Governor Jackson was the impersonation of the State rights doctrine in its last age. He believed in the sovereignty of the State, as did Calhoun, or Toombs, or Yancey, or Stephens, or Davis. But Jackson was preeminently a man of the State and not of the nation. His messages to the Legisla- ture, his treatment of Lincoln and of Lyon, and his execution of the military bill all proclaim his limits to State boundaries and his lofty concep- tion of State dignity. In "Missouri of To-day," 302 BATTLES AND BIOaRAPHIES OF MI8S0URIAN8. issued by the Confederate Soldiers' Home of Mis- souri, occurs this farewell notice of Governor Jackson: "Heroic old governor! All unconscious that the tide of advancing civilization v^as forcing another great world change, and that an institu- tion older than history was about to disappear, in his rugged honesty he would have defied that world with arms. He had ^made his case' and lost his State.'- Jackson had served the State long, and he loved old Missouri. It must have wrung his heart to quit his capital. He fled before Lyon to Boon- ville; here he essayed to make a fight, but was forced to retreat southward. At Cowskin Prai- rie he relinquished to General Price all authority over the State Guards- He went to Memphis to induce General Polk and the Richmond authori- ties to send an army to assist him in reclaiming his State. But Missouri had not formally seceded. What claim had a neutral State on the Southern Confederacy? Yet he secured encouraging prom- ises. He returned and was with Price at the bat- tle of Lexington in September. After the surren- der of Mulligan, Governor Jackson issued from Lexington on September 26, 1861, a call conven- ing the Legislature in extra session at Neosho, October 21, 1861. Special messengers were sent out from Lexington to notify the members. Mean- time, the State convention, the "Gamble conven- tion," had declared in July that the office of gov- ernor was vacant Judge Gamble became pro- CLAIBORNE F. JACKSON, 303 visional governor. According to Governor Jack- son's proclamation, the Legislature convened at Neosho, in Masonic Hall. It is said that only thirty-nine members of both houses were present The records have perished, save those that sur- vive in the memory of Colonel John T. Crisp, who was secretary of the Senate. An ordinance of secession was passed, and senators and represent- atives were elected to the Confederate Congress. Governor Jackson's work was about done. ITe returned once more to the borders of his be- loved State, a forlorn, desolate, and lonely figure, but yet as defiant as Caius Marius among the ruins of Carthage. He issued from New Madrid his last proclamation, wherein he declared the State of Missouri to be a free and independent republic. He recited the outrages and usurpa- tions of Federal military and civil authorities. He declared that "the State of Missouri as a sov ereign, free, and independent republic, has full power to levy war, conclude peace, establish com- merce, contract alliances, and do all other acts and ^things which independent States may of right do.'' He then repaired to Little Rock, Ark., where he died of cancer of the stomach, December 7, 1862. After the war, his remains were exhumed and brought to Saline County, where they were reinterred in the family burying-ground of his father-in-law, Dr. John Sappington, near Arrow Kock. Our cut of Governor Jackson was taken 304 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MISSOURIANS. from a tin-type belonging to John Pickett Jack- son, of Independence, Mo., nephew of the gov- ernor. The long, flowing hair is a wig. The sig- nature beneath the cut was taken from a bill of "Jackson money," or Missouri script, printed on a hand press at Neosho, Mo. The printing was on the b[^.ck of a blank report used by banks. Note — Mr. J. P. Jackson, of Indepeiideuce, Mo., believes his famous Uncle > Gov. Jackson, did not leave his Kentucky home without parental consent, inasmuch as he rode a fine horse, and soon after his arrival in Missouri a negro slave was sent to him from home. ;See page 305.) 1 GENERAL JO. 0. SHELBY. 305 Chapter XXTX. GENERAL JO. O. SHELBY. Missouri gave to tlie service of the Southern Coufederacy over 100,000 sokliers and to the serv- ice of the Union 109,000 soldiers— over 200,000 soldiers on both sides. Among the greatest of these v^^as General Joseph Orville Shelby. Around his fame v^ill ever linger the aroma of the en- clianting and chivalric deeds of the Middle Ages. Shelby possessed every high quality ascribed to great captains in the histor^^ of ever^^ epoch. General Shelby was a strong man, a great man. Greatness and strength — these go together. He was strong in his convictions and tactful in enforcing them. He was magnetic, and so drew men to him; his intuitions were correct, his per- ceptions clear, his judgment reliable, and so men believed in him. He was a youthful general. His seniors misinterpreted his ardor, never dreaming that his impetuosity was born of genius, not of youthful exuberance. His activity was ceaseless; he was never weary, never sick; he was never in- capacitated by loss of sleep, resembling in this the first Napoleon. Shelby had no military education as had Mar- maduke, but he had something better, the gifts of Nature. Courage, enthusiasm, unfaltering 7nor' ale, devotion, dash — these were the implements 306 BATTLES AND BIOGRAPHIES OF MI880URIAN8. which Shelb^^ skillfully used in winnin28,) C.1;n. G. W. THOMPSON. (See page C53.) CAl'T \V. K. WILKIN-S, A.M., MD- (See page 345 ) m^p^-' MAJOR H. J, VIVIAN. (See page 367.) CAPT. S. C. RAG AN, (See page 367.) I I COL. UPTON HAYS. (See page 322.) i CAPT. HKNRY V. P. KABRICK. (See page 334.) CAPT. R. L. yeagf;r. ( vSee page oSl.): I MAJOR B L. WOODSON. (See page 333.) ? w^-. ^ I^IKUT. HOPKINS HARUIN (See page 337.) SAM'L H. CHIIvES. (See page 358.) I COI,. JOHN N. SOUTHKKN. (See page ot34.) I I GEN. JOHN T. HUGHES. (See page 348 1 COL. JOHN B. STONK. See page oAS. ) COL. HI BIvKDSOH, (See page 316 ) r -