SMIIHSONlin otfOiSi PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE umw®wwTi®m Em ^mmmEWM OR, AN ATTEMPT TO COLLECT JiJ^D PRESERVE SOME OF THE WITH SKETCHES AND REMARKS ON MEN AND THINGS, JJ>rD OTHER FUGITIVE OR J^EGLECTED PIECES^ BELONGING TO THE EEVOLUTIONARY PERIOD IN THE UNITED STATES; WHICH, HAPPILT, TEUailMATED 15 THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THEIR LIBERTIES: WITH A VIEW 1:0 REPRESENT THE FEELINGS THAT PREVAILED IN THE "TIMES THAT TRIED' men's souls," to EXCITE A LOVE OF FREEDOM, AND LEAD THE PEOPLE TO VIGILANCE, AS THE CONDITION ON WHICH IT IS GRANTED. DEDICATED TO THE BY H. NILES. ^^CoUecta revitescunty BALTIMORE: TBIKIZO ASD VtSLTSBED FOR THE ZBITOB, BT WILtlAU OaO£H SIIE^t (VBICB THBEE DOLLARS, IIT ■BXSTS.) Vv. 1?0 .^ OF THE UNITED STATES^ THIS VOLUME OF IS, RESFECTFULLY, DEDICATE!); IN THE HOPE, That they may be encouraged to adhere to the simplicity of Trutli^ AS SET FORTH BY THE PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THEIR FATHERS^ AND EMULATE THE NOBLEST DEEDS WHEN THE IIBERTIES OF THEIR COUJ^TRYARE EJTDAJVGERED, 3Y FOREIGN ENEMIES OR DOMESTIC ENCROACHMENTS^ so THAT THE BLESSINGS WHICH THESE PATRIOTS WON MAY DESCEND TO POSTERITY, Snd our Republic forever continue to be the Pride of Humanity, and an dsylmn for th& \- '^ '_ BT THEIR SINCEJiE FJRIENDf ■'^'^,\,^^' H. NILES, BiUtivwre, Jpril, 1822. o ^ o PREFATORY. It is with unaffected diffidence, that the editor now presents his long-expected volume to the people of the Uiiited States, f'om an apprehension that its contents wil! not accord with, the hopes entertained bj those who felt interested in the publication. Self-love, or self-re- spect, seems to demand that some account of the origin and progress of this work should be submitted, that the real merits or demerits of the case may be understood. On the -25d of November, 18j6, a letter was published in the Weekly Register, (of which the editor of this work is also the editor and proprietoi), from an anonymous corres- pondent,* from which the following is an extract: ••Among the patriots whose eflTirts have tended to give stability to our institutions, no one is more en^ titled to the best wishes of his fellow-cilize is, and no one has rendered himself more honorably known, than yourself. The steady zeal witli which you have prosecuted your valuable work, has made it as a light to the people, by which they see their true interests, and discover the certain means of preserv- ing and improving their unparalleled freedom and its attendant blessings. I am satisfied that you take pleasure in an American oftering yon his thoughts on any subject of a public nature, howevei' little merit may be in his suggestions. I am, therefore, led to propose to your consideration an un- dertaking which no one is so well qualified to accomplish as yourself— it is to collect and print hand- somely a volume of speeches and orations of our revolution: you can make the supplement to one of your volumes such a book. The present is a most propitious period; the feelings and sentiments of '"6 were never so prevalent as at present. The moment and opportunity may pass andnot immedi- ately return; the events of the late war have imparted a glow of national feeling for every thing re- publican. Let us then avail ourselves of the circumstance to make some deep impression. What Setter impression can we make than by rendering the opinions and conduct of our fathers familiar? An opportunity for such a work exists now — which, we know, is but transient, as but six Americana who witnessed the great debate remain. Now, can a doubt arise that Mr. .left'erson, or Mr. Adams, or Mr. Thompson, would not take delight in furnishing materials? — the speeches themselves, and % view of the proceedings and different characters of the speakers. We have one selection of Americat^ speeches, made by a jiri.ish emissary — if such men are to select our political lessons, I need not tell t)oti what must be the opinions of the rising generation, nor of their certain degradation." Then followed a promise to communicate sundry articles, and some hints of the writer to obtain others. This letter was spread before the readers of the Register to gather public sentiment on th© subject, and form some opinion, through communications solicited, of the supply of materials that could be obtained, with very little prospect, at that time, of accomplishing the wishes of my correspondent, though there was not any want of zeal to satisfy them. I apprenendetl that the supply of matter would be short — for I had, myself, been an eager collector oi sucli things for many years, and seemingly had some right to judge of the quantity that remained for edilkation and improvement, in a recurrence to first principles. But it soon appeared that many were desirous that the collection should be attempted, and certain distiiiguishedt persons held out flattering prospects of success, urging me forward by the presentation of motives which they were pleased to think had an irresistible influence on my conduct: but 1 still hesitated, because of the deficiency of materials, until January, lt>l9, when it was an- nounced that the volume woidd be put to press in an address that contain"ed the annexed remarks: •'It is much to be regretted that very few of the soul-stirring orations and speeches of the revolu* tionary period remain to claim the admiration of a blessed posterity: Si.ill, some good things are left to us, — and, by a liberal enlargement of the plan originally proposed, we feel pretty confident of pre- senting an acceptable gift to the American people, by rescuing from oblivion a great variety of fleetmg, scattered articles, belonging to the history of our country anterior to the subhme epoch of the revo- lution, during its continuance, and immediately after its glorious termination, whilst iis feelings were fresh upon the heart and understanding of our heroes and sages. As heretofore observed, our collec- tion of materials is somewliat extensive, our resources promise some rich additional supplies,— and no effort shall he left untried to increase our store: sotliat, on the whole, though the collection will, douot- less be defective, and, perhaps, not equal the expectations of some, we are consoled with a belief that it will not be unworthy of the patronage of an enlightened public — zealous to catch a "spark from the altar of '76," and prepared to enter into the spirit of past times. "The volume will oe slowly printed as the matter presents itself, and be concluded as soon as the nature of things will admit of — but shall not be hurried. Order in its arrangement can hardly be hoped for; but it will not, on that account, suffer much depreciation of value." *Since ascertained to be Bejf.iAMis Elliot r, esq. of Charleston, S. C. whose name I take the liberty to mention as the projector of the undertaking; a.id the merjt of it belongs to him. if PREFATORY. Still, It was not until September in the same year that a regular prospectus '^vas oftcred,- for I yet fea: ed the want of mat tei , as well as the severe labor t!;at 1 was sensible would be- come necessary to obtain it, if to be obtained at all. This prospectus contained these para- graphs: .. u vii'jj, as we do, that the simpHcity of the truth, as held f rth by those who devised and execu- ted iie severance of I his country from tiie power of a despoi, has been widely departed from, no cffori on our part shall be wanting to encourage a spirit to seek after and hold on to the prin iples wliic" appear essential to the preservation of t'le rights and libenies of the people of the United .States; under an assurance that vigilance is the condition on -which freedom is granted to us. But we en.' ter upon the undertaking oefore us with co sider^ble diffidence— fearful of llie want of a just discrimu nation, and als.> of time for research and reflection to do justice to the weighty concern. It seemed fiowever, to be imposed on us as a duty, and we will execute the task as well as we can. "The materials, though ihe s o k is pretty large, are not yet sufficient for the extensive work ron-' templated. I he editor of the Rkkisteu has, for several >ears, been a collector of scrans and rare things— several gentlemen have liberally contributed articles whicli they would not have pa.-ted with except on an occasion like this; and others have promised us liberty to overlia\il their neglected stores of old papers: but much useful matter n^ust be in the hands of those with whom we have not yet com- inunicated on the subject; and everj pairiot is invited to give his aid to this collection, designed to record the /efe^i/Jjs of "Hhe times lb ai tried men's souls." Letters maybe sent to the editor at his cost for postage, and originals will be rurefully returned, if requested. When copies from manu- scripts are presented, it uugiiibc well to permit us to state the source from whence they were deriv- d, if necessary." The terms were also set forth. — it was promised that the volume should contain betweea four and five hundred paj^es. and cost, tn sheets, the sum of th.ee dollars. A view to pecu- niary profit was disavowed — it had nothing to do with the origin or progress of the work, and if a reasonable allowance for money and time expended is afforded by its sale, it will be as much as ever has been expected. 1 had no sooner fairly committed myself than 1 regretted it — the patriots of the revolu- tion did not make speeches to be unattended to by their brethren in congress and fill up the columns of newspapers*. They only spoke when they had something to say, and preferred (Lctbi"' to talking — very unlike the legislators of the present time. 1 plainly saw that great difficulties would oppose themselves to the fulfilment of my promise- I feared that more- was expected of me than any man could do — for the facts that were manifest to my mind could not be appreciated by all: my pride, (an honest one, I trust), was alarmed — but. in obedience to a fixed rule that I have adopted for my own conduct, i resolved to meet the difficulty presented and conquer it by perseverance — if 1 could. 'I'o give some idea of the quantity of books and papers that have been looked into to effect this compilation, 1 think that I do not exaggerate when 1 say that they were sufficient to load a cart, and hours on hours have been spent in the service without the least profit. Perhaps, 1 wa.s unlucky or imwise that my attention was not directed to the proper sources; it may be so — but of this 1 am satisfied, that very few of the"soul-stirring'' speeches of the revolutionary period remain to warm the hea' ts of a grateful posterity: they were pronounced to be heard, not published. AVith this b;ief narrative, I submit the work to the liberality of my count, ymen, American republicans — in the firm belief that, if 1 have not accomplished all that was hoped for by some, it will appear that others are agreeably disappointed; and I am satisfied that gootl Will result fnnn the publication of this collection: it will rescue from oblivion many things that were hastening to it, and lay the foundation, perhaps, of a more extensive and mucin more perfect witrk, which 1 shall always keep in my view. in explanation it is necessary further to observe, that the leading object of this volume was to shew the feelings that prevailed in the revolution, not to give a history of events; hence, all matters of the latter class have been rejected, except as immediately necessary to shew tlie effects of feeling. The volume, also, might have been more acceptable if a greater den-ree of order had been observed as to dates. &c.; but it was almost impossible to approach regularity, in this respect, as well from the natme of things as from the occasional attention, only, that I was able to give to the work -but any inconvenience on this account is obviated by the copious index, o table of t ontents prefixed Two articles have been, unfortunately, inserted twice — but, as they are of an excellent quality, 1 shall not be sorry for it, if the error causes them to be twice read. Many notices of proceedings, &c. are given only to indicate the ""eneral conduct of the people on such occasions as they have reference to. *The earl of Dartmouth askid an American in London, (whose name we caaiiot call to mind at pre- sent), of how many members the congress consisted? the reply was "fifty-iwo." "Why that is the num- ber of cards in a pack," s*id his lordslnp— "how nan) knaves are there?" "Not one," returned the republican — "please to recollect that knaves are court cards!" as?®® A. Adams, John— letters to him fi-om J. Palmer, J.Trumbull, R.Cranch, S. Cooper, &c. 322, 323; liis let'er to the editor, enclosing a copy of m-jor Hawlej 's 'broken hints' 324; to gov. Bullock, July 1, 1776, 327; to Mr. Chase, same daie.ifijV/,- to Mrs. Adams, July 3, 1776, .S28. 329; respecting com. Tucker 413; Mr. A when an a.mbassador, found as a pri- vate among the marines, 414 Adams, Samuel, 477 Address of the provincial congress of Massachu- setts to the inhabitants of Great Britain, 205; to the independent sons of Massachusetts, 432 — see the several states, S/c. Amerir.', esimate of the miiirary force of, 211 American and French soldiers, their comforts, 345 Andre, major, his affair wiih Arnold, 302 A:rns of the Unit^* ! States, a description of, 486 Army of the revoiuti-m — statements of its r)rce, co'ulition, p:4y. &."■ & 211,433; voluntary contriHnt'o'-s 'o s 'ppnr* it, 436 ArnoU'.at V'W London, 330; his character, 331; his letter to gen. Washington after his trea- son, 591; procession with his effigy, 391 Asaph, St. the bishop of— his speech, 160 Asgill, thecwe of, 317; letters ef his mother, 318 Austin, Jonathan VV.his oration at Boston, 1778, 31 B. Bandole, M. I'hbbe, his thanksgiving address on the capture of Cornwallis, 268 Barlow's oration, 584 Barney, capt. his fight with the General Monk, 361; further particulars, 414 Barry, capt. mentioned, 415 Boston, the town of— notice of many interesting things that orrurred therein, 464, 46H, 470, 471, 479 to 486 and 489; battle between the rope.makers and soldiers, 480; Whig club, 484; massacre of the 5tb of March, with re- flections, 481; persons proscribed at, 374 **Boston orations" — in commemoration of the 5th of March, 1770, when a number of cii.zens were killed by a party of British troops, viz. by James Lovell, Joseph Warren, (two), B-nj. Church, Jno. Hancock, Peter Thatcher, B ■ jainin H.tchborn, Jonathan W. Austin, William Tudi>r, Jonathan Mason, rhomas Dawes.jun. Geo. Richards Minot, and Thos. "Welsh, 1 to 59 Sotta, Mr. extracts from his history 490 Brfcckenridge's eulogium on those who had fallen m defence of their country, delivered 1779, 119 Brandt, col. his incursion, 1779, 367 Bullock, gov. a speech delivered by him 159 Bunker's hil!, incidents of the battle at, 471 Burgoyne, gen. his correspondence with fi;en. Lee, 206; his thuidering proclamation, 1777, 262; laus, letters from him in 1775, 311; respecting Franklin 317 Jersey prison ship, noticed 477 Johnston, gov. speech on the Boston port bill 191 'John Bull's children,' the history of 320 Jones, P; ul, anecdotes of him, and his letter to lady Selkirk 378 K. Kosciusco — an eulogiitm upon him 474 L. Lacey, gen. his correspondence with the comm»n- der in chief and other.'?, when Philadelph.ia was possessed by the British, 333; surprised by the efiny ^3i Ladd, Dr. extract fVom one of his orations 399 Ledyard, col. and others — o" their fate. Sec. kt New London 3374t Putnam, gen. anecdote of 419 Q. Quakers of Pennsylvania Zoi \l. Ramsay, Dr. David, his oration on indeoendencei 1778 * 64 Randolph, Peyton, his death 47I Reed, gen. Joseph, to H. W. esq. 1780 oo5 Retaliation — case of Asgill 317 Retaliatory measures recommended by congress, 1778 270 Rhode Island— oath exacted of the people of by gen. Lee 4^7 Robertson, gen. his correspondence with gov. Livingston respecting certain traitors 268 Rochambeau, count de — addressed by the peo- ple of Baltimore and the general assembly of M-^ryland, with his replies 397 Rodgers, Dr. extract from one of his sermons 361 Rodney, Caesar— collections from his papers 335; letters from him 339, 340 Thomas, letters from him 341, 342, 343, 344i Rush, Dr. his address to the people of the Unit- ed States— "the revolution is not over," ir87 404 Rutledge, gov. of S. C. his speech to the legisla- ture, 1776 152 S. Salem privateers— a complete list of 376 Salt, on the scarcity of 431 Sea fighl— an account of the first fought in the revolution 370 Sedition— an act of S. Carolina respecting 150 Sermon, Dr. Smith's at Philadelphia, 1775, 215i extract from Dr. Rodgers on the destruc- Vill IJSDEX. tion of tfce cliurches durinj; the war, 8tc. 361; extract from one delivered by presi- dent Stiles 473 Slaves, resolves respecting the importation of 198 Smith, rev. Dr. hib sermon 215 Soldir-'s daughter, narrative of a 471 South Carolina — Dr. Ramsay's oration 64; judge Drayton's charge 72; others by the same 81, 92; presentments by a grand jury in 1776 79; other presentments 91 97; jud^e Di/iy- ton's speech in the general assembly, 1778, 96; an act to prevent sedition and punish in surgents, &c. 150; governor Rutledge's speech, 1776, and reply of the legislature ; J52; resolves 154; thanks to Messrs Mid- dletoB and llutledge 157; escape of Mr. Hunter 371; judge Pendleton's cliarrre 4U4; address to the gov. lord William Campbell 449; resolves against the town of Poole and about absentees 450; association of the mem- bers of the provincial congress 450; recep. tion of stamps 467 Speech — of judge Drayton on the articles of co;- federatioii, 1778 98; of gov. liMtledge to the legislature and reply of the same 152; of gov. Bullock to the provincial congress of Georgia, 1776, 159; of the bishop of S . As;ph, m the house of lords, 1774 160; of lord Chatham, 1774, 189; of gov. Jolmsion, same year, 191; ditto of Mr. Fuller, sir George S«ckviile, Mr. Ellis, gen. Conway, lord North, sir George Young, g v. John- ston, Mr. Harris, sir Edwarrl Aslilev, Mr. Waril, gov. Pownal. Mr. Rigby, Mr. Fox, sir Gilbert Elliott and sir Richard Sutton, in parliament, on the civil government of Mas- sachusetts 194; delivered at Carpenter's II ill, Philadelphia, 1775,202; of the earl of Cha'.- ham, on removing the troops from Boston {1775) 211, of John Wilkes, 1775, 345; of capt. Harvey 347; fragment of one delivered in congress, spirited 423; of a farmer to his neighbors 428; another fragment of a speech 431; of R. H. Lee and John Dickin- son, in congress, from "Botta's revolution" 490 to 495 Spy, executed, by order of gen. Sullivan 369 Stamp-act-congress, the proceedings of, at length 451 Stoney Point— vVayne's orders previous to the capture of 275 Strong measures recommended, 1773 370 Sullivan, gen. extract from his orderly book 369 Synod of New York and Philadelphia 421 T. Tarring and feathering— a Yankee trick. Sec. 273; case of Malcom and an instance of its prac- tice by the Bnti-sh 482 Tea — proceedings respectin,^ the importation of 170, 198; destroyed at Boston 326; anecdote about its use 380; song made on its destruc- tion 470; some particulars of the affair 485 Thatcher, Peter, his oration at Boston, 1776, 23 Thompson, Charles — bis introduction as secreta- ry to congress 470 Ticonderoga, capture of, returns, &c. 373 Tilton, Dr. see Delaivare: his letter from Wil- liamsburg, Dec. 1781 345 Tories, declaration and address to the British king, 1781 393 Treason, law declaratory of it 417 Trumbull, gov. his correspondence with W. Try- en 210^ with gen. Gage 437 Tryon, William, his letter to gov. Trumbull and reply 21© Tucker, commodore, interesting particulars of him 413 Tudor, William, his oration at Boston, 1779 36 Tusten, Dr a sketch of 367 Tyrannicide, tlie — the first vessel built for th^ naval service of the U. S.— her battles, &c. 370 V. Virginia — interesting facts of George Mason— his declaration of rights, and sundry letters 123; Dunmore's letter lo Howe J38; pro- ceedings in the convention thereon 139; co- py oF the O'ith extorted by Dunmori 141; Dmceedrigs at Norfolk on the Boston port bill 180; do. at Williamsburg, Fredericks- burg, Hanover, 8t • on the remoViil of ceriain arms and munitions of war, 1775- 186; asso- ciation respecting the import of British good.s, slaves, teas, 8ic. and recommendit:g roanufacturfs 198; instructions to the dele, gates to congress 201; do. to the delegates of Cumberland county 211; further instruc tions to the delegates in congress — respect- ing a bill of rights — toasts drank and the Union fl-»i g .:.e Dela- ware 361; in want of a pen knife 369; address to the inhabitants of Canada 423, his procla- mation on the bombardment ot New York 434; addressed at New York 477 Wayne, gen. 'is orders previous tolhe attack on Stoney Point 275 Weight of several great men in the revolution 376 Welsh, Thomas, his oration at Boston, 1783 55 Woman, sentiments of an American, 1780 389 Wraxall's memoirs, an extract from respecting the surrender of Cornwallis 277 Y. Yankee doodle — the occasion on which the air was/rs; played in the United States 372 Yorkto.vn, interesting particulars of affairs at 345, 362; additional 371; estracts from a journal kept at the siege of 465 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS REVOLUTION, <^c. OnATION, DEIITEHED at BOSTOK, APRIL 2, 1771, BY JAMES LOVELL, A. M. Omnes homines natura Libertati student conrfifiofifm Sed virtulis oderunt- Css. — JVunc ea pet-t, qnce dare vullo modo possumvf, nisi prius volumus nos bello victos conjileri. Cic. Boston Orations. OUATIOSS llELITKRfcD AT TUE BEaUEST OE THE IN- KAniTASTTS OF THE TOWN OF BOSTON, TO COMMEM CIIIATE THE EVENIWG OF TKE 5tH OF MAUCU 1770; ■WHES A >Tj>inEn or citizens weue killed bt A PAUTY UF BRITISH TROOPS, aOAUTERED AMONG TilEM, iff TIME OF PF.ACE. Your design in the appointment of this ccrc- [These orations were first collected and publisher ^^^^^^ ^^^ ^ .^^^^ ^^^ fdlo.v.to.vm,mu, cannot f.il in a volume, by .?>/r.Pe^.rEo«e Pr^^^^sj^^^^^^ ^^p^^.^.^^^ ^.^^^.,^.^^ From the principles I profess, and in the exercise of my common right to judge with others, I conclude it was dtcent, 7i)ise, was so notorious for its fearless devotion to the libcrlies of America; both before the revolution commenced and during the time of its continu ance ] TO THE ISQABITASTS OF THE TOWIt OF BOSTON. I hope my collecting, in one volume, the follow ing orations, wliich were first severally printed at I your request, but many of which have been lon^ since not to be purchased, will be considered in tlie mild light of an attempt to please the public. Americans have !)een reprehended for not pre- serving, wiih swfficient care, the various pamphlets and political tracts which this country has afforded during the late war. Many of those productions which appear trite to us, who live on the spot where they grew, may, however, be considered as sources of curiosity to strangers. Manj of these orations have been con sidered as the sentiments of this metropolis, from time to time, touching the revolution; and as our earliest public invectives against oppression. As the institution of an oration upon the fifth of March is now superseded by the celebration of the anniversary of independence, upon the fourth of July, I have given to this volume a generul title, which will apply to both institutions: so that if heieafter there shall be a like volume, containing the orations of that anniversary, this may be con- sidered the first and that the second volume of Boston orations. I am, with the greatest respect, your obedient humble servant, Ti^'CKR EUE3. Boston, Jauitary, 1785. and honorable. The certainty of being favored with your kindest piriiality and candor, in a poor attempt to execute (he part to which you have invited me, has over- come the objection of my inability to perform it in a proper manner; and I now beg the favor of your animating countenance. The horrid bloody scene we here commemorate, whatever were the causes which coi cmred to brini=; it on that dreadful night, must lead Uic pious and humane, of every order, to some suitable reflec- •ions. The pious will adore the conduct of that BEING who is unsearchable in all his ways, and with- out whose knowledge not a single sparrow falls, lii permiiting an immortal soul to be hurried by the ilying ball, the messenger of death, in the twink- ling of an eye, to meet the awf'il Judge of all its lecret actions. The humane, from having often thought, with pleasing rapture, on the endearing scenes of socihI life, in all its amiable relations, will lament, with heart felt pangs, their sudden dissolution, by indiscretion, rage and vengeance. But let us leave that shocking close of one continued course of rancor and dispute, fs-om the first moment that the troops arrived in town: that course will now be represented hy youi- own re- flections to a much more solid, useful purpose, than by any artful language, I hope, however, that lieavcn has yet in store such happiness for this .fflicted town and province, as will in time wear lout the memory of all your f iMi^r troubles. PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. I sincei'cly rejoice with you in l!ie Jiuppy even of your steady and united effort to prevent a stcond tragedy. -O ir fathers left their native land, risqued all the dang-ers of the sea, and came to lliis tlien savrige desart, with that true u:.idaunted courage whicii is excited by a confidence in God. They ■came that they might here enjoy themselves, and 1c:ive to their posterity the best of earthly portions, fail En^iish liberty. You sho'.ved upon the alarm- ing- cause for trJKi, that their brave spirit still exists in vigor, thougii their legacy of right is much impaired. The sy.xpathy and active frimdahip of some neighboring- towns, upon that sad occasion, commands the hig'.iest gratitude of this. We have seen and felt the ill effects of placing standing forces in the midst of popnhits communi- ^s; but those are only v/Iiat individusds suffer. Your vote directs me to point out the fatal tendency of pkcing such an order in/ree cities — fa»al indeed! Athens once was free; a citizen, a favorite of the people, by an artful stor)-, gained a triRing guard of fifty men; ambition ta;ight him ways to enlarge that number; he destroyed the commonwealth and ir.ide himself llie tyrant of ihe Athenians. Ciesar, by tlie length of his command in Guvl, got the uirectlons oi' his army, marclied to Home, overthrev.' tlie state, and made himself perpetual dictator. By the same instruments, many less republics have been made to fall a prey to the devouring jaws of lyrants. — But this is a subject which should never be disguised with figures; it chooses the plain stile of dissertation. The true strength and safety of everv common- wealth or limited monarchy, is the bravery of its freeholders, its militia. Cy brave militias they rise to grandeur; avid they come to ruin by a mercenary army. This is founded on historical facts, and the same causes will, in similar circum- s". -mces, forever produce the sanie effects. Justice Blackslone, in his inimitably clear commentaries, tells us, that "it is extremely dangerous in a land of liberty, to m;.ke a distinct order of the pro- fession of arms; that such an order is an objcci of jealousy; a;:d tliat «Ae laws and constitution of Eng. land are s;ravgers to it." One article of the hi!l of rights is, that the raising or keeping a standing army within the kingdom in a time of peace, unless it be with consent of parliament, is against law. The present army, therefci-e, though called tlie peace establishment, is kept up by one act, and governed by another; both of w!)icb expire anmiu/Ii/,\ This circumstance is valued as a sufTicisnt citeck^ upon the army. A less body of troops than is now maintained has, on a time, destroyed a king, and fought under a parliament v.'ith great success and glory; but, upon a motion to disSkud them, they Uirned their masters out of doors-, and fixed others in their stead. Such wild tilings are not again to happen, because the parliament have power to stop p.iyment once a year: but arma tenenti rjnis neget? wliich may be easily interpreted, "who will bind Sampson witl» his locks oii?"* The bill which regulates the army, the same fine author I have mentioned, says, "is, in many respects, hastily penned, and reduces the soldier to a state of slavery in the mi'.si of a frte nation. This is impolitic: for slaves envy the freedom of others, and take a malicious pleasure in contributing to destroy il." By this scandalous bill a justice of peace is empowered to grant, wthout a prewous oath from the military officer, a warrant to break open any (freeman's) house, upon pretence of searching for deserters. I m.ust not omit to mention one more bad ten- dency; 'tis this — a standing force leads to a total neglect of mjlilias, or tends greatly to discourage them. You see the danger of a standing army to the cause of freedom. If the British parliament con- sents from year to year to be exposed, it doubtless has good reasons. But when did our assembly pass an act to hazard all the property, the liberty and lives of their constituents? wliat check have we upon a British army? can we disband it? can we stoj» its pay? Our own assemblies in America can raise an armyi and otv monarch, George the 3d, by our constitu- tion, takes immediate command. This army can consent to leave their native provinces. Will the royal chief commander send them to find barracks at Britns-i'ick or Lunenburg, at Hanover, or the com- modiovs hall of Westminster? suppose the last — sup- pose this army was inf rmed, nay thovght the par- liament in actual rebellion, or only on the eve of 'ine, against their king, or against those who paid and cloathed them — for there it pinc'ies: — we are rebels against parliament; — we adore the king. Where, in the case 1 have stated, would be the value of the boasted English constitution? Who are » free people? not those who do not si'.ffer actual oppression; but tbose who have a can- stitxitit.nal clu ck upon the pmrer to oppress. ♦Trenchsu'd. PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. We are slaves or freemen: if as we are called, the Isst, where is our check upon the following powers, France, Spain, the stales of Holland, or the British parliaments? now if any one of these / fruni ds wnlf'-llow townsmen, having declared myself an American son of liberty of true charter principies: having shewn the critical and dang:erous siUiation of our birthrights, and the true course for speedy redress; I hhall take the freedon to recommend, with boldness, one previous step. — Let us sliow we understand the true value of wha we Are claiming. The patriotic Farmer tells us, "the cause of li bcity is a cause of too mucli dignity to be sullied by turbulence and tumult.— Anger produces anger; and diiferences, that might be accommodated by kind f.nd respectful behavior, may, by imprudence, be enlarged to an incurable rage. In quarrels — risen to a certain heigiit, the first caase of dissen- sio!) IS no longer remembered, the minds of the pwties being wholly engaged in recollecting and resenting tiie mutual expressions of their dislike AVhen feuds have reached that fatal point, con sideriitions of reason and equity vanish, and a blind i'ury governs, or rather confounds all things. A peo- ple no longer regard their interest, but a gratifica- tion of their wrath." Wfc know ourselves subjects of common law: to thai and the worihy executors of it, let us pay a steady and conscientious regard. Past errors in this point have been written with gall, by the pen of ?iAi,icE. May our fu ure conduct be such as to make even that vile imp lay her pen aside. Tlie rfght wliich imposes duties upon us, is in disp'iff. but whether they are managed by a surveyor general, a board of commissioners, Tnrkisfi Janizaries, or livssian Cossachs, let them enjoy, during our time of fair trial, the common personal proteciion of the laws of our constitution. Let us shut our eyes, for the present, to their being executors of cUdms subversive of our rights. Watchful, hiiwk-eyed jealousy, ever guards the portal of the temple of the goddess iibf.rtt. This is known to those who frequent her altars. Our whole conduct therefore, I am sure, will meet with the utmost candor of her votaries: but 1 am wishing v.e may be able to convert even her basest APOSTATES. We are siaves until we obtain such redress, through the justice of our king, as our l;appy con- ntUuiiun leads us to expect. In that condition, let I'S behave with the propriety and dignity of frek- "lETr; and t/ms exhibit to the world, a new character of a people, which no history describes. May the all-wise and beneficent ruler of thb u?«ivEiisE preserve our lives and health, and pros- per all our lawful endeavors in the glorious cause of KllEEDOM. ORATIOW DELtVERED AT BOSTON, MARCH 5, 1772, BY JOSEPH WARREN. Quis talia fando, J\T]jimdonum, Dolopwnve, aut dnri miles Ulyssei, I'emperet alacrymis. viuoii.. When we turn over the historic page, and trace the rise i.nd fall of states and empires, the mighty revolutions wl)ich have so often varied the face of '.he world strike our minds with solemn surprise, and v/e are naturally led to endeavor to search out the causes of such astonishing changes. That man is formed for social life, is a.i observa- tion, which, upon our first enquiry, presents itself immediately to our view, and our reason approves that wise and generous principle which actuated the first founders of civil government; an institu- tion which hath its origin in the -ueakness of indi- viduals, and hath for its end, the strength and secu- rity of all: and so long as the means of effecting this important end are thoroughly known, and re- ligiously attended to, government is one of the richest blessings to uiankind, and ought to be held in the highest veneration. In young and new formed communities, the grand design of this institution, is most generally under? stood, and most strictly regarded; the metiyes which urged to the social compact, cannot be at once forgotten, and that equality which is remem- bered to have subsisted so lately among them, pre- vents those who are clothed with authority from attempting to invade the freedom of their brethren; or if such an attempt is made, it prevents the com- munity from suffering the off'ender to go unpunish- ed: every member feels it to be his interest and knows it to be his duty, to preserve inviolate the constitution on whiph the public safety depends,* and he is equally ready to assist the magistrate in the execution of the laws, and the subject in de- fence of his right; and so long as this noble attach- ment to a constitution, founded on free and bene- volent principles, exists in full vigor, in any state, that state must be flourishing and happy. It was this noble attachment to a free constitu- *I do not think the (ico warrasto against our ^rst charter, was tried in a proper court. * Omnes ordincs ad cojisei-vamdam rempub.icam, mente, voluntate, studio, virtute,voce, conse7itiunt. CiCEBOc PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION- lion 'hlcii raised ancie!" Rome, froiT> the stnalle'^i begin'iirgs, to that bri^'h'^ summit of happiness anc' gloi-y to which she arrived; and it was t^e loss or thin which phmiTPd her from that summit into the blank gulph of infamy and slavery. It was this a':- tachment which inspired her senators with wisdom; it was this which glowed in the breast of hcF 'ie roes; it whs this w'lich guarded her Uberlies and extended her dominions, gave peace at home, and commanded respect abroad: and when this decay- ed, b- V magistra PS los': hfir reverence forjusticf an;l the laws, and degenerated into tyrants a' d op pressors — her senators, forgetful of their dignity, and seduced by base corrupiion, betrayed thtir coun'ry— her soldiers, regardless of their reUtion to the community, and urged only by the hopes o plunder and rapine, unfeelingly committed d e most flagrant enormities; and hired to the trade of death, with relentless fury, they perpetrated the nvost cruel murders, whereby the streets of impe- rial Rome were drenched with her noblest blood Thus this empress of the world lost her dominions abroad, and her inhabitants, dissolute in their man- ners, at length became contented slaves; and she St?Lnds to this day, the scorn and derision of nations, and H monument of this eternal truth, that public HAPPINESS DEPENDS 0!f A VIUTDOITS AND UNSHAKKN ATTACHMENT TO A pnEE COl^STITUTION. It was this attachment to a constitution, founded on free and benevolent principles, which inspired the first settlers of this couitry: — tliey saw with grief the daring outrages committed on the free constitution of their native land — they knew that nothing but a civil war could at that time restore its pristine purity. So hard was it to resolve to embrue their hands in the blood of their brethren, that they chose rather to quit their fair possessions and seek another habitation in a distant clime. — When they came to this new world, which they fairly purchased of the Indian natives, the only rightful p roprietors, they cultivated the then bar- ren soil, by their incessant labor, and 4efended their dear-bought possessions with the fortitude of the christain, and the bravery of the herq. After various struggles, which, during the tyran- nic reigns of the house of Stuar, were constantly kept up between right and wrong, between liberty and slavery, the connection between Great Britain and this colony w^as settled in the reign of kinjr William and queen Mary, by a compact, the condi- tions of which wereexpressed in a charter; by which all the liberties and immunities of British subjects, were confined to this province, as fully and as ab- oluiely as they possibly could b? ■.■■y uny bumaii nstrument which can be devised. And ii is unde- niably true,. that the i^reatest and most important right of a British subject is, thai he shall be govern- ed by no laivs but those to -winch he either in prrscn or ny his representative huth given his consent: and this ? will venture to assert, is the grand ha^is of Bri- Msh feeedom; it is interwoven with theconstitution; and whenever this is lost, the constitution must be destroyed. The British conniiivtion (of wliich ours is a copy) is a happy compound of the three forms (under lome of which all governments maybe ranged) viz. monnrrhy.aris ocrrtcy, and democracy: of these tliree the British legislature is composed, ivd withou* the consent of each branch, nothing can carry with it :!.ie force of a law; but wlien a law is to be passed fnrraising a tax, that law can oiiginateonly in the democratic branch, which is the house of commons in Britsin, and the house of represent :ilive? here —The reason is obvions: they and tlieir cons'itu. ents are to pay much the largest purt of il; but as the aristocratic branch, which, in Britain, is the house of lords, and in this province, the council, are also to pay some part, Tiiiiin consent is nrces- sarv; and as the monarchic branch, Vvhich in Brj. tain is the king, and with us, either the king in person, or the governor whom he shall be pleased to appoint to act in his stead, is supposed to have a j'ist sense of his own interest, which is that of all the subjects in general, his consent is also reces- sary, and when the consent ofthese three branches is obtained, the taxation is most certainly leral. Let us now allov/ ourselves a few moments to examine the late acts of the Britiah parliament for taxing America — Let us with candor judge whether they are constitutioi^ally bindinp upon us: — if they are, in the hamf. of jistice let us submit to them, without one murmuring word. First, I would ask whether the members of the British house of commons are the democracy of this province? if they are, they are either the peq- ple of this province, or are elected by tlie people of this province, to represent them, and have there- fore a constitutional right to originate a bill for taxing them: it is most certain tliey are neitlier; and therefore nothing done by them can be said to be done by the democratic branch of our constitu- tion. I would next ask, whether the lords, who compose the aristocratic branch of tlielegiiihture, are peers of America? I never heard it was (even in those extraorjin.sry times) so much as pretend- ed, and if they :;r2 not,cenainly no act of thein- 6 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. can be said to be the act of the aristocratic branch qf our constitution. The power of the monarchic branc'i we, 'vith pleasure, acknowledge resides' in the king, who may act eitlier in person or by his re- presentative; and I freely confess that I cnn see ni' i'eaSi) . why a iniOCL\iMAriO>f/or raising in Ame- rica, issued by the king's sole authority, would not be equally consistent with our own constitution, and therefore equaily binding upon us with the late acts 0/ the British parliament for taxing us; for it is plain, that litaere is any validity in those acts, it must arise altogether from the monarchjcai branch of the legislature: ..na 1 fur her think that it wouh. "be at least as equitable; for I do not conceive it to be of the least importance to us by whom our pro- perty is taken away, so long as it is laken without oar consent; aud 1 am very much at a loss to know by what figure of rlieloric, the inhabitants of this province can be called fuee subjects, when they are obliged to obey implicitly, such laws as are made for tl^.em by men three thousand miles off, whom , the> knoAT not, and whom they never empowereC to act for them, or now they can be said to have JPHOPEHTT, when a body of men, over whom thej have not the least conirol, and wno are not in any way accountable to them, shall oblige them to de liver up any p^n, or the whole of their substance, ression should be eiifoi-ced by anotiier, and tlitre- fore, contrary to our just rights as possessing, or at least having a just title to possess, all the liber- ties ai;id IMMUNITIES of British subjects, astanding army was esiaMished among us in time of peace; and evidently for the purpose of effecting that, which it was one principle design of the founders of the constitution to prevent, (w)ien they declared a standing army in a time of peace to be AGAINST LAW) namely, for the enforcement of obedience t / acts which, upon fair examination, appeared to be unjust and unconstitutional. Tiie ruinous consequences of standing armies to free communities, may be seen in the histories of Sykacuse, Rome, and many other once flourishing states; some of wliich have now scarce a name' *heir baneful influence is most suddenly felt, when they are placed in populous cities; for, by a cor- ruption of morals, the public happiness is imrne- fliately affected? and that this is one of the effects of quartering troops in a populous city, is a truth, to which many a mourning parent, many a lost, de- spairing child in this metropolis, must bear a very melanclioly testimony. Soldiers are also taught to consider arms as the only arbiters by which every dispute is to be decided between contending states; — they are instructed implicitly to obey their without even asking their consent: and yet whoever commanders, without enquiring into the justice of pre.eiids th^L the laie acts of the British parlia- ijg cause they are engaged to support: hence it is, luei.t for taxing America ought to be deemed bind- 1 th^t they are ever to be dreaded as thp ready en- ing upon us, nlusl admit at once that we are ab- j^i^es of tyranny and oppression. And it is too ob- soluie SLAVES, and have no property of our own; or else tliat v/e may be freemen, and at the same time under a necessity of obeying the arbitra- ry commands of those over whom we have no con- trol oi- influence, and that we may have pnoPERTv OF oca owst, which is entirely at the disposal of another. Sucu gro^s absurdities, I believe will not be relished m iHis cmigutened age: and it can be no mailer of wonder that the people quickly per ceived, and seri -usly complained of ihe inroads whicn tiiesc acis must ui-.avoidabiy make upon their liberty. Mid o; the iinz. rd to wliich their luhoie pro- perty IS by them exposed; for, if they may be taxel wiUiout their consent, even in the smallest irifl. , the) wiay also, without their consent, be deprived ofeveiy Uiiug they possess, ailhouga never so va luaole, never so dear. CertaiiUy ii never entered nervable that they are prone to introduce the same :T)o can be wrung from us by op- pression, which they may not obtain from us by oul* own consent, in the smooth channel of commerce: we wish the wealth and prosperity of Britain; we contribute largely to both. Doth what v, -.• contri- bute lose all its value, because it is done voluntari- ly? the amazing increase of riches to Britain, the grtat rise of the value of her lands, the flourishing state of tier navy, are striking proofs of the advan- tages derived to her from her commerce with the colonies; and it is our earnest desire that she may still continue to enjoy the same emoluments, until her streets are paved with Americaic gold; only, let us have the pleasure of calling it our own, whilst it is iji cur own hands; but this it seems is too great a favor— we are to be governed by the absolute com- mand nf others f our property is to be taken away -with' out our consent— \i we complain, our complaints are With united efibrts you urged the immediate de- i treated with contempt; if we assert our rights, that parture of the troops from the tov/n — j'ou ursjeJ j assertion is deemed insolence; if we hunnbly offer It, with a resolution which ensured success you i to submit the matter to tlie impartial decision of obtainc l your wishes, and the removal of the troops reason, the swoun is judged the most proper arg-j.- was eflected, without one drop of tlidr blood being ment to silence our murmurs! but this cannot long shed by the inhabitants. \ be the case— surely the British nation will notsuf- The immediate actors in the tragedy of tqat | ^'''' ^^^ ^^P""^^''"" ''^^''^'•* j"^^'" ^"'^ ^'''^"' ''°"°''' sir.irr, were surrendered to justice. It is not h° ^^ *''"' sported away by a capricious ministry; mine to say how far they were guilty? they j ""' ^''^^ '-^ '" a short time open their eyes to have been tried by the country and ACQUITTED j '" ^'^^''' ^^'"^ interest: they nourish in their of murder! and they are not to be again arraigned at p'" "leasts, a noble love of liberty, they hold an earthly bar: but,£urely the men who have promis. I ''^■''^^'"'' ^"'^ they know that all wim have once cuously scattered death amidst the inmccni inhabi Possessed her charms, had rather die than suffer tants of a populous city, ought to see well to it, that Ihey beprepared to standatthebar of an omniscient judge! and all who contrived or encouraged the stationing troops in this plice have reasons of eter her to be torn from their embraces — tliey are also sensible tliat Britain is so deeply interested in the prosperity of the colonies, that she must eventually feel every wound given to their freedom; they can- nal importance, to reflect with deep contrition, on | "'^^ ^^ ignorant that more dependence may be their base designs, and humbly to repent of their impious machinations. The infatuation which hath seemed, for a num- ber of years, to prevail in the liiitish councils, •[ have the stronges reason to believe iliat I have men'aoned the only circumstance which saved the trcjops from destruction. It was then, and now is, the opinion of those who were best acquainted ■withtlie state of affairs at tliat iime, that had thrice that number of troop*;, belonging to any powev at open war with us, been in this town, in the sume exposed condition, scarce a man would ijave lived to have seen the morning light. placed on the affections of a bi'other, than on llie forced service of a slave; they must approve your efforts for the preservation of your rights; from a, sympathy of soul they must pray for your success: and I doubt not but they will, e'er long, exert them- selves effectually, to redress your grievances^ Even in the dissoliit" reign of king CuAutEs II. when the house of commons impeached tlie earl of Cla- rendon of high treason, the first article on whiclj they founded their accusation was, that "lie had de.' signed a standintf army t he raised, anii tn ^utu-rn the kingdom thereby." And the eighth article was, that PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. "he had iiitrjducai an .roilrary q-ver,iment into his inajtsii/s plantation." A terrifying example to those who are now tbrging chains for this country. You have, my friends and country taen, frustrated va.i, if you, oaroffsprinij, vant v Ir >o rtpel the •ssauLs of her invaders! Stain not the glory of your worthy ancestors, but like them resolve, ne- ver to part wiih your binh-right; be wise in your ^, , r ■ u. „,.,,r,or,;™;tv inrl i'^^^'^'^^^'^io"^* ^^^ determined in your fxeriions the aesigns of your enemies, by your unanimity ana ' j fjriituie: it was your union and determined spirit which eipclled those troops, who polluted your streets with isNoctiiT blood. You have appointed this , anniversary as a standard memorial of the; „.„^ .» .«^,vT. xT.i.rv 1^''^ ^"'■^'^^ of posterity from being heaped upon T.LOODY C0NSEaUK"«CES OF PLACING AN ARMLD FOUCh , ' •' O i f IN A POPULOUS ciTsT, uud of your delivcraiice fr^m j^*^"'' cmoues. for the preservation of your liberties. Follow not the dictates of passion, but enlist yourselves under the sacred bann -r of reason; use every meth id in your power to secure your riguis; at least prevent the dangers which then seen. ed to hang over your heads; and I am conSdent that you never will be tray the least want of spirit when called upon to guard your freedom. None but they who set a just value upon the blessiiigs of liberty are wortiiy to enjoy her — your illustrious fathers were her zeal- ous votaries — when the blasting frowns of tyranny drove her from public view, they clasped her m iheir arms, they cherished her in their generous bosoms, they brought her safe over the rough ocean, and fixed her seat in this then dreary wilder Bess; they nursed her infant age with the most ten- der care; for her sake, they patiently bore the se verest hardships; for her support, they uoderweal the most rugged toils: in her defence, they boldly encountered the most alarming dangers; neither the ravenous bessls that ranged the woods for prey, nor the more furious savages of the wilderness, could damp their ardor! — Whilst with one hand they broke the stubborn glebe, with ihe other they grasped their weapons, ever ready to protect he from danger. No s.icrifice, not even their own blood, was esteemed too rich a libacion for her al- tar! GuD prospered their valor; they preserved he: brilliancy unsullied; they enjoyed her whilst they lived, and dying, bequeathed the dear inheritance to your care. And as they left you this glorious legacy, they have undoubtedly transmitted to yeu some portion of their noble spirit, to inspire you with virtue to merit her, and courage to preserve her: you surely cannot, wiih such examples before your eyes, as every page of the history of this coun- try affords,* suffer your liberies to be ravished from you by lawless force, or cajoled away by flat tery and fraud. The voice of your fathers* blood cries toyou froo the ground, mt soms scohn to be SLAVES! in vai'. we met the frowns of tyrants — in vain we cross'd the boisterous ocean, found a new world, and pre- pared it for the happy residence of liberty — i vain we toiled — in vain we fo'ii;!)t — e hie.! i*i *At siiiiiilberoum laudes, et facta parentis t^ara legere, et qua sit poteris tt>gnoscere virtus.— Kir^. if you, with united zeal and fortitude, oppose the torrenr of oppression; if you feel the true fire of patriotism burning in your breasts: if you, from your souls, despise the most gaudy dress that sla- very can wear; if you really prefer the lonely cot- tage (whilst blest with liberty) to gilded palaces, surrounded with the ensigns of slavery, you may have the fullest assurance that tyranny, with hep whole accursed train, will hide their hideous heads in confusion, shame and despair — if you perform your part, you must have the strongest confidence, that THE SAME ALMiGnTY uKiNG who protected your pious and venerable forefathers — who enabled them to turn a barren wilderness into a fruitful fieldj, who so often mack dare Ids arm for their salvation, will still be mindful of you, their ofFt.pring. May THIS ALMIGHTY BEING graciously pre side in all our councils. May he direct us to such measures as he himself shall approve, and be pleas- ed to bless. May we ever be a people favored of GOl^. May our land be a land of liberty, the seat of virtue, the asylum of the oppressed, a name and a praise in the -,vhole earth, until the last sl'ock of time shall bury the empires of the world in one common undistinguished ruin! ORATION, DELIVERED AT BOSTON, MARCH 5, \77o^ BY mi. BENJAMIN CHURCH, Impius h^c culta novalia miles Iiabebit? Barbai'us has st-getes? in quodiscurclia cives ptrduxit misei'os? in queis coiiseviwus agrus? Virgil, Eel. r. O! SOCII O passi graviora, dahit Deus his quoque finem; I'evucate aniinos, in:estun>que tiinorem mittite, foi'sun et b:ec olim meniinisse Jiivabit y/r^il,J£ue. I. From r consciousness of inability, my friends AND FELLOW COUNTRYMEN, I havc n^pcatcdly de- clined the duiics of this anniversary. Nolhin,^ but :» firm attachment to the totterng liberiicfs ot America* added to the the irresisvible importunity of some valued friends, couid have indue, d me (es- pecially with a very shoit notice) so far as lo mis- *l*ericulosa: plenum opus alese '; lactas, Incedis per ignes Suppositbs cinevi dplogo. — HoBiCE. PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. take my abilities, as to render the utmost extent of your candor truly indispensable. Wiiea man was unconnected by social obliga tlons; abhorrent to every idea of dependence; actuated by a savage ferocity of mind, displayed in the brutality of his manners, the necessary exi- gencies of each individual, naturally impelled him to acts of treachery, violence and murder. The miseries of mankind thus proclaiming eter nal war with their species, led them, probably, to consult certain measures to arrest the current of such outrageous enormities. A sense of their wants and weakness, in a state of nature, doubtless inclined them to such recipro cal aids and support, as eventually established so- ciety. Men then began to incorporate; subordination succeeded to independence; order to anarchy; and passions were disarmed by civilization: society lent its aid to secure the weak from oppression, who wisely took saelter within the sanctuary of law. Encreasing, society afterwards exacted, that the tacit contract made with her by each individual, at the time of his being incorporated, sikould receive a more solemn form to become authentic and irre- fragable; the main object being to add force to the laws, proportionate to the power and exl» nt of the body corporate, whose energy they were to di- rect. Then society availed herself of the sacrifice of tliirt liberty and that natural equality of which we are all conscious: supsriors and magistrates were appointed, and mankind submitted to a civil and political subordinauon. This is truly a glorious inspiration of reason, by whose uiiiuence, notwith- standing the inclination we have lor independence, we accept control, for the eslablislunent of order. Although unrestrained power in one person ma) Lave been the first and most natural recourse of mankind, from rapine and disorder; yet all restric tions of power, made by laws, or participation of sovereignty, are apparent improvements upon what began in unlimited power. It would shock humanity, should I attempt to describe those barbarous and tragic scenes, which crimson the historic page of this wretched and de- testable constitu'.ion, where absolute dominion is lodged in one person: where one makes the xuhole, and the -luhole is vot!ung What motives, what events, could have been able to subdue men, en- dowed with reason, lo render themse'veB the n u*j 2. instruments, and passive objects of the p.apnce of an individual. Mankind, apprised of their privileges, In being rational and free, in prescribing civil laws to them, selves, had surely no intention of being enchained by any of their equals; and althout^h they submitted voluntary adherents to certain laws, for the sake of mutual security and happiness, they, no doubt, in- tended by the original compact, a permanent ex- emption of the subject body from any claims, which were not expressly surrendered, for the purpose of obtaining the security and defence of the whole. Can it possibly be conceived, that they would vo- luntarily be enslaved by a power of their own crea- tion. The constitution of a magistrate does not, there- fore, take away that lawful defence against force and injury, allowed by the law of nature; we are not to obey a prince, ruling above the limits of the power entrusted to him; for the commonwealth, by con- stituting a head, does not deprive itself of the power of its own preservation.* Government and magistracy^ whether supreme or subordinate, is a mere human ordinance, and the laws of every na- tion are the measure of magistratical power: and kings, the servants of the state, when they degene- rate into tyrants, forfeit their right to government. Breach of trust in a governor,! or attempting t9 enlarge a limited power, effectually abiolves sub- jects from every bortd of covenant and peace; the crimes acted by a king against the people, are the highest tvetkson against the hiffhe.it law among- men.^- "If the king fsays GrotiuaJ hath one part of the supreme power, and the other part is in the senate or people, when such a king shall invade that part which doth not belong to him, it shall be lawful to oppose a just force to him, because lis power doth not extend so far." The question, in short, turns upon this single point, respecti(>g the power of the civil magisirate. is it the end of that ofn.ce, that one particular per- son may do what he vvill without restraint? or ra- ther that society should be maile happy and se- cure.? the answer is very obvious— And it is my firm opinion that the equal justice of God, and the natural freedom of mankind, must stand or fall toge- ther. When rulers become tyrants, they cease to be kings: they can no longer be respected as God's vicegerents, who violate the laws they were sworn *The celebrated Mrs. Macaulay. jMrs. Macaulay. irfalus populi stiprema lex este, \0 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. to protect. The preacher may te\[ us o{ passive obe-'^f ree\y on every object worthy its attention, when dience, that tyrants are scourges in the hands of a righteous God to chastise a sinful nation, and are to be submitted to like plagues, famine and such lilie judgments: such doctrine may serve to mis lead ill judging princes into a I'alse security; but men are not be hariangued cut of their senses; human nature and seU-preservation will eternally arm th( brave and vigilant, against slavery and oppression. As a despotic government* is evidently produc- tive of the most shocking calamities, whatever tends to restrain such inordinate power, thougli in itself a severe evil, is extremely beneficial to so- ciety; for where a degrading servitude is the de testable alternative, wlio can shudder at the reluc- tant poignard of a Brutus, the crimsoned axe of a Cromwell, or the reeking dagger of a Jtavillac. To enjoy life as becomes rational creatures, to possess our houls with pleasure and satisfaciion, we must be cartful to maintain that irieslimable bkhsing, liberty. By liberty I would be understood, the happiness of living under laws of our own mak- ing, by our personal consent, or thai of our repre- sentatives. -(■ Without this, the distinctions among mankind are but difi'crent degrees of misery; for as the true estimate of a man's life consists in conducting it according to his own just sentiment and innocent inclinations, his being is degraded below that of a free agent, which heaven has made him, when his afieciion and passions are no longer governed by the dictates of his own mind, and the interests of iiuman society, but by the arbitrary, unrestrained will oi" another. I thank Gob we live in an age of rational inquisi- tion, when the unfettered ujind dares to expatiate the privileges of mankind are thoroughly compre- hended, and the rights of distinct societies are ob- jects of liberal enquiry. The rod of the tyrant no longer excites our apprehensions, and to the frown of the DESPOT, whicii made tiie darker ages trem- ble,* we di.re oppose demands of right, and appeal to that constitution, which holds even kings in fetters. It is easy to project the subversion of a people, when men behold them, the ignorant or indolent victims of power; but it is difficult to effect their ruin, when they are apprised of their just claims, and are sensibly and seasonably affected with thouglits for their preservation. God be thanked, the alarm is gone forth,f the people are universally informed of their chahteh rights; they esteem them to be thearkof Godtonsw-englakd, and like that of old, may it deal destruction to the profane iiand that shall dare to touch it. In every state or society of men, personal liberty and security must depend upon the collective power of the whole, acting for the general interest. t If this cellective power is not of the whole, the free- dom and interest of the whole is not secured: If this confluent power acts by a partial delegation. * V 'ithnn 1WH unimum mulant, qui trans mare currunt. The citizens of Rome, Sparta, or LacedemoH, at those blessed periods when they were most eminent for their attachment to liberty and virtue, could never exhibit brighter examples of patriotic zpai, than are to be found at this day in America; I will not presume to say that the original British spirit has improved by transplanting; but this I dare affirm, that shculcl Britons stoop to oppression, the struggles of their American brethren, will be their eterniil reproach. fThe instituting a committee of grievances and correspond iince by the town of Boston, has served this valuable purpose: The general infraction of the rights of all ihe colonies, must finally reduce the discordant provinces, to a necessary combina- tion for iheir mutual interest and defence: Some *The ingratitude and curruption of Rome is, ptrliaps, in no instance, more strongly marked than in her ireatment of her colonies; by their labors, K"ture congress will be the glorious source of the toils, and arnis, she had reached to that summit of s^'v-'^^-o^ of '^'^<''"'<''"= The .\mp!ictiones oi Greece, glorious ex Uation, as to be like Britai:;, the won- der aud dread of tl,e world; but by fatal experience t!;ose ruined colonies inculcate this serious lessun, tlie ambition of a despot is boundless; his rapine is insatiaole; the accomplishment of his conquest- over his enemies, is but the introduction of slavery, with her concomitant plagues, to his friends. -j-TUe Very idea of npresentauve, deputy ortrus tee, mcludes tha) of a constituent, who.^e interest *i)ey are ordained and appointed to promote andse cure; my unappo';ated, self constituted agct in the Biit»s:i parlian,t;nt, has fraudulently and arbitrarily surrendered iny best interest, without m_> priviiy; or consent; 1 do ti.erefore hereby protest aguinsi all sucn powers as Utsh^ll claim in my behalf, ai.d most, solemn i_^ discard him my service foiever. , .■3&« Lock, oivii jj-overamcai. K;gum teaciUis aiaici. ! i's"I^'ox who furraed tlie diet or grea' council of the states, exhibit an excellent model for the rising Ameri- cans. tLord chief justice Coke observes "nhen any new device Is moved in the king's behalf, for aid or the like, the commons may ans-ver, they dai^ not agree without conference wi'h their "-ounties." The novel device of fleecing the colonies, was introduced in a way the constitiition kiiows not of, and cramnifcd down their throats, by mc .sures equally iniquitous. I will not aUrm the sti kl.-rs for the present measures, by confronting ihem with more stale authorities, if ttny will permit me the foliowing short but express !t, but against their consent; there- jpart of the constitution. Where laws are framed and assessments laid with- of the people is exactly proportioned to the share,, , . , - -i „.^ur^<, oo ..coi^ae ' '^ / I i ijj rendering t!ie provincial assemblies an uselest. the body of the people have in the legislature; and the check placed in the constitution, on the! executive power. That state only is free, where the peoplearegovernedbylawswhichthey haveasharejout a legal representation, and obedience to snch in making; and that country is totally enslaved, j^^ts urged by force, the despairing people robbed where one single law can be made or repealed, | "^ ^^^''y constitutional means of redress, and that without theinterposition or consent of the people. iPe°P^^» ^'*^^'« *"'i virtuous, must become the ; admiration of ages, should they net anneal to those That the members of the British parliament are the representatives of the whole British empire, expressly militates with their avowed principles: property and residence within the island, alone constituting the right of election; and surely he is not my delegate in whose nomination or appoint- ment I have no choice: but however the futile and absurd claim of a virtual representation, may com- port with the idea of a political visionary, he must (if possible) heighten the indignation, or excile the ridicule of a freeborn American, who by such a fallacious pretext would despoil him of his pro perty. An American freeholder, according to the just powers, which the immutable laws of nature have lent to all mankind. Fear is a slender tie of sub- jection; we detest those whom we fear, and wish destruction to those we detest; but humani^j', uprightness, and good faith, with an apparant watchfulness for the welfare of the people, con- stitute the permanency, and are the firmest sup- port of the sovereign's authority; for when violence is opposed to reason and justice, courage never wants an arm for its defence. What dignity, what respect, what authority, can Britain derive from her obstinate adherence to error? she stands convicted of violating her own principles', but perseveres with unrelenting severity; and judicious conduct of the present minis-ry, hasl ^^ j^^,^^^ j.^^ ^.^^^^ as a gr..ce-she aggravates. [our distress, by lopping away another and another darling privilege; we ask (or freedom and she sends •Notliing-, continued the covpm-al, can he so sweet, All' pltase your iiuixir, as lilitrny: Nothing, Trim, saiu my ujiuie Tohy. musings , ^ ,- - - Whilsta mail is free— cried thecoruoral, t'tvinjc a flourish with I , ,, bl4 SUCK lbus:rj~. '^ Trhtrant Sh',„d,,. j the SWOrrf.' 12 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. To ihe wisdom, to the justice, to tiie piety of bis mos; sacred majesty, I unite in my sppeal with this uiibnimdej empire; GfD grant he may attend to the reiterated prayer, instead of the murmur of discontein, and the frown of louring disafTection; we would up.iversally hail him with those effusions ofg-enuin? joy, and duteous veneration, which the proudest despot will vaiuly look for, from forced respect or cer'emonial hom'»ge- Parties and fifitjous, since the days of the detest ed Andross, have been strang-frs to this land; no distinctions of heart felt animosity, disturbed the peace and order of society tiil the malignant folly of a* late rancorous comwavder in chief, conjured them from the dead: when shall this unhappy clime be pitrgf-d of its numerous plagues? when will our troubles, our feuds, our struggles cease? -when iviU thf locusts leave the luhd? then, and not lill then, peace and plenty shall smile around us; the hus- bandman will labor with pleasure; and honest in- dustry reap the reward of its toil. Rut let us not forget the distressing occasion of t)iis anniversary: the sullen ghosts of murdered Jell't-at-citizens haunt my imagination "and harrow up tJiy soul;" metliinks the tainted air is hung with the dews of death, whUe Ate, hot from hell, cries havock, and lets slip the dogs of war. Hark! the van tenants of the grave still shriek for vengeance on their remorseless butcliers: forgive us heaven! should v;e mingle involuntary execrations, while hovering in idea over the guihless dead. Where is the p.miable, the graceful Maverick? the opening blossom is now withered in his cheek, the sprightly fire th;it once lightened in' his eye is quenohed in death;! the savage hands of brutal ruffians have crushed the unsuspecting victim, and in an evil houi- snatched away his gentle soul. Wiiere is the friendly, the industrious Cahhoell? he paced innoxious through the tlicatre of death, in.-onscious of design or danger, when the winged fate gored his bosom, and stript his startled soul for the world of bpirits. AVhere are the residue of active citizens \h-jit were wont to tread these sacred fljois? fiiUen by the hands of the viudrctive assassins thry swell the horrors of tiic sanguinary scene.— Loyally stands on tiptoe at the shocking recollec- breihren and grinning furies, glolting o'er their carnage, the hostile attitude of the miscreant murderers, redoubles our resentment, and makes revenge a virtue. By heriven they di^f thus nature spoke, and the swoln heart leap'd to execute the dreadful pur- pose; dire was the interval of rage, fierce was the conflict of the soul. In that important hour, did not the stalking ghosts of our stern foi efat}i.erg, point us to bloody deeds of vengeance? did not the ■consideration of our expiring liberties, impel us to remorseless havoc? but hark! the guardian Gob of New K gland issues his awful mandate, "peace, BE still;" hush'd was the bursting war, the louring tempest frowned its rage away. Confidence in that God, beneath whose wing we shelter all our cares, that blessed confidence released the dastard, the cowering prey: with haughty scorrj we refused to become their executioners, and nobly gave them to the wrath of heaven: but wordy can poorly paint the horrid scene* — defenceless, prostrate, bleeding countrymen — tiie piercing, agonizing groans— the mingled moan of weeping relatives and friends — these best can speak, to rouse the luke-warm into noble zeal; to fie the zealous into manly rage, 2Lg'imi\.\.ht foid oppression, of quartering troops, in populous cities, in times of peace. Thou who yon bloody wajk shalt traverse, there Where troops of Britain's king, on Britain's sons, Dischar);;'d the leadt-n vtiigeauce; pass not oa E'er thou hast blest their memory, and paid Those hallowed tears, which sooth the virtuous deaifi O stranger! stay thee, and the scene around Contemplate well; and if perchance thy home Salute thee with a father's honor'd name, Go call thy sous— instruct them what a debt They owe their ancestors, and make them swear To pay it, by transmitting down entire, Those sacred rights, tu which themselves were born. OHATIOV, DKLTVEIIED AT BOSTOW, MAIICH 5, 177i^ BY THE HON. JOHN H (\NCOCK, ESQ. Vendidit hie anro patriam, dominumque potentem Iniposuit: fi.xit leges pretio att|ue retixit. Xon, mibi si linguse centum sint, uraque centum, Ferrea vox, omnes scelerun: com premiere formas, I posaini. Vtrg' Men, brethren, fathers andfelloiV'Countr^men! — Ihe attentive gravity, the venerable appearance of this crowded audience; the dignity which I behold in the countenances •f so many in this great assem- bly; the solemnity of the occasion upon which we tion,. while justice, virtue, honor, patriotism become! have met together, joined to a consideration of the suppliants for immoderate vengeance: the whole part I am to take in the important business of this uoul clamors fur arms, and is on fire to attack day, fill me with an awe hitherto unknown; and the brutal banditti; we fly agonizing to the horrid heighten the sense which I have ever had, of my f.celdama; we gaze on tlie mangled corses •f our unworthiness to fill this sacred desk; but, allured ; rr ~ ~ I by the call of some of my respected fellow-citizens, *The Netvleham Baronet. j ^^ / ' j7.^_-- — ■ Hie ubi barbarus hostis, X't fera plus valeaut Itgibus argia facit.— Orirf de Panto-, Multaque rubentia coede Lubriea saxa madent, nnlU sua profuit Bt^s.-i!(C(i8} Lih. 3. PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 18 with whose request it is always my greatest plea- sure to comply, I almost forgot my want of abili y to perform what they required. In this situation 1 find my only support, in assuring myself that » generaus people will not severely censure what they know was well intended, though its want of merit, should prevent their being ab'e to appl?'id it. And I pray, that my sincere attachment to the interest of my country, and hearty detestation of every design fornied against her libertjps, may b? admitted as some apology for my appearance in this place. I have^always, from my earliest youth, rejoiced in the felicity of my fellow-men; and have ever considered it as the indispensable duty of every member of society to promote, as far as in him lies, the prosperity of every individual, but more especially of the community to which he belongs; and also, as a faithful subject of the state, to use lis utmost endeavors to detect, and having detected, strenuously to oppose every traitorous plot whic' its enemies mxy devise f ;r its destruction. Securitv to the persons and properties of the governed, is so obviously the design and end of civil govern- ment, that to attempt a logical proof of it, woulrl be like burning tapers at noonday, to assist the sun in enlightening the world; and it cannot be either virtuous or honorable, to attempt to support a go- vernment, of which this is not the great and princi- pal basis; and it is to the last degree vicious and infamous to attempt to support a government, which manifestly tends to render the persons and properties of the governed insecure. Some boast of being friends to government; I am a friend to righteous government, to a government founded upon the principles of reason and justice; but T glory in publicly avowing my eternal enmity to tyranny. Is the present system, which the British administration have adopted for the government of the colonies, a righteous government.' or is it tyranny.? — Here suffer me to ask (and would to Heaven there could be an answer) what tenderness, what regard, respect or consideration has Great Britain shewn, m their late transactions, for the security of the persons or properties of the in- habitants of the colonies.' or rather, what have they omitted doing to destroy that security? they have declared that they have, ever had, and of light ought ever to have, full power to make laws of sufficient validity to bind the colonies in all cases whatever: they have exercised this pretended right by imposing a tax upon us without our con- sent; and lest we should shew some reluctance «t parting with our property, her fleet.s and armies 're sent to piifmy and ruin; and did they not succeed but too well? did not a reverence for religion sensibly dec^y? did not our infants almost learn to lisp out c^rscs be- fore they knew their horrid import? did not our 14 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION-. youih forget they were Americans, and regardles3 of the admonitions of the wise and aged, servilely Cbpy from their tyrants those vices which finally must overthrow the empire of Great Britain? and must I be compelled to acknowledge, that even the noblest, fairest part of all the lower creation did not entirely escape the cursed snare? when virtue has once erected her throne within the fem.ae breast, it is upon so solid a basis that noth- ing is able to expel the heavenly inhabitant. Bir have there not been some, few indeed, I hope, whose youth and inexpi'rience have rendered thenri a prey to wretches, whom, upon the least reflec- tion, they would have despised and haled as foes to God and their country? I fear there have been some such unhappy instances; or why have I seen an honest father cloathed with shame; or why a virtuous mother drowned in tears? But I forbear, and come reluctantly to the trans actions of that dismal night, when in such quick succession we felt the extremes of grief, astoaisli - ment and rapr; when Heaven in apger, for a dread- ful moment suffered hell to take the reins; when Satan with his chosen band opened the sluices of Ne vEngland's blood, and sacrilegiously polluted our land with the dead bodies of her guiltless sons Let this sad tale of death never be told without a tear: let not the heaving bosom cease to burn with a manly indignation at the barbarous story, through the long tracts of future time: let every parent tell the shameful story to his listening children 'til tears of pily glisten in their eyes, and boiling passions shakes their tender frames; and whilst the anniversary of that ill-fated night is kepi a jubilee in the grim court of pandsemonivim, let all America join in one common prayer to hea from ruin, even a guilty villian, forever actuate the noble bosoms of Americans! But let not the mis- creant host vainly imagine that we feared their arm's. No; them we despised; we dread nothing but slavery. Death is the creature of a poltroon's brains; 'tis immortality to sacrifice ourselves for the salvation of our country. We fearnot deatli. That glo»my night, the pale faced moon, and the affrighted stars that hurried through the sky, can witness that we fear not death. Our hearts which, at the recollection, glow with rage that four revolv- ing years ha\'e scarcely taught us to restrain, can ^vitness that we fear not death; and happy it is for those who dared to insult us, that their naked bones are not now piled up an everlasting monument of Massachusetts' bravery. But they retired, they fl'id, and in that flight they found their onlysafety„ We then expected that the hand of public justice would soon inflict that punishment upon the mur- derers, which, by the laws of God and man, they had incurred. But let the unbiassed pen of a Robert- son, or perhaps of some equally famed American, conduct this trial before the great tribunal of suC" ceeding generations. And though the murderers may escape the just resentment of an enraged peo- ple ; though drowsy justice, intoxicated by the poisonous draught prepared for her cup, still nods upon her rotten seat, yet be assured, such compli- cated crimes will meet their due reward. Tell me, ye bloody butchers! ye villians high and lov/! ye wretches who contrived, as well as you who ex- ecuted the inhuman deed! do you not feel the goads and stings of conscious guilt pierce through your savage bosoms? tliough some of you may think yourselves exalted to a heiglit that bids defiance to human justice, and others shroud yourselves be- neath the mask of hypocrisy, and build your hopes ven, that the inhuman, unprovoked murders oflhe of safely on the low arts of cunning, chicanery and fifth of M^rch, 1770, planned by Hillshorough, and falsehood; yet do you not sometimes feel the knaw- a knot of treacherous knaves in Boston, and execu- ted by the cruel hand of Preston and his sangui- nary coadjutors, may ever stand on history with- out a parallel. But what, my countrymen, wilh- ings of that worm which never dies? do not the in- jured shades of. Maverick, Gray, Caldwell, Attucks and Carr, attend you in your solitary walks, arrest you even in the midst of your debaucheries, and fill held the ready arm of vengeance from executing even your dreams with terror? but if the unappeas- instant justice on the vile assassins? perhaps you I ed manes of the dead should not disturb their mur- feared promiscuous carnage mignt ensue, and that derers, yet surely even your obdurate hearts must the innocent might share the fate of those who had shrink^ and your guilty blood must chill within performed the infernal deed. But were not all your rigid veins, when you behold the miserable guiliy? where you not too tender of the lives of these who came to fix a yoke on your necks? but I must not too severely blame a fault, which great souls only can commit. May that magnificence of spirit which scorns the low pursuits of malice, may that generous compassion which often preserves Monk, the wretched victim of your savage cruelty. Observe bis tottering knees, which scarce sustain his wasted body; look on his haggard eyes; mark well the death-like palene.ss on his fallen clieek, und tell me, does not the sight plant daggers in your souls? unhsppy Monk! cut oiTin the gny morn PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 13 of manhood, from all the joys which sweeten life, doomed to drag on a pitiful existence, without even » hope to taste the pleasures of returning health! yet Monk, thou livest not in vain; thou livest a warning to thy country, which sympathizes with the in thy sufferings; thou livest an affeciing, an alarming instance of the unbounded violence which lust of power, assisted by a standing army, can lead « traitor to commit. Tor us he bled, and now languishes. The wounds by which he is tortured to a lingering death, were aimed at our country! surely the meek-eyed chari- ty can never behold such sufferings with indiffer ence. Nor can her lenient hand forbear to pour oil and wine into these wounds, and to assuage at least, what it cannot heal. Patriotism is ever united with humanity and compassion. This noble affectic* v/hich impels us to sacrifice every thing dear, even life itself, to our country, involves in it a common sympathy and tenderness for every citizen, and must ever have a particular feeling for one who suffers in a public cause. Thoroughly persuaded of this, I need not add a word to engage your compassion and bounty towards a fellow citizen, who, with long protracte<] anguish, falls a victim to the relentless rage of our common enemies. Ye dark designing knaves, ye murderers, parri- cides! bow dare you tread upon the earth, which has drank in the blood of slaughtered innocents, shed by your wicked hands? how dare you breathe that air which wafted to the ear of heaven, the groans of those who fell a saw ifice to your accursed ambition? but if the laboring earth doth not es pand her jaws; if the air you breatlve is not com- missioned to be the minister of death; yet, hear it, and tremble! the eye of heaven penetrates the dark est chambers of the soul, traces the leading due through all the labyrinths which your industrious folly has devised; and you, however you may have screened yourselves from human eyes, must be ar- raigned, must lift your hands, red with the blood of those whose death you have procured, at the tre mendous bar of God. means say generally, much less universally) com- posed of persons who have rendered themselves u:ifit to live in civil society; who have no other motives of conduct than those which a desire of the present gratification of their passions suggests; who have no property in any country, men who have given up their own liberties, and envy those who enjoy liberty; w!)0 are equally indifferent to the glory of a George or a Louis; who for the addition of one penny a day to their wages, would desert from the Christian cross, and fight under the cre- scent of the Turkish sultan; from such men as these' what has not a state to fear? with such as these' usurping Cxsar passed the Rubicon; with such as these he humbled mighty Rome, and forced the mistress of the world to own a master in a traitor These are the men whom sceptered robbers now employ to frustrate the designs of God, and render vain the bounties which his gracious hand pours in- discriminateiy upon his creatures. By these the miserable slaves in Turkey, Persia, and many other extensive countries, are rendered truly wretched though their air is salubrious, and their soil luxu! riously fertile. By these, France and Spain, though blessed by nature with all that administers to the convenience of life, have been reduced to that con- temptible staJe in which they now appear; and bv these ^ritain but if I was possessed of the gift of prophecy, I dare not, except by divine command, unfold the leaves on which the destiny of that once powerful kingdom is inscribed. But 1 gladly quit the gloomy theme of death, and leave you to improve the thought of that in portantday, when our naked souls must stand be- fore that being, from whom nothing can be hid. I would not dwell too long upon the horrid effects which have already followed from quartermg regu lar troops in this town: let our misfortunes teach posterity to guard against such evils for the futm-e. Standing armies ai'e sojaetirftes (I would by no But since standing armies are so hurtful to a state, perliaps my countrymen may demand some substitute, some other means of rendering us se- cure against the incursions of a foreign enemy. But can you be one moment at a loss? will not a we// diy to pursue that course which is most coiiducive to tiieir own happiness, they will s.).in ome into it, ail from tlie rudesi state of nature, order and g )od governm- nt must soon arise. Bui rted) deemeil the propery of the crown of England. Our ancestors, when they re- solved lo quit their native soil, obtained from king James, a grant of certain lands in North America. Tliis tlipy probably did to silence the cavils of their enemies, fir it cannot be doubted, but they de- spised the pretended right which he claimed there- to. Certain it is, that he might, with equal pro- priety and justice, have made ihem a grant of the planet Jupiter. And their subsequent con. Uict plain- ly shews that they were too weil acquainted willi humanity, and tiie principles of natural equity, to suppose that the grant gave them any right to takp possession; they therefore entered into a trea- ty with the natives, and bought from them the lands: nor have I ever yet obuined any informa- tion that our ancestors ever pleaded, or that the natives ever regarded the grant from the English crown: the business was transacted by the parties m the same independent manner that it would liave been, had neither of them ever known or heard of the island of Great Britain. Having become the honest proprietors of the soil, they immediately applied themselves to the cultivation of it; and I'ley soon beheld the virgin earth teeming with richest fruits, a gra eful recom« pense for their unwearied toil. Tae fields began to wave with ripening harvests, and the late bar- ren wilderness was seen to blossom like the rose. The Savage natives saw with wonder the delight- ful cliaug •, and quickly formed a scheme to obiajn that by fr«ud or force, ivluch nature meant as the reward of industry alone. BjI ti.e illuslriovts emi- grants soon convinced the rude invaders, tliat they were not less ready to take tlie field for battle tlian for labor; and tlie insidious foe was driven Irom their borders as often as he veniured to dis- turb h^m. The crown of Enghngi looked with inditieri-nce on the contest; our ancestors ware left alone to combat widi the natives. Nor is there any reason lo believe, that it ever was intended by the one party, or expected by the other, that ihe grantor should, defend and maintain the ^ron- PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 19 tees \n the p'aceabl? p. ssession of the lands nairicc' in the patents. And it appestrs plainly, from tl f history of tho-e times, that neither the prince nov the people of EnglHnd, thought themselves mu'!, interested in the mutter. Tliey had not then any idea of a thousandth part of those advantages tvhich they since have, and we are most heartily willing they should slill continue to reap from us. But whm, nt an infinite expense of toU and blood, this widely extended contintnt had been culti- vated and defended: 7vhen the hardy adventurer:, justly expected that they and their descendants should peaceably have enjoyed the harvest of those fields which they had sown, and the fruit of those vineyards which they had planted, this country was the7t thought worthy the attention of the Bri- tish ministry; and the only justifiable and only sue cessful means of rendering the colonies serviceable to Britain were adopted. By an intercourse of friendly offices, the two countries became so united in affection, that they thought rot of any distinct or separate interests, they found both countries flourishing and happy. Britain saw her commerce extended, and her wealth increased; her lands raiser! to an immense value; iier fleets riding triumphant on the ocean; the terror of her wrms spreading to every quarter of the globe. The colonist fouju^ himself free, and thoui^ht himself secure: liedweb under his ovn vine, and under his own Jig-tree, and hadnone to make him afraid: lie knew indeed, that by purchasing the manufactures of Great Britain, he contributed to its greatness: he knew that all the wealth that his labor produced centered in Great Britain: But that, fir from exciting his envy, filled him with the highest pleasure; that thought supported liim in all his toils. When the business of the day was past, he solaced liiTiself with the conteinplation, ov perhnps entertained his listening family with lUe recital of some great, some glorious transaction which shines conspicuous in the history of Britain: or, perhaps, his elevated fancy led him to foretel, with a kind of enthusiastic confidence, the glory, power, and duration of an em|iire which should extend from one end of the earth to the other: he saw, or thought he saw, the British na- tion risen to a pitch of grandeur which cast a veil over the Roman glory, and, ravished with the prs view, boasted a race of British kings, whose n^me?, should echo through those realms where Cyrus Alexander, and the Cxsars were u'lknown; princes for whom millions of graipful subjects redeemed from slavery and Pagan ignorance, should, with thankful tongues, oflTer up their prayers and .•.f*iv hou have won; and many of you count the honor- able scars of wounds received, whilst fighting for your king and country. Where justice is the standard, heaven is the warrior's sliield: but conscious guilt unnerves the arm that lifts the sword against the innocent. Bri- tain, united with these colonies, by commerce and affection, by interest and blood, may mock the threats of Fr;ince and Spain: may be the seat of universal empire. But should America, either by fjrce, or those more dangero'.is engines, luxury and corruption, ever be brought into a state of vassalage, Britain must lose her freedom also. No longer shall she sit the empress of the sea: her ships no more shall waft her thunders over the wide ocean: the wreath shall wither on her temples: her weaken, ed arm shall be unable to defend her coasts: and she, at last, must bow her venerable head to some proud foreigner's despotic rule. But if, from past events, we may venture to form a judgment of the future, we justly may expect that the devices of our enemies will but increase the triumphs of our country. I munt indulge a hope that Britain's liberty, as well as ours, will eventually be preserved by the virtue of America The attempt of the British parliament to raise a *The patience with which this people liave borne the repeated injuries which have been heaped upon them, and their unwillingness to tiike any sanguinary measures, has, very iiijudiciousl\ , bsei« ascribed to cowardice, by persons both here and in Great Brituin. I most heartily wish, that an opinion, so erroneous in itself, and so fatal in iu consequences, mighi lie utterly removed before it be too late: and I tiiink nothing farther nectksary to convince every intelligent man, that tlie con- duct of this people is owing to t!ie lender regard. which they have for their fello^v-n^.en and an utter abhorrence to the shedding of huinan blood, tlian a little attention to their gener.d temper and dis- position, discovered when tliey cannot be supposed to be under any apprehension of danger to tlicm- selves. — I will only inenlion t!ie universal detesva- tiopi which they shew to every act of cruelty, by whom, and upon whomsoever committed; the mild spirit of their laws; the very few crimes to which capital penalties are annexed; and the very great backwardness which both courts and juries dis- rover, in condemning persons charged wuh capiul crimes. — But if any should think mis observation not to ihe purpose, I readily appeal to those geu- > lemen of the army who have been in the camp, or in the field, v.ith the .'Americana. 22 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. revenue from America, un 1 o^nr denial of Iheir right to do it, have excited an almost universal enquiry into the right of mankind in general, anr. of British subjects in particular; the necessary result of which must be such a liberality of ser.ti ment, and such a jealousy of those in power, as will, h'tter than an adamantine wall, secure us against the future approaches of despotism. The malice of the Boslon port-bill has been defeated in a very considerable degree, by giving you an opportunity of deserving, and our brethren in this and qur sister- colonies an opportunity of hestorving; those benefactions which have delighted your friends and astonished your eneaiies, not only in America, but in Eirope also. And what is more valuable still, the sympathetic feelings for a brother in distress, and the grateful emotions excited in the breast of liim w!io finds relief, must forever e who might have remedied \\:f evil, by a more suitable appointment, I shall ofl^er my sentiments upon the subject with the same freedom that 1 conceived them. PRINCIPLES AND ACTS ©F THE REVOLUTION. «r The af!vantages of social life, are the result oM efirscmein, and learning, should ever be subdued ch evident necessity, so extensively diffusive and by a power that never could have crept into life, but throug'j the channel of tlieir indulgence. Rut alas! their fate remains a standing monumbht ;)r this truil); that freedom, at sufference, is a solecis(« in politics. such universally felt, that all mankind M'^ill readil} Kcknowledge their existence without the aid c( metaphysics or history. The right that every individual has to reason freely upon the nature of that government he is called to submit to, Iiaviiig nature for its source, is no less obvious and perceptible — and hence, as a necessary foundation for tlie exercise oi' i! -s right, I define civil liberty to be, not "a govt-rn- nient by laws," made agreeable to ciiarter^-, tiii- of rights or compacts, but a power exisu.;g in the people at large, at any time, for any cause, or foi r,o cause, but their own sovereign pleasure, to alter or annihilate both the mode and essence of any former government, and ad^pt a new one in ilb stead. Placing ourselves then upon this broad basis of civil liber tij, founded on natural right, we will, unawed by the itandino- armies of any tyranl't. tools,* or monaixhs, deliberate freely upon the nature of their inslitu'ions, and their dangerous tendency to the rigliis of luxii. Every military force must necessarily imply a right of exercising an arbitiary power, so far as respects the objects against which it is to hi directed; and what will be the ohjects, agains' Vhich it will be it con tant exercise, in proportion to its extent, we may c<,llect from tlie experience ; t ages, and the well known source of human actions. The page of history seldom groans with the calamities of mankind, but we may trace the source of their unhappiness to this engine of oppression- Projected in the blackest principles of the hn man mind, aad supported by ambiiion and a lust of unbounded sway, thisarmtY^ m jiisier Uuth spread havoc and misery throughot't the world. We find the bloody traces cf its footsteps ihrougli ail the ruins of greatness and freedom, either in ancient or modern limes: the most free and opulent cities of the world, by conniving at its birth, have at last, fallen a prey to its relentless fury.-j- While we are ravished with the politeness, wis. dom, and greatness of tlie Grecian s ates, we can scarce believe that the productions of such art *Tbe petty slates and princes who iiave ruiscd their armies as a peasant v.ould his game cocks, and sent them to m ukel for a price, are in the mosi infamous sense of the word, tools. fPisislrutusof Athens.Dyonisius of Syracuse, and GpEsar of Rome, furnish a few among numberless examples, that history aftji-Js. To avoid the pain that humanity must suffer, ipon finding so few iuslances of virtue that harfi leen proof ag-jnst the temptations to prostitule a lelegard power, I am inrlined to thik, that the ;ireat FOUM)F.R of societies has caused the cursx of infa'Uiting ambition, and relentless cruelty, to be entuiled on those whose vanity may lead tliem t'> assume his prerogative among any of his peo- ple as they ar"" canioned about in the world, and to prevent mankind from paying that adoration and respect to ihe most digdifi-d inorlal, which is due .)nly Xo ivjinite ivisdom and goodness, in the direction ■if almighty po-wer, and dierefore that he alone is. fit to be a MosAucB. Were we to traverse the whole field of human transactio:is, and expect any where to fiud an exemption fr.m this general charge, we should most naturally fix our eyes upun the Romans- — but how mortified do we find ourselves by the survey? At the very time this people were most famed for their virtue and greatness— vhile they were regaling themselves with luxurious ease in the lap of freedom— the provinces, they obtained by fraud n-d violence, were suffering under every species >f the vilest servitude, and made to contribute to that very ease and luxviy at the discretion of the most merciless unfeeling task masters. But they themselves, by the same tools they iiad arn^ed to execute their bloody purposes, iti their turn, became tiie subjects of the same kind of oppression they so liberally dealt out to others, and stand recorded in history equal mMiturnents of the greatness and depravity of human nature. Taught by the experience of former ages, that a general, at the head of an armed force, would ever make himself superior to the laws, E irnpe, for several centuries, rai-ed effecuial barriers against the danger (and, I may say, the possibility) of their usurpations; for ihe tenure" of their land., though they acknowledge a superior lord, was up. on conditions so abhorrent to the idea of stand- ing armies, that it cffeved at once, both a promise ■AV.A a pledge against them. Kut to convince us t) at no human institutions s n i 'sure permanent felicity to mankind — s&ctiri/tf •The feudal tenure. 23 PRT\CIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. Ihe of]<;f>: . of ens:' »■ d frepflom, opened the dooi fbr;onften'.pr!->v!sin):^ usurper ufter another,* till the jnh'ibitantp of the whoir ea'stern worH lirid but little left i f l':e p-operty of their species but what they possessed in thei:* shnpe. Strac>ge melamovphosis! but is it not much strant^er still, to ser these pi'iable wretches stript of every enjoyment that ct-u render life a blessing-, nifsinly courting favor and protection fronn the tvr;,iits who enslaved them, and easily iRistaking the chains nf servitmle for >lie garb of nature? T\^c formalities of a//-fe, and the ends of a de^p'itic state t^says » modern writer) have often subsisted tof^ether; Kritiun furnishes a mo'it unhappy cxamplp of this shockin;^ truth: as if the relish of liberty was pampered to make slavery itself more intoler- * ably loathsotT>e, they feel all the nnortifying conse qiicnces of the basest servitude, and are left to console themselves with this consideration, that the weij^ht of iheir grievances can never be increas- ed while they are complimented, or rather tantalized with the name oi freemen. These are sos^e of the glorious effects of standing armies zmowj^ foreign nations. Lei us now consider their consequences in that part of the world, in vvhose aftwirs me take a more interes'iiig part. It is easy to conceive that those men who would l^ol sf.riipie to make use of every artifice and violence to reduce the very people to wliose gene- rosity (hey wtie indebted for their splendor, wealth, and greatness, to a slate of vassalage, would never ie-ii-'f to juake their conquests as exten- sive as their power; --they can fee! the influence of jio law but that '.'f the sword, and therefore (vvhat- ever may be their pretensions) you will, in every case, find them ultimately mafee an appeal to its decisions. If fucli are the ^owroor;, what must ihe people \)i ? havin<; been robbed of liberty thenriselvcs, with- out tlie faintest struggle in its defence,f they are iast fit to be made the instruments of wresting it from others. llow can we expect that t!iey who know nothing of the h tve sworn to be fnithful to their sovereign, and were they ordered to scale the walls of the new Jerusalem, they should not dare to decline the impious attempt. Were it not for this ridiculous faith in the omnipotence of the tyrant whom they serve, we must suppose them fools or madmen: — Indeed that very f.,ilh, would justify the charge of extreme madness and folly against all mankind, who had not been nurtured in this cradle of infatuation. Were it not for the indulgence that a generous mind will always shew to the weakness and pre- judices of the worst of men, many whom the chance of war has thrown into our hands, must have felt the severity and comtempt of a justly enraged peo- ple, while they, with all their vanity and ostenta- tion, remain the unhurt objects of ovr pity. It is surely rather a subject of merry ridicule, thau deserving of serious resentment, to see many of this kind of gentry affecting to deny the cha- racter of prisoners, and attributing that indulgence which is the effect of unparalleled generosity, to tire mean motive of fear; but we will let them knov/, that they cannot provoke us even to justice in the line of punishment, and we leave them to their own consciences and the impartial censures of sui round- ing nations, to make some returns for t];e iin- exampled cruelties that many of our friends have suffered from their barbarous hands;* in lieu of that severity, which, however just, humanity shudders to inflict. But we cannot think it strange to find people in the subordinate departments of life, in- fluenced by such ridicu'o^is notions, while their haughty masters seem to labor under tlie misfortune o the same infatuation. Slaves a', ways rate the consequence of those they serve, by the treatment they receive from them, and wonder tba' others do not feel the weight of the same iir.povtance. To call men of distinguished rank, in any go. vernment, knaves, fools and scoundrels, however ;hey may deseiveit, is esteemed neither polite or decent: I arr>, therefore, at a loss for names while I aiii describing the oppressors of my country. Who, williout deserving these reproachful appellations, co'ild have conceived the horrid wisli of decking his crown with the idle plume of foreign empire nt the expense of the peace, wealth, and very being of a nation? and who but a pomjious blockhead, in the fsecution of this impious design, could expect ;o conquer .i hard\, virtuous set of men, by ineffec- tual threa.s and empty promises, contained in aset of proclnmations, he wanted either courage or power to disperse among the people they were designed to subdue?* Possibly they may conceive the length of their master's purse, at the rate of thirty crowns a man , to be equal to all the armed force of Europe, and therefore they should be able ultimately to effect that by the point of the bayonet, which t!.cy ra- ther wished, than expected, to obtain on any other terms. Here let us pause, and for the honor of our spe- cies, give a moment to reflection upon this shock- ing idea! is it possible that any race of men, should be so lost to a sense of the rights of nature, and thcdigr.ity of their rank in tlie chain of beings, as to bufier themselves (like the horses vvhicii t!icy ride) to be tutored to the field of war, to have a price set upon their lives, which their masters will *Captain Johnson and his crew, the prisontrs in general at New York and Halifax, Mr. Loveil and many others in Boston, ara instances sufficient to destroy the little credit they ever luid fur iiuniunity; and the sufferings of some to whicii I liavf nijseU" been a witness, exposed \n iiU the inconveniences and liazurds of a languishi'ng disease in confinement on sh.ip board, in view of the persons and habita- tions of their nearest friends, and a bympathizing parent t'lrned over the side with repruitches, f,,r attemp.ing to :pfak to Lis s cli, sufiering, dying child, must give tlie chiracttis of the puihc, seiibi- bie, hum:iRe adoiira! Gruvcij. and iiis isephew Sujn, a stiimp of infamy, which the power of lime emi never wipe uv.ay. ■j-'l'he generals G»ge and Howe, have been pl^V- ir.g I'.iis warlike gime ever since they h»ve beta m the country. 80 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THR REVOLUTION. receive, and then be sold into the service of hist ambition and avarice, and become the tools of eifr nal war against the lives, the properties, and free dom of the rest of mankind. But, thanks to heaven! this black combination of Jjassions, snppor'ed by the unmasked tyrant of Bri tain, wiUi all Uie mercen try forces of his powerful and extensive allies, have hitherto proved unsuc- cessful (and I trust in God they ever will) in every effort to contaminate the only column of free air in both Aeims/Tifrey,- however, one advantage we de- rive from their open attempts, which is to expect tto security for ourselves, but in tlieir ruin; delibe- rate murders, indiscriminate pluiider, and the most barbarous violence upon the delicacy and virtue of the fair, have marked the few paces of imaginary conquest they have trod.* Methinks I see the tender parent, frantic with rage, defying hosts of ruffians armed, and courting death in every form, rather than live llie witness ol Lis daughter's shame; — ah! hear the shrieks of vir- gin innocence calling in vain for succour from that arm which oft defended her! but see tlie helpless- victim of their British lust, in wild despair, wring ing \iet gniUless hands, with looks to heaven, as if, without a crime, she had lost her only title to those pure abodes! v.here is the coward heart that does not beat to arms, and glow with unusual ardor for revenge.' Where are friends to reconciliation, with these foes to virtue? they wifl tell us their power is formi- dable, and it is wise to accommodaie ourselves to the requisitions of superior force — as soon I'd tam- per with the power of hell! for ."Tis tlie worst of slavery "Tamely to bend our necks beneatli the yoke •'And suffer fraud to talk us oul of freedom." They wish not to sooth but to destroy us; and if this stale ariifice of tyrants should succeed, we well deserve the ruin it insures. — they never ask for what they can demand, and impotence alone pre- vents a general car?iage. Does courage want a stimulus in the defence of virtue.' let us cast our eyes on the example of our illustrious general; equally be3ond the reach of calumny and encomium, the tongue of slander has rever dared to attack him, wliile tlie ablest panegy- rist must blush v.'hen he is attempting to give him An//* the euloglums which are his due. The generous sacrifice he has made of private •Sec accounts of iheir proceedings in the Jersies, and general orders in the orderly book taken at Trenton. ! interest, domestic felicity, ai;d all the consequent refined enjoyments of social life, to tlie exiarencie* of his country in the field of war: — the cbeprful- ness with which he has sustained all the hardships, anxieties, and disappointments of two important campaigns, pgainst a formidable body of well dis- cipUnpd veterans, with an army composerl of men difftrent ia their manners, and unused to the dis- cipline of a camp, without exciting the smallest jealousies in tlie civii. power on the one hand, or ,^iving occasion for the faintest murmurs among his soldiers, on the other: and finally, when his enemies were at the zenith of their glory, and, in imagination, already in possession of a conquered world i — -zpith the remnant of his expiring army, to resume tlie field, and with this handful of his cho- sen followers, disperse, destroy, or captivate whole hosts of foes, must excite sentiments ofaflTection, gratitude, and esteem, that border upon adoration^ Did not a life of the most disinterested patriot- ism and unremitted ardor in the cause of virtue and of mankind, point him out as an exception to the charge we have so fully supported against all who lived before him, I should dread more from the virtues of this crcat man, than fiora all the standing armies in the world. Rut so full a confidence do I possess in his invio- lable attachment to the rights of iiumanity and the cause of freedom, that in some iature emergencies of the state (produced perhaps by the shifting for- tune of war) to his instinctive goodness and excen- tric operations, I would most cLeerfuliy commit supreme command. I will explain my sentiments upon this subject* by those of a friend, in his own words. "'Tis best that reason govern man, 'Tis calm, deliberate, wise, Yet passions were not given i.i vain, Here then the dlflertnce lies. Reason, tho' S7ire, too slow is found In great emergencies. While passion instant feels the wound. As quick the cure applies. Yet that must not due bounds transgress^ Bi.it move at reason'* nod. Submit at last to her decrees And own her for the Gou. 'Tw&s thus thefiynod of our land, The reasoning power of state. Gave Washington .supreme command And made iiis orders fate. Yet as necessity impelled The step — when that is past Tlie senate shall resume the field And reign^uprerae at last." PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF f^E REVOLUTIOK a In support o*" such a cuse, directed by 'uc^ » leader, who wotild think his life too dear a sacri ce?— let the mean, base, groveling soul, that wishes for security on anv terms, through fear forget he is a man, cringeto the creature he despises,smile on the man he hates, alternately shake hands with vice and virtue, and court protection from the power he wish- es to destroy! — let us, my friends, determine to maintain our saered rights, or perish in the at- tempt,* with vigor urge the war, frown on our foes wherever we meet tliem, despise their mercy when we feel potcer, and from this moment hold our- selves beyond the reach of parrfon. ORATION, DF.LIVF.nED AT BOSTON, MAllCH 5, 1778, BY .lOXA I HAN W. AUS UN, ESQ — — MtiUaqiie robentia Casde JOubrica Sax4 inadent. nulli sua profuit ^xsa—Lucan, Lib, 2. ——Hie ubi barbarus hostii, Utft'ra plus valeantlr^ibin arms faeit.— 0»jd de Ptnto. QHii-cladem illius noctis, quis funera fando Explicet? aut (fusjit lachryuiis ajquare labores? Plui-iiiia perque viat sterituntur inertia p»ssim Corpora.— Virgil 2d JSneiil. j\fif friends and fellow citizens. — To weep over the tomb of the patriot — to drop a tear to the me- mory of those unfortunate citizens, who fell the first sacrifice to tyranny and usurpation, is noble, generous and humane. Such are the sentiments that influence you, my countrymen, or why, through successive periods, with heurt-felt sensations, have y«u attended this solemn anniversary, and paid this sad tribute to the memory of your slaughtered brethren. Nor is the circle contracted — the most amiable part of the creation share the grief, and, soft pity be.irninj in their countenances, like the dawglitcrs of Israel, annually lament the fate of others, and weep over the miseries of their coun- try.-j- Coine then, my friends, let us enter the soli- tary courts of death, and, perhaps, an hour spent in such reflection, m>iy afford as solid improvemcHt as nature in her £;uycsi scenes. To commemorate the deaths of those men wlio fell unhappy victims to brutal violence — to show the dcUigerous tendency of standing- armies in popu- lous cities in time of peace, the origin of this fatal catastrophe — to trace its connexion and effects, as they have been, and are now displayod, in diffe- rent parts of .America, I take to be the design of thisdaj's solemnity. It appears to me needless to enter into the nature and enr!s of civil government, and to evince that standing armies are a solecism in such a constitu *.)'jstum et tenaceiTi, propositi viriini, Non c'vium ardor, prava jubentium Non viihiis instantis tyranni Mente qu itit solidis Et violenla fuit. Qv. M. L. I. F. 5, Whatever secondary props may ri?e Fvom po'icics, to build the public p"ice, The basis is, the manners of the land. — Youso. Fathers, countrymen, friends — "That man was born to delude and be deluded; to believe what- ever is taught, and bear whatsoever is imposed," are political dogmas which have long afforded matter for exultation and security to dignified villains, from the sceptered tyrant, to the meanest minion of power. But however confirmed they may have been by the passive conduct of the greatest part of mankind, you, my fellow-citizens, thank God, you are an exception to their truth. The numerous, the respectable assembly which now croud tliis hallowed temple, are an exalted exception to maxims as disgraceful as they are general. Ever vigilantly attentive to the sacred, unalienable rights of man; equally studious in the PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTIGN- S7 glorious prniii les of liberty, as iuarpidly de- termined to preserve inviolate the inesumubW previleges she bestows; you are no-y convened, not merely to commemorate this anniversary, bui solemnly to renew the resolves, yhich freedom, wisdom, virtue, honor inspire: and not barely t- resolve, but I tr^st, steadily to pursue the execu tion of resolutions which have resulted from deliberate investigation and full conviction. To so intelligent, so well informed an audifory, it must be unnecessary to deduce the origin of civil ■ociety, which, founded in reciprocal advantage, and springing from social virtue, on the ciambined necessities and assistance of individuals, built the general happiness— a happiness thus instituted, nothing but public spirit, and a union of force and of council can preserve: I must therefore request your indulgence, whilst I rather point out those evils w^iich the concurrent experience of ages and >i»''suit9, and t .e gratification of voluptuous v, ishes, a ready surrifice is made of the general good at he shrine of power. Then slumHers th.a virtuous jealousy of public men and public ccpasures, which was wont to scrutinize not only actions bu mo- tives: t!ien nods thmt active zeal, which, with eiiglc eye watched, and with nervous arm defended the constitution. Every day new inroads are made upon public liberty, while encroachment)ts as they •'r:te warm from a heart devoted to the interests of this my parent country, m language that becomes a freeman to use when addressing a free assembly. Similar causes will forever operate like effects, in the political, moral, and pliysical world: those vices which rained the iilustT-ious republics of Greece, and the mighty com'nonwealth of Rome and which are now ruining Great Brit lin, so late the first kingdom of Europe, must eventually over- turn every state, where their deleterious influence is suffered to prevail. Need I add that luxury, corruption, and standing armies are those destruc- tive efficients? Liixury, no sooner finds admittance into a state than sh-i bscom's the parent of innumerable evils, public and domestic; her contagioua influence is soon felt in society, and her baneful effects dis- covered by a general dissipation of manners, and a declension of private virtue, which begets effeminate habits, and by a natural gradation, abase pliability of spirit. Luxury is ever the foe of independence, for at the same time that it creates artificial wants it precludes the means of satisfying them. It first makes men necessitous, and then dependent. It first unfits men for patriotic energies, and soon teaches them to consider ^«6/ic virtue as a public jest. At such a period, corruption finds an easy access to men's hearts. To the promotion of interested .vh8n a triumphant army, elated with victories, and headed by a popular general, may become more formidable than the tyrant, that has been expeiled. Witness the last century in the English histor)! witness the aspiring ChomweIil! This aud.acious citizen, entrusted by his country with the command of her armies, to chastise the man whom previous folly* liad enthroned, and who soon presumed to treat his subjects, as all kings are wont to do, with contempt and injury, had no sooner despatched the foolish, impsrious monarch, than he attempted to succeed him: with a litilt: man.^gement, he soon found his army as disposed to re^//y him, as they had oecn to depose Charles. With these mercenary associates at his heels, he appeared in the synod of the state, and dared with force displace the most glorious band of patriots that even led a tyrant from his throne to a scaffold. Not content with this enormous outrage upon the constitution, this annihilating stroke upon the tottering liberties of his country, fcjr a time to keep up the form of a popular govern:nent and to bring parliament into contempt, he convened au house of commons, constitut'jd entirely of his own creatures. They met, and in a few months dis- covered that they were utterly unequal to the posts *lf a man in private life finds iiis oldest son an ideot or a rascal, he may dispose of !iis estate among his other children: but if the heir apparent (in hereditary monarchies) to a crown, an inheritance ill which millions ars interested, turns to be a block- head or a villain, s'i!! he must betlie kh\^, he':ai:ss such is the line of succession established by law.— :ience the few princes who have not been either the scourge or disgrace of the kingdoms they havt ruled. PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. Rut >''iy lo I keep your attention fixed on remote transactions? our own times furnish addltiona! and convincinj;; proofs of t'le destructive consequences of political corruption, and mercenary ai'mies. Sweden, the bravest, hardiest, freest nation of the north-- S^vedn, la one hour, was plunged from the d's'.ins^uished heights of liberty i'lto abject vasssl.»ge. What ties can bind a kingi" scarce had GcsTAvus the third ascended the throne of limited monarchy; scarce h:id the roofs of the senate house ceased to revt-rbente the i'lsidious accents of his inaugurai in . soeech,* whilst yet the venerable repre- *This speech i!> in<5erted at large, not only be- cause it is fraught with excellent advice, but also to she.v ho V lit'le reliance ought to be placed on coro.'atioii speeches. The king of S'veden's speedi to the states on the 1st of June, 1772. "Vou are this day assembled, in order ^o confirm in the manner of your ancestors, the ba.id of union which ties you to me, md me to you, and both to the whole commonwealth; we must therefore re- mejnber, with tlie most sensible gratitude, the liome by the senate to answer to some charges j benevolence of the Almigiity, who hss ordered against his conduct He knew that at such an inter- ! ^'""S^ so, ^h•il this very anrjent kingdom of the ° jSv/edes and G^ths is sull existinar, after so many view his sword would be bis ablest advocate. He j f^i-eign, as a ell as national sliocks, and that I, in therefore led his veteran legions, "nothing loth" Hi"' tlirune of my a icestors, c\\\ yet address free against his country; passed the Rubicon; fought "'^"^ i"'iependent stnes. Lis v/ay to Rome; plunged a dagger in her vitals; . Assured of your hearts, most sincerely propos- ling to m^^ril them, and tohx my throne upon vour impiously trampled on her dearost rights; and | jove and felicity, the public engagement which'you seized on empire crimsoned, execrable parricide' j are going to enter into, would, in my opinio^, be ^^•^.-^^^A ,„;fk *(..» _.«i,»^f ki„^j ,p r>^„„»„ k ^ 1 needless, if ancieni custom and the law of Swt-den crimsoned with the richest blood ot Itome s best ,., , •. r tt i .. i • ^ laid not require it or you. U happy the knig \.vho citizens! i wants the tie of oaths to secure himself on the Too latethe patriot poignard reached the traitor's i tlirnne, a:id who, not assured of the hpa-ts of his - ,, , , ^. r I- . J 1- 11 subiecis, is constr.'ined lo reign onlv by the 'orce tell — aiRs! the reniihlic had i^illen n, i_ i .. i ^i i p\- u- . i or laws, when he cannot by the love ot his subjects! they were raised to, they therefore petitioned their master to dissolve them. Cromwell granted their reqitest, and beriame sole tyrant of three kingdoms. Tyrant — fur of what conseqsence is it by what style or under what modification despotism operates to the pu'jlic v/rong — dictator, king, protector, it is no' the appellation we "reprobate, thougli even that we s'-ould guard against, but the thing. VVlso but mus' oivii that Cromwell, under the name of pro teoto", was as absolute a despot, as he could have been with any other title.'' The first Cssar affords us another instance among the thousands which hist >ry liolis up to our view, to t°ach us w'lat bold and unorincipled spirits have effected by the aid of «r nies. This ambi iou'^ suS- jecf, having been for sevenl years engage;! in the humane, the soldierly employment, of slaughtering his fel!ow-men, and la extendi.ng his conquests over counlries which he had not even a pretence to invade; this Caesar, wt>o boisted that he liad slain a million of men,* was at length ordered heart. Cxsar fell — alas! the republic had fallen before. Rome changed her governors, but the tyrani'.y remained. The same army that had enabled Julius to triumph over ilie liberties of his country, led tiie cars of Octavius, Anthont and Lepidus, through seas of llDman blood, and bad the cursed triumvirate divide an enslaved world! If Rome could have been saved, Bauxcs and his virtuous associates would have saved her; but a standing army, and a perpetual dictator, were, and ever will, prove too hard for the patriotic few. Learn hence, my countrymen, thai, a state may sink so low in slavery tkat even virtue itself can- not retrieve her. From these examples, prudence dic'.ates — resist begiiiniiigs. A free and wise peo- ple will never sufFvr any ci'.izen to become to.-) pop'ihr — much less too pow-rful. A man may be formidable to the constitution even bv his virUies. ■*l'latarch says tia; Cxsar could boi*st, ili.it l;e had slain a million of men, gave a million their li- '^t'A'j, and mads a million prisoners. Vld. riui. in vit. Cxsar. I need not put you in mind of tl.e weiglitiness of the engagement you are going to take; the states of Sweden know best the extreme of their duty to themselves and the commonwealth; may concord and harmony ever unite your heans; may foreign view sand private gain ever be sacrificed to pubhc interest; may this alone be a perpetual bond of uniun amongst you; and may the ambitioa of any part of you, never r-iise any such disturbances as rnay endanger the freedom and independency of the w.ole commo'>we-iltM Gentlemen of the house of nobles. Preserve always the honor and intrepidity of your ancestors; be an example to your fellow-ciii- zens; and, as you are the first order of the king- dom, be also the first in virtue and love of your country. Guod men of the reverend order of clergy, M\y mutUil friendship and peace, obedience to the law^,, reverence to God and the king, be.ir Witness to me *nd the coun-ry, of your z al in the execniion of tlie sacred office, with which you are entrusted! Qjod men of the respectahle order of burgher's, Strive- always with ^our fello^v-svibjecis who shall contribute the mosv to the public good; may the fruits of the extensive share which belongs to you, be general credit and confidence, usefid insUtU" PRISCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. ^9 sentalives of tlieir country were fondly anticipi'- ing- the blessings that would ;ri>-? from the reign of so wise, so gracious a king — The unblushing parricide surrcundel, with an armed host, th° temnle is which (he seiate was ase nbled, planted his cannon against the gi'-^s, and >vith the swords of his guards at the throats of the senators, demand- ed immediate absolution from his co -onit'on oath, by which he had most sa^^redly bound hims -If to pre serve i iviolale tlie laws and liber».ii?s of ;he S vedes! astonishing that a strippling, whose language breathed the glowing sentiments of enttiusiastic generosity, so natural to youth, could, with such facili'.y, set at defi.»nce all that is held sacred, honorable, and obligatory among men! but tlie lust of domin re the despot has strengthene'^ iiimself with a mercenary army, and forever closed their chains. But this tyranny is already established in Great Britain: for what hopes can Urilons entertain of effecting a revolution, whilst the crown, by the tnullipHcity of gifts in its power, can maintain an infamous majority in each house of parliament to legalize, and a standing army to enforce, ils pro- jects, however imperious, inhuman or unjust. Ip y^iin, a few wise and virtuous men see and lament their dishonorable situation— an armyof forty-thou- sand soldiers, in time of peace, and a still more numerous band of placemen and pensioners, pro- perly disposed throughout the kingdom, effectu- ally stifle iii their birth every effort of patriolism to restore the constitution to its primxval princi* pies. Such is the boasted constitution, such the prince, and such the present condition of the people of Britain Unhappy nation, thus constitutienally en- slaved — thus legally undone! unworthy descendants of illustrious ant estors — thus to suffer your most es- sential rights to be bartered away, your government not only corrupted, but perverted to purposes di- ametrically opposite toils original intention. An house of commons, at first constituied to watch over and preserve yo«r rights and imnaunities from the encroaching steps of ambitious princes, you have permitted to become an engine in the hands of royalty, the more effectually to abridge or nulli- fy those rights. A parliament, constituted the stewards of your property, who, instead of guard- ing it from the insatiable grasp of royal avidity, you patiently see lavishingly indulging the utmost extravagance of regal profus'oj); granting enormous sums for effecting the most pernicious purposes, traitorously leaguing with the servants of the crown in loading you with intolerable taxes, and, sharers in the spoil, prodigally complying with the most unbounded demands of ministerial rapacity, while they, at the same time, treacherously unite to screen the most infamous defaulters of the pub- iic money. Instead of bravely drawing your swords in defence of your freedom and national honor, you first tamely acquiesced in an insidious and igno- minious law,* by which you 'vere basely disarmed; like slaves, and then, from necessity, submitted to keeping on foot, in time of peace, a standing army. \ *Vi I Statutes at large — Particularly 2 Geo. 3i!. ch. 29, and 10th Geo. 3d. ch. 19. and Black Com. B. 2. ch. 27. — For the game and lorest laws. that, in time of war, had been raised professedly for the defence of the national territories from fo- reign attacks — an army whioh yoa now behold without shame and witl»out regret, spreading de- vastation and horror over al;ite peaceful and happy country; and having at length dismembered the empire, are now attempting to reduce us to the most infamous and most miserable of all conditions, that of being the conquered vassals of your weak, vindictive, despotic monarch. Degenerate sons of mighty fathers! how poor is the consolation for the loss of essential rights, that you still retain the empty privilege of p squi- nading your king and his ministers, whilst you are destitute of that public spirit and solid virtue which should purge your co'.rupted government and reform your wretched constitution. From subjection to a government, thus defective and corrupt, and thus vilely administered, what freeman would not struggle for an emancipation? but if there is an American present, who can yet secretly wish for a reunion with this nation, and a share in her ideal privileges, let him for a moment consider the innumerable indignities which, for fifteen years back, have been ofl'ered us by tl)is haughty power, added to the savage barbarities which they have exercised in every part of America where their army have made any progress, and he must blush at the spiritless, the ignoble sentiment. In 1764 the plan for raising a revenue from this country was resolved on by the British ministry, and THEIR obsequious parliament were instructed to pass an act for that purpose. Not content with having for a century directed the entire commerce of America, and centered its profits in their own island, thereby deriving from the colonies every substantial advantage which the situation and transmarine distance of the country could afford them: not content with appointing the principal ofiicers in the different governments, while the king had a negative upon every law that was enacted: not content with our supporting the whole charge of our municipal establishments, although their own creatures held the chief posts therein; not conten; with laying external duties upon our mutilated and sha< kied commerce, they, by this statute, attempted to rob us of even the curtailed property, the hard-earned peculium which still remained to us — to create a revenue for the sup- port of a fleet and urmy, in reality to overawe and secure our subjection, not (as they insidiously pre- tended) to protect our trade, or defend our froti- PRINCIPLES AND AgTS OF THE REVOLUTION. .41 tiers; the first of which they annoyed, and the latter deserted. After repealing this innperious edict, iioi because it was unjust in principle, but inexpedient in exer- cise, they proceeded to declare, by a public act of tlie whole legislature, that we had no property but wliat was at their disposal, and that Americans, in future, were to hold their privileges and lives solely on the tenure of the good will and pleasure of a British parliament. Acts soon followed cor- respondent to this righteous determinai ion, which, not quadrating with American ideas of right, jus tice and reason, a fleet and army were sent to givf them that force which laws receive when pro mulgated from the mouths of cannon, or at the points of bayonels. We then first saw our harbor crowded with hostile ships, our streets with soldiers soldiers accustomed to consider military prowess as the standard of excellence, and vain of the splendid pomp attendant on regular armies, they contemp- tuously looked down on our peaceful orders of citizens. Conceiving themselves more powerful, tiiey assumed a superiority which they did not ieel; and whom they could not but envy, they af- fected to despise. Perhaps, knowing they were sent, and believing they were able to subdue us, they thought it was not longer necessary to observe any measures with slaves- hence that arrogance in the carriage of the oflficers---hence that licentious- ness and brutality in the common soldiers, which at length broke out with insufferable violence, ami proceeding to personal insults and outrageous assaults on the inhabitants, soon roused them to resentment, and produced the catastrophe which we now commeniorate. The immediate horrors of that distressful nigh'.* have been so often and so strikingly painted, that 1 shuU not again wrinpf your feeling bosoms with the ad'ecting recital: to the faithful pen of history I leavt them to be re- presented as the horrid prelude to those more extensive tragedies which, under the direction of a most obdurate and sanguinary prince, have since been acted in every corner of America where his armies have been able to penetrate. Our citizens who fell on that memorable night, falling bequeathed us this salutary lesson, written iiideliably with their blood. Co^ifusioji, minders, * Hecaten vocal altera, .'•xvam Altera Tifiphoncn serpenles, a'que videres Fiifernas errare Cane.-;; Liinanuiue rubcntem, Ne foret his Testis post magna latere sepntchra Jlrjr. 1. I. S. 8. a?iJ misery itvust ever be tliC consequence of mercenary ttanding armies cantoned iii free cities* My countrymen, sufft-r not the slaiighsered brethren we now lament to have bled in vain; let us forever retain the important lesson, and they .vill not have ineffectually fallen. Security shal spring from their tombs, and their deatiis preserve the lives of citizens yet unborn. Succeeding generations shall celebrate the sra of this anni- versary as the epoch of American triumph, not as ■i day of sadness; and future patriots nobly envy the death of those, who dying taught their coun- tryman experimental wisdom. OHATION nF.tlVKUED AT BOSTOH, M ATICH 6, 1780, BY MR JONATHAN MASON, J UN. " Devotion to ihe public. Glorious fianic! "Celestial ardor! in what unknown world:! " Hast thou heeii hlessiii^ myriads, since ill Kouie, " Old virtuous Rome. »o muny d«aihless names " From thee their lustr;; drew.' since taught by tliefe "Their poverty put tplemlor to the blush, "Paiu grew luxurious, and even death delight. Thomson, vol. I. p. 32j6. •' Uiiblest by virtue, government and league " Beconi's a cirelins junto of the great " 'I'o rob by l.tw. —— " What are without it senates, save a ta«a "Ol' consultation diep and reaiion free, " While the deterinin'd voice and heart are sold.' " What boasted i'reedoni, save a sounding uaiuei "And wliateli-vtion, hut a market viltt "Of slaves sell-barter'd?— /(^. p. 3. My friends imd fellow-citizens — That the great- ness and prosperity of a people depend upon- the proportion of public spirit and the love of virtue which is found to exist among them, seems to be a maxim esl.tblished by the universal consent, and I may say, experience of all ages. Man is formed with a constitution wonderfully adapted for social converse and connection. Scarcely ushered into the world, but his wants teach hitn his inability, of himself, to provide for them. Wrapt in astonishment, with an anxiety inexpressible, the solitary existaot looks ai'ound for the aid of some friendly neighbor, and should he perchance meet the desired object; should he find one, endowed with intellec'.ual faculties, beset with tlie same wants and weaknesses, and in all respects the very image of himself; should he find him with a heart open to mutualikind offices, and a hand stretched out to bestow a proportion of his labor, with a bosom glowing with gratitude, his soul is on the wing to express the sense he entertains of the generous obligarion. A confidence is established between him and his benefactor, they swear perpetual friendship, and a compact for muui.il protection and assistance be- * El AU< uibibus uUiiu£ Stetere Causa; cur perireut Fi.iiiditus imprimpvetque muris Hostile aralrum Exercitns insolens. Ifor. Lib. I. Cur. 16. 4'^ PRi.NClPLES AND ACTS OF THK REVOLUTION. comes imperceptibly corseiited to. Thus doubly [adherence to the spirit of their constitution, and ariTied, together Ihey pursue their morning route to those glorious principles tVom whic'i that spirit to satisfy those demands, only which nature reminds originated, we find them attaining real glory — we thf-m of, and while the ingenuisy of the one is exercised to ensnare, llie strength of the other is, perhaps, employed to subdue their vigorous op- ponent. Their little family soon increases; and as their find them crowned with every blesaing that human nature hath ever knortm of— we find them in the possession of that summit of solid happiness that universal depravity will admit of Patriotism is essential to the preservation and socihI ring becomes gradually enlarged, their well being of every free government. To love oh'.igati;>ns to each other are equally circular, one's country* has ever been esteemed honorable; Honest industry early teaches them, that a part only is sufficient to provi>w of no superiority but that which virtue and the love of the whole demands; and while, with cheerfulness, they entrust to his care a certain part of their natural rights, to secure the remainder, the agreement is mutual, and the obligation upon his part equally solemn and binding to resign them back either at the instance and request of their sovereign pleasure, or whensoever the end should be perverted for which he received them. Integrity of heart, benevolence of disposition, the love of freedom and public spirit, are conspicuous excellencies in this select neighborhood. Lawless ambition is without a friend, and the insniuating professional pleas of tyrants, ever accompanied by the magnificence and splendor of luxury," are unheard of among tliem; but simple in their man ners and honest in their intentions, their regula- tions are but few and those expressive, and with out the aid of extreme refinement,! by a universal •A mode of living above a man's annual income weakens the sule, by reducu.g vopo\erty not only the squiadevers tliemselves, but many innocent and induitrious persons connecied with them. Luxury is above all pernicious in a commercial state. ShuU profits satisfy the frugal and industrious, but the luxurious dc'spise almost every branch of trade but what returns gre..i pr< fits. name's hist, of man, p. 11 j, vol. 2. Ill the savage slate man is Hldiosi ail body with a very small proportion of mind. In the maturity of civil society, he is complete both in nuud and body. In a slate of degeneracy by luxury and voluptuousness, he has neither mind nor body. ' Jd. 114 fThere are very few laws which are not good while the state retams jts principles. Mmtesq. 6. 8. 6. 12. will be esteemed the admired qualifications of the ige. Every, the least invasion on the public liberty, is considered as an infringement on that of the sub- ject; and feeling himself roused at the appearance of oppression, with a divine enthusiasm, he flies to obey the summons of his country, and does she but request, with zeal he resigns the life of the individual for the preservation of the whole. Without some portion of this generous princi- ple, anarchy and confusion would immediately ensue, the j.'irring interests of individuals, regard- ing themselves only, and indifferent to the welfare of others, would still further heigiiten the dis- tressing scene, and with the assistance of the selfish passions, it would end in the ruiu and subversion of the state. But where patriotism is the leading principle, unanimity is conspicuous in public and private councils. The constitution receives for its stability the united efforts of every individual, and revered for its jusiice, admired for its principle, and formidable for its strength, its fame reaches to t.'ie skies. Should we look into the history of the ancient republics, we shall find them a striking example of what 1 have asserted, and in no part of their progress to greatness, pr >ducing so many illustri- ous actions, and advancing so rapidly in the road to glory, as when actua'ed by public spirit a d the love of their country. The Greeks in particular *llie amor pair se, or patnotis , stands at the heidof social affections, and so i igi. incur esteem, that no actio ,, but what proceed from it, are termed grind or heroic. It iriumphb over very se'.h-,h n. olive, is u fim support to every virtue, and wherever it prevails the morals of the people are found to be pure and coiie.:i. Ekmentt of Criticism. PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 45 ever held sach sentiments as these in the highest veneration, and with such sentiments as these alone they established their freedom, and finally con- quered the innumerable armies of the east. When Xerxes,* the ambitious prince of Persia, vainly thinking that nature and the very elements were s'ibject to his co'itrol, inflamed with the thoughts of conquest, threatning the seas, should they resist, with his displeasure, ami the moun- tain, should they oppose his progress: whet;, after having collected the armies of the then known world under his banners, he entered the bowels of Greece, leading forth his millions, resolutely bent upon the destruction and extirpation of this small but free people, what do we perceive to be their conduct upon so alarming an occasion? do they tamely submit without a struggle? do they abandon their property, their liberties, and their country, to the fury of these merciless invaders? do they meanly suppl «,iie the favor, or intreat the humani- ty of this ha'igiity prince? no! sensible of Jhe jus- tice of their cause, and that valor is oftentimes superior to numbers; undaunted by the appearance of this innumerable hos*, and fired with the glo rious zeal, they, with one voice, resolve to estab- lish their liberties, or perish in the atlempi. View them at the moment when the armies of their enemies, like an inundation, over spread their whole Grecian territory; wlien oppression seemed as though collecting its mighty force, and liberty lay fettered at the shrine of ambiti;,ni then shone forth the heavenly principle, then flamed the spirit of the patriot, and laying aside all sentiments of jaalousy, as though favored with the prophetic wisdom of heaven, with bravery unexampled, they charge their fje, and fighting m defence of their country, success crowns the virtuous attempt. With three hundred Lacedemonians,! one only of whom was left to tell the fate of these intrepid men to their weeping country, they conquered the combined force of the whole eastern world. The privileges and immunities of the sta*es of •Herod, C. F. C. 55, 99. audltollin An. His. fThese brave Lxcedo-monians thought it become them who were the choicest soldiers of the chief people of Greece, to devote theuiselves to certain death, in order to make the Persians sensible how diffi-:ult it is lo reduce freemen to slavery, and to teach the rest of Greece, by tiieir example, either to v,.t:q!iish or to perish. A monument was af^er wards erects d o tiie memory of Leonid.is and tliosr who fell wi;h him at TUermopylse; upoii which was this i'lscripiion: Die liojp. s. SpartsE ues te liic viilisse jaceiitp* Duni, w.ittu jiicii* ! ijiljm obi-jquiniur.— rfoWifi. Holland,* after a contest of fortv years, in w'^^ch they withstood the exertions of their powerful neighbors, being established by the force of thli single principle, which appears to prevail both in the senate and the field, might also be adduced in support of what I have advanced; but, my felii, /- countrymen, v.-e cannot want additional proofs; tne living history of our own times, will carry convi'^- tion to the latest posterity, that no state, that no community, I may say that no family, nay even that no individual can possibly flourish and be bappv, without some portion of this sacred fire. It was this that raised .i'nerica from being the haunt of the savage, and the dwelling-pUce of the beast, lo her present state of civdization and opulence: it was this that hath supported her imder the severest trials: it was this that taught her sons to fight, to cor.qiier and to die in support of freedom And is blessings; and what is it, but this ardent love of liberty, that has induced you my, fellow- citize^is, to attend on this solemn occasion, again to encourage t!ie streams of sensi'/iHty, and to lis. en with so mucli attention and candor lo Oi.e of the youngest of your feilow-citizens, whose youth and inability plead powerfully against him, while the anuu.il tribute is paid to the memorv of those dep irled citizens, who fell he first sacrifices lo arbitrary power. Check not such g?neroiis feelings. Tliey are the fiuits of virtue and hu- manity, and while the obligations you remain un- der to those unliappy men, lead you to si.ed the sympathetic tear, to dwell with pleasure upon their memories, and execrate the causes of their death, remember that you can never repay them. Ever bear it in your minds, that so implicit was the confidence y^n willingly placed in that coun- try, that owed to you her affection, that, notwilh- sianding the intioduction of that inhuman weapon of tyrants into the very hfart of your peaceful villages, you still would fain lely on their deceitful assertions, and p^i.it the defor(ned monster to your imaginations as the minister of peace and protec- tion. Men, born in the bosom of liberty, living in the exercise of the social affections in their full vigor, having once fixed them upon p^trticular ob- jects, they are not hastily eradicated. Un.^c- customed to sport with, and wanto-ily sacrifice these sensible overflowings of the heart, to run th"^ career of passion and blinded lus% lo be fa.oiiliar with vice, and sneer at virtue; to surprise innocerce by deceitful cunning and assume the shade of friendship to conceal the greater enmi'y, you could not at oncer ealize the fixed the deliberate inten- •Temple's observation. 44 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. tion of those from whom you expected freedom, to load you with slavery and chains, and not till insult repeated upon insult; not till oppression sialked at noon-day through every avenue in yoni cities: nay, not till the blood of your peaceful brethren flowed throtigh yonr streets, was the invenomed serpent to be discovered in the bushes: not till a general trespass had been made upon the keenest feelings of human nature, and the widowed mother was summoned to entomb the cold remains of her aireclionate son; the virtuous bosom to resiijn its terder partner, and social cu-cles their jiearest friends; could you possibly convince your- selves that you and Britain were to be friends no more. Tlince happy day! the consequences of v/hich have ti^ui^ht the sons of Jmerica, that a pro- per exercise ot public spirit and the love of virtue bath been able to surprise and bafRe the most formidable and most powerful tyranny on earth. Patriotism is a virtue which will ever be uni- versally admired, even by those incapable of pos^,es.i;ig it. Its happy effects are equally visible in individuals as in states, and if we bestow a mo- ment's reflection upon the heroes of antiquity, who ).ave been deservedly celebrated by succeeding .-eaeratians, both for their abilities and conduct, v.e shall find that the true source of their great- rc-is was thi? spirit of freedom, and their inviolable attachment to the interest of their country. AVith an attentive silence we listen to the historian while he relates to us the integrity of conduct, the invincible courage, the earnest glow of soul, and the ardent love of liberty which was exhibited in the lives of those illustrious men, and so great were their virtues that we are scarce abli^ to credit them, but as the dreams of fancy, or the fictions of the ingenious. It is recorded of the celebrated Timoleon,* ge- neral of Corinth, that notwithstanding he was blest with a temper singularly humane, and with feel jngs that were ever roused at the miseries of his fellow-men, he loved his country so passionately, that after mabing use ol every argument in his power to convince an elder brother of his error, f,)r attempting to become the tyrant of it, he flevoted him to death; a brother on whom he had previously placed his affection, and whose life being exposed to the five of an enemy in a severe battle, he had before saved at the great risque of his own. Kven in old age, after a period of rigid retirement for twenty years, we are attracted by the dl'iintcrested conduct of this exalted patriot. ►RoUi When the Syracusians, groaning under every species of cruelty, whicli lust, avarice and ambition could inflict, supplicated their generous neighbors for assistance, to alleviate those miseries they themselves had been exposed to, Timoleon, urged to accept the command ofthe Corinthian auxiliaries, tt first hesitated, his age, his manners, his private happiness and the endearments of his family for- bade it; but sensible that he was but a member of tlie community, and stung by the cries of inno. cence, hjs inclinations were but of trivial moment n competition with his duty. View him at the head of his chosen army, assem- bled to plead the cause of suffering virtue. In possession of arms and of power, if inclined to pervert them, are his principles changed with his station? are his thoughts bent on conquest or on death? or does he entertain a secret wish to seize the moment of confidence, and build his greatness upon tiie ruin of the distressed, to remove one (yrant to reinstate another? no! but fired with a generous glow of soul, fired with the manly senti- ments of freedom, with an implacable hatred to oppression of all kinds, he marches his troops to the delirerance of his affiicted people, and with a firmness becoming soldiers fighting under tlie standard of liberty, after a series of fatigue and toil, harassing marches and fierce conflicts, he dethrones the tyrant, and is proclaimed the de- liverer of Syracuse. — Having restored tranquility to this unhappy country, repeopled their cities, revived their laws, and dispensed justice to all ranks and classes, he resigned bis command, and retreated once again to the private walks of life, accompanied with the grateful acknowledgments of millions, as the patron of their liberty and the saviour of their country.— —Happy man! endowed with such a noble soul, prone to feel for the mis- fortunes, and rejoice in the happiness of his fellow- creatures. Tlut why need we resort to distant ages to furnish us with instances of the effects of patriotism upon individuals? will not the present day afford at least one illustrious example to our purpose? yes, my fellow-countrymen, America, young Ameiiica too, can boast her patriots and heroes, men who have iaved their country by their virtues, whose cha- racters posterity will admire, and with a pleased Utention, listen on tiptoe to the story of their glorious exertions. Let us pause a moment only ipon the select catalogue, and take the first upon the list. A'ie\r j\iTn in his private station, and here, as TRIXCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTIOX, 45 though Providence, i'or his excellencies, had select- ed him for her own from the extensive circle of Iiumanity, we perceive htm enjoying her richest rJispensations. By an affluent fortune, placed be- yond the reach of proverty or dependence, blessed with the social circle of friends, and happily con- nected by yet more endearing ties, peaceful reflec- tions are his companions through the day, and the soothing slumbers of innocence hover over his couch: charity presides steward of his household, and the distressed are ever sure to receive frocn Ins bosom that sigh wliich never fails lo console, and from his cheek the alleviating tear of sympathy. Having reached the summit of human felicity, be- yond even the picture of his most sanguine ex pectations, it is indifferent to him, as an individual, whether prince or people rule the state, but nurtur- ed in the bosom of freedom, endowed with a great- ness of soul, swallowed up with public spirit and the love of mankind, does oppression scatter her baleful prejudices, does ambition rear its guilty spirit of this great people, let us not be as diligent to catch their vices Such conduct is inconsistent with the sentiments of freemen, and surely we can- not forget that he has saved our country. Rewards* and punishments are in the hands of the public, and it is equally consistent with gene- rosity and hun?anity to bestow the one, as inflict the other. We cannot be too cautious in the ob- jects of our gratitude; let merit, conspicious merit, be the standard to which our praises shall resort and it v/ilj excite a noble emulation in others, and let us rather forbear that respect, which is too often found attendant upon the rich, though their wealth has been amassed with the ruin of their country. Bat the praises of us are not the patriot's only reward; with an approving conscience sweetninp the declivity of life, his invitation is to the skies, there to receive a far more precio is rewftrd, for the establishment of that principle to wliich, since crest, friends,* relations and fortune are like xheV^^ o^ign of mankind, heaven hath p:iid an im< mediate attention. dust of the balance. The pleas of nature give way to those of his country, and urged on by heavenly motives, he flies instantly to her relief. See him, while grief distracts his bosora at the efi'usion of liuman blood, grasp the sword of justice and, buckle on the harness of the warrior. See him " Where the brave youth with love of gtorr fired, '• Who greatly in his coiintrj's cause fXpirAd, " Shall know h. conquered. The firm patriot there' " Who made the weltare of mankind his care, " Though still by faction, vice, and fortune cr.ist "^ " Shall find his generous labor was not los(,"t ' Such is tlje progress of public spirit and the I^vp 'lorvirtue, and it is the only pillar upon which can i,.A^f >■ ui J r . 1 J 1 •• I safely be erected the happiness of mankind. With- indefatigable, deaf to pleasure and despising cor- , ^ , '„^,- . r „ ' . .. T. . °^'* '"'^'^^ ^'"y "^ *^^ so<^'al afl'tctions in every ruption, cheerfully encountering the severesLitasksl, , . ...... •' with fortitude unparalleled, with perseveranc cf duty, and the hardiest toils of a military life. Modest in prosperity, and shining like a meteor in adversity, we behold this patriotic hero, with a small army of determined freemen, attacking, fighting and conquering an army composed of the bravest veteran troops of ^nVatVi. And shall we, my countrymen, stop the current of gratitude.? and can we forbear testifying our jo> upon the success of such singular exertions.' shall we seal his death before we thank him for his services.' by no means. — Our acknowledgments will irresistibly flow from us to this deserved object of admiration, and his very actions v.'il! eti'ig the soul of the ungrateful wretcti, until he is forced to admire their lustre, and confess his inability lo equal them. Some there are who, Iljman.like, would banisl, him for his good conduct; but while we copy the society, without some barrier to oppose the s'ormv passions of individuals, without some gener;,! at- tachment to the public welfare, a door is open to ambition and political corruption;^ luxury and selfishness become fashionable vices, and the spirit of the government is perverted; the public good is neglected, the riches of the stale insecure, the liberty of the subject slighted, and the attempts of the tyrant made successful by the follies of the people. *C)ie method of preventing crimes is to reward virtue. If the rewnr.lsfor 'lie discovering of iiscfiii truths have increased our knowledge and multi- plied (rood books, is it not probable tliat rewards divtributed by tlie beneficent hand of a sovereign, would also multiply virtuous actims.' The coin of honor is inexhaustible, and is abundantly fr!iitF'il m the. hands of a prince who distrihutes it wisely. Murq. of Diicoa. fCto. ^rhe Assyrian, the Persian and Crar-^ian, the three first universni monarchies, finally sw.W under iusury an 1 corruption; and it is well known t!iat *Cari S'lnt psrentes, cari liberi, propinqii, uhe ll)mans did not preserve tlieir tilierties for amiliares, sed omnes omnium carilates p.atriK ux^j alf a century af;er bein^ debauched by the luj:t;-r complexa est, pro q>ia quis bonus dubitet mori.ein n Asia, but' fell a prey to its vi^-c-s; 'an J r/as w'r oppelere.' Cots. I length divided by the Goths and "\',tndals. 46 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. What but the want of patriotism, that hath buried in ruins the mighly empires of Greece and Rome, that standing armies, the scourge of the innocent, prevail throughout all Europe, that the pages of history present to our view so melancholy a picture of the human species, and that America and Britain are not at this day running the road to greatness and glory in concert; and what is it but the: want of patriotism that coald induce that haughty nation, divested of every public virtue, of every bosom feeling, of every pretension to hu- manity, without apology or pretext, to ushtra stand- ing army, composed of vagrants, criminals, and mercenaries, into our peaceful country. O my countrymen, it is the want of patriotism that we are at this time called to weep over the wanton massacre of innocent men; that this is not the only house of mourning; that the fields of Ame- rica have become devoted to war, and scenes of slaughter familiar to ))er sons; that our oppressors yet persist in their destructive system of tyranny, and if tiieir pjwer was equal to their thirst of blood, with the spirit of ambition by which they are now directed; would lead them to destroy and extirpate the whole human race. Bat thanks be to heaven, that by the force of those virtues which they have discarded, we have nobly resisted the attempts of these cruel men, and the miseries tliey have so profusely dealt out to us, are returning, with additional vengeance, upon their own heads. The danger of the issue is now past, and if we but retain the same patriotic ardor, with which we first defended our rijjhts from the grasp of our enemies, they are every day in our power. We have every thing to hope; they on the other hand have every thing to fear. Youth, vigor, and the invincible arm of justice, are ou our side: — The genius of li berty also is our advocate, who, thougli persecuted, hath never been conquered. In our day we are called to see a happy country laid waste at the sluine of ambition; to experience those scenes of distress which history is filled with: but experience rivets its lessons upon the mind, and if we resolve with deliberation, and execute with vigor, we may yet be a free and flourishing people. Kcpine not too mwch at the ravages of war, nor murmur at the dispensations of Providence. We oftentimes rate our blessings in proportion to the difficulty of attaining theiti, and if, without a struggle, we had secured our liberties, perhaps we should have been less sensible ot their value. Chastisements in youth are not without their ad- X'aitlajfes; blessings most commonly spring from t em in old age. They lead us to reflect seriously in the hour of retirement, and to cherish those qialifications which are frequently lost in tbeglare f prosperity. The important prophecy is nearly accomplished. The rising glory of this western hemisphere is al< ready announced, and she is summoned to her seat among the nations We have publicly declared ourselves convin«el of the destructive tendency of standing armies: we have acknowledged the necessity of public spirit anS the love of virtue to the happiness of any people, and we pi-ofess to be sensible of the great blessings that flow from them. Let us not then act unworthy of the reputable character we now sustain: like the nation we have abandoned, be content with freedom in form and 'yranny in substance, profess virtue and practice vice, and convince an attentive world that in this glorious struggle for our lives and properties, the only men capable of prizing such exalted privileges, were an illustrious set of heroes, who have sealed their principles with their blood. Dwell, my fel- low-citizens, upon the present situation of your country. Ilemember that though our enemies have dispensed with the hopes of couqueting, our land is not entirely freed of them, and should our resist- ance prove unsuccessful by our own inattention and inactivity, death will be far preferable to the yoke of bondage. Let us therefore be still vigilant over our ene- mies—instil into our armies the righteous cause they protect and support, and let not the soldier and citizen be distinct characters among us. By our conduct let us convince them,* that it is for ihe preservation of themselves and their country they are now fighting; that they, equally with us, are interested in the event, and abandon them not to the insatiable rapacity of the greedy extortioner. As a reward for our exertions in the great cause of freedom, we are now in the possession of those lights and privileges attendant upon the original state of nature, with the opportunity of establish- ing a government! for ourselves, independent upon any nation or people upon earth. We have tke experience of ages to copy from, advantages that *ll has ever been thought inconsistent with good policy and even common sense to commit the de- fence of a country to men who have no interest in its preservation. IJioil. Lib. 1. p. 67. f The true definition of a free state is where the legislative adheres striclly to th« laws of nature, and calculates every one of its regulations t\,r im- proving society and for promolhig industry and honesty among the people. Uome^i hist. rot. 2. /»■ 132. PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 47 have been denied to any who have gone before us. j progress in pdrticular nations, if we paint the Let us then, my fellow-citizens, learn to" value the I wounds she has suffered from corruption and blessing. Let integrity of heart, the spirit of despotic force, and from the whole deduce such freedom and rigid virtue be seen to actuate everv sentiments as become a brave and free, though in- member of the commonwealth. Let not pany rage, jnred people. private animosities, or self interested motives, succeed that religious attachment to the public weal which has bsoiight us successfully thus far; for vain are all the boasted charms of liberty if her greatest votaries are guided by such base passions. The trial of our patriotism is yet be- fore us, and we have reason to thank heaven thst its princples are so well known and diffused. Ex- ercise towards each other the benevolent fetlings of frien;!ship, and let that unity of sentiment, which has shone in the field, be equally animating in our councils. Remeaber that prosperity is dangerous: that though successful, we are not infallible; that like the rest of mankind we are capable of erring. The line of oi*r happiness may be traced with esnclness, and still there may be a difficulty in pursuing ii. Let us not forget that our enemies have other arts in store for our destruction; that they are tempting us into \hose snares which, after successful strug gles, proved the ruin of the empires of the east; and let this sacred maxim receive the deepest impression upon our minds, that if avarice, if extortion, if luxury and political corruption, are suffered to become popular among us, eivil discord and the ruin of our country will be the speedy con sequence of such fatal vices; but while patriotism is the leading principle, and our laws are contrived with wisdom, and executed with vigor, while in- dustry, frugality and temperance, are held in •stimation, and we depend upon public spirit and the love of virtue for our social happiness, peace and affluence will throw their smdes upon the brow of the individual, our commonwealth wili flourish, our land become the land of liberty, and America an nsylum for t'le oppressed. • RATION nEUVKHnll AT BOSTOS, MARCH 5, 1781, BY THOMAS DAWES, JUN. "f atria cara—carlor Libtrtas!" Fathers, friends and citizens — Avoiding apology, even at a time when uncommon propriety miglU justify it, and trusting rather to a continuance of the same liberality which has ever noted my coun- trymen, 1 attempt the duties of this solemn anniver sary. And it is conceived that we shall, in some mea sure, perform those duties, if we sketch out some general traits of liberty^ and mark the lines of her Numerous as the descriptions are of primeval man, the reflective eye is not yet weary. We still fe 1 an interest in that Arcadian state which so A'ell imitated the world we are looking fir. And '/e shall continue to feel it so long as nature is pleasing aad the heart retains a feature of inno- cence. Like the gods,^ our first fathers had but few desires, and thoseto be satisfied by the works of virtue. Their passions were as the gales of their own Eden — enough to give a spring to pood actions — to keep the waters of life in motion without inducing storm and whirl-wind f Conversing with divinities, liberty, sent from above, was their peculiar inmate; that liberty, whose spirit, mingling with the nature of roan at his formation, taught him, unlike the other animals, to look upward and hope for a throne above the stars.t that liberty who taught him to pluck, with confidence, the fruits of nature; to pursue the direction of reason upon his heart, and, mi'ler that direction, to acquire,' secure, and enjoy all possible happiness, not im- pe'.ing, but assisting others in the same privilege. § When families, and consequently human want* were afterward multiplied, it was this sameUbeny who, joined with justice, led the patriarchs to/ some aged oak. There, in the copious shade, mis- understandings were explained, and charity and peace embraced each other. — Such was the morn- ing of man! But misunderstandinfjs are q'larrels In embrio. Satisfaction of ona want originated another. De- pravity grew enraptuied with strife. The wind was up. Passion raged. Brother's blood then smTaked from the ground and cried for vengeance. Nimrod commenced his prelude to tyranny, and Fame was clamorous witli Ihe deeds of death. — Liberty heard and trembled — considered herself an outcast, and haf, on many times since, travelled *It was repr'sseiited of Marcus Aurelius, that Ih imita-.ing the gods, his study was to have as few •vants as possible. Viil. Spectator A'o. 634. fTlie passions of evpry kind, under proper re- s' riiiUs, are the gentle breezes which kefp lif« from stagnation; but, let loose, they are the storms and whirhvluds wiiich tear up all before them. Jllrs. Brooke. iiPronaq'ie cum sppc^cnt animalia cxtera terram Os iiomini subiiiiie dtdit, caelumque tueri Jussit. Ovid M t. ^N\) mill's social liberty is lessened by another's etijoying the same ' ^o^/^^j 4a PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. up and d ^vn Uie world forlorn, fors^ike-i, majesty, in rags. Nor will sbe, perhaps, until the millenium coiTjes, if America does not now retain her, ever command that complete and permanent homage vvhir.h is suitable to her nature. The old repub- lics may have been the most perfect seats of her residence while ihey lasted, and are often mt\slerele e.ich other in const iiution and tire united in their last resort; whereas the Grecian wer^ unlike among the.Kiselves and profesne;lly separate. But atten.ion to the history of Greece wiii discover in the causes of her fdl a les«ion shUiciently apposite r. Davpnant, corrected by Whi.wortl), vol. ii. p. 333. — Edition 1771. •j-The election of the Scotch Peers in the year 1735, and the misconduct of Biackfrby and otliers, ut thp election of the VZ-^-stmiLslef members in the year 1741, are inslances well known. — Vid. Burgh'tj politic disq. 2J vol. p. 444 and 47.1. T I'iie aft'ii^- of capt. Porteus at Edinburgh (vid. London Magigine for 1737, in a variety of p..ges) and of cupt. Preston, at Boston, are of themselves sulJif.ient examples. "§ I'hat the yeomanry are the bulwark of a fret. people" — w.is, if memory serves, in a celebrated ex'empore speech of the lionorable Samuel Adams, m^ide in l!ie yea- 1773. Tlie steadiness of tlut , great republican to his political creed, evinces tiiat ti-no ot peace, and our free;.om inconsislen;; it I sentnneuts grounded upon just data will not easily bend to a parii d interest, or accommodate to the changes of popular opinion. *Eart of Abingdon. PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 51 try, under the co'dnct of that superior man who combines in qiality the unshaken constancy of Cato, the tri'imphant delay of Fabius, and itpon proper occasions, the enterprising spirit of Hannibtl. Mav the name of Washixoton continue steeled, as it ever has been, to the dark sUnderous arrow that fiifts in secret. As it ever hat been.' for who liave offered to eclipse his glory, but have after- ward sunk away d minished, and "sliorn of their own beaois." Justise to other characters forbids our stopping to gaze at this constellation of heroes, and would fain draw forth an eulogium uoon all who have gathered true laurels from the fields of Ameiica. " Thousands— the tribute of our praise " Demaiil; bin wlu can cuoat t'l - stars orh?9VPn? " Who speak their influeuce oa lliis lower world."* AVhither has our gra'itude borne us? let us be- hold a contrast — the ar fiy of an absolu e prince— a profession distinct from the citizen and in a dif- ferent interest — a haughty phalanx, wliose object of warfare is piy, and w!io, the battle over, and if peichanee tliey conquer, return to slaughter the sons of peace. This is a hard saying. But does not all history press forward to assert its justice.? do not the prjelorian b»nds of tottering Rome now crowd upon the affrighted memory? do not the embodied guards from Petersburg and Constantino- ple stalk horrid the tools of revolution and murder? to come nearer home for an example, do v/e not see the darkened spring of 1770, like the moon in a thick atmosphere, rising in blood and ushered in by the figure of Britain plunging her poignard in the yoang bosoTTi of A nerica? O'l, our bleed- ing country! was it for this our hoary sires sought thee through all the elements -j- and having found thee sheltering away from the western wave, dis- consolate, cheered t!iy sad face, and decked thee out like the garden of Goo? time was when we could all affirm to this gloomy question— when we were ready to cry out that our fa'hers had done a vain thing. — I mean upon that unnatural night wliich we now commemorate; when the fi e of Brutus was on many a heart — wiien tha strain of Gracchus was on maiy a tongue. "\Vretch that I am, whither shall I retreat? whither shall I turn me? to the Capitol? the cipitol swims in my brother's blood. To my family? there must Iseea wretclied, amourn- f\i\ and afflicted motlier?"+ — Misery loves to brood over its own woes: and so peculiar were the woes of tliat night, so expressive the pictures of despair. •TliotTiSon. f elcmenta per omnia qnxrv.nt. 4Guthrie'a Cicero de Oi-attuc. Juv. so vari lus the face of death,* that not all the grand tragedies jid)ich have been since acted, can crowd from our minds that aera of the human passions, tliat pref (ce to the general conflict that now r>>ges. May we never forget to offer a sacrifice to the man<»s of our brethren who bl&d so early at the fo'^t of liberty. Hitherto we have nobly avenged their fall: but as ages cannot expunge the debt, their melancholy ghosts still rise at a stated sea- son, and will forever wander in the night of this noted anniversary. Let us then be frequent pil- grims at their tombs — there let us profit of all our feelings; and, while the senses are "struck deep with woe," give wing to the imagination. Hark! even now in the hollow wind I hear the voice of the departed. ye, toho listen to -wisdom and aspire to immortii/it;/, as ye have avenged our blood, thrice blessed' as y still war against the mighty hunters of theearth, your names are recorded in heaven.' SiKsh are tlie suggestions of fancy: and having given them their due scope; havi,,g described the memorable fifth of March as a season of disaster, it would be an impiety not to consider it in its other relation. For the rising honors sf these states are distant issues, as it were, from the intricatef though all-wise Divinity which presided upon that night. Strike that night out of time, and we quench the first ardor of a resentnient which has been ever since increasing, and now accelerates the fall of tyranny. The provocations of that night must be numbered among the master-springs which gave the first motion to a vast machinery, a noble and comprehensive system of national indepen- dence. " The independence of America," says the writer, under the signature of Common Sense, "should have been considered as dating its xra from the first musquet that was fired against her." Be it so! but Massachusetts may certainly date many of its blessings from the Boston massacre a dark hour in itself, but from which a marvellous light has arisen. From that night revolution became inevitable, and the occasion commenced of the present most beautiful form of government. We often read of the or ginal contract, and of mankind in the early ages, passing from a state of nature to immediate civilization. But Tvhat eye could pene- trate t!a{)S, in no instance it has been formally expressed, at the first institution of a state, yet, 8tc. — 1st Bluckstoyie's Com. p. 47, vid. the tuhole passage. \ of our salvation, let his army be replenislied. That grand duty over, we will once more adopt an enthusiasm sublime in itself, but still more so as coming from the lips of a first patriot — the chief magistrate of this commonwealtii. "I have, said he, a most animating confidence that the present noble struggle for liberty will terminate gloriously for America." Aspiring to such a confidence, I see the expressive leaves of fate tlirown wide; Of future times I see the mighty tide. And borne triumpliaiit on its buoyaiit wave, A god-like iiumljcr of the great and brave, 'llie bright, wide ranks of martyrs— here they rise- Heroes and patriots move before my eyes: These crowu'd with olive, those with laurel come, Like the first fathers of immortal Rome, yiy time! oh lash thy fiery steeds away — Roll rapid wheels and bring the smiling day,* AVIieii these blest states, another promis'd land. Chosen out and foster'd by the Almighty hand, Supreme shall rise their crowded shores shall be The fix'd abodes of empire and of liberty. OnATION DELITEHED AT BOSTOW, MARCH 5, 1782, BY GEORGE RICHARDS MINOT. Quid tantum insano juvat indulgere dolori? Bou hse sine uumhm divum. Virg. ^n. 2tL 776. Kveniunt. ' Inde genus din'um sumus, experiensque laborum; Et documeota damus, qua sinus origine nati. Ovid Mctam. lib. 1. 414. Fathers, friends, andfdhiv citizens — When I con- sider the important occasion from v/hich this in- niversary derives its origin, and the respectable characters that have exerted themselves to per- petuate its history, I confess there is an unusual security in my feelings; since no mistaken effort of mine can injure an institution, founded on so memorable an event, and supported by names so justly claiming the applause of posterity. While I rely, then, upon that honesty of inten- tion, which is itself the best apology for its errors, permit me to employ the present hour, which your united voices have annually made sac red to the com- memoration of our country's wrongs, in recapitulat- ing the most injurious of her sufferings, among which that on the tragical //cA of March is by no means the least, and in recounting the blessings which have followed from measures as really dis- graceful to those who adopted them, as they were intentionally destructive to those against whom they were levelled. A nation falling from those great principles of justice and virtue which had made her respecta- ble; subverting the boasted improvements of her arts to the savage purposes of revenge; with venality and corruption entrenched on her cabinet, affords a spectacle too serious for the amusement *Sun gallop down the western skies. Gang soon to bed and quickly rise; O lash your steeds, post time away, And haste about the bleezing day. Jillan llaimay. PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 53 of the beholder. He turns for relief to the annals of those people whose masculine virtues have obstinately, will he not say wisely, resisted the refinement of a civilized world. But from the misfortunes of such a nation, much is to be learn- €d. As she is hurried onwards by the vortex of that immeasurable gulph, in whieh empires sink to rise no more, let her serve us as a signal to avoid the first impulse of its resistless tide. To trace Great Britain through the Whole pro- gress of her anabitjon in this countr)', would be to step back to a very early period: for, long before she avowed her system of colonial slavery in the stamp-act, the liberties of our ancestors had endured the most alarming innovation from her throne. Without cause, and without notice, she had invalidated their charters; laid impositions up- on their trade; attempted a most dangerous influ- ence over their internal government, by endeavor- ing to make it independent of the people;— and all this with the same confidence, as thougk her policy and foresight, and not her persecutions, had settled them on this side the Atlantic. But the full display of her despotic policy was reserved to add accumulated disgrace to the in- glorious reign of the third-George. Then, intoxicat- ed with America, she slumbered upon the tottering pillars of her own constitution; the hand of slavery rocked her as she lay on the giddy height; falsehood gilded her visions and bound her senses with the enchantment of success; wliile her blind ambition alone remained awake, to mLsdirect the ordinary assistance of fortune, and to make her fall equally certain and complete. The genius of Britain once interred, the first spectre which shot from its tomb was the stamp - act. This promulgation of a scheme so repugnant to the fundamental principles of the late English con- stitution, announced the fall, but did not obliterate the memory of that much respected system, in this country. .America saw that the act bore not a sin- gle feature of its reputed parent, and having de- tected its illegitimacy, effectually resisted its ope- ration. But, as though conviction must ever be productive of obstinacy, Britain desisted not to rend in pieces the charters of her colonies, whiclt served to remind ker of the violenceshe committed on her own. Her administration affecting to realize the fables* of its minions, whose very fears were *For some of these faiiciful misrepresentations, see a vindication of the town of Boston, from muny false and malicious aspersions, contained in certain letters written by governor Bernard and others, published by order of the town, 170'J. as subservient to its purposes, as their hopes were dependent on its venality, and making pretence of trespasses, which, if real, the laws were open to punish, unmasked its true designs, by quartering an armed force in this metropolis in a time of peace. "Where was the citizen whose indignation did not flash at this undisguised attack on his liberties? the soldiers pride too ^rew sanguinary at t!ie idea of contempt from the people he himself had been taught to despise; and, as though lieaven designed to effect its greatest purposes by the sacrifice of what men conceive to be the dearest objects of its guardianship, the lives and rights of citizens were delivered over to the scourge of military rancour. •Venerable patrons of freedom, wherever your country may lie! boast not that the reason and speculative truths of this our common cause, armed an extensive world in support of its justice. Turn to the tragedy we commemorate, as imprinted by the bloody hand of the tyrant, and view the highest outrage his power could commit, or the forbear- ance of humanity sustain. T/iere .lecatombs of slaughtered citizens were offered at the shrine of cursed ambition. — What can we add to their memories thro;:gh whose wounds their country bled; whose names are handed round the globe with the great occasion on which they fell; and whose tombs shall everstandabasisto the stateliest pillar in the temple of freedom? heaven has avenged their fall by realizing the prophecy of the indignant American, as he vented his anguish over their rankling blood. «'These are indeed my eou'itry's wounds,! ^^^ o^'- said be, the deep and tremendous restitutions are at liand; I .see ihem with a prophetic eye this moment before me. Horrors shall be repaid with accumulation of horror. The wounds in Jlmerica shall be succeeded by deep-mouthed gashes in the heart of liriiain.' the chain of solemn eonsenuences is now advanci.ig. Yet, yet my friends, a little while, and tlie poor, forlorn one, who has fought and fallen at t!ie gale of her proper habitation, for f-eedom, for the common privileges of life, for all the sweet and biudmg principles in humanity, for fatlisr, sen, and bro.iier, for the cradled infant, the wailing widow, and the weeping maid; yet, yet a little wliile and siie shall find an avenger. Indignant nations shall arm in her de- fence. Tiirones and principalities sliall make hsr cause their own, and tlie fountains of blood tliat liave run from her exliaiisied veins shall be ansA-er- *See Abbe Kayr.al's hist. Anjerican revolution, p. 65. jAnonymous. 54 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. ed by a yet fuller measure of the horrible effusion j must ever enliven her gratitude; exalt the honor of —blood for blood; and desolation for desolation; j France, and we trust too, promote the interests of G my injured country! my massacred America^ Melancholy scene! the fatal, but we trust tlie last effect in our country of a standing army quarter ed in populous cities in a time of peace. Britain having thus violated the greatest law nations or individuals can be held by, to use the language of the ancients, threw a veil over the altars of her gods whom she was too haughty to appease. Would to heaven, for her sake, we too had a veil to hide from the eye of justice, the ashes of our desolated towns, and the tracts which her ravages have imprinted through every quarter of our once peaceful land. If* "every act of authority of one person over ano- ther, fjr which there is not an absolute necessity, 19 tyrannical," and if tyranny jus'-ifies resistance, to have remained inactive, under these injuries, had been a kind of political stoicism, cq'ially inconsist- ent with the laws of nature and of society. On such principles arose the memorable declaration of July, 1776. — A declaration which at once gave life and freedom to a nation; dissolved a monopoly unnatural as unjust; and extended the embraces of our country to the universe. — A declaration which heaven has since ratified by the successful event of her arms. For, when we consider the number of her victories; the disadvantages under n-hich they were obtained; with the chain of important consequences which depended tipon the very mo- ment of their decision, who but must acknowledge, after allowing to our military acTO"s every thing heroism can claim, that there appeared peculiar r^arksof more than human assistance? the surrender of entire armies to a power which they affected to look upon rather as an object of their chains than of their swords, was a degree of glory which no enemy that ever passed the Romin yoke aff )rded to that republic, ll.ipless Britain! ftv even those whom you injure must pity you, how has fortune added acrimony to her fickleness, in choosing fjr a scene of your disgrace, that climate where, in a late war, she so loudly vaunted the invincibility of your arras! America once unfettered, nobly relied upon the uprightness of Iier cause and the bravery of her sons. But, as thousjh t!ie virtues of one crown were to apologize fjr the merciless cruelty of ano- ther, a monarch, equally wise in council as brilliant and powerful in arms, met her in an alliance which both. Among the advantages which have arisen from these great events to the people of .Missachusetts, thatof secaring their lives, their liberties, and pro- perty, the great object of all civil government, by a constitution of their own framing, is not to be accounted the least. Dismembered from a govern- ment, which had long stood by the exactest balance of its powers, even against the corruption of its ministers, they found themselves accustomed to principles, which age had stamped with authority, and patriots sealed with their blood. The cause of their separation had taught them the avenues through which despotism insinuates itself into the commanity, and pointed out the means of exclud- ing it. Under these circumstances they produced a system which, we trust, experience will evince to be an improvement* upon the best mankind have hitherto admired. The quick retnrn of all delegat- ed power to the p.eople, from wliom it is made to spring, and the clieck wliich each part of the go- vernment has upon the excesses of the other, seem to warrant hs in placing on it all the confidence hu- man laws can deserve.^ But, Let us not trust laws: an uncorrupted people can exist without them; a corrupted p ;ople cannot long exist with them, or any other human assistance. They are remedies which at best always disclose and confess our evils. The body politic, once distempered, they may indeed be used as a crutch to support it a while, but they c:in never heal it. Rome, when her bravery conquered the neighbo"-, ing nations, and tmited them to her own empire, was free from all danger within, because her armies, being urged on by a love for their country, would as readily suppress an internal as an external ene- my. In those times she made no scruple to throw out her kings who had abused their power. Bat when her subjects fought not for the advantage of the commonwealth; when they thronged to the Asiatic wars for the spoils they produced, and pre- ferred prostituting the rights of citizenship upon .iny barbarian that demanded them, to meeting him in the field for their support, then Borne grew too modest to accept from the hands of a dictator those rights, which she ought to have impaled him for daring to invade. No alterati m in her laws merely, could have effected this. Had she remained virLuous, she might as well iiave expelled her lictators as her kinrrs. But w!iat lavs can save a 'Becaria on crimes and punishments, p. 10. *Is it not so in the equality of representation and mode of election? PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION* 55 people who, for the very purpose of enslaving them- 1 are we in the fi-eqiipnt change of our soldiery.* selves, choose to consider them rather as councils This seems to be the best antidote against such an which they may accept or refuse, than as precepts which they are bound to obey?* with such a people they must ever want a sanction and be contemned. — fVirtue and long life seem to be as intimately allied in the political as in the moral world: she is the guard which providence has set at the gate of freedom. True it is, when the nature and principles of a govex'ninent are pure, we have a right to suppose it at the farthest possible distance from falling. iBut when we consider that those countries^ in whicli the wisest institutions of republican govern- ments have been established, now exhibit the strongest instances of apostacy, we cannot but see the necessity of vigilance. Commerce, which makes perhaps, the greatest distinction between the old world and the modern, having raised new objects for our curiosity, habitual indulgence hath at length made them necessary to our infirmities. Ttius etFeminated, can we hope to exceed the rigor of ^*^« ^^ their inhabitants, must ever support th their principles, who even forbade the mentioning | ""e^sare which their common injuries originated. evil. It prevents that lethargy which would be a symptom of death in the citizen at home; and checks that immoderation in the soldier which is apt to mislead his virtues in the field. By this exchange of their qualities they mutually warrant happiness to each other, and freedom to their cotmtry. America once guarded against herself, what has she to fear.' her n;itural situation may well inspire her with confidence. Her rocks and her mountains are the chosen temples of liberty. Tlie extent of her climate, and tiie variety of its produce, throw the means of her greatness into her own hands, and insure her the traffic of the world. Navies shall launch fom her forests, and her bosom be found stored with tlie most precious treasures of natu-e. May the industry of her neople be a still surer pledge of her wealth.— The union of her states too is founded upon the most durable prin- ciples: the similarity of the munuers, religion, and of a foreign custom, and whose sumptuary laws are held up in our age as objects of astonishment? Such nations have mouldered aw.iy, an uncontrovertuble proof, that the best constructed human govern- ments, like the human body, tend to corruption; but as with that too, there are not wanting remedies to procrastinate their final decay. Among the causes of their fall there are none more common or less natural than that of their own strength. Continual wars making a miiitary force I necessary, the habit of conquest once acquired and other objects being wanting, history is not without^ instances of its turning itself inwards, and knawing as it were, upon its own bowels. H.ippy *A conscience more scrupulous, than ii. is proba- ble Sylla ever had, would be apt to irragine this general disposition of the people wiped av.-iy the guilt of enslaving ihem from any har.d tliat effected it. It in any case, Ms in this that v/e may apply llie maxim volenti non fit injuria. fVirtue, in a republic, is a most simple thing, it is a love for t!ie republic; it is a sensation, and no! a consequence of acquired knowledge : a sens:iti.n that may be felt by the meanest as well as by the highest person in the state. Sldrit of lazes, book 5th, chap. 2d. tThe politic it i hey may move forward when ordered, without deeper rea- soning or more concern than the firelocks they cai'ry along with them." fVld. Livy's Roman history for an account of th.° battles, suffering-, and p.irnottinci edlMeir.afch and destruction of the renowned Carthagenian gena-al and his arm- . PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 5f The great body of the people, srnole by the charms and blandishments of a life of ease and pleasure, f«ll easy victims to its fascinations. Tlie city, reared by the forming hand of industry, so;-Tie.it would have been parts of the Buffie kins^dom. embraces of her pretended parent, and has set up her own name among the empires. The assertions of so young a country, were at first beheld with dubious expectation; and the world were ready to stamp the name of rashness or enterprize accord- ing to the event. But a manly and fortunate beginning, soon ensur- •I the most generous assistance. The renowned and the ancient Gauls came early to the combat vise in council— mighty in battle! then with new fury raged the storm of war! the seas were crimson- ed with the richest blood of nations! America's chosen legions waded to freedom through rivers, died with the mingled blood of her enemies and !»er citizens; through fields of carnage, and the gates of death! At length independence is ours— the halcyon day ippears! lo from the east I see the harbinger, and from the train, 'tis peace herself; and as attendants, all the gentle arts of life: commerce displays her snow. white navies fraught with the wealth of king- loms; plenty from her co]nms horn, pours forth 'ipr ric!iest gifts. Heaven commands! the east and tlie west give up, and the north keeps not bo.ck! all latioRS meet! and beat their swords into plou"-h- shares and their spears into pruning-hooks, and resolve to learn war no mora.— Henceforth shall the American wilderness blossom as the rose, and every man shall sit under his vine and under his fig-tree, and none shall m ike him afraid, AN ORATIQY, DeIIVKTIKD at the KINg'sCIIAI-EL in BOSTOJT, APBTt 8, 1776, »N THE KE-IXTEUMKIVT OP THE IIEJIAIXS OF THE LATE M05T WORSHIPFUE GKAW D-MASTER JOSEPH WARREN, ESQUIRE, presidest op THE lATE CONGRESS OF THIS COLOXT, AND MAJOR GENEHAS of THE MASSACHUSETTS FORCl'.^, WHO WAS SLAIN IN THE BATTLE OF BUNKER's-HILL, JuNE 17 1775, BY PEREZ .MORTON, M. M. Iilastriousre!icks/—Wha.t tidings from the ('•pave? why hast thou left tlia peaceful mansions of the tomb, to visit again this troubled esrtli! art thou the welcome messenger of peace! art ihou risen again to exhibit thy glorious woun is, and through them proclaim salvation to thy country! i.rnrt thou come to demand that last debt of hu:nani\y, ta which your rank and merit have so justly entitled you— but which has been so long ungenerously withheld! and art tliou angry at tlie burbaroug usage? be appeased, sweet ghost! for t'.io!;gh thy body lias long laid undistinguished among ti,e vulgar dead, scarce privileged with eartli enough no PRINCirLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. to ,iij i' /i-j I l!!*^ birils of prey; though not a iiemlly righ vas utf'^red o'er thy grave; and • .o..,',h the exccriti-n of an impious foe, were all .■ i>i'tc!'il kne'ils! yet, mutcliless patnot! thy ■ i^n.'^ry hap beer* embaitned in the affections of ■ ". ;;T':1 -.o!H-trvmer<; wito, in their breasts, aisel efi-ia: mciments to thy bravery! B-dt iet us leave Vw beloved remains, and con- tc;7iplate fo." a mome.it, tho.s'; virtues of the man, the o:iercJse of which have so deservedly endeared iii,n to the !"onest among the great, and the good ::"nongtiie humble, ' In the privatf v/alks of life, he was a pattern for "na^kind. — T^ie tears of her, to wiiom the world J'. .na,-:)tpd '.r so much virtue, are silent heralds c,; iiisi JlUal piety; while liis tender offspring, in I;:.;):nf^ avA I'uir father''' r,.T-e, proclaim his parental affectiim: and at?. ADAMS can witness with how much zeal he loved, where he had formed the sacred connexion o'' & friend: — their kindred souls were ai> closely ' .yined, tha' both felt one joy, both one AfHic'Jon. In conversation he liad the happy talent of r.ddressing his subject both to the un- d-crstith- in compass, and actupnn the square. With what pleasure did hie silence the wants of poor and pennyless brethren yea, the necessitous every where, though ignorant of the mysteries of the craft, from his benefactions, felt the happy ef- fects of that institution which is founded on faith, hope and charity. And the world may cease to wonder, that he so readily offered up his life, on the altar of his country, when tliey are told that the main pillar of mwsonrj/ is the lote or mankind. The fates, as though they would reveal, in the person of our oravd-xasteu, those mysteries which have so long lain hid from the world, have suffered him, like the great master-builder in the temple of old, to fall by the hands of Ruffians, and be again raised in honor and authority: we searched in the field for the murdered son of a widow, and we found him, by the turf and the tieig, buried on the brow of a hill, though not in a decent grave. — And though we must again commit his body to the tomb, ye*^ our breasts shall be the burying spot of his masonic virtues, and there — " An adamantine monnment we'll rear, " With this inscriptiuii," Masonry "lies hece."— In public life, the sole object of his ambition was, to acquire the conscience of virtuous enterprizes; cunof patri.c was the .spring of his actions, and men.s conscia recti was his guide. — And on this security he v/as, on every occasion, ready to sacrifice his health, his interest, and his ease, to the sacred calls of his country. When the liberties of Ame- rica were attacked, he appeared an early champion in the contest: and though his knowledge and abilities would have insured riches and preferment (could he have stooped to prestltution) yet he nobly withstood the fascinating charm, tossed fortune back her plume, and pursued the inflexible purpose of Iiis soul, in guiltless competence. He souglit not the airy honors of a name, else many of those publications which, in the early period of our controversy, served to open the minds of the people, h,ad not appeared anonynnous. h\ PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 61 of eminent danger, his fellow citizens contempt of danger, flew to the field of battle. every time flew to him for advice; like the orator of Athens, he gave it and dispelled their fears:— twice did they call him to the rostrum to commemorate the massacre of their brethren; and from that instance, in persuasive language he taught them, not only the dangerous tendency, but the actual mischief, of stationing a military force in a free city, in a time of peace.— They learnt the profitable lesson, and penned it among their grievances. But his abilities were too great, his deliberations too much wanted, to be confined to the limits of a single city, and at a time when our liberties were most critically in danger from the secret machina- tions and open assaults of our enemies, this town, to their lasting honor, elected him to take a part in the councils of the state. — And with what faith- fulness lie discharged the important delegation, the neglect of his private concerns, and his un- wearied attendance on that betrustment, will suf- ficiently testify: and the records of that virtuous assembly will remain the testimonials of h'n ac- complishments as a statesman, and his integrity and services as a patriot, through all posterity. The congress of our colony could not observe so much virtue and greatness without honoring it with the highest mark of their fiivor; and by the free suffrages of that uncorrupted body of freemen, he was soon called to preside in the senate — v/here, by his daily counsels and exertions, lie was con- stantly promoting the great cause o^ general liberty But when he found the tools of oppression were obstinately bent on violence; when he found the vengeance of the British court must be glutted with blood; he determined, that what he could not effect by his eloquence or his pen, he would bring to purpose by his sword. And on the memo- rable 19th of April, he appeared in the field under the united characters of tJie general, the soldier, and the physician. Here he was seen animating his countrymen to battle, and fighting by their side, and there he was found administering healing where, after a stern, and almost victorious resis- tance, ah! too soon for his country! he sealed his principles with his blood then — " Free'lom wept, that merit could not save," But Il^arren's manes "must enrich the gravci" Enriched indeed! and the heights of Charlestoivn shall be more memorable for thy fall, than the Plains of Abraham are for that of the hero of Bri- tain. For while he died contending for a single country, you fell in the cause of virtue and man- kind. The greatness of his soul shone even in the mo- ment of death; for, if fame speaks true, in his last agonies he met the insults of his barbarous foe with his wonted magnanimity, and with the true spirit of a soldier, frowned at their impotence. In fine, to complete the great character — like HARRINGTONT he wrote— like CICERO he spoke —like HAMPDEN" he lived— and like WOLFE he died. And can v;e, my countrymen, with indifference behold so much valor laid prostrate by the hand of British tyranny! and can we ever grasp that hand in affection again? are we not yet conrinced "that he who hunts the woods for prey, the naked and untutored indian, is less a savage than the king of Britain!" have we not proofs, wrote in blood, that the corrupted nation, from whence we sprang, (though there may be some traces of their ancient virtue left) are stubbornly fixed on our destruc- tion! and shall we still court a dependence on such a state? still contend for a connexion with tliose who have forfeited not only every kindred claim, but even their title to humanity! forbid it the spirit of the brave Montgomeht! forbid it the spirit of immortal Warrex! forbid it the spirits of all our valiant countrymen! w!io fouglit, bled, and died for far different purposes, and who would have thought the purchase dear indeed! to have paid their lives for the paltry boon of displacing one set of villains in pover, to make way for another. No. They contended for the establishment of comforts to the wounded. And when he had re- peace, liberty, and safety to their country: and we pelled the unprovoked assaults of the enemy, and are unworthy to be called their countrymen, if we had driven them back into their strong-holds, like stop at any acquisition short of this. the virtuous chief of Rome, he returned to the ^- - ., . , • • ^, I Tsow IS the happy season, to seize again those senate, and presided ?again at the councils of the .,..-. ' . . .-.i > •^ * ° rights, which, as men, we are by nature entitlea fathers. i . • u t . .. u j to, and which, by contract, we never nave and When the vanquis'ied foe had ra-llied their dis-lnever could have surrendered :— but which have ordered army, and by the acquisition of fresli been repeatedly and violently attacked by the A-jw^, strength, again presumed to fight against freemen, \lord? and commons of Britain. Ought v/e not then our patriot, ever anxious to be where he could do I to disclaim fiirever, the forfeited affinity; and by a the most good, again put off the senator, and, in (timely amputation of that rotten linab of the em- 62 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. pire, prevent th' moi-tificauoa of tiis whole? otight we not to listen to the voice of our slaughtered brethren, who are no.Y proclaiming aloud to their country — Go tell the king, and tell him from our spirits, That you anrt Britons can be friends no more; Tell liim, to you all tyrants are tlie same; Or if in bonds, the never conquerM sou! C;'n feel a pang, more keen tlian slavery s sell, 'Xis where the chains that crush you into dust, Are forg'd by hands, from which you hop d tor freedom. Yes, wre ought, and will— we will assert the blood of our murdered hero against thy hostile oppressions, O shameless Britain! and when "Ihy cloud-capped towers, thy gorgeous palaces" shall, ,by the teeth of pride and folly, be levelled with the dust— and when thy glory shall have faded like the western sunbeam— the name and the virtues of WARREN shall remain immortal. Judge Jay's Charge. The cHAncr. deliveueh by Joh>( Jay, Eca chief jus- tice OF THE STATE OF NkW YoUK, TO THE GKAND JunY OF THE SCPUEMF COOSIT, HEUt AT KINGSTON, IN UtSTEa COUNTY, SiPT. 9, 1777 Wh ever compares our present with our former constitution, will find abundant reason to rejoice in the exchange, and readily admit, that all the calamities, incident to this war, will be amply com- pensated by the many blessings flowing from this i;lnrious revolution. A revolution which, in the whole course of its rise and progress, is distin- guished by so many marks of the Divine favor and interposition, that no doubt can remain of its being finally accomplished. It was begun, and has been supported, in a man- ner so singular, and I may say, miraculous, that \v4ien future ages shall read its history, they will be templed to consider great part of it as fabu- lous. What, among other things, can appear more unworthy of credit, than that in an enlightened age, in a civilized and Christian country, in a na- tion so celebrated for humanity, as well as love of liberty and justice, as the English once justly were, a prince should arise, wlio, by the influence of cor- ruption alone, should be able to seduce them into Mverlisemnl. Tlye folloiuing charge ivas given at ,. ,. , , ,, .,.. f... a time ^vhen the asseuibhj and seuaie ivere co«re;;.|a combmation, to reduce three mihtons of his most in:r^ and the -vhole system of government, establish- \Qyr^\ and affectionate subjects, to absolute slavery, ed'by the covstitution, about being pirt inmotion- ^^^^^ pretence of aright, appertaining to Gon The grand ijiqtiest was comp'sed of the most re- o . i i 6 specikble characters in the co'.ity, and no less than iwenty-tiuo of them attendee' ind vjere srjurn. Gentlemen— It affords me very sensible plea- .sure to congratulate you on the dawn of that free, mild and equal government, which now begins to rise and break from amidst those clouds of anar- chy, confusion and licentiousness, which the arbi alone, of binding them in all cases whatever, not even excepting cases of conscience and religion? What can appear more improbable, although true, than that this prince, and this people, should ob- stinately steal their hearts, and shut their ears, against the most humble petitions and affectionate remonstrances; and unjustly determine, by violence trary and violent domination of the king of Greatjand force, to execute designs which were repro- Eritain had spread, in greater or lesa degrees, [bated by every principle of humanity, equity, gra- throughout this and the other Araei'ican states. { titude and policy — designs whicii would have been And it gives me particular satisfaction to remark, that the first fruits of yiur excellent constitution appear in a part of this state, whose inhabitants have distinguished themselves, by having unani- Hiously endeavored to deserve them. This is one of those signal instances, in which Divine Providence has made the tyranny of princes instrumental in breaking the chains of their sub- jects; and rendered the most inhuman designs, productive of the best consequences, to those against whom they v/ere intended. The infatuated sovereign of Britain, forgetful that kings were the servants, not the proprietors, and oug'.vt to be the fathers, not the incendiaries of their people, hath, by destroying ourformer con- iStitutions, enabled us to erect more eligible sys- tems of government on their ruins; and, by unwar- rantable attempts, to bind us, in all case.itvhatever. Las reduced us to the happy necessity of being/ree from his control in any. execrable, if intended against savages and enemies, and yet formed against men descended from the same common ancestors with themselves; men, who had liberally contributed to their support, and cheerfully fought their battles, even in remote and baleful climates? Will it not appear extraor- dinary, that thirteen colonies, the object of their wicked designs, divided by variety of governments and manners, should immediately become one peo- ple, and though without funds, v;ithout magazines, wiihout disciplined troops, in the face of their enemies, unanii-nously determine to be free; and, undaunted by the power of Britain, refer their cause to the justice of the Almighty, and resolve to repel force by force.' Thereby presenting to the world an illustrious example of magnanimity and virtue scarcely to be paralleled. Will it not be mat- ter of doubt and wonder, that, notwithstanding these difficKlties, they should raise armies, estab- lish funds, carry on commerce, grow rich by the PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 63 spoils of their enemies, and bid defiance to the legislative, executive and judicial powers of go armies of Bntain, the mercenaries of Germany asid the savages of the wilder, ess? — But, however in- credible these things may in future appear, we know them to be true, and we should always re- membpr, that the many remarkable and unexpect- ed tneans and events, by which our wants have been supplied, and our eneimies repelled or restrained, are such strong and striking proofs of the intcrposi- vernmentj as to promise permanence to the consti- tulion, and give energy and impartiality to the distribution of justice. So that, while you possess wisdom to discern and virtue to appoint men of worth and abililies to fill the offices of the state, you will be happy at home and respectable abroad —Your life, your liberties, your property, will be at the disposal only of your Creator and your- tion of heaven, that our having been hitherto deli- selves. You will know no power but such as yoa vered from the threatened bondage of Britain, ^'il^ create; no authority unless derived from your ought, like the emancipation of the Jews from h?'"^"'! "f> 'aws, but such as acquire all their cbiiga- Egyptian servitude, to be forever ascribed to its U'^^n from your consent. true cause, and insieaJ of swelling our breasts with arrogant ideas of our prowess and importance, kindle in them a flame of gratitude and piety, which may consume all remains of vice and irreli- gion. Blessed be God! the time will now never arrive when the prince of a country, in another quarter of the globe, will command your obedience and hold you in vassalage. His consent has ceased to be necessary to enable you to enact laws essential to to your welfare; nor will you, in future, be sub ject to the imperious sway of rulers, instructed to sacrifice your happiness, whenever it might be in Adequate security is also given to the rights of conscience ar.d private judgment. They are, by nature, subject to no control but that of the Deity and in that free situation they are now left. Every man is permitted to con.sider, to adore and to wor- sliip his Creator in the manner most agreeable to his conscience. No opinions are dictated; no rules of faith prescribed; no preference given to one sect to the prejudice of others.— The constitution, how- ever, has wisely declared, that the "liberty of con. science, thereby granted, shall not be so construed as to excuse acts of licentiousness, or justify prac- tices inconsistent with the peace or safety of this consistent with the ambitious views of their royal! **^^^'" ^'^ ^ ^^'°^"''' ^'^^ convention, by w!iom that master. i constitution was formed, were of opinion, that tlie ■ , . • . „ r . 1 ,, , k'^spel of Chhist, like the ark of Goj), would not The Americans are the first people whom he.-i-iru »i i , . 'rjvu ■ ^''^'' ^"°"S'' "ns'-^PPorted by the arm of fl>>sb; and ven has favored with an opportunity of deliberating u,_^„ ,„„..,., , . i • , .,- , ...... . "aPPy would It be for mankind, if that opinion pre- vailed more generally. upon, and choosing ihe forms of government under which they siiould live; — all other constitutions have derived their e.'cisience from violence or acci- dental circumstances, and are therefore probably more distant from their perfection, which, thougit beyond our reach, may nevertheless be approached under the guidance of reason and experience. How far the people of this state have improved this opportunity, we are at no loss to determine. — Their constitution has given general satisfaction at home, and been not only approved, but applauded abroad. It would be a pleasing task to take a mi nute view of it, to investigate its principles, and remark tlie conneclioo and use of its several partt. —but that woiild be a work of too great length to be proper on this occasion. I must therefore con- fine myself to general observations; and among Bat let it be remembered, that whatever marks of wisdom, experience and patriotism there may be in your constitution, yet, like the beautiful sym- metry, the just proportions, and elegant forms of our first parent, before their maker breathed into them the breath of life, it is yet to be animated, and till then, may indeed excite admiration, but will be of no use-From the people it musi re- ceive its spirit, and by them he quickened. Let virtue, honor, the love of liberty and of science be, aiid remain, the soul of tliis constitution, and it will become the source cf great and extensive hap- piness to this and future g«;neraiiDi;s. Vice, igno- rance, and want of vigilance, wlil be the only ene- lilies able to destroy it. Against these provide, an.!, of these, be forever jealous. Every member those which naturally arise from a consideration ofLcihe state, ought diligently to read and study this subject, none are more obvious, than that the ti,e constitution of his country, and teach the risin.. highest respect has been paid to those great and I generation to be free. By knowii.g their rights equal rights of human nature, which should for- ihey will sooner perceive when they are violated' eve:r remain inviolate in every soclety-and that j and be the better prepared to defend and assert such care has been taken in th? dispusiiion of tiif! iiiun. u PRINCIPLES AND AGTS OF THE REVOLUTION, This, gentlemen, is the first court held under the authority of our constitution, and I hope its proceedings will be such, as to merit the appro- bation of the friends, and avoid giving cause of censure to the enemies of the present establish- ment. It is proper to observe, that no person in this state, however exalted or low his rank, however dignified or humble his station, but has a right to the prstection of, and is amenable to the laws of tlie land; and that if those laws be wisely made and duly executed, innocence will be defended, oppression punished, and vice restrained. Hence it becomes the common duty, and indeed the com mon interest, of every subject of the state, and particularly of those concerned in the distribution of justice, to unite in repressing the licentious, in supporting the laws, and thereby diffusing the bles- biugs of peace, security, order and good govern- ment, through all degrees and ranks of men among us. I presume it will be unnecessary to remind you, that neither fear, favor, resentment, or other perso- nal and partial considerations, should influence your conduct. Calm, deliberate reason, candor, moderation, a dispassionate, and yet a determined resolution to do your duty, will, I am persuaded, be the principles by which yoa will be directed. You will be pleased to observe, that all oflences committed in this county against the peace of the people of this state, from treason to trespass, are proper objects of your attention and enquiry. You will pay particular attention to the practice of counterfeiting the bills of credit, emitted by the general congress, or other of the Ameeicin states, and of knowingly passing such counterfeits. Prac- tices no less criminal in themselves, than injurious ■mho, fearless of danger, undaunted by opposition, uninfluenced by the hope of retoard, im the worst of times, has stood among the foremost, an early, active, zealous, disinterested champion, in the causa of American liberty and i?idependence— -the follow iug oration, originally dragon up (it his request, is respectfully inscribed by his humble servant the author. Friends and fello^v-citizens — Impressed with the deepest sense of my insufficiency, I rise to address you with peculiar diffidence. When I consider the knowledge and eloquence necessary to dis- play the glorious prospects which independence opens to this continent, I am stung with a degree of self-reproach for undertaking the impDrtaat task. But your known attachment to the cause of America encourages me to hope, that you will receive with indulgence, a well intended exertion to promote her welfare; and emboldens me to cast myself on that candor, which looks with kindness on the feeblest efforts of an honest mind. We are now celebrating the anniversary of our emancipation from British tyranny; an event that will constitute an illustrious aera in the history of the world, and which promises an extension of all those blessings to our country, for which we would choose to live, or dare to die. Our present form of government is every way preferable to the royal one we have lately renounc- ed. It is much more favorable to purity of morals, and better calculated to promote all our important interests. Honesty, plain-dealing, and simple man- ners, were never made the patterns of courtly be- havior. Artificial manners always prevail in kingly governments; and royal courts are reservoirs, from whence insincerity, hypocrisy, dissimulation, pride, luxury, and extravagance, deluge and overwhelm i« the interest of that great sause, on the success the body of the people. On the other hand, re- of which the happiness of Ajieiuca so essentially publics are favorable to truth, sincerity, frugality, depends. [ industry, and simplicity of manners. Equality, the life and soul of commonwealth, cuts off all pre- tensions to preferment, but those which arise from extraordinary merit: Whereas, in royal govern- ments, he that can best please his superiors, by the low arts of fawning and adulation, is most likely to obtain favor. It was the interest of Great Britain to encourage our dissipation and extravagance, for the two-fold ^ur^o&toi incraasiug the sale of her mam fatt ares, and o? perpetuating our subordination. In vain we sought to check the growth of luxury, by sumptuary laws;. every wholesome restraint of this kind was sure to meet with the royal negative. Wi;ile the whcls Dr. Ramsay^s Oration. An onATiow on' the advastages of AMEUicAfr imje- PENDENCE, SPOKEN BKFOKE A PUB1,IC ASSEMBLY Oy THE INHABITANTS OF CHAULESTOWN, IN SOUTU- CAnOLINA, ON TUB SECOND ANNIVEIISAUI OF THAT OLOfilODS ^RA, BY DAVID RAMS\Y, AI. B. Magnus ab integro seeulsriim na5fi(ur onlo.' JaJD reclit et Viigo, reileuiit S;ituii>ia regna: Jam uova i>i'ogeiiies, ctcludinuuitdt' altu. Huic ego iiec nietas renira, nee tempoia pono: Imperiucii sine iiiie dedi. i'irgilt To the honorable GHIUSTOPHER GADSDEX, esq. Lieutenant governor of the state of South- Carolina; PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 65 force of example was ennployed to induce us to copy the dissipated manners of the country from which we sprung. If, therefore, we had continued dependent, our frugality, industry^ and simplicity of manners, would have been lost in an imitation of British extravagance, idleness, and false refine- ments. How much more happy is our present situation, when necessity, co-operating with the love of our country, compels us to adopt both public and private economy? Many are now industriously clothing themselves and their families in sober homespun, who, had we remained dependent, would have been spending their time in idleness, and strutting in the costly robes of British gaiety. The arts and sciences, which languished under the low prospects of subjection, will now raise their drooping heads, and spread far and wide, till they have readied the remotest parts of this untutored continent. It is the happiness of our present constitution, that all offices lie open to men of merit, of whatever rank or condition; and that even the reins of state may be held by the son of the poorest man, if possessed of abilities equal to the important station. AVe are no more to look up for the blessings of government to hungry courtiers, or the needy dependents of Bri*- tish nobility; but must educate our own children for these exalted purposes. Wiien subjects, we had scarce any other share in government, but to obey the arbitrary mandates of a British parlia- ment: But honor, with her dazzling pomp, interest, Vith her golden lure, and patriotism, with her heartfelt satisfaction, jointly call upon us now to qualify ourselves and posterity for the bench, the army, the navy, the learned professions, and all the departments of civil government. The inde- pendence of our country holds forth such generous Encouragement to youth, as cannot fail of making many of them despise the syren calls of luxury and mirth, and pursue heaven-born wisdom with un- wearied application. A few years will now pro- duce a much greater number of men of learning and abilities, than we could have expected for ages in our boyish state of minority, guided by the leading strings of a parei.t country. Hov/ trifling the objects of deliberation that came before our former legislative assemblies, compared with the great and important matters, on which they must now decide! They might then, -loUh the leave of the king, his governors and councils, unake laws about yoking hogs, branding cattle, or making rirr,- but they are now called up on to determine on peace and war, treaties and negociations with foreign states, and other sub- jects interesting to the peace, liberty, sovereignty, and independence of a wide extended empire. No wonder that so little attention has been paid to learning; for ignorance was better than knowledge, while our abject and humiliating condition fo effectually tended to crush the exertions of the human mind, and to extinguish a generous ardor for literary pre-emienoe. The times in which we live, and the govern- ments we have lately adopted, all conspire to fan the sparks of genius in every breast, and kindle them into flame. Wlien, like children, we were under the guardianship of a foreign power, our limited attention was naturally engrossed by agricultiwe, or directed to the low pursuit of wealth. In this state, the powers of the soul, benumbed with ease and indolence, sunk us into sloth and effeminacy. Hardships, dangers, and proper opportunities give scope to active virtues, and rouse the mind to such vigorous exertions, as command the admiration of _an applauding [world. Rome, when she filled the earth with the [terror of her arms, sometimes called her generals from the plough; In like manner, the great want of proper persons to fill high stations, has drawn from obscurity many illustrious characters, which will dazzle the world with the splendor of their names. The necessities of our country require the utmost exertions of all our powers; from which vigorous, united efforts, much more improvement of tlie human mind is to he expected, than if we had remained in a torpid state of depeadence. Eloquence is the child of a free state. In this form of government, as public measures are de- termined by a majority of votes, arguments en- forced by the arts of persuasion, must evermore be crowned with success: The rising patriot therefore, who wishes the happiness of his coun- try, will cultivate the art of public speaking. In royal governments, where the will of one or a few has the direction of public measures, the orator may harangue, but most probably will reap pro- secution and imprisonment, as the fruit of his labor: Whereas, in our present happy system, the poorest school boy may prosecute his studies with increasing ardor, from the prospect, that in a few years he may, by his improved abilities, direct the determinations of public bodies, on subjects of the most stupendous consequence. Thus might I go through the wtole circle of the arts and sciences, apd shew that while we rcmaiHf (ib PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. ed British subjects, cramped and restrained by the ; limited views of dependence, each one of them would dwindle and decay., compared with the per- fection and glory in which they will bloom and flourish, under the enlivening sunshine of freedom and independence. I appeal to the experience of all, whether they do not feel an elevation of soul, growing out of the emancipation of their country, while they recol- lect that they are no longer subject to lawless will, but possess the powers of self-government, and are called upon to bear an active part in supporting Bud perpetuating the sovereignty of the United Stales; 'and in organizing tliem in such a manner, as will produce the greatest portion of political happiness to the present and future generations. In this elevation of soul, consists true genius; which is cramped by kingly government, and can only flourish in free states. The attention of thousands is now called forth from their ordinary employments to subjects con- nected with the sovereignty and happiness of a great continent. As no one can tell to what extent the human mind may be cultivated, so no one can foresee what great events may be brought into existence, by the exertions of so many minds ex- panded by close attention to subjects of such vast importance. Tlie royal society was founded immediately after the termination of the civil wars in England. In like manner, may we not hope, as soon as this contest is ended, that the exalted spirits of our politicians and warriors will engage in the enlarge. meat of public happiness, by cultivating the arts of peace, and promoting useful knowledge, with an ardor equal to that which first roused them to bleed in the cause of liberty and their country? Their genius, sharpened by their present glorious exertions, will naturally seek for a continuance of suitable employment. Having, with well tried sworda and prudent counsels, secured liberty and independence for themselves and posterity, their great souls will stoop to nothing^less than con- certing wise schemes of civil polity and happiness instructing the world in useful arts — and extend- ing the empire of science. I foresee societies formed of our heroes and statesmen, released from their present cares; some of which will teach man- kind to plough, sow, plant, build, and improve the rough faceof nature; while others critically examine the various productions of the animal, vegetable and mineral kingdoms, and teach their country- men to "look through nature up to nature's Qod," Little has been hitherto done towards complet- ing the natural history of America, or for the im- provement of agriculture, and the peaceful arts of civil life; but who will be surprised at this, who considers that during the long past night of 150 years, our minds were depressed, and our activity benumbed by the low prospects of subjection? P'uture diligence will convince the candid world, that past inattention was the effect of our dependent form of government. Every circumstance concurs to make it probable, that the arts and sciences will be cultivated, ex- tended, and improved, in independent America. They require a fresh soil, and always flourish most in new countries. A large volume of the book of nature, yet unread, is open before us, and invites our attentive perusal. Many useful plants, un- known to the most industrious botanist, waste their virtues in our desert air. Various parts of our country, hitherto untrod by the foot of any chymist, abound with different minerals. We stand on the shoulders of our predecessors, with respect to the arts that depend on experiment and observation. The face of our country, intersected by rivers, or covered by woods and swamps, gives ample scope for the improvement of mechanics, mathematics, and natural philosophy. Our free governments are the proper nurseries of rhetoric, criticism, and the arts which are founded on the philosophy of the human mind. In monarchies, an extreme degree of politeness disguises the simplicity of nature, and "sets the looks at variance with the thoughts;" ia republics, mankind appear as they really are, with- out any false coloring: In these governments, there- fore, attentive observers have an opportunity of knowing all the avenues to the heart, and of thoroughly understanding human nature. The great inferiority of the moderns to the ancients in fine writing, is to be referred to this veil cast over mankind by the artificial refinements of modern monarchies. From the operation of similar causes, it is hoped, that the free governments of America will produce poets, orators, critics and historians, equal to the most celebrated of the ancient com- monwealths of Greece and Italy. Large empires are less favorable to true philoso- phy, than small, independent states. The authority of a great author is apt, in the former case, to extinguish a free enquiry, and to give currency to falsehood unexamined. The doctrines of Confucius were believe'd all over China, and the philosophy of Descartes, in France: But neighboring nations, examining them without partiality oi" prepossession, exploded them both. For the same reason, oiiT PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. ^7 separate states, jealous of the literary reputation of eacli other, and uninfluenced by any partial bias, will critically pry into the merit of every new opinion and system, and naught but truth will stand the test, and finally prevail. In monarchies, favor is ^he source of preferment; but, in our new forms of government, no one can command the suffrages of the people, unless by his superior merit and capacity. The -weight of each state, in the continental scale, V. ill ever be proportioned to the abilities of its re- firesejitatives in congress: Hence, an emulation will take place, each contending with the other, ivhich shall produce the most accomplished states- men. From the joint influence of all these com- bined causes, it may strongly be presumed, that literature will flourish in America; and that our independence will be an illustrious epoch, remark- able for th,e spreading and improvement of science. A zeal for promoting learning, unknown in the days of our subjection, has already begun to over- spread these United States. In the last session of our assembly, three societies were incorporated for the laudable purpose of erecting seminaries of education. Nor is the noble spirit confined to us alone: Even now, amidst the tumults of war, literary institutions are fjrming all over the continent, v/hlch must light up such ablaze of knowledge, as cannot fail to burn, and catch, and spread, until it has finally illuminated, with the rays of science, the most distant retreats of ignorance and barbarity. Our change of government smiles upon our com- merce with an aspect peculiarly benign and favora- ble. In a few j'ears, we may expect to see the colors of France, Spain, Holland, Prussia, Portugal, and those of every other maritime power, waving on our coasts; whilst Americans unfurl the thirteen stripes in the remotest harbors of the world. Our diflTerent climates and soils produce a great variety of useful commodities. The sea washes our coast along an extensive tract of two thousand miles; and no country abounds in a greater plenty of the materials for shipbuilding, or has a better pros- pect of a respectable navy. Our stately oaks, the greater part of which would probably have withered in their native spots, had we remained subjects, will now be converted into ships of war, to ride triumphant on the ocean, aad to carry American thunder around the world. Whole forests will be transformed into vessels of commerce, enricl»ing this independent continent with the produce of every clime and every soil. The wealth of Europe, Asia, and Africa, will flow in upon America: Ojr trade will no longer be conlinea by the selfish regulations of an avaricious step-dame, but follow wherever interest leads the way. Our great ob- ject, as a trading people, should be to procure the best prices for our commodities, and foreign articles at the most reasonable rates: But ail this was cruelly reversed by acts of the British parlia- ment regulating our trade in a subserviency to their own emolument; our interest being entirely out of the question. It requires but a moment's recollection to convince us, tliat as we now have a free trade with alt the world, we shall obtain a more generous price for our produce, and foreign goods on easier terms, than we ever could, while we were suhj^ct to a British monopoly.* The *That British merchants gave us alow price for our commodiiies, appears from this single con- sideration—they made money by exporting them from England If they found it profitable to export tobacco, rice, indigo, he. from Britain, it must be in consequence of their allowing the American colonists less for those articles, than they would have brought in Europe-m markets. In this man- ner, much of oiu- produce was sold to tlie consum- ers, loaded with double fieight, insursnce, and commissions, over and a'>ove the additional ex- pense of unloading and reloading in Great Britain. The industrious American planter received no more for his pro'luce ihan tlif pittance the British mer- chant, after reserving his owm profit, was pleased to allow on the sale thereof, brought to market charged witii this umiecessai-y expeime. The distance from America to tliose places of Europe which consumed our staples, is generally less than to the British ports. From all whicii pi-L'mises it appears undeniably evident, that American com- modities, carried dir^cily to the countries wiiere they are consumed, wili produce much more clear profit to the planter, than when they arrived there by the circuitous way of Great Britain. The same reasoning holds good with respect to many articles imported from England, which were not of its own growth or manufacture; for they would come much cheaper from the countries where they were made, than they ever could, while we were obliged to receive them through the hands of British merchanis, loaded with double freight, insurance, commissions, and sometiir.es with duii?s if interest had not silenced tlie voice of justice. Great Britain, while she obliged us to buy at her maike;, would have con.«ldered herself as bound to supply our wants as cheap as they could be sMppii.-d else.vhere: But instead of Ihi/ s!ie not only fixed exorbitant prices on articles of her own productiun, but refused us the liberty of buying from foreigners those articles which her own markets did not afford, and had also begun the fatal policy of super ad ling additional duties. What a scene of oppression does this ooen to us' A great part of the price for which otir co-omodities sold in Europe was lodged in British cofters; and we were obliged to buy manufactures of her pro- d'.iction, at prices of her own fixing, and were restrained from buying even tho^e articles whicix she could not raise, where they could be trot cheapes-.: Besides, as we durst not buy from ary olhers, they had it in their power to fix any wU vanceon the first cost that their avarice prescibed und our necessities would permit. ' 63 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. boasted act of navigatioR was not intended for our advantage, nor for the advantage of the whole em- pire; but was a glaring monument of the all grasping nature of unlimited power. To enumerate all tlie ungencro'ts restrictions imposed by the British go- vcrament on American commerce, would be an outrage on patience. Tiiiis only will unfold the whole of this mystery of iniquity. A few years experience will s!»ew such an amazing difference between the fettered trade of the Uritish colonies, and the extensive commerce of the free, inde- pendent states of America, as will cause us to stand amazed, that vi'e so long and so patiently submitted to so many and sucii cruel restrictions. h\ one word, so long as we remained dependent, the commerce of this great continent would have been sacri'dcsd to the interest of a sel'.ish European ishmd. Carolina had particular reason to wish for the free trade of independence.* The whole island of Great Uritain did not annually consume more than .5300 barrels of her staple commodity, rice, and yet it was an enumerated article. The charge on u-iloading, reloading, andshifting every cask, owing to this enumeration, was immense, though it served no other purp->se, but to procure jobs for British coopers and whai'fingers. So little regard was had tj our interest, while dependent, that this enumera- tion was obtained by the instigation of a captain €ole: Several vessels coming from England be- fore him, and purchasing rice for Portugal, pre- vented the aforesaid captain of a loading; he re- turned, and in resentment said, carrying rice to Portugal was a prejudice to the trade of England: And on this single instance, so ill founded and sup- ported, rice became an enumerated article.^- How could our trade flourish, or our produce bring its full value, while restricted by a legislature so regardless of our interest, that a petty captain, to secure himself a cargo, could prevent our staple from being sent directly to a foreign market.'' Union with Great Britain confined us to the consumption of her manufactures, and restrained 'The tobacco colonies were also great losers by the Britisii mono;) >ly of trade. The duties on their staple, amounted to more than half the first cost. Tobacco, exported from Britain, sold in European markets for more than dduble the sum the Ameri- can planter received for it. — If it should become a custom in the United Slates, to celebrate the anniversary of independence with an annual oration, it is Imped that some citizen of A'^irginia or Mary- land, will plr;x:e the sclfisli restrictions on the ex- portation of this valuable commodilv, in a proper light. H^cc on Trade, page 21" us from supplying our wants by the improvement of those articles which the bounty of Heaven had bestowsd on our country. So numerous were the inhabitants of some provinces, that they could not all find employment in cultivating the earth; and yet a single hat, manufactured in one colony, and exported for sale to another, forfeited both vessel and cargo. The same penalties were inflicted for transporting wool from one to another. Acts of par- liament have been made to prohibit the erection of slitting mills in America. Thus did British tyranny exert her power, to make us a needy and dependent people, obliged to go to her market, and to buy at her prices; and all this at a time when, by her exclusive trade, she fixed her own prices on our commodities. How widely different is our present situation? The glorious fourth of .July, MDCCLXXVI, re- pealed all these cruel restrictions, and holds forth generous pric^, and public premiums, for our encouragement in the erection of all kinds of manu. factures. We are the first people in the world who have had it in their power to choose their own form of government. Constitutions were forced on all other nations, by the will of their conquerors; or, they were formed by accident, caprice, or the over- bearing influence of prevailing parties or particular persons: But, happily for us, the bands of British government werfc dissolved at a time when no rank above that of freemen existed among us, and when we were in a capacity to choose for ourselves among the various forms of government, and to I adopt that which best suited our country and peo- pie. Our deliberations, on this occasion, were not directed by the over-grown authority of a conquer* ing general, or the ambition of an aspiring nobility, but by the pole-star of public good, inducing us to prefer those forms that would most effectually secure the greatest portion of political happiness to the greatest number of people. We had the example of all ages for our instruction, and many among us were well acquainted with the causes of prosperity and misery in other governments. In times of public tranquility, the mighty have been too apt to encroach on the rights of the many: But it is the great happiness of America, that her independent constitutions were agreed upon by common consent, at a time when her leading men needed the utmost support of the multitude, and therefore could have no other object in view, but the formation of such constitutions as would best suit the people at large, and unite them most heartily in repelling common dangers. PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 65 As the strengtn of a people consists m their num- ' bers, our separate states, sensible of their weak- ness, were actually excited by self-interest to form such free governments, as would encourage the greatest influx of inhabitanis. In this manner, an emulation has virtually taken place in all the thirteen states, each contending with thft others, who should form the freest constitution. Thus independence has been the fruitful parent of go- vernments formed on equal principles, more favora- ble to the liberty and happiness of the governed, than any that have yet been recorded in the annals of history. While we were dependent on Britain, our free- dom was out of the question; for -what is a free state, but one that is {governed by its own will? What shadow of liberty then could we possess, when the single NO of a king, 3000 miles distant, was sufficient to repeal any of our laws, however useful and salutary; aijd when we were to be bound in all cases whatsoever by men, in whose election we had no vote, who had an interest opposed to ours, and over whom we 'had no control? The wit of man could not possibly devise any mode that would unite the freedom of America with Britain's claim of unlimited suppemacy. We were therefore reduced to the alternative of liberty and independence, or slavery and union. We wisely chose to cut the Gordian knot, -which tied old Britain to the new, and to assume our independent station among the empires of the world. Britain, had she honestly intended it, was incapable of governing us for the great purposes of govern- ment. Our great distance, and other local cir- cumstances, nude it impossible for her to be sufficiently acquainted with our situation and wants; But, admitting it v/as in her power, we hsd no reason to expect that she would hold the reins of government for any other end but her own ad- vantage. Human nature is too selfish, too am- bitious, for us to expect, that one country will govern another, for any but interested purposes. To obtain the salutary ends of government, we must blend the interests of the people and their rulers; or else, the former will infallibly be sacri ficed to the latter. Hence, the absurdity of our expecting security, liberty and safety, while we were subjects of a. state a thousand leagues distant. Connection with Britain involved us in all her quarrels; and such is. the fluctuating state of her politics, that we could not long expect a political calm. In vain did the Atlantic ocean interpose; for, by our unnatural union, we were necessarily drag^geJ into eve.-y war, which her pride or ambi- tion might occasion. Besides, as she considered the colonies as her property, what was to hindev her from ceding any or all of them to the different European states. Thus, while we had no indc- pendent government of our own, we might have been the sport of various contending poM'ers, and tossed about, like a foot-ball, from one to the other. Our independence will naturally tend to fill our country with inhabitants. Where life, liberty, and property, are well secured, and where land is easily and cheaply obtained, the natural increase of peo- ple will much exceed all European calculations, Addlothis, the inhabitants of the old world, becom. ing acquainted with our excellent forms of govern- ment, will emigrate by thousands. In their native lands, the hard-earned fruits of uninterrupted labor are scarcely equal to a scanty supply of theirnatural wants, and this pittance is held on a very precarious tenure: while our soil may be cheaply purchased, and will abundantly repay the toil of the husband- man, whose property no rapacious landlord dare invade. Happy America! whose txtent of territory, westward, is sufficient to accommodate with land thousands and millions of the virtuous peasants, who now groan beneath tyranny and oppression in three quarters of the globe. Who would remain in Europe, a dependent on the will of an imperious landlord, when a ftv,' years industry can make him an independent American freeholder? Such will be the fruits of our glorious revolu- tion, that in a little time gay fields, adorned with the yellow robes of ripening harves*, will smile iii the remotest depths of our western frontiers, where impassable forests now frown over the uncultivated earth. The face of our interior country will be changed from a barren wilderness into the hospita- ble abodes of peace and plenty. Cities too will rise majestic to the view, on those very spots which are now Ijowled over by savage beasts and more savage men. The population of this country lias been hereto- fore very rapid; but it is worthy of observation, that this has varied, more or less, in proportion to the degrees of liberty that were granted to the diflerent provinces, by their respective charters. Pennsylvania and New England, though inferior in soil, being blest originally with the most free forms of government, have outstripped others in the rela- tive increase of their inhabitants. Hence I infer, tliat as we are all now completely free and inde- pendent, we shai! populate much faster than we ever have done, or ever would, wiule we were ro PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. controled by the jealous policy of an insignificant island. We possess thousands and millions of acres, vhich we may sell out to new settlers, on terms very easy to them, and yet sufficient to defray the whole expense of the present war. When the quit- vents, formerly paid to the king, shall be appro- priated to the benefit of the independent states, they will fill our treasuries to so great a degi-ee, that foreign nations, knowing that we abound in the sinews of war, will be afraid to provoke us. In a few years, when our finances are properly arranged, the stoppage of those sums which were formerly drained from us, to support the pride and extravagance of the British king, will be an ample provision, without taxes, for defraying the expense of our independent governments. It is difficult to compute the number of advan lages arising from our present glorious struggle; harder still, perhaps impossible, precisely to as- certain their extent. It has attracted the atten- tion of all Europe to the nature of civil liberty, and the rights of the people. Our constitutions, pregnant with the seeds of liberty and happiness, have been translated into a variety of languages, and spread far and wide. Who can tell what great events, now concealed in the worab of time, may be brought into existence by the nations of the old world emulaO.ng our successful efforts in the cause of liberty? The thrones of tyranny and des- potism will totter, when their subjects shall learn and know, by our example, that the happiness of of the people is the end and object of all govern- ment. The wondering world has beheld the smiles of Heaven on the numerous sons of America, re- solving to die or be free: Perhaps this noble ex- ample, like a wide spreading conflagration, may catch from breast to breast, and extend from na tion to niition, till tyranny and oppression are ut- terly extirpated from the face of the earth.* * Britain will eventually lose less by our inde- pendence, than is commonly supposed. The king and ministers may be cured of their lust of domi- nation, and will be deprived of influence and the means of corruplion. While she had a monopoly of our trade, it enccirnged idleness and extrava gance in her manufacturers; because they were sure of a market for their goads, though dear and ill made: But, as independence will bestow our commerce on those who most deserve it, this will be tlie means of introducing frugality and indus try among her laboring poor. Our population will be so much the noore rapid for our free govern ments, that, in my humble opinion, that part of our trade which will fall to the share of Great Britain,] if she has the wisdom to conclude a speedy peace, will be more to her advantage than a monopoly of ^ the whole of it, if we had remained subjects. ' The tyrants and landlor h of the old world, who hold a great part of their fellow men in bondage, because of their dependence for land, will be oblig- ed to relax rf their arbitrary treatment, when they find that America is an asylum for freemen from all quarters of the globe. They will be cautious of adding to the oppressions of their poor subjects and tenants, lest they should force them to aban- don their country, for the enjoyment of the sweets of American liberty. In this view of the matter, I am confident that the cause of America is the cause of human nature, and that it will extend its influ- ence to thousands who will never see it, and pro- cure them a mitigation of the cruelties and oppres- sions imposed by their arbitrary task-masters. If such be the glorious consequences of inde- pendence, who can be so lost to eve-y generous sentiment, as to wish to return under royal domi- nation? Who would not rather count it an honor to stand among the foremost, in doing and suffer- ing in a cause so intimately connected with the happiness of human nature? Away with all the peevish complaints of the hardness of the time^, and the weight of the taxes. The prize for which we contend, would be cheaply purchased with double the expense of blood, treasure, and difS- culty, it will ever cost us. Our independent constitutions, formed on the justest principles, promise fair to give the most perfect protection to life, liberty and property, equally to the poor and the rich. As at the con- flagration of Corinth, the various melted metals running together, formed anew one, called Corin- thian brass, which was superior to any of its corn- ponent parts; in like manner, perhaps it is the will of Heaven, that a new empire should be here form- ed, of the different nations of the old world, which will rise superior to all that have gone before it, and extend human happiness to its utmost possible limits. None can tell to what perfection the arts of government may be brought. May we not there- fore expect great things from the patriots of this generation, jointly co-operating to make the new born republic of America as complete as possible? Is it not to be hoped, that human nature will here receive her most finished touches? That the arts and sciences will be extended and improved? That religion, learning, and liberty, will be diflused over this continent? and in short, that the Ameri- can editions of the human mind will be more per- fect than any that have yet appeared? Great things liave been achieved in the infancy of states; and the ardor of a new people, rising to empire and PklNCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 7i renown, with prospects that tend to elevate the hu- man soul, encourages these flattering expectations. Should any puny politician object, that all these prospects are visionary, till we are certain of inde- pendence, I reply, that we have been in possession of it for two years, and are daily more able to sup- port it, and our enemies less able to overset it. When we first dared tft contend with Britain, we were a loose, disjointed people, under no other government but that of a well regulated mob. If in these circumstances, we were able to defend ourselves, what may we not expect, when we can draw forth our whole strength in a regular, consti- tutional manner? If the maiden courage of our new levies, has successfully withstood the well trained bands of our enemies, can we distrust, when three campaigns have made them equal in discipline, with those whom they are to contend? Such is the situation of Britain, that were we only able to keep up the appearance of an army, she could noi afford to protract the war: But instead of this, our troops are more numerous, better discip lined, cloathed and armed, than they ever were The most timid may dismiss all their doubts, since Louis the XVI. of France, that illustrious protec tor of the rights of human nature, with a magnanl mity worthy of himself, has guaranteed to us our independency. If Britain could not subdue Ame- rica, when she stood single and alone, how abortive must all her attempts prove, when we are aided by the power of the greatest European monarch? The special interposition of Providence in our behalf, makes it impious to disbelieve the final es- tablishment of our heaven-protected independence. Can any one seriously review the beginning, pro- gress, and present state of the war, and not see in- disputable evidence of an over-ruling influence on the minds of men, preparing the way for the accom- plishment of this great event? As all the tops of corn, in a waving field, are in by what has heretofore happened, considered the expectation thereof as romantic: But He, who slt- teth at the helm of the universe, and who boweth the hearts of a whole nation as the heart of one man, for the accomplishment of his own purposes, has effected that, whicli to human wisdom and foresight seemed impossible. A review of the history of America, from its first discovery to the present day, forces upon us a belief, that greater blessings are reserved for this continent, than she evercould have possessed whilst lying low at the foot of an European island. It has never yet been fairly tried how far the equal principles of republican government would secure the happiness of the governed. The an- cients, unacquainted with the present mode of taking the sense of the people by representatives, were too apt, in their public meetings, to run into disorder and confusion. Tl^e distinction of patricians and pie- 6Jans,laid the foundation of perpetual discord in the Roman commonwealth. If the free states of Greece had been under the control of a common superintend- ing power, similar to our -continental congress,* they could have peaceably decided their disputes, and probably would have preserved their free- dom and importance to the present day. Happily for us, warned by experience, we have guarded against all tliese evils. No artificial distinction of ranks has been suffered to take place among us. We can peaceably convene a state in one small as- sembly of deputies, representing the vv^hole in an * Their council of Ampbictyones in some things, resembled our congress; but their powers were too limited. This sui^gests a hint, that a conside- ration of the United States, on principles that vest the congress witli ample powers, is most likely to perpetuate our republican governments and internal tranquility. The union of indepen- dent commonwealths, under one common head, is an application of the social compact to stales, and requires powers proportionably enlarged. Trea- son in our governments, puts on a new aspect, and .... y ^- ^ . r . 1 • 11 may be committed by a state as well as an indivi- dined m one direction by a gust of wind, m like L J,. ^„,i ^j^erefore ought to be clearly defined, manner, the governor of the world has given one, Lnd carefull guarded against. and the same universal bent of inclination to the| To give permanency to our confederation on re- publican principles, the following regulations seem whole body of our people. Is it a work of man, that thirteen states, frequently quarrelling about boundaries, clashing in interests, differing in poli- limit or divide large s'ates, and to erect new oues- To dispose of the money arising from quit-rents and Vacant lands, at least till all the expenses of ey, manners, customs, forms of government, and i ^5,^ ^^^^^^^.^3^,,^^. ^.^ establish a general intercourse expedieni: Tliat congress should huveapower to religion, scattered over an extensive continent, under the influence of a variety of local prejudices, jealousies, and aversions, should all harmoniously agree, as if one mighty mind inspired the whole? Our enemies seemed confident of the impossi- bility of our union; our friends doubted it; and all indifferent peraoas, who judged ef things present. between the states, by assigning to each, one or more manufactories, with which it should furnish the resi; so as to create a reciprocal dependence of each, upon the whole: To erect a great conti- nental university, where gentlemen from all the states may fjrm an acquaiUance, receive the finish- ing touches of education, and be inspired with continental liberality of mind, superior to local prejtidices, and favorable to a confederated union. 72 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. equal proportion. All disputes between t!ie dif- ferent states, and all continental concerns, are to be managed by a congress of representatives from each. What a security for liberty, for union, for every species of political happiness! Small states are weak, and incapable of defence, large ones are unwieldly, greatly abridge natural liberty, and their general lav/s, from a variety of clashing inte- rests, must frequently bear hard on many individu- als: But our confederation will give us the strength and proteciion of a power equal to that of the greatest; at the same time that, in all our internal concerns, we have the freedom of small indepen- dent commonwealths. We are in possession of constitutions that contain in them the excellencies of all forms of government, free from the inconve- niences of each; and in one word, we bid fair to be the happiest and freest people in the world for ages yet to come. When I anticipate in imagination the future glory of ,my country, and the illustrious figure it will soon make one the theatre of the world, my heart distends with generous pride for being an Ameri- can. What a substratum for empire! compared with which, the foundation of the Macedonian, the Roman, and the British, sink into insignificance. Some of our large states have territory superior to the island of Great Britain; whilst the whole, toge- ther, are little inferior to Europe itself. Our in- dependence will people this extent of country with freemen, and will stimulate the innumerable inha- bitants thereof, by every motive, to perfectHhe acts of government, and to extend human happiness. I congratulate you on our glorious prospects. Having for three long years weathered the storms of adversity, we are at length arrived in view of the calm haven of peace and security. We have laid the foundations of a new empire, which promises to enlarge itself to vast dimensions, and to give hap- piness to a great continent. It is now our turn to figure on the face of the earth, and in the annals of llie world. The arts and sciences are planted among us, and, fostered by the auspicious influ- ence of equal governments, are growing up to ma- turity; while truth and freedom flourish by their sides. Liberty, both civil and religious, in her noon-tide blaze, shines forth with unclouded lustre on all ranks and denominations of men. Ever since the flood, true religion, literature, arts, empire and riches, have taken a slow and gradual course from east to west, and are now about fixing their long and favorite abode in this new western world. Our sun of political happi- ness is already risen, and hath lifted its head over the mountains, illuminating our hemisphere wit'* liberty, light, and polished life. Our indepen- dencev/ill redeem one quarter of the globe from tyranny and oppression!, and consecrate it the cho- sen seat of truth, justice, freedom, learning and religion. We are laying the foundation of happi- ness for countless millions. Generations yet un- born will bless us for the blood-bought inheritance, we are are about to bequeath them. Oh happy times! Oh glorious days! Oh kind, indulgent, boun- tiful Providence, that we live in this highly favor- ed period, and have the honor of helping forward these great events, and of suffering in a cause of such infinite importance! Judge Drayton's Charge. At an adjournment of the court of general ses- sions OF THE PEACE, OYKll AND TEIllttlNKIl, ASSIZE AND OENERAL BAOL DELIVERY, held at Charleston for the district of Charleston, on Tuesday the 23d day of Jpril, IZ/S— Before the hon. Wil- tiAM Henry Drayton, esq, chief justice, and his ass0ciates, justices of the colony of South- Carolina. On mo'iion of Mr. Attorney General, ordered, That the charge of his honor, the chief justice, delivered to the grand jury, be published toge- ther with their presentments. By order of the court, JOHN COLCOCK, C. C. S. May 2(1. THE CHARGE TO THE GRAND JURY. Gentlemen of the grand jury — When, by evil ma=< chinations tending to nothing less than absolute ty- ranny, trials by jury have been discontinued, and juries, in discharge of their duty, have assembled, and as soon as met, as silently and arbitrarily dis- missed witliout being impannelled, whereby, in con- tempt of magna charts, justice has been delayed and denied; it cannot but afford to every good citi- zen, the most sincere satisfaction, once more tei see juries, as they now are, legally impannelled, to the end, that the laws may be duly administered — I do most heartily congratulate you upon so im- portant an event. In this court, where silence has but too long presided, with a direct purpose to loosen the bands of government, that this country might be involv- ed in anarchy and confusion, you are now met to regulate your verdicts, under a new constitution of government, independent of royal authority: A constitution which arose according to the great law of nature and of nations, and which was es- tablished in the late congress, on the 25th of March last — A day that will be ever memorable in this country — a month, remarkable in our histo- ry, for having given birth to the original constita. tion of our government in the year 1669; forbeii^ PRir^CJPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. Ihesraof the American calamitiesby the stamp act, in the year 1765; for being the date of the repeal of that act in the following year; and for the con- clusion of the famous siege of Boston, when the American arms compelled general Howe, a gene- ral of the first reputation in the British service, with the largest, best disciplined, and best pro- vided army in that service, supported by a formid- able fleet, so precipitately to abandon the most impregnable fortifications in America, as that he left behind him a great part of the bedding, mili- tary stores, and cannon of the army. And for so many important events, is the month of March re- markable in our annals — But I proceed to lay be- fore you, the principal causes teading to the late revolution of our government — the law upon the 1721, RKCOGNizFT) the B.-itish rronarch: The virtues of the second Ceorge are still revered amonj us — HE was the father of his proplc: And it wns with extacy we saw liis grandson, Geovge the T!iird, moimt the throne possessed of the hearts of his subjects. But alas! almost with the oommencempnt of his reign, his subjects felt causes to complain of go- vernment. The r.'ign advanced — the griev.inces became more numerous and intoILerabie — the com- plaints more general and loud — the wliole empire resounded with the cries of injured subjects! At length, grievances being unredressed and ever en- creasing; all patience being borne down; all hope destroyed; all confidence in royal government blasted! — Behold! the empire is rent from pole to point— and the benefits resulting from that happy j poie!_perhaps to continue asunder forever and necessary establishment. — The importance of _, , „ The catalogue of our oppressions, cnntmental the transaction deserves such a state — the occa- , , , . ^^ , . ,, . and local, is enormous. Of s\ich oppressions, I sion demands, — and our future welfare requires it: To do this may take up some little time; but the subject is of tlie highest moment, and worthy of your particular attention: I will therefore con- will mention only some of the most weighty. Under color of law, the king and parliament of Great Britain have made the most arbitrary at- iine my discourse to that great point; and, after tempts to enslave America: diargingyou to attend to the due observance of I^.v claiming a right to binu tbe cotoNiES "ly the jwry law, and the pitrol and negro acts, for- ■'-^^- cases wnATSOKTEn;" bearing to mention the other common duties of a I ^y W^'"'^ e proceedings which Ihave enumerated, either \ ^^^^^^^ in the prosecution of the war: I say, thesdj immediately or in their evident con?equences, deeply affected all the colonies: rnin stared them in the face. They imited their counsels, and laid tlielr just complaints before the throne, praying a redress of grievances. But, to their astonish- ment, their dutiful petition for pea-^e and safety, was answered only by an actual commeneenoent of war and military destruction! In the mean time, the British troops that had things all demonstrate that the Lord of Hosts is oni our side! So it is apparent, that the Almighty Con-j structor of the universe, having formed this conti-/ nent of materials to compose a state pre-eminent in the world, is now making use of the tyranny the British rulers, as an instru-ment to fashion an| arrange those materials for the end for which, his wisdom, he had formed them. In this enlightened age, humanity must be par- ticularly shocked at a recital of such violences; been Deaceablv received by the devoted inhabitants ,. » u . ,• j *u . ^u t> ••• u . DLcii iJCdi,caL,._, , I ^j^ J j^. jg scarce to be beheved, that the British ty- of Boston, «s the troops of their sovereigri bound to protect them.' fortified that town, to imprison the inhabitants, and to hold tliat capital against the people to whom it belonged! And the British rulers having determined to appeal from reason and justice, to violence and arms, a select body of those troops, being in the night suddenly and privately marched fropn Boston— at Lexington, on the 19th day of April, 1775, they by surprise drew t'.ie s-.vord of civil war, .ind plunged it into the breasts of the Americans! Against this horrid injustice tbe Almighty gave instant judgment: A handf 11 of country miiitia, badly armed, sudden- ly collected, and vmconnectedly, and irregularly brou"-ht up to repel the attack, discomfited the regv.lar hands of the tyranny; they retreated, and night saved tliem from total slaughter. T!i;!S forced to take up .arms in our own defence, Amer'.f a yel again most dutifully petitioned the Ving, tlcAt he would "be pleased to direct some mode, by whicli the united applications of his fnitli- ful colonists to the throne, in presence of llieir common councils, might be improved into a happy and permanent reconciliation; and that in the niean- ranny could entertain an idea of proceeding against .\merica by a train of more dishonorable machi- nations. But, nothing less than absolute proof lua convinced us that, in carrying on the conspiracy^ against the rights of humanity, the tyranny is ca- pable of attempting to perpetrate whatever is in- famous. For the little purpose of disarming the impri- soned inhabitants of Boston, the king's general, G«ge, in the face of day, violated the public faith, by himsef plighted; and in concert with other go- vernors, and with John Stuart, he made every at- tempt to instigate the savage nations to ivar upon the southern colonies, indiscriminately to massacre man,' woman and child: The governors in general have demonstrated, that truth is not in them; they have enveigled negroes from, and have armed them against their masters; they have armed brother against brotlier — son agiinst father! Oh! Al- mighty Director of the universe! What confidence can be put in a government ruling by such engines, andupon such principles of unnatural destruction! — A government that, upon the 21st day of Decem- ber last, made a law, ex post facto, to jiistify what / y PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 75 :/ had been done, nol only without law, but in its na- ture unjust! — a law to make prize of all vessels tradings in, to, or from the united colonies — a law to make slaves of the crews of such vessels, and to compel them to bear arms against their conscience, their fathers, their bleeding country! — The world, so old as it is, heretofore had never heard of so attrocioas a procedure: It has no parallel in the re- gisters of tyranny. — But to proceed — The king's judges in tkis country refused to ad minister justice; and the late governor, lord Wil- mental laws, and having withdrawn himse'.f out oJ" 'his kingdom; has abdicated the government, and that the throne is thereby vacant." That famous resolution deprived James of his crown; and became the foundation on which the throne of the present kingef Great Britain is built —it also supports the edifice of government which we have erected. In that resolve, there are but three facts stated to have been done by James: I will point them out, and examine whether those facts will apply liam Campbell, acting as the king's representative [ ^o the present king of Great Britain, with regard to for him, and on his behalf, having endeavored to | ^^e operations of government, by him or his repre. sentative, immediately or by consequence affecting this colony. subvert the constitution of this country, by break ing the original contract between king and people, attacking the people by force of arms; having vio- lated the fundamental laws; having carried off the great seal, and having withdrawn himself out of this colony, he abdicated the government. Oppressed by such a variety of enormoHs inja- ries, continental and local, civil and military, and by divers other arbitrary and illegal courses; all done and perpetrated by the assent, command, or sufference of the king of Great Britain; the repre- sentatives of South Carolina, in congress assem- bled, found themselves under an unavoidable ne- cessity of establishing a form of government, witli powers legislative, executive and judicial, for the good of the people; the origin and great end of all just government.- — .For this only end, the house of Brunswick was called to rule over us. — Oh! agonizing reflection! that house ruled us with swords, fire and bayonets! The British govern- ment operated only to our destruction. Nature cried aloud, self preservation is the great law — we have but obeyed. If I turn my thoughts to recollect in history, a change of government upon more cogent reasons, I say I know of no cliange upon principles so pro- voking — compelling— justifisble. And in these re- spects, even the famous revolution in England, in the year 1688, is much inferior. — However we need no better authority than that illustrious pre- cedent; and I will therefore compare the causes of, and the law upon the two events. On the 7th of February, 1688, the lords and commons of England, in convention, completed the following resolution. "Resolved, That king James the second, having endeavored to subvert the constitution of the king- dom, by breaking the original contract between The first fact is, the having endeavored to sub- ; vert the constiiulion of the kingdom by breaking '/ the original contract. The violation of the fundamental laws is the se. cond fact; and in support of these two charges, the lords spiritual and temporal and commons, assem- bled at Westminster, on the 12th day of February, 1688, declared that James was guilty. "By assuming, and exercising a power of dis- pensing with, and suspending of laws, and the exe- cutionof laws, without consent of p^uliament; "By committing and prosecuting divers worthy prelates, for humbly petitioning to be excused from concurring to the said assumed power: "By issuing and causing to be executed a com- mission, under the great seal, for erecting a court, called the court of commissioners for ecclesiasti- cal causes: "By levying money for, and to the use of the crown, by pretense of prerogative, for other time, and in other manner, than the same was granted by parliament: "By raising and keeping a standing army within this kingdom in time of peace, without consent of parliament; and quartering soldiers contrary to law; "By causing several good subjects, being pro- testants, to be disarmed, at the same time when papists were both armed and employed contrary to law; "By violating the freedom of election of mem- bers to serve in parliament; "By prosecutions in the court of king's bench, for matters and causes cognizable only in parlia- ment; and by divers other arbitrary and illegal courses." king and people; and, by the advice of Jesuiis and | T))is declaration, thus containing two points of other wicked persons, having violated the funda- 1 criminality-breach of the original contract, and PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. viotulion <.>f fuiidumental laws — I am to distinguish one from the other. In the first place then, it is laid down in the best law autliorities, that protection and subjection are reciprocal; and that these reciprocal duties form the original contract between king and peo- ple. It therefore f^Aiows, that the original con- tract was broken by Jannes' conduct as above stat- ed, which amounled to anot aflfbrding due protec- tion to his p?ople. And, it is a^; clear, that he violated the fundmental laws, by the suspending of laws, and the execution of laws; by levying money; by violating the freedom of election of mem- bers to serve in purliament; by keeping a standing army in time of peace; and by quartering soldiers contrary to law, and Vv-ilhout consent of parliament; which is as much as to say, that he did those things without consent of /Ae legislative assembly chosen by f/ifPEiisoNAt ELixTioN of i/iut people, over whom such doings were exercised. These points, reasonings, and conclusions, being seltlcd in, deduced from, and establislied upon parliamentary proceedings, and the best law au- thorities, must ever remain unshaken. I am now to undertake the disagreeable task of examining, vliethcr they will app'y to the violences which have lighled up, and now feed the flames of civil war in America. James the second suspended the operations of laws— George the third caused the charter of the Massachusetts liiy to be in effect annihilated; he suspended the operation of the law which formed a legislature in New York, vesting ii with adequate powers; and thereby he caused .he very ability of making laws in that colony to be suspended. king Ja-nes levied money without the consent of the representatives of the people called upon to pay it— king Gejrge has levyed money upon Ame- rica, not only without, but expressly against the consent of therepresentatives of the people in Ame- rica. King .Tames violated the freedom of election of members to serve in parliament— king George, by Lis representative, lord William Campbell, acting for him and on his behalf, broke through a funda- mental law of this co'.intry, for tlie certain holding of general assemblies; and thereby, as far as in him lay, not only violated but annihilated the very ability of holding a general assembly. King James in time of peace kept a standing army in England, without consent of the repre- ssntativcp of the people among whom that army was kept — king George hath in time of peace in- vaded this continent with a large standing army without the consent, and he hath kept it within this continent, expressly against the consent of the representatives of the people among whom that army is posted. All which doings by king George the third re- specting America are as much contrary to our in- terests and welfare; as much against law, and tend as much, at least, to subvert and extirpate the li- berties of this colony, and of America, as the si- milar proceedings, by James the second, operated respecting the people of England. For the same principle of law, touching the premises, equally applies to the people of England in the one case, and to the people of America in the other. And this is the great principle. Certain acts done, over, and affecting a people, against and without their CONSENT expressed by TiiKTts^hVES, or iz/nEPnESESTA- TivES of their own electlon. — Upon this only prin- ciple v/as grounded the complaints of the people of England — upon the same is grounded the com- plaints of the people of America. And hence it clearly follows, that if James the second violated the fundamental laws of England, George the third hath also violated the fundamental laws of America. Again— King James broke the original contract by not affording due protection to his subjects, although he was not charged with having seized their towns and with having held them against the people — or with having laid them in ruins by his arms — or with having seized their vessels — or with having pursued the people with fire and sword — or with having declared them rebels, for resisting his arma levelled to destroy their lives, liberties and proper- ties — But George the third hath done all those things against America; and it is therefore unde- niable, that he hath not afforded due protection to the people. Wherefore, if James the second broke the original contract, it is undeniable that George the thirdhas also broken the original contract be- tween king and people; and that he made use of the most violent measures by which it could be done — Violences, of which James was cutLTLESs — Measures, carrying conflagration, massacre and open war amidst a people, whose subjection to the king of Great Britain, the law holds to be due 07ily as a return for protection. And so tenacious and clear is the law upon this very principle, that it is laid down, subjection is not due even to a king dejure, or of right, unless he be also king de facte, PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. or in possession of the executive powers dispers- ing protection. Ag^'iin — The third f»ct charged against James is, that he v/ithdrew himself out of the kingdom — And we know that the people of this country have de- clared, that lord William Campbell, the king of Great Britain's representative, "having used his utmost efforts to destroy the lives, liberties, and properties of the good people here, whom by the duty of his station he was bound to protect, with- drew himself out of the colony." — Hence it will appear, that George the third hath withdrawn him- self out of this colony, provided it be established that exactly the same natural consequence result ed from the withdrawing in each case respectively: king James personally out of England, and king George out of Carolina, by the agency of his sub etituie and representative, lord William Campbell, —By king James's withdrawing, the executive ma- gistrate was gone, thereby, in the eye of the law, the executive magistrate was dead, and of conse quence royal government actually ceased in Eng- land — So by king George's representative's with- drawing, the executive magistrate was gone, the death, inlaw, became apparent, and of consequence royal government actually ceased in this colony. Lord William withdrew as the king's represents tive, carrying off the great seal and royal instruc- tions to governors, and acting for and on the part of his principal, by every construction of law, that conduct became the conduct of his principal; and thus, .Tames the second withdrew out of England and George the third withdrew out of South Ca- rolina; and by such a conduct, respectively, the people in each country were exactly in the same degree injured. The three facts against king James being thus stated and compared with similar proceedings by king George, we are now to ascertain the result of the injuries d^one by the first, and the lav/ upon that point; which, being ascertained, must natu- rally constitute the judgment in law, upon the re- salt of the similar injuries done by the last: And 1 am happy th^t I can give you the best authority upon this important point. Treating upon this great precedent in constitu- tional law, the learned judge Blackslone declares, that the result of the facts ''amounted to an abdi- cation of the government, whicli abdication did not affect only the person of the king himself, but also, alt his heirs; and rendered the throne abso- lutely and completely vacant," Thus it clearlv appears, that the government was iiot u'jdicated, and the throne vacated by the resolu'.ion of the lords and commons; but, that the resolution was on- ly declaratory of the law of nature and re.son, upon the result of the injuries proceeding from the three combined facts of mal-adminisiravion,— And thus, as I have on tije foot of the best authorities made it evident, ttiat George tbe third, king of Great Brititin, has endeavored to subvert the constitu- tion of this countiy, by breaking the original con- tract between king and people; by tlie advice of wicked persons, has violated tr e fundamental laws, and his withdrawn hunself, by withdrawing the constitutional benefits of the kingly ofHce, and his protection out of this country: From such a result of injuries, from such a conjuncture of circum- stances—the law of the land authorises me to declare, and it is my duty boldly to declare the law, that George the third, king of Great Britain, lias abdicated the government, and that the t'lrone is thereby vacant; that is, u;^ has no AOTiioniTr OVER vs, and we owe ho obkdiesce to uim The British ministers already have presented a charge of mine to the notice of the lords and coni.iions in parliament; and I am nothing loth thai they take cquul resentment against this charge. For, supporied by the fundamental laws of the constitution, and engaged as I am in the cause of Virtue— I fear no consequences from their machina- tions. Thus having stated the principal causes of our last revolution, it is as clear as the sun in meridian, , I , that George the third has injured the Americans, \ ^ at least as grievously as James the second injured the people of England; but that James did not; oppress these in so criminal a manner as George has oppressed the Adierjcans. Having also stated he law on the case, I am naturally led to point out to you some of the great benefits resulting from that revolution. In one word then, you have a form of govern- ment in every respect preferable to the mode un- der the British authority: And this will most clearly appear by contrasting the two forms, of go- vernment. Under the British authority, governors were sent over to us, who were utterly unacquainted witii our local interests, the genius of the people, and our laws; generally, they were but too much dis- posed to obey the mandates of an arbitrary minis- try; and if the governor behaved ill, we could not by any peaceable me.tns procure redress.— PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. But, under our present happy constitution, our executive magistrate arises according to the spirit and letter of holy writ — "their governors shall proceed from the midst of them.'* Thus, the people have an opportunity of choosing a man intimately acquainted with their true interests, their genius, and their law3; a man perfectly disposed to de fend them against arbitrary ministers, and to pro mote the happiness of that people from among xvhom he was elevated; and by whom, without the least difficulty, he may be removed and blended in the common mass. Again, under the British authority it was in effect declared, that we had no property; nay that we could not possess any; and that we had not any of the rights of humanity: For men who knew us not, men who gained in proportion as we lost arrogated to themselves a right to BIND us in ALL CASES WHATsoETEn! — But, our Constitution is calculated to FREE us from foreign bondage; to secure to us our property; to maintain to us the rights of humanity, and to defend us and our po- sterity against British authority, aiming to reduce us to the most abject slavery! Again, the British authority declared, that we should not erect slitting-mills — and, to this un- just law, we implicitly and respectfully submitted so long as, with safety to our lives, we could yield obedience to such authority— but a resolution of congress now grants a premium to encourage the construction of sHch mills. The British authority discouraged our attempting to manufacture for our own consumption — but the new constitution, by authorising the disbursment of large sums of money by way of loan, or premium, encourages the mak ing of iron, bar-steel, nail rods, gun-locks, gun- barrels, sulphur, nitre, gun-powder, lead, woolens, cottons, linens, paper and salt. Upon the wl.ole, it has been the policy of the British authority to oblige us to supply our wants at their market, which is the dearest in the known world, and to cramp and confine our trade so as to be subservient to their commerce, our real in terest being ever out of the question. — On the other hand, the nev/ constitution is wisely adapted to enable us to trade with foreign nations, and thereby to supply our wants at the cheapest mar kets in the universe; to extend our trade infinitely beyond what it has ever been known; to encourage manufacturers among us; and it is peculiarly formed, to promote the happiness of the people, from among whom, by virtue and merit, -m£ POOREST MAN may arrive at the highest rtiRNirr. — On Carolinians! happy would you be under this new constitution, if you knew your happy state. Possessed of a constitution of government, found- ed upon so generous, equal and natural a principle, —a government expressly calculated to make the people rich, powerful, virtuous and happy, who can wish to change it, to return under a royal go- vernment; the vital principles of which are the reverse in every particular! It was my duly to lay this happy constitution before you, in its genuine light — it is your duty to understand — to insiruct others — and to defend it. I might here with propriety quit this truly im- portant subject, but my anxiety for the public weal compels roe yet to detain your a':tention, while I make an observation or two upon one particular part of the constitution. When all the various attempts to enslave Ame- rica by fraud, under guise of law; by military threats; by famine, massacre, breach of public faith, and open war: I say, when these things are considered on the one hand, and on the other, the constitution, expre'ssing that some mode of go- vernment should be established, "until an accom- " modation of the unhappy differences between " Great Britain and America can be obtained, an " event which, though traduced and treated as "rebels, we still ardently desire:" I say when these two points are contrasted, can we avoid revering the magnanimity of that great council of the state, who after such injuries could entertain such a principle! — But, the virtuous are ever generous: We do not wish revenge: We earnestly wish an accommodation of our unhappy disputes with Great Britain; for, we prefer peace to war.— Nay, there may be even such an accommodatioa as, excluding every idea of revenue by taxation or duty, or of legislation by act of parliaments, may vest the king of Great Britain with such a limited dominion over us as may tend, bona fide, to promote our true commercial interests, and to secure our freedom and safety — the only just ends of any dominion. But, while I declare thus much on the one side, on the other it is my duty also to d eclare that, in my opinion, our true commercial interests cannot be provided for but by such a material altera- tion of the British acts of navigali.m as, according to the resolve of the honorable the continental con- gress, will "secure the commercial advantages of " the whole empire to the mother country, and '• the commercial benefits of its respective mem- " bers." And that our liberties and safety can- PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 79 rot be depended upon, if the king of Great Britain sliould be allowed to hold our forts and cannon, or to have authority over a single regiment in America, or a single ship of war in our ports.— For if he hold our forts, he may turn them against us,&s he did Boston against her proprietors: If he ac- quires our cannon, he loill ejectually disarm the colony: If he has a command of troops among us, even if we raise and pay them, shackles are fixed vpon 7JS— witness Ireland and her national army. — The most express act of parliament cannot give us security, for acts of parliament are as easily re- pealed as made. Royal proclamations are not to be depended upon, witness the disappointments of the inhabitants of Quebec and St. Augusthie. Even a change of ministry will not avail us, because notwithstanding the rapid succession of ministers for which the British court has been famous during the present reign, yet the same ruinous policy ever continued to prevail against America. — In short I think it my duty to declare in the awful seat of justice and before Almighty God, that in ray opi- nion, the Americans can have no safely but by the Divine favor, their own virtue, and their being so prudent as hot to lkave it ix the poweb. "f the British RtriEas to injure them. Indeed, the ruinous and deadly injuries received on our side; and the jealousies entertained and which, in the nature of things, must daily increase against us, on the o'her; demonstrate to a mind, in the least given to reflection upon the rise and fall of empires, that true reconcilement never can exist between Great Britain and America, tiie latter being in subjection to the former — The Almighty created America to be independent of Britain: Let us beware of the impiety of being backward to act as instruments in the Almighty hand, now extended to accomplish his purpose; and by the completion of which alone America, in the nature of human affairs, can be secure against the craft and insidious designs of HKH ENEMIES WHO THI-vK HEH PnOSPEUITY AND POWEH ALREADY BY FA.R TOO GREAT. In a word, our piety and political safety are so blended, that to refuse our labors in this Divine work, i-.; to refuse to be a great, a free, a pious and a happy people! And now having left the important aUernalive, political happiness or wretchedness, under God, in a great degree in your own hands, I pray liie Su- prciiie Arbiter of tlie affairs of men, so to direct your judgment, as that you may act agreeable to what seems to be his will, revealed in his miraculous works in behalf of America, bleeding at the altar of liberty! THE PRESENTMENTS OF THE JURY. At a court o/gekerai. sessiows of the peace, oteu ANB TERMINKII, ASSIZB AND GE»«EnAL GAOL PE- LfVEBT, begun l» be holden in and far the district of Charleston, at Charleston, in the colony aforesaid, on I'uesday the 23rf day nf April, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and seventy- six. The presentments of the grand jury far the said dts- trict. I. Fully sensible and thoroughly convinced, thnt to live in a society without laws or a proper execu- tion of them, to restrain the licentious nature of mankind, is the greatest misery that can befall a people, and must render any body of men, in such a situation, but little superior to a herd of brutes,- and being no less sensible that it was the scheme of a corrupt nefarious administration in Great Bri- tain to reduce the good people of this colony to that wretched situation, from a %vant of officers to execute the laws, those whom they h-id appointed having refused to act in their respective stations, that, through the evil effects of anarchy and con- fusion, the people might become an easy prey to the cruel designs of their insidious enemies; while we lament the necessity which has obliged the people to resume into their hands those powers of government which were originally derived from themselves for the protection of those rights which God .ilone has given them, as essential to their happiness, we cannot but express our most un- feigned joy in the happy constitution of govern- ment now established in this colony, which pro- mises evary blessing to its inhabitants, which a peo- ple, endued with virtue, and a just regard to the rights of mankind, could desire. With gratitude to the Divine Ruler of human events, and with the most pleasing expectations of happiness from a constitution so wise in its nature, and virtuous in its ends, being founded on the strictest principles of justice and humanity, and consistent with every privilege incident to the dignity of a rational being, we cannot but declare we think every op- position to its operations, or di»rer^ard to its au- thority, the foulest criminality a mortal can be guilty of, higlily offensive in the eyes of God and of all just men, and deserving the most exemplary punishm*t)t. We cannot but deplore the unhappy situation of any few amongst the people of this colony who, through an ignorance of their true interests and just rights, and from a want of proper information of the real truth, may be misled by the artifice and cunning of their false and designing enemies, ifrom a real sense of those benefits which our pre- 'sent constitution has so amply provided for: bene- 80 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. fits which are not confined or limited to any ranks or degrees of men in particular, but generally, equally and indiscriminately extending to all, from the richest to the poorest, and which time and a little patient experience must soon evince. Every good citizen must be happy in the con- sideration of the choice of t!)Ose officers, appoint- ed in the administration of our present govern- ment, as well in the impartial mode of an appoint- ment arising from the people Ihcinselves, and the limited duration of their power, as in their per- sonal characters as men, justly beloved and revered by their country, and whose merits and virtues entitle them to every pre eminence. Filled with these sentiments, arising from mature deliberation, and the most impartial enquiry, we must further declare, that blessings such as these we have before enumerated, are too inestimable to be lost, and that nothing in nature can repay the least violation of them; and although an accom- modation with the power which attempts to de- stroy them may be highly worthy of attention, and, upon principles truly honorable, of obtaining, yet we think it a sacred duty incumbent upon every citizen to maintain and defend, with his life and fortune, what is given and entrusted to him by the hand of Providence, not for bis own good only, but for the lasting happiness of posterity: A trust whicli no law can ever annul, which is the grand principle of existence, and the source of every social virtue. II. We present as a grievance intolerable to the spirit of a people born and nurtured in the arms of freedom, and (though ever submissive to the just mandates of legal authority) holding every oppression as detestable, tlie unjust, cruel and diabolical acts of the British parliament, not only declaring the good people of the united colonies of North America rebels, for defending those invaluable rights which no human power can law- fully divest then) of, but making all murders, ra pines, thefts, robberies, and other inhuman op pressions, done before the passing of those acts without authority, and which were, after thepussing the said acts, to be done by the British forces in these coloiiie!!, legal and warrantable, to the eternal disgrace and indelible infamy of a kingdom, once! renowned for her justice, honor and humaniy, bulj now meanly descending to that wanton profligacy i wl^ich even savages abhor. j III. We present as a very great grievance, the! indulgence allowed to all those who are inimical! to the liberties of America and the operations of the united colonies amongst us in suffering : them to reside here, and be admitted to inter- courses dangerous to the peace and welfare of this colony. IV. We present that the public oaths directed by an act of the general assembly, passed since the forming of our present constitution, to be ad- ministered to those exercising public offices, trusts, and professions, are not administered t^ such of the clergy as are included in the same. V. We present that the times at which the several parochial committees meet or are appointed for tlieir meeting, are not made public; and we do recommend that lliey do pablish the same in the public papers, that all persons who are desirous of obtaining leave to sue for debts, may know whea to apply. VI. We present as a great grievance, more par- icularly at this time, the want of due attention to the roads and ferries In this colony; many of the roads not being sufficiently wide and worked upon agreeable to law, and the ferries in general not having boats suificient to forward passengers upon any emergent occasion. VII. We present as a grievance the too frequent forestalling out of the waggons, coming from the back parts of the country, the many necessaries of life, by which the good inhr.bitants of this town are obliged to pay most exorbitant prices for the same; and with submission would recommend a place to be appointed for the sale of bacon, flour,, butter, and other such necessaries brought to toiwn in carriages, to be regulated by the market act. VIII. We present the want of & proper person by law to oblige the sellers of blades and hay, to weigh the same at a public scale. Jonathan Scott, foreman [l. s.] George Cooke, [l. s.] Thomas Janes, [t. s.] John Lightweod, [l. S-] Peter Leger, [t. -s.] Philip Meyer, [t. s.] Isaac JMazyck, [l. s.] John 0-iuen, [r,. s.} John Smyth, [l. s.] Joseph Jenkins, [t,. s.] Joseph Cox, [l. s.] Daniel Lcssesne, [l. s.] Le-cois Datarque, [l. s.] John Singeltary, [l. ^■l PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 81. ANOTHER-BY JUDGE DRAYTON. At a court of geseuai, sessions of the teack, oyer AND TEUMINEU, ASSIZE AXD GKNEllAL GAOL IlELIVE- iiT, beffun and liolden at Charleston, for the dis- trict of Charleston, on Tuesday, October 15tl\, in the year of our Lord, 1776— Before the hon. WiniAM Mknht Dratton, esq. chief justice, and his asssciates, justices of the said court. OuDEiiEi), That the charge delivered by his honor, the chief justice, to the grand jury, and their presentments at tliis sessions, be forthwith pub- lished. By order of the court, JOHN GOLGOCK, d C. S. THE CHAUGS TO THE GHAND JTJRr. Gentlemm of the grand jury. -^The last time I had the honor to address a grand jury in this court, I expounded to them the constitution of their coun- try, as established by congress on the 26th day of Mirch last, independent of royal authority. I laid before them the causes of that important change of our government — a comparison of these, with those that occasioned the English revolution of 1688— and the law resulting from the injuries in each case. I spoke to that grand jury of the late revolution of South Carolina. 1 mean to speak to you upon a more important subject — the rise of the American empire. The great act in March last upon the matter, constituted our country totally independent of Great Britain. For it was calculated to place in our hands the whole legislative, executive and ju- dicial powers of government; and to enable us, in the most effectuil manner, by force of arms, to op- pose, resist and war agniiist the British crown. Tlie act naturally looked forward to an accommoda- tion of tiie unhappy differences between that power and America: In like manner every declaration of war between independent states, implies a future accommodation of their disputes. But, although by that act we were upon the matter made inde- pendent, yet there were no words in it specially declarative of that independency. Such u decla- ration was Bf right to be made only by the general congress; because the united voice and strength of America were necessary to give a desirable credit and prospect of stability to a declared state of total separation from Great Britain: And the general congress, as the only means left by which they had a chance to avert the ruin of America, iiave is- sued a declaration, by which all political connec- tion between you and the state of Great Britain is totally dissolved. Carolinians! heretofore you were bound — by the the American revohiiion you are now free. The change is most important — most honorable— most II. beneficial. It is your birth right by the law or na- ture — it is even valid by the fundamental laws of your country — you were placed in possession of it by the band of Cod! — particulars evidencing a sub- ject of the higliest import. — Ge.itlemen of the grand jury, it 'is my duty to mark to you the great lines of your conduct; and so to endeavor to ex- plain the nature of each, that you may clearly see your way, and thereby be animated in your progress to discharge those services which are required at your hands. And hence, it is necessary for me to lay before you some observations upon the nature of the American revolution, which by^ every tie, divir>e and human, you are bound to support. I shall therefore endeavor to draw your attention to this great subject, necessarily including the lines of your particular conduct. It is but to glance an eye over the historic pag?, to be assured that the duration of empire is limited by the Almighty decree. Empires have their rise to azenilh — and their declension to a dissolution. The years of a man, nay the hours of the insect on the bank of the Hypanis, that Jives but a day, epito- mize the advance and decay of the strength and duration of dominion! One common fate awaits all things upon earth— a thousand causes accelerate or delay their perfection or ruin.— To look a little into remote times, we see that, from the most contemptible origin upon record, Rome be- came the most powerful state the sun ever saw: The WORLD bowed before her imperial Fasces! — yet, having ran through all the vicissitudes of domi- nion, her course was finished. Her empire was dis- solved, thai the separated members of it might arise to run through similar revolutions. Great Britain was a part of this mighty empire. But, being dissolved from it, in her turn she also extended her dominion:— arrived at, and passed her zenith, Tiiree and thirty years numbered the illustrious days of the Roman greatntss—Eight years measure the duration of the Britisii grandeur in meridian lustre! How few are the days of true glory! The extent of the Roman period is from their complete conquest of Italy, which g;ive them a place whereon to stand, that they miglit shake the world, to the original cause of their declension, their introduction of A,siatic luxury. The British period is from the year 1758, when they victo- riously pursued their enemies into every quarter of the globe, to the immediate cause of their decline —their injustice displayed by the stamp act.— la short, like the lloman empire. Great Britain in her constitution of government, contained a poison to bring on her decay, and in each case, this ooisan 82 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF TITE REVOLUTION. Was' drawn iiito a ruinous operation 6y the riches and luxuries of the east. Thus, by nattiral causes and common effects, the American states are be- come dissolved from the British dominion. — And is it to be wondered at, that Britain has experienced the invariable fate of empire! We are not surprised w!ien we see youth or age yield to the common lot of humanity — May, to repine that, in our day, America is dissolved from tiie British state, is im- piously to question the unerring wisdom of Provi- dence. The Al -nighty setleth up, and he casleth down: He brerdis the sceptre, and transfers the dominion: He has made choice of tl;e present gene- ration to erect the American empire. Thankful as we are, and ought to be, for an appointment of the kind, the most illustrious that ever was, let each individual exert himself in this important opera- tion directed by Jehovah himself —From a short retrospect, it Is evident the work was not the pre- sent design of man. Never were a people more wrapped up in a king, than the A-nericans were in George the third in the year 1763. They revered and obeyed the Bri. tish government, because it protecteil them — they fondly called Great Britain— home! But, from that time, the British counsels took a ruinous turn; ceasing to protect — they sought to ruin America. the stamp act, declaratory law, and the duties upon tea and other articles, at once proclaimed their in- justice, and announced to the Americans, that they had but little room for hope; infinite space for fear. — In vain they petitioned for it^DUESs! — Authorised by the law of nature, they exerted the htherent powers of society, and resisted the edicts ■which told them that they had no property; and that against their consent, and by men over whom they had no control, they were to be bound in all cases whatsoever. — Dreadful information! — Pa- tience could not but resent them. However re- gardless of such feelings, and resolved to endeavor lo support those all grasping claims, early in the year 1774, the British tyranny made other edicts — to overturn American charters — to suspend or destroy, at the pleasure of the crown, the value of private property — to block up the pott of Bos- ton in terrorem to other American ports — to give mwrder the sarxVion of law — to establish the Roman Catholic religion, and to make the king of Great Britain a despot in Canada; and as much so as he then chase to be in Massachusetts Bay. And general Gage was sent to Boston vvilh a considera- ble force ^to usher these edicts into action, and the Americans into slavery. Their petitions thus answeredeven v.ith the sword of the murderer at their breasts, the Ame- ricans thought only of new petitions. It is well known there was not then even an idea that the independence of America would be the work of thii generation: For people yt:t had a confidence in tlie integrity of the British monarch. At length subsequent edicts being also passed, to restrain the Americans from enjoying the bounty of Provi- dence on their own coast, and to cut off their trade with each other and with foreign states — the royal sword yet keeking rjith American blood, and the king still deaf to the prayers of the people for "peace, liberty and safety;" it was even so late as the latter end of the last year, before that con- fidence visibly declined; and it was generally seen that the quarrel was likely to force America iito an immediate state of independence. But such an event was not expected, because it was thought the monarch, from motives of policy, if not from inclination, would heal our wounds, and thereby prevewt the separation; but it was not wished for, because men were unwilling to break off old con- nections, and change the usual form of govern- nicnt. Such were the sentiments of America until the arrival of the British act of parliament declaring the Americans out of the royal protection, and de- nouncing a general war against them. But coun- sels too refined, generally produce contrary and unexpected events. So the whole systeiT: of Bri- tish policy respecting America, since the year 176j, calculated to surprise, deceive, or drive the peo- ple into slavery — urged them into independence: and this act of parliament, in particular, finally released America from Great Britain. Antece- dent to this, the British king, by his hostilitieg, had as far as he personally could, absolved A Jieri- ca from that faith, allegiance and subjection she owed him; because the law of our land expressly declares, these are due only in return for his pro- tection, allegiance being /ount/erf on the benefit of protection. Bat God knowing that we are in peril by false brethren as well as by real enemies, out of his abundant mercy has caused us to be released from subjection, by yet a better title tlian the mere oppressions of a man in the kingly office. — This title is singular in its kind — It is the voluntary and joint act of the whole British legislature, on the twenty first day of December, 1775, releasing the fiiith, allegiance and subjection of America to the British crown, by solemnly declaring the former out rf the protection nf the latter,- and thereby, agreeable to every principle of law, actually dissolving the original contract between king and people. PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. m Hence, an American cannot, Ici^ally, at ilie suit of the king of Great Britain, be inJicted of high treason; because the indictment cannst charge Kim with an act contra Ugeantiie sii.t debitnm; for, not being protected by that king, the law holds that he does not owe him any faith and allegiance. So »n alien enemy, even invading the kingdom ol England, and taken in arms, cannot be dealt with 8S a traitor, because he violates no trust or alle ffiaiice. In short this doctrine, laid down in the best law authorities, is a criterion whereby we may safely judge, whether or not a particular people are subject to a particular government. And thus upon the matter, that decisive act of parliament il>so facto created the united colonies free and in- dependent states. These particulars evidence against the royal ca- luHiniator in the strongest manner. Let him not with unparalleled effrontery fro:n a throne con- tinue to declare, that the Atneric^ins "meant only to amuse, by vague expressions of attachment and the strongest professions of loyalty, whilst they were preparing for a general revolt, for the purijose of establishing an independent empire." On tue rittST of SEPTiiMBEB, 1775, Richard Penn and Arthur Lee, esquires, delivered to lord Dart- mouth, he being seci-etary of state, a petition from the congress to the king, wlien lord Darlmouth told them, "no answer would «e oiven." The petition contained this remarkable passage, that the king would "be pleased to direct some mode, by tehich the united applications of his faithful colonists to the throne, in presence of their common councils, might be improved into a perm aseht and uappy hecon- CILIATION; and that in the mean time, inecsures miijht be taken for preventing tliefwther destruction of the lives of his majesty's subjects." Yet, botvvithsta.*binq this, on the 26lh of Octobeii/o^^owi/*^, from the throne, th2 king charged the Americans with aiming at independence! The facis* I have staled are known to the world; they are yet more stubborn than the tyrant. But let othar facts be also stated against him. There was a lime, whei the American army before Boston had not a thousand weight of gunpowder— the forces were uiiable to advance into Canada, until they received a small supply of pow- der from this country, and for whicli the general congress expressly sent— -and when we took up arms a few months before, v/e begun with a stock of five hundred weigh;!— These grand magazines of ammunition demonstrate, to be sure, that Ame- rica, or even Massachusetts iiuy, was preparing- to enter the military road lo independencf! — On the conirary, if we consider the manper in which Gi eai Britain has conducted her irritating and hostile neasures, we cannot but clearly see, that God has darkened her counsels; and that with a stretched out arm, he himself has delivered us out of the house of bondage, and has led us on to empire. In the year 1774, general Gage arrived at Rong acis driving her, either into slavery or independence. — The same trace of an over-rul- ing Vrovidence is evident throughout the whole traiiSACtion of the English revolution of 1688. King James received early information of the prince of Orange's intention to invade England; and Louis the XIV. offered the king a powerful assistance. But his counsels were confounded from on high: He paid little attention to the first— he neglected the last. The winds blew, and iiow opportunely have they aided us; the winds detained James's fleet at anchor; while ihej, Jivectiuff the course of the prince, enabled him without any loss to land in England, at a time when no person thought of a revolution, which was destined to take place with- in but a few weeks. Unexpected, wonderful and rapid movements, chai-acter the British and Ame- rican revolutions: They do not appear to have been premeditated by man. And from so close a simiUtude, in so many points, between the two revolutions, we have great reason to hope that the American, like the British, will be stable against the tyrant. As I said before, in my last charge, I drew a par.allel between the causes which occasioned the English revolution, and those which occasioned our local revolution in March last; and I examined the famous resolution of the lords and commons cf England at Westminster, declaring the law up- on James's conduct. The two first points of it applied to our own case in the closest manner, and in applying the third, treating of James's with- drawing, I pointed out that the abdication of the regal government among us, was immediately ef- fected, not only by the withdrawinij of the regal substitute, wiih the ensigns of government, but that king George had wilhdrav/n himself, "by ivjlhdrawlng the constitutional benefits of the kingly office, and his protection out of this coun- try." Thus couching my thoughts upon the article of the withdrawing, in order that the parallel should be continued throughout as close as the subject would admit, without attempting to extract the essence from the substance of the resolution, to demonstrate that such a parallel was not neces- sary: A mode which, the subject being new, might not then perhaps have been so generally satisfac- tory. But, as the American revolution leads me again to mention that resolution, which in the strongest manner justifies it, I make no scruple now to say, that the resolution, though appearing to point out several kinds of criminality, yet has only one idea thus variously represented. "Resolved, That king James the second having endeavored to subvert the constitution of the king- dom, by breaking the original contract between king and people; and, by the advice of Jesuits and other wicked persons, having violated the funda- mental laws, and having luithdrraun himself out of the kingdom, has abdicated the government, and that the throne is thereby vacant." But, before I make any further observation upon this resolution, allow me to shew you the sense of Scotland in the last, and of America in the present centyry, touching an abdication of government; and you will find, that the voice of nature is the same, in either extremity of the globe, and in dif- ferent ages. The estates of Scotland having enumerated king James's mal-administration, and in which there was no article of withdrawing, they declared, that "thereby he had forefaulted the rights of the crown, and the throne was become vacant." — And the representatives of the United States of Ame- rica, stating their grievances under king George the third, decreed, that "he has abdicated go- vernment here, by declaring us out of his protec- tion, and waging war against us." And that "a prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people." Thus in each case it is apparent, the abdication or forefaulting took place from but one and the same cause — the failure of protection; And this is the single idea that, I apprehend, is in the resolu- tion of Westminster. Search to understand, what is a breach of the original contract — what a viola- tion of the fundamental laws wherein consisted the criminally of James's withdrawing? Your en- quiry must terminate thus — a failure of protection. —Independent of the nature of the subject, the PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. Z'J Ailricts thf aitention of the rest of the universe, .kRiI bids fair, by the blessing of God, to be tlie nost glorious of any upon record. — America hails Europe, Asia and Africal^She proffers peace and plenty! This revolution, forming one of the most iir- portant epochas in the history, not of a nation, but of the world, is, as it were, an eminence from which we may observe the things around us. And I am naturally led to explain the value of that grand object now in our possession and view— to state the Arnerican ability by arms to maintain the acquisition— and to shew the conduct, by which a patriotic grand jury may aid the establish- ment of our infant empire. To make men sensible of the value of the object now in our p:)ssession, we need no ingenuity of thought, or disphy of eloquence. To him who doubts of the meridian sun, it is siifRcient to point to it. So in the present case, as wHl to demonstrate the value of the object as the jusiice of our claim to it, we need only hold it wp to viev/. — It is, to MAI -.TAIN AMOXO THE POWBUS OF THS EAIITH, TH3 SEPARATE ASn EarAL STATICS TO WHICH THE LAWS OF ITATCRE AND OF NATRe's GOD XJTTITLE US. A feW months ago we fought only to preserve to the: la- borer the fruits of his toil, free from the all-covetinj^ grasp of the British tyrant, alieni appetcns, svi profusus, and to defend a people from being, llk« brute beasts, bound in all cases whatsoever. But these two last ingredients to make life agreeable, are now melted into, inseparably blended with, and wholly included in the first, which is now become THE OBJECT fop which America, ex necessitate, wars against Britain — And ! shall now point out to you the continental ability, by arms, to maintain thi5 invaluable station. When, in modern times, Pliilip of Spain became the tyrant of the low countries in Europe, of seven- teen provinces which composed those territorie?, seven only effectually confederated to preserve their liberties, or to perish in the attempt. They saw Philip the most powerful prince in the old world, and master of Mexico and Peru in the new — nations, incessantly pouring into his territories floods of gold and silver. They saw him possessed of ihe best troops, and the most formidable navy in the universe; and aiming at no less than universal monarchy! — But these seven province^ making but a speck upon the globe, saw themselves witli- out armies, fleets, or funds of money: yet seeing themselves on the point of being by a tyrant bound in all cases whatsoever, vohly relting vpon Pro- liisiory of that tin>e warrants this construction- upof^ the .viihdrawing in partieular. For, upon James's first flying from Whitehall, quitting the administration without providing a power to pro- tect the people, he was considered by the prince of Orange, and the heads of the English natiofi, as having then absolutely abdicated the govern- Tuent, and terminated his reign; and they treated him accordingly upon his sudden return to White- hall, from whence he was immediately ejected. In short, a failure of protection beingonce established, it necessarily includes, and implies a charge of a breach of original contract— a violation of funda- mental laws — and a withdrawing of the king: 1 do not mean the individual person, but the officer 30 called. For the officer being constituted to dispense protection, and there being a failure of it, it is evident, prima facie, that the ofiicer is with- drawn; and in reslity, because the law will not admit that the officer can be present and not dis- pense protection, as the law ascribes to the king in his political capacity absolute perfection; and therefore it will intend a wichdrawing and abdica- tion, in exclusion of any idea of his being present and doing wrong. Protection was the great end for which mankind formed societies. On this hang all the duties of a king. It is the one thing needful in royalty. Upon the whole, what is civil liberty, or by what conduct it may be oppressed, by what means the oppression ought to be removed, or an abdica lion or forefaulting of the government may be induced, cannot precisely be as»ertained, and laid down as rules to the world. Humanity is interested in these subjects. Nature alone will judge; and she will decide upon the occasion without regard to precedent. In America, nature has borne Bri- tish oppression so long as it was tolerable; but there is a load of injury which cannot be endured. Nature felt it. And the people of America, acting upon natural principles, by the mouths of their representatives in congress assembled, at Philadel- phia, on the fourth day of July last, awfully declared — and revere the sentence!— "That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states, that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown; and that all political connection between them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dis solved." A decree is now gone forth, hot to be recalled! And thus has suddenly arisen in the world, a nev/ empire, styled the United States of America, An empire that as spon as started into tiistence/videucc aiul the Jui^tice of their cause, they resolved 86 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. to oppose the tyrant's whole force, and at leasv deserve to be free. They fought, they bled, and were often brought to the door of destruction.— Thkt keboublei) theiu efforts in proportion to THEIR BANGER. And the inhabitants of that speck of earth, compelled the master of dominions so extensive, that it was boasted the sun was never absent, to treat with them as a free and independent people! For a. moment, and v;ith the aid of a fearful imagination, let us suppose that the American states are now as defenceless as the Hollanders t'iien were; and that the king ot Great Britain is now as powerful as Philip then was. Yet even such a state of things, could not be a plea for any degree of submission on our part. Did not the Hollanders oppose their weakness to the strength of Spain? Are not the Americans engaged ir\ as good a cause as the Hollanders fought in? Are the Americans less in love with liberty than the Hollanders were? Shall we not in this, a similar cause, dare those perils that they successfully combated? Shall we not deserve freedom!— Our past actions presage our future achievements and animate us in cur military efforts for "peace, li berty and safety."— But see the real powers of Great Britain. Staggering beneath the load of an enormous debt, the very annual interest of which, in the year 1775, amounted to upwards of four millions eight hun- dred and eighty tliousand pounds sterling, Great Britain scarcely supports the weight which is yet rapidly increasing. Daring the present year, she prosecutes the war at a charge of more than nine- teen millions sterling, incurred by actual expenses, and by loss of revenue in consequence of the war. Her trade, her only resource for money, is now in , a manner destroyed; for her principal trade, which was to this continent, is now at an end; and she sustains heavy, very heavy, losses by the American captures of her West, India sliips. Her manufactures are almost at their last morsel. Her public credit is certain to fail even by a short continuance of the war. Her fleets are not half manned. And she is so destitute of »n army, that she is reduced to supplicate even the petty German princes for assistance; and thinks it worth her while to make a separate treaty to procure only 668 men!— a last effort to form an ur- viy in America. — But, after all this humiliating exer- tion, she has even upon pnper raised a German army of only 16,868 men who, with about 14,000 national troops and a few Hanoverian regiments, compose the whole military force that she can collect for the American service. Nay, so arduous a task was even thi^s, that tier grand army of but 26,00u men, could not open the present campaign be- fore the end of August last — Add to these particu- lars, tlie troops are unaccustomed to the sudden vicissiiudes of the American climate and the extremes of cold, heat, and rain. They cannot proceed without camp equipage, because they are used to such luxuries. The very scene of their operations is a matter of discouragement to them, because they know not the country; and for their supplies of men, stores and the greatest part of their provisions, they must look to Great Britain — and there is a vast abyss between. — Hence their supplies must be precarious at best; and failing, they may be involved in ruin, A check may afi'ect them as a defeat — a defeat in battle may annihilate their very army. — Such seems to be the situation of Great Britain, while only the American war is on her hands. But do we not see France and Spain, her inveterate enemies, now watching for the critical moment when they shall swallow up her West India islands! When this crisis appears, which, from the now quick arrivals of French ves- sels in America, and from the forces already col- lected, and others now daily poured into the islands by those powers, cannot be far distant, what will be the situation of Great Britain! On the other hand, America is possessed of resources for the war, which appear as soon as enquired after; are found only by being sought for; and are but scarce imagined even when found. Strong in her union, on each coast and frontier she meets the invaders, whether Briiish or Indian savages, repelling their allied attacks. The Ameri- cans now live without luxury. They are habituated to despise their yearly profits by agriculture and trade. Tuey rHSAGE in the war fuom principle, I'hey follow their leaders to battle with personal affection. Natives of the climate, they bear the vicissitudes and extremities of the weather. — Hardy and robust, they need no camp equipage, and they march with celerity. The common peo- ple have acute understandings; and there are those in the higher stations, who are acquainted with the arts and sciences, and have a comprehensive view of things equally with those who act against them. In short, the American armies meet the war where they may be canstantly recruited and subsisted; comforted by the aid of their neighbors, and by reflections upon the justice of their cause; and animated by seeing, that they are arrayed in the defence of all that is, or can be, dear to them. From such a people every thing is to be hoped tor, nothing is to be doubted of. Such a people. PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 87 though yourg in the practice of war, ever were superior to veteran troops. To prove this, shall J direct your attention to Europe, Asia and Africa, in their histories to point out to you numberless instances of this sort? No, gentlemen, America now attracts the eyes of the world: she deserves our whole attention — let us not search abroad, and in remote or modern times, for instances of such a kind as we can find at home and in our own day. Need I mention that such a people, young in the art of war, beat veteran troops at Lexington, slaughtered them at Bunker's hill; and drove them out of Boston! or remind you of Sullivan's Island, where, in an unfinished wooden fort, on a flat coast, such men, during 11 hours, and at the distance of 500 yards, stood the whole and unintermitted fire of a British squ&dron of 2 ships of the line, 5frigates and a bomb; and, with 15 pieces of cannon, caused the fnemy to burn one of their largest frigates, and to fly with the rest of the squadron, in a shattered condition, from before our capital! Such a contrasted state of tlie powers of America and of Britain is, I apprehend, a just representation of their abilities with regard to the present war; and if America behaves worthy of herself, I see no cause to fear the enemy. However, in such a conflict, we ought to expect difliculties, dangers and defeats. "What, shall we receive good at the hand of God, and shall we not receive evil?" Job's perseverance in his duty under every calamity, at length raised him to the height of human felicity; and, if we are firm, even our defeats will operate to our benefit. Let us remember, that it was to the danger in which the Roman state was reared, that she ower^ her illustrious men and imperial fortune. The Roman dignity was never so majestic; her glory never so resplendent; her fortitude and exertions never so conspicuous and nervous, as when Hannibal, in the successive battles of Trabia, Thrhsymenus and Cannae, having almost extirpated their whole military force, the very state -was on the brink of dissohilion — the Romans deserved— vi.x\A they acquired victory! And now, gentlemen of the grand jury, having in this manner considered the nature of the Ameri- can revolution upon circumstances of fact, and principles of law, I am to mark the conduct which you ought to pursue, and which will enable you to aid the establishment of our infant empire. But, that I may naturally introduce this subject, I shall first state and explain to you, the principal articles I of the enquiry which you are sworn to make on \ the part of the state, and for the body of this dis- trict; and these articles I sh;dl arrange under two heads. The one relating to crimes and misdemean- ors, immediately injurious to individuals — the other relating to such as are injurious to the state. Those criminal injuries that affect individuals, respect either their persons, habitations, or pro- perty. Of tiiese injuries the most important are such as effect the person; and of such, the act de- priving the person of life is the most enormous. In the contemplation of law, every taking of life is a homicide; and, according to the particular circumstances of each case, this homicide is purely voluntary, including the cases of felony, asself-mur- der, murder respecting another, and manslaughter; Or, the homicide is purely involuntary, as per infortunium, misadventure: Or, of a mixed kind, ex necessitate; as se difendetido inducing a forfeiture; or being under the requisition or permission qf law and not inducing any: And thus, homicide is either justifiable, excusable or felonious. It is justifiable in all cases ex necessitate; as when life is taken by the legal execution of 3l criminal; or for the advancement of justice; or for the prevention of some atrocious crime. It is excus&ble in cases per infortzinium, miS' adventure; as when life is taken by the doing a lawful act without any evil intention: So in cases se dcfdudendo; as a man being attacked without any provocation oa his part, and having bona fide retreated as far as he safely could, when for self- preservation he kUls the aggressor. And although tliis last arises ex necessitate, and it would there- fore seem to be rather justifiable than excusable,, yet the law intitles it necessitas culpabilis, and thereby distinguishes it from the other. For the law so highly respects the life of a man, that it always intends some misbehavior in the person who takes it away without an express legal com- mand or permission. But homicide is felonious in all cases of man- slaughter, murder, and self-murder. In cases of manslaughter, as killing another without any degree of malice, and this killing may be either voluntary by a sudden act of revenge on a sudden provocation and heat, or it may be, yet not strictly so, involuntary, being in the commission of some unlawful act under the degree of felony; for this killing being the consequence of the unlawful act vohinturly entered upon, the law, because of the previous intent, will transfer this from the original to the consequential object. In cases of murde:; as killing another person, ex malitia preccoaitata: And here it is necessarv 88 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. that I particularly explain what the law considers as malice prepense. — Malice prepense then, is an inclination of the mind, not so properly bearing ill-will to the person killed, the commonly received notion, as containing' any evil design, the dictate of a wicked and malignant heart.— The discovery of this secret inclination of the mind must arise, because it cannot any otherwise, only from the external effects of it; and by such evidence, ,the malignity of the mind is held either exprebs in part or implied in law.— Thus, malice prepense is held to be express in fact, when there is evidence of a laying in wait; or of menacings antecedent, grudges, or deliberate compasings to do some bodily harm. Even upon a sudden provocation, the one beating or treating another in an excessive and cruel manner, so that he dies, though he did not intend his death, the slayer displays an express evil design, the genuine sense of malice. This is evidence of a bad heart; and the act is equivalent to a deliberate act of slaughter. So any willful action, likely in its nature to kill, without its being aimed at any person in particular: For this shews an enmity to all mankind. So if two or more come to do any felony, or any unlawful act, the probable consequence of which migluhe bloodshed, and one of them kills a man, it is murder in them all, be- cause of the unlawful act, the rnalitia pva:cogitata, or evil intended.— ^^A malice prepense is held to be implied in law, when one kills an officer of justice in the execution of his office, or any per- son assisting hira, though not specially called. Or when wiihoiit sufficient provocation, and no aflront by words or gestures only is a sufficient provoca- tion, a man suddenly kills another. Or when, up- on a chiding between husband and wife, the hus- band strikes the wife with a pestle or other dan- gerous weapon, and she presently dies. These and similar instances, are evidences of a mslice presense on the part of the slayer; and he shall be held guilty of murder.— In cases of self murder, there must be a voluntary and deliberate putting an end to one's existence; or doing some unlawful malicious act, the consequence of which is his own death. In a word, all homicide is presumed to be malicious, until the contrary is made to appear in evidence. There is a regular gradation of importance in the component parts of the universal system; and, therefore, there must be a scale marking the de- grees of injury. We have examined the highest injury that can be committed or perpetrated upon the person of an individual — let us now turn our attention to such injuries against the person, as are of an inferior nature. Of these the first in degree is mayham, whicli is the cutting out, with malice prepense, or dis- abling the tongue, putting out an eye, slitting the nose, cutting off a nose or lip, or depriving ano- ther of the use of such of his members as may ren- der him the less able to defend himself, or annoy his adversary. The next is rape. Then the infa- mous crime against nature. These are felonies. But there are yet other injuries against the per- son which, being of a less flagrant degree, are, by the tenderness of the law, described under the gentler term of misdemeanors. Such are assaults, batteries, wounding, false imprisonment, and kid- napping. Here, in a manner, terminates the scale of injuries against the person: We wiil now state such as may be perpetrated against his mansion, or habitation. By the universal consent of all ages, the dwelling house of man, was and is endowed with peculiar immunities and valuable privileges. Among the ancients, if even an enemy reached the tire place of the house, he was sure of protection. Thus we find Coriolanus at the fire-place of ThIIus Aufidius, chief of the Volscian nation, discovering himself to Aulidius, his public and private enemy, and sup- plicating and receiving his protection against Rome 'rom whence he was banished. And, on this sub- ject of a dwelling, Cicero, the great Roman lawyer, orator and statesman, thus pathetically expresses himself: "What is more inviolable, what better de- fended by religion than the house of a citizen? Here are his altars, here his fire hearths are con- tained—this place of refuge is so sacred to all men, that to be dragged from thence is unlawful." In like manner we find, that at Athens the habitation was particularly protected by the law: Burglary was there punished with death, altho' theft was was not. And our law hath so special a regard to a man's dwelling house, that it terms it his castle, and will not suffer it to be violated with impunity. The law ranges the injuries against it under two heads— arson, and hamesecken or housebreaking; And, this last it divides into legal or proper bur- glary,which is nocturnal house breaking, and house- breaking by day. Arson is an injury that tends by fire to annihi- late the habitation of another person, or other house, that being within the curtilage or homestall, may reasonably be esteemed a parcel of it, though not contiguous. So a barn in the field, with hay or corn in it. But this injury by fire, must be done with a malicious intent, otherwise it is only trespass. Burglary, is a breaking and entering in the night PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 89 time, the mansion house of another, with inteiU to i dwelling is the object of arson; but other property commit some felony therein, whether the felonious intent be executed or not: And all such houses ar^ the objects of burglary, and of housebreaking, as are described in the case of arson. But, to violate this place of protection In the day, by robbing therein, and putting any dweller in fear, allhough there be no actual breach of the house; or by breakinj^ and robbing in the house, a dwel- ler being therein, and not put in fear; or by rob- bing and breaking the house, actually taking some- thing, none being in the house; or by feloniously taking away something to the value of 35/. curren- 1 cy, or upward'*, no person being in the house; or by breaking the house with intent to commit a felony, any person being in tlie house and put in fear, though nothing be actually tuken — any such violation is called housebreaking — a crime not of so atrocious a nature as burglary. For, in the contemplation of our law, as well us of all others, violency perpetrated in the night, are of a morei malignant tendency than similar ones by day: Be- 1 cause, attacks in the night occasion a greater de- 1 gree of terror; and because, tliey are in a season by I nature appropriated to the necessary rest and re freshment of the human body, which is then, by sleep, disarmed of all attention to its defence. -With respect to injuries against a man's perso- nal property, they are to be considered under three heads. L.irceny, nnaiicious mischief, forge ry. And larceny, tlie first of these, is eidier sim pie or mist. Simple larceny, or common theft, is a f-^loniou-; Knd fraudulent taking and carrying away tlie mere personal goods of another — here no Violence or fear is implied. If goods so taken are above tlie value of seven shiiiings currency, the offence is ttvtneiffrimdlurcetiy; But if tiiey are not exceed- ing that vulue, the act is p''tit larcmiy. AJixt lar ceny has in it all the ingredients of simple larce- IS the subject for malicious miscliief to operate upon; and indeed tliis spirit of wanton cruelty has a wjdf^ field ')f action. This horrible spirit dis- plays itself by burning or destroying the property of another, as a stack of rice, corn or other grain; or any tar kiln, barrels of pitch, turpentine, rosin or otiier growth, product or man'iftcture of this state: or killing or destroying any horses, sheep or oij.er c» tie. At lengih the crime of forgery, concludes the calendar of public offences against the property of an individual; I need only define the crime: It is a fraudulent making or alteration of a writing to the prejudice of another person. Having, in this manner marked, out to you the distinguishing featuresof the principal crimes and injuries against the person, habitation and properly of an individual, I now desire your attention, and I shall not long detain it, while I delineate those against the state; objects which ought most carefully to be observed wherever they appear. 1 have pur- posely thus reserved this subject, as well because it is of tlie most inriportant nature, and virtually includes the other, as that by being the last de- scribed, you may be the viore 'Lkety to retain the the impression of it. Every outrage and violence against the person, habitation or property of an in- dividual, is a crime, a misdemeanor, or a contempt, aiid therefore an injury against tlie state, bound by original compact to protect the individual in his rights. For no man, conceiving himself injured, "ias any authority, or sh.sdow of it, to redress him- self; because the state has established courts which ire vindices ihjnriai~um. Hence, every ci'iminal in- jury against the individual must ultimately •ivomul 'he stale; and be included in the oiFences against he body politic, which must be more important iu their nature thaw those relating to the individual, bft'-ause they are more extensive, and of a higher degree of criminality. It behoves you therefore ny; but it is aggravated by a taking from the house [to wach f )r the public safety; for this is to be at- or person; and this taking is yet aggravated if tenlive to your piivale security. it is under the impression of violence or fear. I j^ j^ „,,^ ^y any means nec<>ssary that I trace Such a taking in the house, with or without vio- lence or fear, may or may not fall within the crimes of burglary or housebreaking, according lo the circumstances. And such a taking from the person, without, or with violence or fear, will be but simple larceny in the first case; in the olhei, it is a robbery, a.-id the value is of no considera tion. Malicious mischief is a species of irjury thai beats a ne!,r realiion to the crime of arson. A 12. these crimes, as they are branched by the law. The present public service requires your immediate particular attention to offences done against only four acts of assembly — the pa.rol and negro laws — the law ag&iiisi counterfeiting the ceriiiicates is- sued by the late houses of assembly, or the currency ssued by the congress of the continent or of this country — uud, ilie law to prevent sedition, and to ■u'lish iuiiuigents and disturbers of the piiblir. peace. 90 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. Tlie two first laws are calculated to keep O'lC domestics in a proper behavior. Tiie two last were expressly formed as two pillars to support our new constitution; and therefore, tiiese last are your most important objects. — I shall fully explain them. The act ag'ainst counterfeitint^ extends to all persons who counterfeit, raze or alter, or uttir, or offer in payment, knowing the same to be counter- feited, razed or altered, any certificate or bill of credit, under ti:e authority of the late commons house of assembly, or the congresses of this coun- try, or of the continent. The lawto prevent .sedition guards against those actions as, in such a crisis as this, might reasona- bly be espec'.ed to operate against our present ho- norable and happy establishment. And the variety :.nd importance of those actions, make it necessary for me to particularize them to you. This salutary act touches all persons taking up arms against the authority of the jiresent govern- ment; or who, by violence, words deeds or wriiing, cause or attempt to cause, induce, or persuade any other person to do so. In like manner, all persons who give intelligence to, or hold correspondence with, or aid or abet any land or naval force sent by Great Britain, or any other force or body of men Within tliis state with hostile intent against it. So those who compel, induce, persaade or attempt to do so, any white person, Indian, free negro, or slave, to join any force under authority derived from Great Britain, And so all persons who collect, or procure them to be assembled, with intent in a riotous and seditious manner, to disturb the pub- lic peace and tranquility; and by words, or other- wise, create and raise traitorous seditions or dis- contents, in the minds of the people against the public authority. Thus having stated to you such criminal injuries against an individual, or the state, as may be most liktly to come within your notice, it is a natural consequence, that 1 describe the person by law held capable of committing such injuries. In the first place, the party must be of sound memory at the time of committing the offence, and it is the leading principle in every case. If the party is under seven years of age, no evidence can possibly be admitted to criminate; because, the law holds, that the party cannot discern between good and evil. But if the accused is above sever and under fourteen, be is liable to be crimi- nated, if at the time of his committing the injurj, bis undCiStanding was so ripe as to occasion him to sliew a consciousness of guilt, the rule being inalida supplet atatem. And if the party is of the age of fourteen, which is the age of discretion, the law prima facie considers him capable of commit- ting offences as a person of full age. Also a luna- tic for crimes perpetrated in a lucid interval. Also a man for crimes done in a state of drunkeness vo- luntarily contracted; and so hr is this artificial in- sanity from excusing, that it tends to aggravate the offence. All those particulars relating to the person, ha- bitation and property of an individual; those re- specting the safety, peace and tranquility of the state; and these describing the perpetrator of cri- minal injuries, are so many proper heads for your diligent enquiry: And such offenders and offences being within your knowledge, you must make due presentment of them. You are to hear evi- dence anly on the part of an information to you of an offence; for an indictment by you is only in the nature of a solemn and public accusation, which Is afterwards to be tried and determined by others; You are only to examine, whether there be suf5- cient cause to call upon the party to answer. Twelve of yoti, at least must agree in opinion, that the accused ought to undergo a public trial — so twelve other jurors are to declare him innocent or guilry — Happy institutions! whereby no man can be declared a criminal, but by the concurring voices of at least four and twenty men, collected in the vicinage by blind chance, upon their oaths to do justice; and against whooi, even the party himself has no exception!' Thus, gentlemen of the grand jury, with the best intentions for the public service, however executed, having declared to you, that you are not bound under, but freed from the dominion of the British crown, I thottght myself necessarily obliged, and I have endeavored to demonstrate to you, that the rise and fall of empires are natu- ral events — that the independence of America was not, at the commencement of the late civil war, or even at the conclusion of the last year, the aim rf the .Americans — that their .subjection to the Bri- tish crown, bfing releused by the ac ii)n of Urtisk oppression, ihe stroke of the Srilish nvortl, and the tenor of a British act of parliament, t!"eir natural rise to empire was conducted by thx hand of Gen!~ thutthe same strong hand, by proceedi gs- equally unexpected, woiclerful and rapid as in our case, conducted the English revolution of 1688— that the revolutions in Eugiand and Scotland at that pe- riod, and in Aaverica now, givnig a new epocha to the history of the world, were founded in the sumt PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 91 immediate cause; a failure of protection— that those revolutions concurred in one grand evidence of the fetlings of nature on such a subject — that every species of mal-administration in a king is to be traced to a failure of protection, which is the onl}' instrument working his abdication — that the object for which we contend, is just in its nature and of in- estimable value— that the American revolution may be supported with the .fairest prospect of success by arms—and that it may be powerfully aided by a grand jury. Gentlemen, I do most cordially congratulate you, placed as you are in a station, honorable to your- selves, and beneficial to your country. Guardians of the innocent, you are appointed to send the rob- ber, the murderer, the incendiary and the traitor to trial. Your diligence in enquiring for such of- fenders, is the source of your own honor, and a means of your country's safety, and although no such offenders be found, your laudable search will yet tend to curb a propensity to robbery, murder, sedition and treason. See, gentlemen, what great advantages may result from your vigilant and pa- triotic conduct! Your ears ought to be shut to the petitions of friendship, and to the calls of consan- guinity — but they ought to be expanded to receive the complaints of your injured country, and the de- nandi of impartial justice. Brutus inflicted upon his sons the ultimum tupplicium for conspiring to re-establish the regal government in Rome. And, if a similar occasion should arise in America, which God forbid, I trust a Brutus will not be wanting! Let those, if there are any such, who treacherously or pusillanimously hanker after a return of regal go- vernment, remember such things and tremble. — Let us ever remember, rejoice and teach our chil- dren, that the American empire is composed of states that are, and of right ought to be, free and independent; "that they are absolved from all alle- giance to the British crown; and that all political connection between them and the state of Great Britain, IS and ought to be totallt bjssolved. THE PRESENTMENTS OF THE JURY. SoUTH-CAROLIIfA. At a court o/qehbral sessions of the peace, oyer AND TERMINER, ASSIZE ASU GESKRAL GAOI, HE- iiVERT, hegnn to be hdJ at Chai lesion, fur the dis- trict of Charleston, on Tntsday, Oct iber \5th, in the year of our Lord one thousand atvai hundred and seventy-six. Presentments of the grand jury for the snid district. I. li. is with most cordial satisfaction we embr^ice this opportunity of ofTering oar congratulations on tbe late declaration of the continental congress, constituting the united colonies of North America independent states; an event, however once dread- ed as repugnant to those hopes of peace and friend- ship with the **-.iish state, which was then ardent* ly entertained, yet which every American must now most joyfully embrace, as the only happy means of salvation and security, and the surest pre* ventlon to the treacherous and cruel designs of a kicked and detestable enemy. II. As the kind and beneficent hand of a wise and bounteous Providence has so ordered anddis. posed of human events that, from calamities vhich were dreaded as the most miserable and destruc- tive to America, benefits, the most advantageous, tionorable and desirable have arrisen to her, which now gives a very joyful prospect to liberty and happiness — we think our grateful sense of sucb peculiar care and protection cannot be manifested in a way more acceptable and proper than in a strict regard to the duties which mankind owe to their God. III. We present the growing evil of many church- es established by law nilling to decay, and some remaining without ministers to perform divine ser- vice. In divers parishes in this district, by which means the spirit of religion will decline, and be- come prejudicial to the manners of the people. IV. We present and recommend a proper militia law to be made, in such manner as to compel im- partially and equally all degrees of persons liable to do the duty therein required, so as to enable the good peeple of this state (who are now become principally the guardians thereof) to repel any do- mestic or foreign enemy as far as possible. V. We present and recommend, that care may always be had, that none but gentlemen of weight and influence, and good example, be prevailed on to qialify and act in the commission of peace, by whose influence licentiousness, sedition and pro- fligacy may be suppressed, and good order main- tained. VI. We present and recommend, that some of- fice may be created in this district, whereby exe- cutions and sales by the sheriff may be recorded, so that, on the death or removal of the sheriff, re- course may be had to such records by those con- cerned. VII. We present and recommend, that Jews and oihers may be restrained from allowing their ne- groes to sell goods in shops, as such a practice may iiiudce other negroes to steal and barter with them 92 FRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. Vin. We present the ill practice of Jews open- ing their sliops and seUing' of poods on Sunday, to the profanation of the Lord's Day. IX. We present the b;.rrack master Philip Will, for seizing of firewoocl on th.e wharves, under pre- teii"- of the public, when he .ipplies the same to his own rsf'j.to the distressing of the inhabitants. Uy information of Mr. Patrlclc Hinds, one of tht grand jurors. X. We present the want of more constables in this district, we being informed that there are on- ly four in I'.'s town. XI. We return our thanks to his honor, the chief justice, for l>is exceile.it c'large delivered at the openingof the sessions, and desire thutthc charge and tliese presenlaients be forihwith printed and published. Josrph G'ovev, fijrcman, [t. s.] JierijuTiiin linker, [i.. s.] Beiijun in Dart, [l. s] Join Fnllerton, [l. s.] Christopher Fitzismom, [l. s.] imUam Hnpton, [l. s.] William Hale, [i,. s.] Patrick Hinh, [l. s.] Charles Johnston, [l. s.] Andreio Lord, [t.. s.l John MiM, [i,. s.] William Ru.isel, [l. s ] Slrphen Toiunsend. [t. s.] A.NOTHER— BY THE SAME. Soi'TH Catiolina. At a cour^ of gknehal sessions of the peace, oteh AND TERMl^KU, ASSIZE AND KEMEHAfc BAOL PELIVE- HY, bei^un and hoiden at Charleston, for the dis- trict of Chnrle.-.ioii, the 21st Ortober, \7n, before the honorable William Hunkt Dhatton, esq. chief justice, and his asseciatea, justices of the said court. OnDEiiED, That tlie political part of his honor, the chi"f justice's charg-f to the i^rind jury, together v.ith thf'irpresentiMents be forthvvidi printed and published. By the court, JOHN COLCOCK, C. C. S. TUE POLTTICAt PAUT OF TRE CHARGE. Gentle-men of the grand j?/ri/.— Being but just returned fi-om the house of God, we are, I trust, sanctified to enter upon the most important civil duties, and possessed of the favor of Heaven, to Kid us in our endeavors faithfully to discharge our respective functions. At present, it is your part attentively to listen to me — it is mine to discourse ■'i t'. ose points immediately relative to your duty ui this court, and of such things as may enable vou, when you shall return into your vicinage, in .1 more enlarged manner to support the laws and freedom of yoir country. The occasion of our meeting demands the first — the present crisis of public affairs requires the last, and I flatter myself your time will neither be disagreeably nor un- orofitably occupied. Let me therefore begin with laying before you some considerations aimed to support the freedom of your country; such are ever uppermost in my thoughts. Do you seriously think of the great work \}i which you, in conjunction with the rest of AmericUf ore engaged? You ought to do so without ceasing, and to act with a corresponding vigor. For, beyond all comparison, the work is the most stupendous, augusi, and beneficial of any extant in history. It is to establish an asylum against despotism: of an entire world to form an empire, composed of states linked together by consanguinity, professing the same religion, using the same language and cus- toms, and venerating the same principles of liberty. A compounded political cement, which, in the formation of the grand empires upon record, no political architects but ourselves ever possessed— a cement prepared to our hand by the Great Con- structor of the universe; and for the best of pur- poses. Forroed to enjoy, "among the powers of the "earth, the separate and equal station to which " the laws of nature and of nal'are's God entitle us," by an unexpected and unprovoked declaration of the king and parliament of Britain, that the inha- bitants of America, having no property nor right, were by them to be bound in all cases whatsoever — by their sending a military force to compel us to submit to that declaration — by their actual se zure of our property— by their lighting conflagra- tions in our land— perpetrating rape and m.-issacre upon our people, and finally releasing us from our allegiance, by announcing to us, on the twenty-first day of December, 1775, that we ivere by themselves placed out of their protection — America has been com- pelled to step into that station which, I trust, we are willing, and which, I am convinced, with the blessing of God, we are able to maintain.— My dear countrymen, turn your attention to the transactions of the last twelve months, and be convinced, that our cause is the peculiar care of Heaven. Human policy at best is but short sighted; nor is it to be wondered at, that the original formation of the continental army was upon an erroneous principle. The people of America, are a people of PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. property; almost every man is a freeholder. Their ' supreme rulers thought such men, living at ease in their farms, would not become soldiers under long enlistments; nor, as all thit was then aimed at was a redress of grievances, did they think there would be occasion for their military services, but for a few montlis. Hence the continental army was formed upon short enlistments— a policy that unexpectedly dragged .2?nmca back to the door of slavery. As the times of enlisments expired the last year, the American army decreased in power, 'till it possessed scarce any thing but its appella- tion. And Washington, a name which needs no title to adorn it, a freeman above all praise, having evacuated Lovg-Js!and and J^etu York to a far su- perior force, having repeatedly baffled the enemy at the White Plains, who, quitting that scene of action, suddenly took fort Washington CJ^ov. 16J and bending their course to Philadelphia, he, with but a handful of men, boldly threw himself in their front, and opposed their progress.- -With a chosen body of veterans, who had no near prospect of discharge, it is a diffi'iult operation to make an ordf-rly, leisurely and effectual retreat before ajsu- perior enemy; out with Washington's little army, not exceeding four thousand men, raw troops, who had but a few weeks to serve, to make such a retreat, for eighty miles, and through a populous country, with- out being joined by a single neighbor, a most dis- eouraging circumstance, nothing in the whole science of war could be more difficult; yet it was most completely performed. Washington caused the Delaware to bound the enemy's advance. He summoned general Lee with the corps under his command to jein him. That veteran, disobeying his repeated orders, for which I presume rigid inquisition is yet to be made, loitering wlien he should have bounded forward — he allowed himself to be surprized and made a prisoner, f Dec. 13,J at a distance from his troops. Washington, in the abyss of distress, seemed to be abandoned by his officer next in command — by the Americans them- selves, who seemed appalled at the rapid pro- gress of the enemy. Rape and massacre, ruin and devastation indiscriminately overwhelmed luldgs and tories, and marked the advance of the Jiritlsh forces. The enemy being but a day's march from Philadel- phia, the quakers of that city, by a public instru- ment, dated the 20th of December, declared their attachment to the English domination — a general defection was feared — the congress removed to Baltimore — American liberty evidently appeared as in the last convulsive agony! 2,500 men; their timp of s^-rvict- was to expi-c in a few days, nor was ihere any prospect that they could be induced to slay iong'er. T^iis, such as it was, appeared t'le o-dy force that could be opposed to the British, 'vhich seemed to hah only to give time to th« American \'v^nv !o dissolve ■ f itself, and display us io 'ne world ^s an mconstant peo- ple, noisy, void of public virtup and even shame. But, it was in this extremity of aiTairs, when no human resource appearerl in 'hnr fiiv(jr, that the Almighty chose to manifest his povers to shew the Americans that lie had not f irsaken them; and to convince t'le stales that it was by 'lim alone they were to be maintained in their independence, if they deserved to possess it. Like Henry the four'h of Fraire, one of the greatest men who ever lived, Washinirton, laying aside the generdissimo, assumed the partizan. He had but a choice of difficulties. He was even in a more desperate situation tb.an that in which theking of Prussia was before the baltle of Tor^nu; when there was no step which ra^ mess dictaced, bu( prudence advised him to attempt The ene- my were now in full possession of the Jerseys. A principal body of them were posted at Trenton on the Delaware: Washington occupied the opposite banks. His army, our only apparent hope, now somewhat short of 2,o00 men, was to be disbanded in a very few days: he resolved to lead it to battle before that fatal period; and at least afford it an oppoi'twnity of separating with honor. He pre- pared to attack the enemy at the dawn of day, on the 26th of December. The weather waa.severe. The ice in the river prevented i!ie passage of a part even of his small force. But with those (1,500 men) that he transported across the river, throtigh a violent storm of snow and hail, he marched against the enemy. The unavoidable difficulties in passing the river, del.iyed his arrival at their advanced posts till eight in the morning. Tiie conflict was short. About thirty cf the British troops were killed; 600 fled, 90y officers and pvi. vales surrendered themselves priso;)ers, with six pieces of brass artillery and four pair of colors. This brilliant success was obtained at a vpry small price — only two officers, and one or two privates wounded. In a word, the victory in effect re-established the Amertcan affairs. The consent of the victors to continue six weeks longer under their leader — and the elevation of the spiriis of the people were its immediate consequences— I most important acquisitions at that crisis. Tiie [enemy roised froii their inactivity, and v.ith a Washington was now at the head but of about I view of allowing Washington as little time as 94 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. possible ;o reap other advantages, they in a hurry collected in force, and marched against him. He •was posted at Trenton. On the second of Januarj the front appeared in the afternoon- -they halted with design to u.ake an attack in the morning; and in the mean time, a cannonade was begun and continued by both parties till dark. Sanpinck creek, which runs through Trtnton, parted the two armies. Our forces occupied the south bank, and at night fires were lighted on both sides. At twelve, Washington having renewed his fires, and leaving guards on the passages over the creek, and about 500 men to amuse the enemy, with the remainder of his army, about one in the morning, he marched to Pnncetowi to cut off a reinforce- jntnt that was advancing. He arrived at hisdestina- tion by sun-rise, and dislodged them: they left up- wards of 100 men dead on the spot, and near 300 more as prisoners to the victors. It was by such a decisive conduct that the king of Prussia avoided being overwhelmed by a com bined attack upon his camp at Lignitz, on the morning of the 15ih of August, 1760, by three armies, led by Duun, Lrmdnhn aiid Ceernichew, who were advancing against him from different quarters. In the night the king marched, and in the morning, by the time Daun arrived at his empty cump, be had defeated LoiuUhn in his advance. So the Roman consul, C. Claudius JVero, dreading the junction of Hannibal and his brother Jlsdrubal, who was in full march to him with a powerful reinforce ment, left his camp before Hannibal, with such an appearance as to presuade him he was present, and with the nerves and smew.s of his army privately quitting it, he rapidly marched, almost the whole length of Italy, while Rnme trembled at his steps, and joining the other consul, he defeated Asdnibal, who, had he witli liis forces joined his brother, had made him in all probability an aver match for the Jtsmans. Thus equal gesiiuses provs their equallity, by wisely adapving their conduct to their circum- stances. The action at Trenton was as the making of the flood. From that period success rowled in upon us, with a snrir.g tide. That victory gave us an army— the affair of Prijicetoion procured us a force, and the re prossession of all the Jerseys but Bruns ■wick and Jimhuu. Fer the enemy, astonished at Washington's vivacity, dreaded the loss of those posts in which ihty had deposted their stores, and ran back to hide themselves behind the works they had thrown up around them. Washington pursued, and by the fifth of January those forces which, but a few days before, were in full possession of the Jersegs, he had closely confined to the environs of Brunsivick and Amboy. In this situa-. tion both armies continued until the 13lh of June last, when general //owe mad© an attempt to proceed to Philadelphia; but being baffled, he suddenly abandoned Bruns-wick fJune 22J and in a day or two after Amboy, and retired to Slatetit- island. In the mean time general Burgoyne was advance ing from Canada against Ticonderoga, He ap- peared before the place on the 28th of June — a day glorious to this country — and gen« St, Clair, who commanded in that important post, without waiting iill the enemy had completed their works, or given an assault, to sustain which, without doubt, he bad been sent there, suddenly abandoned the fortress and its stores to the enemy, fJuly 6th.) The public have loudly condemned this evacuation; and the congress have ordered strict enquiry to be made into the causes of it. Gen. Bur§-oj/nc having thus easily possessed him- self of Ticouderoga, immediately began to mea- sure the distance to J^t-w-York. But being destitute of horses for his dragoons, waggons for the convey- ance of his baggage, and in urgent want of pro- visions, he halted near Saratoga, to give time for the operation of the proclamation he had issued CJtme 23d) to assure the inhabitants of security, «nd to induce thera to continue at home with their effects. But, regardless of public engagements C August 9th) he suddenly detached lieutenant col, _ Baiim, with 1,500 men, and private instructions to strip the people of their horses, waggons and provisions; and gave "stretch" to his Indians to scalp those whom he had exhorted to "hemain aUIETiT AT THEIR HOUSES." Things now wore a dreadful aspect in that part of America: but general Stark soon changed the countenance of affairs. With a body of 2000 men, principally militia, he attacked ("August 16th) lieutenant col. Baum at Bennington, stormed his works, killed about 200 of his men, took 656 pri^ soners, together with four brass field pieces and a considerable quantity of baggage; losing only about 30 men killed and 50 wounded. This success- ful attack at once rescued the country from mas- sacre and ruin; and deprived general Burgoyne of those supplies that alone could enable him to ad- vance: ror was it less important in respect to the time at which it was made. For at this juncture, 'brt, Staniuix was hard pressed by gen. St. Ledger, who, having advanced from lake Ontario, had laid siege to it on the second of August. Gtn. AmoUl PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 95 bad been preparing to march to its relief, and hel fence of the Bramly-Wine, the American army fell Lad now full liberty to continue his rout. His back six and twenty miles to the Schuylkill: nor near approach compelled the enemy with precipita tion to raise the siege, f J'/f. 22) leaving their tents, and a large part of their ammunition, stores, provision and baggage, nor did he lose any time in setting out in pursuit of them. Such unexpected strokes utterly disconcerted general Biirgnyne. Our militia began to assemble in considerable numbers. He now anxiously cast his eye behind to Ticonderoga; and wished to trace back his steps. But while gen. Gate» was advancing against his front, at Still-Water, with a superior force, the fruit of Bennington and Stmi- •wix, a part of the American troops had occupied the posts in his rear, and were penetrating to Tionderopa. In their advance they took 200 ^. _ . . ^, ^, , ^ •^ ' the progress of the war m the north, let us now battaux and 293 prisoners; and having seized the ^.. *• . * ♦• ,. , •^ o turn our attention to our situation at home. In old French lines near that fortress, on the leih „„^„„. n- .. •» - a- .• * i respect of our government, it is affectionately September they summoned the place to surrender. , ^ . ,„.,, . , , > ^ "^ _ _ obeyed. With regard to cannon, arnis and amTHuni- did gen. Howe derive any advantage from tha possession of the field of battle. This is the 40th day since the engagement, and we have heard from Philadelphia, in less than half the time, circum- stances furnishing reasonable ground to conclude, that for at least three v/eeks after his victory, gen, Howe made no impression upon the army cf the United States; and that he purchased bis passage of the Brandy- Wine at no small price. He carried Btinker'g hill, but he lost Boston. I trust he has passed the Brandy-Wine but to sacrifice his army, as it were in presence of our illustrious congress, as an attonement for his ravages and conflagrations in America. Having thus taken a general and concise view of Later advices which, though not indisputable, yet well authenticated say, gen. Burgoyne is totally defeated and taken prisoner, and that Ticonderoga with all its stores is in our possession. Indeed, from the events ive already know, we have every reason to believe that the^American arms are decisively ti-iumpbant in that quarter. As to gen. Howe, at the head of the grand Bri- tiih army, even when the campaign was far advanc- ed, he had not done any thing in aid of his mas- ter's promise, in June last, to his parliament, that his forces would "effectually crush" America in the course of "the present campaign." Driven from the Jersejfs, and having embarked his troops on the 23d of July, he put to sea from Sandy-Hook with 226 sail; and having entered the Chesapeake, he landed his army (about 12,000 men) the 30th of August, on Turkey-point, at the head of the bay. Skirmishing with the American light troops he pushed on to Brandy- Wine creek, behind which Washington was posted to obstruct his passage. By a double onset on the 11th of September, at Chad\ ford and /*««»' six miles above, where, be- cause of uncertain and contradictory intelligence, Washington had not made a disposition adequate to the force with which the enemy attacked, they crossed, first at Jene«' and then at Chad's. The engagement was long and obstinate. The highest Account does not make our w/»o/e loss exceed 1000 men and 9 field pieces; the lowest state of the ene- my's is not so low as 1000 killed— a. slaughter from which we may form some idea of the proportion of tion, we are in a truly respectable condition. As to trade, we are the grand emporium for the continent. Oh! that I cauld but give as good an account of the public vigour of the people. Alas! it seems to have been exported in the sime bottoms with the growth of their lands. What! are we sensible that we are yet at war with Great Britain? We proceed as if we had totally vanquished the enemy. Are we aware, 'that to continue such a conducl^is to allure them to act in this state, that TRAGEDT they performed the last winter in the Jerset/s? Do we intend to acquire an experimental knowledge of the horrors of war.? Do we dtsire to be driven from this beautiful town — to be dis- possessed of this valuable seat of trade — to see ourselves flying we know not whither — our heirs uselessly sacrificed in our sight, and their bodies mangled with repeated stabs of bayonets.'' Tell me, do you mean that your ears shall be pierced with the unavailing shrieks of your wives, and the agonizing screams of your daughters under the brutal violence of British or Brunswick ruffians? — Rouse, HOUSE yourselves into an activity capable of securing you against these horrors. In every quarter the enemy are vanquished or baffled. They are at a stand; cease, my beloved countrymen, cease, by your langour in the public defence, and your ardor after private gain, to invite them t© turn their steps this way and seize your country as a rich and easy prey. The states of America are attacked by Britain. They ought to consider themselves as an army drawn up to receive the their wounded. Not having made good the de- 1 shock of assault, and from the nature of their 95 PRINCIPLES AND ACtS OF THE REVOLUTION. ground, occupying thirteen towns and villages in ] a powerful nation of /«f those, who are ab.sent, contra.7 *» the recom- mendation- f (heir couniry. norata I so ungenerous as to attribute thei-- ahseiice to a disgraceful policy. But, even they must be so ir genions as to admit that those who do not know them, have room to cast this reproach upon them, and to be dissatisfied at their conduct. It is necessary that I speak with boldness and plainness. In a time like this, that language sKould be as the thunder— not as the music of the spheres — and that I discourse to grand jurors of odier things, besides their mere duti'-s in a court of jus- tice. Hence, upon other occnsions have I reasoned upon the propnety of our revolution in Murch 1776 —upon the legal necessity of the Jlmencan inde- pendence—and now, upon the situation of affairs. I do most earnestly recommend, thai you urge these topicks, when you blend yourselves jigrain among your neighbors. In every station that I have had the honor (o fill, I have counselled the iTiost decisive measures; nor have 1 been sparing of my personal assistance in their execution! Tl.e public service requires an unwearied application, unabating vigor, and a readiness to make the greatest sacrifices. I firmly trust, that we shall :ict as mbn; and that posterity will have no just cause to reproach our conduct. THE PRESENTMENTS OF THE JURY. SoPTH Carolina. At a court o/oknkiial skssions of tue pface, orr.n, ANr TKnMiJrT;it, ahsize Asn gkneual bao'.-. i,b- LIVBHY, bigtin and holden at Chctr:eHov, f r the di^tTlct of Cht'.rltkton, the 2\st Onoher 1777[ bf^f-.-e ihe honoruble IVil'iam Henry Druyfrm, esq. chi^'f justice, imdiiis associates, justices of the said conn. Presentments of the grand jxiry for the said district. I. Wfr the grand jurors of said district, thmk it our duty to present as a great grievance, tha' most of the magistrates in the commission of the peace lor Charlestm refuse to act, by means whereof many criminals, particularly slaves, escape punish- ment, ,0 the great encourHgement of crimes and offences: And weareof opinion, that this remissness in the magistrate, is owing to the law disallo.ving any fees, for the most salutary services to the pub- lie. II. We present as a grievance, the number of voluMtary absentees from this state now in Europe, men of large possessions, tliat they are not par-icu- larly ordered to return, and join their countrymen, in the present contest for Hhgter and independence. III. We present, by the m)rmation of Mr Benja- min Edings, that the public road leading from Slann's island to Elisto island, has never been fi.ished, (for want of commissioners) and is now in swch bad order, that it is very difficult for thf; 98 PRLNCiPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. in'iubitants to pass over, and which may be very detrimental in case of any invasion or other f mergency, ar.d hope that due attention may be had in remedying this evil. IV. We return oor thanks to his honor the chief jusiice, for his excellent and patriotic charge de- livered at the opening of this s?BMions, and beg- the same, with our presentments, may be forthwith printed and published. Edward Ligldivood, fuveman, [i.. s.] Philip Tidyman, .hhn Webb, Jitlin C' eighum, Jh-vvy iS'ciimciiyes, John Lyon, Sdvniel Leifare, .hsitih Jjonneuit, Sanniel Ihinlap, John Rivers, Robert JMurrell, Jnn. Ja» es JVitler jun. William Royall, Menjamin Ediiigs, [L. S.] [L. S.] [U S.] [L. S.] [L. S.] [L. S.] [L. S.] [L. S.] [L. S.] [L. S.] [t. S.] [r.. s.] IL. s.] Judge Drayton's Speech. The upeech nf the hon. Wil'inm Henry JJrayton, esq. rhiff ptstiie nf South Carolina, ilciivered on the twentieth .Tammry, 1778, in the general assembly — resohied into the roniniltee of the ivho'e, upon the tirticles of the confederation of the United Suites nf America. Mr. C«AiuMASt — A plan of a confederation of the United Sta'es of America, is at length by con- gress, given to the continent: A suLjeci of as high importance as can be presented to their attention. Upon the wise formation of this, their indopenden- cv, glory and happiness ultimately depend. The plan is delivered abroad for private and public in- formation: It is sent to us for consideration, Sir, my mind labors under the load that is thus thrown upon it.- -Millions are to experience the effects of the judgment of those few, whom the laws per- mit to think and to act for them in this grand bu- siness. Millions — posterity innumerable, will bless or curse our conduct! — Their happiness or misery f'.epend upon us — their fate is now in our hands! 1 almost trcn.ble, while I assist in holding the im- portant bcdance! — But sir, the great disposer ol Sill things, has placed us in this important period, pregnant wilh vasiai^ts. He has cnlled us forth to lpgisl:ite for th^^Pur world; and to endeavor to bind the various people of it, in durable bands of friendship and union. We must obe\: and ] tnist we shall obey, wilh courage and integrity Actuated by these principles, I am incapable of' receding from my duty: And conscious that I an ' ound to consider the subject of a confeder.'^tion of the United Statics, upon the broad basis of equal- ity, 1 shall endeavor to discharge this obligation, first, by viewing the plan before us, wilh liberality, and with that decency and respect, due to the high authority from which it is derived; and then, by iaklng the liberty of throwing out my ideas of s'lch terms, as in my opinion are desirable, attain- able, and likely to form a beneficial confeder'\'i(>n. The best writers upon government, agree in this as a political truth; that were the liberties of the people are to be preserved, the legislative and ex- ecutive should ever be separate and distinc*; and liiat the first should consist of parts mutually form- ing a check upon each other. Tie CO .sals, senate Hid people, cons' i'utedsucli a governiTierUin Rome: Tlie king, lords and commons, erected sucli a gov- ernment in Britain. The lirst, one of the best of antiquity — the last, tiie most perfect system, the wit of man ever devised: But both, as it is the case with all things temporal, lost their capability of ac- tion, and changed their \try nature. We are about to establish a confederate 1 go- vernment which I religioisly hope will Inst for a^< s. And, I must be pardoned when I say, that this government does not apptar likely to be form- ed upon those principles, which the wisest me.i have deemed, and which long and invariable ex- perience prove, to be the mosf secure defences to liberty. The congress seem to have lost sight of this wise mode of gover.iment: At least it is cer- tain, that they hive rejected it. I lament their de- cision: I have apprehensions for Ihe consequences. Into their own hands, they appear inclined to as- sume almost all the important powers of govern- ment. The second ."U'ticle speaks of ihe sovereign- ty of the respective states, but by the lime we ar- rive at the last, scarce the shadow of sovereign- ty remains to any. "No two or more States shall enter into any treaty," but by consent of congress — "nor shall any bo ly of forces be kept up by any state, in time of peace, except such number only," as congress siiall deem requsi'e --".no ves- sels of war, shall be kept up in ti.ne of peare by any state, except such number only," as congress shall deem neces.'^ary--"nor shall any state grant conimissioi.s to any ships or vessels of war, except it be after a declaration of war by," Congress — and, these are great and humiliating restrictions upon their sovereignty. It is of necessiiy, that tlie sovereignty ofthe slates sh(»ald be restricte '.- but , I would do this with & gentle himX. Caimot a good lonfedcraliuij be hud, without these huuiihating PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 99 restrictinn';? I Vliiiik it may. However, independ ent of the settlement of this point; the two last restrictions require another observation. From the first of them, it oupfht to be presumed, that up- on a vacancy in any of the vessels of war, kept up by any state in time of peace by the permission of congress, the state to which they belong shall in time of peace, be at liberty to issue a new com- mission: But if this is to be presumed, the senti- ment oiighi to hive been precisely expresseth for it is obvious, a doubt upon this matter, may arise from the restriction, that no state shall grant co nmis- sions to any ships or vessels of war, except it be af- ter a declaration of war. These clauses, if we give due efficacy to the signification of words, re- ally clash — at least displaying an ambiguity, they require a rule of onstruction, that must destroy the peremptoriness of words. A rule which ought not to be admitted into an instrument of this kind; for it should be maturely considered; and it may lie precisely worded, witliout the formality in a statute law. There seems to be a dangerous inaccnracy in that part of tiie sixth article, proliibiting the states re- spectively from entering into any covference witli any king, prince or state. 1 presume this ought to be understood, to respect a foreign state only; But it may be insisted upon, tliat the prohibition includes even the United States. And why should not two or more of these have any conference? 1 would have the doubt absolutely destroyed. The third section of the article now under my observation, declares, that "no state shall lay any imposts or duties, which may interfere with any stipulations in treaties, entered into by congress with any king, prince or state, in pursuance of any treaties already proposed by congress to the courts o^ France and Spain:" And I must contrast this, with the provision in the ninth article, "thatno trea- ty of commerce shall be made whereby the legis lative power of the respective slates shall be re- strained from imposing such imposts and duties on foreigners, as their own people are subj'ct to, or from prohibiting the exportation or impor tation of any ppecies of goods or commodities whatsoever."-.-! am of opinion, we are to un- derstand from the first of these clauses, that no state shall lay any imposts or duties, which may inter- fere with the present foreign stipulations of con- gress, in treaties already proposed; and that such stipulations, free of such interference, maybe con eluded by treaty: But this latter meaning, is not expressed. Indeed a great doubt arises, whether this be the true intent of that clause, when we, consider the subsequent proviso, worded in these most peremptory terms, that "no treaty of com- merce shall be made ivhereby the legislative pow^r of the respective states shall be resi- can I think of entering into any engagements, which are not as equal as may be, between the states— engage- ments of a compelling nature, and the whole to be understood according to tl)e letter only. Without these five leading prij Th- poivers of ike lorgnss and the committee of the general superintendinj,' governme^it, for their com- mon defence and security, against all designs and le:.g'ies that m'^y be detrimenlal to their interests; and ;igHinst all force and attacks offered to or made upon them or any of them. The style of the confederacy declared. Art. 2. The style of the confederacy shall be, the United States of America. The legislative and executive constituted. Jin. 3. The legislative for the confederacy shall be in a congress composed of delegates from each of the United St»les— the congress shall be styled, The congress of America, and one of the delegates shall, by the others, be elected to preside in it. Tlie delegates shall be annually nominated by iheir yespective legislatures, to meet in the congress of .'Imerica, on the fifteenth day of March in every year. Each state shall be represented in congress, by not less than three, nor more than seven dele- gttes; and shall have one vote in congress, where all questions shall be determined by a majority of votes, except such as shall be hereinafter me;5tioned. Any state neglecting to have a re United States of .hiieiicr. descridtd und limited, and their respective duties pointed oat. .^rt. 4 The congress sliall have power to ap- point one of their number to preside i'> it — to mak e rules for rf^giila'irg ihfir proceedings — to declare what shall be d* emed treason against the United States of Ameriia, and in what manner such trea- son shall be punished — the congress shall have the sole power of declaring war and peace — sending i-.mbassadors to, and receiving them froni, foreign princes and slates — entering into and concluding treaties and alliances with foreign powers — ascer- taining the military land quota of each state, iit proportion to the number of while inhabitants therein respectively — building, purchasing and f quipping a navul force, in the service of the Unit- ed States of America — rating anrl cai;sing taxes to be levied, throughout the United Slates, for the service of the confederacy — appointing a gene- ralissimo and commander in chief of the land forces, major generals, principal staff officers, and ^ war-office, styled Tiie war -office of America — nominating an admiralissimo and commander in chief of the naval forces, all subordinate officers in the naval force m the service of the United Slues, Dresentation in congress, shall nevertheless be j • i. n- . i i -ro ,< j • i. lJii,»ciimi.iuit 1 1 I. {, , \i\nil an admirally-omce, styled The admiraltv- bound bv the act of congress, as if Its representa- ,„ ,. . ui- i • „ ... „ „ m " ' "'^ "^ b » ... office 01 America — establishir.g a treasury office, tion was present. E ich state shall maintain its , , , ^ ~ . , . liuii TVttB i^ic^jt II. x^ styled The treasury office of America— supplying own delecates. No delesjrate shall be a member , „ ,. ,, ■ • ,u -i -i-, ■ " o and nlhng up all vacancies m the said miliiay and of cone-ress for more than three years, in any term i . ut u , i- 4k„ i i i. o •' • naval establ.shmen's; and m the said war, aumirulty of six years. Nor shall any member of congress j »„„ . „ «: . „ i,- „ i. r ti ■' -^ . ' ^nd treasury otnces — makmg rules for the gov? rn- be Capable of holding any office under the United i-,K^„„:i i;,„..„ „ , »„„ „ ,. i *• •^ t) / ment ot the said military quotas, naval force, war. States of America, for whiih he, or any other for his benefit, receives any salary or emolument of any kind; for bis acceptance of any such offict shall vacate his seat in congress; nor shall he be re eleced as a member whiielie holds such office. Freedom of debate and speeth shall be allowed in congress, nor shall any thing done in congre.ss be impeached or questioned out of it. The dele- gates shall be protected in their persons fron; arrests and imprisonments, except for treason, felony or breach of the peace. The e.xecutive for the confederacy shall be in the congress, and dur ing its recess in a committee of their body, which shall be styled. The committee ofthe United States •f America. This committee shall consist of one delegate from each state, the president of the con- gress being one, and he shall preside in it— all ques tions therein shall be determined by a majority of votes, and their acts shall be binding upon llie Unit ed Slates, notwithslauuing the absence of any mem- ber of it, U. ydmiralty and treasury offices — directing, order- ing and commanding the said military quotas, naval force, generalissimo, major generals, principal staff iifficers, admiralissimo, subordinate officers, war, naval and treasury offices, in all tlieir operations and psoceedin^s — ciniitlng and borrowing money upon the credit of the United States, from lime to lime, not exceeding the sum ascertained as neces- s-iry 10 be raised for the service ofthe confederac); iransmittiig to the several states, half yearly, an account of the sums of money so emitted and borrowed — .pplying the said sums of money ascer- lained to be raised, and allowed to be envitted and borrowed, for defraying the publio expense — col- lecting military stores and provisions, and issuing them for the service of J|M||i^iied States — grant- ing letters of marque an^^^isal — declaring what captures on land and on water shall be legal; and in what manner such captures, by the land and naval forces in the service of the Unite.! Siatcsi, .ijhiill be divided and appropriated — appointing 106 PRINCIPLES 7\ND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. courts in l'»e several Uiiiled States for trial of beginning, until the number shall be reduced to piracies conimitted on the high seas, and for decid- 1 thirteen; at>d from that ni;mbcr not lesa than seven, ing finally appeals in all cases of capture, arising [nor more than nii e, ts congiess shall direct, shall, in such states respectively— appointing all sucli j in presence of the congress, and the said lawful civil officers as nnay be necessary for transp.cting agents, be drawn out by lot, by the secretary of and managing the general affairs of the United, the congress, and the persons whose names shall States; ascertaining their duties, and, except j he so drawn, or any five of them, shall be judges judicial officers, directing their proceedings — to hear and finally determine the controversy i.i regulating tlie alloy and value of coin struck by the manner, and the proceedings thereupon shall their authority— esiablishing and regulating post be tlie same as specified relative to the court offices throughout the United Stales; exacting chosen by the said lawful agents: And if either such postage as may be necessary to defray the party shall neglect to attend at the day appointed, expense of the said offices, or any part thereof— or being present, shall refuse to strike, the con- regulating the afiL'irs and trade of the Inc.'iatis, not fgress shall proceed to nominate three persons of members of any state — being the dernier resort, on the representation of each of the United Stales, in appeal in all cases of dispute, between any two or manner already specified and provided, and the more of the United States, and this power shall secretary of the congress shall strike in beiialf of be exercised in the following manner, that is to such party absent or refusing — the judges shall be say — whenever the legislative or executive au-' drawn — their powers and duties shall be the same, thority, or lawful agent, thereunto legally required,: as shall be the proceedings of congress, as are of any stale in controversy with another or others, specified relative to the court formed by the joint shall present a petition to the congress, stating the , choice of the lawful agents. And in any court so matter in question, and praying for a hearing, (provisional by directed to be constituted, if cither r,f notice thereof shall, within ten days, be given, by [the parties siiall refuse to submit to the authori'y order of congress, to the legislative or executive; of the court, or shall not appear therein to support authority of tlie other state or states in controversy,! or defend their cause, the court shall, iiotwitii- assigning a day, not sooner than six months, nor! standing, proceed to hear and to pronounce i:s later than nine months, to the parties to appear decree, which shall be attended with the same before them, by their lawful agents; who shall effects, as are above specified, relative to the court in their presence, on the day assigned, be by themichosen by joint consent. Every judge, before he directed to appoint, by joint consent, within ten) sits in judgment in any such case, shall take an days thereafter, seven judges to constitute a court j oath, to be administered by any one of the judges lor hearing and finally determining tlie matter in i of the supreme or superior court of the state, i« qaestion, according to the law of nations: who [which the cause shall be tried, "well and truly to shall sit, if it be necessary, from day to day, not j hear and determine the present matter in question exceeding ten days, Sunday excepted, and give I between and according to their final decree by a majority of voices, with the, the best of his judgment, without favor, affection, reasons at large upon which they found it; which fee or hope of reward:" the blanks being supplied decree and reasons shall be by them returned to the congress, and by them be deposited among with the description c f the parties. And all con. troversies concerning the private right of soil, their acts, for the security of the parties concerned; : claimed under the different grants, of two or more the congress causing the decree to be peremptorily executed without loss of time. But, if t!ie said lawful agents shall not, within the said ten days, agree in a nomination of the seven judges, con- gress shall, within three days, name three delegates of the representation of each of the United Slates, (provided the president of the congress shall not of the United Slates, whose jurisdictions, as they may respect such soil, and the states which passed such grants, the grants or either of them being at thesametimeclaimedtohave originated antecedent to such settlement of jurisdiction, shall be proceed. ed in, as nearly as may be, agreeable to the tiial specified to be had in controversies between any be one, and that if such a nomination of three dele- [ two or more of the United States. The congress gates cannot oiherwi^f?wl. made, that congress shall have power, of theic,^,oly, to elect a person shall further have the power of adjourning to any time, not exceeding six months, and to any place to represent the state in his room) and from thr i within the United States of America — appointing list of such persons, each party in controvei s) the committee of the United States ol America— thall alternately strike out one, the neiitionersj vesting them with such of their powers accjidirg PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 107 to their authority and discretion; examining into their journals and proceedings. But the congresf- shall not declare what shall be treason against the United States, nor the punishment of it, but by the voice of each of the United States in congi*ess — nor shall the congress engage in war- -nor enter into or conclude any treaty or alliance — nor ascer tain the military land quota of the states — nor build, purchase or equip a naval force — nor rate or cause a general tax to be levied — nor appoint a generalissimo — nor nominate an admiralissimo — nor emit or borrow money — nor grant letters of marque and reprisal in time of peace, except by the consent of eleven votes in the congress — nor shall the congress vest any of these powers in the committee of the United States— nor shall any per- son officiate as president of the congress, longer than one year in any term of three years — nor shall the congress exercise any power, but what is here by expressly delegated to them. The congress, and the committee of the United States, shall respectively publish the journal of their proceed ings monthly, except such parts thereof relating to treaties, alliances and military operations, as they respectively shall think require secrecy; and the yeas and nays of theseveral delegates inthecon- gress, and in the committee of the United States, shall be entered on their respective journals, when desired by any delegate present, who, at bis re quest, shall be furnished with a transcript of the said journals respectively, except such parts as are above excepted, to lay before the legislature of the several states. The committee of the Unit- ed States shall at all times lay their journals and proceedings before the congress, when by them required. And with the powers herein delegated to the congress, and that may by them be delegated to the committee of the United States of America, they and each of them shall endeavor, that the con federacy receive no detriment. The public fuiih pledged for past engagements of con- gress. ■Art. 5. All bills of credit emitted, monies bor rowed, and debts contracted by the congress of the United St.ites, or under their authority, before this confederation, shall be deemed and considered as a charge against the United States of America; for full payment and satisfaction whereof, the said United Spates and the public faiih are hereby solemnly pledged. The engagements of the several states to each other, and declaration of their rights. Art. 6. There shall be a mutual friend.ship and intercourse among the people of the several stales in this union— the free white inhabitants of each ■^f these states, (those who refuse to take up arms in defence of the confederacy, paupers, vagabonds and fugitives from justice excepted) shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of free citizens in the several states, according to the laws of such state respectively, for the govern- ment of their own free white inhabitants — havinp- uninterupted ingress and regress, together with their property, to and from any other of the United States; subject nevertheless to the duties, imposi- tions and restrictions, as the inhabitants thereof respectively; provided, that such restrictions shall not extend to defeat the articles of this confedera- tion, or any part thereof: Provided also, that no duty, imposition or restriction shall be laid by any state, on the property of the United States, or of the government, in either of them, except in cases of embargo. If any person charged with, or guilty of treason, felony or other high misdemeanor in any of the respective states, shall flee from justice, and be found in any of the states, upon the demand of the executive power in the state from which he fled, iie shall be delivered up, and removed to the state having jurisdiction of the offence, that state de- fraying the expense of the removal. And full faith and credit shall be given throughout the United States to the acts, records and judicial pro- ceedings of the courts and magistrates in each. No state shall lay or allow to continue any prohibition, impost or duty, which m .y interfere with any treaty, which shall be made by the con- gress with any fjreign power— no st;tte sl.all engage in any v/ar, without the consent of the con- gress, unless such state be actually invaded by an enemy; or shall have received certain intelligence f such hostile design, formed by some nation of Indians, and the danger is so imminent as not to admit of a delay — no state shall grant letters of marque and reprisal, but afier a declaration of war by the congress; and then only against the power against whom the war has been so declared, except such state be infested by piracies, in w!iich case vessels of war may be fitted out by that state for the occasion only— no state shall enter into any conference, agreement, treaty or alliance with any king, prince or foreign stat^^gflor shall any person, holding any office under J^^pRited States, or un- der any of ti.em, accept oWRy present, emolument, ffi>:e or title, from any king or foreign state, with- >ut being thereby absolutely rendered forever incapable of any public trust, under the United States, or any of them— nor shall any of these states 108 rUlNCiPLES AND ACTS OF THK REVOLUTION. pant any title oS' nobility: Bui precideiice ai.c' rank shall be thus established: The president of *he congress of America— the supreme civil officer of a state while in it — the gewernlissinio and adiriraHssimo, and they according to seniority — the regular forces by hnd and sea, in the service of the United States — the regular forces by land and sea, in the service of a particular state, ranking with such forces in the service of any other state —the militia of a stole, ranking with the militia of any other — officers of equ:*l degree, shall command according to the rank hereby laid down for their respective corps; and officers of the same corps, being of equal degree, shall command by seniority of commission. T!,*: military l;uid quota of each of the United States shall be in proportion to the number of white inhabitants in each — the legislature in the several states shall, from time to time, cause all the white inhabitants therein, to be numbered as reurly as may I'e — the persons appointed to num ber them, shall be sworn to make the most diligent and accurate enquiry that they can, and to return to the executive power in the state, the true num ber they shall so fiiid — they shall be paid for theii- trouble, and punished for their neglect, if any there shall be — the executive authority in each state, having received such a return, shall without loss of time send it, or an exact copy of it, to the congress — such a return to the congress siiall be made before the first day of January next, and in 6very seventh year thereafter — the several states shall, in due time, embody the several military quotas required by the congress, and shall raise, clothe, ai m and maintain them, at the general ex- pense, rated by the congress— the several states sl;all appoint all the regimental and deputy staff officers incidental to their quotas; and into as many brigades as the congress shall bi igade their respec tive quotas, so many brigadier-generals, shaiJ such respccive state nominate, the whole to be com- niissioned by the congress — all vacancies in a quota shall be supplied by its state — the executive power in each state, except that in which the congress be sitting, shall, under the authority and controul ot the congress, direct tlie land forces, ships and ves- sels of war, and all officers incidental thereto, in the service of the United States, within such state — the proportionate pewMfiary quotas of the several states shall be regulated in proportion to the num- ber of inhabitants in each state respectively whenever such pecuniary quotas for the service of the United Stales shall be required by congress, tey shall state the capitation rate— each stalt shall then appoint persons to number its whole inhabitants, according to the mode stated to ascer- tain the number of white inhabitants in each state, such persons being also caused to specify the num- ber of wliile, mustizo, mulatto and negro inhabitants respectively — such a numeration being duly return- ed, the legislature in each state shall levy the sum of money to arise therefrom, in such mode as they shall deem expedient; and a true copy of the said return shall, without loss of time, be sent to con- gress — the several states shall duly pay their pecuniary quotas into the treasury office of Ame- rica, by the timementioned by the congress for such payment, unless to the contrary directed for the good of the public service; in which case, such state so directed shall, within twelve months, duly ac- count with the said treasury -office forthepecimiary quota, or part thereof ^o directed to be retained — each state shall, within five years, establish a foundation for a naval seminary, making suitable provision for the constant maintenance, education and fitting for sea, five youths for every thousand white inhabitants within such slate: Every such youth shall be admitted upon such establishment, at ten years of age: At the age of fourteen, he shall be bound an apprentice in the sea service for seven years, completely furnished with necessary clothes and bedding: At the expiration of that term, he shall be liable for a term of seven years, in lime of war, to do duty, or to find a seaman to do duty in his room, on board the naval force in the service of the United Slates, or in that of the state in v>hich he was so educated: And he or his sub- stitute, as the case may be, shall for such service be free from every tax; and losing the use of a limb in the public service, shall be maintained ever after at the expense of the United States, or of that state in whose particular service he was so maimed. Each state shall make suitable laws for rendering this naval establishment a public benefit — all ge- neral officers, flag officers and commodores, shall be created by election only, nor shall the princi- pie of seniority give any title to such promotion — no state shall exercise any power hereby delegated to the congress: But it is declared, the several states do possess and enjoy all those natural rights and powers of sovereignty, not by this act delegat- ed: And it is also declared, that whenever the con- gress shall cease to observe these articles of con- federation, the several states shall be at liberty to declare themselves absolved from all obedience to that government * •For, whenever a question arises between tlie society at large and any manistrale vested with powers originally delega'ed by that so- ciety, it must be decided by the voice of that society itsell; there i> cotupou earth any other tribunal to resort to.— 1 Ulac/aivnejtli' PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. i09 A declaration of the capability of admission into the confederacy. Art. 7. Canida, acceding to this confederation, and joining in the measures of the ITniied States, shall be admitted into, and entitled to all the ad- vantages of this union; and shall be equally, with any other of the United States, solemnly bound to a strict observance of and obedience to these arti cles; as shall be also, any other colony which shall be admitted into this confederacy. The eleven votes in congress shall be increased in proportion as the confer^eracy is ex ended: But, except Ca- vadq, no other colony shall be admitted into the confederacy without the assent of eleven or more votes, as the case may require, by the confederation being extend -jd. The penalty ef violating the articles of confederation Art. 8. Forthebetterassuranceof the benefits ex peeled from this confederation, voluntarily entered into by the several states; to guard, as far as may be, against the negligence and weakness of men; and to stimulate the several states to a due, regular and punctual obedience to this confederation, and performance of their several duties herem ex- pressed it is declared, that if any state shall fail ill causing its military quota to be duly embodied; or fail in causing its pecuftiary quota or proportion of the general tax throughout the United States to be duly levied and paid, in either of such esses the state, so making default, shall, within twelve months thereafter, pay into the treasury office of America, for the use of the United States, in the first case, double the sum of money necessary to its military quo' a, at the time it should have been embodied; in the second case, double the sum of money its pecuniary quota or proportion of the ge- neral tax would have amounted to, if due payment had been made, and which shall be estimated from its last return of inhabitants: And in default of the due payment of either of such penalties, or in case any of the United States shall in any other respect violate any of the articles of this confederation, the congress shall, within one year thereafter, declare such state under the ban of the confederac), and by the utmost vigor of arms shall forthwith proceed against such state, until it shall have paid due obedience, upon which the ban shall be taken off and the state shall be restored to the benefits of this confederacy. A declaration of the obligatory nntnre of the con- federation, and in luhat manner it is capable of any alteration. Art. 9. Tlie articles of this confederation shall be strictly binding upon, and inviolably observed by the parties interested therein: Nor (rhM any alteration be made in them, or any of them, unless s'>ch alteration shall be .-igreed to in the congress, and allowed by the legislature of every state in the confederacy. The rule* by ivlnch the coiife deration shall be under- stood. Art. 10. To avoid, as far as may be, the dangers that may arise from an erroneous construction of the articles of this confederation, and to prevent a contrariety of opinion upon them, they shall be un- derstood according to the exoressionand not other- wise. And all acts of tlic congress and of the com- mittee of the United States, shall be taken only in the same manner. In solemn confii-mation and testimony whereof, we, the delegates f r the states of New Hampshire, Vlassachuset.s-Bay, Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia. North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia, in congress of the United States, being duly authorised there, unto by tcts of the legislature of our respective states, for ihem and on their behalf, do hereunto sign our names and affix our seals at arms. Done at in the state of this day of in the year of our Lord and in the year of tiie sovereignty of Anr.erica. You tnust have observed, Mr. Chairman, tha' my ideas have been collected but to one point — an endeavor to render the plan before us as little liable to objection as I cav — I have not presumed to touch its general scheme. 1 wi'^h to have the opening of a congress altered from Novembtr to February, March or April, for the reasons I have assigned: Iliave chosen March, a month particularly distinguishing tl>e laudable exertions of this state; a month, remarkable for great events respecting the liberties of America; a month, including the date of the declension of Gieat Britain,- a month, that ever will be famous for the patriotic execu- tion of a Roman tyrant — but I am not obstinate in tliis choice. I shotjld most readily admit the famous 19th of April — the commencement of the civil war: Or the 4lh of July, the illustrious epocha of the sovereignty of America! A dwy that ought to be l)eid in ev^^^ing remembriince — a day that naturally poj^Hmit the time for the ■innual meeting of the congress of America, to watch for the permanency of its independence. I have increased the least representation in con- gress, in order to procure a more numerous re- no PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. presentation of the states, and to give efficacy to the mode of trial of disputes between the states: for a numerous representation is a guard against corrup^tion; and nothing should be left at hazard t^at can be avoided — it seems requisite to declare, that a state shall be bound by the act of the con- gress, or the committee of the United States, although i^s representation shall not be present; for this will have a tendency to urge the states to preserve their representation. 1 think it is utterly impolitic to exclude a member of congress from being nominated to an ofRce, under the United States; for many a man, may be capable of perform- ing much more important service in such a station than in congress: But 1 have already given my opinion fully on that subject. It seems necessary to the despatch of business, that the president of congress should also be the president of the com- tnittee of the United States: For this body is to proceed in the business begun by the other — con- gress ought to have the power of declaring treason: For the power is a great means of guarding against internal machinations; and it naturally appertains to such a body — An admiralissimo is necessary: for the navy should be of right put upon an equal footing with the army, in point of rank: America must be a great naval power; and every encourag- ment should be given that she should be soon so— I have mentioned a war and admiralty-office: For such establishments do not seem to be regularly comprehended in the clause, "other committees and civil officers;" the copulative creating an idea of civil committees — The restriction upon the con. gress nomination to military offices, is grounded upon the reasons I have assigned upon that head — It does not seem any way expedient that congress should have a power of emitting or borrowing morp money than the sum they rate as necessary to be raised: And, therefore, they ought to be limited in that point — courts for the trial of piracies, and receiving appeals in cases of capture, should be erected in each state: Because people should not be obliged to seek justice at a distance, when the% can with propriety be allowed t > procure it at home: This is a fundamental principle of natural right, isanctioned by common law and usage — The law by which the right between states in controversy is to be determined, ought to be specified; and the rule of right not left toMJ|y;aprice of judges — we cannot but remember tnSw)igIi authority which says, "Misera servitus est, vbi jus en, vagum aut incognitum"* The eleven votes seem absolutelv *Woful \s thai subjection where the law is un certain or unknown. — 4 Just. 246. necessary, and perfectly equitable: Cin it possibly be thought reasonable, that the southern interest should be judged of and determined upon, without the consent of, at least, half the states principally forming that interest?— It appears evident that the free ^uhite inhabitants only of each of the states, should be entitled to the privileges and immunities of free citizens in the others; and that according to the law respecting free white inhabitants in such states respectively — the commercial negociations of congress, must ever be dilatory in theix progress, and their views often unattainable, while exposed to a power, in any of the United States, to liy duties and impositions contrary to the spirit of negociations manifestly to the general advantage: Such a power therefore should not exist— The greatest obstacles should be laid in the way of public officers receiving any douceur from a foreign prince — It seems absolutely necessary, that prece- dence and rank should be established; for without it jealousies and confusions may arise — The numera- tion of the white inhabitants ought to be frequently made, and with the utmost accuracy: This being the best means of enabling the congress to wield the strength of America with equal justice to the several states, and with vigor in defence of the confederacy. And the mode in which this numera- tion shall be made, and the general tax shall be raised, ought to be specified: These things are capable of beitg regulated in an easy, plain, equit- able and punctual manner — The unanimous vote is iiighly expedient in the case of treason: For this is a matter of the roost serious importance— The eleven voices should be increased as the con- federacy is enlarged: For neither the northern nor southern interest should be effected, but by the consent of at least half the states in such interests espectively — The penal article justifies itself- as ioes that upon the construction of the confedera- tion, and of the acts of congress and of the com- mittee of the United States. In addition, sir, to this concise state of my rea- sons for some of the principal alterations I have made, I must beg leave to be more particular in my arguments in support of others, which I have much at heart and wish to make; because I have not had an opportunity of introducing them witii propriety. I will endeavor to be as short as the importance of the subject will admit. I have excluded those from the privileges of free while inhabitants in the several states who refuse to take up arms in defence of the confederacy— a measure in my opinion perfectly just. II is said, PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. Ill example is before precept. Lei ihe Qviakers takei inconsistent with the great laws of nature, and with shelter undf^r any text in scripture they please— the necessary state of human society, cannot be the best they can find, is but a far-fetched implica- ] inspired by the divinity. Self-defence is as neces- tion in their favor. However, had their prtcept jsary to nations as men. And shall particulars have been in more positive tern-s, I think I have an ex- ample at hand capable of driving them from such a cover. We read that "Jesus went into the tem- ple of God, and cast out all them that sold and bought in the temple, and overthrew the tables of the money chang^ers " Here we see the arm ef the flesh raised up, and a d«gree of hostile violence exercised, sufficient to the end in view: And shall it be said vrolence is not justifiable? Did not God command Jiloses to number "all that were able to ^0 forth in luar in Israel?" Did not jTIuses, by the a right which nations have not.' True religion is the perfection of reason. Fanaticism is the dis- grace, the destruction of reason." Than all this nothing can be more just, certain and evident. Can those men reasonably claim an equal participation in civil rig^.ts who, under any pretence whatsoever, will not assist in defending them? Shall there be a people maintained in the possession of their riches by the labor and blood of other men? Are not the quakers, some few excepted, the most inveterate enemies to the independence of Arae- Divine order, send 12,000 men to cut oW the rica? Have they not openly taken part with those Midtanites: And, although "they slew all the in arms against us? I consider them not only as a males," were they not reprehended for having dead weight upon our hand, but as a dangerous *'saved all the women alive?" Did not the Almighty command the children of Israel that, when Ihey bad passed into Canaan, "then they should drive out all the inhabitants of the land from before body in our bosom; I would therefore gladly be rid of them. I almost wish to "drive out all such inhabitants of the land from before us." The Canaanites knew not God. But the Quakers say them?" Did not Moses direct that, when the peo-.they know him, and yet, according to the idea of pie were "come nigh unto the battle," the /)rjesZ« lord Lyttelton, would have gross folly aadinjusiice should encourage them, declaring that the Lord their God was with them "to Jig^t for them against the'r enemies?" And yet the Quakers have sagaciously found out a few words which, by im- plication, they contend* restrain from doing no-,v. to proceed from the fountain of v/itdom and equity. I entertain these sentiments wiih a conscience per- fectly at ease on this point. If such treatment shall be termed persecution, the conscientious Quakers can never take it amiss, when they recollect that what God then comm.inded as just. The ^ran Its importance. Can any staie be justly entitled ti a greater degree of weighi? Cm any state honestly desire to figure h\ pluines at anotlier'a expense?— What is understood by representation? Is it not n sign of the reality? Ou-ht such a r-^presentation to be greater than the reality? Is it not upon ti.is prin- ciple, however abused, th.-jt the Englisii parlia- ment was formed? Has not iliis principle bee:t adopted in all the houses of assembly that ever sat upon this continent? Why are we now to Jeem concise energy: But it must now cease to be so. However, I should have been better pleased had there been a clause added to our maritime provi- sion for manning the navy: This is the grand point • — Hri'ain finds it to be so. She can equip ships with ease from her yards: But the great difficulty is to man them. It wis not with the phalanx that Greece kept the great king at arm's length — it was not with the legions that Rome acquired Sicily and conquered Carthage — it was not with lier battalions that Britain awed Europe: But Sala- niin, Ecnoraa, and La Hogue, were naval actions t'lat decided the superiority of nations. If Ameri- C4 is to hi secure at home and respected abroad, It must be hy a naval force. Shall we then, scarce | that unjust, which till now, we universally acknow- bestow a thou£^l:t upon this palladium of our safetj? ledged as a Certain and beneficial truth? What i.t called the rotten part of the English constitution- 's it not an unequal, and therefore an unjust re- Nature and e.Kperience instruct u«, t'.iat a maritime strength is ihe best defence to an insular situation. Is not tlie siitiation of the United States insularj presentation of its territory and wealth? Has not with respect to the powers of the old world: thej lord Chatham been censured f r not haviug, dur- qiarter from which, alone, we are to apprehendjing his all-powerful administration, attenipied to danger? Have nut the maritime states the great-, cut oi\ that rotten member from the bodv poliijc— est influence upon the allairs of the imiverse? Doj an amputation which was thought could scarce fail not the powers of Europe strain tlicir nerves to Lf being performed when undertaken by the hand render themselves forn.idable at sea? This, thenj of so great a man? Ca-i ingenuity itself tind an im- is the theatre, as I may say, on which America must porianl distinction between the two cases? In both appear, if she intends to appear any where, with ston, from which I have great expectation. It was tlie first resolve passed by that venerable body; and it is couched in these terms: "Resolved, that, in the determining questions In this congress, each colony or province shall have one vote— the congress n,>t being possessed of, or at presentable )robabiIiiy we should h^ve more than doubl-|to procure proper materials for ascertaining tlie tlie number of seamen, whose bounden duty i. importance of each colony,"— Hence, it i.s evident, vouUl be^fotnan ou' lieeU, than Britain in her what w..s tl.c-ir idea of a ji:.sl representat.o.".; audi 114 FRlNCli'LES ANiJ ACTS OF THE HEVOLUTiON. hope it will yet bei.doptei!. Thr L ti^.. repub. ■ jTIie s nail ones shoukl be those >iot, \ty * com^ilete was a confederation of three and twenty towns: prnportion, exceeding four proportions of the Sinal- The great ones had tliree voices— Ihe middrr)ir,|iest: This class would, for the present, contain two — r.nd the small, one: contributing lo tiie pnb-iGeorgia, North Carolina, Delaware, Nw Jersey, lie expense in proportion to their reprcsentatjoi.! New York, R'lode Island and Nev Hntpshlre. We are to colribute according to our rvbiliiie"!, an 1 iThe middlinij; should be those states, by a corn- why should we not have a weight in proportion touiete proportion, exceeding four, and not in tiie our importanc \'— If each state must have the sume *sai7ie manner exceeding ten proportions: This class weight, let eacli con ribute the same sum. We are *t"ani states, but we have the wisdom of ages be ore our eyes. Let us not despise what is iiivalua- ble. It is the best chart by which we can ste^r WTild com;!reiiend South C;irolina, Mar^luu'^, P'-'insylvania and Connecticut^ Tlie great suites should be ascertained by their exceeding eleveiv proportions of lhefeRINClPLES AND ACTS OF THK RKVOLUTION. liis name contrasted with tliatof a general clothed j i all his terrors, miy be entrapped to believe that )-is lor.lship is to bs consi.lered in a more amiable .point of view, a mere commissioner only, for re- fitoring peace, without any military command to iiitiinidate and coe:ce. Not to wound your delicacy, concur in the revisal of all acts by which his ma- jesty's subjects m?.y think themselves aggrieved." Hut what of all tliis. Your excellencies have not told the people, who "think themselves aggrieved," that they are to be a party in the revision. You have not even told them who are to be revisers. If by admiring tiie wisdonn of your appealing from you had, it would be nothing to the purpose; for the congress to people confessed by you to be you have not, and ca7i7jof tell them and en^a^e that directed by that honorable assembly: My remarks even any of the instructions and acts, being revised, shall be coi.fi.ed to the more material parts of shall be. revoked, and repealed; /jar?ic»to'?^ /«m denling does not accord with your instructions; otherwise, in the la'ter case, I tliinkyou are men of too much sense avd honor to have overlooked or suppressed so material a point of information. However, you say instructions and acts are to be revised: We see that you have laid an ambuscade for our li- berties; the clause is carefully constructed without the least allusion to the revisors, or to the words redress, revoke, repeal. In short, it appears to be if Great Krituin has, from tlie throne, declared his [drawn up entirely on the plan of a declaration by » f;r-»i a'1.1 sledlast resolutions to withstand every king James the second after his abdication, as jitlempt to weaken or impair the supreme authority confidentially explained by James' secretary of of tliaV legislature over all the dominions of his [state., the earl of Melford, to lord Dundee in Scot- ciown;*' t'lat his l.irelings in parli'iment and tools jland. For Melford writes to Dundee, "that not- ia office, abhorred by the English nation, have I withstanding of what was promised in the declara- echo'd the sentiment; and that America, for ten tion, j«r/em«iij/ and inr/w/jeyice, yet he had couched vears has experienced that king's tgtal want of things so that the king tv mild break them when he candor, humani'y, and justice— it is, I coEfess, a [pleased; nor would he think himself obliged to uiatttr of wonder, that your excellencies can submit \stundto tlietn." And your excellencies h&ve"couched to appear so losl to decency as to hold out sub- ' jection as tlie cnly condition of pence: and that jou could condescend to sully your personal honor, by i:iviting us to trust a government in which you are conscious we cannot in tlie nature of things j'Uce any coafi 'e:ice--a government that you are it'visible has been, now is, and ever must be jealous of our prosperity and natural growth---a govern- ment that you know is absolutely abandoned to corruption' — Take it not amiss, if 1 hint to your excellencies, tiiat lour very appearing in support o.f such a proposal, furnishes cause to doubt even of your integrity; and to reject your allurements, Lasi they decoy us into slavery. The deciuratio.i says, "the king is most graci- tldngs so" that more words upan this subject are unnecessary. "It is recommended to the inhabitants at large, to reflect seriously upon their present condition." Is it possible your excellencies can be serious, and mean any thing by this recommendation? Can you be ignorant, that ever since the birth of the stamp- act, the inhabitants at large have been reflecting upon their deplorable condition? Can you h;ivean idea that, after such a length of time, during which rhey have been continually kept to their reflec- tions, by the declaratory law, the tea-act, the Bos- ton port bill, and those then passed to annihilate the charter of Massachusetts-Bay, the Quebec bill 10 establish popery, the fishery-bill to coerce by ousiy pleased to dived a revision of such of his f.tmine, the British conimencemcnt of the late civil .cyai instructions to his governors," &.c. "and tovvar, and the act of parliament in December last, PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. UT tleclaring the inh.-bitanis rebels— I say, after such a series of csusfs for reflection, and tha' your exceU lenci^s no-vfindusin arms sgainst yoii, determir.cd on independence or death, can you possibly enter- tain an idea ihat \vc have not reflected se^iousl^? On the contrary you know, that we are prepared to ofFer up our lives in evidence of our serious reflec- tions! In addressiag a world, you ought to have some atteniion to the propriety of your rccoih mendations, if only froin a regard to your own re- putation. You are pleased to term our canst "u'iast," I,. this there is nothing so surprisinj^, as your bein^ lured to give such a sentiment under your hands — signing your own disgrace with posterits . You order of b.ttle, within loig shot, without firing a gun to interrupt the service, is at least some slight degree of evidence that they respect and stand \n .-weof the Anaerican arms. In short, without being unre^.oO.(ubie, [ tuink I may be all nved to say, that ■.his? p.u'Uculars do not s'lew, that our cau:;e is so precarious as yonc excrpllencies would insinuate it ii h'; and tD recotn nend that your excellencies "r?fle.-t serously upo.) your present condition," and aba id.^n "die unjust cause in which you are t'rigaijfed" while you yet may preserve your reputa- lio'i from the reproaches of posterity. Your excellencies call upon the inhabitants a' larye "to return to their allegiance." It is as if you had commanded a body of troops to adrance to the ass'iuli, bef)re you had put them in order of know, that the virlw^us characters throughout .^^,.. . .,. ^ ' ,, . ^, , ' .... , . pattlc. I tell your excellencies, that protectior Europe, on this point differ with your excfllencies; and I most respec'fully submit, whether there is not some little degree of presimption in vouv sigi'ing an opinion, in contradiction to t'se opinion of thousands, who, withou: derogating from your excerencies, are at leist as well able to judge up- on the point as you are? But you add, that our cause is "precarious." Allow ne to make a proper nturn to your excel- lencies by '.rforming you, that all the affairs of men are precarious, and that war is particularly so. Howevtr, if your excellencies meant to insinuate that our cause is precarious from an inability jn us to maintain it, I heg leave to ask ge- neral Howe what p'-ogress his arms raade during his command at Boston: And what shiningvictories, and important conquests you have achieved since your junction at Siaten-island.'' The eulogium, iluo fnlmina belli Scipiadas cannot yet be applied to your excellencies. Gene ral Howe's repulse from the lines on Long-island, and his victory over the advanced guard of 3000 mpp, reflect no great degree of glory on the corps of at least 12 000 that he commanded. Nor can you boast much of the action on New York-island on the 15th September, when a few more than 800 Americans, attacking three compAnies of light troops supported by two regiments, the one Scotch, the other Hessian, drove them from hill to hill back to your lines, and carried oflT three pieces of brass cannon as trophies of their victory. And when general Washington, on the second of October, caused a large detachment to draw up to Ilarlaeir must precede allegiance; f.,r the latter is founded on the benefit of the former. T'lat the ope:'ations of the forces by sea and land under y-ur order?, demonstrate that your king is not our protector. And, that the allegiance of .\merica to the king of Great Britain is noiu utterly out of the question. Bat you attempt to allure the inhabitants by tellirg them they may "be secured in a free enjoy, rr.ent of their liberties and properties, upon the true principles of the constitution " Will your excellencies tell us where those principles are to be found? You must s.ay they are not to be fovnd in the present British gwernment. Do we not know that the majority of the two houses of parlij. ment are absolutely under the king of Great Bri- tain's direction?— They mike and repeal laws; ihey ipree with or reject motions; they vote money even ■without Umitat'on of sum, at the pleasure of that king's minister, in whose pay they actually are; and your excellencies as men of honor dare not deny these thinffs. Will you then say that, where there is such a dependence, the true principles of the coiistitution oper.ite! The history of the pre- sent reign, all Europe, would witness against you. Those principles have been long despised by the rulers, and lost to the people— ot'erwise, even at- the commencement of the present reign, we should not have seen the dismission of the virtuous chancellor of the exchequer, LEf.os, because he would not quit his seat in parliament at the instiga- tion of the last prince of V/ales; nor the massacre in St. George's fields and the roy.il thanks to the assassins; nor the repeated and unredressed com- plaints to the throne; nor the unheard of profusion of the public treasp.re, far exceediuij the extr.tv.i- plains to cover the inhabitants between the two armies, while they carried off their effects, thejganceof a CaiigulaoraNero; northepreseniruinou march and continuance of the British troops in i situation of Great Gritain; nor the present wai- i. ii& PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. America, /or the luorH nf pur/'oses ki'idlc! by your kin*. Can your excellencies be so wanting to your selves, as, at this time of day, on the part of your master, seriously to talk to us of a security upovi ths true principles of the constitiilion! Did it never strike you that the Ampric^ns would expect tc see such principles operati'ij^ in England, before they could be dupsd into a belief that America could possibly feel their effecs from the dark recess of the royal palace? The lord mayor of London has openly charj^ed lord North, and the lOi ds of the admiralty, with licensin;; ships to trade to all par^s of Aoisrica, in direct disregard, con- tempt, and defiaice of ai aC of parliament to the contrary, passed so late as December las' And yet your excellencies do not scruple to talk to us of a security upon the true principles of the constitu- tion.' — Let the foMntain be sweet, and then its stream may be salutary. Your excellencies say "\.\\&Yir\^\5 7nsst graciously pleased to direct a revisioi" of instructions and acts. If you really me.in to conciliate, why will you Insult the inhabitants at Virge. It was "the king's" bounden duty to have directed, not only a revision, but an amendment of his instructions; an-^ to have recommended a repeal of the acts when the people FIRST comolained of them. But he, hav- in»been criminally deaf to the cries of the injured, to terrify tbeminto silence, havin,-^ burnt their towns — restrained their trade — seized and confiscate'' their vessels — driven them into enormous expenses — sheathed his sword in their bowels — and adornefl the heads of their aged, women and children, with a cincture made by the scalping knife of his ally the Indian savage — you 7iow tell these injured peo- ple, that "the king is gracioiis'y pleased to direct a revision!" — His very mercies are insults! And so your excellencies, besides your military commands as admiral and gene.-iil, aro also "com- missioners for restoring peice." Is there not some error in this title? Ought we not instead of "peace" to read tyranny? You seem armed at all points for this purpose; and your very language detects the latent design. But you are commissioners, and for the i important purpose of "restoring peace," you are honored with a power — "to confer:" And you hove condescended to be 7ncre machines through which, as ihrougii speaking trumpets, words are to be sounded from America to Britain! How much tOWKR tS IT POSSIBLE FOR YOUR EXCELLENClliS TO BEKRADE YOURSELVES IN TUE EXES OF THE WORLd! — By this, it is most evident, the British king has not one generous thought respecting America. No; does he mean to grant terms upon the true priaci- nles of the constitution. For, if to grnnt such terms was bona fide the in ention of your master, ivithout doubt yod .vouM have been vested with competent powers. But he pi linly means to grant nr)thing that he can possibly avoid; and therefore he would have the matter of negociation drawn into length under his own eye. Can we place any confidence in such a prince? His aim is to divide, not to redress, and your excellencies declaration is but a continuation of lord North's conciliatory plan. Thus, while we remember that lord North declared, on the 20*h of February, 1775, that hi.s famous co'iciliatory plan was rather calculated to break a link in the American chain of union, tlian to give satisfaction to the people: and that the exer- cise of the right of taxing every oarL of the British dominions must by no means be given up: that lord Mansfield, on the third reading of the bill declaring war against the united colonies, affirmed tha' he did not consider -who was originally in the wrong, thev -ver ■ now ti consider only where -hey were, and the justice of the cause must now ^ive -may to their oresent situation: when we consider the king of Great Britain's speech to the parliament on the last of November, and the commons address indhis answer on the 7th of December, 1774 — the comrno'-.s address of the 9th of February, 1775, and tlie roy .1 answer: and the speech from the throne at the last opening of the parliament, October the 26th, 1775— all declaring an unalterable purpose to maintain the supreme authority of *hat legislature over all the dominions of the crown — in other words, their unalterable purpose, ro bind us in ALL cASBs WHATSOEVER: whcn wc See your hostile array and operations, in consequence of those declarations: I say, when we consider these things, we can be at no loss to form a just idea of the inten- tions of your king; or to conceive what your excel- lenciee mean, by "the true principles of the con* stitution." Nor are we to be caught by any allure- ments your excellencies may throw out — you con- fess, and we know that you, as commissieners, have not any power to negociate and determine any thing. But, unanswerable as the reasons are against America returning to a subjection under the Bri- ush crown, now in fact become despotic — and Ame- rica, after unheard of injuries, infinite toil, hazard and expense, her inhabitants csUed cowards by your masters servants, civil and military, having declared herself independent— did not yoi'r excel- lencies feel a little for our honor, when you at the PRINCrPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 119 but I love ttie memory of llie men, and it is my hope, that, the afTection which I feel, will be to me instead of genius, and give me warm words to ad- vance their praises. I conceive it as tlie first honor of these men that, before they engaged in the war, t!;ey saw it to be just and necessary. Tliey were not the vassals of a pro«d chieftain rousing iherii, in baibarous times, by the blind impulse of att?xhment to his family, or engaj'ing them to espouse his quarrel, by he music and entertainment of his hall, 'l^ey were themselves the chieftains of their own cause, highly instructed in the nature of it, and from the best principles of patriotism, resolute in defence. They had heard the declaration of the court and parliament of Great Dritain, claiming the authority of binding them in all cases whatsoever. They , had examined this claim, and foimd it to be, as hea ' of y0!ir {.rTiies, held out to us, mbjectmi and pe'ce.' Did not y&u feel the dignity of your charac- ters affectei-^ w'-.en you, under the guise of a security upo!i tiie true principles of the constitution, recom- mend 'o "the ■"..habiti.nts at large" to rescind their decree, a.ul ar XHBiR owt mouths dkclaue ihem- se!ve« the most contemptible people in his'ory, wiiich gives no exiiiplc of such baseness^— REivDEa their namt a te-m of refiroach among all nutions-and lOHBiD each other f: o.nn placing any, the least degree o: confidence in, and all foreign states from paying the least degree of credit to, their most solemn declarations! In short, to submit to a government abandoned to corruption, lost to a sense of justice. and already but a step bcliind absolute despotism —a government that has long been and ever must be jealous of our rise, and studious to depress our natnyul groiuth!-- Did not your excellencies blush &n^ shrink ivithin yourselves, ■whtn yon zs\tt.A msi'A^Q its foundation, groundless; as to its nature, who had been almost ruined by your gracious mas- j tyrannical, and in its consequences, ruinous to the ter, to abandon the honorable and natural station peace and happi;iess of botii countries. On this of independence, and stoop to kiss Ida hand, now duili/ BATHED in, and w!>ich ever must continue stained by the blood of a friend! a brother! a son! a father! That your excellencies may "reflect seriously" upon "the unjust cause in which you are engaged;" and that the i>ame of Howe may be enrolled with the names of xMAftLBOBOuea and Effingham, are the wishes of, A CAROLINIAN.* South Carolina, Charleston, October 22, 1776. *'**' ' ' *^ All Eulogiiiin Of the brave men who have fallen in the contest with Great Britain: Delivered by judge Bhac- KKXKincfE, on Monday, July 5, 1779, before a numerous and respectable assembly of citizens and foreigners, in the German Calvinist churchy Phdadelpiiia. Heroes then arose; Wild, scorning coward self, for others liv'd, Xoil'd lor Uieir eaie, aud tor tUeiv safely bind. 'I'llOittSOX. It is the high reward of those who have risked their lives in a just and necessary war,-] that their names are sweet in the mouths of men, and every age siiall know their actions. I am happy in hav- ing it in my power, before a polite assembly, to express what I think of those who have risked their lives in the war of America. I know my abilities rise not to a level with so great a subject, ••'Ju.lge Brayton."---EDiTOH. |Tacuus. clear apprehension and decided judgment of the cause, ascartained by their own reason, and col- lected from the best writers, It was the noble pur- pose of their minds to stand forth and assert it, at the expense of fortune, and the hazard of theic lives. These brave men were not soldiers by profes- sion, bred to arms, and frora a liabit of military life attached to it. They were men in the easy walks of life; mechanics of the city, merchants of the counting house, youths engaged in the literary studies, and husbandmen, peaceful cultivators of the soil. Happy in the sociability and conversa- tion of the town, the simplicity and innocencee of the country village, or the philosophic ease of academic leisure, and the sweets of rural life, tliey v.i^iied not a change of these scenes of pleasure, for tlie dangers and calamities of war. It was the pure love of virtue and of freedom, burning bright within their minds, thai alone could engage them to embark in an undertaking of so bold and perilous a nature. These brave men were not unacquainted with the circumstances of their situation, and their un- prepared state of war. Not a bayonet was anvilted out, not a firearm was in their possession. No redoubt was cast up to secure the city, no fort was erected to resist invasion, no gun mounted on the battery, and no vessel launched Hpon the stream. The power of Britain, on the other hand, waS well known, and by the lightning of her orators, , in a thousand writings and harangues, had been 1£0 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. thrown, in full foi— .e, upon thei'- mi'ds. They \vere|V.iiiC(..i vii-.h i slow and suspicious step Ui^on the taught to believe her, (what indeed she was) old [liostlle lerniory. War is again arisen, and it liaa in arts aad i:i ams and enric'iel \v\l\\ the spoils ] been fought from sprin.^ to autumn, and from of a thousand victories. Esobraced with the ocea^< as her favorite, her coiimerce was extensive, and she sent her ships to every sea. Abounding in ;iien, her armies were in full force, her fleets were coMipietely manned, her disciplne was r.^gular, and | What ground has not been cut wilh trei.chps? ihe spirit of her enterprize, by sea and laud, had, I What hill has not been covered with redoubts.? jutumn to spring, througli t'le heat of summer and the inclemencies of winter, v.ith unabated ardor, and unshaken pirssverance. What tract of coun- try has not been uiariLed with the vestiges of war? in most cases, insured her successes. The idea of resistance to the power of Brit,4ln was indeed great — but the mighty soul of the patriot dranli it in, and, like the eagle on the moun- tain top, collected magnanimity from the very pros- pec^ of the height from which he meant to soar: Lilce the steed who swallows the distant ground with his fierceness,* he attempts the career, and poured himself upon the race. The patriot quits his easy independent walk of life, his shop, his farm, bis office and Ids counting house, and with every hope and every ansious thought, prepares himself for war. The materials of gun pov/Jer are extracted from t!ie earth; the bayonet is anvilled out; t!ie fire-arm is manufactur- ed in the shop; the manual exercise is taught; the company is furmed in battalion; the battalion is instructed to manoeuvre on the field; the brigade is drawn forth; and the standard sf defiance is planted on the soil. Shall I mention the circumstances of the day when the sword was drawn, and the first blood was bhed; and shall I trace the progress of the war in the course of five campaigns.? The narraiion would require the space of an entire day: I can mention but the sum of things; and only tell you, that the inroad of the foe has been sustained upon the plain, and the forward and impetuous bands have been driven over the disdaining ground which they had measured in advance. The hill has been defended, What plain has not been made the scene of the engagement.? What soil of our whole earth has not been sowed with bill.? These have been the toils of the heroes of oui* army; but the brave men whom we this day cele- brate, have added to their toils the loss of life. They have fallen in the contest: These of them in the long and Itiborious march: These by the fever of the camp: These have fallen when, ad- vancing on the enemy, they have received the beyonet in their breast; or high in hope, and anxious of victory, they have dropt by the cannon or the musket ball. For what cause did these brave men sacrifice their lives.? For that cause which, in all ages, has eng8ged the hopes, the wishes, and endeavors ot the breast of men — the cause of liberty. Libeiitt! thou art indeed valuable; the source of all that is good and great upon t'.ie earth!— For tliee, the patriot of America has drawn his sword, and has fought and has fallen. What was in our power we have done with re- gard to the bodies of these men; we have paid them military honors; we have placed them in their native earth; and it is with veneration that we yet view their tombs upon the fuizy glade, or on the distant hill. Ask me not the names of these. The muses s'lall tell you of them, and the bards shall woo* them to their sons. The verse which shall be so happy as to embrace the name of one of these shall be immortal. The names of these shall be and the repulsed and rallying foe has been taught read with those of Pelopidas, Epaminondas, and to understand, thatthe valor of America was worthy the worthies of the world. Posterity shall quote of the cause which her freemen have espoused. The Wilderness has been surmounted in the march. 1. has been fought, foot to foot, and point to point, in skirmishes, and night surprises, and in pitched battles, with alternate hope and dubious success. The enemy, beaten in one state has retired to a second, and beaten in the second, he has returned to the first; beaten in every state he has sought the water, and like a sea monster rolling to the deep, has washedbis wounds in the brine of ocean. Rising from the ocean he has sought the land, and ad- »Bockof Job. them for parallels, and for examples. When they mean to dress the hero with the fairest praises, they shall say he was gallant and distin;^ui shed in his early fall, as Warren; prudent and intrepid as Montgomery, faithful and generous as Mac^herson; he fell in the bold and resolute advance, like Haslet and like Mercer; he saw the honor which his val&r had acquired, and fainted in the arms of victory, like Herkimer: having gallantly repulsfid the foe, he fell covered with wounds, in his old age, like Wooster. *Piiao. PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. isi The names of these brave men shall be read; and the eart!* shall be sensible of praise where their bodies afe deposited. Hill of Boston,* where the God of arms gave uncommon valor to the patriot! Here the muses shall observe the night, and hj'mn heroic acts, and trim their lighted lamps to the da*^!) of morning: The little babbling mystic brook, shall bear the melody, and stealing with a silver foot, shall tell it to the ocean. Hills within prospect of the York city, where the enemy, rejoic- anaestral honor; but we love the youth, and trans, fer to him the reputation of his father, who, when the rich and haughty citizen shall frown upoo him as ignobly descended, shall say, "I had a father whe has fallen in the service of his country." When after titnes shall speak of those who have risen to renown, I will charge it to the golden winged and silver tongued bards, that they recol- lect and set in order every circumstance; the Causes of the war; early and just exertions, the ing at his early strength, adventured and fought,, toils, hazardous achievements, noble resolution, or where, refusing the engagement he fled, withLn^haken perseverance uhabated ardor; hopes in precipitation to his ships.! On you the tomb of theLhe worst of times, triumphs of victory; humanity hero is beheld, and fancy walking round covers it| ^^ ^^ ^^^^^.. ^^ ^j^^^^ ^jjj j ^j^^^^^ .^^ ^,^^^ ^^^^ with shades. Grounds in the neighborhood of this j recollect and set in drder, and give them bright eity.t where the foreigner sh^ll enquire the field | ^^^ unsullied to the coming ages. The bards I of battle, and the citizen shall say with conscious , ^now will hear me, and you, my gallant country, pride, as if the honor ".,,s his own, this is the tomb j n^^n, shall go down to posterity with exceeding of Witherspoon; that is the ground where •^f ash | ijo^or. Your fame shall ascend on the current of fell! Plains washed by the Ashley and Cooper, and the stream of time: It shall play with the breezes before the walls of Charlestow'n! — Here has the here fallen, or rather he has risen to eteraal honor, and his birth place shall be irnmoltal. His fame, like a vestal lamp, is lighted up: It shall burn, with the world for its temple — and the fair assemblies of the earth shall trim it with their piaise. Having paid that respect to the memory of these | men, which the anntial return of this day demanded, it remains that we soothe the grief of those who have been deprived of a father, bereaved of a son or who have lost a brother, a husband or a lover in the Contest. Fatliers, whose heroic sons have offered up their lives in the cbntest; it is yours to recollect, that their lives were given them for the service of their country. Falhers! dismiss every shade of grief; you are happy in having been the progenitor of him who is written with the heroes of his country. Sons! whose heroic fathers have eafly left you, and in the conflict of the war, have mixed with departed heroes; be congratulated on the fair inheritance of fame which you are entitled to possess* If it is at all lawful to array ourselves in borrowed honor, surely it is best drawn from those who have acted a distinguished part in the service of their country. If it is at all consistent with the feelings of philosophy and reason to boast of lineal glory, surely it is most allowable in those who boast of it as flowing from such source. We despise the uninstructed mind of that man who phall obtrude upon our ears the ideas of a vain of the morning. Men at rest, in the cool age of life, from the fury of a thousand wars finishfd by their flithers, shall observe the spreading ensign. They shall hail it, as it waves with variegated glories; and feeling all the warm rapture of the heart, shall give their plaudit from the shores. •Bunker's hill. fPhiladf Iphia. -—16. George Mason, of Virginia. Mr. Nilss, Sir: Theemanclpatiohof the States of North Ame rica, must ever be regarded as one of the most me- morable events recorded in the annals of the human race. The revolutions, which have embroiled and desolated thejgreatnations from which they sprang, are acknowledged to have received their first im pulse from the principles and events of the Ameri- can struggle. The grkve has closed upon a great majority of the leaders in the American revolution; and the characters of the founders of our indepen- dence and freedom are beginning to be contem* plated with the severe impartiality of a distant pos- terity. The passions Which buoyed, annoyed, or infested their individual fame have subsided. Each is receiving a settled and mellow lustre; and a just judgment is already busily engaged in assigning the degree of estimation and respect which a grate- ful posterity should continue to render to the ma mory of each of those whcstf efforts have obtained so many blessings and suCh everlasting glory for this nation. Among the conductors of those important events, the name of George Mason, must always hold a clistinguish'id place. An .^thibition of char.icter; i'. T»RLNCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTiOlN, in a public station, may be calculated to give sn impression of the profoundest respect; but, the si;, cerest, and best affections of the heart can only be won by those traits, which are developed when the irdividud hss been divested of the imposing forms and cirumstances of place and office. It is for tht se reasons, as well as for the rays of light which they shed upon the most interesting portion of the history of our country, that I send you the follow- ing papers. George Mason, their author, was an independent pla.iter, resident in Fairfax county, Virginia, his na'ive state, when the revolution commenced. He was a man endowed by nature with a vigor- otis understanding, which had been well culti- vated by a liberal education. He was a sound constitutional lawyer, although he had not prac- tised or beeB bred to the profession. His mind had, evidently, been well stored from the best po- litical writers of his time. In temperament he was, like the younger Cato, constitutionally stern, firm, and honest; and in all the .■affairs of life, in which be was engaged, as well private as public, he was habitually, minutely, and critically clear, punctual, exact, and particular. He was a member of the first conventions and assemblies elected by the peo- ple independently of the colonial authorities. He chose and valued most, the station of a representa- tive of the people; because he thought it most ho- norable, and one where he could be most useful; nor did he ever consent to accept of any other, but once, when he acted as a commissioner to adjust the navigation and boundary, between Maryland and Virginia. He was a man of the people in spi rit and in truth; and every act of his life incontes- tibly evinces, that in their cause he never once, or for a single moment, trembled, hesitated or wa- vered. Many intelligent foreigners, and some of our own country men, whose judgments have been con fused or perverted by arislocra'ic principles, entertain a be- lief, and propagate the opinion, that our liberties were principally established by the integrity, wis dorn, and forbearance of our military leaders. To such it will be particularly instructive to attend to the first of the following letters fro.ti this vene- rable pitriot; written at a time, and under circum- stances singularly impressive and aff-cting. In s ripe old age, ch istened by experience, when the hai.d of Providence had visited his household with such an affliction as to induce him to desire r.o more the return of hilarity to his heart, he seats him- self in his closet to unbosom himself to liis friend; fto tell liim of his political opinions and principled and to spi-ak of the sentiments, feelings, and pro- bable fortunes of his country. This letter, which lis so highly honorable vo its author, furnishes con- clusive proof, that all the chiefs, as well mlitary i% civitj were guided and controuled by the people, and bears ample testimony to their virtue aiid their glory. He was a member of the convention wlijch form- ed the present consiitution of the United States, and appears to have been deeply, and sincerely im- pressed with the magnitude of the undertaking. He was afterwards a member of the convention of Virginia by which it was ratified, which he actively and firmly opposed, without previous amendments. He was a roost decided enemy to all cmstruciiv^ and imftHed powers. And it is remarkable, that he was the author of some, and the warm advocate of every amendment since made to it. His friend and coadjutor, the illustrious Henry, poured forth the boundless v/ealth of his impassioned eloquence in opposition; he charmed, enchanted, or won over many of his auditors to withhold their assent from the proposed plan of government. But, when JT/a- son spoke, he seemed to cite his hearers severally to the bar of reason and truth, and imperatively to demand of them to produce the i-easons and grounds upon which they proposed to tolerate the pernicious principles he denounced. Henry delighted, asto- nished, and captivated. JMason stirred the house, and challenged every friend of the new constitu- tion to stand forth; at the same time, that he made them feel, they would have to meet an antagonist whom it w..j have thus used us; human nature re- 126 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. volts at the idea!— The die is cast — the Rabicon is passed — and a reconciliation with Great Britain, upon the terms of returning to her government, is impossible. No man was more warmly attached to the Hano- ver family and the whig interest of England, than I was, and few men had stronger prejudices in fa^ vor of that form of government under which I was born and bred, or a greater aversion to changing il; it was ever my opinion that no good man would wish to try so dangerous an experiment upon any speculative notions whatsoever, without an abso- lute necessity. The ancient poets, in their elegant manner of ex- pression, have made a kind of being of necessity, and tell us that the Gods themselves are obliged to yield to her. When I was first a member of the convention, 1 exerted myself to prevent a confiscation of the and altho' I was for putting the country imme- diately into a state of defence, and preparing for the worst; yet as long as we had any well founded hopes of reconciliation, I opposed to the utmost of my power, all violent measures, and such as might shut the door to it: but when reconciliation became a lost hope, when unconditional submission, or ef- fectual resistance were the only alternatives left us, when the last dutiful and humble petition from congress received no other answer than declaring us rebels, and out of the king's protection, I, from that moment, looked forward to a revolution and inde- pendence, as the only means of salvation; and wil' risque the last penny of my fortune, and the last drop of my blood upon the issue: for to imagine that we could resist the efforts of Great Britain, still professing ourselves her subjects, or support a de- fensive war against a powerful nation, without the reins of government in the hands of America (what- ever cur pretended friends in Great Britain may say of it) is too childish and futile an idea to enter into the head of any man of sense. I am not sin- gular in my opinions; these are the sentiments of more than nine tenths of the best men in Ame- rica. God has been pleased to bless our endeavors, in a just cause, with remarkable success. To us upon the spot, who have seen step by step the pro- gress of tills great contest, who know the defence- less state of America in the beginning, and the numberless difficulties we have had to struggle with, taking a retrospective view of what is passed, we seem to have been treading upon enchanted ground. The case is now altered. Amcican pros- pects brighten, and appearances are strongly in our favor. The British ministry must and will wc- knowledge us independent states." yiji extract from the copy of a letter from col. George Mason to his ion JMr. George Mason, then in France, dated 1781, the original of -which -was put into the hands of the Count de Vergennes by Dr. Franklin. "Our affairs have been, for som? time, grov;ing from bad to worse. The enemy's fleet commands our rivers, and puts it in their power to remove their troops, from place to place, when and where they please without opposition; so that we no sooner collect a force sufficient to counteract them in one part of the country, but they shift to another, ravaging, plundering, and destroying every thing before them. Our militia turnout with great spirit, and have, in several late actions, behaved bravely; but they are badly armed and appointed. General Green with about 1200 regular troops and some militia, is in South Carolina; where he has taken all the enemy's posts, except Charleston. The enemy's capital object, at this time, seems to be Virginia. General Philips died lately in Peters- burg; upon which the command of the British troops then devolved upon Arnold. But lord Corn- wallis, quitting North Carolina, has since joined Arnold, with about 1200 infantry and 300 cavalry, and taken the chief command of their army in Virginia, now consisting of about 5000 men. They have crossed James river, and by the latest ac- counts were at Westover; their light horse having advanced as far as Hanover court house. They have burnt Page's warehouses, where the greatest part of the York River tobacco was collected; they had before burned most of the tobacco upon James river, and haveplundered great part of the adjacent country: The Marquis de la Fayette is about twenty miles below Fredericksburg with about 1200 regulars and 3000 militia, waiting the arrival of general Wayne, with about 1500 regular troops of the Pennsylvania line. "We have had various accounts of the sailing o f a J'rench fleet, with a body of land forces, for Ame- rica; should they really arrive it would quickly chnnge the face of our affairs, and infuse fresh spirits and confidence; but it has been so long expected in vain, that little credit is now given to reports concerning it. "You know, from your own acquaintance in this part of Virginia, that the bulk of the people here are staunch whigs; strongly attached to the Ameri- can cause, and well affected to the French nHiaucc-i PllINClPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. l%7 yet they grow uneasy and restless, and begin to. and two crops uninspeced; so that if a peace hap- think, that our allies are spinning out the war, in pens, it will find me plentyful handed in the arti- cle of tobacco, which will then be very vuluable. The money it has cost you to relieve the distresses of your unfortunate countrymen was worthily ex- pended, and you will receive retribution, with large interest, In Heaven — but in order to shorten the time of credit and also to entitle myself to some proportion of the merit, I shall insist upon replac- ing to you every shilling of it here; I hope you will therefore keep an exact account of it. I beg you will freely communicate to me the situation of your affairs; and if there should be a necessity of making you remits ances, 1 will endeavor to do it at all events, though it must be by selling' some of the produce of my estate at an under value. I am no'V pretty far advanced in life, and all my views are centered in the happiness and welfare of my children— you will therefore find from me every indulgence which you have a right to ex- pect from an affectionate parent. I have been for some time in retirement and shall not probably return again to public life; my anxiety for my country, in these times of danger, makes me somelimes dabble A little in politics, and keep up a correspondence with some men upon the public stage. You know I am not apt to form opi- nions lightly and without due examination. And I can venture to say that the French court and nation, may confide in the honor and good faith of Xmerica; we reflect with gratitude on the import- ant aids France has given us; but she must not, and I hope will not, attempt to lead us into s war of ambition or conquest, or trail us around the mysterious circls of European politics. We i.ave little news worth communicating — nothing of consequence has happened here this campaign; the enemy having generally kept close within their lines, and the American army not strong enough to force them. We have a long lime ex- pected the evacuation of Charlestown; the enemy liaving dismantled their out-works and embarked their heavy artillery and some of their troops. — However, by tlie last accounts (in December) they liad still a garrison there. By late accounts from Kentucky, we are informed that g^eneral Clarke v/ith 1200 volunteers, had crosed the Ohio river and destroyed six of the Shawnese towns, destroy- brder to weaken America, as well as Great Britain, and thereby leave us at the end of it, as dependent as possible upon themselves. "Howeverupjustthis opinion may be^ it is natural enough for planters and farmers, burthened with heavy taxes, and frequently dragged from their families upon military duty on the continual alarms occasioned by the superiority of the British fleet. They see their property daily exposed to destruc- tion, they see with what facility the British troops are removed from one part of tlie continent to ano- ther, and with what infinite charge and fatigue our's are, too late, obliged to follow; and they see too, very plainly, that a strong French fleet would have prevented all this* "If our allies had a superior fleet here, I should "have no doubt of a favorable issue to the war; but, without it, I fear we are deceiving both them and ourselves, in expecting we shall be able to keep our people much longer firm, in so Unequal an opposition to Great Britain. '•France surely intends the separation of these states, forever, from Great Britain. It is highly her interest to accomplish this; but, by drawing out the thread too fine and long, it may unex- pectely break in her hands. "God bless you, my dear child; and grant that we may again meet, in your native country, as freemen; — otherwise, that we may never see each Other more, is the prayer of Your affectionate father, G MASON." Extract of a letter Ji'om col. George Mason to Ids So7i, then in France, datedJan. 8th 1783. "As to the money you have spent in Europe, provided you can satify me that has not been spent in extravagance, dissipation or idle parade, I don't regard i*. It is true, I have a large family to provide for; and that I am determined from motives of morality and duty to do justice to them all; it is certain also that I have not lost less than i£ 10,000 sterling by the war, in the depreciation of paper money and the loss of the profits of my estate; but think this a cheap purchase of liberty and indepen- dence. I thank Gofl, I have been able, by adopting Ing also about 2,000 barrels of their corn and bring- principles of strict economy and frugality, to keep ing off furs and oiher plunder to the value of my principal, I mean my country estate, unimpaired 1^3,000, wlilch was sold and the money divided and I have suffered lit le by the depredations ofi among his men; this will probably drive these the enemy I have at this time, two years rents i savages near the Lakes or the Mississippi. Upoa (you know mine are all tobacco rents) in arrear ' Clark's return the Chickasaws sent deputies t» 128 PRINCIPLES AND AtTS OF THE REVOLUTION. him to treat for peace. Every thing was quiet in the new settlements, and upwards of 5,000 souls have been added to them since last September. The people there are extremely uneasy l«st the free navigation of the river Mississippi to the sea should not be secured to them upon a treaty of peace; if it is not, it will occasion another war in less than seven years; the inhabitants think they have a natural right to the free, though not the exclusive navigation of that river; and in a few years they will be strong enough to enforce that i'ight." Extract of a letter from colonel George Mason, of Virginia Ciuhile serving in the general convention J, to a friend in that state. PniLADELPHiA, Junc Ist, 1787. "The idea I formerly mentioned to you, before the convention met, of a great national council, consisting of two branches of the legislature, a judiciary and an executive, upon the principle of fair representation in the legislature, with powers adopted to the great objects of the union, and con- sequently a controul in these instances, on the state legislatures, is still the prevalent one. Virginia has had the honor of presenting the out lines of the plan, upon which the convention is proceeding; but so slowly, that it is impossible to judge when the business will be finished; raost probably not before August— /e«f/7!a lente may very well be called our motto. When I first came here, judging from casual conversations with gentlemen from the dif ferent states, I was very apprehensive that soured and disgusted with the unexpected evils we had experienced from the democratic principles of our governments, we should be apt to run into the opposite extreme, and in endeavoring to steer too far from Scylla, we might be drawn into the vortex of Charybdis, of which I still think, there is some danger; though I have the pleasure to find in the convention, many men of fine republican principles. America has certainly, upon this occasion, drawn forth her first characters; there are upon this con- vention many genllemen of the most respectable abilities; and, so far as I can yet discover, of the purest intentions; the eyes of the United States are turned upon this assembly, and their expectations raised to a very anxious degree. May God grant, we may be able to gratify them, by establishing a wise and just government. For my own part, I never before felt myself in such a situation; and declare, I would not, upon pecuniary motives, serve in this convention for a thousand pounds per day. The revolt from Great Britain, New York FnOM THE ALBANY AKGU3: Mr. Buel — Permit me to solicit to treat your readers and patrons with the publication of the fol- lowing address. The journal of the assembly of the year 1781, at their second meeting, was never printed: it appears that the state printer for that year could not procure the necessary paper for the purpose. Three hundred copies of this address were printed in a pamplilet form for the whole state, and the same was ordered to be printed in the friendly news-papers. New- York city being then in the possession of the enemy, this latter means of circulation must have been small. In the manuscript journal of 1781, above mentioned, is the original state address, from which I have made this exact copy. It appears from this journal, that previous to the publication of this interesting docii" ment, the great body of the people of this siate» although they loved their country and still wished and the formations of our new governments at that time, were nothing compared with the great business now before us; there was then a certain degree of enthusiasm, which inspired and supported the minds butto view, through, the calm sedate medium of rea- son the influence which the establishments now pro- posed may have upon the happiness or misery of millions yet unborn, is an object of such magnitude, as absorbs, and in a manner suspends the operations of the human understanding." "P. S. All communications of the proceedings are forbidden during the sitting of the convention; this I think was a necessary precaution to prevent mis- representations or mistakes; there being a material difference between the appearance of a subject in its first crude and indigested shape, and af'er it shall have been properly matured and arranged." .An extract from the last will and testament of col George Mason, of Virginia, "I recommend it to my sons, from ray own ex-= perience in life, to prefer the happiness of inde- pendcHce and a private station to the trou'oles and vexation of public business; but if either their own inclinations or the necessity of the times should engage them in public affairs, I charge them, on a father's blessing, never to let the motives of private interest or ambition induce them to betray, nor the terrors of poverty and disgrace, or the fear of danger or of death, deter them from asserting the liberty of their country, and endeavoring to transmit to their posterity those sacred rights to which themselves were born." PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 129 and prayed for iiberty, yet found themselves fatigued, distressed, embarrassed, drained of pro perty and deprived of the servicfs of llieir use ful, hardy hiisbandmer.i — surrounded and daily encroached upon by ll>e rava^inp^ enemy, and pressed by a merciless sava,'^e foe. Tlie record of their complaints and entreaties for relief, trans- mitted to the legislature from every part of the state, prove them to have been greatly disquieted, and anxious to put a speedy ierminalion to taxes, impresses, assessments, and levies of militia. By the history of th? succeeding year, this admirable address seems to have had the desired efiect. The committee for drafting and preparing the same vi^ere Mr. L'Mommedieu, Mr.^ Tayler, and Mr. Ben^ Don, of the assembly, and Mr. Schuylef, Mr. Y.»tes, and Mr. Plait, of the senate. It v/as first reported to the assembly by Mr. Benson. By its publication in your slate paper, you will deserve the thanks of the present generation, and preserve to posterity an iir.portant item of the his tory of the meH:ouable amebican nEvoLUTioN. I have the honor to be sir, your very humble ser- vant, AARON CLARK. Albany, J\''uv. 3, 1819. «ric, namely, the share which the representat ives of the southern part of the state have in legislation. We find ourselves cor..strained to declare, that we cannot consider this «s a proper subject of complaint. A convention was chosen for the whole state, and consisted of deputies from every county, with imlimited po«vers to institute and establish a government which should conchide the -whole. W^liilst this great busi- I ess was ui agitation, the southern cou ties be- .came under a restraint from the enemy, andthe PRINCIPLES AND AGTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 151 pointed at the embarrassments which surround us, and the means we have pursued to remove them; but wliile (^uty dictated this line of conduct on our part, it becomes 7is, the temporary representa- tives of the majesty of the people, to prosecute this address in a style which freemen ought to use to iheir equals; and we therefore cannot hesitate ta issert, that it is incumbent on you candidly to dis- tinguish between errors in the general system of the laws themseh'es, and the persons employed in the execution of them; between those which care and attention in your legislature and magistrates may remedy, and those which your situation and circumstances render unavoidable. Your repre- sentations have been useful in pointing out defects, but in your fortitude, in a due obedience to the laws, and in a determination to support the au- thority of government, ean relief only be obthined against partial burthens, and although we cfiunot suspect that you will be remiss in these great duties of the good citizen, yet it behoves us to advise you. convention made provision for affording to the inhabitants of those counties as much of the bene- fits of the constitution as their situation and cir- cumstances would admit. We presume the con- vention were convinced, that as legislation and representation is the leading principle in our con- stitution, it would, therefore, be highly unjust, if because our brethren were unfortfiuiate and conlr] not enjoy the whole of their inheritance, we should deprive them of that in vhich they could panici pate. To prevent this injustice, and influeRced by motives of necessity and expediency, the conven- tion passed the ordinance which we cannot, with- out violating the rights of the people, consider otherwise than as part of the constitution, from which we derive our powers, and therefore not to be altered or annulled by us. Independent of these conclusions, which we have drawn from the strict principles of the constitution, we find our conduct supported by the example of the great council of the United States. Congress has allowed, and doth still permit the delegates from Georgia and South | that a criminal negligence has been lately too pre- Carolina to sit, debate, and votej although the valent with some; that i. is your duty to interfere. former is entirely in possession of the enemy, and the capital of the latter, with a great part of the state, experience the same misfortune. Indeed, should the delegates of those states, or the re- presentatives of those counties be deprived of their seats, the fjrmer might of right, and agreeable to the law of nations, separate from tlie federal union, enter into compacts with other nations, and even imite v/ith Great Britain^and the latter might on the same principle^ hold a similar conduct with respect to us. We forbear to enter into a further detail of reasoning on this subject, presuming that the least reflection will discover that, as in the one case, the jurisdiction of congress could not, of right, extend to Georgia and South Carolina, so in the other, our sovereignty would be restricted in point of territory, and our act could not rightfully bind the inhabitants of the counties in the power of the enemy. Consequences so" detrimental to both, we are persuaded, were not foreseen by those amongst our constituents who wish well to the cause of their country, otherw'se we flatter ourselves that this matter would not have been suggested as a grievance. Thus, friends and fellow citizens, impelled b especially whilst the British tyrant insults you with his unmeaning offers of peace and pardon, and whilst his infamous emissaries industriously attempt to excite the honest, but credulous friend of his country, to unwarrantable commotions, and induce him to mix with well founded grievances, those that do not exist. We mention this to sound the alarm to you, whose zeal and firmness have remained unshaken in every vicissitude of the pre- sent contest, that the weak and unwary may, by your example, be led to the better policy of remov- ing the difficulties and embarrassments which lay between us and the great objects we have in view, lainKPKSDENCB, T.IBERTT and PEACE, and not, by throwing fresh difiiculties in the way, remove to a more remote period the completion of your wish. Listen, friends fellow-citizens, and countrymen, to the recommendations of that great and good man, whose virtues and patriotisn;, as the soldier and the citizen, have drawn down the admiration not of America only, but all Europe; whoss well- earned fame will roll down the tide of time until it is absorbed in the abyss of eternity: Listen to vvliat he recommended to your army on a recent and an alarming occasion, and seriously apply it to the laudable principle that the public weal only jyourselves and to us: "The general is deeply sensi- ought to influence the conduct cf its servants, have " ble of the sufferings of the army; he leaves, no we admitted the justice of some of your cam-]" expedient unused to relieve them, and he is per. plaints, promised our endeavors to lessen the cause " suaded that congress and the several states are of others, submitted to your candor our observa-" doing every thing in their power for the same tions on t'lose which we cannot deem grievousj-' purpose. But v/hile we look to th.e public for 132 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. " II e f"u;f' .1 • • c.i . > ei.gwtjen ents, tee should do it "with proper al o-u^ance fi.r the emhurrassments of "public oJI'airs; \vc. I'tgan a com est for liberty and "independence, ill provided for willi >l)f mfuns ot *' war, relying on our patriotism tc supply deficien- "cies? we expecit'd "o encouafer mafiy wants and " diflicuhie.s, nnd \^"e sEiculd ntitli'T shrink from *♦ them when they happen, m r fly in the. face of *• hnv and gorarnmeiit 'n ptocure redress. There "is no doubt the public '.vjll, in the event, do "ample justice to the ntn figliting and sufftring " in their defcr.ce; but it is our duly io dear present " evils 7i'i!h fortitude, looking forward to the period "when our country will have it more in its power "to reward cur services. History is full of exam- *' pies f)f armies sufierlng, with patience, the ex •' trcraities of distress which exceed those we have " experienced, and those in the cauie of ambition " and conquest, not in that of the rights of hu- " m.'.nity, of their country, of their families, and " of thfinstlvcs SI'hU we, who aspire to the distinc- " tion ef u J airioi arn.y, ivho are coutending fur every *' tiijig preciovs in society, neaiJist every thing hate- "fnl and dcgrudiiig in slavery,- shall we, who call " ourselves citizens, discover less constancy, and *' mill ary virtue, than the mercenary instruments " of ambltiot:?" These are the sentiments of a Washington, and allhoiig!) he hud noc us immediately in view, yet every sentence is replete with wholesome admoni- tion to all orders of men in these slates. The force and artliice of the enemy have hitherto proved equally abortive. Britain's proud boasts of con- quf St are no more, and all Eiuope detests her cause. You are already within sight of the promised land, and, by the blessing of Heaven, and adequate eflbrts on your part, you may shortly hope, under your owr. vine and your own fig tree, to spend the remainder of your days in trarq'jility and ease; when the dangers you have passed, and the difficul- ties you sustain, will only seem to heighten your enjoyments; when you will look forward to the app'iiiises of succeeding ages, and extend your happiness to the tnosi rer ,o1e period, by anticipat- ing that which your exertions shall transmit to your poslciity. But, friends, fellow citizens and countrymen, vain is your hope to experience these glorious re wards, for all your toils, and quaff the cup of bliss; in vain has owr hardy ancestor traversed the IracklefS ocean to seek in the wilds of the new voi'l''- a refuge from the oppressions of the old; ir, vain for our takes has he fled from that tyranny? i v'hich, by taxing industry, transir.i.s poverty as an inheritance from one generation to another; in vain lias he strove with the ruthless barbarian, and with the vsnous difficulties incident on the emigration to .•onntries untrodden by civilized man; if, by inernal liscord, by a pusillanimous impatience under un. avoi;labie burthens, by an immoderate attachment to perishable property, by an intemperate jealousy of those servants whom each revolving year may displace from your confidence, by forge^tting those fundamental principles which induced America to separate from Britain, we pl.iy into the liands of » haughty nation, spurred on to perseverance in inju- ry, by a despairing yet imrelsnting tyrant, and hi.s rapftcious minions. Your representatives feel themselves incapable of believing that any but the misguided, the weak and the unwary amongst our fellow-citizens, can be guilty of so foully staining the honor of the state, and wantonly becoming parricides of their own, and the pea(>e and happiness of their posterity.— Let us then all, for our interest is the same, with one heart and one voice, mutually aid and support each other. Let us steadily, unanimously, and vigor- ously, prosecute the great business of establishing ©ur independence. Thus shali we be free our- selves, and leave the blessings of freedom to mil- lions yet I'.nborn. By order of the senate, (Signed) PIERRB VAN CORTLANDT, ;>resV By order of the assembly, (Signed) EVERT BANCKER, speaker ^ Albany, JMarch 13, 1781. Declaration of Indepeiideiice. FnOMTUE RALEIGH RECISTKR. It is not probably known to many of our readers, that the citizens of Mecklenburg county, in this state, made a declaration of independence more than a year before congress made theirs. The following document on the subject has lately come to the hands of the editor from unques- tionable authority, and is published that it may- go down to posterity. Nohth-Caholina, Mecklenburg county, jMay 20, 1775. In the spring of 1775, the leading characters of Mecklenburg county, stimulated by the enthusias- tic patriotism which elevates the mindabove consi- derations of individual aggrandisement, and scorn- ing to shelter themselves from the impending storm, by submission to lawless power, &c. &.c. leld several detached meetings, in each of which PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. IJS the individual sentiments were "that the cause of Boston was the cause of all; that their destinies were indissolubly connected with those of their eastern fellow-citizens— and that they must either submit to all the impositions which an unprinci- jiled and to them an unrepresented parliament might impose-or support their brethren who were doomed to sustain the first shock of that power, which, if suc- eessfuUhere, would ultimately overwhelm all in the common calamity. Conformably to these principles, ool. Adam Alexand.er, through solicitation, issued an ordeFlo'each captains's company in the county of Mecklenburg, (then comprising the present county of Cabarrus) directing each militia company to elect two persons, and delegate to them am- ple power to devise ways and means to aid and as- sist their suffering brethren in Boston, and also ge- nerally to adopt measures to extricate themselves from the impending storm, and to secure, unim- paired, their inalienable rights, privileges and li- berties, fiom the dominant grasp of British impo- sition and tyranny. In conforming to said order, on the 19th of May, 177S, the said delegation met in Charlotte, vested with unlimited powers; at which time official news, by express, arrived of the battle of Lexing- ton on that day of the preceding month. Every delegate felt the value and importance of the prize, and the awful and solemn crisis which had arrived — every bosom swelled with indignation at the malice, inveteracy, and insatiable revenge develop- ed in the late attack at Lexington. The universal sentiment was — let us not flatter ourselves that popular harangues — or resolves; that popular va- poor will avert the storm, or vanquish our common enemy — let us deliberate— let us calculate the is- sue — the probable result: and then let us act with energy as brethren leagued to preserve our proper- ty — our lives, — and what is siill more endearing, the liberties of America, ^dam Alexander was then elected chairman, and Johi J\TKnitt Alexander, clerk. After a free and full discussion of the va- rious objects for which the delegation had been convened, it was unanimously ordained — 1. Resolved, Tiiat whosoever directly or indi- rectly abetted, or in any way, form, or manner, countenanced the unchartered and dangerous in- vasion of our rights, as claimed by Great Britain, is an enemy to this country — to America — and to the inherent and inalienable rights of man. 2. Resolved, That we, the citizens of Mecklenburg county, dohereby dissolve thepolitical bands wl-ich have connected us to the mother country, and here- by absolve ourselves from allegiance to the British crown, and abjure all political connection, contract, association with that nation, who have wantonly trampled on our right and liberties— and inhumanly shed the innocent blood of American patriots at Lexington. 3 Resolved, That we do hereby declare our- selves a free and independent people; are, and of right ought to be, a sover'?ign and self-governing association, under the control of no power other than that of our God and the general government of the congress: to the maintenance of which inde- pendence, we solemnly pledge to each other our mutual co-operation, our lives, our fortunes, and our most sacred honor. 4. Resolved, That, as we now scknowledge the existence and control of no law or legal officer, ci- vil OP military, within this county, we do hereby ordain and adopt, as a rule of life, all, each, and every of our former laws — wherein, nevertheless, the crown of Great Britain never can be consider- ed as holding rights, privileges, immunities, or au- thority therein. 5. Resolved, That it is also further decreed, that all, each, and every military officer in this countv is hereby reinstated to his former command and authority, he acting conformably to these regula- tions. And that every memher present of this de- legation shall henceforth be a civil officer, via: a justice of the peace, in the character of a 'Comndl- tee man* to issue process, hear and determine nil matters of controversy, according to said adopted laws, and to preserve peace, and union, and har- mony, in said county; and to use every exertion to spread the love of country and fire of freedom throughout America, until a more general and or- ganized government be established in this pro- vince. A number of by laws were also added, merely to protect the association from confusion, and to re- gulate their general conduct as citizens. Afier sitting in the court house all night, neither sleepy, hungry or fatigued, and after discussing every pa- ragrapb, they were all passed, sanctioned, and de- creed, unanimously, about 2 o'clock, A. M. May 20. In a few days, a deputation of said delegation convened, whencapt. Jamis Jack, of Charlotte, v>'»s tleputed as express to the congress at P illadel- phia, with a copy of said resolves and proceedings, together with a letter addressed to our three re- presentatives, viz: Richard Caswell, Urn. Hooper, and Joseph Hughes, under ^xpi'^ss i'.ijunction, per- sonally, and through the state representation, to 134 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. use all possible means to Lave said proceedings t sanctioned and approved by the general congress. On the return ofcapt. Jack, the delegation learned that their proceedings were individually approved by the members of congress, but that it was deem- ed premature to lay them before the house. A joint letter from said three members of congress was also received, complimentary of the zeal in the common cause, and recommending perseverance, order, and energy. , The subsequent harmony, unanimity, and exer- tion, in the cause of liberty and independence, evidently resulting from these regulations, and the continued exertion of said delegation, ajjparently tranquilized this section of the state, and met with the concurrence and high approbation of the coun cil of safety, who held their sessions at Newbern and Wilmington, aliernately, and who confirmed the nomination and acts of the delegation in their official capacity. From this delegation originated the court of en- quiry of thi<^ county, who constituted and held their first session in Charlotte; they then held their meetings regularly gt C!)arlotle, at col. James Har- ris's, and at col. Phifei's, alternately, one week at each place; I. was a civil court founded on milita- ry process. Before this judicature all suspicious persons were made to appear, who were formally tried, and banished or continued under guard, lis jurisdiction was as unlimited as toryism, and its decrees as fiaal as the confidence and patriotism of the county. Several were arrested and brought befor-' tiicn from Lincoln, Rowan, and the adja- cent counties. [The foregoing is a true copy of the papers on the above subject, left in my hands by John Mat- thew Alexander, deceased. I find it mentioned on file, that the original book .vas burned in April, 1800; that a copy of the proceedings was sent to Hugh Williamson, in New Y rk, then writing a a history of North Carolina, and that a copy was sent to gen. W. R Davie. J. M'lvNITT.] The following hotal pkoclamatios was com- municated at the same time, and is published as a curiositt/.- NORTIICVUOLINA. JBj/ hit excellency Josir-h Hartin, his majesty^ s cap- tain general, und ^'jvenior in chief of the said pro- vince, &c. &c. &c. A PROCLAMATIOX. Whereas the king, ever anxious for the welfare and happiness of all his people, and sensible to the representations which have been constantly made to him of the stea" gunpowder to North Carolina. The latter was whence results a necessi y for using and eserc>s-|seia from Boston to influence the minds of the peo- ing the law martial; I have therefore thought fit.jple, in wl.ich he has been but too successful. He by the authority vested in me, by the royal char- was taken from on board a schooner going from ter to this province, to publish, and I do hereby i this place to the Western Islands, to bring powder publish, proclaim and order the use and exercise I to this colony; and the others have carried arms of the law mariiai, within and throughout this i against his majesty in this province. I have sent province, for so long time as the present unhappy occasion shall necessarily require; whereof all persons are hereby required to take notice, and them more with a view of intimidating others than to punish them, as they expect here that, so sure as they are sent to Boston, they are to be hanged. govern themselves, as well to mainiaiTi order and i Kobinson is a delegate of our convention. Matthews regulariiy among the peaceable inhabitants of the was a captain of their minute-men. Perhaps they province, as to resist, encounter and subdue the j may be of some use to you, in exchanging them rebels und traitors above- Ici-cribed by such as shall j*or good men. The sloop not sailing so soon as I be called upon for those purposes. expected, I have to inform you that, on the llth linst. I had infornnation that a party of about a To these inevitable, but I trust salutary ™ea- ,,^^^^^^^j ^^^,^^ ^^^^,^ ^.^^^,.^^^^^(^^,^ .^^^ ^^^^,^^^ suies. it is a far more pleasing part of my duty i ^ ^,^^ assistance of those in this colonv, and were to add the assurances of protection and support, jp^^^^^ ^, ^ pj^^^ ^^j^^^ ^^^ Great -Bridge, a very to all who, in so trying a crisis, shall manifest j ^^^^^^^j^j p^^^ j^ the country. I accordiugly em- their allegiance to the king, and affection to theij,^^.^^^ ^^^ jj,^j^ ^^,,pg ;^ ^^^^^^ j^ ^^^ ^.^^^^ ^. p.rent state. So that such persons as may haveL^^ ^^^^ ^.^j^ between twenty and 2(J volunteers been intimidated to quit their habitations in the! f^^^ Norfolk. We landed within four miles of the bridge, and arrived there a little after day- light; but, to our groat mortification, found the birds hail fljvva the evening before. But hearing that a body, between 2 and 300, of our rebels were within about ten miles of us, we determined to beat up their quarters, and accordingly proceeded aboui eight miies, when they Sred on our ndvanced guards from the woods: on which I immediately ordered our people to rush in upon them, and at the same time sent a party of the regulars, with the volunteeri!, to out-flank them. The enemy im- mediately fl d on all quarters, and our people pursued them for a mile or more, killed a few, drove others into a creek, where they were drown- ed, and took nine prisoners, among whom is one of their colonels. We only had one man wounded, wlio is recovering. I imiaedialely upos thio is.^ued course of this alarm, may return to their respec- tive Callings and professions, and stand distinct and separate from the parricides of the covistitu- tion, till God, in his mercy, shall restore to his creatures, in t!:is distracted land, that system of happiness from wliich they have been seduced, the religion of peace, and liberty founded upon law. Given at Boston, this twelfth day of June, in tlie hfieenth year of the reign of his ma- jesty GKOiiGE the third, by the grace of GOD, of Great Britain, France and Ireland, KING, defender of the Faith, he. Annoque Domini, 1775. THOMAS GAGE. By his excellency's command: Tuo's FuTCKKB, secretary. God save the kino. I tlie enclosed poclama'ion; which hashadawonder- liOrcl DuBinorC to GreilCral Howe, jful eflecc, as there are no less than 300 who have \ViLLiA.»isiiUHGH, Viv.RiNiA, Jan 25 taki-ii and signed the enclosed oath. The blacks Tlw ful'owing- is an extract of a eiter from lonl I)u?i' I are also fl.ickiiig in from all quarters, which I hope more to general ILwe, dated JSi^veinber 30, 1775. j will oblige the rebfls to disperse, to take care of "I musi iiilorm you, that with our lillle corps iktieir tiunilies and property, and had I but a few tl'.ink wc have done wonders. We have '.aken and inore men here, I would immediately march to destroyed above fourscore pieces of ordnuncCj and- Williuaisburgh, my former place of residence., by PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 1S9 w*>ic!i I sliould soon compel the w'lOle ciloriy to suri-nit. We are in jjreat want of small arms; an-' if two or three field pieces and their c*rria(|es could be spared, they would be of great service to US; also some cartridije paper, of which not a sheet is to be got in this country, and all our r.artri Ij^es are expended. — Since the 19lh of Mav last. I have not received a single line from any one in administration, though I have wrote volumes to them, in each of which I have prayed to be instruct, ed, but to no purpose. I am therefore determined to go on doinj the best of my power for 'lis na jesty'i service. I have accordingly ordered a regi ment, called the Queen's own loyal regiment, of 500 men, lo be raised immediately, consisting of a lieutenant-colonel commandant, major, an-A ten companies, each of wliich is to consist of one captain, two lieutenants, one ensign, and fifty pri- vates, with non-commissioued officers in propor- tion. You may observe, by my proclamation, thai J offer free (hm to the blacks of all rebels that join me, in consequence of whicii there are between 2 and 300 already come in, and those I farm into corps as fast as they come in, giving them white oflicers and non-commissioners in proportion. — And from these two plans, I make no doubt of getting men enough to reduce this colony to a proper sense of their duty. My next distress will be the want of arms, accoutrements and money, all of which you may be able to relieve me from. T!ie latter I am sure you can, as there are many merchants here who are ready to supply me, on my giving them bills on you, which you will have to withdraw, and give your own in their room. I hope this mode v/ill be agreeable to you; it is the same that general Gage proposed. I have now, i.i order to carry on the recruiting business, victualling, clothing, &,c. drawn en you for ^5009 sterling, and have appointed a pay- master, who will keep exact accounts. I wish you vould infom me, by the return of the sloop, what boimty money maybe given to those who enlist. — Having heard that 1000 cliosen men be'onging to the rebels, a great part of whom were riflemen, were on their march to attack us here, or to cut off our provisions, I determined to take possession of the pass at the Great-Bri Ige, wliich sectires us the greatest part of two couities, to supply us with provisi ms. I accordingly ordered a stockade to be erec'ed there, whicU v,is done in a few day-; and I pit an officer and 25 men to garrison it, with some volunteers and , who have defended ii ag:iinst all the eff)rts of the rebels fur these eight days past. We have killed several of their men, id I mak no doubt wesb.til now be able to main- tain our ground there; but should we be obliged to abandon it, we have thrown up an intrenchment on the land side of Norfolk, which 1 hope they never will be able to force. Here we are contend- ing-, with only a very small part of a regiment, against the extensive colony of Virginia. If you wiuld but spare me, for a few months, the 64-th regimen? now in the castle, and the remaining part of the 14t!i, I really believe we sHould reduce this colony to a proper sense of their duty." Convention in Virginia. Resolved, unanimously, that this convention do hig'^ly apprive of col. Woodfor I's conduct, mani- fesied, as weP in the success of the troops under his command, as in the humane tre-atment of, and kind atien'ion to, the unfortunite, though brave officers and soldiers, who were made prisoners in the late action near the Grsat B-idgp, and that the president communicate to col. Woodford the sense of his country on this occasion. Whereas lord Dunmore, by his proclamation, dated on board the ship William, the 7lh day of November, 1775, h.ah presumed, in direct violation of the constitution, and the laws of this country, to declare martial law in force, and to be executed throughout this colony, whereby our lives, our li- berty, and our property, are arbitrarily subjected to his power and direction: and whereas the said lord Dunmore, assuming' powers which the king- hi.nself cannot exercise, to intimidate tlie good people of this colony into a compliance with his arbitrary will, hath declared those who do not im- mediately repair to his standard, and submit in all thi'igs to a government not warranted by the con- stitution, to be in actu.al rebellion, and thereby to have incurred the penalties inflicted by the laws for such off.-nces; and hath offered freedom to the servants and slaves of those he Is pleased to term rebels, arming them against their masters, and destroying the peace and happiness of his ma- jesty's good and faithful subjects, whose property is rendered insecure, and whose lives are exposed ta the dangers of a general insurrection: We, as guardians of the lives and liberty of the people, our constitueii'vs, conceived it to be indispensably our duty to protect them against every species of despo'isra, and to endeavor to remove those fears wiih which they are so justly alarmed. If it were possible the understandings of men could be so blinded, that every gleam of reason 140 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. might be lost, the hope, his lordship says, he hath eVer entertained of an accommodation between Great Britain an;l this colony, might now pass unnoticed; but truth, justice, and common sense, must ever prevail, when facts can be appealed to in their support. It is the peculiar liappiness of this colony, that his lordship can be traced as the source of innumerable eviis, and one of the princi- pal causes of the misfortunes under which we now labor. A parlicuUr detail of Iiis conduct, since his arrival in tins colony, can be considered only as a repetition, it having been already fully published to the world by the proceedings of the general assembly, and a farmer convention; but the un- remitting- violence with which his lordship endea- vors to involve this country in the most dreadful calamities, certainly affords new matter for the attention of the public, and v/ill remove every imputation of ingratitude to his lordship, or of injustice to his character. His lordship is pleased to ascribe the unworthy steps he hath taken against this colony to a necessity arising from the conduct of its inhabitants, whom he hath considered in a rebellious state, but whoknow nothin^^ of rebellion except the name. Ever zealous in support of tyranny, be hath broken the bonds of society, and trampled justice under his feet. Had his lordship been desirous of affecting an accommodation of these disputes, he hath had the most ample occa- sion of Qxerting- both his interest and abilities; but that he never had in view any such salutary end, most evideatly appears from the whole tenor of his conduct. The supposed design of the Canada bill having been to draw down upon us a merciless and savage enemy, the present manoeuvres amongst the Homan Catholics in Ireland, and the schemes concerted witli Doctor Connelly, and other vile instruments of tyranny, which have appeared by the examination of the said Connelly, justify the supposition, and most fully evince his lordship's inimical and cruel disposition towards us, and can be.it determine whether we have been wrong in ])reparing to resist, even by arms, that system of tyranny adopted by the ministry and parliament ol Great Britain, of which he is become the rigid executioner in this colony. The many depreda- tions committed also upon the inhabitants of this colony, by the tenders and other armed vessels employed by his lordship for such purposes; the pilfering and plundering the property of the peo- ple, and the actual seduction and seizure of their slaves, were truly alanning in their effects, and called aloud for justice and resistance. The per- sons of loany of our peaceable brethren have been seized and dragged to confinement, contrary to the principles of liberty, and the constitution of our country: yet have we borne this iijurious treat- ment with unexampled patience, unwilling to shed the blood of our fellow-subjects, who, prosecuting the measures of a British parliament, would sacri- fice our lives and property t9 a relentless fury and unabating avarice. If a governor can be authorised, even by majesty itself, to annul the laws of the land, and to introduce the most execrable of all systems, the law martial; if, by his single fiat, he can strip us of our property, can give freedom to our ser- vants and slaves, and arm them for our destruction, let us bid adieu to every thing valuable in life; let us at once bend our necks to the galling yoke, and hug the chains prepared for us and our latest pos- terity! It is with inexpressible concern we reflect upon the distressed situation of some of our unhappy countrymen, who had thought themselves too im- mediately within the power of lord Dunmore, and have been induced thereby to remain inactive. We lament the advantage he hath taken of their situa- tion, and at present impute their inactivity, in the cause of freedom and the constitution, not to any defection or want of zeal, but to their defence- less state; and whilst we endeavor to afford them succour, and to support their rights, we expect they will contribate every thing in their power to effect their deliverance: yet if any of our people, in violation of their faiUi plighted to this colony, and the duty they owe to society, shall be found in arms, or continue to give assistance to our ene- mies, we shall think ourselves justified, by the necessity we are under, in executing upon them the law of retaliation. Impressed with a just and ardent zeal for the welfare and hnppiness of our countrymen, we trust they will, on their part, exert themselves in de- fence of our common cause, and that we shall ail acquit ourselves like freemen, being compelled by a disagreeable, but absolute necessity, of repelling force by force, to maintain our just rights and privileges; and we appeal to God, who is the Sovereign Disposer of all events, for the justice of our cause, trusting to his Mncrring wisdom to direct our councils, and give success to our arms. Whereas lord Dunmore, by his proclamation, dated on board the ship William, oft" Norfolk, the 7th day of November, 1775, hath offered freedom I to such able bodied slaves as are willing to join him, and take up arms against the good people of this colony, giving thereby encouragement to a PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. T41 general insurrection, which may induce a necessity of infli'-ting ihe severest punishments upon those unhappy people already deluded by his base and insidious arts, and whereas, by an act of the gene- ral assembly now in force in this colony, it is enacted, that all negro, or other slaves, conspiring to rebel or make insurrection, s'lal! suffer death, and be excluded all benefit of clergy— we think it proper to declare, that all slaves who luive been, or shall be, seduced by his lordship's proclama- tion, OP other arts, to desert their m..ster's servicR, and take up arms agiinst the inhabitants of this colony, shall be liable to such punishment as shall hereafter be directed by the convention. And 'n the end that all such, who have taken this unlaw- ful and wicked step, may retarn in safety to their duty, and escape the punishment due to their crimes, we hereby promise pardon to them, t'^ey surrendering themselves to colonel WilliaiO Wood- ford, or any other commmder of our troops, and not appearing in arms after the publication hef^nf. And we do further earnestly reco"nmend it to all humane and benevolent persons in this colony, to this country, wherever born, ought to be exempted from any of the burthens or dangers to which the colony is exposed; but that, as good citizens, it is incunabent on them to use every exertion of their power and abilities in the common defenc; and should any persons of ability decline- or shrin^^ y situation, aai will defend the passes into our county, and neigLborhood, to rescinded; that none of the freemen, inhabitants of • the last drop of our blood." 142 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. Massachusetts-Bay. Jiy the great and general court of the colony of Massachusetts Bay: A PROCLAMATION. The frailtj' of human nature, the wants of indivi- duals, and the numerous dangers which surround them, tlirough the course of life, have, in all ages, and in every country, impelled them to form socie- ties and establish governments. As the happiness of the people is the sole end of government, so the consent of the people is the only foundation of it, in reason, morality, and the natural fitness of thin^. And therefore every act of government, every exercise of sovereignty, against, or without, the consent of the people, is injustice, usurpation, and tyranny. It is a maxim that in every government, there STiust exist, somewhere, a supreme, sovereign, absolute, and uncontrolable power; but this power resides always in the body of the people; and it never was, or can be delegated to one man, or a few; the great Creator having never given .-> men a right to vest others with authority over them, unlimited either in duration or degree. When kings, ministers, governors, or legislators, therefore, instead of exercising the powers entrust- ed with them, according to the principles, forms and proportions stated by the constitution, and established by the original compact, prostitute those powers to the purposes Of oppression — to subvert, instead of supporting a free constitution; — to destroy, instead of preserving the lives, liber- ties and properties of the people;— they are no longer to be deemed magistrates vested with a sacred character, but become public enemies, and ought to be resisted. The administration of Great Britain, despising equally the justice, humanity and magnanimity of their ancestors; and the rights, liberties and courage of AMERICANS, have, for a course of years, labored to establish a sovereignty in Ame- rica, not founded in the consent of the people, but in the mere will of persons, a thousand leagues from us, whom we know not, and have endeavored to establish this sovereignty over us, against our consent, in all cases whatsoever. The colonies, during this ppriod, have recurred to every peaceable resource in a free constitution, by petitions and remonstrances, to obtain justice; which has been not only denied to them, but thev hiive been treated with unexampled indignity and contempt; and at length, onen war of the most atrocious, cruel and sanguinary kind, has been com- menced against them. To this an open, manly and successful resistance has hitherto been made; thirteen colonies are now firmly united in tlie con- duct of this most just and necessary war, under the wise councils of their congress. It is the will of Providence for wise, righteous, and gracious ends, that this colony should have been singled out, by the enemies of America, as the first object, both of their envy and their revenge; and after having been made the subject of several merciless and vindictive statutes, one of which was intended to subvert our constitution by charter, is made the seat of war: No effectual resistance to the system of tyranny prepared for us, could be made without either instant recourse to arms, or a temporary suspen- sion of the ordinary powers of government, and tribunals of justice. To the last of which evils, in hopes of a speedy reconciliation with Great Bri- tain, upon equitable terms, the congress advised us to submit: — And mankind has seen a phenomenon, without example in the political world, a large and populous colony, subsisting in great decency and order, for more than a year, und :r such a suspension of government. But as our enemies have proceeded to such bar- barous extremities, commencing hostilities upoa the good people of this colony, and with unpre- cedented malice exerting their power to spread the calamities of fire, sword and famine through the land, and no reasonable prospect remains of a speedy reconciliation with Great Britain, the con- gress have resolved: "That no obedience being due to the act of par- liament for altering the charter of the colony of Massachusetts-Bay, nor to a governor or lieutenant- governor, who will not observe the directions of, but endeavor to subvert that charter, the gover- nor and lieutenant-governor of that colony are to be considered as absent, and their offices vacant. And as there is no council there, and inconvenien- cies arising from ;he suspensinn of the powers of e^overnment are intolerable, especially at a lime when general Gage hath actually levied war, and is carrying on hostilities against his majesty's peaceable and loyal subjects of that colony: that, in order to conform as near as may be to the spirit and substance of the charier, it be recommended 'O the provincial convention to write letters to the ^habitants of the several places which are entitled 10 representation in assembly, requesting them to PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 14S choose such representatives; and that the assembly, when chosen, do elect counsellors; and that such assembly and council exercise the powers of go- vernment, until a governor of his majesty's appoint- ment will consent to govern the colony according to its charter." In pursuance of which advice, the good people of this colony have chosen a full and free repre sentation of themselves, who, being convened in assembly^ have elected a council; who, as the-execu. live branch of government, have constituted neces- sary officers through the colony. The present generation, therefore, may be congratulated on the acquisition of a form of government more imme- diately, in all its branches, under the influence and controul of the people, and therefore more free and happy than was enjoyed by their ancestors. But as a government so popular can be supported only by universal knowledge and virtue in the worship of G >d, at all time.s acknowledging with gratitude his merciful interposition in their be- half, devoutly confiding in him, as the God of ar- mies, by who-e favor and protection alone they may hope for success, in their present conflict. And all judges, justices, sheriffs, grand jurors, tything-men, and all other civil officers within this colony, are hereby strictly enjoined and command- ed that they contribute all in their power, by theii* advice, exertions and examples, towards a gene- ral reformation of manners, and that they bring to condign punishment every person who shall com- mit any of the crimes or misdemeanors aforesaid, or that shall be guilty of any immoralities whatso- ever; and that they use the utmost endeavors to have the resolves of the congress, and the good and wholesome laws of this colony, duly carried into execution. And as the ministers of the gospel, within this body of the people, it is the duty of all ranks to ; colony, have, during the late relaxatian of the pow. promote the means of education, for the rising I grs of civil government, exerted themselves for generation, as well as true religion, purity of man- jour safety, it is hereby recommended to them, ners, and integrity of life, among all orders and j still to continue their virtuous labors for the good of the people, inculcating by their public ministry, and private example, the necessity of religion, morality, and good order. In couNcii,, January 19, 1776. Ordered, That the foregoing proclamation be read at the opening of every superior court of degrees. As an army has become necessary for our de- fence, and in all free states the civil must provide for and controul the military power, the major part of the council have appointed magistrates and courts of justice in every county, whose haj)piness is so connected with that of the people, that it is difficult to suppose they can abuse their trust, jj"'^''^'*'"^^' ^'^^ ^"^ '"f^'"'^'' <=»"'"' o^«=o"»i"on Pie^s, The business of it is to see those laws enforced ! ^""^ ^°"""'^ of general sessions for the peace within which are necessary for the preservation of peace, ^^'^ ''^'■'"J'' ^y ^^^'^ respective clerk; and at the virtue and good order. And the great and gene- j^"""^' ^"*" meetings in March, in each town.— ral court expects and requires that all necessary p^"'^ '^ '^ '^^^^^^ recommended to the several support and assistance be given, and all proper p'"^'*^'"^ °^^^^ Sospel, throughout this colony, to obedience yielded to them; and will deem every ''^^"^ ^^'^ *'''"'■• »' their respective assemblies on the person, who shall fail of his duty in this respect P"'"'^'* ^^^ "^^' *'''^'' ^''^''^ '^^'^^'^•"S ^^' ^"''"^di^tely , ,u„™ „ ,i:.,..._i c .u -- ./• ,,.. 1 after divine service. Sent down for concurrence. towards them, a disturber of the p='ace of thi colony, and deserving of exemplary punishment. That piety and virtue, which alone can secure the freedom of any people, may be encouraged, and vice and immorality suppressed, the great and general court have thought fi. to issue this | William Coopkr, speaker, pro tem. consented to. PEREZ MORTOX, deputy sec. In the house of represenliitives, January 23, 1776 — Read and concurred. proclamation, commanding and enjoining it upo. the good people of this colony, that they leac'ii sober, religious and peaceable lives, avoiding all] blasphemies, contempt of the holy sciipiures, and! of the lord's day, and all other crimes and mis- demeanors, all debauchery, prophaneness, corrup- ■ tion, venality, all riotous and lumuituous proceed-! ings, and all immoralities whatsoever; and th . j they decently and reverently attend the public WiUi'im Sever, Walter Spooner, Caleb Gush- ing, John Winthrcp, Tnomas Gushing, Moses Gill, Michael Farley, Samuel Holten, Charles Chauncy, Joseph I'almer, John Whetcomb, Jededjuh Foster, Eldad Taylor, John Taylor, Benjamin Wliiie, James Prescot. By ordi-r of the general court, PEREZ MORTON, deputy sec- Goj) SATE TKK rtVl'lh: 144 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. To the Earl of Dartmouth. "Mt/ lord— li constitutional allegiance t;) my kin^, a warm attachment to my coumry,* and the most f.anguine emotions for peace and permanent union between the parent state and her colonies, will sufKciently expiate for epistolary freedom, pernni'c a minister of the king of kings to address a tnia'ister of the king of Great Britain, France, Ireland, and North America: for it is the language of mj soul, that the precious .\merican jewel may spewlily and immoveably be set in the most effulgent diadem. Your lordship sustains a twofold character: a soldier of 'he lord of lords, and secretary of state for t'lC nortiiern department, under our rightful sovereign. High ai'd honorable offices indeed! but every soldier is not an intrepid warrior, or as a noble lord once expressed it, "There are many professors, but few possessors;" nor is every ser van I of the crown infallible: in both these, every mail at best is but a fallible beings This doctrine yotir lordship once loved, being then a real follotver of the Lamb: for Tivell remember siveral opportimities, and the happy and precious momentu of each, -when toe boived together at the sacred altar;-\ at which, when I beheld the right honorable communicant, with his livery servants on his right hand and left, my soul M'as raised almost to the third Heaven, and my Sipirits filled with evangelical love! For not many Jnighty, not many noble, are truly Godly. As your lordship's condescension was so laudable, honor- sible, and scriptural, as to appear a professor of Christianity, a witness for God, and the truly hum- ble soul, I trust, and firmly believe, that "the most fine gold is net yet become dim." To whom then shall I write, or speak in behalf of the naiserable convulsed empire; for your lordship hath fl trust J eternal life at heart, and everlasting felicity, bj faith, in fall view. The parliament of Great Britain say, they have 3 right to tax or bind the Americans in all cases whatsoever, to which they answer, "As they were born free, free they will be, or die," and upon many of iheir hats there is this motto, ^freedom or death." Upon others, "God and our rights." Since the battle of L,€xingt0B, I have been twice in eight of the thirteen united colonies, namely, Massachusetts-Buy, Rhode Island, Cmnecticut, New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, New Castle, *Born in the city of Oxford, jor the Lock Chapel. Scu* vnd M iryland, all wiiich, except New-York, tt: almost unanimous in the voice of liberty. — indeed none (save a few officers under the crown) are willing to be bound by the British parliament, in all cases whatsoever. The Americans declare, a master can lay no grater burden on a slave than to bind him in all cases whatsoever. — Taese things the united colonies have imbibed, and before this en reach yeur lordship, Canada will, in all human probability, be added to the thirteen, for St. John's and Montreal have, upon capitulation, surrendered, I and the rest of the province, in every other re- spect, bids fair for a general surrender, or subjec- tion to the American side. In New-York city and province, although there are, I verily believe, more friends to guvernment (as they call themselves) than all the rest of the colonies together can pro- duce, yet in the city and province there is, on the other side of the question, a majority large enough to SKbdue them at any time: for instance, a few weeks ago some of these friends appeared in the province in opposition to the American voice; whereon a small party went out immediately, who subdued and disarmed them. These freinds, my lord, are not worthy of the appellation; they are only sycophants; they flitter with their lips and pens, and deceive (I fear) your lordship and others in administration, from packet to packet. They have repeatedly insinuated, that the New England governments have nothing else in view but inde- pendence. It is totally repugnant to truth. Be- fore the sword was drawn, there could not possibly be greater loyalists In the ye'ir 1769, I arrived first in America; and they daily manifested what oving subjects they were: and the dissenting clergy also, in every opportunity, were particularly anxious to invoke the Great Jehovah in behalf of their dread sovereign, of whom they spake in terms the most pathetic; also for all his governors and officers, as well as for others^ that peace and hap- piness, truth and justice, religion and piety, might s'ill be and flourish under his sceptre. Add to this, I justly may, the several conversations I have had with, and the private prayers I have heard by tiiose gentlemen concerning his majesty, his crown ind dig lity; with all which every loyalist could out be perfectly well pleased. To these facts, my lord, I have not only been an eye witness in one ciilony, but in many, nay even in Massachusetts* B'Av, and her r.ipiol. *Alt!iougli New Cus le, &c. belong to Pennsyl- vania, yet as they in assembly are disiinctly reore- rented, and also in tlie congress, those counties iiierefore are viewed as, and called one of the unit- ed colonies. PRINCIPLES AND ACTS O^ THE REVOLUTION. t43 Now, my lord, for Clirisl's sake, ultend iitith- fuliy. About two months ago I viewed the camps, JRoxbury and Cnmbridge. The lines of »bolh are impregnable; wiUi forts (many ©f which are bomb pfoof) and redoubts, supposing them to lie all in a direction, are about 20 miles; the breastworks of a proper lieijyht, and in m*ny pl;tces 17 feet in thickness, the trenches wide and deep in propor- tion, before wiiich lay forked impediments, and many of the forts, in every respect, are perfectly ready for battle; the whole, in a word, an admira- tion to every spectator: for vsrlly tli'^ir fortifica- tions appear to be the works of seven years, instead of about as many mo>iths. At these camps are about 20,000 men, well disciplined. The gene- rals and other otniers, in all their military under- takings, solid, discreet, and cotir.igeous, tjie men daily raving for action, and seemingly void of fear. '1 here are many floating batteries, and also balteatis in abundance; besides this strength, 10,000 militiii are ordered in that government to appear on the first summons. Provisions and money there are very plen'}', and the soldiers fi»ithfally paid. 'J'he army in great order, and very healthy, and about six weeks ago lodged in comfortable barracks. — Cliaplains constantly attend the can^ps, morning and night. Prayers are often offered up for peace and rciconcillation, and the soldiers very attentive. The roads, at the time I viewed the camps, were almost lined with spectators, and thousands with me can declare the above, respecting the camps, to be a just de.sci iptioii; but, my lord, I have more facts to mention. Continental and provinciiil ctirrencie.s, to facilitate this great uaderlaking, are ernitted, which cir- culate freely, and are daily cxclianged for silver and gold. Th€ir harbirs, by spring, will swarm with privateers: an admiral is appointed, a court established, and on the 2d instmil the continental J! tig. On board Che Black Prince, ol)l)osite Philadelphia, -tvas hoisted. Many of the captains of tkose vessels, in the lait war, proved their intrepidity to the world by their prizes, and some of them have already taken many valuable prizes which goverumeiit had ordered to Boston, and tiiereby must have much distressed the troops: all wliich tiie prints will particularize. The appointment of the contihental and pro- vincial congresses and committees, your lordship, without doubt, before now, must be fully aosion, t«.veo by tWe lcoiitlne»!tai C«:.t,iilie< 14o PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. best, troops. I don't, my lord, speak at random, or write partially; I have Iraveilel too much among these men to be i:i.sensible of their abilities. — Oli, my lord! if your lordship knew but one lialf what I know of America, your lordship would no", persist, but be instantly ft^r peace, or resign. But, my lord, construe this epistle as you please, nevertheless, my meaning is, that ii siioulJ not in the least convey, or even hirit, any tiling about the legality or illegality of the unhappy dispute. Many great and celebrated writers have moved every nerve, but hitherto In vain. What then can I do, 1)9110 am but a babr-? Not mucli truly, but when a hcusf is in flames, all rv.n, without distinction, some with buckets, some witli grapplings, and otiicrs with engines, wishing they providentially maj' extinguisii the fire. Now, my lord, the British empire is really in flames! I catmot therefore be inactive. Sutter then the insignificant with the most siguificant, to help forward with something. I present therefore for your lordship's acceptance, an engine of facts; the carved works are but homely, but the. essentia) parts are sound, and substantial: try them lawfully and faithfully, and I (by God's permission,) will pledge my life they will stand the test; facts are at ail times proof against the most inveterate foes. By \''ay of appurtenances, I must add— up the north river, in the province of New- York, there is erected an impregnable fort, again-jt which vessels cannot possibly many minutes survive. In the New England governments, batteries are already made before most of their sea-ports. The minutemen, beforemsntioned, like firemen, have all things pro- per and ready to attend on the first alarm. The American coast, long as it is, both by land and sea, is faithfully watched, and posts are every where established. Whether, therefore, admhiistration have in view the east or west of the continent, it matters not; set but a foot ashore to e.^ecute their plan, and the same will instantly find enemies; nay^ let thousands be landed, and they will immedinteiy find swarms of fues; for the electrical posts riding day and night will soon make them sensible there- of. My lord, admhiistration have not one friend th y can call their's, in every respect, that is a resident among the Amf-ricHns; they have several, it is true, who, for sordid gain, act under the rose; but woe to them if they should be discovered. — Many a.Ximples have been already made, and this may be relied on, that in a few months (as ways aiul means are now under consideration) administra- tion will in every respect m Amei-ica be friendless. The destroying of P'almouth, and lord Duirnore's proclamation, proclaiming a jubilee to the slat^es and convicts in Virginia, provided they repair to tlse royal standard in due time, have exasperated the Americans beyond description, and ma'e the breach infinitely wider. — A few days ago his lord- ship's party was repulsed with great loss. His lord- ship, my lord, can do no'hing but c^use tlie men and treasure now under his command to be sacrificed and expended in vain; for he is surrounded by hundreds of the best riflemen, who have driven his troops out of their intrehohments, &c. .Most, if not all, by this time, of his majesty's governors arc afloat, and rendered incapable of fulfilling your lordships commands.* The most celrbrated military authors are re- printed for the use of the young ofHcers, that they m.iy be furnished with every pre-requisite sg'^in.st spring. The ship-carpenters are very busy in getting the rest of the privateers ready, and also other hands to equip them wholly for sailing. Now, right honorable sir, what will you do?— Where will your lordship look.'' Wliere can ad- ministration fix their ideas with the least view of success.? Say, my lord, that their troops are good; the Americans have again and again repulsed them; not one plan of administration hath had the wished for success; in general t!iey have turned out abor- tivei"— Say further, that 20 or 30,000, nay double the numbers, shall be sent to subdue the Ameri- cans — 20,000 (descending to the camp phrase) may ne.irly serve for a breakfast, or rather do far a relish, and so, from time to time, British troops may be transported ybr tlie Americaii sacrifice. Bur ad- ministration can destroy all their sea-ports: I reply, a few months ago they might have wrouglit such devastation, but now they will find it impracticable. Some harbors are blocked up, batteries before others erected, as aboveroi-ntioned, and when the ice impediments M-e dissolved in their harbors, no marvel, my lord, if some of the Briiish armament, as well as transports or store-ships, be taken: about an hundred privateers, with th« most intrepid marines, and those persons who, last naturU war, immortalized theirnames, agamchosen for c^.p rains, are (touching Jielr schemes) no contemptible ene- my by sea. Convinced I am fuliy, that an hundred 'housand of the best troops Europe can raise will not subdue the Americans, nor mako then ac- vjuiesce in the parliamentary ciaims — L.et govern- ment say what they please in favor of ilieir forces — remember, my lora, the Americans have just such blood, the like courage, the same spirits, and *Each riding; at ancior be^Grr. his government, or as near as conveflience will admit. PRrNCrPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 147 are equal in coior and stature, and as well dis- cipline. Soroe oF their fathers, gi'and-fathers, and great-grand-fathers, are to British dust returned, and in silent repose, wliile their sons arid erand sons are struggling for their birth-rights: for they traditionally or constitutionally retain the idea of liberty, and with him of old say, "God forbid that! we should sell the inheritance of our fatliersi" — Whether this be believed or not, I don't know ; but one thing I know, albeit the king requesleth, nevertheless, like Naboth, they will resist even unto death. — Blessed be God, we have no Jezebel to stir up his majesty, for his consort is the best of queens, and as such the Americans extol her majesty daily. Perhaps, my lord, this niay be viewed as partiality; but I can assure your lord ship, I write from conviction, aad not frotn ft partial spirit. If I am charged any where herein with partiality, as it is most natural and a'so very fashionable now to act the sycophant where one's interest is, I certainly flatter your lordship (as 1 fear too many have), for I have ho interest nor kindred here, nor hopes of interest for, or reward for any thing of this nature that I have done or can do. But I have immense hopes and views. My time here is very short, and ere long I sliall be in a world of spirits, where the most noble, the riglit honorable and reverend persons must all appear; •'I know not therefore how to ^l/e flattering titles unto man: for in so doing my Msker would soon take me away." If, figuratively, two persons may represent both parties in dispute, there is a striking similarity in sacred writ, with which your lordsliip is perfectly acquainted, and by which I beg permission to mention the following tilings. I view both sides, as to their precious blood, as good old Jacob viewed his sons, Joseph and Benja- min, and am equally with liim unwilling that either should be slain. If the Britisli troops must be represented by the elder brother, grieved to my very iieart I must be to hear that he is s.acrificed; and if the American forces may be compared to the younger, I shall equally lament his death.— Msy God, of his infinite mercy, save both by a speedy accommodation. Ben j amin hath repeatedly petition ed Joseph for redress of grievances; but Josepli would not receive his petitions, but made himself strange, and sp..ke roughly unto hirn, charj-inghini Willi having and Isoiding unjustly Pharaoh's ciip,* of which the poor lad is perfectly innocent.— Oh! *Not readering uuto CxsAr the things which be Csesar's, that Joseph woul'' take Beijamin in his arms and embrace him, for chey are brovhers! If Benjamin 'laveerr'd, let the :.ge and wisdom of Joseph over look ftnd obliter:p parent st.'ite embrace i.nd own the Kolonips •without fee or reward, and instantly ihe sword on both sides will be sheathed; and then Benjamin, as usual, will go and carry corn and money to Joseph, and take his superb clothing in exchange. But if Joseph will yet refrain ard not bo reconciled, Benjamin is determined to clothe hinri^flf with his own wool, mkI keep his money and sand l»is corn to other mercliantmen. Let facts, my lo'-d, apologize for prolixity; I will conclude nc'v with a few lines. The Americans may be le/l\<:-A> ,i fiuir,- but they have too much English blood iti then, a'e too well disc?prined, and too numerous to be driven, even by an hundred thous;>"d of the best forces govern- ment can raisf. W'i:re goveranieat can produce one thousand en the continent, America, with as much ease and expense, can produce ten thousand in opposition: for men, women and chddren are against the proceedings of administration tlirough- out the united colonies to a wounderful majority. The women, both old and young, being greatly irritated at the inflexibility of administration, are not only willing their sons an^l brothers .-Sould turn out in the field, but also declare that they will give them up and theirselves likewise as a sacrifice before they will bow to Pharaoh's task-.masters; this makes the raising of troops on the continent very easy. Lei a person go into any province, city, town, or county, and ask the females, "Are you willing your sons or brothers should gn for soldiers and defend their liberties?" they wo'.ild severally answer, "Yes, with all my soul, and if they won't go I won't own them as my sons, or brothers; for I'll help myself if there should be any need of mine; if I can't stand in the ranks, I can help forward with powder, balls, and provisions," and presently this will appear more pellucid. Last summer I saw in Philadelphia a company of school boys, called tjie Academy company, in their uniforms, with real arms and colors. Upon this, I asker' how ininy such companies were in the city, an ^ for what they were designed; to which I was an- swered by a gentlewoman, the mother of two of this company, «nhere are thre,e companies, and as to the design, they are to learn the art or theory of war; and if there should be any occasion for HS riUNCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. ihcm in ijie field of battje, tliey will go, for they «;'e all volim^eprs; but I for my part am, I do aver, Rir, heartily 'illing- to sacrifice my sons, believing that with siJLch sacrifice Gofl is well pleased: for lie has hitherto marvellousty blessed our arms and f o!iq ifrc'd our enemies for us, and he who, in the days of his ficsh, spoiled principalities and povvers, find made a sliew of them openly, will in the end, I ('oubtnot, evince to the world that heis conqueror." This, rr.y lord, is the language of the Anrjerican women; yo'ir 1 »rdship knows it is generally the reverse with the English, themotlicr's and sister's lives are bound up in t!ie boys; but I am afraid I shall trespass on your lordship's patience: There- f^ire. In the great nnrr.e, and for the sake of the ever blessed Trinity, I now beseech your lordship to vej'rh thoror.ghly, and with patience, impartiality, pnd love, this narrative of facts; and may that ever Messed adoruule person, Jesus Christ, the wonder ful couuc.ellor and prince of peace, give your lord- ship a right judgment and understanding in all ti)iii!»s, and council and influer.ce administration to jict 'vlsely, and repeal the acts in dispute, and so mnke ppace. T am, n.y lord, your lordship's ready and M-.i!ing servu..t, i'.n- Christ's sake, B. P. ^lurylund, Dec. ?D, \TIi. Tow 11 of Boston. The foUoioin^ pincUi:fiution icas prihUshed by gene- ral IVasninqioii, on his taking'' possession of the to-jii of Hoslon: |3y his excellency George Washington, esq. gene- ral and commander in chiei of tlie thirleen unit- ed colonies. •'Whereas t';ie niinisterial ai my }ias abandoned the town of Uoston, and the forces of the united colonies, under my command, are in possession of the game: I have therefore thougitl it necessary for the preservation of peace, good order and «U^cipliiip, to i)ublish the following orders, that no person offend^iig therein, miy plead ignorance as fin excuse for tlieir miscontjuct. All officers and soldiers are lierehy ordered to live in the siriciest peace and amity with the inhabitants; and no inhabitant, or other person, t'mployed in his lawful business in the town, is to he molested in his person or proper'y, on any pretence whatever. If any ofF*ce,- or soldier shall [iresume to striiie, j-np'-ison, fir otherwise ili-treat any of the iiiha- hitanls, they may depend on being punished with the utiiiost severi'iy; aaJ if any officer or soldier shall receive any insult from any of the inhibitants, he is to seek redress in a legal way, and no other. Anynoncommissionedofficer or soldier or others tmder my command, who shall be guilty of robbing or plundering in tlie town, are to be immediately confined, and will be most rigidly ptmished. All officers are therefore ordered to be very vigilant in the discovery of such offenders, and report their names and crime to the commanding officer in the town, as soon as may be. The inhnbitants and others, are called upon to make known to the qiuuter master general, or any of his deputies, all stores belonging to the minis- terial army, that may be remaining or secreted in the town: any person or persons whatever, that shall be known to conceal any of the said stores, or appropriate them to his or their own use, will be considered as an enemy to America, and treated accordingly. The seleet men and other magistrates of the tow^, are desired to return to the commander in chief, the names of all or any person or persons, they may suspect of being employed as spies upon the continental army, that they may be dealt with accordingly. All officers of the continental arm)', are enjoin.ed to assist the civil magistrates in the execution of their duty, ap.d to promote peace and good order. They are to prevent, as much as possible, the soldirt'S from frequenting tippling-houses, and strolling from their posts. Particular notice will be taken of such officers as are inattentive and remiss in their duty; and on the contrary, sucU only as are active and vigilant will be entitled to future favor and promotion. Given under my hand, at head quarters, i,n Cambridge, the 21st day of March, one tliousand seven hundred and seventy-six. GEORGE WASHINGTON." Bostov, March 29. TJte adJresi of the hvnorable council and bouse of re- presentatives to his excellency George Washington, esq. general and commtuider in chief of the f Axes of the united colonies. J\rxn attack, both in Virginia and N^rth Carolina. God your courage and intrepidity, as men, of your was pleased, i;i both cases, to reward their alacrity, unalterable attachment to the liberties of America, for they obtained a complete victory over their and the sincerity of your unanimous resolutions enemies with so little loss of blood, as was not from the beginning of this contest. Were there barely wonderful, but scarcely credible. At the all payments ©f money on account of salary or otherwise, to the said William Franklin, esq. as governor, ought from henceforth to cease; and that the treasurer or treasurers of this province, shall account for the monies in their hands to this con- gress, or to the future legislature of this colony. By order of the congress, Samuel TncKEB, president. Ji true copy, WnLiAM Pattersoit, secretary. Jin address to the inhabitants of JVetv Jersey, Conntrymen and friends — This province has been requested by the con- tinental congress to send, without delay, from their militia, three thousand three hundred men to New- York, in consequence of authentic information that the grand attack of our common enemy this sum- mer, which will probably prove the decisive cam- paign, is to be upon that city; and that their force may be expected there in a few days. — Your re- presentatives in this congress have, with all the despatch in their power, and with the utmost una- nimity, prepared an ordinance for raising the num- ber called for, as equally from the different parts of the province as possible. They have determined to raise the men by voluntary enlistment in the several counties, in full confidence that, in this war, they will be raised most speedily, as well as consist of persons of the greatest spirit and alacrity for the important service. Filled with the same zeal for the defence of their country, they apply to you by this short address — and, in the most earnest and affectionate manner, entreat you not to sully the reputation acquired on all former oc- casions; but to give a new proof to the public of time to draw up a long discourse in this hour of danger, the arguments that might be used are innumerable; at>d as some of them are of the most urgent, so (blessed be God) others are of the most encouraging and animating kind. The danger is not only certain, but immediate and imminent. It does not admit of a moment's delay, for our wnjust and implacable enemy is at hand. The place where the attack is expected I received from Europe, it is plain that not honor is of the last importance; not only a city of great and advantage only, but absolute necessity requires extent, the interest of whose numerous inhabitants us to exert our utmost efforts, for our all is at must be exceedingly dear to us, but situated in stake. Every one now is obliged to confess what the middle of the colonies, and where the success many saw long ago, that entire and unconditional of the enemy would separate the provinces, and submission is the point to which our enemies are battle of Moor-Creek Rridge, there were but few men killed, and at Koriolk Great-Bridge we did not lose a single life. Time does not permit us to enlarge on the past events of this war, in which the kindness of Pro- vidence is so clearly to be seen. We therefore only further observe, that, by the preparations in Bri- tain for this campaign, and by all the intelligence t56 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF Til E'IIE VOLUTION. determined to bring us, if in their power; so that; this choice is free, and the representation equal, it is nothing remains for us but either the ahject slavery of tributary states, or to maintain our rights and liberties by force of arms, and hand down the fair inheritance to our posterity, by a braye and deter- njjned defence. We desire and expect, that, in such a situation of thing's, all particular difference of small mo- ment, arising from whatever cause, whether religi- ous denominations, rivalship of different classes of snen, scarcity of some articles of commerce, or any other, may be entirely laid aside. The present danger requires the most perfect union. Let every enemy perceive, that the representatives of the colonies, assoop as they determine upon any mea- sure, are able to bring out the whole strength of this vas^, country to carry it into execution. That you may be under no apprehension either cf inequality in the burden, or that our own coasts will be left unguarded by the destination of this brigade, we have thought it be&t to inform you, that the continental congress have amply provided for the defence of this province, and have made such arrangement of the continental army for the ensuing campaign, as lays an equal burden on the inhabitants of the different colonies; in particular, that a flying camp of ten thousand men is now forming for the protection of the middle colonies, which, we are credibly informed, is to have its chief station in this province. We add no more, but that we trust and hope, that, while every province is making the most spirited efforts, New Jersey in its place s^nd duty will be second to none. Signed in name, and by appointment of con- gress, at Burlington, June 15, 1776. Samuel Tucuek, president. ■/3 true copy, Wm. Patteuson, secretary. Extract Jrom the instructions to the representatives of\ the toxvn of Boston, 1776- Gevi^emen. — Touching the internal police of this colony, it is essentially necessary, in order to pre- serve harmony among ourselves, that the con- stituent body be satisfied that they are fairly and fully represented. The right to legislate is origi- jially due to every member of the community; which right is always exercised in the infancy of s state: but, when the inhabitants are become numerous, it is not only inconvenient, but im- practicable, for all to meet in one assembly; and hence arose the necessity and practice of legislat- ing by a few, freely chosen by the many. When the people's fault if they are not happy: we there- fore instruct you to devise some means to obtain an equal representation of the people of this co* lony in the legislature: — but care should be taken that the assembly be not unwieldy; for this would be an approach to the evil meant to be cured by representation. The largest bodies of men do not always despatch business with the greatest expedi. tion, nor conduct it in the wisest manner. It is essential to liberty, that the legislative, judicial, and executive powers of government be, as nearly as possible, independent of, and separate from each other; for where they are united in the same persons, or number of persons, there would be wanting that mutual check which is the princi- pal security against the making of arbitrary laws, and a wanton exercise of power in the execution of them. It is also of the highest importance, that every person in a judiciary department employ the greatest part of his time and attention in the duties of his office; we therefore further instruct you, to procure the enacting such law or laws, as shall make it incompatible for the same person to hold a seat in the legislative and executive departments of government, at one and the same time: that shall render the judges, in every judicatory through the colony, dependent, not on the uncertain tenure of caprice or pleasure, but on an unimpeachable deportment in the important duties of their station, for their continuance in office; and to prevent the multiplicity of offices in the same person, that such salaries be settled upon them as will place them aboVe the necessity of stooping to any indirect or collateral means for subsistence. We wish to avoid a profusion of the public monies on the one hand, and the danger of sacrificing our liberties to a spirit of parsimony on the other. Not doubt- ing of your zeal and abilities in the common cause of our country, we leave your discretion to prompt such exertions, in promoting any military opera- tions, as the exigencies of our public affairs may require: and in the same confidence of yaur fervor and attachment to the public weal, we readily submit all ether matters of public moment, that may require your consideration, to your own wis- dom and discretion. At a le^al meeting of the inhabitants of the town of Maiden, [JMass.] May 27, 1776, it -was voted un- animously, that the folio-wing instructions be given to their representative, viz. To Mr. Ezra Sargeant, Sir— A resolution of tlie hon. house of repre- sentatives, calling upon the several towns in this PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 157 colony to express their minds with respect to the important question of American independence, is the occasion of our now instructing: you. The lime was, sir, when we loved the king and the peo- ple of Great Britain with an affection truly filial; we felt ourselves interested in their ^lory; we shared in their joys and sorrows; we cheerfully poured the fruit of all our lahors into the lap of our mother-country, and without reluctance ex- pended our blood and our treasure in their cause. These were our sentiments towards Great Bri- tain while she continued to act the part of a parent state; we felt ourselves happy in our connection with her, nor wished it to be dissolved; but our sentiments are altered, it is now the ardent wish of our souls that America may become a free and independent state. A .sense of unprovoked injuries will arouse the resentment of the most peaceful. Such injuries these colonies have received from Britain. Un- justifiable claims have been made by the kingf and Lis minions to tax us without our consent; these claims have been prosecuted in a manner cruel and unjust to the highest degree. The frantic policy of administration hath induced them to send fleets and armies to America; that, by depriving us of our trade and cutting thethroats of our brethren, they might awe us into submission, and erect a sys- tem of despotism in America, which should so far enlarge the influence of the crown as 'o enable if to rivet their shackles upon the people of Great Britain, This plan was brought to a crisis upon the ever memorable nineteenth of April. We remember the fatal day! the expiring groans of our country- men yet vibrate on our ears! and we now behold the flames of their peaceful dwellings ascending to Heaven! we hear their blond crying to us from the ground for vengeance! charging us, as we value the peace of their manes, to have no further con- nection with •, who can unfeelingly hear of the slaughter of , and composedly sleep with their blood upon his soul. The manner in which the war had been prosecuted hath confirmed us in these sentiments; piracy and murder, robbery and breach of faith, have been conspicuous in the con- duct of the king's troops: defenceless towns have been attacked and destroyed: the ruins of Charles- town, which are daily in our view, daily reminds us of this: the cries of the widow and the orphan demand our attention; they demand that the hand of pity should wipe the tear from their eye, and that the sword of their country should avenge their wrongs. We long entertained hopes that the spirit of the British nation would once more induce them to assert their own and our rights, and bring to condign punishment the elevated villains w'.io have trampled upon the sacred rights of men, and affronted the majesty of the people. We hoped in vain; they have lost their love to freedom; they have lost their spirit of just resentmen; we there- fore renounce with disdain our connexion with a kingdom of slaves; we bid a final adieu to Britain. Could an accommodation be now effected, we have reason to think that it would be fatal to the liberties of America; we should soon catch the contagion of venality and dissipation, which hath subjected Britons to lawless domination. Were we placed in the situation we were in 1763: were the powers of appointing to offices, and command- ing the militia, in the hands of governors, our arts, trade and manufactures would be cramped; nay, more than this, the life of every man who has been active in the cause of his country would be endangered. For these reasons, as well as many others whicli might be produced, we are confirmed in the opi- nion, that the present age will be deficient in their duty to God, their posterity and themselves, if they do not establish an American republic. This is the only form of government which we wish to see established; for we can never be willingly sub- ject to any other King than he who, being possessed of infinite wisdom, goodness and rectitude, is alone fit to possess unlimited power. We have freely spoken our sentiments upon tliis important subject, but we mean not to dictate; we have unbounded confidence in the wisdom and uprightness of the continental congress: with plea- sure we recollect that tliis afFair is under their direction: and we now instruct you, sir, to give them the strongest assurance that, if they should declare America to be a free and independent re- public, your constituents will support and defend the measure, to the last drop of their blood, and the last farthing of their treasure. • Attest. Sam. Meruit, town-clerk. Extracts fro7n tlte Jourmd nf the Provincial cofgrese vf South Carolina. Ill congress, Feb. 8, 1776. Resolved, That Mr. President do signify tiie approbation of this congress, and present their thanks to the hon. Henry Middleton, and John 158 PR[NCrPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. Rutledge, esqrs. now present in congress, and to the other delej^ates of this colony at Philadelphia, for their important services in the American con- gress. Mr. President accordingly addressed himself to the hon. Mr. Middleton, and Mr. Rutledge, as follows: Gentlemen— When the hand of tyranny, armed in hostile manner, was extended from Great Bri- tain to spoil America of whatever she held most valuable, it was, for the most important purposes, that the tjood people of this colony delegated you to represent them in the continental congress, at Philadelphia. It became your business to ascer- tain the rights of America, to point out her violat- ed franchises, to make humble representation to the king for redress, and, he being deaf to the cries of his American subjects, to appeal to the King of kings, for the recovery of the rights of an infant people, by the majesty of Heaven formed for future empire. In this most important business you engaged, as became good citizens; and, step by step, you deliberately advanced through it, with a regret and sorrow, and with a resolution and conduct, that bear all the characters of ancient magnanimitv. Your constituents, with a steady eye, beheld your Progress. They saw the \merican claim of rights, the association for the recovery of American franchises, and the humble petition to the king for redress of grievances. They saw the Ameri- can appeal to the King of kings; and a second hum- ble petition to the British monarch, alas! as un- availing as the first. They have also seen the establishment of an American naval force, a trea- sury, a general post-office, and the laying on a continental embargo: in short, they have seen per- mission granted to colonies to erect forms of go- vernment independent of, and in opposition to, the regal authority. Your country saw all these proceedings, the ■work of a body of which you were and are mem- bers; proceedings arising from dire necessity, and not from choice; proceedings tliat are the natural consequences of the present inauspicious reign; pro- ceedings just in themselves, and which, notwith- standing the declarations of the corrupt houses of parliament, the proclamation at the court of St. James's, the 23d of August, and the subsequent royal speech in parliament, are exactly as far distant from treason and rebellion, as stands the glorious revolution, which deprived a tyrant of bis kingdoms, and elevated the house of Brunswick to royalty. Worthy delegates! It is the judgment of your country that your conduct, of which I have mark- ''d the grand lines, in the American congress, is justifiable before God and man, and that, whatever may be the issue of this defensive civil war, in which, unfortunately, though gloriously, we are engaged, whether independence or slavery, all the blood, and all the guilt, must be imputed to Bri- tish not to American counsels. — Hence your con- stituents, sensible of the propriety of your conduct^ and of the benefits which, with the blessing of the Almighty, it is calculated to shed upon America, have constituted me, their instrument, as well to signify to you their approbation, as to present to you their thanks: and it is in the discharge of these duties that I now have the honor to address you. In an important crisis, like the present, to receive the public thanks of a free people, is to receive the most honorable recompense for past services, and to deserve such thanks is to be truly great. I know that it is with pain such men hear their com- mendations. Gentlemen, with the public recom- pense, I mean to pay into you my mite also; and lest 1 wound your delicacy, when I mean only to do justice to your merit, I forbear to particularize what is already well known. I therefore confine myself; and I do most respectfully, in the name of the congress, present to you, and to each of you,, the thanks of your country, for your important scr^ vices in the American congress at Philadelphia. Boslo7i, Jpril 25, 1776. The corporation of Harvard College in Cambridge, in J\'Vvy England, to all faithful in Christ, to lehom these presents shall come greeting: Whereas academical degrees were originally instituted for this purpose, that men, eminent fop knowledge, wisdom and virtue, who have highly merited of the republic of letters, should be re- warded with the honor of these laurels, there is the greatest propriety in conferring such honor on that very illustrious gentleman, George Washing- ton, esq. the accomplished general of the con- federated colonies in America; whose knowledge and patriotic ardour are manifest to all; who, for his distinguished virtues, both civil and military, in the first place being elected by the suffrages of the Virginians one of their delegates, exerted him- self with fidelity and singular wisdom in the cele- brated congress in America, for the defence of li- berty, when in the utmost danger of being forever lost, and for the salvation of his cotmtry; and then. PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 159 at the earnest request of that grand council of, ry, requires an exertion of the greatest prudence patriots, without hesitation, left all the pleasures and abilities. of his delightful seat in Virginia, and the affairs of his own estate, that, through all the fatigues and dangers of camp, without accepting any reward, he might deliver New England from the unjust and cruel arms of Great Britain, and defend the other colonies; and who, by the most signal smiles of Divine Providence on his military operations, drove the fleet and troops of the enemy with disgrace- fu! precipitation from the to-wn of Sonton, which for eleven months had been shut, fortified and defend- ed by a garrison of above 7000 regulars; so that the inhabitants, who suffered a great variety of hardships and cruelties while under the power of their oppressors, now rejoice in their deliverance; the neighboring towns are also freed from the tumults of arms, and our university has the agreea- ble prospect of being restored to its ancient seat. Know ye, therefore, that we, the president and fellows of Harvard College in Cambridge, (with the consent of the honored and reverend overseers of our academy) have constituted and created the aforesaid gentleman, George Washington, who merits the highest honor, doctor of laws, the law of nature and nations, and the civil law; and have given and granted him at the same time all rights, privileges and honors to the said degree pertain- ing. In testimony whereof, we have affixed the com- aion seal of our university to these letters, and subscribed them with our hand writing, this third day of April, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and seventy-six. Samuel Langbon, S. T. D. Preses. Nathaniel Appletobt, S. T. D. Johannes VVinthrop, Mat. et. Phi. P. Andreas Elliot, S. T. D. (Hoi.) L, L. U Samcel Cooper, S. T. D. JouANs Wadsworth, Log. et. Eth. Pre. Savannah, f Georgia J June 20, 1776. Our provincial congress met here on the 6lh inst. when his excellency Archibald Bullock, esq. pre- sident and commander in chief of the province of Georgia, delivered the following speech: Mr. Speaker, and gentlemen of the congress — The state of the province at your last meeting made it absolutely necessary to adopt some tem- porary regulations for the preservation of the pub- lic peace and safety; and your appointuieiit of me to carry these things into execution, at a time so Iporiance will claim your attention at this meeting, critical and important to the welfare of this coua- U will not take up too much of your time from the At a time, when our rights and privileges ate invaded, when the fundamental principles of the constitution are subverted, and those men whose duty should teach them to protect and defend us, are become our betrayers and murderers; it calla aloud on every virtuous member of the community to stand forth, and stem the prevailing torrent of corruption and lawless power. The many and frequent instances of your attach* ment towards me, and an ardent desire to promote the welfare of my country, have induced me to accept of this weighty and important trust; for your interest only I desire to act; and relying on your aid and assistance in every difficulty, I shall always most confidently expect it. Some venal disaffected men may endeavor to persuade the people to submit to the mandates of despotism; but surely every freeman would con- sider the nature, and inspect the designs and execu- tion of that government, under which he may be called to live. The people of this province, in op- posing the designs of a cruel and corrupt ministry, have surmounted what appeared inseparable dif- ficulties; and notwithstanding the artifice and ad- dress that for a long time were employed to divert their attention from the common cause, they, at length, by imperceptible degrees, succeeded, and declared their resolutions to assert their liberties, and to maintain them, at all events, in concurrence with the other associated colonies. For my part, i most candidly declare that, from the origin of these unhappy disputes, I heartily approved of the conduct of the Americans. My approbation was not the result of prejudice or partiality, but pro- ceeded from a firm persuasion of their having acted agreeable to constitutional principles, and the dictates of an upright disinterested conscience. We must all acknowledge our great obligations to our ancestors, for the invaluable liberties we enjoy; it is our indispensibleduty to transmit them inviolate to posterity; and to be negligent, in an affair of such moment, would be an indelible stain of infamy on the present ^ra. Animated with this principle, 1 shall think myself amply rewarded, if I can be so fortunate as to render any service to he cause of freedom and posterity. JMr. Speaker and gentlemen of the congress — Being sensible that colony matters of great im- 160 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. public business. Some further regulations respect- ing the courts of justice, the state of the continen- tal battalions, and the better ordering of the militia of this province, will necessarily be the subject of your disquisitions. You must be convinced of the many difficulties we labor under, arising from the number that still remain among us, under the shelter of an affected neutrality. The arguments alleged for their con- duct, appear too weak to merit a refutation. This is no time to talk of moderation: in the present instance it ceases to be a virtue. An appeal, an awful appeal, is made to Heaven, and thousands of lives are in jeopardy every hour. Our northern brethren point to their wounds, and call for our most vigorous exertions; and God forbid that so noble a aontest should end in an infamous conclu sion. You will not, therefore, be biassed by any suggestions from these enemies of American li berty, or regard any censure they may bestow on the forwardness and zeal of this infant colony. — You must evidently perceive the necessity of making some further laws respecting these non- associates; and though there may be some who ap- pear at present forward to sign the association, yet it becomes us to keep a watchful eye on the motive and conduct of these men, lest the public good should be endangered through this perfidy and pretended friendship. By the resolves of the general congress, the inhabitants of the united colonies are permitted to trade to any part of the world, except the dominions of the king of Great Britain; and in consequence of which, it will be necessary to fix on some mode of proceeding, for the clearance of vessels and ©ther matters relative thereto; and perhaps you may think it further requisite, to appoint proper officers to despatch this business, tliat the ad- venturers in trade may meet with as little obstruc- tion as possible. And I would at the same time recommend to yonr consideration, the exorbitant prices of goods, and otlier necessaries of life, in the town of Savannah, and every part of the province. This certainly requires some immediate regula- tions, as the poor must be greatly distressed by such alai-ming and unheard of extortions. With respect to Indian affairs, I hoped to have the pleasure of assuring you, from the state of the proceedings of the commissioners, that they were in every respect friendly and warmly attached to our interest, and that there was the greatest rea son to expect a continuance of the same friendly disposition; but I have received some accounts rather unfavorable. As this is of the highest con- sequence to the peace and welfare of the colony, I would here suggest, whether it would not be necessary to enter into some resolves, in order to prevent any future misunderstanding between them and onr back settlers; and to this i think I may add, that the putting the province in the best posture of defence, would be an object very requisite at this juncture. The continental congress have always beea solicitous to f)romote tlie increase and improve-* ment of useftil knowledge, and with the highest satisfaction contemplating the rapid progress of the arts and sciences in America, have thought proper to recommend the encouraging the manu- factory of salt-petre, sulphur, and gun-powder. — • The process is extremely eas)', and I should be very glad to see any of the good people of this province exerting themselves in the manufacture of these useful and necessary articles. If they once consider it is for the public good, they will need no other inducement. J\Ir. Speaker and gentlemen of the congress— Remember in all your deliberations you are engaged in a most arduous undertaking. Genera- tions yet unborn may owe their freedom and bappi. ness to your determination, and may bestow bles- sings or execrations on your memory, in such man- ner as you discharge the trust reposed in you by your constituents. Thoughts like these will influ-- ence you to throw aside every prejudice, and to exert your utmost efforts to preserve unanimity, firmness and impartiality in all your proceedings. AucHiBALD Bullock. The Bishop of St. Asaph's Speech^ The follo7uing piece, larotebythe Rev. Dr. Josatban SttiPtET, late bishop of St. Jlsuph, was intended to have been spoken in the house of lords on the bill for altering the charter of the co'ony of the Jlfassa- chusetts-Bay; and is now exhibited to the public for their perusal: It is the lohole of the pamphlet, save an advertisement that preceded the luork, tuhici), we thought needless to insert. [Maryland Gazette, Sept. 29, 1774, It is of such great importance to compose, or even to moderate, the dissensions which subsist at present between our unhappy country and her colonies, that 1 cannot help endeavoring, from the faint prospect I have of contributing something to so good an end, to overcome the inexpressible reluctance I feel at uttering my thoughts before the most respectable of all audiences. PRINCiPIiES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 161 The true object of all our deliberations on this f occssion, which I hope we shall never lose sight of, is a full and cordial reconciliation with North Ame- Hca. Now I own, my lords, I have many doubts whether the terrors and punishments we hang out to them at present are the sorest means of produc- ing this reconciliation. Let us at least do this justice to the people of North America, to own that we can all remember a time when they were much better friends than at present to their mother country, they are neither our natural nor our determined enemies. Before the etamp-act, we considered them in the light of as good subjects as the natives of any county in England. It is worth while to enquire by what steps we first gained their affection, and preserved it so long; and by what conduct we have lately lost it. Such an enquiry m?y point out the means of restor- ing peace, and make the use of force unnecessary against a people, whom I cannot yet forbear to consider as our brethren. It has always been a most ardaous task to go- vern distant provinces, with even a tolerable ap- pearance of justice. Tlie viceroys and governors of other nations are usually temporary tyrants^ who think themselves obliged to make the most of their time; who not only plunder the people, but carry away their spoils, and dry up all the sources of commerce and industry. Taxation, in their hands, is an unlimited power of oppression: but in what- ever hands the power of taxation is lodged, it implies and includes all other powers. Arbitrary taxation is plunder authorised by law. it is the support and the essence of tyranny, and has done more mischief to mankind, than those other three scourges from Heaven, famine, pestilence and the sword. I need not carry your lordship out of your own knowledge, or out of your own dominions, to make you conceive what misery this right of taxa- tion is capable of producing in a provincial govern- ment. We need ofily recollect that our country- men in India have, in the space of five or six years, in virtue of this right, destroyed, starved, and driven away more inhabitants from Bengal, than are to be found at present in all our American colonies; more than all those formidable numbers which we have been nursing up for the space of two hundred years, with so much care and success, to the astonishment of all Europe. This is no exaggeration, my lords, but plain matter of fact, collected from the accounts sent over by Mr. Hast- ings, whose name t mention with honor and venera- tion. And, 1 must own. such accounts havs v"r> 21. much lessened the pleasure I used to feel in think- ing myself an Englishman; We ought surely not to hold our colonies totally inexcusable for wish" ing' to elempt themselves frOm a grievance, which has caused such unexampled devastation; and, my lords, it would be too disgraceful to ourselvei-, to try so cruel an experiment more than once. Let us reflect, that before these innovations were thought of, by following the line of gOod conduct which had been marked out by our ancestors, we governed North America with mutual benefit to them and ourselves. It was a happy idea, that made us first consider them rather as instruments of commerce than as objects of government. It was wise and generous to give them liie farm and the spirit of our own constitution, an assembly, in which a greater equality of representation has beeu preserved them at home, and councils and gover ■ nors, such as were adapted to their situation, though they must be acknowledged to be very inferior copies of the dignity of this house, and the majesty of the crown. But what is far more valuable than .'ill the rest, we gave them liberty. We allowed them to i-^se their own judgment in the management of their own interest. Tiie idea of taxing them never entered our heads. On the contrary they have experienced our liberality on many public occa- sions: we have given them bounties to encourage their industry, and have demanded no return but what every state exacts from itscoloniesj the advan- tages of an exclusive commerce, and the regula- tions that are necessary to secure it. We made requisitions to them on great occasions, in the same manner as our princes formerly asked bene- volences of tlieirsubjects; and as nothing was asked but what was visibly for the public good, it was always granted; and tiiey some limes did more than we expected. The matter of right was neither disputed, nor even considered. And let us not forget that the people of New-England weretliem- selves, during the last war, the most forward of all in the national cause; that every year we voted them a considerable sum, in acknowledgment of their Zealand their sei-vices; that, in the preceding war, they alone enabled us to make the treaty of Aix la-Chapelle, by furnishing us with the only equivalent for the towns that were taken from our allies in Flanders; and that, in times of peuce, they alone have taken from us six times as much of our woolen manufactures as the whole kiugiloui of Ireland. Such a colony, my lords, not only i'lom the justice, but from the gratitude we owe iheai, j»ve a v\ght to !)e Le.ird in their defence; and if 162 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION, t'eir crimes ape not of the most inexpiable kind, I could almost say, they have a right to be forgiven. But in the times we speak of, our public inter- course was carried on with ease and satisfaction. We reg'arded them as our friends and f< How citi- zens, and relied as much upon their fidelity as on the inhabitants of our own country. They saw our power with pleasure, for they considered it only as their protection. They inherited our laws, our 5anj^U8gre, and our custom^; they preferred our mar.afactur j istice, is much more tiian is sufficient to brini^- as this. It was sanctified by time, by experience, ihem to a reasonable accommodation. For thus, nn by public utility. I will venture to use a bob^. j I apprelier.d, stands the case: They petition foi- language my lorjs; I will assert, that if we hadUhe repeal of an act of parliament, which they com- iG4 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. plain of as unjust and oppressive. And there isi suffered in more instances than one, both in interest Slot a man amongst us, not the warmest friend of j and credit, by not choosing to give up points that administration, who does not sincerely wish that could not be defended. act had never been made. In fact, they only ask for what we wish to be rid of. Unc'sr such a dis- position of mind, one would imagine there could be no occasion for fleets and armies to bring men to a good understanding. But, my lords, our difficulty lies in the point of honor. We must not let down the dignity of the mother-country; but preserve her sovereignty over all the parts of the British empire. This language has something in It that sounds pleasant to the ears of Englishmen, but is otherwise of little weight. For sure, my lords, there are methods of making reasonable concessions, and yet without injuring our digr-ity. Ministers are generally fruitful in expedients to reconcile difficulties of this kind to escape the embarrassments of forms, the competitions of dignity and precedency; and to let clashing rights sleep, while they transact their business. Now, my lords, on this occasion can they find no excuse, jio pretence, no invention, no happy turn of lan- guage, not one colorable argument for doing the greatest service they can ever render to their coun- try? It must be something more than incapacity that makes men barren of expedients at such a season as this. Do, but for once, remove this im- practicable stateliness and dignity, and treat the matter with a little common sense and a little good humour, and our reconciliation would not be the With regard to the people of Boston, I am free to own that I never approve of their riots nor their punishment: And yet. if we inflict it as we ought, with a consciousness thai we were ourselves the aggressors, that we gave the provocation, and that their disobedience is the fruit of our own impru- dent and imperious conduct, I think the punish- ment cannot rise to any great degree of severity. I own, my lords, I have read the report of the lords' committees of this house, with very different sentiments from those with which it was drawn up. It seems to be designed, that we should consider iheir violent measures and speeches as so many determined acts of opposition to the sovereignty of England, arising from the malignity of their own hearts. One would think the mother country had been totally silent and passive in the progress of the whole affair. I, on the contrary, consider these violences as the natural efft cts of such measures as ours pn the minds of freemen. And this is the most useful point of view in which government can consider them. In their situation, a wise man would expect to meet with the strongest marks of passion and imprudence, and be prepared to for- give them. The first and easiest thing to be done is to correct our own errors: and I am confident we should find it the most effectual method to cor- rect theirs. At any rate let us put ourselves in work of an hour. But after all, my lords, if there Lf^^ ^j^jj^. ^^^ ^j^^^ j^- ^^^ must contend with North is any thing mortifying in undoing the errors of America, we shall be unanimous at home, and the cur ministers, it is a mortification we ought toLyjgg ^^^ moderate there will be our friends. At submit to. If it was unjust to tax them, we ought present we force every North American to be our to repeal it for their sakes; if it was unwise to tax them, we ought tn repeal it for our own. A matter so trivial in itself as the three-penny duty upon tea, but which has given cause to so much national hatred and reproach, ought not to be suffered to subsist an unnecessary day. Must the interest. the commerce, and the union of this country and her colonies, be all of them sacrificed to save the credit of one imprudent measure of administra- tion? I own I cannot comprehend that there is any dignity either in being in the wrong, or in persist- ing in it. I have known friendship preserved, and affection gained, bat I never knew dignity lost by the candid acknowledgement of an error. And, my lords, let me appeal to your own experience of a few years backward (I would not mention par- ticulars, because I would pass no censures and revive no unpleasant reflections) but I think every candid minister must own, that administration has I island. enemy; and the wise and moderate at home, and those immense multitudes which must soon begin to sufi'er by the madness of our rulers, will unite to oppose them. It is a strange idea we have taken up, to cure their resentments by increasing their provocations; to remove the effects of our own ill conduct by multiplying the instances of it. But the spirit of blindness and infatuation is gone forth. We are hurrying wildly on without any fixed design, without any important object. We pursue a vain phantom of unlimited sovereignty, which was not made for man: and reject the solid advantages of a moderate, useful, and intelligible authority. That just God, whom we have all so deeply offended, can hardly inflict a severer na- tional punishment than by committing us to the natural consequences of our own conduct. Indeed, in my opinion, a blacker cloud never hung over XhU PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 165 To reason consistently -'-'; h the priuciv !es of justice and national friendship, which I have en- deavored to establish, or ralher to rev've what was established by our ancestors, as our wisest rule of conduct for the government of America; 1 must Tiecessarily disapprove of the bill before us, for it contradicts every one of them. In our p'-esen* situa'ion every act of the legislature, even our art of severity, ought to be so many steps to^vards the reconciliation we wish for. But To change the go vernment of a people, without their consent, is tiie highest and roost arbitrary act of sovereignly tha^ one nation can exercise over another. The Ro nians hardly ever proceeded to this rxtremity, even -over a conquered nation, lill its frequent revolts and insurrections had made (hem deem it incorrigible. The very idea of it, ireplies a most abject and slavish dependency in the inferior state, llecollect that the Americans are men of like passions witli ourselves, and thiiik how deeply this treatment innst affect tliem. They have the same veneration for then* charters that we have for our Magna Cbarta, and they ought in reason to have greater. They are the title deeds to all their rights, both public ard private. What! my lords, must these rights never acquire any legal assurance and atability? can they derive no force from the peace- able possession of near two hundred years? and must the fundamental constitution of a powerful state be, forever, subject to as capricious altera- tions as you think fit to make in the charters of a little mercantile company or the corporation of a borougli? this will undoubtedly furnish matter for & more pernicious debate than has yet been moved. Every other colony will make the case its own. — They will complain that their rights can never be ascertained; that every thing belonging to them depends upon our arbitrary will; and may think it better to run any hazard, than to submit to the violence of their mother-country, in a matter in which they can see neither moderation nor end. But let us coolly enquire, what is the reason of tills unheard of innovation. Is it to make them peaceable? my lords, it will make them mad. Will they be better governed if we introduce this change? will they be more our friends? the least that such a measure can do, is to make them hate us. And would to God, my lords, we had governed ourselves with as much economy, integrity and prudence, as they have done. Let them continue to enjoy the liberty our fathers gave them. Gave them, did I say? they are co-heirs of liberty with ourselves; and their portion of the inheritance lias » em to enjo> a little longer that short period of public integrity and domestic happiness, which seems to be the portion allotted by Providence to young rising states. Instead of hoping that their constitution may receive improvement from our skill in government, the most useful wi.sh I can form in their favor, is that Heaven may long pre- Kerve them from our vices and our politics. Let me add further— that to make any changes in their government, without their consent, would be to transgress the wisest rules of policy, and to wound our most important interests. As they in. crease in numbers and in riches, our comparative strength must lessen. In another age, when our power has begun to lose something of its superiority, we should be happy if we could support our au- thority by mutual good will and the habit of com- manding; but chiefly by those original establish- ments, which time and public honor right have '•endered inviolable. Our posterity will then Iiave reason to lament that they cannot avail tliemselves of those treasures of public friendship and con- fidence which our fatliers had wisely hoarded up, and we are throwing away. 'Tis hard, 'lis cruel, besides all our debts and taxes, and those enormous 'Expenses which are multiplying upon us every year, to load our unhappy sons with the hatred and curse of North America. Indeed, my lords, we are treat- ing posterity very scurvily. We liave mortgaged all the lands; we have cut down all the oaks; we are now trampling down the fences, rooiing up the seedlings and samplers, and ruining all the re sources of another age. We shall send the next generation into the world, like the v/retched heir of a worthless father, v/ithout money, credit or friends; with a striped, incumbered, and perhaps untenanted estate. Having spoke so largly against the principle of the bill, it is hardly necessary to enter into the merits of it. I shall only observe that, even :f we had the consent of the people to alter their govern- ment, it would be unwise to make such alterations as these. To give the appointment of the gover- nor and council to the crown, and the disposal of all places, even of the judges, and with a power of removing them, to the governor, is evidently calculated with a view to form a strong party in our favor. This I know has been done in other colonies; but still this is opening a source of per- petual discord, where it is our interest always to agree. If we mean any thing by this establish- ment, it is to support the governor and ti»e council been much better looked after than ours. Suffer " against the people, 1, e. to qurrrel with our friend? 1G5 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. that v/e may plen^e their servants. This scheme i of having peopled a continent without guilt or of g'overning them by a party is not wisely imaginodl bloodshed, with a multitude of free and happy it is much too premature, and, at all events, must turn to O'lr disadvantage. If it falls, it will only m-ke uscor.temptible; if it succeeds, it will ms-lce us odio'is. If is O'lr interest to take very little part in their domestic administration of govern- ment, h\v. purely to watch over them for their good* We rpver gained so tnuch by Nor'h America as when we let them govern themselves, and were content to trade with them and to protect them. O' e wotdd thinli, my lords, there was some statu e law, pr ihibitin^ us, under the severest penalties, to profit by experience. My lor^s, 1 have ventured to lay my thoughts before you, o""'. he greatest national concern that ever came m der your deliberation, with as much liop'-sfy as you will meet with from abler men, »nd ■with a melancholy assurance, that not a word of it will be regarded. And yet, my lords, with your pevmissiin, I ''ill waste one short argument more o^ the same cause, one that I own I am fond of, and which contains in It, what, I think, must effect every generous mind. My lords, I look upon North Amer ca iS the only great niirsery of freemen now left UD m thr face of the earth. We have seen the libertits of Poland and Sweden sw°pt away, in the course of one year, by treacliery and usurpation. T'e f -ee lowns in Germany are like so many dying sn rks, that go out one after another; and which must all be soon extinguished under the destruc. live Rreatn'ss of their neighbors. Holland is little more than a great trading company, with luxuriou* m .niersj and an exhausted revenue; with little strength and with less spirit. Switzerland alone is frep and tianpy wi'hin t!ie narrow in^losure of its rocks and vallies. As for the state of this coun- try, rny lords, I can orly refer myself to your own secret thoughts. I am dispoed to think and hope the best of public liberty. Were I to describe her accord! Tg to my own ideas at present. I should say that st^e has a sickly countenance, but 1 trust she has a long constitution. Put whatevermsy be our future fate, the greatest glory tha'. altends this country, a greater than any other nation ever acquired, is to have formed and nursed up to such a state of happiness those colonies wliOiTi we are now so eager to btitcher. We ought to cherish them as the immortal monuments of our public jus ice and wisdom; as the heirs of our bet- ter days, of our old arts and manners, and of our commonwealths; to have given them the best arts of life and government; and to have suiTered them, imder the shelter of our authority, to acquire in peace the skill to use them. In comparison of this, 'he policy of governing by influence, and even the pride of war and victory, are dishonest tricks and poor contemptible pageantry. We seem not to be sensible of the high and im- portant trust which Providence has committed to our charge. The most precious remains of civil liberty, that the world can now boast of, are now lodged in our hands; and God forbid that we should violate so sacred a deposite. By enslaving your colonies, you not only ruin the peace, the com- merce, and the fortunes of both countries, but you extinguish the fairest hopes, shut up the last asylum of mankind. I think, my lords, without beirg weakly superstitious, that a good man may hope that Heaven will take part against the execution of a plan which seems big not only with mischief, but impiety. Let us be content with the spoils and the destruc- tion of the east. If your lordships can see no im- propriety in it, let the plunderer and oppressor still go free. But let not the love of liberty be the only crime you think worthy of punishment. I fear we shall soon make it a part of our natural character, to ruin every thing that has the mis^ fortune to depend upon us. No nation has ever before contrived, in so short a space of time, without any war or public calamity (unless unwise measures may be so called) to destroy such ample resources of commerce, wealth and power, as of late were ours, and wliich, if they had been rightly improved, might have raised us to a state of more honorable and more permanent greatness than the world has yet seen. Let me remind the noble lords in administration,, that before the starep-act, they had power sufficient >o answer all the just ends of government, and they were all completely answered. If that is the power hey wr^nt, though we have lost much of it at pre- sent, a few kind words would recover it all. But if the tendency of this bill is, as I own it ap- pears to me, to acquire a power of governing them by influence and corruption, in the first place, my lords this Isnottruegovernnient, but a sophisticated •cind, which counterfeits the appearance, but witb- expirirg national virtues. What work of art, or tout the spirit or virtue of the true: and then, as it power, or public utiiiiy has ever equalled the glory 'lends to debase their spirits and corrupt tleirman PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 167 iiers, to destroy all that is great and respectable in •so considerable a part of the human species, and by degrees to gather them together with the rest of the world, under the yoke of universal slavery — I think, for these reasons, it is the duty of every wise man, of every honest man, and of every Eng- lishman, by all lawful means, to oppose it. JinnapoUs, June 29, 1769. Several of the counties having before entered i7ito re- siilutiyn.i of i ovAmportation oy British mipe\f.vdties , and the province, in ge)nd be also published in the Maryland Gazette, to evince to all the world the sense they entertain of the invasion of their constitutional rights and li- berties. VII. That the chairman be desired to return the thanks of ihis meeting to the gentlemen of the committee of correspondence from Annapolis, for their polite personal attendance in consequence of an invitation by the committee of correspondence for Baltimore-town. Signed per order, WILLIAM LUX, clerk. At a meeting of a very considerable and respect- able body of the inhabitants of Anne Arundel county, inclusive of those of the city of Anna- polis, on Saturday the 4lh day of June, 1774, Mr. Brice Thomas Beale Wortliington, moderator. I. Resolved, unanimously. That it is the opinion of this meeting, that the town of Boston is now suffering in the common cause of America, and that it is incumbent on every colony in America to unite in effectual means to obtain a repeal of tha late act of parliament for blocking up the harbor of Boston. II. Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meet- iiig, that if the colonies come into a joint resolution to stop all importations from, and exportations to Great Britain, and the West-Indies, till the said act be repealed, the same will be the most effectual means to obtain a repeal of the said act, -and pre* serve North America and her liberties. III. Reiohtd therefore, unanimously. That the inhabitanis of this county will join in an associa- tion with the several counties in this province, and the principal colonies in America, to put a stop to exports to Great Britain, and the West-I idies, after the 9th day of October next, or such other day as m»y be agreed on, and to put a stop to the imports of goods, not already ordered, and of those ordered that shall not be shipped from Great Britain by the 20' h day of July next, or such other day as may be agreed on, until the said act shall be repealed, and that such assocation be on oath. IV. Resolved, That as remittances can be made only from exports, after stopping the exports- to Great Britain and the West-Indies, it will be im- possible for very many of the people of tbis pro- vince who are possessed of valuable property, im- mediately to pay off their debts, and therefore it lis the opinion of this meeting, the gentlenien of 1^4 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. the Ihw ought to bring no suit for the recovery of any debt, due from any inhabitants of this province, to any inhabitant of Great Britain, until that said act be repealed; and further, that they ouprht not to bring suit for the recovery of any debt, due to any inhabitant of this province, except in such cases where the debtor is guilty of a wilful delay in payment, having ability to pay, or is about to abscond or remove his pfTec^s, or is wasting his substance, or shall refuse to settle his account. V. Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meet- ing, that a congress of deputies from the several counties, to be held at Annapolis as soon as con- veniently may be, will be the most speedy and effectual means of uniiing all the parts of this province in such association as proposed; and ihat, if agreeable io the sense of our sister colonies, delegiites ought to be appointed from this province to a; Lend a general congress of deputies from the other colonies, at such time and place as may be agreed on, to effect unity in a wise and prudent plan for the forementioned purpose. Vi. Resolved, unanimously, That the inhabitants of this county will, and it is the opinion of this meeting, that the province ought to break off all trade and dealings with that colony, province, or town, which shall decline or refuse to come into similar resolutions with a majority of the colonies. "VII. Resolved, That Brice Thomas Beale Wor- thington, Charles Carroll, barrister, John Hall, William P^ca, Samuel Chase, Thomas Johnson, jun. M^.tthias Hammond, Thomas Sprigg, Samuel Chew, John Weems, Thomas Dorsey, Rezin Ham- mond, John Hood, jun. be a committee to attend a general meeting at Annapolis, and of corres- pondence, to receive and answer all letters, and on any emergency to call a general meeting, and that any six of the number have power to set. Ordered, That a copy of these resolves be trans- mitted to the committees of the several counties of this province, and be also published in the Mary- land Gazette. By order, JOHN DUCKETT elk. com. New-Yok, July 7, 1774. On Monday evening the committee met, and nominated five gentlemen as delegates at the grand congress on the first of next September, who are to be proposed to the citizens summoned to assem- ble this day at 12 o'clock, at the city hall, for their approbation; or to make such alterations as may Be agreed upon. At a numerous meeting of the inhabitants of the city of New-York, convened in the fields, by public advertisement, on Wednesday the 6th of July, 1774, Mr. Alexander M'Docgall, chairman — The business of the meeting being fully explain- ed by the chairman, and the dangerous tendency of the numerous and vile arts used by the enemies of America, to divide and distract her councils, as well as the misrepresentations of the virtuous intentions of the citizens of this metropolis, in this interesting and alarming state of the liberties of America, the following resolutions were twice read, and the question being separately put on each of them, they were passed without one dis- sentient. 1st. Resolved, nem. con. That the statute com- monly called the Boston port act, is oppressive to the inhabitants of that town, unconstitutional in its principles, and dangerous to the liberties of British America; and that, therefore, we consider our brethren at Boston, as now suffering in the common cause of these colonies. 2d. Resolved, nem. con. That any attack or attempt to abridge the liberties, or invade the con- stitution of any of our sister colonies, is immediately an attack upon the liberties and constitution of all the British colonies. 3d. Resolved, nem. con. That the shutting up of any of the ports in America, with intent to exact from Americans, a submission to parliamentary taxations, or extort a reparation of private injuries, is highly unconstitutional, and subversive of the commercial rights of the inhabitants of this con- tinent. 4th. Resolved, nem. con. That it is the opinion of this meethig, th.it if the principal colonies on this continent, shall come into a joint resolution, to stop all importation from, and exportation to Great Britain, till the act of parliament for blocking up the harbor of Boston be repealed, the sauie will prove the salvation of North America and her liber- ties, and that, on the other hand, if they continue their exports and imports, there is great reason to fear that fraud, power, and the moat odious op- pression, will rise triumphant over right, justice, soaial happiness, and freedom: — Therefore, 5th. Resolved, nem. con. That the deputies who shall represent this colony in the congress of Ame- rican deputies, to be hsld at Philadelphia, about the first of September next, are hereby instructed, empowered, and directed to engage with a ma~ PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. ITS jority of the principal colonies, to agree, for this city, upon a non- importation from Great Britain, of all goods, wares and merchandizes, until the act for blocking up the harbor of Boston be repealed, and American grievances be redressed; and also to agree to all such other measures as the con- gress shall, in their wisdom, judge advansive of these great objects, and a general security of the rights and privileges of America. 5th. Kesolved, nem. con. That this meeting will abide by, obey, and observe all such resolutions, determinations, and measures, which the congress aforesaid sliall come into, and direct or recom mend to be done, for obtaining and securing the important ends mentioned in the foregoing resolu- tions. And that an engagement to this effect be immediately entered into and sent to the congress, to evince to them, our readiness and determina- tion to CO operate with our sister colonies, for the relief of our distressed brethren of Boston, as well as for the security of our common rights and pri- vileges. 7th. Resolved, nem, con. That it is the opinion of this meeting, that it would be proper for every county in the colony, without delay, to send two deputies, chosen by the people, or from the com- mittee, chosen by them in each county, to bold, 3n conjunction with deputies for this city and county, a convention for the colony (on a day to be appointed) in order to elect a proper number of deputies, to represent the colony in the general congress: but that, if the counties shall conceive this mbde impracticable, or inexpedient, they be requested to give their approbation to the depu'.ies who shall be chosen for this city and county, to represent the colony in congress. 8th. Resolved, 7iem. con. That a subscription should immediately be set on foot, for the relief df such poor inhabitants of Boston as are, or may be deprived of the means of subsistence, by the operation of the act of parliament for siopping up the port of Boston. The money which shall arise from such subscripion, to be Uid out as the ciiy committee of correspondence shall think will best answer the end proposed. 9th. Resolved, nem. con. That the city committee of correspondence be, and they are hereby instruct- ed to use their utmost endeavors to carry these resolutions inio execution. Ordered, That these resolutions be printed in th^ public newspapers of this city, and transmitted to the different counties in this colony, and to the committees of correspondence, for the neighboring colonies. Philadelphia, Jiili/ 23, 1''74. The committee chosen by the several counties in Pennsy!vavia, having brought in a draught of in- structi')?ia, the same ivere debuted and amended, and being agreed to, ivere ordered to be signeil by the chairman. The committee in a body then iiiaited on the assembly, and presented the same. GsNTLiiMEir. — The dissentions between Great Britain and her colonies on this continent, com- mencing about ten years ago, since continually increasing, and at length grown to such an excess as to involve the latter in deep distress and danger^ have excited the good people of this province to take into their serious consideration the present situation of public affairs. The inhabitants of the several counties qualified to vote at elections, being assembled on due noticCj have appointed us their deputies; and in conse- quence thereof, we being in provincial committee met, esteem it our indispensable duty, in pursuance of the trust reposed in us, to give you such instruc- tions as, at this important period, appear to us to be proper. We, speaking in their names and our own, ac- knowledge ourselves liege subjects of his majesty king George the third, to whom "we will be faith- ful and bear true allegiance." Our judgments and affections attach us, with inviolable loyalty, to his majesty's person, family and government. We acknowledge the prerogatives of the so- vereign, among which are included the great pow- ers of makiiig peace and war, treaties, leagues and alliances binding us— of appointing all officers, except in cases where other provision is made, by grants from the crown, or laws approved by the crown — of confirming or annulling every act of our . asseiobly within the allowed time— and of hearing and determiri::g finally, in council, appeals from our courts of justice. "Tiie prerogalives are limited,"* as a learned judge observes, "by bounds so certain and notorious, that it is impossi- ble to exceed them, without ihe consent of the peojjle on the one hand, oi without, on the other, a violation of that original contract, which, in all Slates impliedly, and in ours most expressly, sub- .sis)B beiween the prince and subject. — For these *Blackstone, 2.":r. 176 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS 0^ THE REVOLUTION^ prerogatives are vested in the crown /or ?AesMp/ion» power has been established over them, even the of society, and do not intrench any further on our 7ja/u?aniberties, than is expedient for the mainten ance of our civil." But it is our misfortune, that we are compelled loudly to call your attention to the consideration cf another power, totally different in kind, limited, as it is alleged, by no "bounds," and *"wearing a most dreadful aspect" with regard to America. We mean the power claimed by parliament, of right, to bind the people of these colonies by statutes, "in atl cases whatsoeveu." — A power, as we are not, and, from local circumstances, can- not be represented there, utterly subversive of our natural and civil liberties — past events and reason convincing us, that there never existed, and never can exist, a state thus subordinate to another, and yet retaining the slightests portion of freedom or happiness. The import of the words above quoted needs no descant; for the wit of man, as we apprehend, can- not possibly form a more clear, concise, and com- prehensive definition and sentence of slavery, than these expressions contain. This power, claimed by Great Britain, and the late attempts to exercise it over these colonies, present to our view two events, one of which must inevitably take place, if she shall continue to insist on her pretensions. Either, the colonists will sink from the rank of freemen into the class of slaves, overwhelmed with all the miseries and vices, proved by the history of mankind to be inseparably annexed to that deplorable condition— or, if they have sense and virtue enough to exert themselves in striving to avoid this perdition, they must be involved in an opposition, dreadful e\'en in con- templation. Honor, justice, and humanity call upon us to hold, and to transmit to our posterity, that liberty which we received from our ancestors. It is notour duty to leave wealth to our children; but it is our duty to leave liberty to them. No infamy, iniquity, or cruelty, can exceed our own, if we, born and educated in a country of freedom, entitled to its blessings, and knowing their value, pusillanimously deserting the post assigned us by Divine Pro- vidence, surrender succeeding generations to a condition of wretchedness, from which no human efforts, in all probability, will be sufficient to extricate them; the experienceof all states mourn- fully demonstrating to us, that when arbitrary *Ibid. 270. '■'isest and bravest nations, that ever flourish ed, lave, in a few years, degenerated into abject and wretched vassals. So alarming are the measures already taken for laying the foundation of a despotic authority of Great Britain over us, and with such artful and incessant vigilance is the plan prosecuted, that unless the present generation can interrupt the work, white it is going forward, can it be imagined, that our children, debilitated by our imprudence and supineness, will be able to overt!)row It tahen completed? populous and powerful as these colonies may grow, they will still find arbitrary dominatiorfr not only strengthening with their strength, but exceeding, in the swiftness of its progression, as it ever has done, all the artless advantages that can accrue to the governed. These advance with a regularity, which the Divine Author of our existence has impressed on the laudable pursuits of iiis creatures: but despotism, unchecked and unbounded by any laws — never satisfied with what has bf-en done, while anything remains to be done, for the accomplishment of its purposes — confiding^ and capable of confiding only, in the annihilation of all opposition — holds its course with such unabat- ing and destructive rapidity, that the world has become its prey, and at this Jay, Great Britain and her dominions excepted, there is scarce a spot on the globe inhabited by civilized nations, where the vestiges of freedom are to be observed. To us, therefore, it appears, at this alarming period, our duty to God, to our country, to our- selves, and to our posterity, to exert our utmost abilities, in promoting and establishing harmony between Great Britain and these colonies, on a CONSTITDTIONAI, FOUNDATION. For attaining this great and desirable end, we request you as soon as you meet, to appoint a pro- per number of persons to attend a congress of depu ies from the several colonies, appointed, or to be appointed, by the representatives of the peo- ple of the colonies respectively, in assembly or convention, or by delegates chosen by the counties generally in the respective colonies, and met in provincial committee, at such time and place as shall be generally agreed on: and that the deputies from this province may be induced and encouraged to concur in such measures, as may be devised for the common welfare, we think it proper, par- ticularly to inform you how far, we apprehend^ *hey will be supported in their conduct by their constituents. i^RINClPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUT[ON, 177 The assumed parliamentary power of internal legislation, and the power of regulating trade, as of late exercised, and designed to be exercised, we are thoroughly convinced, will prove unfailing and plentiful sources of dissentiOns to our mother country and these colonies, unless some expedients can be adopted to render her secure of receiving from us every emolument that can, in justice and reason, be expected, and us secure in our lives, liberties, properties, and an equitable share of com merce. Mournfully revolving in our tninds the calami- ties that, arising from these dissentions, will most Jjrobably fall on us or our children, we will now lay before you the particular points we request of you to procure, if possible, to be finally decided; and the measures that appear to us most likely to Jjroduce such a desirable period of our distresses and dangers. We therefore desire of you — FrnsT. That the deputies you appoint, may be instructed by you strenuously to exert themselves, at the ensuing congress, to obtain a renunciation, on the part of Great Britain, of all powers under the statuteof the 35th of Henry the eighth, chapter the 2d— of all powers of internal legislation— of imposing taxes or duties, internal or external— and *)f regulating trade, except with respect to any hew article? of commerce, which the colonies may hereafter raise, as silk, wine, &c. reserving a righi io carry these froth one colony to another— a repeal of all statutes for quartering troops in the colonies, or subjecting them to any expense on account of Such troops — of all statutes imposing duties to be paid in the colonies, that were passed at the accession of his present majesty ot before this time: which every period s!)all be judged most adviseable — of the statutes giving the courts of admiralty in the colonies greater power than courts of admiralty have in England— of the Statutes of the 5th of George the second, chapter the 22d, and of the 23d, of George tlie second, chapter the 29ih — of the statute for sliutting up tiie port of Boston — and of every other statute particularly i»f- feciing the province of Vlassachusetts-Bay, passed in the last session of parliament. In case of obtaining these termSj it is our opi- nion, that it will be reason; ble for the colonies to engage their obedience to the acts of parliament, commonly called the acts of navigation, and to every other act of pirliament declared to have force, at this time, in these colonies, other than those abovementioned, and to confirm such statutes -^—23. by acts of the Severn! assemblies. It is also our opinion, that, taking esainple from our mother country, in abolishing the "^courts of wards and Hveries, tenures in capite, and by knights service and purveyance," it will be reasonable for the colonie?, in case of obiaitisng the terms before mentioned, to settle a certain annual revenue on his majesty, his heirs and successors, subject to the control of parliament, and to satisfy all damages done to the East-India company. This our idea of settling a revenue, arises from a sense of duty to our sovereign and esteem for oerls, Ssmael Ervin, Thomas Mifflin, John C' X. George Cray, Knf>c-rt Morris, Samuel Miles, J'jUn M. N'sbit Peter Chevalier, William Moulder, Josep!; Moulrier, Anthony Morris, jun. John Alh^n, j!TP''>ii)»h Warder, jun rev, T). William Smith, Paul K^gle, Thomas Penrose, James Mease, Benjamin Marshall, Reuben Haines, John Bayard, Jonutl'sn B. Smith, Thorii:i>i W'lart.on, Isaac Howell, Michael Hilleg!»s, Adaai l!u>icy, George Schlosser, and Christopher Lutlwicii. .^ly friemh and ftUoiv-dtixemf—k few days will pr'-sent yoa with dn opponunjiy of displaying the most noble benefice-ice and exalted humanity in the cause of liberty and virtue. It cannot be doubted, that the operation of tjie cruel edict, against the town of Bostcr^ wiil e>pose its inha- bitants, your brethren, fellow subjects and Ameri- cans, to the dreadful dangers of penury and want. The voice of freedom in distress is a s und wfiicli, I trust, no American can hear unmoved: think, niy dear fellow-citizens, what would be your own ex- pectations, if pressed by the immediate hand of power, your streets should echo with the cries of the laboring poor and industrious tradesmen, the widow, and the orphan, lacking btead: how would you look round with anxious eyes upon those, whom the policy of a vindictive minister had yet enabled to administer to your wants? bow would their bounty, like the gentle dew of Heaven, cheer your drooping spirits, and dispel the dreadful gloom: the distresses of Boston have a peculiar ch.im upon ali, who have recommended firmness, prudence, and moderation; they must be enabled to follow this advice, and exercise these virtues; the common interests of American liberty oppose their prostration at the feet of a haughty and un- feeling minister; the dignity of the cause cannot be sullied by hasty and precipitate measures: Is it not then our duly and our interest, with a liberality becoming freeman, to support thera in the hour of distress, and while we are uniting ioF the benefit of all, to guard them against that desperation, whose effects will be pernicious to all. Indeed, my fellow-citizens, this is probably but g part of that scene in which we shall be called to act, or suffer; it is so most assuredly, if that devoted tov/n, deserted and forsaken, should, in the agonies of hunger and want, sink under the load, or burst forth in a desperate effort to throw it off. Policy, humanity, the love of liberty and our country, and every principle that can ennoble the human mind, are now called forth into action; but in a manner which the most peaceable cannot disapprove, and the most animated cannot err or mislead: if any lurking prejudices or remembrances of former hardsiiips hang upon any of our minds, how noble, how magnanimous will it appear to cast them far behind us.— To shew the world, that like Christians indeed, we cannot only forget and forgive, but lead the way in one great collected effort of public virtue and benevolence — that no partial views, ot privateresentments can check thegenerous impulse arising from violated rights and insulted patriotism. That man must be unworthy, or insensible of tlie honor derived from li.e rank of a freeman, who can withhold his mite from such accumulated dis- tress; but I am aura this public spirited city can need no stimulus on this occasion. We shall inspire our suffering brethren with sentiments of the most tender confidence, and affectionate gratitude, pour oil and balsam into their bleeding wounds: — wheri the ear hears of us, it shall bless us, and when the eye sees us, it shall bear witness: because we delivered the poor that cried — the fatherless, and those who had none to help them. The widow's heart shall sing for joy, and the blessings of thosej who are ready to perish, shall come upon us. PHIiANTBROFOS. Letter from the committee of Norfolk and Ports- moutji to the Boston committee. Norfolk, June 3, 1774. Gentlemen~^We gladly take this first opportunity of assuring our brethren of Boston, on this melan- choly occasion, that we are net indifferent specta- tors of their distressing situation, unde rthe present cruel exertion of Pritish power, to support an edict calculated to ruin their trade, and forever subject a very considerable property to the arbitrary plea- sure of the crov/n. Our bospms glow with tender regard for you; we sympathi^ie witii you in your sufferings, and thought it our duty devoutly to observe the appointment of tlie first of June, as a day of fasting and pntyer, solemnly to address the PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 181 Almighty Ruler to support you in your afflictions, ifor their faithful discharge of that important trust and to remove from our sovereign^ those pernicious [And the same was done accordingly, ' counsellors that have been wicked instruments of your oppression. Be assured we consider you as suffering in the common cause, and look upon ourselves as bound by the most sacred and solemn ties, to support you in every measure that shall be found necessary to reg'ain your just rights and pri- vileges. — As we have had occasion to communicate our sentiments to Charleston and Baltimore, we refer you to those letters and the other papers transmitted to you; and although we are not one of the larger commercial towns on the continent, yet as the trade is more collected here, than in any other place of this well watered and extensive dominion, we thought it our duty to communicats. what we apprehend to be the sense of the mercantile part of the community among us. That the Almighty arm may support you and shield you in the hour of danger, is the fervent yrayer of, Gentlemen, your affectionate brethren, Thomas Newtow, jun. Joseph Hutchings, Matthew Phuipp, Samuei, Keb, ROBEKT ShEVDEW, HssHr Brown, AlEXASDEB SkISNER, Thomas Brown, Robert Tatlob, A true copy, Wilijam Datiks, elk. Annapolis, December 15, 1774. At a meeting of the deputies appointed by the several counties of the province of Maryland, at the city of Annapolis, by adjournment, on the 8th day of December, 1774, and continued till the 12th day of the same month, were present, eighty-five members. Mb. John Hail in the chair, and Mb. John Ddckett, clerk. The proceedings of the continental congress were read, considered, and unanimously approved. Resoeved, That every member of this convention will, and every person in the province ought strictly and inviolably to observe and carry into execution the association agreed on by the said continental congrefis. On motion, unanimously resolved. That the thanks of this convention be given, by the chair- man, to the gentlemen who represented this pro- vince as deputies in the late continental congress, To increase our flocks of sheep, and thereby profnote the woolen manufacture in this province, Resolved, That no person ought lo kill any lamb, dropt before the first day of M ly yearly, or other sheep, after the first day of January next, under (our years of age. To increase the manuficture of linen and cotton. Resolved, That every planter and f^^rmer ought to riiise as much flax, hemp, and cotton, as he con- veniently can; and the cultiv.ation thereof is par- ic'ilarly recommended to sjch i-'.huijitanis of this province, whose lands are faesi adapted to that purpose— And resolved. That no flax-seed, of the growth of the present year, cm^ln to be purchased for exportation, after the twelf'h day of this month. It being represented to this convention, that many merchants and traders of this province, from a scarcity of cash to muk'' V.:eh- remittances, and other causes, had sold their goods, v/^.hin twelve months next before the twentieth day of October last, at, and sometimes even below, the prime cost; and that, in many different parts of this province, merchants had vended their goods at a very dif- ferent advance on the prime cost; and it appearing to this convention to be unjust to compel such merchants to sell their goods at prime cost, and that one general rule, allowing a reasonable profit to the ^rader, and preventing him from tiiki..g ad- vantage of the scarci'y of goods which may be occasioned by the non importation, would give great satisfaction to the merchants and people of this province, resolved unanimously, That no mer- cliant ovight to sell his goods, at wholesale, far more than 112^ per cent.— at retail, for cisii, for more than 13 per cent. — on credit, for more than 150 per cer.t. advance on the prime cost; and that no merchant, or other person, ought to engross any goods, wares, or merchandize whatsoever. — And in case any question should arise, respecting vhe prime cost of goods, every merchant or factor posse^sing or owning such goods, ought to ascer- tain the same on oath, if requested to do it by the committtee. As a further regulation to enforce an observance of the late continental association— Resolved unani- mously. That in all cas -s, where breaches of the continental association, or the resolves of this con- vention, shall happen and be declared such by any committee of a county, no gentleman of the law ought to bring or prosecute any suit whatever for Bucb offender: And if any factor shall commit am XS2 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. breach of the said association or resolves, that no genthman of the law oupht to bring or prosecute any suit for any debt due to the store of which the said factor has the management, after notice as aforesaid. Resolved, That it is earnestly recommended, by this convention, to the people of this province, that the determinations of the several county com mittees be observed and acquiesced in: That no persons, except members of the committees, under- take to meddle with or determine any question respecting the construction of the associntion entered into by the continental congress: And that peace and good order be inviolably maintained througliout this province. Resolved unnjiimously. That if the late acts of parlianient, relative to the Massachusptts-Bay, shall be attempted to be carried into execution by force in that colony, or if the assumed power of parlia- ment to tax the colonics shall be attempted to be carried into execution by f^rce, in that colony or any other colonj', tliat in such case, this province will support such colony to the utmost of their power. Resolved wianimousit/. That a well regulated militia, composed of the gentlemen, freeholders, and other freemen, is tlie natural strength and only stable security of a free government, and that such militia will relieve our mother country from »ny expense in our protection and defence; will obviate the pretence of a necessity for taxing us on that account, and render it unnecessary to keep any standing army (ever dangerous to liberty) in this province: And therefore it is recommended to such of the said inhabitants of this province as are from sixteen to fifty years of age, to form themselves into companies of sixty-eig'it men; to choose a captain, two lieutenants, an ensign, four Serjeants, four corporals, and one drummer, for each company; and use their utmost endeavors to make themselves masters of the military exercise: That each man be provided with a good firelock and bayonet fitted thereon, half a pound of powder, two pounds of lead, and a cartonch-box, or powder- Lorn and bag for ball, and be in readiness to act on any emergency. Resolved %inanimously. That it is recommended to the committees of each county to raise by subscription, or in such other voluntary manner as they may think proper, and will be most agreea- ble to their respective counties, such sums o^ money as, with any monies already raised, will amount to the following sums in the respeqtive counties, to wit: In St. Mary's county Charles Calvert Prince George's Anne Arundel Frederick Baltimore Harford . Worcester Somerset Dorchester Caroline Talbot Queen Anne'a Kent Cqccil ^600 800 366 . ooo 86G 1333 933 , 466 533 . 533 480 . 358 400 . 533 566 • 4Q0 ^eio.ooo And that the committees of the respective cout^- ties lay out the same in the purchase of arms and ammunition for the use of such county, to be secured and kept in proper and convenient places, under the d^vect^o^^ of the said committees. Resolved imanimovsly, That it will be necessary that a provincial meeting of deputies, chosen by the several counties of this province, should be held in the city of Annapolis, on Monday, the 24th day of April next, unless American grievances be redressed before that time; and therefore we re- commend that the several counties of this province choose deputies, as soon as conveniently may be, to attend such meeting: And the committee of correspondence for tliis province are impovvered to call a meeting ef the said deputies, before the said 24th day of April, if they shall esteem it neces" sary. Resolved xmanimously. That contributions from the several counties of this province, for supply- ing the necessities, and alleviating the distresses of our brethren at Boston, ought to be continued in such manner and so long as their occasions m,ay require; and that it is the duty of the coiTimittees of each county to collect and transmit the same as soon as possible- Resolved vnanimoiisly , That the hon. Matthew Tilghman, and John Hall, Samuel Ciiase, Thomas Johnson, jun. Charles Carroll, of CarrolUon, Char- les Carroll, barrister, and William Paca, esquires, or any three or more of them, be a committee of correspondence for this province. PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 183 Resolved unanimously. That the hon. Matthew jgulale their internal policy in such a manner as to rilghtnan, and Thomas Johnson, jun. Robert furnish themselves, within Xhs'iv own body, with Goldsborough, William Paca, Samuel Chase, John evti-ry necessHry article for subsistence and de- Hall, and Thomas Stone, esquires, or any three or more of ihem, be delegates to represent this pro- vince in the next continental congress, and that they, or any three or more of them, have full and fence: Otherwise their political existence will dedend upon others, who may take advantage of such weakness and reduce them to the lowest state of vassalage and slavery. For preventing so great ample power to consent and agree to all measures an evil, mCre to be dreaded than death itself, it whick isuch congress shall deem necessary and ef- fectual to obtain aredress of American grievances; and this province bind themselves to execute, to the utn&ost of their poWer, all resolutions which the said congress may adopt: And further, if the said congress shall think necessary to adjourn, we do authorise our said delegates to represent and act for this province, in any one congress to be held by virtue of such adjournment. must be the wisdom of this colony at all times, more especially at this time, when the hand of power is lashing us with the scorpions of des- potism, to encotirs-ge agriculture, manufactures and econoD:y, so as to render this state as inde- pendent of every other state as the nature of our country will admit: From the consideration there"- of, and trusting that that the Virtue of ihe people of this colony is such, that the following resolutions of this congress, which must be productive of the iif solved xinanimonsly. That it is recommended 'greatest good, will by them be effectually carried to the several colonies and previnces, to enter into such or the like resolutions, for mutual defence and protection, as are entered into by this pro- vince. As CUV opposition to the settled plan of the British administration to enslave America, will be strengthened by an union of all ranks of men in this province, we do most earnestly recommend, that all former diflTerences about religion or politics, and all private animosities and quarrels of every kind, from henceforth cease and be fcr- ever buried in oblivion; and weintreatj we conjure every man by his duty to God, hi* country, and his posterity, cordially to unite in defence of our com- mon rights and liberties^ Ordered, That copies of these resolutions be transn itled by the committee of correspondence for this province, to the committees of correspon- dence for tlie several colonies, and be also publish- ed in the Maryland Gaaette. By order, JOHN DUCKETT, clerk. BosTOH, December 19, 1774. In provinciai fJongress, Cambridge, Dec. 8, 1774. At the happiness of particular families ari«es, in a great degree, from their being more or l^ss de ;P«ndent upon others; and as the less occasion they have for any article belonging to others, the more independent; and consequently the happier they are: So the happiness of every political body of men upon earth is to be estimated, in a great mea- sure, upon their greater or less dependence upon any ovher political bodies; and from hence arises a forcible argument, why every state ought to re- into execution. And it is therefore reaolved- 1st. That we do recommend to the people the improvement of their treed of sheep, and the greatest possible increase of the same; and also the preferable use of our own woolen manufac- tures; and to the manufacturers, that they ask only reasonable prices for their goods; and especially a very careful sorting of the wool, so that it may be manufactured to the greatest advantage, and as much as may be, into the best goo Is, 2d. We do also recommend to the people th*e raising of hemp and fiaX; and as large quantities .f flax-seed, more than may be wanted for sowing, may be produced, we would also further recom- mend the manufacturing the same into oil. od. We do likewise recommend the making of nails; which we do apprehend must meet with the sirongest encouragement from the public, and be of lasting benefit both to the manufatturer and the public. 4th. The making of steel, and the preferable use of the same, we do also recommend to the inha- bitants of this colonv. 5th. We do in like manner recommend the mak- ing tia-plates, as an article well worth the atten- tion of this people. 6th. As fire-arms have been manufactured In several parts of ihis colony, we do recommend the use of such, in preference to any imported; And we do recommend the making of gun-locks, and f'trniture and other locks, with other articles in the iron way. 184 FRiiNClPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 7th. We do also earnestly recommend tfie mak- ing of salt-petre, as an article of vast importance to be encouraged, as may be directed hereafter. 8th. That gun-pr.-.vder is also an article of such importance, that every man amongst us who loves his country, must wish the establishment of manu- factories for that purpose, and, as there are the ruins of several powder mills, and sundry persons among us who are acquainted with that business, we do heartily recommend its encouragement, by repairing one or more of said mills, or erecting others, and renewing said business as soon as possi- ble. 9th. That as several paper mills are now use- fi]]y employed, we do likewise recommend a pre- ferable use of our own manufactures in this way; and a careful saving and collecting rags, fcc. and also that the manufacturers give a generous price for such rags, &c. 10th- That it will be the Interest, as well as the duty of this body, or of such as may succeed us, to make such effectual provision for the further manufacturing of the several sorts of glass, as that the same may be carried on to the malual benefit of the undertaker and the public, and firmly estab- lished in this colony. 11th. That whereas buttons orescellent qualities and of various sorts are manufactured among us, we do earnestly recommend the general use of the same; so that the manufactories may be extended to the advantage of the people and manufacturers. I2lh. That whereas salt is an article of vast con- sumption within this colony, and in its fisheries, we do heartily recommend theniakirgthe same, in the several ways wherein it is made in the several parts of Europe; especially in the method Hsed in that part of France where tiiey make bay saits> 13th. We dolikewLse recommend an encourage- ment of horn-smiths in all their various branches, as what will be of public utility, 14th. We do likewise recommend the establish- ment of one or more manufactories for making wool comber's combs, as an article necessary in our woolen manufactures. 15th. We do in like manner heartly recommend the preferable use of the stocking and ether hosiery wove among ourselves, so as to enl-rge the manu- factories thereof, in such a manner as to encourage the manufacturer and serve the country. 16th. As madder is ati article of great import ance in the dyer's business, and which may be easily raised and cured among ourselves, we do there- fore earnestly recommend the raising and curing the same. 17th. In order the more effectually to carry these resolutions into effect, we do earnestly recommend^ That a society or societies be established for the purposes of introducing and establishing such arts and manufactures as may be useful to this peo- ple, and are not yet introduced, and the more effectually establishing such as we have already among us. 18lh. We do recommend to the inhabitants of this province to make use of our manufactures, .nd those of our sister colonies, in preference to all other manufactures. Signed by order of the provincial congress, JOHN HANCOCK, president Jl true extract from the mimiics, BENJAMIN LINCOLN, secretary. Phovihce of New Hampshire. At the convention of the deputies appointed by the several towns in the province aforesaid, held at Exeter, on the 25lhday of January, 1775. Present 144 members. Hon. John Wemtwohth, esq. president. Voted unanimously, That we heartly approt^e of the proceedings of the late grand continental con^ gress respecting the just state of the rights and liberties of the British colonies; and of the means recommended to restore, secure, and protect the same; and that we return our most unfeigned thanks to the late members of that congress ti general, and to those of this province in particular^ for the faithful discharge of the important trust reposed in them. Voted, That John Sullivan, and John LangdoHj, esqrs. be delegates to represent this province in the continental congress, proposed to be held at Philadelphia, on the tenth day of May next, and hat they and each of them in the absence of the other, have full and ample power, in behalf of this province, to consent and agree to all measures, which said congress shall deem necessary to obtain redress of American grievances. Voted, That two hundred and fifty pounds, law. ful money, be raised for defraying the expenses oJ said delegates. Vi>ted, T!:at thehon. John Wentworth, col. Nath- Folsom, hon. Meseach Weare, esq. col. Josiah Bart- i»RINClPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 18i5 let, col. Christopher Toppan, Ebenezer Tliomp.son, and VVilliam Whipple, esqrs. be a committee, in be half of tills province, to call a provincial convention of deputies, when they shall judge the exigencies of public affairs require it: And that they, together with Samuel Cutis and John Pickering, esqrs. be a committee of corresponderce for this province. Voted, the following address: To the iiihabiianis of the pro'vince of J^ew Hampshire. Urethren — Wl»en we consider the unhappy condi- tion to which you and yuur American brethren are reduced! wiien we reflect that, for near ten months past, yott have been deprived of any share in your own government, and of those advantages, which flow to society from legislative assemblies} when we view the lowering clouds, charged with minis-, among yourselves, terial vengeance, fast spreading over this extensive continent, ready to burst on the l>eads of its inha- bitants and involve the whole British empire in one common ruiii-^at this alarming juncture, duly to Almighty God, to our country, ourselves, ar.d like y to prevent tliose dreadful calamities with which we are threatened. Fully sensible that to point out, with a"y degree of certainty, the methods by which you may shun the threatening evils, would require more than hu- '«an wisdom, we can only recommend such mea- sures as appear to us most likely to answer tha desirable end, best calculated to restore to yoii that peace and harmony, so ardently wished for by every good and honest American. We therefore earnestly lecoTimend, 1st That you discountenance and 'i-scourage all trespisses and injuries against individuals, and their property, and all disorders of every kind; aid that you cultivate and maintain peace and harmony 2d. That you yield due obedience to the magis- trates within this govern:T)ent; and carefully ea- deavor to support the laws thereof. 3d. T!)at you strictly adhere to the association of posterity, loudly demands cur most strenuous exer-j the late continental congress, and deal wiMi the lions to avoid the i^nnpending danger^ I violators of it, in the martner therein recommended Such are the measures adopted by the British j 4th. That you endeavor particulirly to enforce n.inislry, for enslaving you, and with such incessant j the laws of the province against hawkers, pedlars, vigilance has their plan been prosecuted, that i and petty chapmen, tyranny already begins to wave its ba;mers in your borders, and to threaten these once happy rt^^ions Vilh infamous and detestable slavery! 5thi That you abstain from the Use of East-India tea, whenever, or by whatever means it has, or may be imported* Shall we, knowing the value of freeddm, and! ^ „„,-.., f Ik » 1 u ii o'"» Thatyou encoufage and support yourseveral nursed m tlie arms of liberty, make a base and' . ° \^ } <='•*» J c ■ ■.. . , icommittees of correspondence and insnectioi!. in Ignominious sur.-ender of our rights, thereby i ' ' • . ,. ,. ,. . discharging the very important trust vou have consigning succeeding generations to a condition! .. / f " .J-"" "*>'c .11 r u- ■ , ,. ■ ] reposed m them. or wretchedness, from whicli, perhaps, all human efforts will be insufficient to extricate them? Duty to ourselves, and regard for our country, should induce us to defend our libel-ties, and to transmit the fair inheritance unimpaired to pos- terity. Should our restless enemies drive us to arms In defence of every thing we hold dear, we should be reduced to a state, dreadful even in contemphttion; for sliould we prove victorious, tne blood of ouri bretiiren, shed in the unhappy contest, would cause i the laurels to wither on our brows, and make the. Conquerors mourn with the vanquished: but should «ur enemies be successful, they will thereby rivet the chains of slavery upon us and our posterity. 7th. That in case any inhabitants of thesecoloniea should be seized, in order to be transported lo Great Britain, or other pa;-ts beyond s'^ns, to he 'riid foij offences supposed to be committed in America, you conduct yourselves agreeable to the advice of the late continental cor.giess. 8th. That, in your seve;»l stations, you promote and encourage the manufactures of i!.:s o->u.itiy; and endeav ir, both by precept an.-: example, to induce all under yoi, and with whom you are con- nected, to practice economy and iududirj', and to shun all kinds of extravagance. 9th. That the officers of the several fegimentd strictly comply with the laws of this province for regulating a miliua— And as the militia upon this Thus surrounded with dangers and distf esses on 'cntiuent, if properly disciplined, woiiU: be able to «very side, it behoves us to adop. and pursue suchjdo great service in its defence, should it ever be peaceable measures us, undci* Gud, will be most I invaded- by Lis majesty's enemies— tliat you »<;» 386 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE IIEVOLUTION. quaint yourseives with the manual exercise, par ticularJy that recommended a.'.d enjoii»ed by the captjiin general — tlie motions being natural, easy, and best calculated to qualify persons for real action; and kIso to improve tiiemselves in those evolutions wliich are necessHry for infantry in time of engagement. 10th. That, as your enemies are using every an to impoverish and distress you, in order to induce submission to their arbitrary mandates, you carefully fchun those meas'ires which may huve a tt:n0, as a compensation for the gun powder 1 .tely taken out of the public magazine by the governor's or- der; which money T promise to convey to the Vir- ginia delegates at the general congress, to be un- der their direction, laid out in gun. powder for the colony's use, and to be stored as they shall direct, until the next colony convention or general assem- bly, unless it shall be necessary, in the mean time, to use the same in defence of this colony. It is agreed that in case the next convention shall de- termine that any part of the said money ought to be returned to his majesty's said receiver general, that the same shall done accordingly. Test, PAT. HENRY, jun." Sam. Meredith, Parre Goo )ITH, > / . . V It was then consirlered that as a general congress would meet in a few days, ^id probably a colony convention would shortly assemble, and that the reprisal now made would amply replace the powder, with the charges of transpor'ation, the commanding officer wrote the following letter, and sent it by express. i88 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. Sir— ThesfTiir of the powder is now settled, so they will be pleased to p'iblish the same in the Bs to produce satisfaction to me, and I earnestly wish to the colony in general. The people iiere have it in charge, froni Hanover conrnirtee, to tender their service to you, as a public officer, for the pur- pose of escorting the public treasury to any place in this colony, where the money may be judged more safe than in the city of Williamsburg. The rPDnsal now made by the Hanover volunteers, though accomplished in a manner least liable to the imputation of violent extremity, may possibly be the cause of future injury to the treasury. If therefure yni apprehend the least danger, a sufTi cient guard is at your service. 1 beg the return of the bearer may be instant, because the men wis!) to know their destination. With great regard, 1 am, sir, your most humble servant, TAT. HE\RY, jun. To Robert CAHTF.n XicHOLts, esq. treasurer, Test, SaMUFT. MEnKDI-TH, Gahlasd .\NBEnS0W (A true copy) To which an answer was received from the said Mr. Nioholas, importing, that he had no apprehen- sions of the necessity or propriety of the proffered service. For which reasons, and understanding-, inoreover, frorp others, that the private citizens of ■Williamsburg were in a great measure quieted from their late apprehension for their persons and property, the volunteers judged it best to return home, and did so accoi'dingly, in order to wait the furiher directions of the general congress, or colony convention. It appears also to this com-nit'ee, that before, and on the march, strict orders were re- peatedly given to the volunteers to avoid all vio- lence, injury and insult, towards the persons and property of every private individual; and that in executing the p'an of reprisal on the persons of the king's servants and his property, bloodshed should be avoided, if possible; and that there is the strongest reason to believe that the foregoing orders, respecting private persons and property, were strictly observed. Resolved, That this committee do approve of the proceedings of the officers and soldiers of the volunteer company, and do return them their most sincere thanks for their services on the late ex pedition; and also that the thanks of this com- mittee be given to the many volunteers of the dif ferent counties who joined, and were marching and ready to co-operate with the volunteer company of this county. Ordered, That the clerk do transmit a copy of Gazettes, as soon as possible. By order of the committee, (A copy) BART. ANDERSON, clerk. TO THE PUBLIC. J^ewYork, December 15, 1773. The following association is signed by a great num- ber of the principal gentlemen of the city, mer- chants, lawyers, andother inhabitants of rdlranks, and it is still carried about the city, to give an opportunity to those who have not yet signed to unite with their fellow-citizens, to testify their abhorrence to the diabolical project of enslaving America. The association of tlie sons of liberty of JVeiv- Turk. It is essential to the freedom and security of a free people, that no taxes be imposed upon them but by their own consent, or their representatives. For "what property have they in that which ano- ther may, by right, take when he pleases to him- self?" The former is the undoubted right of Englishmen, to secure which they expended mil- lions and sacrificed the lives of thousands. And yet, to the astonishment of all the world, and the grief of America, the commons of Great Britain, after the repeal of the memorable and detestable stamp-act, reassumed the power of imposing taxes on the American colonie ; and, insis ing on it as a necessary badge of parliamentary supremacy, passed a bili, in tiie seventli year of his present ma- jesty's reign, imposing duties on all glass, painters' colors, paper and teas, that should, after the 20th of November, 1767, be "imported from Great Bri- tain into any colony or plantation in America." — This bill, afier the concurrence of the lords, obtained the royal assent. And thus they who, from time immemorial, have exercised the right of giving to, or withholding from the crown, their AAs and subsidies, according to t!ieir o-un free loill and pleasure, signified by their representatives ia parliament, do, by the act in question, deny us, their brethren in America, the enjoyment of the same right. As this denial, and tlie execution of that act, involves our slavery, and would sup the foundation of our freedom, whereby we should be- come slaves to our brethren and fellow subjects, born to no greater stock of freedom than the Ame- ricans — the merchants and inhabitants of this city, in conjunction with the merchants and inhabitants of the ancient American colonies, entered into an agreement to decline a part of their commerce with Great Britain, until the abovementioned act should be totally rapealed. This agreement operat- those proceedings to the printers, and desire that' ed so powerfully to the disadvantage of the manu- PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 189* facturTs of England that .-:>aTiy of them were ti-^ ' empioyetl. To appease their clamors, and to provide the subsistence for them, which the non- importation had deprived them of, the parliament, in 1770, repealed so much of the revenue act as imposed a duty on glass, painters' colors, and pa- per, and left the duty on tea, as a test of the parlia- mentary right to tax vs. The merchants of tNe ciues of New-York and Philadelphia, having strict- ly adhered to the agreement, so far as it related to the importation of articles subject to an American duty, have convinced the ministry, that some other, measures must be adopted to execute parliamentary supremacy over this country, and to remove the distress brought on the Eas'-India company, by the ill-policy of that act. Accordingly, to increase tlie temptation to the shippers of tea from Engia .d, an act of parliament passed the last session, which gives the whole duty on tea, 'he coinn^ny were subject to pay, upon the importation of it into Epj,'- land, to the purchasers and exporters; and when the company have ten miiiions of pounds of tea, in their ware-houses, exclusive of the quantity they may want to ship, they are al'.o.ved to export tea, discharged from the payment of that duty, with which they were before chargeable. In hopes o' aid in the execution of his project, by the influ- ence of the owners of the American ships, applica- tion was made by the company to the captains of those ships to take the tea on freight; but they virtuously rejected it. Still determined on the scheme, they have chartered ships to bring the tea to this country, which may be hourly expected, to make an important trial of our virtue. If they succeed in the sale of that tea, we shall have no property that we can call our own, and then we may bid adieu to American liberty There- ' fore, to prevent a calamity which, of all others, is the most to be dreaded slavery, and its terrible concomitants — we, the subscribers, being influenc- ed from a regard to liberty, and disposed to use all lawful endeavors in our power, to defeat the pernicious project, and to transmit to our posterity, those blessings of freedom which our ancestors have handed down to us; and to contribute to the support of the common liberties of America, which are in danger to be subverted, do, for those im- portant purposes, agree to associate together, un- der the name and style of the song of liberty of JVeiv- York, and engage our honor to, and with each other, faithfully to observe and perform the following resolutions, viz. 1st. Resolved, That whoever shall aid, or abet, AX in any manner assis', in the introduction of tea. Vim ny place whatsoever, into this colony, while it is subjec , by a British act to parliament, to the OAyment of a duty, for the purpose of raising a re- venue in America, he shall be deemed an enemy to the liberties of America. 2d. Resolved, That whoever shall be aiding, or assis'ing, in the landing, or carting of such tea, from any ship, or vessel, or sliall hire any house, store-house, or cellar or any place whatsof»ver, to deposite the tea, s.ibject to a duty as aforesaid, he shall be deemed an enemy to the liberties of America. 3d. Resolved, That whoever shall sell, or buy. or in any manner contribute to the sale, or pur- chiAse nf tea, S'lbject to a duty as aforesaid, or shall aid, OP abet, in transporting such tea, by land or water, from this city, 'until the 7th George W\. chap. 46, commonly called the revenue ar*, shall be totally and clearly repealed, he shall be deemed an enemy to the liberties of America. 4th. Resolved, That whether the duties on tea, impos°d by this act, be paid in Great Britain or in America, our liberties are equally afTected. 5th. Resolved, That whoever shall transgress any of these resolutions, we will not deal with, or em- ploy, or Iiave any connection with him. ^Te^u-Yorh, J\rov 29, 1773. FROMTnF,BnisT0L(ERG )Gazette, Matich24, 1774. Lord Chatham's speech on the declaratory bill of the sovereignty of Great Britain over the colo- nies. When I spoke last on this subject, I thought I had delivered my sentiments so fully, and support- ed them with such reasons, and such authorities, that I apprehended I should be under no necessity of troubling your lordship again. But I am com- pelled to rise up and beg your further indulgence; I find that 1 have been very injuriously treated, have been considered asthe broacher of new fangled doctrines, contrary to the lav.'s of this kingdom, and subversive of the rights of parliament. My lord, this is a heavy charge, but more so when made against one stationed as I am, in both capaci- Ties, as P— and J—, the defender of the law and the constitution. When I spoke last, I was indeed replied to, but not answered. In the intermediate, time many things have been said. As I was not present, I must now beg leave to answer such as h.kve come to my knowledge. As the affair is of the utmost importance, and in its consequences may involve the fate of kingdoms, I took the strictest review of ray arguments; I reexamined all 190 PR[NCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. iny authorities; fully de'ermined, if I found myself mistaken, publicly to own my mistake, and give up my opinion. But ray searches have more and more convinced me that the British parliament have no right to tax the Americans. I shall not therefore consider the declaratory bill now lyin^ on your table; for to what purpose, but loss of time, to consider the particulars of , the very existence of which is illegal, absolutely illegal, contrary to the fundamental laws of nature, con- trary to the fundamental laws of this constitution grounded on the eternal and immutable laws oflu.p with the constitution; there is not a blade of jjjrass authority of this king^dom was more equally settled, I am sure some histories of late published, have done great mischief; to endeavor to fix the jcra when the house of commons began in this kingdom, is a most pernicious and destructive attempt; to fix it in an Edward's or Henry's reign, is owing to the idle dreams of some whimsical, ill-jwdging antiquarians: But, my lord, this is a point too im- portant to be left to such wron^-headed people. When did thehouse of commons first begin? When! my lord? It began with the constitution, it grew nature; a constitution on whose foundation and centre is liberty, which sends liberty to every sub. jectthat is or may happen to be within any part of its ample circumference. Nor, my lord, is the doctrine new; it is as old as the constitution; it grew up with it, it is its support; taxation and representation are inseparably united; God hath joined them, no British parliament can separate them; to endeavor to do it is to stab our very vitals. Nor is this the first time this doctrine has been mentioned; seventy years ago, my lord, a pamphlet was published, recommending the levying a par- liamentary tax on one of the colonies; this pamphlet was answered by two others, t'nen much read; these totally deny the power of taxing the colonies; and why' because the colonies had no representatives in parl'ament to give consent: no answers, public or private, was given to these pamphlets; no censure passed upon them; men were not startled at the doctrine, as either new or illegal, or derogatory to the rights of parliament. I do not mention these pamphlets by way of authority, but to vindicate myself from the imputation of having first broached this doctrine. My position is this — I repeat it — I will maintain it to my last hour — taxation and representation are inseparable; this position is founded on the laws of nature; it is more, it is itself an eternal law of nature; for whatever is a man's own, is absolutely his own; no man has a right to take it from him without his consent, either expressed by himself or representative; whoever attempts to do it, attempts an injury; whoever does it, commits a robbery; he throws down and destroys the distinction between liberty and slave: y. Taxation and representation are coeval with, and essential to, this constitution. I wish the maxim of Machiavel was followed, that of examining a constitution, at certain periods, according to its first principles; this would correct abuses and supply defects. I wish the times would bear it, and tliat men's minds were cool enough to enter upon such a task, and that the representative growing in the most obscure corner of this king- dom, which is not, which was not, ever represented since the constitutioH began; there is not a blade of grass which, when taxed, was not taxed by the consent of the proprietor. There is a history written by one Carte, a history that most people see through; and there is another favorite history, much read and admired. I will not name the author, your lordship must know whom I mean, and you must know from whence he pilfered his notions concerning the first begin-iing of the house of commons. My lord, I challenge any one to point out the time when any tax was laid upon any person by pHrliamentj that person ibeing unrepresented in parliament. The parlia- ment laid a tax upon the palatinate of Chester, and ordered commissioners to collect it there, as com- missioners were ordered to collect it in other coun- ties; but the palatinate refused to comply; they addressed the king by petition, setting forth, that the English parliament had no right to tax them; that they had a parliament of their own; they had always taxed themselves, and therefore desired the king to order his commissioners not to proceed. My lord, the king received the petition; he did not declare them either seditious or rebellious, but allowed their plea, and they taxed themselves. Your lordship may see both the petition and the king's answer, in the records in the Tower. The clergy taxed themselves; when the parliament attempted to tax them, they stoutly refused, said they were not represented there; that tliey had a pirliament of their own, which represented the clergy; that they would tax themselves; they did so. Much stress has been laid upon Wales, before it was united as it now is, as if the king, standing in the place of the former princes of that coun- try, raised money by his own authority; but the real facts are otherwise: For I find that, long be- fore Wales was subdued, the northern counties of that pilnoipality had representatives and a parlia- ment or assembly. As to Ireland, my lord, before PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 191 that kingdom had a parliament, as it now has, if your lordship will examine the old records, you will find that, when a tax was to be laid on that country, the Irish sent over here representatives; and the same records will inform your lordship what wages those representatives received from their constituents. In short, my lord, from the whole of our history, from the earliest period, you v/ill fiad that taxation and representation were always united; so .true are the words of thai consummnte reasoner and politician Mr. Locke. I before alluded to his book; I have again consulted him; and finding that he writes so applicable to the subject in hand, and so much in favor of my senti- ments, I beg your lordship's leave to read a little of bis book. "The supreme power cannot take from any man, any part of his property without his own consent;" and B. II. p. 136—139, particularly 140. Such are the words of this great man, and which are well worth your lordship's serious attention. His prin- ciples are drawn from the heart of our constitu- tion, which he thoroughly understood, and will last as long as that shall last; and, to his immortal honor, I know not to what, under Providence, the to enable me to express myself in a manner worthy of their attention. A modesty, becoming my situa- tion, prevented me from offering my opinion be- fore, when I saw men of so much superior ability rising from the beginning of the debate. It may appear arrogant In a member so inferior as I confess myself to be, to offer objections to a bill, so extensive in iis consequences under every consideration, especially after it must have been so maiurely considered, in every article, by men so distinguished by their talents and high situations in office, besides the general applause which has followed the bill in its rapid progress through this house. Nevertheless, though naturally diffident of my opinion, when I had the good or bad fortune (I don't know which ioterm it) of prognosticating to the chairman of the East-India company, the consequences of sending this tea, on their own ac- count, to America, and that the event has literally fulfilled my words, as it is well known to some mem- bers now in my eye, it makes me more confident in warning the house of what I apprehend will be the consequences of this bill. I told the chairman of the East-lhdia company, first in conversation, on asking my opinion, and revolution and all its happy effects are more owing Lf^erwards by letter, that the evidence might ap- than to the principles of government laid down by Lgar in the progress of things, that I conceived Mr. Locke. For these reasons, my lord , I can never | the Kust-India company exporting tea on their give my assent to any bill for taxing the American I o^„ account w,,, under every consideration of colonies, while they remain unrepresented; for. as^t^eir situation and institution, wro.vg, but, under ■to the distinction of a virtual representation, it is Lfae present discontents and disputed matters of .80 absurd as not to deserve an answer; I therefore I government in America. caiMi:»ALi,T absurd, be- pass it over with contempt. The forefathers of ' ^ause they were presenting themselves as the butt the Americans did not leave their native country, and subject themselves to every danger and dis- tress, to be reduced to a state of slavery: they did not give up their rights; they looked for protec- tion, and not for chains, from their mother coun- try; by her they expected to be defended in the possession of their property, and not to be deprived of it; for should the present power continue, there is nothing which they can call their own; or, to use the words of Mr. Locke, "what properly have they in that which another may by right take when he pleases to himself?" LoHsnir, March, 1774. Governor .hhnston^s speech on the bill for blockading the town of Bostan. Ma. Speaker — 1 find so much difficulty in pro- nouncing my sentiments at any time, that unless, •the house is kindly disposed to hear me at this late hour, I shall patiently sit down, because I am conscious it will require their greatest indulgence in the controversy, where they would probably come off with the loss of the whole. The event has justified my prediction; for whatever repay- ment the company may obtain from the town of Boston, under those cruel coercive measures now proposed, (the effect of which I still doubt) yet the company must remain great losers, even if the other provinces, equally culpable, are made to refund the loss arising from their conduct; because it was not supplies of cash at a distant period the company wanted, but an istniKDriTE supply, to answer a temporary exigency, which a combina- tion of the enemies of the company had produced. I now venture to predict to this house, that the effect of the present bill must be productive of a general confederacy, to resist the power of this country. Ii is irrita'ing, tempting, nay inviting men to those deeds, by ineffectual expedients, the abortions of an undecisive mind, incapable of comprehending the chain of consequences which 3 92 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. spirit which is disiilled at Boston, the whol!^ Guinea trade will be affected, and in consequence the sugar trade that depends upon it. In extend- ing this kind of puishment to the other colonies^ every one must see the danger; and yet, if it can be approved for one, the same arguments will hold good to approve or reject it respecting the other. But let any man fij,ure to himself the cons quences to this country, if a similar punishment was applied to the colony of Virginia; ^300 000 a year diminu- tion in revenue, besides the loss of all the foreign contfac's, and perliaps of that beneficial trade for- ever. Notwithstanding the general approbation which has been given to this bill, and the loud applauses which have been re-echoed to every word of the noble lord in explaining it, yet no man will -be bold enough to say, that this PAiiriAii PUNISHMENT is a rcmedy for the general disease, and yet without knowing what is to follow, no man can be vindicated (even supposing the bill right in part) for giving his assent to it. Those gentlemen who are in the secrets of the cabinet, and know how assuredly every proposiion from them is adopted by this house, may be excused for their sanguine acclamations m favor of the measure. But doctrines, had been promoted by his itj tjesty to j the general mass, who must be equally ignorant the tirst stations in the administration of civil and with myself of what is to follow, can have no" ju licial affairs, there is so much mitigation to be I excuse for giving their assent so readily for punish- must result from such a law.— I am not ene of those who believe, that distant provinces can be retained in their duly by preachi^ig op enchant- ments; I believe that force of powkr, conducted with WISDOM, are the means of securing regular obedience under every establishment, but that such force should never be applied to any degree of rigour, unless it shall carry the general approba- tion of mankind in the execution. However much &uch approbation may prevail at the particular moment in this house, it is impossible to believe the sense of Great Britain, or the sense of America, can go to the punishing a PAnncuLAR town, for resisting the payment of the tea tax, which is universally odiovs throughout America, and is held in ridicule and contempt by every thinking man In this country. — The question of taxing Ame- rica is sufRcienily nice to palliate resistance, if the sii'jj^'ct had never bee.i litigated in this country; but, after the highest characters in the state had declared against the right of this country to im- pose taxes on America, for the purposes of revenue; after the general voice of the senate had concurred in BisPEALiso THE STAMP ACT, upou that princi- ple; after those men, who had maintained these pleided in favor of the Americans, from those cir cumstances (allowing them in an error at present) that every man must feel the height of cruelty, by enforcing contrary maxims, with any degree of severity at first, before due warning is given It is In vain to say that Boston is more culpable than the other colonies; sending the ships from thence, and obligir.g them to return to England, is a more solemn and deliberate act of resistance, than the outrage committed by persons in disguise, in 'he night, when the ship refused to depart. — That the blocking wp of the harbor of Boston, to prevent the importation of British manufactures, or tlie exportation of goods which are to pay for them, is a measure equally absurd as if the parlia- ment here, upon the resistance which was made to their resolution, by the riots of Brentford, and other disturbances in the county of Middlesex, had decreed, by way of punitihment, that the freehold ers should have been prohibited from sowing wheat. For whose benefit do the inhabitants of Boston toil and labor? Tiiesprlngs in the circle of commerce bear so nicely on each other, that few men can tell by interrupting one, the degree and extent to which the rest may be exposed. By excluding the im- portation of molusaes, and the exportation of that ing their fellow subjects in so unprecedented a manner, and their eager zeal serves only to shew how ready they are to obey the will of another, without exercising their own jadgment in the case. If the government of this country is resisted in America, my opinion is, instead of removing the seat of government in the colo'.y, and forcing the elements to bend to our will, which is impossible, that an effectual force should be carried to the heart of the colony resisting, to crush rebellion in the bud, before a general confederacy can be formed. In the present case we abandon the go- vernment, and drive the inhabitants to despair^ leaving the muUitude a prey to any ambitious spirit that may arise. For my own part I am convinced, frotTi experience in the colonies, that good go vernmenl may be conducted there upon rational grounds, as well as in this country; but the power and means of governing, rewards and punishments, are taken from your supreme executive magistrate in every sense, and then you are surprised that all order and obedience should cease. The colonies can only be governed by their assemblies, us Eng- land by the house of commons; the patent ofiicersj as well as thosein the customs, which were formerly given, at the recommendation of the governors^ to PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 193 ^t » iL.-LL- lM~ men suppor ing government, and residing in the ing a due obedience to the authoriiy of this coun provinces, are now given in reversion, threeorfour lives deep, to men living in this country. The command of the miliiaryj which was another grea^ source of respect and obedience, is likewise taker from the governor; so that in truth he remains ar. insignificant pageant of state, fit only to transmit tedious accounts of his own ridictilous situation: or, like tl-ie doctor of Sorbonne, to debite with liis assembly about abstract docttines in goverameni. I am far from wishing to throw any blame upor jjovernor Hutchinson, or to condemn him, like the town of Boston, unheard. The absence of the man, and the general clamor against him, will restrain me from saying many things respecting his con- duct, which appear reprehensible. But I cannot admit a passage in the speech of a noble lord to p;iss unnoticed. His lordship aUeges, "that the «« governor could not apply to the admiral in the " harbcr, or to the commMndIng officer of the " tro jps in the castle, for the protection of the " custom-house officers, as well as the teas in ques- " tion,wiTHiiUTt'neadviceof his council " But Ibeg leave to inform tlie noble lord, as I served in that station myself, that there is a volume of instruc- tions to every governor on this subject, whereby he is commanded, under the severest penalties, "to ** give all kind of protection to trade and commerce. Try, and prolonging tliat dependence for a,es to come. How far i( can be executed after v» hat has already passed, I am rather diffident; but of this I am certaiuj that in case Great Brititin is deprived of executing a measure of that na ure, which, by pervadi'g every transnction, secures the ex cutlon in itself, she has lost one of ihe greatest engines for supporting her influence throughout the em- pire without oppression. Some men, wlio are for simplifying government to their own coss prehen- sions, vvill not allow they can conceive that the su- preme legislative authority shall not be paramount in all things; and taxation being fully comprehend- ed in legislation, they argue, that the power of the one must necessarily follow that of the other, and yet we find mankind possessed of privileges, which, are not to be violited in the most arbitrary coun- tries. The province of Languedoc is a striking example in refutation of the doctrines respecting taxation, whit^h are held by such narrow observers. The kingdom of Ireland is another instance in our dominions. There is not one argument which can apply For exempting Ireland from USation by the parliament of Great Britain, that does not equally protect the colonies from the power of sucii partial judges Every man should now call to his remem- brance by whtii obstinate infatuation Philip the II. came to lose the United Pr vinces. Can it be *• as well as to the officers of his majesty's customs, supposed that, in a nation so wise as Spain was at *' by his own authority, williout the necessity of " acting through his council." Nor can 1 conceive a possible excuse for the destruction of those teas, while two men of war lay in the harbor, without the least application iiaviiig been made to the ad- hiiral for protection, during so long a transaction. The first essential point in tliuse disputes which are now likely to become so serious, by the weak- ;hess of administration in this country, in following no connected plan, eilhei" of force or favor, but constantly vibrating between the two, is to put Ourselves in the right, and for this purpose I would recommend the immediate rkpeal of the tea butt, ^Vhich can be Vindicated upon no principles, either of commerce or policy. Men may allege this would be giving up the point. But if we have no better points to dispute upon, I am ready to yield Ihe argument. Raising taxes in America for the purpo-icsof REVEJiuE, I maintain to be unnecessary and dangerous. A stamp act, as a measure of police, varied for the different governments, and leaving the revenue raised thereby to be appro that time, that no man perceived the injustice and futility of the measure in dispute.? But I cast easily suppose, from the pride of authority where our vanity is so much flattered, that no man durst venture a proposition for receding from that cruel measure after it had been resisted by violence. These are the general heads: The particular objections to the bill are, first, for continuing the punisiiment "until satisfaction shall be made to the India company," without stat- ing the amount, or what that satisfaction shall be. Next, "until peace and good order shall be cer- tified to be restored," when it is impossible, ar, to the subject in dispute, that such certificate can ever be granted, because the custom-house officers are removed, and all trade and commerce prohibited. The numerous disputes and litigations which must necessarily arise in carrying this law into execu- tion, on contract made by parties before they could be apprised of it, and the despatch of ships in har^ bor under the limited time, without any exception for the desertion of seamen, or wind and weather. prialed by the respective legislatures, I hold to is altogether melancholy to consider! The power be a measure of the highest efficacy, for maintain- 1 given to the admiral, or chief commander, to ortler ——25. 194 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. proceed different from the Une wliicli is always observed in courts of justice? Yju are now going to alter the charter because it is convenient. In wiiat manner does tl)e house mean to take away this charter, when in fact they refuse to hear the parties, or to go through a legal course of evidence of the fac's. Chartered rights have, at all times, v/hen attempted to be altered or taken away, occasioned much bloodshed and sirife; and \vhat- ever persons in this house have advanced, that t!iey do no' proceed upjn this business but with trembling hands, I do also assure them that I have sliewfi my fears upon this occasion; far I have run- away from every qiieslion, exctp one, to whicii I jave my n?gat'.v3. I do not like to be present at a business, which I think inconsistent with the the ships returning from foreign voyages to such stations, as he shj*il direct, is wild, vexatious, and indefiiiiie. Thut of permitting his majesty to alter the value of all the property in the town of Boston, upon restoring the port, by affixing such quays and wharves, as hk okh shall appoint, for landing and gliippmg of goods, is liable to such misrepresenta- tion and abuse, that 1 expect to see every evil f\:)l- low the exercise of it, and it must create infinite jealousies and disiractions among the people. I am tlierefjre of opinion that this bill, both from the principle and manner in which it has been passed, and from fore running tlie general regula- tions ih«t are intended, and which ought at least to accompany it, instead of quieting the disturb- ances in B..ston, it wil; promote them still further, dignity and justice of this house; I tre.nble when and niduceihe inhabitants to cut off all communi-N ^^^ f^,. f^^., ^f ^^^ cjuseqiences; aad I think it cation with your ships of war, which may be pro-] ^ Ume extraordinuy that .Mr. Bollan should be ductive of mutuii hostilities, and most probably uimiued to be heard as an American agent in t!:e will end in a GEHtUAL kkvolt. house of lords, when in the house of commons he Wi>s refused. I believe it is true, that the facts set LoxnoN, ^pril 26, 1774. jf^jp^i^ i„ ^jg petition to this house, were different Jin mithentic account of Friday's debate on the second ^^.^^ tl.ose which he presented to the house of reading of the bill for rejulaiing the civil govern- iveni of Massacfiuseits-Bay, Mr. Fuller said, he did not rise to make any debate, for he was not enabled as yet to fortn any opinion whether the bill before the house was a proper bill or noi; as copies of the charters which had been ordered before the house were not yet laid, he would venture to say, that no man knew the constitution of that gctvernment; it was there- fore impossible for him to say in M'hat manner he would correct or amend it. Sir George Saville said, he had not troubled the house before on the occasion, but he could not help observing, that the measure now before the house was a very doubtful and dangerous one; doubtful as to the proprie'y of regulation, and dangerous as to its consequence; thi>t charters by govemmcnt were sacred th.ngs, hwd are oi.ly to be taken away by a due course of law, either as a punishment for sn offence, or for a breach of the contract, and that can only be by evidence of the faCvSj nor could he conceive that in either of thosi- cases there could be any such thing as proceeding without a fair hearing of Bora parties. This mea- sure before us seems to be a most extraordinary exertion of legislative power. Let us- suppose a lease granted to a man, wherein was a covenant, the breach of which would subject him to a for- feiture of his lease — would not a court of justic require evidence of the fact? Wi;y, then, v/il! you lords; in one declaring himself an inhabitant of Boston, and in the other omitting it. I cannot con* ceive it possible to proceed on this bill upon the small ground of evidence which you have had Mr. Wtlbore Ellis. I must rise, sir, with great confidence, when 1 differ from the honorable gen- tleman who spuke last, whose abilities are so eminently great; but I think, sir, that chartered rights are by no means those sacred things wiiich iievercan be altered; they are vested in the crown as a prerogative, for the good of the people at largi; if the supreme legislature find that those charters so granted, are both unfit and inconvenient for the public utility, they have a right to make them fit and convenient; wherever private pro- perty is concerned, the legislature will not take it away without making a full recompense; but wherever the regulation of public matter is the object, they iiave a right to correct, controul, or 'ake it away, as may best suit the public welfare. Ti.-e crown may some times grant improper powers with regard to governme.Us that are to be psiab- Ushed; will it not be highly proper and necessary, that the legislature, seeing in what manner the cro/a has been ill-advised, should take it into their considerauop, and alter it as far as necessary. It is tl.e legislature's duty to correct the errors that have been established in the infancy of that constitution, and regulate them for the public vvel- fare. Is a chartei', not consistent with the public PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 195 good, to be ■'•.ontirmerl? T'^e ''onoPHhle gentlemen says, much bloodshed has been occasioned hy talc ing' away or altering' of chartered righ's; I grant i'; but it has always been where encroachments have been made by improper ptrties, and the attack has been carried on by improper powers. H^ also says, this furm of government in America ought not to be altered without hesriig the ptirties; the papers on your table, surely, are sufficient evidence of what they have to say in their defence — look only into the letter, dated the 19tl! November, 1773, wherein the governor applied to the council for advice, and they neglected giving it to him! and also wherein a petition was presented to the council by certain persons who applied for protec- tion to their property during these disturbances, the council, without giving any answer, adjourned for ten days, and the governor was not able to do any thing himself without their opinion. Look again, sir, into the resolution which the council came to wlien they met again, stating the total insufficiency of their power. This, surely, sir, is an evidence competent to ground this bill upon. We have now got no further than just to alter these two j5arts, as stated by themselves. Surely, sir, that form of government which will not protect your property, ought to be altered in such a man- ner as it may be able to do it. General Conivay, What I intend to say will not delay the house long. I am very sure what I intend to say will little deserve the attention of the house; but the subject is of that importance, that it requires it. 'J he consequence of this bill will be very important and dangerous. Parlia- ment cannot break into a right witliout hearing the parties. The question then is simply this: — Have they been heard? What! because the pa- pers say a murder had been com;-nitted, does it follow they have proved it'' .indi alteram partem, is a maxim I have long adheredto; but it is some- thing so inconsistent with parliamentary proceed- ings not to do it, that I am astonished at it. The council are blamed because they did not give that advice to the governor which he wanted. I think, sir, the governor mig-ht have acted alone, without their assistance. Gentlemen will consider, that this is not only the charter of Boston, or of any particular part, but the charter of ALL America. Are the Americans not to be hearl? -Do not chose to consent and agree about appointing an ai^-ent? I think there is no harm upon tliis occasion, in Stretching a point; and I would rather have Mr. Bollan, as an agent of America (thou.rjh lie is irregular in his appointment) sooner than leave it o be^ad. f^iat this bill passed with'>ut it.— TA« hri7isc being vociferoun, he said, I am afrai'! I tire the liouse wi;h my weak voice; if that is 'he case, I will not proceed, but I do think, a id it is my sinf-ere opinion, that we are the AOGJiKssons '»nd TNNovAT Rs, and WOT the colostes. W^ hive IRRITATED and FORCF.D laws upon them for these six or seven years last past. We have enacted such a variety of laws, with these new taxes, toge- ther with a refusal to repeal the trifling duty on tea; ill these things have served no oth^r purpose but to distress and perplex. I think the A^nericans have do'ie no more than every subject loonld do in an arbitral^ state, where laws are imposed against their will. In my conscience, I think, taxation and !egislation are in this case inconsistent. Have you not a legislative right over Ireland? And yet no one will dare to say we have a right to Ux. These acts respecting America, will involve this country and its ministers in misfortunes, and I wish I may not add, in ruin. Lord A'orth. I do not consider this matter of regulation to be taking away their charters in such manner as is represented; it is a regulation of go- vernment to assist the crown; it appears to me not to be a matter of political expediency, but of necessity. If it does not stand upon that ground, it stands on nothing. The account which has just now been read to you is an authentic pnper, transmitted to government here, shewing that the council refused in every case their assistance and advice; and will this country sit still when they see the colony proceeding against your own subjects, iarringand feathering your servants, denyingyoup laws and authority, refusing every direction and advice which you send? Are we, sir, seeing all this, to be silent, and give the governor no sup- port? Gentlemen say, let the colony come to your bar, and be heard in their defence; thougli it Is not likely that they will come, when they deny your authority in every instance, can we remain in this situation long? We must effectually take some measures to correct and amend the d'^fects of that government. I have he>»rd so many dif- ferent opinions in regard to our conduct in Ame- rica, I hardly know ho>v to answer them. The honorable gentleman, who spoke last, formerly blatned the tame and insipid condtict of govern, ment; now he condemns this measure as harsh and severe. The Americans have tarred and feathered your subjects, plundered your merchants, burnt your ships, denied all obedience to your laws and I HuthoiMty; yet so clement and forbearing has our 'conduct been, that it is incumbent upon us now ifs PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. ^o take a different course. Wha ever may be th' , consequence, we must risque something; if we do pot, ill )s over. The measure now proposed, is potlu..g nnore than taking the glectiwi of counsellorv out of vl^e hands of thosepei'ple, whoare continually actinsf in d'-fiince and resistance of your laws. Il has - Iso been said by gentlemen — send for tlie Americans to your b^r — give them redress a tw"lve-nr onth hence. Surely, sir, thi? cannot be the laogu >ge that is .o give effectual relief to Aine rica; ii is not, I say again, political convenience, i is political necessity t' at urges this measure; if this is not the proper method, shew me any other which is preferable, and I will pos'pone it. Sir George Young It remains to me, sir, that it is uoans . ered ^nd unanswerable, wliat has been advanced by the hoijorable gentleman w!io spoke second, tdat t!.e par ies should be heard, though eypn at a twelve-month hence. Nothing, sir, but fatal nece-si^y can countenance this measure, fjo body of men ought to be proceeded against with- out be;rig heard, much les? ought the regulation of a whole government to take place, without the parties attending in their defence against such {llterations. Governor Jotmsion. I see, sir, a great disposition in this house to proceed in this business without knowing any thing of the conslituiion of America; several inconvenience-? will i|,rise if the sheriff is to be appointed bv the governor; the jury will, of course, be biassed by some iufiuence or other; special juries will be most liable to this. [Here the governor gave an account of the difTerent riois which had happened in England, and compared them with what he called the false accounts of those from America.] I impute, says he, all the misfortunes which have happened in America, to the taking away the power of the g.)vernor. No man of common sense can apprehend that the go- vernor would ever have gone two or three days into the couniry, during these disturbaaces, if he bad the command of the military power. The naiural spirit of man would be fired, in such a manner, as to actuate himself to shew resistance; but in this governor no power was lodged. I dis- approi'e much of the measure which is before us, and I cannot but think its consequences will be prejudicial, jMr. C. Jenkimon I rise, sir, only to observe, that if the colony has not that power within itself to maintain its own peace and order, the legislature should, and ought to have. Let me ask, sir, whe- thtr the colony took avy step, in any shape, to quell \\\t riot- ;*. d distu '..nr.s.? No, Uiev ' '. d^ none. Let me ask again, whether all the cheeky and controul that are necessary, are not put into ihe commissi:)n of the governments.'' Much has been said about hearinij the parties, and taking away their c'^^rtered rights; I am of opinion, that where the right is a high political regulation, you dre not in that instance bound to heir them; but the hearing of par.ies is necessary where private property is concerned. It is not only in the late proceedings, but in all former, that tliey have denied your authority over there; they huve re- fused pro'.ection to his mt jes'.y's subjects, and in every instance disobeyed the laws of this country; either let this country forsitke its tride vitb Anje- ric.i, or let us give thi^l due protection to it which safety requires. Mr. Harris. I cannot see, sir, any reason for so wide a separation between Americi and England as other gentlemen are apt to think there ought to be; that country, sir, was hatched from this, and I hope we shall always keep it under the shadow of our wings. It has been said, no representation, no taxation. This was tlie system formerly adopted, but I do not find it authorised in any book of juris- prudence, nor do I deem it to be a doctrine either reasonable or constitutional, I insist upon it, they are bound to obey both the crown and parliament. The las' twelve years of p'.ir proceedings have been a scene of lf:nity and inactivity. Let qs proceed and mend our method, or else I shall believe, as an honorable gentleman has observed, that we are. the aggressors. Sir Edward Jstlprf. If we have had a twelve years lenity and inactivity, I hope we shall not now proceed to have a twelve years cruelty and op- pression. By the resolution a^nd firmness which I perceive in the house, it seems to indicate a per- severance in the measure now proposed, which I deem to be a harsh one| and unworthy of a British legislature. Mr. Ward. [The house was very noisy during the few words which he said.] — He found fault with the charter being left too much, as to th§ execution of its power, in the people, and he could not think the legislature v.as doing any thing, which it had not a right to do, as he had looked upon all charters to be granted with a particular clause in it, expressing that it should not be takea away but by the parliament. Governor Poional. I beg leave to set some gen- tlemen right, who have erred with regard to thq PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 107 ^charters of A . erica. The appointment of sf-ve. j of the officers is in the governor. The charter o: Boston direcis, that the governor shul ask th- council for advice, but it does not say he shall no act without it, if they refuse to give it. It is said it is criminal to do any thing without advice of the council; 1 differ greatly, sir, from that doctrine; for I myself have acted without in putti ig an end to disturbances, in preservi-ij the peace and goo'^ order of the place; If I had been governor during^ the late disturbances, I would have given an or- der for the military power to attend, and then let me have seen what officer dare disobey, I think the council are much to blame for nol co-opera ing and assistiag the governor, but I think t'.e gover- nor might have acted without the council. The council are inexcusable, though not criminal, as they are not obliged to give it. I, sir, for my p-tfi, shall give my last opinion. I have always been in one way of thinking with regard to America, which I have both given here and wrote to America. They have all along tended to one point; but it is now no longer matter of opinion. Things are now come to action; and I must be fres to tell the house, that the Americans will resist these measures: they are prepared to do it. I do not mean by arms, but by the conversation of public town meet- iBgs; they now send their letters by couriers, instead of the post, from one town to another; and I can say your post office will very soon be de- prived of its revenue. With regard to the officers who command the militia of that country, they will have them of their own appointment, and not from government; but I will never more give an opinion concerning America in this house; those I Jiave given have been disregarded. Mr. Rigby. Upon my word, sir, what was just now said, is very worthy the consideration of this house; and if, from what the honorable gentleman aays, it is true, and I believe he is well informed, jit appears, that America is preparing to arms; and \ that the deliberations of their town meetings tend chiejly to eppoie the measures of this country by force He has told you, sir, that the Americans will ap- point other officers than those sent by government to command their troops. He has told you that the post office is established on their account from town to town, in order to carry their traitorous correspondence from one to another. He has told you the post office revenue will soon be annihilated. If these things are true, sir, I find we have been the aggressors, by continually doing acts of lenity for these twelve years last past. I think, sir, and has a right to tax America; hut, sir, n is matter of stonishment to me, how an hor.orable gentleman (Mr Conway) can be the author of brinvjing in of decUralory law over all America, and yet spying .t ore and Ihe same time, that we have no right to tax \merica.' If I was to begin to say that America ought not to be taxed, and that these measures were not proper, I would first desire my :>vn declaratory law to be repealeJ; tjut bei;ig of opinion that the Americans are the subjects of this couniry, I will declare, freely, that I think this country has a right to tax. America; but I do not say that I would pur any new tax on at this par- ticular crisis; but w,';en things are returned to a neaceabl's srate, I would then begin to exercise it. And I am free to declare my opinion, that 1 think we have a right to Ux Ireland, if there was a necessity so to do, in order to help the mother country. If Ireland was to rebel and resist our laws, I would tax it. The mother country has an undoubted right and con-roul over the whole of its colonies. Again, sir, a great deal has been said concerning requisi;ion. Pray, in what manner is it to be obtained? Is the king to demand it, or are we, the legislfilive power of this country, to send a very civil polite gentleman over to treat with their assemblies.' How and in what manner is he to address that assembly? Is he to tell the spe&ker that we have beea exlremely ill used by our neighbors the French; that they have attacked us in several quar-.ers; that the finances of this coun- try are in a bad state; and therefore we desire you will h&kind enough to assist us, and give us some money? Is this to be the language of this coun- try to that; and are we thus to go cap in hand? I am of opinion, that if the administration of this country had not been changed soon after passin"- the stamp- ict, that tax would have been collectr.l with as much ease as the land-tax is in Great Bri. tain. I have acted, with regard to America, one consistent part, and shuU continue in it, tiil I hear better reasons to convince me to the conlrarv. Governor Po-onal, (to explain). I apprehend Ih:hen I say it, that this country is, when all these disturbances are quelled, and 1S9 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. they are re'tirned toiheip duty; so, I fiid taxes are to be the reward of obedience; and the Americans, who are contider^'d to have beei in open rebellion, are to be revvurded by acquiescing to their mea- sures. Wh n will be the time when A-nerica ought to have henvy taxes 1 ti 1 upon i ? The honorable jj^Tleman (Mr. R;^by) tells you, that that time w'U be when the Vmei-icans -ire returned to peace and quietness. The hon. efentletian tells us also, that we have a ri^ht to taxTreland; however I may ag^ee with him in regard to t!ie principle, it would not b> polir-y to exercis'' it; I believe we have no more right to tax the one than the other. I beli-ve Am°rica is wrong in resisting against this coun'ry, ■with regard to legislative authority. Ti was an old opinion, and T believ» a verv true one, that there was a dispensing power in the crown, but when- ever that dispensing p'^wer was pr^'tended to be exercised, it was always rejected and opposed to the utmost, because it operated to me, as a subject, as a detriment to my property and liberty; but, sir, there has been a constant conduct practised in this At a very full meeting of the delegates from the elf. f'.rent oitnties in the colony and dominion of Vir- ginia, he^un in WiUinm'^lmrg, the first day of August, in the year of ouy Lord \774:, and r.ontinU' ed by several adjournments to Saturday the 6th oj the said month, the foil owing association was unani' mousJy resolved upon and agreed to. We, his majesty's dutiful and loyal subjects, the delegates of the freeholders of Virginia, deputed to represent them at a general meeling in the city of Williamsburg, avowing our inviolable and un- shaken fidelity and attachment, to our most gracious sovereign, our regard and affection for all our friends and fellow subjects in Great Britain and elsewhere, protesting against every act or thing, which may have the most distant tendency to interrupt, or in any wise disturb his majesty's pea'^e, and the good order of government', within this his ancient colony, which we are resolved to maintain and defend, at the risque of our lives and fortunes, but at the same time affected with the I'^epest anxiety, and most alarming apprehensions. rountrv consisting of violence and weakness; I ~ ., . j j- ^ . u- i u- coun'ry, ..ousisluij; v, of those grievances and distresses by which his wish those measures may not continue; nor can I majesty's American subjects are oppressed, and ihink that the stamn-act would havebeen submitted , . , , ^ • j vu ^• inimcxiiaiiiicsiami/ »<- having taken under our most serious deliberation, to wlthoutresistance, if the administration had no< L ^ ^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ continent, fiad that the pre- been changed; tlie present bill before you ,s not }^ u„,,appy situation of our affairs is chiefly /a77?i to what you want; it irritates the minds oF the I ^^,^^.^^^^ ^^ ^^^^^.^ ill-advised regulations, as people, but does not correct the deficiencies of ^^^, of our trade as internal policr, introduced by that Pfovernment. several unconstitutional acts of the British p.irlia- Sir Gi'be^t Elliot arope to answer Mr C. Fox, which he did-in a verv masterly manner, by stating that there was not the least degree of absurdity in taxing your own subjects, over whom you have declared you had an absolute right; though that tax should, through necessity, beenrcted at a time when peace and qiiietnes'' were the reigning system r the times; you declare you have that right, where is the absurdity in the exercise of it? Sir Richard Sutton read a cony of a letter, rela- tive to the government of America, //'a?n a governor in America, to the board of trade, shewing that, at the most qu'et times, the dispositions to oppose ths Iswp of this country were strongly ingrafted in them, and that all their aciions conveyed a spirit ment, an 1 at length, attempted to be enforced by the hand of power; solely influenced by these im- portant and weighty considerations, we think it an indispensable duty, which we owe to our country, ourselves, and latest posterity, to guard against such dangerous and extensive mischiefs, by every just and proper means. If, by the measures adopted, some unhappy con- sequences and inconveniences should be derived to our fellow subjects, whom we wish not to injure in the smallest degree, we hope and flatter our- selves, that they will impute them to their real cause — the hard necessity to which we are driven. That the good people of this colony may, on so and wish for indepen lence. If you ask an Ameri- trying an occasion, continue steadfastly directed Can who is his master? he will tell you he has none, nor any governor but .Tesus Christ. I do believe it, and it is my fir'Ti nninion, that t!ie opposition to the me-'sures of the legislature of tliis country, is a deter'oined prepossessio.i of the idea of total indenendence. After which the l>ill was committed for Friday next, without a division. to their most essential interests, in hopes that they will be influenced and stimulated by our example to Mie greatest industry, the strictest economy, and frugality, and the execution of every public virtue, oersualed that the merchants, manufacturers, and other inhabitants of Great Britain, and, above all, that the British parliament will be convinced how 'much the true interest of that kingdom must PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. m depend on the lestorHtion and continuance of UiHt, .e colonies, we will not, directly or i-idireclly, mutual friendsliip and cordiality, which so happily | inapon or purcUase any Briiish East-India com- ' ciodity whatever, till the conjpany, or some other person, on their behaif. shall refund and fully re- store to the owners, all such sum or sums of money as may be so extorted. Siliiy. We do resolve, that unless \merican grievances be redressed bTore the 10' h day of \ugust, 1775, we will not, after that day, directly or indirectly, exp;;rt tobacco or any other article whatever, to Great Britain; nor will we sell any such articles as we think can be exported to Great Britain with a prospect of gain, to any person or persons whatever, w'lAi a design of putting it into I'is or their power to export the same to Great Britain, either on our own, his or their account. And that this resolution maybe the more efiectually carried into execution, we do hereby recommend it to the inhabitants of this colony, to refnain from the cultivation of obaccoas much as conveniently may be, and in lieu thereof that they will, as we resolve to do, apply their attention and indiistr;', "^o the cultivation of all such articles, as may form a proper basis for manufactures of all sorts, which we will endeavor to encourage throughout this colony to the utmost of our abilities. 6thly. We will endeavor to improve our breed of sheep, and iiicrease their number to the utmost extent, and to tliis end, we will be as sparing as we conveniently can, in killing of sheep, especially those of the mo-i profitable kind, and if we should at any time he overstocked, or can conveniently spare any, we will dispose of them to ourneighbors, especially thepoorersori of people, upon moderate Itrms. 7thly. Resolved, that the merchants and others, venders of goods and merchandizes v/iihin this co- lony, ought not to take advantage of the scarcity of goods that may be occasioned by this associa- tion, but that they ought to sell the same, at the rates they have been accustomed to for twelve months past, and if they shall sell any such goods on higher terms, or shall in any manner, or by any device whatever, violate or depart from this resolu- tion, we will not, and are of opinion that no inha- bitant of this colony ought, at any time thereafter, to deal with any such persons, their factors, or agents, for any commodity whatever; and it is re- commended to the deputies of the several counties, that committees be chosen in each county, by such persons as accede to t'lis association, to take ef- iectual care that these resolves be properly observ- ed, und for corresponding occasicualjy with tht subsisted between us, we have unanimously, and, with one voice, entered into the following resolu tions and association, which we do oblige our- selves, by tliose sacred ties of honor and love to our country, strictly to observe; and further declare, before God and the world, that we will religiously adhere to and keep the same inviolate, in every particular, until redress of all such Ame- rican rjrievances as may be defined and settled at the general congress of delegates from the difierent colonies, shall be fully obtained, of, until this association shull be abrogated or altered by a ge- neral meeting of the deputies of this colony, to be convened, as is herein after directed. And we do, with the greatest earnestness, recommend this our association, to all gentlemen, merchants, traders, and other inhabitants ef this colony, hoping that they will cheerfully and cordially accede thci'eto. 1st. We do hereby resolve and declare that we will not either directly or indirectly, af;er the first day of November next, import from Great Britain, any goods, wares, or merchandizes, whatever, (medicines excepted,) nor will we, after that day, import any British manufactures, either from, the West-Indies, or any other place, nor any article whatever, which we shall know, or have reason to believe, was brought into such countries from Great Britain, nor will we purchase any such articles, so imported, of any person or persons whatsoever, except such as are now in the country, or such as mmas M. Rat.dolpb^ John Woodson, Nathaniel Terry, Micaj ih Watkins, J. Mercer, J. Syme, Richard AdatnS, Samuel Du Val, William Norwell^ John S. Wills, John Dsy, Richard Hardy, Joseph Jones, William Fi'zhugb,' Gfoig?^ Brooke, George Lyne, Carter Braxton, William Aylett, James Seldi^n, C^a^les Carter, Fri-cis Pejton, Thomas Walker, T>"^mas Peitus, Edmund B^rlieleyj Jam R Mont igue, liobr ! t Burton, Beiiper G ode, Lemuel R.ddick, PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTIOxN, 201 Benjamin Baker, Burwell Basset, B. Dandridge, Thomas Newton, jun. James Holt, Adiel Milby, John Bowdoin, Peter Presley Thornton, Rodham Kenner, Thomas Barbour, William Bibb, John Morton, Peter Poythress, William Robinson, Christopher Wright, Henry Lee, T. Blackburn, Robt. Wornaeley Carter, Francis Lightfoot Lee, Edwin Gray, Henry Taylor, George-Stubblefield, Mann Page, jun. John Alexander, C. Carter, Allen Cocke, Nicholas Faulcon, jun. David Mason, Michael Blow, William Harwood, William Langhorne, Richard Lee, Dudley Digges, Thomas Nelson, jun. Champion Travie, Joseph Hatchings. Instructions for the deputies appointed to meet in gene- ral congress on the part of the colony of Virginia, The unhappy disputes between Great Britain and her American colonies, which began about the thii'dyear of the reign of his present majesty, and since continually increasing, have proceeded to lengths so dangerous and alarming as to excite just apprehensions, in the minds of his majesty's faithful subjects of this colony, that they are in danger of being deprived of their natural, ancient, constitu- tional, and chartered rights, have compelled them to take the same into their most serious considera- tion; and being deprived of their usual and ac- customed mode of making known their grievances, have appointed us their representatives to consider what is proper to be done in this dangerous crisis t>f American affairs. R being our opinion that the united wisdom of North America should be col- lected in aB«iefal congress of all the colonies, we have appointed the honorable Peyton Randolph, esquire, Richard Henry Lee, George Wasliington, Patrick Henry, Richard Bland, Beijamin Harrison, and Edmund Pendleton, esquires, deputies to re- present this colony in the said congress, to beheld at Philadelphia on the first Monday in September nest. And that they may be the better informed of our sentiments, touching the conduct we wish them to observe on this important occasion, we desire they will express, in the first place, our faith and true allegiance to his majesty king George the third, our lawful and rightful soverei;^n; and that we are determined, with our lives and fortunes, to support him in the legal exercise of all his j-ist right-; and prerogatives; and however misrepr senled, we sincerely approve of a constitutional connexion with Great Britain, and wish most ardently a re- turn of that intercourse of aifection and commercial connexion that formerly uni'vd both countries, which can only be affected by a removal of those causes of discontent which have of late unhappily divided us. It cannot admit of a doubt but that British sub- jects in America, are entitled to the same rights and privileges as their fellow subjects possess ia Britain; and therefore, that the power assutied by the British parliament to bind America iy their statutes, in all cases whatsoever, is unconstitu- tional, and the source of these unhappy differences. The end of government would be defeated by the British parliament exercising a power over the lives, the property, and the liberty of the American subject; who are not, and from their local cir- cumstances cannot, be there represented. Of ihis nature we consider the several acts of parliament for raising a revenue in America, for extending the jurisdiction of the courts of admiralty, for seizing American subjects and tran .^.orting them to Britain to be tried for crimes committed in Ame- rica, and the several late oppressive acts respect- ing the town of Boston, ajid provisiceof the Massa- chusetts-Bay. The originalconstitutlonof the American colonies possessing tlieir assemblies with the sole right of directing their internal polity, it is absolutely destructive of the end of their institution tliat tlieir legislatures should be suspended, or prevented, by hasty dissolutions, from exercising their legislative powers. Wanting the protection of Britain, wc have lonpf acq^uesced\n. their acts of navigation restrictive of our commerce, which we consider as an ample recompense for such protection; but as those acts derive their efficacy from that foundation alone, we have reason to expect they will be restrained, so as to produce the reasonable purposes of Britain, v/ith- out being Injurious to us. To obtain a redress of those grievances, withoLit which the people of America can neither be sufi?, free, nor happy, they are willing to undergo the great inconvenience that will be derived to them from stopping all imports whatsoever from Great Britain, after the first day of November next, and also to cease exporting any commodity whatsoever, to the same place, after the lOUi d -y of August, 1775. The earnest desire we have, to make as 202 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE PvEVOLUTION. quick aid full payment, as possible, of our debts lo Cireat Britain, and to avoid the heavy injury thai would arise to this country from an earlier adoptioi of the non-exportation plan, after the people hav already applied so much of their labor to the pev- feciing of the piesent crop, by which means the;, have been prevented from pursuing other methods of clothing and supporting their fiimilies, have rendered it necessary to restrain you in this article of non-exporiation; but it is our desire that you cordially co-operate with our sister colonies, in general congress, in such other just and proper methods as t!)ey, or the majorify, shall deem neces- sary for the accomplishment of these valuable ends. The proclamation issued by general Gage, in the government of the province of the Massachusetts- Bay, declaring it treason for the inhabitants of that province to assemble themselves to consider of their grievances, and form associations for their common conduct on the occasion, and requiring the civil magistrates and ofBcers to apprehend all such persons to be tried for their supposed offences, is the moat alarming process that ever appeared in a British government; that the said general Gage hath thereby assumed and taken upon himself powers denied by the constitution to our legal sovereign; that he, not having condescended to disclose by what authority he exercises such exi.en- sive and unheard of powers, we are at a loss to determine whether he intends to justify himself as the representative of the king, or as the commander in chief of his majesty's forces in North America. If he considers himself a> acting in the chnracter of his majesty's representative, we would remind lum, that the statute 25th Edward III. has expressed and defined all treasonable offences, and that the legislature of Great Britain hath declared that no oRence shall be construed to be treason but such as is pointed out by that statute, and that this was done to lake out of the hands of tyrannical kings, and of iveak and ivicked ministers, that deadly wenpon which constructive treason had furnished lliem with, and which had drawn the blood of the best and honestest men in the kingdom, and that the king of Great Britain hath no right, by his pro ciamaupn, to subject his people to imprisonment, pains, and penalties. 'constitutional rights of his majesty's subjects, vhenever they interfere with the plan he has brmed for oppressing the good people of the Massachusetts Day; and therefore, that \\\e execut' ing, or attempting to execute, such proclamation, will justify nEsisTANCE and reprisal. Phtladelphta, Mdrch 27, 1775. .1 speech deHveredin Carpenteu's hali., JMarch \6ih, before the subscribers, toioards a fund for estoblisk. ing mamifactories of -woolen, cotto7i and linen, vi the city of Philadelphia. — Published at the request of the company. Gentlemen — When I reflect upon the extent of the subject before me, and consider the small share of knowledge I possess of it, I confess I rise with timidity to speak in this assembly; and it is only becausetherequests of fellow-citizens in ^vcry laudable undertaking should always operate with the force of commands, that I have prevailed upon myself to execute the task you have assigned me. My business, upon this occasion, is to lay before you a few thoughts upon the necessity, possiHiLtTir and advantages of establishing woolen, cotton, and linen manufactories among us. That, if the said general Gage conceives he is cmpowf red to act in this manner, as the commander in chief of liis majesty's forces in America, tli.s od oils and illegal proclumstion must be consid -red as a plain and full declaration that this despotic viraroy will be bound by no la-u; nor regard the The NECESSITY of establishing these manufac- tories is obvious from the association of the con- gress, which puts a stop to the importation of Bri- tish goods, of which woolens, cottons, and linens, always made a considerable part. So large has been the demand for these articles, and so very necessary are they in this country, that it is im- possible for usto clotheourselves without substitut- ing some others in their room. I am far from think- ing that the non-importation agreement will be so transitory a thing, as some have supposed. The appearance of a change of measures in England respecting the colonies, does not flow from a con- viction of their injustice. The same arbitrary ministers continue in office, and the same arbitrary favorites continue to abuse the confidence of our sovereign Sudden conversion should be trusted with caution, especially, when they have been brought about by interest or fear. I shall think the liberties of America established at an easy price by a two or three years non-importation agreement. By union and perseverance in this mode of opposition to Great Britain, we shall af- ford a new phenomenon in the history of mankind, and furnish posterity with an example to teach ihem that peace, with all the rights of humanity and justice, may be maintained by the exertion of economical, as well as military virtues. "VVe shall. PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 20J moreover, demonstrate tlie filsehood of those sys- tems of government, which exclude patriotism from the list of vlrUies; and show, that we act most iiirdif for ourslves, when we act most disinterestedly for the public. The POSSIBILITY of establishing woolen, cotton and linen manufactories among us is plain, from ''le success v/liich hath attended several attempts that have been made for that purpose. A great part of ilie inhabitants of several of the counties in this province, clothe themselves entirely with woolens and linens manufactured in their own families. Our wool is equal in quality to the wool of several European countries, and if the same pains were bestowed in the cullure of our sheep, which are used in England and Spain, I have no doubt but in a few years our wool would equal the wool of Segovia itself. Nor will there be a deficiency in the quantity of wool which will be necessary for us, if we continue to adhere to the associalion of the congress, as strictly as we have done. If the city of PiiikJelphia consumes 20,000 sheep less this year, than it did last, how many 20,000 sheep may we suppose will be saved throughout the whole province. According to the ordinary increase in the breed of sheep, and allowing for the additional quantity of wool, which a livtle care of them will produce, I think I could make it appear that in five years there will be wool enough ra'sed in the province to clothe the whole of its inViabiianls. — Cotton may be imported upon such terms from the West-Indies and southern colonies, as to enable us to manufacture thicksets, calicoes, &c. at a much cheaper rate than they can be imported from Bri- tain. Considering how much these stuffs are worn by those classes of people who constitute the ma- jority of the inhabitants of our country, the en- couragement of the cotton manufactory appears to be an object of the utmost consequence. I can- not help suggesting in this place, although it may appear foreign to our subject, that the trade to the West Tidies and 'iouthern colonies for cotton, would create such a commercial union, wiih the middle and northern colonies, as would tend greatly to Strengthen that political union which now subsists between them. I need say nothing of the facility of cultivating flix, nor of the excellent quality of of the linens which have been already manufactured among us. I shall only add, that tliis manuf ictory may be carried on without lessening the value of that trade which arises from the exportation of our flaxseed to I:y country, and that too without the assistance of fire and sword, or even of the civil magistrate, and in some places, in direct opposition to them all. It gives me the utmost pleasure to mentiou here, that our province is among the foremost of the colonies in the peaceable mode of opposition recommended by the congress. When I reHect upon the temper we have discovered in the pre- sent controversy, and compare it with the habitual spirit of industry and economy for which we are celebrated among strangers, I know not how to estimate our virtue high enough. I am sure no objects will appear too difficult, nor no under- takings too expensive for us in the present strug- gle. The sum of money which has been already subscribed for the purpose of these manufactories, is a proof that I am not loo sanguine in my expecta- tions from this province. I come now to point out the advantages w& sliall derive from esialdishing the woolen, cottoa and linen manafactoriss among us. The first ad- vantage I shall mention is, we shall save a large sum of money animdiy in our province. The province of Pennsylvania is supposed, to contain 400,000 inhabifanls. Let us suppose, that only 50,000 of these are clothed with the woolens, cottons and linens of Great Britain, and that the price of clothing each of these persons, upon an average, amounts to £a sterling a year. Jf this computation be just, then the sum annually saved in our province by the mauufactory of our clothes will amount to ^250,000 sterling. Secondly, Manu- factories, next to agriculture, are the basis of the riches t.f every country. Cardinal Ximenes is re- membered at this day in Spain more for the im- provement he made in the breed of sheep, by im- porting a number of rams from Barbary, than for any other services he rendered his country. King Edward the IV. and queen Elizabeth, of England, are mentioned with gr-.titude by historians for passing ads of parliament to import a number of sheep from Spain; and to this mixture of Spanish witii English sheep, the wool of the latter owes its peculiar excellenre and repulation, all over the world. Louis the XIV. king of France, knew the importance of a woolen manufactory in his king, dom, and in order to encourage it, allowed several exclusive privileges to t!ie company of woolen traders in Paris. The effects cf this royal patron- age of this manufiiciory have been too sensibly felt £04 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. by \he Englisli, who have, within these thirty or forty ytars, had the morlification of seeing' the tradii up the Levant, for woolen cloths, in some measure monopolized by the French. It is remark- able that the riches, and naval power of France have incressed in proportion to this very lucrative trade. Thirdly, By establishing these manufac- tories among us, we shall employ a number of poor people in our city, and that too in a way most agreeable' to themselves, and least expensive to the company; for, according to our plan, the princi- pal part of the business will be carried on in their own lt|nises. Travellers through Spain inform us, that in tiie town of Segovia, which contains 60,000 inhabitants, there is not a single beggar to be seen. This is attributed entirely to the woolen manu- factory which is carried on in the most extensive manner in that place, affording constant employ- ment to the whole of their poor people. Fourthly, By estahiisl)]! g t!ie woolen, cotton and linen manu- factoi'ies in this country, we shall invite manufac turers from every part of Europe, particularly from I>ritair) and Ireland, to come and settle among us, To men Mho want money to purchase lands, and who, from habits of manufacturing, are disinclined to agriculture, the prospect of meeting with eirj- ployment as soon as they arrive in this country, in a way they have been accustomed to, would lessen the difficulties of emigration, and encourage thou= Bands to come and settle in America. If they increased our riches by increasing the value of our property, and if they added to our strength by adding to our numbers only, they would be a great acquisition to us. But there are higlier motives which should lead us to invite strangers to settle in this country. Poverty, with its other evils, has joined with it in every part of Europe, all the miseries of slavery. America is nov^ the only asylum for liberty in the whole world. The pre- eent contest with Great Britain was perhaps intend- ed by the Supreme Being, among other wise and benevolent purposes, toshow the world this asylum, which, from its remote and unconnected situation with the rest of the globe, might have remained a secret for ajes. By establishing manufactories, we from the torpid state in which they existed in thei.. own country, and place them in circumstances which enable them to become husbands and fathers, and thus we add to the general tide of human happiness. Fifthly, The establishment of manu- factories in this country, by lessening our imports from Great Britain, will deprive European luxuries and vices of those vehicles in which they have been transported to America. The wisdom of the con- gress cannot be too much admired in putting a check to them both. They have in effect said to them^-"Thus far shall ye go, and no further."— Sixthly, By establishing manufactories among us^ we erect an additional barrier against the encroach- ments of tyranny. A people, who are entirely de- pendent upon foreigners for food or clothes, must always be subject to them. I need not detain you in setting forth the misery of holding property, li= berty and life upon the precarious will of our fellow subjects in Britain. I beg leave to add a thought in this place which has been but little -attended to by the writers upon this subject, and that is, that proverty, confineFnent and death are trifling evils, when compared with that total de- pravity of heart which is connected with slavery. By becoming slaves, we shall lose every principle of virtue. We shall transfer unlimited obedience from our Maker, to a corrupted majority in the British house of commons, and shall esteem their crimes, the certificates of their divine commission to govern us. We shall cease to look with horror upon the prostitution of our wives and daughters, by those civil and military harpies, who now hover around the liberties of our country. We shall cheerfully lay them both at their feet. We shall hug our chains. We shall cease to be men. We shall be slaves. I shall now consider the objections which have been made to the establishment of manufactories in this country. The first, and most common objection to manu- factories in this country is, that tiiey will draw off our attention from agriculture. This objection derives great weight from being made originally stretch forth a hand from the ark to invite the | by the duke of Sully, against tlie establishment of timid m.inufacturei-:i to come m. It might afford | manufactories in France. But the history of that us pleasure to trace the new sources of happiness which would immediately open to our fellow creatures from their settlement in this country. Manufactories have been accused of being un- friendly to population. I believe the charge should country shows us, that it is more founded in specula- tion than fact. France has become opulent and powerful in proportion as manufactories have flourished in her, and if agriculture has not kept pace with her manufactories, it is owing entirely fall upon slavery. By bringing manufacturers into to that ill-judged policy which forbad ti»e e.'cporta. this kfid of liberty and plenty, we recover them 1 tion of grain. 1 believe it v/iil be found, upon en. PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 205 ^uiry. that a gre-ter number of ba- .Is l.uve I) .• f ••'''^ v >nutariM^ ■> ^ merchants nobles, and her nobles princes. These are carried on at as cheap a rate as they are in Britain. The expense of manufacturing cloth will be lessened from the great share women and chil- dren will have in them; and I have the pleasure of carried her so triumphantly through the late ex- pensive war, and these are the support of a power more dangerous to the liberties of America, than her fleets and armies, I mean the power of corruption, informing you that the machine lately brought into i „ . „,, • i- »- .• , ° ^ JO 1 am not one of those vindictive patriots who exult in the prospect of the decay of the manufactories of Britain. I can forgive her late attempts to this city for lessening the expense of time and bands in spinning, is likely to meet with encourage- ment from the legislature of our province. In a .„,„„„ ,„ •„tk^.^„„^ r j /■ ^ ^ 1 enslave us, in the memory of our once mutual free- word, the experiments which have been already i,-^ „„, l„„„- „^ 4„i u ii i v. . . * "^ ■' >aom and happiness. And sbould her liberty— her arts — her fleets and armies and her empire, ever be interred in Britain, I hope they will all rise in Bri- tish garments only in America. made among us, convince us that woolens and linens of all kinds, may be made and bought as cheap as those imported from Britain, and I be- " lieve every one, who has tried the former, will acknowledge that they wear twice as well aa the Jatter. A third objection to manufactories is, that they destroy health, and are hurtful to population. The same may be said of navigation, and many other Wateutowpt, ..Jpril 26/h, 1775,. In provincial corfgress of Massachiiselts, to the inha^ bitants of Great Britain. Friends and fellow subjects — Hostililies are at length commenced in this colony by the troops arts which are essential to the happiness and glory under the command of general CJage, and it being of a state. I believe that many of the diseases to jof the greatest importance, tliat an early, true, which the manufacturers in Britain are subject, are land authentic account of this inhuman proceeding brought on, not so muqh by the nature of their j should be known to you, the congress of this colony employment, but by (heir unwholesome diet, damp ! have transmitted the same, and from want of a houses, and other bad accommodations, each of which may be prevented in America. A fourth objection to establishing manufactories in this country is a political one. I'he liberties of session of the hon. continental congress, tliiuk it proper to address you on the alarming occasion. Bv the clearest depositions relative to tliis transaction, it will appear that on the night preced- America have been twice, and we hope will be a hng the nineteenth of April instant, ii body of th third time preserved by a non-imporlalion of B.i- Icing's troops, under command of colonel Smith, 206 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. were secretly landed at Cambridge, with an ap- parent design to take or destroy the military and other stores, provided for the defence of this co- lony, and deposited at Concord — that some inha- bitants of the colony, on the night aforesaid, whilst travelling peaceably on the road, between Boston and Cniicurd, were seized and greatly abused by armed men, who appeared to be officers of gene- ral Gage's army; that the town of Lexington, by these means, was alarmed, and a company of the inhabitants mustered on the occasion — that the regular troops on their way to Concord, marched into the said town of Lexington, and the said com- pany, on their approach, bearan to disperse — that, notwithstanding this, the regulars rushed on with great violence and first began hostilities, by firing on said Lexington company, whereby they killed eight, and wounded several others — that the re- gulars continued their fire, until those of said com- pany, who were neither killed nor wounded, had made their escape — that colonel Smith, with the detachment then marched to Concord, where a number of provincials were again fired on by the troops, two of them killed and several wounded, before the provincials fired on them, and that these hostile measures of the troops, produced an engage- ment that lasted through the day, in which many of the provincials and more of the regular troops were killed and wounded. To give a particular account of the ravages of the troops, as they retreated from Concord to Charleslown, would be very difficult, if not im- practicable; let it suffice to say, that a great num- ber of the houses on the road were plundered and rendered unfit for use, several were burnt, women in child-bed were driven by the soldiery naked into the streetH, old men peaceably in their houses were shot dead, and such scenes exhibited as would disgrace the annals of the most uncivilized nation. These, brethren, are marks of ministerial ven- geance against this colony, for refusing, with her sister colonies, a submission to slavery; but they have not yet detached us from our royal sovereign. We profess to be his loyal and dutiful subjects, and so hardly dealt with as we have been, are still ready, wilh our lives and fortunes, to defend his person, family, crown and dignity. Nevertheless, to tljc persecution and tyranny of his cruel ministry we will not tamely submit — appealing to Heaven for the justice of our cause, we determine to die or be free. We cannot think that the honor, wisdom and valour of Britons will suffer them to be longer inactive spectators of measures in which they themselves are so deeply interested— measures, pursued in opposition to the solemn protests of many noble lords, and expressed sense of conspicu- ous commoners, whose knowledge and virtue have long characterized them as some of the greatest men in the nation — measures, executed contrary to the interest, petitions and resolves of many large, respectable and opulent counties, cities and boroughs in Great Britain — measures highly in■^ compatible with justice, but still pursued with a specious pretence of easing the nation of its bur- thens — Measures which, if successful, must end in the ruin and slavery of Britain, as well as the per- secuted American colonies. We sincerely hope that the Great Sovereign of the universe, who hath so often appeared for the English nation, will support you in every rational and manly exertion with these colonies, for saving it from ruin, and that, in a constitutional connection with the mother country, we shall soon be altoge- ther a free and happy people. By order, JOSEPH WARREN, president, P. T. The follo-iiring is a copy of a letter from general Lee to general Btirgoyne, upon his arrival in Boston. Phtladelphia, June 7, 1775, My dear sir — We have had twenty different ac- counts of your arrival at Boston, which have been regularly contradicted the next morning; but as I now find it certain that you are arrived, I shall not delay a single instant addressing myself to you. It is a duty I owe to the friendship T have long and sincerely professed for you; a friendship to which you have the strongest claim from the first mo- ments of our acquaintance. There is no man from whom I have received so many testimonies of esteem and affection; there is no man whose esteem and affection could, in my opinion, have done me greater honor. I intreat and conjure you, there- fore, my dear sir, to impute these lines not to a petulant itch of scribbling, but to the most unfeigned solicitude for the future tranquility of your mind, and for your reputation. I sincerely lament the infatuation of the times, when men of such a stamp as Mr. Burgoyne and Mr. Howe, can be seduced into so impious and nefarious a service by the artifice of a wicked and insidious court and cabinet. You, sir, must be sensible that these epithets are not unjustly severe. You have your- self experienced the wickedness and treachery of this court and cabinet. You cannot but recollect their manceuvres in your own select committee^ PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. £Q7 and the treatment yourself, as president, received land integrity, (because of a certain profession) lay from these abandoned men. You cannot but re- collect the black business of St. Vincents, by an opposition to which you acquired the highest and most deserved honor. I shall not treuble you with my opinion of the right of taxing America without her own consent, as I am afraid, from what I have seen of your speeches, that youhave already formed your creed on this article; but I will boldly affirm, bad this right been established by a thous.ind statutes, had America admitted it from time immemorial, it would be the duty of every good Englishman, to exert his utmost to divest parlia- . ment of this right, as it must inevitably work the subversion of the whole empire. The malady un- der which the state labors is indisputably derived from the inadequate representation of the subject, and the vast pecuniary influence of the crown. To add to this pecuniary influence and incompetency of representation, is to insure and precipitate our destruction. To wish any addition, can scarcely enter the heart of a citizen, who has the least spark of public virtue, and who is at the same time capable of seeing consequences the most imme- diate. I appeal, sir, to your own conscience, to your experience and knowledge of our court and parliament, and I request you to lay your hand up- on your heart, and then answer with your usual integrity and frankness, whether, on the supposi- tion America should be abject enough to submit to the terms imposed, you think a single guinea, raised upon her, would be applied to the purpose (as it is ostentatiously held out to deceive the peo pie at home) of easing the mother country? or whe- ther you are not convinced that the whole they could extract would be applied solely to heap up still further the enormous fund for corruption, which the crown already possesses, and of which a most diabolical use is made. On these principles I say, sir, every good Englishman, abstracted of . *U regard for America, must oppose her being taxed by the Ilritish parliament; for my own part, I am convinced that no argument (not totally abhorrent from the spirit of liberty and the British constitution) can be produced in support of this right. But it would be impertinent to trouble you upon a subject which has been so ampjy, and in my opinion, so fully discussed. I find by a speech given as your's in the public papers, that it was by the king's positive command you embarked in this service. I am somewhat pleased that it is not an office of your own seeking, though, at the same time, I must confess that it is very alarming to every virtuous citizen, when he sees men of sense it down as a rule implicitly to obey the mandates of a court, be they ever so flagitious. It furnishes, in my opinion, the best argjuments for the total reduction of the army. But I am running into a tedious essay, whereas I ought to confine myself to the main design and purpose of this letter, which is to guard you and your colleagues from those prejudices which the same miscreants, who have infatuated general Gage and still surround him, will labor to instil into you against a brave, loyal and most deserving people. The avenues of truth will be shut up to you. I assert, sir, that even general Gage will deceive you as he has deceived himself; I do not say he will do it designedly. I do not think him canable; but his mind is so totally poisoned, and his understanding so totally blinded by the society of fools and knaves, that he no longer is capable of discerning facts as manifest as the noon day sun. I assert, sir, that he is ignorant, that he has from the beginning been comsummately ignorant of the principles, temper, disposition and force of the colonies. I assert, sir, that his letters to the ministry, (at least such as the public have seen) ;ire one continued issue of misrepresentation, injustice, and tortured inferences from misstated facts. I afiirm, sir, that he has taken no pains to inform himself of the truth; that he has never conversed with a man who has had the courage or honesty to tell him the truth. — I am apprehensive that you and your colleagues may fall into the same trap, and it is the apprehension that you may be inconsiderately hurried, by the vigour and activity you possess, into measures which may he fatal to many innocent individuals, may hereafter wound your own feelings, and which cannot possi- bly serve the cause of those who sent you, that has prompted me to address these lines to you. I most devoutly wish, that your industry, valor and military talents, may be reserved for a more honora- ble and virtuous service against the natural ene- mies of your country, (to whom our court are so basely complaisant) and not be wasted in ineffectual attempts to reduce to the wretchedest state of servitude, the most meritorious part of your fel- low subjects. 1 say, sir, that any attempts to ac- complish this purpose, must be ineffectual. You cannot possibly succeed. No man is better ac.?' quainted with the state of this continent than my- self I have ran through almost the whole colonies, from the North to the South, and from the Soutk to the North. I have conversed with all orders of men, from the first estated gentlemen, to the lowest planters and fartrers, and can assure you, that 208 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION, the same spirit animates the whole. Not less than of the Bbstonians, or of the other provinces which an hundred and fifty thousand gentlemen, yeomen ; constituted their crimes. But it is the noble spirit and farmers, are now In arms, determined to pre- jof liberty manifestly pervading the wholecontinent, serve their liberties or perish. — As to the idea that .which has rendered them the objects of ministerial the Americans are deficient in courage, it is too and royal vengeance. — Had they been notoriously vidiculous and glaringly false to deserve a serious .of another disposition, had they been homines ad refutation. 1 never could conceive upon |semr'ers of British rights against American claims, 1 will not speak positively, but I firmly believe, I may name the men of whose integrity and judgment you have the highest opi- nion, and whose friendship is nearest your heart: I mean lord Thanel, from whom my aid de camp has a letter for you, with another from sir C. Davers. I do not enclose them, because the wriiers, little imagining how difficult your conduct would render our intercourse, desired they might be delivered into your own Y ands. For this purpose, as well as to renew "the rights of our fellow-ship," I wish to see you; and above all I should think an interview h>ippy if it induced such explanations as might tend in their conse- quences to peace. I feel, in co.r.mon wish all around me, for the unhappy deluded bulk of this country —they foresee not the distress that is impending I know Great Britain is ready to open her arms up on the first reasonable overtures of accommoda- tion; I know she is equally resolute to maintain her original ri^^hts; and 1 also know, that if the war proceeds, your hundred and fifty thousand men will be no match for her power I put my honor to these assertions, as you have done to others, and I claim the credit I am willing to give. The place I would propose for our meeting is the house on Boston Neck, just within our advanc ed sentries, called Brown's house. I will obtain authority to give you my parole of honor for your secure return: I shall expect the same on your part, that no insult be offered to me. If the pro posal is agreeable to you, name your day and hour . — And, at all events, accept a sincere return of tue assurances you honor me with, and believe me aft" ctionately yours, J. BURGOYNE. P. S. 1 have been prevented by business answer jng your letter sooner — I obeyed your command: in regard to general Howe and Ciiutoni and 1 like wise communicated to lord Percy ^he coi.tenis of your letter and my answer. — They all join with me in compliments, and authorise me to assure you ihey do the same in principles. Getieral Lee's answer to general Burgoyne's letter. Cambhidbe, HEAn-QuAiiTERs, Jvly 11, \775. General I.ee's complimens to general Buhgoyne. — \Vould be extremely happy in the interview he so kindly proposed. But as he perceives that ge- neral BuRG'^rwE has already made up his mind on this great subject; and that it is impossible that he [gen. Lee] should ever alter his opinion, he is apprehensive that the interview might create those jealousies and suspicions, so natural to a people struggling in the dearest of all causes, that of their liberty, property, wives, children, and their future generations. He must, therefore, defer the happi- ness of embracing a man whom he most sincerely loves until the subversions of the present tyrannical ■ninisLry and system, which he is persuaded must be in a few months, as he knows Great Britain can- not stand the contest.— He begs general Burgotnb will send the letters which his aid de camp has for him. If Gardiner is his aid de camp, he desires his love to him. Copy of a letter sent by William Tryon, esq to his excellency governor Tnimbull, of Connecticut. New York, April 17th, 1778. Sir — H v'.n^ beea honored with the ki ig's com- mands, to cir;:ulate the enclosures to the people at large, I take .he liberty to ofler then to you fur your candid coisiieration, and to r.'coinmend that, through your means, the inhabitants within your province may be acquainted with the same; as also the other provinces to the eastward. I am, sir, your obedient servant, W. TRYON. Governor Tkumbui,!. His excellency* s answer. Lebano.i, April 23, 1778. Sir — Your letter of the 17t!i inst. from iVew York, is received, with its enclosures, and the several similar packets, of various addresses, with which it was accompanied. Proposals of peace are usually made from the supreme authority of one contending power, to the similar autliority of the other; and the present is tie first instance, within my recollection, when a vague, half blank, and very indefinite draught of a bill, once only read before one of the three bodies of he legislature of the nation, has ever been aidres- sedto the people at large o?' the opposite power, as 'an overture of reconciliation. PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 211 There was a day, when even this step, from our then acknowledged parent state, might have been accepted with joy and gratittuU'; but that day, sir, is past irrecov ra'-ly. The repeated in^'olent rejec- tion of our sincere and sufficiently humble peti tions, the unproviked commencement of hostilities; the barbarous inhumanity which has marked the provoc itio.1 of the war on yoir part, in its several stages; the insol -nee which displays itself on every petty advantage; the cruelties which have been exercised on those unhappy men whom the fortune of war has thrown into your hands — all these are insuperable bars to the very idea of concluding a peace with Great Britain, on any other conditions than the most absoluie and perfect independence. To the congress of the United States of America, therefore, all proposals of this kind are to be ad- dresse 1; and you wili give me leave, sir, to say that the present mode bears too much the marks of an insiduous design to disunite the people, and to lull us into a state of quietude, and negligence of the nece sary preparations for the approaching cam- paigi. Ifthisbethe real design, it is fruitless. If peace be really the ooject, let your proposals be properly addressed to th- proper power, and your negociations* behonorab y conducted, we shall then have some prospect of (what is the raosi ardent wish of every honest American,) a lasting and honorable peace. The British nation may then, perhaps, find us as aftectioiiate aad valiable friends, as we now are fatal and determined enemies, and will derive from that friendship, more solid and real advan- tage, than the most sanguine can expect from con- quest. I am, sir, your humble servant, J. TRUMBULL. William Tutow, esq. ** Instructions from the freeholders of Cumberland coiiU' t!/> fVirg'inia.J *'To John Mayo and IVilliam Fleming, gentlemen, their delegates, March, 1775. •'We, the freeholders ofCumberland county, hav- ing elected you to represent us in a provincial con- vendon, to be held in the town of Ilichmond, on Monday the 20th of this instant, and being con- vinced that the safety and happiness of British America depend on the unanimity, firmness, and joint effirts of all the coloiies, we expect yju will, on your parts, let your measures be as much for the common safety, as the peculiar interests of this colony will permit; and that you, in p;»riicular, comply with the recommendation of the conti.'ien- tal congress, in appointing delegates to meet in the city of Philadelphia, in May next. "The means of constitu'ional legislation in this colony, being row interrupted, and entirely pre- carious, and being convinced that some rule is ne- cessary, for speedily putting the colony in a state of defence, we, in an especial manner, recommend this matter to your consideration in convention; and you may d^^pend that any general tax, by that body imposed, for such purposes, will be cheerfully submifed to, and paid by the inhabitants of this county. "We desire that you will consider the Bostnnians as suffering in the common cause, and cheerf illy join in their support to the utmost of your power: "That you will direct the deputies to congress, on the part of this colony, to use their best endea- vors to establish a ird !e bet veen the c ilonies; and to procure a c\^\a.nu\.y of gwi-po-wder, and a number of cotton and wool cards from the northward, or elsewhere. "We desire further, that you will not depart from the association formed by the continental con- gress in September last, but wjll strictly adliere to it in every particular." Forces of America. The following was the estimate which genera! Gage laid before the British ministry in 1775, of the force wliich could be raised m the colonies, and maintained in the field. New England . . . 37,000 New York .... 11,000 Pennsylvania and Jersey . . 16,000 Virg'nia and Maryland . . 13,000 Carolinas . , , . 5,U0O 82,000 The speech of the right hon. the earl of Chatham, tit the house of lords, January 20th, 177-5, on a mo^ tionfor an address to his majesty, to give immediate orders for removing his troops from Boston, forth' ■with, in order to quiet the minds and take away the apprehensions of his good subjects in America, My lords — After more than six weeks possession of the papers now before you, on a subject so mo- mentous, at a time when the fate of this nation hang.s on every hour, the ministry have at length condescended to submit, to the consideration of ihe house, intelligence from America, with which your lordships and the public have been long and fully acquainted. The measures of last year, my lords^ which have produced the present alarming state of America* 212 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. were founded upon misrepresentauon — they were counlry, and the magnitude of danger han^Miig over violent, precipitate and vindic ive. The natio" was told, that it was only a faction in Boslon, which opposed all lawful governnnent; that an un- warrantable injury had been done to private pro- perty, for which the juslice of parliament was cal led upon, to order reparatjnn; — that the least ap- pearance of firmness would awe the Americans into submission, and upon only passing the Rubicon we should be fine clade victor. That the people mipht choose their representa- tives, under the impression of those misrepresen- tations, the pariiument was precipitately dissolved. Thus the nation was to be rendered instrumental in executing the vengeance of administration on that Injured, unhappy, tniduced people. Rut now, my lords, we find, that instead of sup- pressing the opposition of the fac ion a( Bostoi., represented here, I pronounce them futile, frivo- these measurps have spread it ovrr the whole con. lo"s and groundless.-^Property is, in its nature, tinent. They have united that whole people, by single as an atom. It is indivisible, can belong to the most indissoluble of all bands—intolerable | ""^ o"'y» an^^ cannot be touched but by his own v.-ionECs. The just retribinion is an indiscriminate, consent, The law that attempts to alter this dis- unmerciful proscription of the innocent wli!> the posal oi it annihilates it. this country from the present plan of misadmlnis- tration practised against them, I desire Rot to be understood to argue for a reciprocity of indulgence between England and America: I contend not for indulgence, but justice, to America; and 1 shall ever contend that the Americans owe obedience to us, in a limited degree; they owe obedience to our ordinances of trade and navigation; but let the line be skilfully drawn between the objects of those ordiuancfts, and their private, internal property: Let the sycredness of their property remain invio- late; let it be taxable only by their own consent, given in their provincial assemblies, else it will cease to be property: As to the metaphysical re- finements attempting to shew that the Americans are equally free from obedience to commercial re- straints, as from taxati')n for revenue, as being un- guilty, unheard and untried. The bloodless vic- tory, is an impotent general, with his dishonored army, trusting solely to the pick-axe and the spade, far sf'Curiiy against the just indignation of an in- jured and insulted people. My lords, I am happy that a relaxation of my in- firmities perrriiLS nie to seize this e irliest opportuni- ty of offering my poor advice to save tkis unhappy country, at this moment tottering to its ruin. But as I have not the honor of access to his majesty, I will endeavor to transmit to him, through the con- stitutional channel of this house, my ideas on Ame- rican business, to rsscue him from the misadvice of his present ministers. I congratulate your lord- ships that that business is at last entered upon, by the noble lord's (lord Dartmouth) laying the pa- pers before you. As I suppose your lordships are too well apprised of their contents, I hope I am not premature in submitting to you my present motion (reads the motion.) I wish my lords not to lose a day in this urging present crisis: An hour now lost in allaying the ferment in America, may produce years of calamity; but, for my own part, I will not desert for a moment the conduct of this mighty business from the first to the last, unless nailed to my bed by the extremity of sickness; I will give it unremitting attention: I will knock at the door of When I urge this measure for recalling the troops from Boston, I urge it on this pressing principle — that it is necessarily preparatory to the restoration of your prosperity. It will then appear that yoy are disposed to treat amicably and equitably, and to consider, revise and repeal, if it should be found necessary, as I affirm it will, those violent acts and declarations which have disseminated confusion throughout your empire. Resistance to your acts, was as necessary as it was just; and your vain de- clarations of the omnipotence of parliament, and your imperious doctrines of the necessity of sub- mission, will be found equally impotent to convince or enslave your fellow subjects in America, who feel that tyranny, whether ambitioned by an indivi- dual part of the legislature, or by the bodies which compose it, is equally intolerable to British prin- ciples. As to the means of enfo'-cing this thraldom, they are found to be as ridiculous and weak in practice, as they were unjust in principle: Indeed 1 cannot but feel, with the most anxious sensibility, for the situation of general Gage and the troops under his command; thinking him, as I do, a man of humani- ty and understanding, and entertaining, as I ever shall, the highest respect, the warmest love, for the British troops. Their situation is truly unworthy I this sleeping, or confounded ministry, and will j pent up, pining in inglorious inactivity. They are rouse them to a sense of their important danger. | an army of impotence. You may call them an army Wii§n I slate the importance of the colonies to this 'of safety and of guard; but they are in truth an ar- PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 21J Wy of impote c ■ a id ' O'ltcjinp — aid la readrr -U' folly equ 1 totiC d Si^ra^e, they are a" army of ir ritation. I do noi mean to censure the inactivity of-lhe 'roops. Ii is ap-udent and necessary inac- tion. Bit it is a miserable condition, where dis- grace IS prudence^ and Adhere it is necessary to be contemptiole. This tameness, ho>^ever disgrace ful, oug^ht not to he blamed, as I am surprised to hear is done by these ministers The fi. st drop o blood, sh^d ina civil and unnatiial war, would be an immediccibile vulnus. It would entail hatred an 1 contention between the two pe iple, from j^^eiera- tion to generation. Woe be to him who sheds the first, the Uciexpiable drop of blood in an impious war, with a people contendi"g in the great cau^e of public liberty. I will tell you plainly, mj lords, no son of mine nor any one over whom I hive influence, shall ever draw his sword upon his fellow subjects. I therefore urge and conjure your lordships im- mediately to adopt this concilintory measure. I will pledge myself for its immediately producing concdiatory effects, from its being well timed: Bui it you delay, till your vain hope of triumphantly dictating the terms shall be accomplished — you delay forever. And, evpn admitting that this hope, which in truth is desperate, should beaccorrplished, what will you gain by a victorious imposition of amity? Youwillbeuntrustedand unthanked. Adopt then the grace, while you have the opportunity of i'econcilement, or at least prepare the way; allay the ferment prevailing in America, by removing the obnoxious hostile cause. Obnoxious and unservicea- ble; for their merit can be only inaction. "Non dimicare eslvincere." Their viciory can never be by exertions. Their force would be most dispro- portionately exerted, against a brave, generous, and united people, with arms in their hands and courage in tbeir hearts; three millions of people, the genuine descendants of a vsliant and pious ancestry, driven to these desarts by the narrow maxims of a superstitious tyranny. And is the spirit of tyrannous persecution never to be appeas- ed.' Are the brnve sons of those brave forefathers to inherit their sufferings, as they have inherited their virtues? Are they to sustain the inflictions of the most oppressive and unexampled severity, beyond the accounts of history or the description of poetry? "li'iadamanthus habet durissima reg;ia, castigatque auditque." So s^ys the v^isest states- man and politician. But the Bostonians have been condemned cnuearj). The indiscriminating hand of vengeance has lumped together innocent and guilty: with all the formalities of hostility, has blocked up the town, and reduced to begj^ary and famine 30,000 inhabitants. Bit his majesty is advised that the union o" America cannot last.— 'vliiiisters have more eyes than I, and should have more eurs, but from all the information I have been able to procure, I can pronoupce it a union -olid, permanent cid effectual. Ministers may satisfy themselves and delude the public with the reports of what they call commercial bodies in .\merica. They are not commercial. They are your piickers and factors; they live upon notliing, for I call commission nothing; I mean the minis- t'='rial AUTHoniTS for their American intellig-ence. The runners of government, who are paid for their intelligence. But these are not the men, nor this •he infl'iPnce to be considered in America, when we esiimate the firmness of their union. Even to extend the question, and to take in the really mercantil? circle, will be totally inadequate to the consideration. Trade indeed increases the wealth and glorj of a country; but its real strength and stamina are to be looked for annong the cultivators of the land. In their simplicity of life is founded the simplicity of virtue, the integrity and courage of freedom. Those true genuine sons of the earth are invincible; as.d they surround and hem in the merearile bodies; even if those bodies, which suppusiiion I totally disclaim, could be supposed disaffected to the cause of liberty. Of this— gene- ral spirit existing in the American MATioir, for so 1 wish to distinguish the re&l and genuine Ameri- cans from the pseudo traders I have described; of this spirit of independence, animating the natios of Auierioa, 1 have the most authentic information. It is not new among them; it is, and ever has beeit their established principle, their confirmed persua- sio-^ ; it is their nature and th.eir doctrine. I remem- bersomeyears ago when the repeal of the stamp act was in agitation, conversing in a friendly confidence with aperson of undoubted respect and authenticitj^ on this subject; and he assured me wiih a certaimy which bis judgment and opportunity gave him, that these were the prevalent and steady principles of America: That you might destroy their towns, and cut tjiem oft" from the superfiuities, perhaps the cor.venicncies of life, but that they were prepared to despise your power, and would not lament their loss, whilst they had, what, my lords'— Their woods and liberty. Tiie name of my authority, if I am called upon, will authenticate the opinion irrefragably. If illegal violences have been, as it i.s said, com- mitted in America, prepare the way, open a door of possibility, for acknowledgment and satisfaction. 2t4 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THR REVOLUTION. B. proceed not to such coerci. n, suciproscripuou:. iiead, vhe disunotioa 1 contend for, is and must b< Cease your indiscriminate hiQictions; amerce not observed, thirty thousands, oppress- not three millions, for the faulis -if for'.y or fifty. Such severity of injustice must forever render incurable the wounds you have given your colonies; you irritate them to unap- peasable rancour. What though you march from town to town, and from province to province?— Tt:otigh you shouM be able to force a temporary and local submission, which I only supnose, no< adn it, how shall you be able to secure the obedi «nce of the cou.try yo-j leave behind you in your progress? To grasp the dominion of 1.800 miles of cnntineni, populous in v.ilor, liberty and res.s- tance? This resistance to your j.r'ntrary system of taxation n.ight have been foreseen; it was obvious from the nature of t» injrs and of mankind; and above all, from the whitrgish spirit flourishing in that c.ou;.«ry. The spi- it which now resists your taxation in America, is the same which form'^rly opposec', »' d wiih success rpposnd. loans, benevo- lences, and ship money in England— the same spirit which called all E' gland on its ibgs, and by the bill of rights vinr,hes solid confidence in the foundation of aff'c'ion a'ld gratitud?". So thought the wisest poet, and ppr'iaps the wisest men in political sagacity, the friend cf Ms-enas, and the eulogist of Augustus. To him the adopted son and successor of the first Caesiir, to him, the master of the world, he wisely urged this conduct of prudence and dignity, Tiigue prior, &c. Virgil. Every motive, therefore, of justice and of policy, of dignity and of prudence, urges you to allay the ferment in America, by a removal of your Ironpg from Boston, by a repeal of your acts of parliament, and by demonstration of amicable dispositions to- wards your colonies. On the other hand, every danger and every hazard, impend to deter you from perseverance in your present ruinous mea- sures: Foreign war hanging over your heads by a sliglitand brittle thread: France and Spain watch- ing your conduct and waiting for the maturity of your errors; with a vigilant eye to America and the temper of your colonies, more than to their own concerns, be they what they may. To conclude, my lords, if the ministers thtiS persevere in nsisadvising and misleading the king, I will not say that they can alienate bis subjects from his crown, but I will affirm that they will make the crown not worth his wearing: I shall not say that the king is betrayed, but I will pronounce THAT THK KIMUDOM IS UNDOHK. A SERMON On the present situation of Ameiiicah Affairs: Preached in CaajsT-CHuncK, June 23, 1775, at the request of the officers of the third battalion of tie city of Philadelphia, and district of South- wark — By William Smith, D. D. Provost of the college in that city. The Lord God of Gods-the Lord God of Gods-Heknoweth, anrt Isi-ai 1 lie shali know, if it be in lebellion, or in transgression against tbe Lord— save UJ not this A&y— Joshua, xxii. 22. These words, my brethren, will lead us into a train of reflections, wholly suitable to the design of our present meeting; and I must beg your indulgence till I explain, as briefly as possible, the solemn occasion on wliich they were first delivereda hoping the application, I may afterwards make of tiiem, may fully reward your attention. The two tribes of Reuben and of Gad, and the half tribe of Manasseh, had chosen their inhei-i- lance, on the eastern side of Jordan, opposite to the other tribes of Israel. And although they knew th*t tl,is si.natiea wouij cleprive tUtm of so.t»« 2tlS PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. privileges which remained with theiV brell-ren on the other side, and particularly that great privil;^ge of having the place of the altar and tabernacle of God among- them; yet, as the land of Canaan was judged too small forall the twelve tribes, they were centented with the possession they had chosen.— And thus they spoke to Moses— "It is a land of cattle, and thy servants have much cattle. Wherefore, if we have found grace in thy sight let this land be given to us for a possession, and we will build sheepfolds here for our cattle, and cities for our little ones; and we ourselves will go ready armed before our brethren, tiie children of Israel— and will not return into our houses, until they have inherited every man his inheritance." — "And Moses said unto them — If you will do this thing, and will go all of you armed over Jordan be- fore the L )rd, until he hath driven out his enemies from before him; and the land (of Canaan) be subdued (for your brethren;) then aftervvaids ye shall return, and this land (of Gilead) shall be your possession before the Lord."* This, then, was the great original contract, under which these two tribes and a half were allowed to separate from the rest, and to dwell on the other side of Jordan. They were to assist their brethren in their necessary wars, and to continue under one government with them — even that of the great Jehovah himself— erecting no separate altar but com- ing to perform their sacrifices at that one altar of Shxloh, where the Lord had vouchsafed to promise his special presence. Though this subjected them to inconveniences, yet as uniformity of worship and the nature of their theocracy required it, they adhered faithfully to their contract. In the fear of God, they bowed themselves at his altar, although not placed in their own land; and, in love to their brethren, they supported them in their wars, "till there stood not a man of all their enemies before them;" and at last, Josuux, their great leader, having no farther need of their assis- tance, gave them this noble testimony— That they had, in all things obeyed his voice as their general, and faithfully performed all they had promised to Moses the servant of God. Wlierefore, he blessed them, and dismissed tljem to return to their own land "with much riches, and wiih cattle, and with silver, and with gold, and with much raiment." No sooner, therefore, had ihey entered their own *Numb. 32. c untry, I an, m the fullness of gratitude, on the banks of Jnr 'an, at the common passage over ■against C-.naan, they built an high or great altar. Mist it might remain an eternal monument of their being of one stock, and entitled to the satne civil and religious privileges, with their brethren of the other tribes. But this their work of piety and love was directly misconstrued. The cry was immediately raised agains': them. The zealots of that dif ^I'ln mm ■ ,, , ,.. f... ,, r*i T J I u i religious respect, except in this, that the throne hold the pattern of the altar of the Lord which our ! ° f > t > '"•»>• inc uuuiic /., 1,. xr c t. Lj^i- L-.u "•" seat of empire, that ereat aliar at which the fathers made." If our fathers had not been of the j ^ ' &*>.<»• ai ul wniuii me J £. T 1 .u ij 4.1, r ji • 1 .'n^'' of >-his world bow, Was to remain amon? them, seed of Israel, tbey would not have fondly copied ' auiung mciu. your customs and models. You would not have Regardless of this localinconv.nience.uncanker: beheld in Gilead, an altar, in all things an imitation | .^ by jealousy, undepressed by fe«r, and cemented of the true altar of God, which is in Shiloh, except j by mutual love and mutual benefits, we trod the only that ours is an high "or great altar to »ee"ip^tij ^f glory with our brethren for an hundred from far. And this may convince you that it was Lgars and more-enjoying a length of felicity not intended as an altar of sacrifice (for then it i ' ■■ ^ would have been but three cubits In height, as our *Tliougli for bieviiy, the sacred texi, in this , „ V . ^ u * .11.*-. and other places, only mentions Reuben and Gad, law directs) but as a monumental altar, to mstruct|yet the half tribe of Man^sseb is aUo supposed to o'jr generations forever, that they aro of the same [be inuiHded- 28. 318 PRINCI£LES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. Srarce <-ver esperienced bj any oiJifr people — Mindful of the hands that protected us in our youth, and s'lbmitting to every j«st regulauon for appropriiting- to them the berefit of our trade — our wealth was poured in upon them from ten thousand channels, widening as they flowed, asid inaRing' their poor to siTig, and industry to smile, through every corner of their land. And as often as dangers ihrta^enfd, and the voice of the British Israel called our brethren to the field, we left them not alone, but shared their toils and fought by tlieir side, "till there stood not a man of all their ene- mies before liiem," — Na3-,thry themselves testified on our behaif, that in all things we not only did our pyrt, but more than our par. for the common good, and they dismissed us home loaded with silver and with gold,* in recompense for our extraordinary services. So f;.r you see the parallel holds good. But what high altars have we built to alarm our Bri- tish Israel; and why have the congregations of our British IsrBel, a^ d why have the congregations of our brethren gathered ihemselvee together agai st Us? why do their embattled hosts already cover our plains? will they not examine our case, and listen to our plea? "The Lord God of Gods — he knows," and the whole surrounding wdrld shall yet kno*, that what- ever American altars we have built, f^r from intend ing to dishonor, have been raised with an express view to perpetuate the name and glory of that sacred altar, at^d seat of empire and liberty, which we left behind us, and wish to remain eternal among Our brethren in the parent land. Esteeming our relation to them our greatest felicity; adoring the I'lovidence ihat gave us the same progenitors; glorying in this, that when the new world was to be portioned cut among the kingdoms of theold, the mosiimport«nt part of this continent fell to the sons of a protes aot and free nation; desirous of worshipping forever at the si»ni'= altar with them; fond of .ttern 'lea Is -ve.i s ronj^er t lan tliat of the t>o tribes a:i s.cr.fice on iofiy ;.iaces, might creaie, •» suspicim i>f i >e. "i p^ing "into idolatry; either i.nterictiiig lO wor-h p ci'.U r " Gods, or the God of I^-.fl ii an u.iiavvful place " and EQaaner,"--Br. rAXRicK. PRINCrPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUT[OV. 2i9 Tims fur you see tlie parallel yet liolda good, and I ihink cannot be called a perversion of my text, if you will allow tliat the Supreme Power of an en^plre, whether theocratical, monarchical, or howsoever distributed, may be represented under the fiijure of one common altar, at wliich the just devotionof all the subjects is to be paid. Bui it is said that we have of late departed from our former line of Huty, and refused ou.- homage at the great «ltar of British empire. And to this it has been replied, that the very refusid is the afrongest evidence of our veneration for the altar itself. Nay, it is contended by tliose charged with this breach of devotion, that when, in the shape of unconstitutioHal exactions, violated rights an>. jnutilated charters, they were called to worship idols, instead of the true divinity, it was in a transport of holy jealousy, that they dashed them to pieces, or whelmed theoi to the bottom of the ocean. This is, in brief, the state of the argument on each side. And hence, at this dreadful moment, ancient friends and bret!l, and will be long lamented, is that this councd could not take place. If brethren could come togeiher in such a temper as tisis, the igsue could noc fail to be foe their rautuai glory and muUial happiness. has been raised, to stay the sword of destruction, to cx;imine into the truth of our rase, and save the eflusion of kindred blood. I am left to lament that, in this sad instance, Jewish tenderness has put Christian benevolence to shame. "Our brethren, the liouse of our fathers, even " they have called a multitude against us. H;id an •' enemy thus reproached us, then perhaps we n.ight " have borne it. But it was you, men our equals, '• our guides, our acquaintance, with whom we look " sweet council and walked together into the lon'^e "of God" Or had it been f-r any essential benefit to the commonwealth at large, we would hi.ve laid our hands on our mouths, and bowed obedier,ce with our usuhI silence. But, for disnitt and su- i-nKMACT! V\ hat are tljey when set in opposition to common uiility, common justice, and the whole fdiih and spirit of the constitution? True dignity is to govern freemen, not sl.ives, and trut, supre- macy is to excel in doing good. It is lime, and indeed more than time, for a' great and enlightened people to niake names bend to tilings, and ideal honor to practical safet}?— Precedents and indefinite claims are sureiy thing* too nugatory to convulse a mighty empire. I« there no wisdom, no great and liberal plan of pol'cy to re unite its members, a< the s ;le bulwark •..f liberty and protestantism, raiher than by their deadly strife to increase the iniportance of those states that are foes tu freedom, truvh and humas iiy? To devise such apian, rfnd to behold British colo- nies spreading over this immense Ci-minent, rejoic- ing in the common rights cf Ireemen, and imitating the parent slate in every exrelleiice— is more glory than to hold lawless donuniort over all the nation* on the face of the earth! But I will weary you no longer with fruitless lamentations concerning things that might be done. The quf stion now is— since they are not done, n.ust we tamely surrender any part of our birth-right, op of that great cliarler of privdeges, which we not only claim by inheritance, but by the express terms of our col "niZHtion? I say, God forbid! For here, in particular, 1 wish to speak .so plain that neither my own principles, nor those of the church to which I belong, be misunderstood. Although, in the beginningof this great contest, we thought it not our duty to be forward in widen- ing the breach, or spreading discontent; althougli it be our ferventdesire to heal the wounds of the pub. lie, and to shew by our temper that we seek not * distress, but to give the parent state an opporiui 220 PRINCIPLES AND 7\CTS OF THE REVOLUTION. of .stiviug theirselves and Eaving us before it be toof pressures and sufferings come, when the veight late, nevertbelps?, as we know that our civil and religious rights are linked together in one indissolu- ble bond, vre neither have, nor seek to have, any *(nterest separate from that of our country, nor can Ave advise a desertion of its cause. Religion and liberty must flourish or fall together in America. We pray that both may be perpetual. A continued submission to violence is no tenet of our church. When her brightest luminaries, near a century past, were called to propagate the court doctrine of a dispensing power, above law — did they treacherously cry — "Peace peace," when there nas no pence*? Did they not magnanimously of power grows intolerable, a people will fly to the constitution for shelter; and, if able, will resume that power which they never surrendered, except s-o far as it might be exercised for the common safety. Pulpit-casuistry is too feeble to direct or controul here. God, in his own government of the world, never violates freedom; and his scriptures themselves would be disregarded, or considered as [perverted, if brought to belie his voice, speak- ing in the hearts of men. The application of these principles, my brethren, is now easy and must be left to your own consci- ences and feelings. You are now engaged in one set their foot upon the line 6f the constitution, of the grandest struggles, to which freemen can and tell majrsty to is face that "they could not be called. You are contending for what you ccn- betryy the public liber'y," and that the monarch's reive to be your constitutional rights, and for a only BMfety consisted "in governing according to the laws?" Did not their example, and consequent suflerirgs, kiiidle a flame that illuminated the land, and introduced that noble system of public and personal liberty, secured by the revolution? Since that period, have not the avowed principles of our greatest divines been against raising the church above the state; jealous of the national rights. final settlement of the terms upon which this country may be perpetually united to the parent state. Look back, therefore, with reverence look back, to the times of ancient virtue and renown. Look back to the mighty pui^Doses, which your fathers had in view, when they traversed a vast ocean. and planted this land. Hecall to your minds their resolute for the protestant succession, favorable i, , ,-,...,. labors, their toils, their perseverance, and let a to the reformed religion, and desirous to maintain the f.iiih of toleration? If exceptions have happen- ed, let no society of Christians stand answerable for the deviations, or corruptions, of individuals. The doctrine of absolute non-resistance has been fully exploded among every virtuous people. The free-born soul revolts against it, and must have been long debased, and have drank in the last dregs of cor- ruption, before i; can brook the idea "that a whole people injured may, 'in no case,' recognise their trampled majesty." But to draw the line, and say vhere subuission ends and resistance begins, is not the province of the ministers of Christ, who Ins given no* rule in this matter, but left it to the feelings and i-on^cifncesoF ihe injnred. For, when *rhe aut!;or, in a sermon first published twenty years sgo, on 1. Pet, ii 17, delivered I, is ^enlimpn;s fully on this poiiu.— jn ihe following words, viz.— "It would be absurd to argue as some have done, that tlie Apo! tie here meant to enjoin a continued siihmisiinv io violence — The love of mankind, and the fear ot God, tiiose very priuf-iples, from which we irac? tV.e divine original of just government, \iv\\\ lead us, by all proSable mf ans, to resist every yttempt to enslave t!ie free-born soul, and oppose ^e righteous will of God by defeati' g the happi- \ss of men. Rtsisiancp, however, i.s to be a Isst \)urce, and none but the majority of a whole peo- \can determine in what c;ises it is necessary. divine spirit animate you in all your actions. Look forward also to distant posterity. Figure to yourselves millions and millions to spring from your loins, who may be born freemen or slaves, as Heaven shall now approve or reject our councils. Think that on you it may depend, whether this great country, in ages hence, shall be filled and adorned with a virtuous and enlightened people, enjoying liberty and all its concomitant blessings, together with the religion of Jesus, as it flows uncorrupted from his holy oracles, or covered with a race of men more contemptible than the savages that roam the wilderness, because they once knew the things which belong to their happi. ness and peace, but suffered them to be hid from their eyes. And while you thus look back to the past, and forward to the future, fail not, I beseech you, to look up to "the God of Gods— the rock of your salvation. As the clay in the potter's hands," so are the nations of the earth in the hands of him, inculcated in general terms. For a people may Sometimes imagine grievances they do not feel, but will never miss to feel and complain of them where they really are, unless their minds have ,. been gradually prepared for slavery by absurd *priptures, therefore, obedience is rightly tenets!"' PRI^XIPLES AND ACTS OF THE HKVOLUTfO^:. £21 fne everlasting JEnoyAH!-be lifeth up, an-1 he. While you profess yourselves ron'en-^.ing for li ca8teth down-He resisteth the proud and gWeth Iberty, let it be with the temper and diprnity of free grace to the humble— He will keep the feet of his saints— the wicked shall be silent in darkness, and Iry strength shall no man prevail. The bright prospects of the gospel; a thorough veneration of the Saviour of the world; a conscicn- men, undaunted and firm, but without wrath or vengeance, so far ss grace may be obtained to assist tlie weakness of nature. Consider it as a hsppy circumstance, if such a struggle must bave happened, that God hath been pleased to postpone it to a period, when our country is adorned with tious obedience to his divines laws; faith in his .j^^gj^ ^fp^jj^ji^^^p^j j,eal, when the arts and sciences promises, and the s'edfast hope of immortal I'fe u^g planted among us to secure a succession of through him, these only can support a man m all Luch men; when our morals are not far tainted by times of adversity as well as prosperity. You might more easily "strike fire out of ice," than stability or magnanimity out of crimes. But the good man, he who is at peace with the God of all peace, will know no fear but that of offending him, whose hand can cover the righteous "so that he needs not fear " the arrow that fieeth by day, nor the destruction "that was'eth at noon-day; for a thousand shall " fall beside liim, and ten thousand at his right ** hand, but it shall not come nigh to him; for he " shall give his angels charge over him to keep "him in all his ways." On the omnipotent God, therefore, through his blessed Son, let your strong confidence be placed; but do not vainly expect that every day will be to you a day of prosperity or triumph. The ways of Providence lie through mazes, too intricate for human penetration. Mercies may often be held forth to us in the shape of sufferings; and the vicissitudes of our fortune, in building up the Ame- rican fabric of happiness and glory, may be various and chequered. But let not this discourage you. Yes, rather let it animate you with a holy fervor— n divine enthusiasm — ever persuading yourselves that the cause of virtue and freedom is the cause of Gon upon earth; and that the whole theatre of human nature does not exhibit a more august spectacle than a number of freemen, in dependence upon Heaven, mutually binding themselves to encounter every difficulty and danger in support of their na- tive and constitutional rights, and for transmitting them holy and unviolated to their posterity. It was this principle that inspired the l;..'roes of ancient times; that raised their names to the summit of renoM'n, and filled all succeeding ages with their unspotted praise. It is this principle too tliat must animate your conduct, if you wish your names to reach future gererations, conspicuous in the roll of glory; and so far ss tins principle leads you, be prepared to follow — whether to life or to death. luxury, profusion or dissipation; when the princi- ples that withstood oppression, in the brig'-iest era of the English history, are ours as it were by pecular mheritance; and when we stand upon our own ground, with all that is dear around us, animat- ing us to every patriotic exertion. Under such circumstances and upon such principles, what wonders, what achievements of true glory, have not been performed? For my part, I have long been possessed with a strong and even enthusiastic persuasion that Heaven has great and gracious purposes tov/ards this con- tinent, which no human power or human device shall be able finally to frustrate. Illiberal or mis- taken plans of policy may distress us for a while, and perhaps sorely check our growth; tut if we maintain our own virtue; if we cultivate the spirit of liberty among our children; if we guard against the snares of luxury, venality and corruption, the GBNitrs of America will still rise triumphant, and that with a power at last too mighty for opposition. This country -wilt be free — «ay, for ages to come, » chosen seal of freedom, ai-ts, and heaven!y knorjfedyc; which are now either drooping or dead in most countries of the old world. To conclude, since the strevgth of all ptiblic bodies, under God, consists in their unioiv, bear with each other's infirmities, and even varities of sentiments, in things not essential to the main point. The tempers of men are cast in various moulds. Some are quick and feelingly olive in all tlieir mental operations, especially those which relate to their country's weal, and are therefore ready to burst forth into flame upon every alarm. Others agai>, wit!i intentions alike pure, and a clear un- quenchable love of their country, too stcdfast to be damped by the mists of pi cjudice, or worked up into conflagration by the rude blasts of passion, think it their duty to weigii consequences, and to deliberate fully upon the probable means cf obiain- inr public ends. Boili lliose kinds of men shoiili; bear with each other; for both are friends to «l)eir country. 252 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. One tiling fur her lei. me add, that, without order and j'ist subordination, there can be no vivo7i in public bodies. However much you may be equals on other occasions, yet all this must cease in an united and associated capacity; and every i'idividu>«l is bound to keep the place and duty assigned hirr., by lies far more powerful over a man of vir'.ue yncl honor, than all the othpr ties which human polic\ can contrive. It had been better never *o hi)n to betray it by want ai union; or to leave ivorthy meti, who have embarked their all for the common good, to suffer, or stand unassisted. "Lastly, by every metho 1 in your power, and i^ every possible case, support the laws • f your coun try. In a contest for liberty, think \vh«l a crime it would bf, to suff :r owe freeman to he i'rsnl'.erl, or wantonly i'-jured in his liberty, so far as by your means it may be prevented. Thus animated and thus acting — We may then sisp with the prophet — "Fear no*, O land! be glad and rejoice, f r the " Lord will do great things. Be not afraid, ye *' beasts of the field, f r the pastures of the wildei- *• ness do spring — The tree bearevh Iier fruit — the " fig-tree and the vine yield their frui ." Thus animated and thus acting — we may like- wise PHAT with the prophet — "O Lord be gracious unto us — we have waited *• for thee. Be thou our arm every morning, our "salvation also in time of trouble. Some trust in " chariots and some in horses, but we will remem- *' her the name of the Lord otir God — O thou hope "of Israel, the Saviour thereof in time of need — " thou art in the midst of us and we are called by "thy name — leave us not. Give us ove heart and " one way, that we may fear thee forever, for the "good of ourselves and our children after us — We *' looked for peace but no good came; and fur a " time of health, but behold we are in trouble — YpI " will we trust in the Lord forever; for in the Lord ••Jehovah is everlasting strength — He will yet bind " up the broken hearted, and comfort those that " mourn" — even so, oh! our God, do thou comf )rt and relieve them, that sr> the bones which thou directed to such, as thou in thy sovereign gOf>d» ness shall be pleased to render effectual for the s^ Paying, That the blessings of peace and tranquility may be restored to every part of the British empire; that the rights and privileges of America may be established on a firm and lasting basis, and a speedy and honorable reconciliation take place between the parent state and her colonies, is the sincere wish of your memorialist. JAMES CHRISTIE, jun. Baltimore, July 27, 1775. And upon reading the letter of the said James Christie therein refe-red to, dated the 22d of Fe- bruary, UTS', to Gabriel Christie, lieut. colonel of the 60th regiment, in which the said Christie re- : presented the inhabitants of that town as con- cerned in measures, in his opinion, treasonable and this convention, and thereupon it is resolved, That the Said James Christie, by the said letter, hath manifested a spirit and principle altogether inimical to the rights and liberties of America: That the said Jimes Christie, by insinuating the necessity of introducing a military force into this province, lias Bianiffsted an inveterate enmity to the liberties of this province in particular, and of British Ame- rica in general. Therefore, resolved. That the said James Christie is and ought to be considered as an enemy to Ame- lica, and that no person trade, deal, or barter with him hereafter, unless for necessaries and pro- visions, or for the sale or purchase of any part of his real or personal estate, of which he may be at this time seized or possessed. Resolvedi That the said James Christie be ex- pelled and banished this province forever, and that he depart this province before the first day of September next. Resolved, Thai the said James Christie deposite m the hands of this convention, or into the haHds of such person or persons as they shall appoint, the sum of five hundred pounds sterling, to be xpetded occasionally towards his proportion of II charges and expenses incurred or to be incurred for the defence of America, during the present contest with Great Britain; the overplus, if any, after a reconciliation shall happily be effected, t» be restored to the said James Christie. Resolved, That no punibhment be inflicted on the said James Cliristie, other than what is now direct^ ed by this convention. Rssohed, That the fire hundred pounds sterling is to be paid in surling, or other money at par. Resolved, That the resolutions of the committee of Baltimore county are, by the determinations of this convention superseded, and that therefore the said James Christie may iiegociate his bills of ex- change; and tliat he may assign, or he, or any per-^ son for him, may collect the debts due to him, ia the same manner as other persons may negociate their bills of exchange, assignorcollect their debts- SignedJIb) order of the convention, G. DUVA.LL, clerk. The speech o/ Edmund Burke, esq. on moving hit resolutions for conciliation xvilh the colonies, March 22, 1775. rebellious, and that a number of soldiers wotild I hope, sir, that, notwithstanding the austerity keep them very quiet, the same was considered by lof the chair, your good nature will incline you to 224 PJIINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. some degree of indulgence towards human frailty You will not think it unnatural, that those who have an object depending, which strongly engages their hopes and fears, should be somewhat inclined to stiperstitifin. As I came into the house full of anxiety about the event of my motion, I found, to my infinite surprise, that the grand penal bill, by which we had passed sentence on the trade and sustenance of America, is to be returned to us from ihe other house.* I do confess I could not help looking on this event as a fortunate omen. I look upon it as sort of Providential favor, by which we are put once more in possession of our deliberative capacity, upon a business so very questionable in its nature, so very uncertain in its issue. By the return of this bill, which seemed to have taken its flight forever, we are at this very instant nearly as free to choose a plan for our American government, as we were on the first day of the sess'on. If, sir, we incline to the side of conciliation, we are not at all embarrassed (unless we please to make our- selves so) by any incongruous mixture of coercion and restraint. We are therefore called upon, as it were by a superior warning voice, again to attend to America; to attend to the whole of it together; and to review the subject with an unusual degree «)f care and calmness. Surely it is an awful subject; or there is none so on this side of the grave. When I first had the honor of a seat in this house, the affairs of that continent pressed themselves upon us, as the most important and most delicate object of parliajmenlary attention. My little share in this great delibera- tion oppressed me. I found myself a partaker in a very high trust; and having no sort of reason to rely on the strength of my natural abilities for the proper execution of that trust, I was obliged to take more than common pains, to instruct myself in every thing which relates to our colonies. I was not less under the necessity of forming some fixed ideas, concerning the general policy of the British empire. Something of this sort seemed to be indispensable, in order, amidst so vast a fluctua- tion of passions and opinions, to concenter my thoughts; to ballast my conduct; to preserve me *Tlie act to restrain the trade ana commerce of the provinces of Mass., I was very sure fat, if my proposition were futile or dangerous, if it were weakly conceived, or improperly timed, diere was nothing exterior to It, of po < er to awe, dazzle, or delude y.ui. Yiu will see it just as it is, and you will treat it just as it deserves. The proposition is peace. Kot peace through the medium of war. Not peace to be hunted through the labyrinth of intricate and endless negocia- tions. Not pe-v'ce to arise out of universal discord, fomented from principle in all pans of the em- pire. Not peace to depend on the juridical deter- minatiin of perplexing questions; or the precise marking the shadowy boundaries of a complex go- vernment. I is simple peace, sought in its natural course, and its ordinary haunts. It is pe ice souglit in thespirit of peace, and laid in principles purely pacific. I propose, by removing the ground of the difference, and by restoring the former unsuspect- ing confidence of the colonies in the mother coun- "T» to give permanent satisfaction to your people; and (far from # icheme of ruling by discord) to reconcile them to each other in the sa nf" net, and by the bond of the very same interest, wiiich recon- ciles th'^m to British government. My idea is nothing more. Refined policy ever has-been the parent of confusion, and ever will be so as long as the world endures. Plain good inten- tion, which is as easily discovered at the first viev, as fraud is surely detected at last, is, let me say, of hastening towards an incurable alienation of our j no ^ean force in the government of mankind. Ge- colonies, I confess my caution gave way, I felt this | „„;„£ simplicity of heart is an healing and cement- as one of those few moments in which decorum l jng principle. My plan, therefore, being formed yields to an higher duty. Public calamity is a upon the most simple grounds imaginable, may mighty leveller, and there are occasions when any, even the slightest, chance of doing good must be nothing to recommend it to the pruriency of laid hold on, even by the most inconsiderable per- son. To restore order and repose to an empire so disappoint some people when they hear it. It has ears. There is notliing at all new and captivating in it. 11 has nothing of the splendor of the pro- ject, wliich has been lately laid upon your table great and so distracted as ours, is merely,' in the by the noble lord in the blue riba.,d.* It does attempt, an undertaking that would ennoble the *<'That, when the governor, council or assenibly, flights of the highest genius, and obtain pardon or general court, of any of I, is Oiajc-sty's ptovinces for the efforts of the meanest understanding.- j ^' 5=^''""'" ''V^"'?'?k' ''''''' P.'^P'^*' '^° ^"'^'^^ P™' ° vision, according to the coiuli.iori, circtimsiances Struggling a good while with these thoughts, by Lnd situation of such province or colony, f,r con- degrees I felt myself more firm. I derived, at { ^''''^U'i",', -i'^ir propi.ninn to the co.hriou defence lenn-th e^nsa ^^G^ „ r 1 * • .1 -I (snch proportioH to be raised iiniler t!ie auUioritV length, some conhdence from what in other cir-P-/.., ' , , , ut c i. oi the general court, or general assembly, of .-uch •umstances usuilly produces limidity. I grew kss province or colony, and .li^pos.ible by nni-li.,m- nt) anxious even from the idea of my own insignificance; U"** ■'*''=^" ^"H^S''" to make provision ais., ('•);• iie fi^^ ;,.-i „.:„., «r..,i » u 1 ■ ' support of liie civil governmeii, and thcadir.inistra- tor udgmg or what you are, by what you oug- it to .■ r- ,• • ,. - . Vi , J"^ '^ b "■ •-y I tion of j:isUoe, v\ sucu pr.n'iTtce or coionj, ii ,m11 be, I persuaded myself Hut vou would not reject !bfc proper, if siich proposal shill be approved by 226 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTlOx^. pot propose to fill your lobby with squabbling colony agents, wlio will req lire t!'e interposition of your mace, at every instant, to keep the peace amon^^st thern. It does not institute a ma^jnificeiil auction of finance, where captivated provinces come to general ransom by bidding against each ot'.er, until you ktock down the hammer, and determine a pro .ortion of payments, beyond all the powers of algebra to equalize and settle. The plan, wliich I shviU presume to suggest, derives, however, one great advantage from the proposition and registry of that noble lord's pro ject. The idea of ronciliition is admissible. Frst, the house, in accepting the resolution moved b^ the noble loid, hss admitted, notwithstanding the meuHcing front of our adilress, notwithstandinj^ our liPavy bill of pains and penalties, that we do not V ink ourselves precluded from all ideas of fiee grace and bounty. The house has gone farther, it has declared con- ciliation a]miss;ble, previous to any sabmi^^sion on the pnrt of Vnjerica. It has even shot a good Jea! b yo'd that ma' k, and has admitted that the com- plaints of our former mode of exerting the right of taxation were not wholly unfoun '.ed. That right thus exerted is allowed to have had something re- prehensible in it; so-nething unwise, or something grievous; since, in the midst of our heat and resent- ment, we of ourselves h .ve proposed a capital alteration and, in order to get rid of what seeined so very exceptionable, hnve instituted a m >de that is altogether new; one that is, indeed, wholly alien from all the ancient methods and forms of parlia ment. The principle of this proceeding is large enough for my purpose The means prop.ised jy the noSle lerd for carrying his ideas into execution, I think, indeed, are veiy i diftV.remly suited to the end; and this I shall eade.'xvop to shew you before I sit down. U'lt, for the present, I take my ground on the aJ fiited oriicipie. I m*. 'Uoiliatio i; and, wiiere tnere !lo'S io a m.'imer hi-, in-'jcstv, arid t! e two li uses of parii^meiit, ai.d foi so long assurh provi>.ion 3 uli be rawde accord in^.y, Ij f(* age, he has addod a consumma'" knowledge in the commercial inier^^st of his coui> try, formed by a lo.ng course of en ightened and discriminati'-g experience. Sir, I should be inexcusable in coming :A\ev sue'. a person with any detail, if agreat p^rt of the mem bers, who now fill the house, had not themisfoi-iun to be absent vvlien he appeared at your bar. Ilisides sir, I propose to take the matter at periods of ti^iv *Alr, Glover. somewhat differeni from Iiis. There is, if I -i- ■''& not, a point of vie\v fri>!ti whence, if you will look at this su Ject, it is i np iss-ble that it should not make an impression upon you. I h.'ive in my liand two accounts, ori<" a coTi. Dfative Riate of t!ie export trade of Enf^r'an 1 to its c donies, as it stood in the year IfOt, and as it stood i;i the year IT72. The o'her a s'ate of the export tr'de of this country to its colonies alone, vs it stood in 1772, compared with the whole trade of Kiigland to all parts of the world (the colonies in'luded) in the year 1704. They are from good vouchers; the latter perio I from the accounts on vour t ble, the earlier from an original manuscript of Daveiiant, who first establislied the inspector- general's office, wliich has bef.n ever since his lime so abundant a source of parliamentary informa- tion. The export trade to the colonies consists of three great branches The Af-iran, which terminat- ing almost wholly in the colonies, must be put to the account of their co-nmerce, the West-Indiui and the North Aneric^n. All these are so inter- woven, that the attempt to separate them would teir to pieces the contexture of the whole; and, if not entirely destroy, 'v«uH v^ry much depreciate the value of all the pirts. I therefore consi.Ier these three deno ninatio.is to be, what in effect they are, one trade. The trade to the colonies, taken on the "xnort side, at the beginning of this century, that is, in the year 1704, stood thus: Exports to North America and the West- fnlie--, .£483 3^5 To Africa, 86 665 S6J,930 In the year 1772, whic'i I t.ike as a middle yar between ih'? hig'iest aid '.he lowest of thns-^ l.ite'y laid on your tab!*", the accounts were as foliows: To North America, and the West- Indies, £i;79l.73^ To Af ica, 866,3^8 To wliic 1 if you ad 1 th.e exnort trade to and from Scotland, which had in 1704 no esis;ence, 364, 000 6,i'22,132 From five hundred and odd thousands, it has .nnvn to six millions; it lias mcreased no less than twelvefold. Tiiis is the state of the colony trade. 228 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. as compared witli itself at these two periods, witli- in this centurv; and this is matter f ;r meditation But this is not all. EKasnine my second account. See how the export trade to the colonics alone, ii. 1772, stood ill the oilier point of view, that is, as comp:ired to the whole trade of England, in 1704 The whole exfjort trade of Eng;land, in- cUiding that to the colonies, in 1704, 6.509,000 Export to the colonies alone, in 1772 6,024,000 Difference 485,000 nosi fortunate men of his age, had opened to him in vision, that when, in the fourth generation, the third prince of the house of Brunswick had sat twelve-years on the throne of that nation, which (by the happy issue of moderate and healing coun- cils) was to be made Great Britain, he should see is son, lord Chancellor of England, turn back the current of hereditary dignity to its fountain, and rtise him to an higher rank of peerage, whilst he enriched the family with a new one; if, amidst these bright and happy scenes of domestic honor and prosperity, that angel should have drawn up t!ie curtain, and unfolded the rising glories of liis country, and wliilst he was guzing with admiration on ti.e then commercial grandeur of E igland, the genius should point out to him a little speck, scares visible in the mass of the national interest, a small seminal principle, rather than a formed body, and sliould tell him — "young man, there is America, which at this day serves for little more than tv> amuse you with stories of savage men, and uncouth manners; yet shall, before you taste of death, shew itself equal to the whole of that commerce which now attracts the envy of the world. Whatever England has heen growing to by a progressive in- crease of improvements, brought in by variety of people, by succession of civilizing conquests and civilizing setlemeats in a series of seventeen hundred years, you shall see as much added to her by America, in the course of a single life!" If this state of his country had been foretold to him, wo'.dd it not require all the sanguine credulity of youth, and all the fervid glow of enthusiasm, to make him believe it.' — Fortunate man, he has lived to see il! Fortunate indeed, if he lives to see nothing that shall vary the prospect, and cloud the setting of his day! E.tcuse me, sir, if turning from such thoughts I resume this comparative view once iBore. You have seen it on a large scale; look at it on a small one. I will point out to your attention a particuUr instance of it in the single province of Pennsylvania. In the year 1704 that province called for c£l 1,459 in value of your commodities, native and foreign. This was the whole. What did it demand in 1772.? Why, nearly fiftj times as much, for in thut year the export to Pennsylvania was ^£507,909 nearly equal to the export to all the colonies together in Uie first period. I choose, sir, to enter into these minute and par- ticular details; because generalities, which in all The trade with America alone is now within less than ^500,000 of being equal to what this great cot.imerciai nuion, England, carried on at the bej^inniiig of this ce ;tM"y with t'"e whole wo'ddl If I h .d taken Ih.e largest year of those on your tabic, it would r.ither have esceeded. But it will be said, is not this American trade an unnatural protuberance, that has drawn the juices from the rest of the body? The reverse. It is the very food tl»at has nourished every other part into its present magnitude. Our general trade has been greatly augmer.tel; and augmented more or less in almost every part to which it ever extended; but v/ith this material difference, that of the six millions wiiich, in the beginning of the century, consti uted the whole mass of our export com- merce, t!»e colony trade was but one twelfth part; it is now (as a part of seventeen millions) considera- bly more tiian a tiiird of the whole. This is the relative proportion of the importance of the colo- nies at these two periods; and all reason concern- ing our mode of treating them mucthave this pro- portion as its b^sis, or it is a reasoning weak, rotten, and S'lphistical. Mr. Speak-'r, I cannot prevail upon myself to hurry over this great consideration. It is good for us to be I'.ere. We stand where we have an immense view of v.hat is, and what is past. Clouds Indeed, and darkness rest upon tiie future. Let us, how- ever, before we desceiul from this noble eminence, reflect th>it this growth of our national prosperity has happened within the short period of the life or m:in. It has happened within sixty-eight years. There are those alive, whose memory miglittouclj the two extremities! For instance, my lord Bathurst might remember all the stages of the progress. He was, in 1704, of »!• age at least to be made to com- prehend such things; he was then old enough, acvn parenturn jam iegere, et (jux sit proterit cognosorc virtus. Suppose, sir, liiattheangelof thisauspicions youth, foreseeing the many virtues, which made I iiher cases are apt to highten and raise the subject, him one of the moJt amiable, as he is one of iht'have here a tendency to sink it. When we speak PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. of the commerce with our colonies, fiction lag** sfter truth; invention is unfruitful; and imagination cold and ban-en. So far, sir, as to the importance of the object in the view of its cominerce, as concerned in the ex- ports from Enj^Und, If I were to detail the im ports, I could shew how many enjoyrrier.ts ;hey procure wliicli deceive the burtden of life; how m-iny materials which invigorate tl)e spriigs of national industry, andestendand aniniateevr-ry part of our foi-fignaiid Ocmestic commerce. This uould be a curious subject indeed; but 1 must prescribe bounds to myself in a matter so vast and v-rioiss. I pass, therefore, to the colonies in ano her point of view — their agriculture. This they have pro- secuted with such a spirit, that, besides feeding- plentifully their own growing muliitude, the:r annual export of grain, con^prehending rice, hits Some years ago exceededa mdlion in value; of tr eii last harvest, I am persuaded they will export mucii more. Ai the be^innmg of the century some of these colonies imported corn from ihe mother country. For some time past the old world has been fed from the new. The scarcity which you have felt would have been a desolating famine, if this cliild of your old age, with a true filial piety, with a Uoman charity, had not put the full breast of its youthful exuberance to the moutii of its exhausted parent. As to the wealth which the colonies have drawn from the sea by their fisheries, you had all that matter fully opened at your bar; you surely thought those acquisitions, for they seemed even to excite your envy; and yel the spirii, by which that enter- prizing employment has been exercised, ought rather, in my opinion, to have raised your esteem and admiration. And pray, sir, what in the world is equal to it? Pass by the other parts, and look at the manner in which the people of New Kngland have of late carried on the whale fishery. Whilst we follow them among the tumbling mountains of ice, and behold them penetrating into the deepest frozen recesses of Hudson's Bay and Davis's Straits, whilst we are looking for them beneath the arctic circle, we hear that they have pierced into the opposite region of polar cold; that they are at the antipodes, and engaged under the frozen serpent of the south. Falkland island, which seemed too remote and romantic an object for the gi-asp et national ambition, is but a stage and resting place in the progress pf their victorious industry. Nor is the equinoctial heat more discouraging to them '■lan theacGumolated winter of both the poles. We know that wliilst some of them driw the line and s'rike the harpooM on the c iast of Afri.-a, others run the longitude, aid pursue the gigantic game along the coast of Brazil. No sea but what is vexed hy their fisher;es: no climate that is not witness to their :oils. Nei'her tlie perseverance of Holland, nor the activily of Fra!;ce, nor the uextrous and firm sagacity of English enterpiizc, ever carried this most perilous mode of hardy in- dustry to the extent to which it has been pushed by this rocoTii people; a people who are still, as it were, but in tlie gristle, and not yet h^irdened into the hone of manhood. When I contemplate these things; whenlknowthatthecoloni -sin general owe little or noihin- to any care of onrs, and tliat they are not squeezed into this happy form by ihc constrains <.f watchful and suspicious j;overnment, but tha., through a wise and saiutiry negUct, a generous n: ttire h^ts been snfiered to take her own way to perfection; when 1 reflect upon these efforts, when 1 see how profitable they have been to us, I feel all the pride of power sink, and all pivsumption in the wisdom of human contrivances nn If, and die away witliin me. My rigour relents. 1 pardon something to the spirit of liberty. - I am sensible, sir, that all which I have asserted in my detail, is admitted in the gro.ss; but that quite a different conclusion is drawn from it. America, gentlemen, I s>^y is a noble object. It is an object well wortii fighting Ur^. Certainly it is, if fi-htlng a people be the best way of gaining theni; gentle- men, in this respect, will be led to their choice of means by their complexions and their habiis. Those who understand the miliiary art, wiUof conric have some predilection for it. Tliose who wield the thunder of the state, may have more confidence i,i the eflicacy of arms. But 1 confess, possibly for want of this knowledge, my opinion is much more in favor of prudent management than offeree; con- sidering force not as an odious, but a feeble instru- ment, for preserving a people, so numerous, so ac- tive, so growing, so spirited as this, m a profitable and subordinate connexion with us. First, sir, permit me to observe that the use nf force alone is but temporary; it may subdue for a moment, but it does not remove the necessity of subduing' again; and a nation is not governed, which is perpetually to be conquered. My next object is its uncertainty; terror is not, always the effect of force; and an arinamcia is not a victory. If you do not succeed, you are witiioat 230 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. resource; for, coiiriliu'ion fiilin^, force remain'^: but, force failing, no further ho^e of reconciliation is lefl. Power and authority are sometimes boupb • by kindness; but they c^n never he brg^ed as alms by an impoverished ai^d defeated violence. A farther objecsion to force is, t'lat you impair the object by your very endeavors to preserve it. The thing you fought for, is not the thing whicli you re- cover; but depreciated, sunk, wasted, and consum- ed in the contest. Nohing less will coment me than whole America. I do not choose lo consume its strength along with our own, because in all parts it is the British s'rength that I consume. I do not choose to be caught by a foreign enemy at the end of this ex'iaustnig conflict; and still less in the midst of it. 1 m .y escape, but I can m»ke no insurance against such an event. Let me add, that I do not choose wholly to break the Ameri- can spirit, because it is the spirit that has made the country. Lastly, we have no sort of experience in favor of force as an instrument in the.rule of our colon, s Their growth and their utility has been owing u> aneihods altogether difff rent. Our ancien. indul gence has been said lo be pursued to a fault. 1 may be so. But we know, if feeling is evidence, that ou fault was more tolerable than our attempi to mend it, and our sin far more salutary than our peni eiice. These, sir, are my reasons for not entertaining that high opinion of untried force, by which man\ gentlemen, for whose sentiments inoth: r particulars I have great respcci, seem to be so greatly cap ivat- ed. But there is still behind a bird consideration concerning this object, which serves to determine my opinicn on the son of policy which ought to be pursued in the man.gementof America, even more than its population and its commerce, I mean its temper and character. In this character of the Americans a love of free dom is the predominati g feature, which marks and dii'tinguishes the whole; and as an ardent is always a jealous ff'^cuon, \ our colonies become suspiciou*-, restive, and untractablc, whenever they see the least attempt to wrest from them by force, or shufflt from them by chicane, wiiat tliey think the only advantage worth livnig for. TI is fierce spirit of liberty is stronger in the English colonies probabiy than in any otiier people of the eartlt, and tins fom a great variety of powerful causes; whicli, to under stand the true temper of their minds, and the directions which this spirit tak' s, it will not be amiss to lay open somewhat more largely, First, the people of the colonies are descendents of Englishmen. England, sir, is a nation which s ill I hope respects, and formerly adored her freedom. The colonists emigrated from you, when this part of your character was most predominant; and they took this bias and direction the moment th^y parted from your hands. They are therefore not only devoted to liberty, bu* to liberty accord- ing to English ideas, and on English principles. Abstract liberty, like other mere absiractions, is not be found Liberty inheres in some sensible ob- ject; and every nation has formed to itself some f>uch were all the ancient commonwealths; such were our Gottiic ancestors; such in our days were the Poles; and such will be all masters of slaves, who are not slaves themselves. In such a people the haughtiness of domination combines with the !>pirit of freedom, fortiiies it, and renders it invinci- ble. To impoverish the colonies in general, and ifC[PLKS AND ACTS OF THE RRVOLUTIOV. 983 Will it not teacli them that the g-overnment, af^n^'-st vvhi-h a claim of liberty is tantamount to hi^li treason, is a gnvernnfent to which submisMO- is equivalent to slav-i y? It msy not always bf qiiite convenient to impress dependent communities with such an idea. jurspnidence. It sliould seem, to m\ wxy of con cciving such matters, that there is a very wide difference in reason andpolicy, between t!.e mode of proceeding on the irregular conduct of scattered individuals, or pven of bands of men, who disturb order within the state, and the civl dissentions which may, from time to time, on ^rest qtiesiions.j We are, indeed, in all disputes with the colo^ agitate the several communivif-s which comprise a i,.,;es, by the necessi.y of ;! ings, the judge. It is great empire. It looks to tne to be narrow and ir.ie, sir. But I confess ^at tlip character of jtjHge pedantic, to apply the ordinary ideas of criminal j|n niy own c use, is a thing- ihnt frigltens me.— justice to this great ptiblic contes' 1 .1 not k"ow linste:id of filling me u-itli pride, I am exceedingly the method of drawing up an indinlment aeainsr hurnbled by it. 1 cannot proceed With a stf.rn, a whole people. I cannot insult and ridifule the feelings of millions of my fellow crtaiuies, as sir Edward C>ke insulted one excellent individual assured, judicial cliaracter. I must have tliese hesitations as !nng as I am compelle 1 to recnllncr, that, in my little reijding upon such contests as (sir Walter Rnwleigh) at the bar. I am not ripe these, the se; se of ma- kind has, at least, as often to pass sentence on the gravest public ho 'ies, Ljecided agiinst the suoerior as the subordinate entrusted with magistracies of great authoriy and power. Sir, let me add too, that the opinion of dignity, and charged with tlie safety of their fLl-| my having some abstnct rigiit in my favor, would low-citizens, tipon the very same title that I am. Ijnoi put me n)u>''.h a' my ease in pf^ssing sentence, really thi;k ihdt, for wise men, this is not j'idicious; unless I coidd he sure that there were no rights for sober men, noi decent; fir minds tinctured with humanity, not mild and merciful. Perhaps, sir, I am mistaken in my idea of an em- pire, as distinguished from a single state or king dom. But my idea of it is this, tiiat an empire is which, in their exercises under certain circum- stances, were not the most odious of all wrongs, "ud the most vexa'ious of all injustice. Sir, these considerations have great weiglit with me, when I find thing- so circumstanced, tliat I see tlie saine parly, at once a civil litigant ; gai'ist me in a point the aggregate of many states under one comm n | ^f j.jght, and a culprit before me, while I sit as a head; whether this head be a monarch or a presid ing republic. It does, in such constitutions, f e- quently happen (and notliing but the dis-nal, cold, dead uniformity of servitude can prevent its hap peningi tliat the suhordmate parts have nany local privileges and immunities. Between these pri- vileges, and the supreme common authority, the line may be extremely nice. Of course disputes, often too, very bitter dispu es, uid much ill-blood, will arise. But though every privilege is aii exemption (in the case) from the ordinary exer- cise of the supreme authority, it is no denial of it. The claim of privilege seems rather, ex vi termini, to imply a superior power. For to talk of the pri vileges of a state, or of a person, who has no su- perior, is hardly any better than speaking nonsense. -rimin.il judge, on acts of his whose moral quality is to be decided upon the merits of that very litigation. Men are every now and then put, l)y the complexity of human affairs, into strange situa- tions; but justice is the same, let the judge be in what situation he will. There is, sir, also^a circumstance which con- vinces roe that this mode of criminal proceeding is not (at least in the present stage of our contest) ; Itogether expedient; which is nothing less than the conduct of those very persois who have seemed ,o »dopr that mode, by lately declariig a rebellion in Massachusetts' Bay, as l!\ey had formerly ad- dressed to have traitors brought hither under an act of Henry the eighth for trial. For thou.,h rebellion is declared, it is not proceeded against Kow, in such unfortunate quarrels, among the ^^ g^^^j,. ^^^ ^avf any steps been taken towards component parts of a great political union of com- munities, I can scarcely conceive any thing more completely imprudent, than for the head of the em- pire to insist, that if any privilege is pleadeii against his will, or his acts, that his whole au thority is denied, instantly to proclaim ..-ebellion; to beat to arms, and to put the offending provinces under the ban. Will not tins, sir, very soon teacl the provinces to make no dtstinctiens c:i tlidr pan? 'our present case. the appreh^insion or convicvion of any individual oflender, eilher on our late or our former addres.s; but modes of public coercion have been adopted, jnd such as huve much more resemblance to a sort of qualified hostility towards an independent power than the pu.ishment of rebellious subjects All this seems rather inconsistrfnt, but. it shews low difficult it is to apply these juridical ideas to i34 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. In this situation, let us seriously and coolly ponder. What is it we liave got by all our menaces, which Iiave been many and ferocious? What ad- vantafje have we derived horn the penal laws we have passed, and which, for the time, liave been severe and numerous? What advances have we made towards our object by the sending of a force on the contrary, a right of taxation is necess,arily involved in the genpral principle of legislation, and inseparable from the ordinary supreme power? — These are deep questions, where great nan.es miliiate against each other; where reason is per- plexed, and an appeal to au'horities only thickens the confusion. For high and reverend authorities vhicit, by land an J sea, is no contemptible strength? I lift up their heads on both sides, and there is no Has the disorder abated? Nothing less.— When 1 sure footing in tbe middle. This point is the see things in this situation, after such confident great Serbonian bog, betwixt Damiata and Mount hopes, bold promises, and active exertions, 1 c n- Cussius old, where armies whole have sunk. I do no', for rriy lif , avoid a suspicion that the plan itself) not intend to be overwhcln.ed in that bog, though is not correctly right. If tlien the removal of the causes of this spirit of American liberty be, for llie greater part, or ratJer entirely, impracticable; if the ideas of crimi- nal process be inapplicable, or, if applicable, are in tlie highest degree inexpedient, what way yet remains? No way is open but the third and last; to comply with tlie American spirit as necessary, or if you please, to submit to it as a necessary evil. If we adopt this mode, if we mean to conciliate and concede, let us see of what nature the con- cession ought to be? To ascertain the nature of our concession, we nuisi look at their complaint. The colonies comphiin that tiiey have not the characteristic mark and seal of British freedom. Tl.py complain, that they .re taxed in a parliament, in which they are not represented. If you mean to s&tisfy thein at all, you must satisfy them with regard to this compUint. If you mean to please any peopkj you must give them the boon which they ask; not what you may think better for tbem, but of a kind totally diilerent. Such an act may be a wise reguUtion, but it is no concession; where- as our present theme is the mode of giving satisfac- tion. Sir, I think you must perceive, that I am resolved this day to have nothing at all to do with the ques- tion of the right of taxation. Some gentlemen startle — but it is true. I put it totally out of the question. It is less than nothing in my considera- tion, I do not indeed wonder, nor will you, sir, that genlUmen of profound learning are fond of displaying it on this profound subject. But my con. Bideralioo is narrow, confined, wr.d wlioily limited to the policy of the question. I do not examine, ■whether the giving away a man's money be a power excepted and reserved out of the general trust of government, and how far all mankind, in all forms of polity, are entitled to an exercise of tjiat ritjht by the charter of nature. Or whether. in such respectable company. The question with me is, not whether you have a right to render your neople miserable, but whether it is not your in- terest to make them happy? It is not what a law- yer 'ells me I may do, but what humad'y. reason, and jtistice tells me 1 ought to do. I* a politic act the worse for being a generous one? Is no concession proper, but that which is made from your want of right to keep what you gran ? Or does it lessen the grace or dignity of relaxing in the exercise of an odious claim, because you have your evidence room full of titles, and all those arms? Of what avail are thi'y, when the reason of the thing tells me, that the assertion of title is the loss of my s"i'; and that I could do nothing but wound myself by the use of my own weapons? Such is stedfastly my opinion of the absolute necessity of keeping up the concord of tl;is empire by a unity of spirit, though in a diversity of opera- tions; that, if 1 were sure the colonists had, at their leaving this country, sealed a regular compact of servitude; that they had solemnly abjured all the rights of citizens; that they had made a vow to renounce all ideas of liberty, for them and their posverity, to all generations; yet I sliould hold my- self obliged to conform to the temper I found universally prev-nlenl in my own day, and to govern two millions of men, impatient of servitude, on the principles of freedom. I am not determining a point of law; 1 am restoring tranquility, and the general character and situation of a people must determine what sort of government is fitted for them. That point nothing else can or ought to determine. My idea, tberefore, without considering whether we yield as matter of right, or grant as matter of favor, is to admit the people of our colonies into an interest in the constitution; and, by recording that admission in the journals of parliament, to giva them as strong an assurance as the nature of tbe ihiwg will admit, that we mean forever to adhere to that solemn declaration of systeraaiic indulgence. PUI\CTPLKS AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 2-35 S'TTie years ago the repeal of arevrniie ant, up- on its urderstood principle, might have served to ahev that we intended an unconditionnl abatement iof the exercise of a taxitig power. Such a mea- sure was tV.en sufficient to remove all suspicion, and to give perfect content. But unfortunate events, since that time, may make something far- ther necessary, and not more necessary for the satisfaction of the colonies than for the dignity and consistency of our own future proceedings. I have taken a very incorrect measure of the di?- posit^en of the house, if this proposal in ilself would be received with dislike. I tliink, sir, we have few American financiers. But our misfortune is, w*ft are too acute, we are too exquisite in our conjectures of the future, for men oppressed with such great and present evils. The more moderate among the opposers of parliamentary concession 'le advocates of colony taxes to a clear t^dojissioa of the futility of the scheme, then, sir, the sleeping •fade laws revive fro fi their trance; and this, unless taxation is to be kept sacred, not for its own sake, but as a counterguard and security of the laws of trade. Then, sir, you keep up revenue laws which are mivchievous, in order to preserve trade laws that are useless; such is the wisdom of our plan in i)oth its members. They are separately given up as of no value, and yet one is always to be defended for the sake of the other. But I cannot agree with the noble lord, nor with the pamphlet from whence beseems to have borrowed these ideas, concerning the inutility of the trade laws. For without idoliz- ing them, 1 am sure they are still, in many ways, of great use to us; and in former times they have been of the greatest. Tlsey do confir.e, and they freely confess, that they hope nogoodfrom taxa'ion.U^o greiilly narrow, the market for the Americins. but they apprehend the colonists have further views,! ^'^^ "^V perfect conviction of this does not help me and if this point were conceded, they wonll instant- '" ^^ '^''^t to discern how the reveime laws form !y attack the trade laws. These gentlemen are convinced, that this was the intention from the any security whatsoever t* the commercial r?gula- lions; or that these commercial regulations i.re the beginning, and the quarrel of the Americans with '''"^ gionvA of ihe quarrel, or that the giving away, taxation was no more than a cloke and a covet* toj'" ""y '^'-^ instance of authority, is to lose all that this design. Such has been the language even of '"''> r'-tnai" unconceded. a gentleman* of real moderation, and of a natural temper well adjusted to fair and equal govern metu. I am, however, sir, not a little surprised at One fact is clear and Indisputable. The public ard avowed origin of tois quarrel Wiis on taxation. ,. . , . J f ,. , ,, . J JTliis quarrel has indeed brought on new djspuies, this kmd of discourse, whenever I hear v; and II ^ f » . , . r .1 . i°" "^^ questions; but certainly the least biuer, am more surprised, on account of the argumentsl , , / ^ . . , , ♦,!«,• •♦, * .land the fewest of all, on the trade laws. To judge which t constantly t?nd in company with it, and! ,.,„... Jo which are often urged from the same mouths, and on the same day. For instance, when we allege that it is against reason to tax a people under so many resraints to trade as the Americans, the noble lordf in the blue riband shall tell you, that the restraints on trade are furtle and useless; of no advantage to us, atid of no burthen to those on whom they are imposed; that the trade to America is not secured by the acts of navigation, but by the natural and irresistible advantage of a commericial preference. Such is the merit of the trade laws in this posturf of the debate. Bui When strong internal circum- stances are urged against the taxes; when the scheme is dissected; when experience and the na tnre of things are brought to prove, and do prove, the utter impossibility of obtaining an eflective revenue from the colonies; when these things are wiiich of the two be the real j-adical cause of quarrel, we have to see whether the commercial dispute did, in order of time, precede the dispute on taxation? There is not a shadow of evidence (or it. Next, to tnaule us to judj^e whether at this moisient a dislike lo the trade laws be the real cause of quarrel, ii is absolutely neces.sary to put the taxes out of the question by a repeal. See how the Americans act in this position, and then you will be able to discern correctly what is the true object of the controversy, or whether any contro- versy at all will remain.' Unless you consent to remove this cause of dili'ercnce, it is impossible, witli decency, to assert that ihe dispute is not up- on what it is avoived to be. And 1 would, sir, re- commend to your strious consideration whether it be prudent to form a rule for punishing people, not on their own acts, but on your conjectures. S.rrely it is preposterous at the very best. It is not Jms ify- pressed, or rather press themselves, so as to dnvt '"^ >""'" '*"&^'' ^y ^''^''* misconduct, but ii is con- r i verting your ill-will into Uieir dei.iiqueiicy. • But the colonies will go farther.— Alas! alas! *iVlr. II, ie. ^I.ord Ntmh. £36 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. W! pn will iliis speculating a^uinsv fr.n ami reaso' encl? Wliii* will quiet ihese janic fears, wlir.h we entertain cf 'he llot^tile effect of a con iliitory con- duel? Is it irue that rvo case cat. exist, in whicii it is proper for the sovereign to arcf de to tlie dr-sires of his discontet'terl subjects? I-i iliere an\ ti)ii:g peculiar in tills Cise, to make a rule foi itseif ? Is all auih'-irity of course lost, wl^en it is nol pushed to the ex'remi ? Is it a cert.nin nasim. that the fewer caises of dissatisfaction that are lefi by government, the more the subject will be it din- ed to resist and rebel? AM these objec ions, being in fact no more tl.an suspicions, conjectures, divinaiions formed in defi ance of fact and experience, did not, sir, di courage mc from entertaining the idea of a conciliator) concession, founded on the principles 1 Lave jus. staed. In forming a plan for this purpose, I endeavored to pat myself in that frame of mind, which was tlie most natural, and the most reasonable; and which was certainly the most probable means of securing me from all error. I set otit with a perfect distrust of my own abilities; a total renunciation of everv specuUtion of my own, and with a profound reve- instantly conari,unicnd; and we nre equally sure that almost every successive improve- ment in constiiutioiul liberiy, as fast r.s it was made here, was transmitted thitlier. The feudal baronage, and the feudal kniglilho -d, the roots of o-;r primitive constitution, were early transplanted in;o that soil, and grew and flou;i'-.iy ad. 1 se ise to these precedents, that all the while Wales eyed this kingdom like an incubus; that ii was an un- profitable and oppressive burthen; and that an Englishman, travelling in that country, could not go six yards from the high road without being murdered. The mtrch of the human mind is slow, sir; it vas not until af:cr two hundred years discevercd, ha, by an eternal law, Pr.)Vidence had decreed vexation to violence and poverty to repine. Your .ncestors did hov.'ever at length open their eyes *o the ill husbandry of injustice. They found that the tyranny of a free people could, of all tyrannies, •he least be endured, anl that laws made against a whole nation were not the most efFecttial methods for securing its obedience. Accordingly, in the wenty-seventh year of Henry VIII. tlie course was entirely altered. With a preamble stating the entire and perfect rights of the crown of England, it gave to the Welch all the rights and privileges of English subjects. A political order was estab- lished; the milit ry power gfeve way to the civil; the murches were turned into cotinties. BHt that a ration should have a right to English liberties, and yet no share at all In the fundamental security of these liberties, the grant of their own property, seemed a thing so incongruous, that eight years after, that is, in the tliirly fifth of that reign, a coir.plete and not ill proportioned representation by counties and boroughs was bestowed upon Wales, by act of parliament. From that moment, as by a charm, the tumults subsided; obedience was restored, peace, order, and civilization followed in the train of liberty.— When the day star of the English constitution had arisen in their hearts, all was liarmony within and without. Simul alba nautis Stella refulsit, Defluit faxis agitstus humor; Concidunt venti, fugiuntque nubes; Et minax (quod sic voluere) ponto Unda recumbit. cedents for the authority ef pariiamait, and the rea-i to yo\K The very same year the county palatine of Ches« ter received the same relief from its oppressions, and the same remedy to its disorders. Be.'bre this ti.re Chester was little less distempered than Wales. The inhabitants, without rights them- selves, were the fittest to destroy the rights of others; and from ihence Richard H. drew the standi.g army of archers, with w'lich for a time he oppressed England, The people of Chester ap- plied to piirli.nnent in a petition, penned as I shall m PRIVCIPLRS AND ACTS OF THR REVOLUTION. •To the king, our sovereign lord, inmost hutr ble wise shewn unto your excellent majesty, tlic inhabitants of your grace's county palatine of Ches ter, that where the said county palatine of Chester is and hath been always hitlierto exemp*, excluded and separated out and from your high court of parliamen', to have any kiM';rht>* or burgesses with- in the said court; by re-son whereof the said inha- bita-ts have liilhertosust^ined manifold dis' erisons, Ipsses and damages, as well in their binds, goods, and bodies, as in the good, civil, and politic govern ance and m^im^enanceof thecommonwedth of their said county. (2.) \nd forasmuch as the said inha bitar.ts have always hitherto been bound by the acts and stfttutes made and ordained by your said highness, and your most noble progenitors, by au thority of the said court, as fitr forth as other coun- ties, cities, and boroughs hnve been, that have had their ki)ights and burgesses within your said court of parliament, and yet have had neither knight nor burgesses there for the said county pdatlne; the said inhabitants, for lack thereof, have been oftentimes touched, and grieved with acts and statutes made within the said court, as well derogatory unto the most ancient jurisdictions, li- berties, and privileges of your said county palatine, as prejudicial unto the commonwealth, quie'ness, rest, and peace of your grace's most bounden sub- jects inhabiting within the same." What did parliament with this audacious ad- dress.' Reject it as a libel? Treat it as an affront to government? Spurn it as a derogation from the rights of legislature? Did they toss it over the table? Did they burn it by the hands of the com- mon hangman i" They took the petition of griev- ance, all rugged as it was, without softening, or temperament, unpurged of the original bitterness and indignation of complaint; they made it the very preamble to their act of redress; and con- secrated its principle to all ages on the sanctuary of legislation. Here is my third example. It was attended with the success of my two for.ner. Chester, civilized as well as Wales, has demonstrated that freedom and not servitude, is the cure of anarchy; as religion, and not atheism, is the true remedy for superstition. Sir, this pattern of Chester was followed in the reign of Charles II. with regard lo the county pal-'.tine of Durham, which is my fourth example. This county had long lain out of the pale of fr^e legislation. So acrupuiowsly was the example ot Chester followed, that the style of the preHmble is nearly the same with that of the Chester act; and without afr"cting the abs ract estent of the au- thority of parliament, it recogniz-^s tlie eq-iity of" not s'lff ring any considerable distrirt in whinli '.he British subjects may act as a body, to be taxed without their own voice in the grant. Nov/ if the doctrines of policy contained in these preambles, and the force of tiiese examples m the acts of parliar^ent, aVKil any thing, what caA be said against ar^plyi'ig tliem with re;^Hrd to Anenca? Are not the people of Ar.frica as inncfi Kngiish- men as the Welch? The prestuible of the act of Henry VIII. says, the Welch speak n language • o way resembling that of his majesty's English sub- jects. Are the Americans not so numerous? If we may trust the learned and accurate judge Barrii^g- ton's account of North Wales, and take that as a standard to mensiire the rest, there is no com* parison. The people cannot amount to above 200,000; not a tenth part of the number in the colonies. Is America in rebelliorr? Wales was hardly free from it. Have you attempted to govern America by penal statu'cs? You mule fifteen for Wales. But your legislative authority is perfect with regard to AmeriC"; w is it less perfect in Wales, Chester, and Durham? Rut An. erica is virtually represented. What! Does the electric force of virtual representation more easily pass over the Atlantic, than pervade W.les, which lies in your neighborhood; or than Chester and Durham surrounded by abundance of representation tliat is actual and palpable? But, sir, your ancestors thought this sort of virtual representation, how- ever ample, to be totally insufficient for the free- dom of the inhabiiants of territories that are so near, and comparatively so incoi.siderahie. H w then can I thiik it sufficient for those wiiich are infinitely greater, and infinitely more remote. You will now, sir, perhaps, imagine that I am on the point of propusiitg to you a scheme for a representation of the coloiues in parliament. Per- haps I might be inclined to enter'aui some such tlioug'it; bu> a great flood stops me in my course. Opposuil naiur —I caiino' remove the eternal barriers of the creation. The thing in that niode» 1 do nov know to be possible. As 1 meddle with noli eoij, I do no absolutely assert the i.upractica- biluy of such a representution. But I do no see my way to it; aud tiiose .viio hiVc Oeen more onfiden , have not been mure successful. HjW- tvei, the Avm of pubnc benevolence is nui sliorien- eu, and there are often several meanb lo tae same PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 2o9 enr]. Wliaf nature has disjoined in one way, wis- ;tio:i Th- first is a resnlntioi— "T'^ax tue colonies doni may unite in another. Wh^-n we cannot give | and plantation.*; of fireat Britain in Nonh America, the benefit as we would wish, let us not refuse it 'consisti-.g of fourteen separate governments, and containing two millions and upwards of free iniia- biiaiits, have not had the liberty and privilege of electing and sending any knights and buige-ses, lor others, to rer)res?nt them in the hifth court of Fortunately I am not obliged, for the ways and jp^rjij^^en^ » _Xais is a plain matter of fact, means ofthissubstiiule, to ax myownunproduc j ^p^pggj^j.y ^^ bg i^id down, and (excepting the descriptio;i) it is laid down in the language of the constituti.->n; it is taken nearly verbatim from acts of parliament. altogether. If we cannot give the principal, let us find a suhsiiluie. But how? Where? What substitute? tive invention. 1 am not even obliged to go to the rich treasury of the fertile fr^mers of imaginary Common"eHl<.l»s; not to the republic of Plato, no' to t' p Utopia of Mcore, not to the oceans of Il.'.rri'gton. It is bpfor( me — II is at my feet, and the rude swairt treads daily on it with his clouted shoon 1 only wish you to recognize, for the theory, the ancifn* constitutional policy of '.his kirgdom with reg rd to representati n, as that policy has been declared in acts of parliament; and as to the practice, to return to that mode which an uniform experience has marked out to you as best; and in which you walked with security, ad- vantage, and honor, until tlie year 1763. The second is like unto the first— "That the said colonies and plantations have been liable to, and bounden by, several subsidies, payments, rates, and taxes, given and granted by parliament, though the said colonies and plantations have not their knights and burgesses, in the said high court of parliament, of their own election, to represent the condition of their country; by lack whereof they have been oftentimes touched and grieved by subsidies given, granted, and assented to, in the said court, in a man_ ner prejudicial to the comnionwe^lth, qnietiiess. My resolutions, therefore, mean to establish the rest, and peace, of the subjects inhabiting within equity and justice of a taxation of America by t the same." grant and not by imposition. To mark the legal j ^^ ^^.^ description too hot, or too cold, too competency of the colony assemblies for the sup- port of their government in peace, and for public aids in time of war. To acknowledge that this legal competency has had a dutiful and beneficial exercise; and that experience has shewn the bene- iil of their grants, and the futiliiy of parliamentary taxation as a method of supply. These solid truths compose six fundamental pro- s rong, or too weak? Does it arrogate too much to the supreme legislaturt? Does it lean too iiiuch to the claims of the people? If it runs into any of these errors, the fault is not n iiie. it is the language of your own ancient acts of parliament. Non meus hie sermo, sed qua proccepii, ofella, rusiicus, abmrrais sapiens; it is the general pro- duce of the ancient, rustic, manly, homebred sense positions. There are three more resolutions jof this coimtry.— I did not ''are to rub off' a particle corollary to these. If you admit the first set youU'''he venerable rust tl:at rather adorns ^-nd pre can hardly reject the others. But if you admit serves than destroys the metal. It wouid be a the first, I shall be far from soliciious whether you accept or refuse the last. I think these six massive pillars will be of strength sufficient to support the temple of British concord. I have no more doubt than I entertain of my existence, that if you ad- mitted these, you would command an immediate peace; and with but tolerable future management, a lasting obedience in America. I am not arrogant in this confident assurance. Tlie propositions are all mere matters of fact; and if they are such facts as draw irresistible conclusions even in the stating, that is the power of truth, and not any management of mine. Sir, I shall open the whole plan to you together, Vf'ith such observations on the motions as may tend io illustrate them where they may want explana. profanation to touch with a tnoi the stones which construct the sacred altar of peace. I ^ould liot violate, wiili modern polish, the ingenious and no- ble roughness of these truly constitutional ma- terials. Above all things, I was resolved not to be guilty of tampering, the odious vice of restless and unstable minds. I put ir.y loot in tlie tracts of our forefathers, where I can neither wander nor stumble Determitiing to fix articles o*" peace, I was resolved not to be wise beyond what was written; I was resolved to use nothing else than the form of sound words; to let others abound in their own sense, and carefully to abstain from all expressions of my own. What tiie law has said, 1 say. In all things else I am silent, I have no orj^an but for her words. This if it be not ingenious, I am sure is safe. 240 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION, There are, indeed, words expressive of grie Vance in this second resolution, whicli those who are resolved always to be in the right, will deny to contain matter of fact, as applied lo the present case; althougli parliament thought them true wiih regard to the counlifs of Chp?ter and D'irliam. — 'i'hey will deny vhat the Americans were evpr "touched and grieved" with the taxes. If they consider nothing in taxes but their weight as pecuniary impositions, there might be some pre tence for this denial. Hut men may be sorely touched and deeply grieved m their privileges p.s well as in their purses. Men may lose little in property by the act which takss away all tlieir freedom. When a man is robbed of a trifle on the highway, it is not the twopence lost that con sti'utes the capital outrage. This is not confined to privileges; even ancient indulgences withdrawn, without ofTt nee on tlie part of those who enjoyed such f.ivors, operate as grievances. But were the Americans then not touched and grieved by the taxes, in some measure, merely asked? If .-o, why were they alm.ost ad either wIjoIIj repealed or ex- ceedingly reduced.' Were ihey not touched and grieved even by the regulating duties of the sixth! of George the II? Else why were the duties first I reduced to one third in 1764, and afterwards to a' third of that third in the year 1766? were they no' touched and grieved by the stamp act? I shall say tl.ey were tmtil that t x is revived. Were tliey rot touched and grieved by the duties of 1767, which were likewise repralfd, and which lord Hillsborough tells you (f r f e minlslr)) were laid contrary to the true principle of commerce? Is not the assurance given by that noble per.son to the colonies of a resolution to lay no more taxes on them, an adnii.ssion that taxes would touch and grieve them? Is not the resolution of the noble lord in the bhie rib.uid, now standing on your journals, the strongest of all proofs that parlia mentary su' sidies really touched and grieved them? Eise why ull these changes, modifications, repeals, assur.inces and resolutions? The next proposition is, "That, from the distance of the said colonies, and from other circumstances, no method has hitherto been devised for procur- ing a representation in parliawient fur the said colonies." Ttiis is an asscriion of a fact. I go no farther on the paper, though in my private judg- ment, an useful representation is impossible; 1 am sure it is not desired by them, nor ought it perhaps by US; but I abstain from opinions. The fourth resolution is. "that each of the said CO o ies haih within itself a bo 'y chosen in p irtp or in the whole, by the freemen, freeh dders, or oil er free inhabitants thereof, commonly called the general assembly, or genend court, with pow- ers legally to raise, levy, and assess, according to tiie several usage of such colonies, duiits and taxes towards defraying all sorts of public service." This competence in the colony assemblies is cer- tain. It is proved by the wiioie tenor of iheir acts of supply in all the assenihiies, in which the con- siaiil sljle of granting is, "An aid to his majesty;" nd acts, granli g to the crown, has regularly, for ;:earacentiu-y, passed thepublic < ffices withou'f clis- pule. Those who have been pleased paradoxically to deny diis right, Lol(!ing that none bui the Biitish parliament can grant lo the cmwn, are wished to *ook to what is done, not only in the cotoni s, but m Ireland, in one uniform untiroken ten ir every: sesion Sir, I am surprised thnt this doctrine should come fron^ some of the luw S'-rvants of the crown. 1 say, that if the crown could be responsi- ble, liis majesty but cer ainly the ministers ^re, even these law of^cers themselves, through whose hands the acts piss bien.iially in Ireland or annually in t'le colonies, in an habiuai course of committing impeachable offences. What haoitual offenders have been all presidents of the council, all secretaries of state, all firs* lords of trade, all jiiornies, and ;di solicitors gene.'-al! However, tdey are safe, as no one impeaches them, and there is no ground of charge against them, except in their own unfounded theories. The fifth resolution is also a resolution of fact, "that the said general assemblies, general cour s, or other bodies legally qualified as aforesaid, have at sundry times freely granted several large subsidies and public aids for his majesty's service according io their abilities, when required thereto by letter from one of his majesty's principal secretaries of state; and that their right to grant the same, and their cheerfulness and sufficiency in the said grants, .ave been at sundry times acknowledged by parlia- ment." To say nothing of their great expenses in the Indian wars; and not to take their exertion in foreign ones, so high as the supplies in the year 1695; not to go back to tlieir public contributions in the year 1710; I shall begin to travel only where the journals give me light; resolved to deal in nothing but fact, authenticated by parliamentary record, and to build myself wholly on that solid basis. On the fourth of April, 1748, a committee of tliss house came to the foilowing resolution: PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. :4l "Resolvf.t), Tliat it is the opinion of this com* mittee, that it is just and reasonable that the several provinces and colonies of Massachusetts Bay, New Hampshire, Connecticut, and Rhode-Island, be reimbursed the expenses they have been at in tak- ing and securing to the crown of Great Britain, the island of Cape Breton, and its dependencies." These expenses were immense for such cohnies. They were above £200,000 sterling; money first raised and advanced on their public credit. On the twenty-eighth of January, 1756, a mes- sage from the icing' came to us to this effect — "His majesty, being sensible of the zeal and vigor with which his subjects of certain colonies in North America have exerted themselves in defence of his majesty's just rights and possessions, rpcommends it to this house to take tlie satue into their con- sideration, and to enable his majesty to give tlien such assistance as may be a proper reward and encouragement." On the third of February, 1756, the house came to a suitable resolution, expressed In words nearly the same as those of the message; but with tlie far ther addition, that the monpy they voted was :>s an jcompleled till some years after, and at dilFerent encouragement to the colonies to exert themselves times in different colonies. However, the taxes your own, and you cannot refuse in the gross, what you have so often acknowledged in detail The admission of this, which will be so honorable to them and to you, will, indeed, be mortal to ail the miserable s'ori.''s, by which the passions of the misguided people have been engaged in an un- happy system. The people heard, indeed, from the beginning of these disputes, one thing con- tinually dinned in their ears, that reason and jus- tice demanded that the Americans, who paid no taxes, should be compelled to contribute. How did that fact of their paying nothing stand wlien the taxirg system began? When Mr. Grenville began to form his system of American revenue, he stated, in this house, tliat the colonies were then in debt two millions six hundred thousand pounds sterling money, and was of opinion they would discharge the debt in four years. On this state, those untaxed people were uctiud'.y subject to the payment of taxes to the amou/it of six hundred and fif y thouitand a year. In fact, however, Mr, Grenville was mistaken. The funds given for sinking the debt did not prove quite so ample as both the colonies and he expected. The calcula- tion was too sanguine. The reduction was not with vigor. It will not be necessary to go through all the testimonies which your own records have given to the truth of my resolutions. I will only refer you to the places in the journals: Vol. XXVII. 16th and 19th of May, 1757. Vol. XXVI !I. —June 1st, 1758, April 26th and .?Olb, 1759. March 26th and 31st, and April 28th, 1760. January 9th and 20th, 1761. Vol. XXIX. Jan. 22 J, and 26th, 1762; March I4th and 17th, 1763. Sir, here is the repeated acknowledgement of r»'rliament that the colonies not only gave, but gave to satiety. This nation has formerly acknow- ledged two things; first, that the colonies had gone beyond their abilities, parliament having thought it necessary to reimburse them; secondly, that they had acted legally and laudably in their grants of money, and their maintenance of troops, since the compensation is expressly given as a re- ward and encouragement. Reward is not bestowed for acts that are unlawful, and encouragement is not held out to things that deserve reprehension. My resolution, therefore, does nothing more than collect into one proposition what is scatteretl tbi-ough your journals. I give vou nothincr but 31. after the war continued too great to bear any addition with prudence or propriety; and when the burthens imposed in consequence of farmer requisitions were discliarged, our tone became too high to resort again to requisi'ion. Xo colony, since that time, ever has had any requisition what- soever made to it. We see the sense of the crown, and tlie sense of parliament, on the productive nature of a revenue by giant. Now search the SHme journals for the produce of the revenue by imposition. Where is il? Let us know the volume and the page.' AVhat is the net produce.' To what service is it applied.' How have you appropriated its sarplus.' What, can none of the many skilful index makers, that we are now employing, find any trace of iti" Well, let them and that rest togeiher. But are tlie journals, which say nothing of the revenue, as silcRt on the discontent.' O no! A child may find it. li is the melancholy burthen and blot of every page. I think then I am, from those journals, justified in the sixth and last resolution, which is— 'That it hath been found, by experience, that the man- ner of granting the said supplies and aids, by the said general assemblies, hath been more agreeable m-i PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THK REVOLUTION. to the said color.ies, und more beneficial and con diicive to the public service, than the mode of New England. — Ar.d it may be proper to repeal an act made in the fourteenth year of the reign of his giving and graniing aids in i)ailiainent, to be rais'd present majesty, entitled, an act for the bettei* regulating the government of the province of the Massachusetts Bay, in New England. — And also that it may be proper to explain and amend an act, made in the thirty fiflh year of the reign of king and paid in the same colonies. This makes the whole of tiie fandasnenial part of the plan. The concl'.ision is irresistible. You cannot say that you were driven by any necessity to an exercise of the utmost rights of icgisla ure. You cannot assert) "eiry the eighth, entiiled, an act for the trial of treasons committed out of the king's dominions." that you took on yourselves the task of imposing ci/iony taxes, from the v,-ant of another legal body, th:it is conr.-,etPnt to tiie purpose of supplying the exigencies of the state, without wounding the prejudices of ilie people. Neither is it true that I wish, sir, to repeal the Boston port bill, be- cause (independently of the dangerous precedent of suspending the rights of the subjects during the king's pleasure) it was passed, asl apprehend^ the body so qualified, and having that competence, K^:jf^ j^^^ j-egularlty, and on more partial princi- had neglected the duty. pics than it ought. The corporation of Boston The question now, on all this accumulated mat- j ^'^s "o^ l^^ard. before it was condemned. Olhei- ter, is, whether you will choose to abide by a pro- 1 ^o^^"^ ^"»» «s guilty as she was. have not had their fitable experience, or a miscliievous theory; whe- , P^^ts blocked up. Even the restraining bill of the ther you choose to bu.id on imagination or fact; 1 1"-^^^"* session does not go to the length of the u .u (• ,.,-„.,„.-:,r.» «n (,r,r^,. o ^ f Ufo r t inn ^^ ^^^ ^^tt port BCt. The same ideas of prudence, whether you preier enjoyment or nope; sitisracnon I • »^ j ,. , , *„„» I v/hich induced you not to extend equal punisb- in •iour subjects, or discontent. , •' i r jment to equal guilt, even when you were punish- If these propositions are accepted, every thing ! j^g, induce me, who mean not to chastise, but to which has been made to enforce a contrary system, 'e^oncile, to be satisfied with the punishment al- must, I take it for granted, fall along with it. On | ^.^^^y partially inflicted, that ground, I have drawn the following resolutioi', ) ..... , ,„ ,„j „ -u „„,.,,. „ii.. ) Ideas of prudence, and accommodation to c'.t- which, when it comes to be moved, will naturally [ » ' , ,. , J . „ ,j.,.. ,. •. „.,., . ^ i cumstances, prevent you from taking away the be divided in a proper manner: ♦' I hat it may be ; . b j proper to repeal an act, made in the seventh year of the reign of his present majesty, entitled, an act for granting certain duties in the British colo- nies and plantations in America; for allowing a diav/hack of the duties of customs upon the ex- portation from this kingdom of coffee and cocoa mits^ of tiie produce of the said colonies and plan'.atiots; for discontinuing the drawback.? pay- able on C' ina earlhf-n-ware exported to America, and for more effVctually preventing the clandestine running of goods in the said colonies and planta- tions.— .\nd tha* it may be proper to repeal an act made in the fourteenth year of the reign of his presGut mKJesiy, entitled, an act to discontinue, in such manner, and for such time, as are therein mentioned, t'.ie landing and discliarging, ladiiig or shipping, of goods, wares, and merchandize, at the town and within the harbor of Bo.= ton, in the pro- vince of Massachusetts Bay, in N.orth America. — And that it may be proper to repeal an act made in the fourteenth year of the reign of bis present majesty, entitled, an act for the impartial ad- j to England fnr trial, is but temporary. That act ministration of justice, in tiie cases of persons has calculated the probable duration of our quarrel questioned for any acts done by them, in the execu- with the colonies, and is accomodated to that sup- tion of the law, or for the suppression of riots and j posed duration. I would hasten the happy mo- tumuU* in the province of Mitssacbusetts-Bsy, in 'meat of rsconcUialioiJ; and therefore must, on nay charters of Connecticut and Rhode Island, as you have taken away that of Massachusetts colony, though the crown has far less power in the above two former provinces than it enjoyed in the latter; and though the abuses have been full as great, and as flagrant, in the exempted as in the punished. The s me reasons of prudence and accommodation have weight with me in restoring the charter of the Massachusetts Bay. Resides, sir, the act which changes the charter of the Massichusetts-Bay i- ia many particulars so exceptionable, that if I did not wish absolutely to repeal, 1 would by all means desire to alter it, as several of its provisions tend to ttie subversion of all public and private justice. Such, among others, is the power in the governor to cht^nge the sheriff" at his pleasure, and to make a new re.urning officer for every special cause. It is shameful to behold suchf a regulation standing among English laws. The act for bringing persons, accused of com- mitting murder, under the orders of government. PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE RRVOT.UTTON. 24S principle, get rid of that most jubUv obnoxious] These are the three consequential propositions act. The act of Henry the eif^lith, for the trial ot treasons, I do no-: mean to take away, but to con- fine it to ifs proper bounds and orij^inijil inten- tion; to make it expressly for trial of treasons, and the greatest treasons may be committed in places where the jurisdiction of the crown does not extend. Having g^uarded the privileges of local legisla tion, I would next secure to the colonies a fair and unbiassed judicature; for which puipose, sir, I propr^se the following resolution: "THat, fronrihe time when the general assembly or general court of any colony or plantation in North America, shall have appointed, by act of assembly duly confirmed, a settled salary to the offices of the chief justice and other judges of the superior court, it may be proper that tlie^aid chief justice and other judges of the superior coiirts of such colony, shall hold liis and their office and offices during their good behavior, and shall sot be removed therefrom, but I have thought of two or three more, but they come ratJier too near detail, and to the province of executive government, which I wish parliament always to supcriulencl, never to assume. IF tlie first fux are granted, rongniity will carry tlie latter three. If not, the things that remain unrepealed, will be, 1 hope, rather unseemly incumhra:ices on the building than very materially detrimental to its strength and stability. Here, sir, I should closC, but that T plainly per- ceive some objections remain, wliich I ought, if possible, to remove. The first will be, that, in resorting 'o the doctrine of our ancestors, as con- tained in the preimble to the Chester act, I prove too much; that the grievance from a want of re- presentation, stated in that preamble, goes to the whole of legislatioir as well as to taxation. And that tlie colonies, grounding themselves upon t'lat doctrine, v/ill apply it to all parts of legishiiive authority. To this objection, with all possible deference when the said removal shall be adjudged by his { ^"** h.imility, and wishing as little as any man majesty, in council, upon a hearing or complaint | ^'^'"S ^o i^^pair the smallest particle of our su- from the general assembly, or on a complaint fromjP'*^'"^ authority, I answer, that the words are the the governor, or council, or the house of repre- 1''""'^^' "^ Parliament, and not n-nne; and that all sentatives severally, of the colony in w!)ich thej^^'" ^"'^ inconclusive inferences drawn from the,i,, said chiefjustice and other judges have exercised I """^ "°^ '"'"^' f°^' ^ ^^"'''''y disclaim .-my such the said offices." inference. 1 have chosen the words of an act of I parliament, which .Mr. G -eDville, surely a tolera- The nest resolution relates to the courts of | . i i i • i • j . ,- , bly zealous and very judicious advocate for the admiralty. • . c < . /■ . > . ' [sovereignty or parliament, formerly moved to have It is this. "Thatitmay be proper to regulate the j read at jour table, in cotifirmation of his tenets, courts of admiralty, or vice admiralty, authorised It is true that lord Chatliam considered these by the fifteenth chapter of the fourth of George pre:imbles as declaring strongly in fdvor of his the third, in such a manner as to make the same opinion. He was a no less powerful advo:;ate for more commodious to those who sue, or are sued in the said courts, and to provide for the more decent maintenance of the judges in the same." These courts I do not wish to take away; they are in themselves proper establishments. This court is one of the capital securities of the act of navigation. The extent of its jurisdiciion indeed Las been increased; but this is altogether as pro per, and is indeed, on many accounts, more eligible, where new powers were wanted, than a court absolutely new. But courts incommodiously situated, in effect, deny justice; and a court, partaking in all the fruits of its own condemnittion, is a robber. The congress complaii , an.! complain justly, of this grievance.* •The solicitor j,entr;:i ii.toimi.-d Mr. B wlien the resolutions were separately moved, that the the privileges of the Americans. Ouglit I not from hence to presume, that these preambles are as favorable as possible to both, wJien properly understood; favorable both to tlie rights of parlia- ment, and the privilege of the dependencies of this crown.' But, sir, the object of grievance in my resolution, 1 h^ve not taken from the Chester but from the Durham act, which confines the hard- ship of Want of representation to the case of subsidies; and which therefore falls in exactly with the case of the colonies. But whether the unre- presented counties were de jure or de facto bound, the preambles do not accurately distinguish; nor indeed was it necessa'-y, for, whether de jure or de facto, the legislature thought the exercise of grievance of the judges, par.nkii.g of the piohi;, of some of the se'z^ir s, liad been redi'essed by ofiicci accordingly the resolution was amended. 244 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. the power of taxing as of r.ght, or as fact with- out right, equally a grievance, and equally oppres- sive. I do not know that the colonies have, in any ge- neral Wiiy, or in any cool hour, gone much beyond the demand of immunity in relation to taxes. It is not fair to judge of the temper or diapositions of any man, or any set of men, wlien they are com- posed and at rest, from their conduct or their ex- pressions in a state of disturbance and irritation. It is besides a very great mi-take to imagine, that mankind fellow up practically &ny speculative principle, cither of government or of freedom, as far as it will go in argument and logical ilation. We Englishmen stop very short of llie principles upon wliich we support any given part of our con- stitution, or even the whole of it together. I could ea.sily, if I had not already eVred you, give you very striking and convincing instances of it. This is Hothing but wliat is natural and proper. All go- vernment, indeed every human benefit and cnjoy- incnt, every virtue, and every prudent act, is founded on compromise and barter. We balance inconveniences, we give and take; we remit some lights that we may enjoy others; and we choose rather tp be happy ci izcns than snbUe disputants. A'ld we must give away some natural liberty to enjoy civil udvantuges; so we must sacrifice some civil liberties, for the advantages to be derived from the communion .ind fellowship of a great em- pire. But in all fair dealings, the thing bought must bear some proportion to the purchase paid. None will barter away the immediate jewel of his soul. Though a great house is apt to make slaves haughty, yet it is purchasing apart of the artificial importance of a great empire too dear, to pay for it all essential rights, and all the intrinsic dignity of human nature. None of us who would not risque his life, rather than fall under a govern- ment purely arbitrary. But, although there are some amongst us who think our constitution wants many improvemesits, to make it a complete sys tern of liberty, perhaps none who are of that opi- nion, would think it right to aim at such improve nient, by disturbing this country, and risquing every thing that is dear to him. In every arduous enterprize we consider what we are to lose, as well as what we are to gain; and the more and better stake of liberty every people possess, the less they will hazard in a vain attempt to make it more. These are the cords of roan. Man acts from adequate motives relative to his interest, and not on metupliysical speculations. Aristotle, the great master of reasoning, cautions us, and with' 'Lord North threat weight and propriety, against this species of delusive geometrical accuracy in moral arguments, as the most fallacious of all sophistry. The Americans will have no interest contrary to the grandeur and glory of Kngland, when they are not oppressed by the weight of it, and they will ratlier be inclined to respect the acts of a superin- tending legislature, when they see them the acts of that power, which is itself the security, not the rival, of their secondary importance. In this assur- ance, my mind most perfectly acquiesces; and I confess I feel not the least alarm, from the dis- contents which are to arise from putting people at their ease; nor do I apprehend the destruction of this empire, from giving, by an act of free grace and indulgence, to two millions of my fellow citi- zens, some share of those rights upon which 1 have always been taught to value myself. It is said indeed that this power of granting, vested in American assemblies, would dissolve tiie unity of the empire, which was preserved entire, although Wales, Chester, and Durham were added to it. Truly, Mr. Speaker, I do not know what this unity means; nor .has it ever been heard of, that I know, in the constitutional policy of this country. The very idea of subordination of parts excludes this notion of simple and undivided unity. England is the head; but she is not the head and the members too. Ireland has ever had, from the beginning, a separate, but not an independent, legislature; wliich, far from distracting, promoted *hc union of the whole. Every thing was sweetly and harmoniously disposed through both islands for tiie conversation of English dominion, and the communication of English liberties. I do not see that the same principles might not be carried into twenty islands, and wi'h the same good effect. This is my model with regard to America, as far as the internal circumstances of tiie two countries are the same. I know no other unity of this em- pire, than I can draw from its example during these periods when it seemed, to my poor understanding, more united than it is now, or than it is likely to be by the present methods. But since I speak of these methods, I recollect, Mr. Speaker, almost too late, that I promised, be- fore 1 finished, to say something of the proposition of the *noble lord on the floor, which has been so lately received, and stands on your journals. I must be deeply concerned, whenever it is my mis- fortue to continue a difference with the majority of this house. But as the reasons for that difference PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 245 me my apology for thus troubling you, sufi'er me to slate Ihetn in a very few words. I shall connpress were to lay the duties, which furnished theif continprent, upon the importation of your manu- theni in as snriall a body rs I possibly can, havinp factures, you know you would never suffer such already debated that matter at large, when the ques- tion was before the committee. tax to be laid. You know too, that you would not suffer many other modes of taxation. So that, when you come to explain yourself, it will be found that you will neither leave to themselves the quanUim, nor the mode, nor indeed any thint;. The whole is delusion from one end to the other. F'TSt then, T cannot sdnsit that proposition of a rfirsom by auction — because it is a mere project. It is a thing new, unheard of, supported by no ex perience, justified by no analogy, without example of our ancestors, or root in the constitution. It is neither regular parliamentary taxation, nor colony grant. Experimentum in corpore vile, is a good into great and inextricable difficulties. In what rule, which will ever make me adverse to any triwl year of our Lord are the proportions of payments of experiments on what is certainly the most valua- to be settled? To say nothing of the impossibilitv, bleof all subjects, the peace of this empire, jthat colony agents should have general powers of I taxing the colonies at their discretion, consider, I Secondly, it is an experiment which must be |:___,i„..p ,.„„ ,,,„.- ,. ^ „ ,^ ... . . , •" ' _ implore 30U, that the communication, by special Fourthly, this method of ransom by auction (un- less it be universally accepted) will plunge you fatal, in the end, to our constitution. For what is it but a scheme for taxing the colonies in the i^j, antichamber of the noble lord and his successors.' essages and orders, between tliese agents and eir constituents, on each variation of the case, vvhen the parties come to contend together, and To settle the quotas and proportions in this house ,„ fiUr^>.to «„ tu^-.. -^1 »• ■• n .. ^ r t- 10 dispute on their relative proporlio.ns, will be a is clearly impossible. You, sir, may flatter your- self, you shall sit a state auctioneer, with your liammer in your hand, and krock down to each colony as it bids. But to settle (on the plan laid down by the noble lord) the true proportional pay- ment for four or five and twenty governments, according to the absolute and relative wealth of each, and according to the British proportion of wealth and burthen, is a wild and chimerical notion. This new taxation must therefore come in by the bark door of the constitution. Each quota matter of delay, perplexity, and confusion that can never ha^ve an end. If all the colonies do not appear at the oulcry, svhat is the condition of tho^e assemblies who offer, by themselves or their agents, to tax themselves up to your ideas of their proportion? The re- fractory colonies, who refuse all composilicn, will remain t;ixed only to your old imposiiions; which, however grievous in principle, are trifling as to production. Theobedient colonies in this scheme must be brought to this hou?e re^dv formed; youj^'"^ heavily taxed. The refractory remain un- can neither add nor alter. You must register it. P"i"hened. What will you do? Will you lay new You can do nothing farther. For on what grounds ^"^ heavier taxes by parliament on the disobedient? can you deliberate, either before or after the pro- position? You cannot hear the counsel for all these provinces quarrelling each on its own quantity of payment, and its proportion to others. If you should attempt it, the committee of provincial ways and means, or by whatever other name it will delight to be called, must swallow up all the time of parliament. Thirdly, it does not give satisfaction to the complaint of the colonies. They complain that they are taxed without their consent, you awswer, that you will fix the sum at which they sliall be taxed. That is, you give them the very grievance for the remedy. You tell them, indeed, tliat you will leave the mode to themselves. I really beg pardon — it gives me pain to mention it — but you must be sensible that you will not perform this part of the compact. For, suppose the colonies Pray consider in what way you can do it? You are perfectly convinced that in the way of taxing you can do nothing but at the ports. Now suppose it is \'irginia thnt r.fnses to appear at your auction, while Maryland and North Carolina bid hand- somely for their ransom, and are ta?ny of public rejoicmg, such as bonfires, illuminations, and o^her exhibitions of gladness. Q. Would not the neglect with which the last petition was treated ind'ice the Americans to resign til '.opes of par.ific ne_e;ociatio .s? A. In the opinion of the witness it would. Q. When the witness presented the petition to tlie secreiary of state, was he asked any questions relative to the sta e of America? A. Not a single question. CaOSS EXAMINED BT THE LORDS DEIfBTOH AKD SaITC- WICH. ^T^ERIES FUOM LORD DeSBIGU. As the witness l.ad acted in the cap-city of go» vernor, was he well acquainted wtth the charter of Pennsylvania? PRIVCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 251 A. H*' had read the charter, and was well ac- quriiited with its contents. Q Did he k-iow that there was a clause which specifically suhjected the coluny to taxation by the Briiis'.i le*e witness knew him well. Q. What character did he bear? A. A very respectable one. Q. Had the witness ever heard of any persons who had suffered persecutions, for declaring senti- ments f.»vorible to the supremacy of the British parliament? A. He had heard of such oppressions in other provinces, but never met with them durmg his residence in Pennsylvania. Q In the opinion of the witness, were the Ame- ricans now free? A. They imHgined themselves to be so. Q In case a formidable force should he sent to \tnerlc9, in support of govera';»ent, did the witness imagine there were many who would openly profess submission to the authority of parliament? A. The witness apprehended the few who would join on such an occasion would be loo trivial a num- ber to be of any consequei^ce. Mr. Penn was then ordered to withdraw, and the duke of Richmond, afier descanting with singular propriety on the necessity of immediate concilia- tion, proposed the last petition from the continental rongress to the king, as a basis for a plan of accom- PTiodation. Ilis grace of Richmond moved, "That ihe preceding paper furnished ground* of concilia- tion of the unhappy diff rences at present subsist- ing between Great Britain and A^nerica, and that some made should be immediately adopted, for the (.ffeciuating so desirable a purpose." This produced a debate, supported on both sides with infinite ingenuity. The numbers were: For the motion 27 — Proxies 6 33 Agaiiistthe motion 50 — Pr xies36 86 Majority against the motion 53 , In the Virginia eonvention — preaent 112 members. WEUNEsnvr, May 15, 1776. F )rasmuch as all the endeavors of the UNITED CO!, O VIES, by the most decent representatioas nd petitions to the king and parliament of Great Britain, to res'ore peace and security to America •inderthe British government, and a re-unioi with t la^ people upon just and liberal tf^rms, instead of a redress of grievances, have produced, from an imperious and vindictive adminisiration, increased insult, oppression, and a vigorous attempt to effect our total desiruciion. By a late act, ail these colo. iiifs are declared to be in rebellion, and out of the nroiection of tlie British crown, ou:" properties sub- jr-ct to confiscation, our people, when captivated, ■om.oelled to j )ii» in the murder and pinnier of heir relations and countrymen, and ail .ormer rapine and I'ppressi >n of A.mericans declared legal .nd ji-ist. Fleets and armies are raised, and the aid )f foreign troops engaged to assist these destruc- live purposes. The king's representative in this ■olony hath not only v/it!iheld all the powers of go- vernment from operating for our safety, but, having' retired on board an armed ship, is carryiiig on a g5^ PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. |)ira ic;il and savage vvKr igainst us, temptiag' our slaves, by every an ifice, to re.^orf to him, and iraiii- ing and empioying ihem agsinsi their masters. r> this stateof estreme danger, we have no alternative lefi but an abject submission to the will of those overbearing tyrants, or a total sep.iraiion from the crown and govgrniaent of Great Itritain, uniting and exerting the strength of all America for de- fence, an i fjrnjng alliances with foreign powers for commerce and aid in war: Wherefore, appeal ing to the Searcher of hearts for the sincerity of former declarations, expressing our desire to pre serve the connexion with that nation, and that we jire driven from that inclination by their wicked {Councils^ and the eternal laws of self-preservatipn. Resolvi;p, unan. That the delegates appointed to represent this colony in general congress be instructed to propose to that respectable body to declare the United Colonies free andindependent slates, absolved fr m allaliegiance to, or dependence up- on, the crown or parliament of Great Britain; and that they give the assent of this colony to such declaration, and to whatever measures may be thought proper and necessary by the congress for forning foreign alliances, and A CONFEDERA- TION' OF THE COLONIES, at such time, and in the vnanner, aa to them shall seem bes^ Provided, that the power of forming government for, and the reguUtions of the internal cone rns of etich colonj, i>e left to the respeo'.ive colonial legislatures. Resolved, uwan. That a committee !>(? appointed to prepare A DECLARATION OF HIGH IS, and such a plan of govej-iTnent as will be nnost likely to maintain peace and order in this colony, and secure substantial and equal liberty to the people. EDMUND PENDLETON, president. (a copy) JiiHN TAZEWEtt, clerk of the convention. In consequence of the a'love resolution, universal ly regarded as the only door whicli will lead to safety >;nd prosperity, some gentlemen made a handsome collection for the purpose of trea. ing the soldiery, who next day were paraded in Waller's grove, before brigadier general Lewis, attended by the gentlemen of the committee of safety, the mem- bers of the general convention, the inhabitants of this city, &c. &c. The resolution being read aloud to the army, the following toasts were giver, each of them accompanied by a discharge of the artillery *nd small arms, and the acclamations qf all pre- sent: %. The Anoerjcan independent states. 2. The grand congress of the United States, and tljeir respective legislatures. 3. General Washington, ahd victory to the Ame rican arms. The U STON FLAG of the American states waved upon thecapitol during the whole of this ceremony, which being ended, the soldiers partook of the refreshment prepared for them by the affection of their countrymen, and the evening concluded with illuminations, and other demonstrations of joy; every one seeming pleased that the domination of Great Britain was now at an end, so wickedly and tyrannically exercised for these twelve or thirteen years past, notwithstanding our repeated prayers and remonstrances for redress. The dfclaration of the deputies of Pennsylvania, met in provincial conference, at Philadelphia, June 24, 1776. Whereas George the third^ king of Great Bri- tain, &c. in violation of the principles of the British constitution, and of the laws of justice and hu- manity, bath, by an accumulation of oppressions, trnparsllel^d in history, excluded the inhabitants of this, with the other American colonies, from his prptec ion; and whereas he hath paid no regard to any of ournumerous and dutiful petitions for redress of our complicated grievances, but hath lately purchased foreign troops to assist in enslaving us, and hath excited the syvages of this country to carry on a war against us, as also the negroes, to embrue their hands in the blood of their masters^ in a manner unpractised by civilized nations; and moreover hath lately insulted our calamities by declaring, that he will shew us no mercy, until he has subdued us; and whereas, the obligations of allegiance (being reciprocal between a king and his subjects) are now dissolved, on the side of the colonists, by the despotism and declaration of4he said king, insomuch that it appears tliat loyalty to him is treason against the good people of this country; and whereas not only the parliament, but there is reason to believe, too many of the peo- ple of Great Britain, have concurred in the afore- said arbitrary and unjust proceedings against us; and whereas the public virtue of this colony (so essential to its liberty and happiness) must be endangered by a future political union witli, or dependence upon a crown and nation, so lost to justice, patriotism, and magnanimity: We, the deputies of the people of Pennsylvania, assembled in full provincial conference, for forming a plan for executing the resolve of congress of the 15th of Mfiy last, for suppressing all authority in this pro- vince, derived from the crown of Great Britain, and for establishing a government upon the authority PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. S5S of tbe people only, do, in this public trtanner, in behalf of ourselves, and with the approbation, co • sent, and auihori'.y of ourconstitutents, wuuiimousiy declare our willingness to concur in a vote of the congress, declaring the United Colonies /ree and independent states; provided, the forming the go- vernment an''oSation of his own mind) is risquiug his ill in vour ratise, will soon be on their return; the snemy, angrv iit 'he chastisement jusdy given them for ilieir tiaprovoked cruellies to our brethren in Jie Jersies, are wa'chmg an opportunity to return the blow. A farther draft from the militia wouH so mtich , burthen tlie people of this state, that this court cannot think of it witiiout p pompously dealt out in the insidious proclamatiofis of die commissioners of the king of Great Britain, amount to noihing more than an in vi'ation to give up your country, and submit un- conditionally to the governmeni of the British par liament. They tell you that their kii.g is graciousl> disponed to revise all acts which he shall deem in- compatible with your safety. But your good sense will lead you to determine, thai if he is a prince worthy to reign over a free people, and a friend to the rights of mankind, he would long ago have deternii led as to the justice of those acts, and must have seen them founded on despotism, a:>d replete with slavery; but they do not tell y .u that their S')vereign has the least intention to repeal any one of those acts; surely then a revision of them can never restore your freedom, or in the least alleviate your burdens. But those commissioners, although they offer themselves as the ambissadors of peace, and invite you to what they call the mild and gentle govern* ment of Britain, mark their footsteps wiih blood, rapine, and the most unexampled barbariuos, dis- tributing their dreadful and savage severity a^^ well to the submissive as the obstinate, while neither rank, sex or age, exempts any from the eiFects of thetr brutal passions. Should America be overcome by, or submit to Britain, the needy and almost perishing tenant in Ireland, disarmed and having but little property in the production of his toil and labor, selling the bread for wliich his tender infants are suffering, to pay the haughty landlord's rent or insulting col- lector's tax, would be but a faint resemblance of your calamity. Society, where no man is bound by other laws than those to which he gives his own consent, is the greatest ornament, and tends most of all things to t!ie felicity of human nature, and is a privilege v/hich can never be given up by a people without their being exceedingly guilty beft»''e Him, who is the bestower of every good and perfect gift. We, therefore, for the sake of that religion, for the enjoyment whereof your ancestors fled to this country, for the sake of your laws and future felicity, entreat and urge you to act vigorously and firmly in this critical situation of your coumry.— > And we doubt not but that your noble exertions, under the smiles of Heavei-., will ensure you that success and freedom due to the wise man and the patriot. Above all, we earnestly exhort you to contribute all within your power to the encouragement of those virtues, for which the Supreme Being has declared that he will bestow his blessings upon a nation, and to the discouragement of those vices for which he overturns kingdoms in his wrath; and that at all proper times and seasons you seek to Him, by prayer and supplication, for deliverance from the calamities of war, duly considering that I without bis powerful aid^ and gracious interposi» PRINCEPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTFO^. 255 tion, ill your endeavors musi prove aboriive and vtiin. Sent up for concurrence, SAMUEL FREEMAN, speaker. P. T. In council, January 28, 1777 —Read Hud c )ncinTed. JOHN AVERY, D Sec'ry. TO THE PHESTII^NT AKD COUNCIt OF PESNFTLVAItl ». The removstrance of the subscribers, freemen, a d inhubitants of the city of Philadelphia, now confined in the Free Mason's Lodge. Shewkth— That the subscribers have been, by virtue of a warrant, signed in council by George Bryan, vice presiden', arrested in our houses, and on our lawful occasions, and conducted to this place, where we have been kept in close confine- ment, under a strong military guard, two or more days — that although divers of us dentanded of tlie messengers, who arrested us, and insisted on hav- ing copies of the said warrant, yet we were not able to procure the same, till this present time, but have remained here unaccused and unheard! We now take the earliest opportuniiy ot layingl our grievances before your body, from wliom we apprehend they proceed, and of claiming to our- selves the liberties and privileges to which we are entitled by the fundamental rul s of justice, by ! our birthrig'ht and inheritance, the laws of the land; , and by the express provision of the present con- i stitution, under which your board derive tlieir | power. j I We apprehend, that no man can lawfully be de- j prived of his liberty, without a warrant from some i persons having competent authority, specifying an j offe.ice against the laws of the land, supported by oath or affirmation of the accuser, and limiting the time of his imprisonment, until he is heard, or le- gally discharged, unless the party be found in the actual perpetration of a crime. Natural justice, equnlly with la*, declare* that the party accused should know what he is to answer to, and have an Opporumity of shewing his innocence. — These prin- cip es are strongly enforced in the ninth and tenth seciions of the declaration of rights, which form a funJaineiital and inviolable part of the Constitution, I from wliich you derive your power, wherein it isi declared: IX. "That, in all prosecutions for criminal of- fences, a man hath a right to be heard by himself and his council, to demand the cause and nature ot his accusation, to be confi onted with the witnesses, to call for evidence in his favor, and a speedy pub- lic trial by «n impwiii*! jury of the couaty; witU. out the unanimous consent of .\hich jury, he can- not be found gull y— Xor c.n !e be co.vp. led to give evidence -.gainst himself; nor can any man be justly deprived of bis liberty, except by the laws of tlie land, or the judgment of bU peers." X. "That the people have a right to hold them- selves, their houses, papers and possessions, free from search or seizur", and therefoi e w-irr-ints ivithout oaths or affirmations first made, affording a sufficient foundation for tl em, and whereby any officer or messenger may be commanded or req' tir- ed to search suspected places, or to seize any per son or persons, his or their property not particularly descrined, are contrary to that right, and ouglit not to be granted." How far these principles have been adhered to, in the course of this business, we shall go on to shew. Upon the examination of the said warrant, we find it is, in all respects, inadequatf^ to these descrip- tions, altogether unprecedented in this or any free country, both iniissubstance, and the latitudegiven to the messengers who were to execute it, and wholly subversive of the vf-ry constitution you pro- fess to support. — The only charge on which it is founded, is a recommendation of congress to ap- prehend and secure all persons who, in iheir gene- ral conduct and conversation, have evidenced a disposition inimical to the cause of America, and particularly naming some of us— but not suggest- ing the least oU'ence to have been committed by us. It authorises the messengers to search all papers belonging to us, upon a bare possibility, that some- thing political may be found, but without the least ground fora suspicion of the kind. It requires papers, relative to the sufferings of the people called Quakers, to be seized, without limiting the search to any iiouse, or number of houses; under color of which, every house in this city, might be broke open. To the persons whom the congress have thought proper to select, the warrant adds a number of the inhabitants of the city, of whom some of us are par.; without the least insinuation, that they are within the description given by the congress, in tlieir recommendaiion. It directs all these matters to be executed (tbo' of the higlipst importance to the liberties of the people) at the discretion of a set of men, who are under no qualification for the due execution of the office, andftre unaccustomed to the forms of execut- 25,6 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. ing civil process; from whence, probably, have pro- ceeded the excesses and irregularities committei by some of them, in divers instances, by refusing to give copies of the process to the parties arrested, by denying to some of us, a reasoiabla time to consider of answers, and prepare for confinement. In the absence of others, by breaking our desks, and other private repositories— and by ransacking and carrying off domestic papers, printed books, and other matters not within the terms of the warranto It limits no time for the duration of our im- prisonment, nor points at any hearing, which is an absolute requisite to make a legal warrant; but confounds in one warrant, the power to apprehend, and the authority to commit, without interposing a judicial officer between the parties and the mes- senger. Upon the whole, we conceive this warrant, and ^ the proceedings thereupon, to be far more danger- ous in its tendency, and a more flagrant violation of every right which is dear to freemen, than any that can be found in the records of the English constitution. But when we consider the use to which this ge- neral luarrant has been applied, and the persons ♦ upon whom it has been executed, (who challenge the world to charge them with offence) it becomes of too great magnitude to be considered as the cause of a few. — It is the cause of every inhabitant, and may, if permitted to pass into a precedent, establish a system of arbitrary power unknown but in the inquisition, or the despotic courts of the East. "What adds further to this alarming stretch of power is, that we are informed the vice president of the council, has declared to one of the magistrates of the city, who called on him to enquire into the cause of our confinement, that we were to be seni to Virginia cnheabd. Scarcely could we believe such a declaratioM could have been made by a person who fiils the second place in the government, till we were this day confirmed in the melancholy truth by three of the subscribers, whom you absolutely refused to hear in person, or by council. — We would remind you of the complaints urged by numbers of your selves against the parliament of Great Britain, for condemning the town of Boston cmueabd, and we Call upoo yeii to reconcile your sUhitnt conduct with your thejt professions, or your repeated dC"* clarations in favor of general liberty. In the name, therefore, of the whole body of the freemen of Pennsylvania, whose liberties are radically struck at in this arbitrary imprisonment of us, Xht'xT unoffending fellow-citizens — we demand an audience, that so our innocence may appear, and persecution give place to justice. But if, re- gardless of every sacred obligation by which men are bound to each oiher in society, and of that con- stitution by which you profess to govern, which you have so loudly magnified for the free spirit it breathes, you are still determined to proceed, be the appeal to the Righteous Judge of all the earth for the integrity of our hearts, and the unparalleled tyranny of your measures. James Pemberton, Thomas Wharton, Thomas Coombe, Edward Pennington, Henry Drinker, Phineas Bond, Thomas Gilpin, John Pemberton, Thomas Pike, Owen Jones, jun. Thomas Affleck, Charles Jervjs, William Smith, broker,. WiUiam Drewet Smithy Thomas Fisher, Miers Fisher, Charles Eddy, Israel Pemberton, John Hunt, Samuel Pleasants. Mason's Lodge, Philadelphia, Sept. 4th, 1777- N. B. The three last subscribers, were firs? attended by some of those, who executed the ge- npral warrant; but after their remonstrance to the president and council, were arrested by Lewis Nicola, and conducted to the Lodge, by a special order to him. The foregoing remonstrance was delivered to Tliomas Wharton, jun. president, 8cc. last evening, who primised to lay it before council, and send an answer to one of 'he gentlemen, who delivered it to him this morning; but no answer has yet been received. September 5th half past two o'clock, P. M. PRINCIP1SKS AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. Delaware Papers. To the honorable the representatives of the cowtties of J\'eiocastle, Kent and Susaex, in general assembly met, l4thJMarch, 1775. The petition of the inhabitants, freemen of Kent comity, most humbly shewe'h: That we conceive a well regulated militia, com- posed of the gentlemen freeholders and other free men, to be not only a constitutional right, but the natural strength and most stable security of a free govprnment, from the exercise of which a wise people will not excuse themselves even in time of peace. That happily secure in the affectionate protec- tion of our mother country, sve have for some time past been carelessly nej^ligent of military art and discipline, and are therefore the more exposed to the insult and ravages of our natural enemies at this unliappy time, when we have lost our inte- rest in the esteem and affection of our parent state. ■We, therefore pray your honors to take our case into your most serious consideration, and.by passinj; an act of assembly establisliing a militia threuglioin this government, grant us relief in the premises, and your petitioners, as in duty bound, will ever pray. Letter from Dr. Tilton to J)r. Elmer, 1775. ' I have little more than time to enqu re of you whether you ever received the answer I sent to your letter, received soon after I saw you at Phila- delphia. I am unwilling to think you either negli- gent or forgetful of me, but 1 am much disposed to abuse our intermediate friend, Mr. D. — Me kept your letter from me I don't know how long, and I lake it for granted has lost, mine altogether — thus you hav3 been deceived and I have been abused and injured. It would be impertinent to trouble you with me. dical nonsense now. The important concerns of our country engage every mind. It will be unne- cessary for me to comment or enlarge upon the arguments offered on either or both sides. I will only mention the conclusion which I have drawn from them, and the principle upon which I act. I consider the imposition offered us by Great Uritain as unreasonable, unjust and afl'rontive; I am, there- fore, determined to resist to the uttermoiit, trusting the event to Providence. I am informed by the reverend fit'rer v.ho brings you this, that you have taken an active part hi this time of trouble; that phyeic itself, does not hinder you from heading a lijrht ii finiry comp.iny. That I m.iy give you some evidence of my zeal for ihe good of my country, 1 must infirm yOH that j am first lieut. of a light infantry company — and tliat t!ie hon. committee of safety at their late meeting inT3over, honored me with the appointment of sur- geon to the first battalion in our county. I am pleased with the nublic transactions of your pro- vince. Does the co'iduct of the people at large, correspond with the trans.iciions of your piiMic as- semblies? Our militia is now completely formed throughout the goverr.ment, and it cOT.p'etely dis- graces a man not to enrr>l. — Of the company I be- long to, above sixty art- in genteel regimentals, with lig! t infantry caps, and will soon be fully accovl- tered. In short, I was never so completely new modcllpdin so short a time; instead of the careles* and secure appeumnce we made six months ago, you will now find most of us in & regimental dicss with swords upon our thighs. Out I tniist conclude with wisliing (o hear from you, and assuring you that I remain. Your affectionate humble servant, JAS.TILTOX. Seventh month '27th, 1775. To (he committee now sitting- at Dover. Whereas I understand you have been pleased to advertise without any distinction of age or religion, all those who refuse to take up arms to appear at Dover this day, in order to give reasons why they don't' enrol, and I expect I am one of these trans* gressorsjand I not being willing to give any offencci but to follow after peace witii all men — for with, out which, no man shAl see the Lord. And look- ing on it as a duly on all Christians to be sub- ject to every law and ordinance of man, for con- science sake, where sucii laws and ordinances are not repugnant to tlie law of God and their religious principles, so I, as one who hath re- ceived favor from God, and one under tlie obli- gation of keeping his law, will let you know my several reasons why I am thus delinquent — the chief of which is as fallows: Wliereas the Lord my God hath been pleased by his Almighty power, to deliver my soul from tiie bondage of bin and death, Hud hath set up iiis law in my heart, with his strict command to obey the same at the ri.sk of the loss of his holy favor, which is of more Vi,;ue to me ihaa all the transitory tilings of this world, and even my ItCe, which, if required, I am ready to offer up a sacnfice for his sake— now, this I do not refuse to do out of anj obstinary or opposition to my count-ynicn, bm bcr;iU'je i vnv'.ly beliwvis God, to %5S PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. have a hand in these affairs, and di.re not joii» to fight against him; neither do any thing to encourage others. Second reason is, I am now going in my fifty-sixth year, and am very fat and not fit i'ov ac- tion. Third reason is, I have a giddiness in my head, that is so b;id on me at times, that I have dropt in the road as though I was shot with a bullet. The fourth reason, why, about two years ago I had the flux for seven months very bad, and now, to this day, when 1 overheat myself, I catch cold, and it returns upon me again, and will many times lay me up for seven or eight days topether; so I think that these reasons with 'he first and principal one, would be enough for any reasonable men, which I t<.ke you all to be, to have me excused. But if you are not satisfied with tliese reasons, I am ready and willing to come on the least notice, only please to let me know by a line or two, and I will wait on you any time whenever you will please to call on me at j j^ ^^j^^^ insulting a certain J. C. The particulars Mr. II. then took his leave, and the comm'L- tee for this county unanimously resolved, that the tea should be kept in store, until the above state ofthe case was commimicated to the committee of inspection for the city of Philadelphia, and that said comnuttee be requested to enquire into the matter, itted to intestine enemies c..(:.ii;,.,„„ „„, u •* • ° ■' ' '"8 "'* pfreat piriiahiyo!' uncommon humanity m gined.ifyou had really such among you, they would I ,,is countrymen. And as to those men, who would have acted more ingeniously than by plning ofljno^ t.^^^ 3^^^.,^^^^ ^j. ^,^^ ^;^.j, ,^,^,^ ^^^.^^^ ^^^^^ the civil law, as an engine against the sons of liber- j .vho wer-^ the instr-iments of justice on C. in behalf ty. The recent success of Mr. H. I should h«ve j „(• their country, I take it for granted they have a thought, would have taught them better. Your i pig.,, ;r„i ^lock of ignorance or an uncommon share grand jury must certainly have been infatuated : of boldness and wickedness; and I will venture witli vpry undue prejudices, or they never could to add, that were they in any part of the United Colonics, besides Su-;se.5 fills me with more displeasure than any public irjnsaction of your county, I have ever at- ■ tended to. ilKCAVTAxrON OF AM ARTICLE PCBLTSKED. I acknowiedgft to have wrote a piece, and did not sign it, since said to be an extract of a letter from Kent county, on Delaware, published in Hum phreys' Ledger, No. 3. It was not dated from any place, and in some altered from the original. 1 folded it up and directed the same to .1. F. and Sons. I had no intention to have it published; and further, I let them know the author thought best it .should not be published; nor did I think they would. — I am sincerely sorry I ever wrote it, as also for its being published, and hope I shall be excused for this, my first breach in this wav, and ] intend it shall be the last. li. ij. To t/tt; committee of correspondence fur Kent county, on Delaware. May 2d, 1775. Sru.— The president of the committee of corres- pondence, by and with the advice of such other of the members of that committee as he was able to tollect and consult, this day laid before the com- mittee of inspection for this county, your letter vlmrpin y ;u confess yourself to be the author of the Kentish le ter (co nmjnly so called) published \ 3d No, of Huoiphreys' Ledger. Thecontitnittee took the same into consider.ition, \n\ have unanin )USjy resolved that it is unsatis- fac'ory, and you are requested to atteid the com- nftitte'^ at their next meeting on Tuesday the 9'.?i nst, at French Battell's, in Dover, and render such saiisftction to the committee, as will enable them 'o cleir the good people of this county from the as* penions of that letter, and justify them in the eyes of the public. Signed by order of the committee. To R. H. To the committee of inspection for Kent county, on De- laware. Gentlkmeh. — With sorrow and contrition for my weakness and folly, I confess mysflf the author of the letter, from wiiicb an extract was published in the 3d No. of Humphreys' Ledger, said to be from Kent county, on Delaware; but at the same tune to declare it was published without my con« sent, and not wiihout some alierations. I am now convinced that the political sentiments herein contained, were founded on the grossest n rror; more especially that malignant insinuation, that "if the king's standard were now erected, nine out of ten would repair to it," could not have been suggested, but from the deepest infatuation. True indeed it is, the people of this county have ever shewn a zealous attachment to his majesty's person and government, and whenever he raised his standard in a just cause, were ready to flock to it: but let the severe account I now render to an in» jured people, witness to the world, that none are more ready to oppose tyranny or to be first in the cause of liberty, than the inhabitants of Kentcoun* Conscious that I can render no satisfaction ade- quate to the injury I have done my country, I can only beg the forgiveness of my countrymen, upon those principles of humanity, which may induce them to consider the frailty of human nature — and I do profess and promise, that I wiU ne^er again oppose those laudable measures, necessarily adopt- ed by my countrymen, for the preservation of Ame- rican freedom: but will co-operate with the.n to the utmost of my abilities, in their virtuous struggle for liberty (so far as is ognsistent with my rcli- gsous principles.) S. li. PRIVCrPLKS AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. tSi Resolved unanp?\ousW, that the coiina'tee do, tfeink the above recanli.tion fully satisfactory. THO'S. NIXON, Jr. Clerk. May 9th, 1775. SATISTACTION TINDEHEP. GENTI.EMBS. ■ Wliatever the public opinion may be of what I have here.ofore said respecting' the contest between Great Britain and the colonies, I do solemnly assure you that I have never had : 'ly thing in view but a reconciliation between them, upon the full establishmeni of all the constisutio.- al rights and privileges of America. Which rights and privileges I im determined to defend with my life and property against all invasions whatsoever. This you will please to make known to my brehren in this qpunty. I am, gentlemen, with great respect, your hum- lile servant, I^- ^• Xo the committee of obaervati n for Kent county, on Dela-wave. Arrest of a member of the legislature. [The following petition stifficiently explains the circumstances of the casf.] The petition and remonstranc? of the iif^ht infan'ry coanoany of Dover, to the honorable house of rt^ ffuard for on? r.ijjh*, and nex* diy, by advice of a nnmber of gentlem-n in whom we could confide, they were set at liberly, on their giving bond with security that they would submit their conduct to a strict enquiry before vour honorable house, and not presume to sit or do any one a-^t as members, until honorably acquitted of all charges and evf-ry degree of suspi'^ion, by you In all this we spprc hend, we have acted consistent with the firs: prin- ciples of nature and humanity. And as we flat er ourselves with your approbation, we hope and ex- pect that aecraliny will be made into the conduct of these suspicions persons, and that in wisdom you will judge of them, and relieve your petition- ers and the public in general of their apprehen- sions concerning them. We cannot omit the present opportunity, with liumility and confidence, to make known to your honors iuaay grievances of our own and nei;^hbor- ing county, by which the cause of virtue and liber- ty has, and will greatly suffer — and may be ruincrT; unless by the introtuties of your petitioners and other good men, we can prevail on your honors to look diligently and carefully into the ways and f^onJuct of a number ofd^signing and inle:*sted en, wbo, li'ne tiic p:irliament of Great Mrilain, presentatives, for the gover ment of the coun-junder the pretext of law, nde or order, most as- ties of \ew C-stle, Kent, and Su«*sex, on Uela- siduously oppose and hinder, to the utmost of their ware, now silti'>g at New Castle, lumbly s p'l'ein: [power, the strenuous endeavors of the good and That T. R. of Sussex county, esq having fur ri virtuous in all their public measures, on behuU" cf long time past been of ill fame, and published by jOur threatened liberty. When under covert of au- diverse commi tees in several newspapers as an enemy to his country, and the said T. R. presum ing to pass through our county, and at a critical conjuncture to sit in your honorable house, as one gf our representatives, we thought oorseives boinid in duty, as we regarded the honor of your bonora ble house, and the true interest and safety of the public, to take said T. R. into custody until your bonorable house could lake order in the matter Whereupon an attempt being made to arrest Mr R. col. iVf. of Susses county also, drew his sword, and tho* he was made well acquainted with the reasons and principles upon which it was ihonglit necessary to arrest Mr. R. he s*ore he would de- fend him at the risk of his life. Upon this, he was immediately disarmed, and his violent conduct, to- gether with the well known connexion between the two men, inducing the company to consider Mr. M. as in the same predicament with Mr. R they after mature deliberation, resolved to give them both a like treatment, by keeping them in safe custody until your advice and pleasure sliould be known. They were accordingly detained under thority or the specious garb of moderation, the first lavs of nature and justice are violated, if we do but murmur we are reprobated as violent i ic^'t^- diaries, and loaded with opprobrious epithets. I!y the dint ©f influence, a number of persoi-.s, t'le most not iriously opposed to the cause of liberty, and who have made public concessions for the most daring offences, are made officers in our militia, and thus have influence among the people. But this reproach is not the roost intolerable to com- plain of. Men of the most dangerous characters have crept into our very councils; and, if it were possible, would contaminate the very source and fountain of all our hopes and expectations. We pray your honors, that, after diligent crqtiiry and being well satisfied of the truth of these our allegations, you will take the means of our redress into your serious consideration, and tJiat you wiil give that aid to public virtue and liberty which your known wisdom and patriotism v ber of the house of commons, and governor of Fort William in Norch Britain? A. t5. C. D. E. F. &c. &c. &C. Saratoga, 10th July, 1777. Proposals far an exchange of general Burgoyne.— Jiscribed to his exce'Uency iViUiait Livingston, esf. governor of the state of JVe-w-Jersejf* Should the report of general Burgoyne's having' infringed the capitulation, between major general Gates and himself, prove to be true, our su ">e n )rs *The turgid, bombastic procla'nation (for *vhicl» see American Museum, vol. IF. page 495) which gave rise to this elegant and poignant satire, was prefaced in the following manner: "Proclamation by .lohn IJsirgoyne, esquire, lieutenant general of his majesty's armies in America, colonel of the queen's regiment of light dragooTS, governor of fort William, in Njrth Britain, one of the repre- sentatives of tlie coiu.nr)ns of Great '.iritnin, and roinmanding an army hii I Heat on an expedition iroiti Canada, &c. &c. &c."— C. PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 265 will doubtless take proper ctre to prevent his reaping nny benefit from it; and should he be de- tained as a prisoner for his infi'action of any of the articles, I would humbly propose to exchange hirti in sucli manner, as will at the same time flatter his vanity and redonnd to the greatest emolument of Amei-ica. To evince the reasonableness of my propose', I would observe, tliat by the same parity of reason, that a general is exchanged for a gene ral, a colonel for a colonel, and so on, with respect to other officers, mutually of equal rank, we ought to have far one and the ssme gentleman, who shall happen to hold both those offices, both a general and a colonel. Tiiis will appear evident from the consideration that those exchanges are never re gulated by viewing the peisons exclianged in the light of meu, but as officers; since otheiwise, a colo nel might as well be exchanged fjr a serjemt as for an officer of iiis own rank; a serjsant being, undoubtedly, equally a man, and, as the case some- times happens, more of a man too. One prisoner, therefore, having twenty different offices, ought to redeem from captivity twenty prisoners aggregately holding the same ofHces; or such greviier or less number as shall, with respect to rank, be equal to his twenty offices. This being admitted, I think general Burgoyne is the most profitable prisoner we could have taken, having more offices, or (what amount? to the same thing in Old Englaid) more titles, than any gentleman on this side the Ganges. And as his impetuous excellency certainly meant to avail himself of his titles, by their pompous display in his proclamation, had l.e proved conqueror, it is but reiisonable that ire should avail ourselves of t'lem now he is conquered; and, till I meet with a better project f)r that purpose, I persuade myself -that the following proposal will appropriate them to a much better use, than they were ever applied to before. The exchange I propose is as follows: I. For John Burgoyne, esquire. Sonne worthy justice of the peace, magnnnimonsly stolen out of his bed, or taken from his farm by a band of rulHans in the uniform of British soldiers, and now probably perishing with hunger and cold in a loathsome jail in New York. II. For John Bnrgoyne, lieittenant general of his ma- jest yU armies in Jlmerica, Two majors general. III. For John Burgoyne, colonel of the qiieen''s regi ment of light dragoons. As the British troops naturally prize every tiling in proportion as it partakes of royalty, and under value wh.itever originates from a reftuhUcan govern- ment, I suppose a colonel of her mnjesty's own regi" ment will procure at least three continental colonelt of horse. IV. For John Biirgoyne, governor of fort IVilliam in J^'orth Brit(dn. Here I would demand one governor of one of the United States, as his Ttuhitttlury excellency is go- vernor of ufjri; and two more, as that fort is in JVorth Britain, which his Britannic majesty may be presumed to v^hse in that proportion; but consider- ing that the said fort is r;alled IVdliam, wliich may excite in his msjrsty's mind the rebellious idea of liberty, I deduct one upon thp.t account, and, rather 'hae puzzle the cartel with any perplexity, I am content VfiXh txoo governors. V For John Burgoyne, one of the representatives of Great Britain. The first ,T;ernher of congress who may fall into he enemy's hj.nds. VI For John Burgoyne, commander of a feet emf p'oyed in an expedition from Canada. Ti;e .idmirai of our navy. Vll. For John Bargovn'', commander of an army employed in an expedition from Canada. O e commander in chief in any of our depart- ments. Vllt. For John Burgoyne^ &c. &c. &c. S ime connoisseurs in iiicroglyphics im.igine that these tliree et ceteras are emblematicul of tTiiree certain occult qualities in the general, which he never intends to exhibit in more legible characters, v'z. prndence, modesty, and humanity. Others sup- pose that they stand fjr king of America; and that, had he proved successfiil, he would have fallen upon general Howe, and afterwards have set up fur himself. Be this as it may, (which it however behoves a certain gentleman on the other side of the water seriously to tonsider) I insist upon it, that as ;ill dark and cab.HlisUcal characters ara suspicious, these inogno^cible enig-mai may poriend much more tlian is generally apprehended. At all events, general Burgoyne has avaled himself of their importance, and I doulit not they excited as milch terror in his proclamation, as any of his rnore luminous titles. As his person, therefore, is by the r.pture, become the properly of the congress, all his titles, (which some suppose to constitute his very essence) whether more splendid or opake, latent or visible, ure become, ipso facto, tiie Inwful goods and cl'attels of the continent, and oug])t not to be restored without a consideration equivalent. If we sliould happen to over-rate them, it is hi9 own fault, it being in his power to ascertain their intrinsic value; ar.d it is a vale in law, tliat whsn * 266 PIIINCIFLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. man is possessed of evidence to disprove what is .power. Nor cai I forbear suggesting its fatal ten- alleged agjiinst him, and refuses to pi'oduce it, the dency to widen that unhappy breach, which you, |)resumptian raised against Iiim, is to be taken for and those ministers under whom you act, have re- granted. Certain it is, that these three et ceteras peatedly declared you wish to see forever closed, must stand for three somethvigg, and as these thre somethings must, at least, be equal to ihree some- things without rank or title, I had some thoughts ! of setting them down for three privates,- but then as they are three sometldngs in general Jiurjoyne, wliich must be of twice the value of three avy things, in miy three privates, 1 si) all only double them, and demand in exchange for these three problematical, enigmatical, hieroglyphical, mystic, necromantic, cab.ilistical and portentous et ceteras, &\s. privates. So that, according to my plan, we ought to detain this ideal conqueror of the North, now a real pri- soner in the East, till we have got in exchange for him, one esquire, two majors general, three colo- nels of light horse, two governors, one men^ber of congress, ihe admiral of our navy, one commander in chief in a separate department, and six privates; \vhich is probably more than this extraordinary hero would fetch in any part of Great Britain, were he exposed at public auction for a day and a year. All which is nevertheless, humbly submitted to the con- sideration of the honorable the congress, and his excellency general Washington. I'linceton, December 8, 1777. Letter from his excellency general Washington to ge- ?ieral Gage. Head auAnxEHS, Cambridge, August 11, 1775. Sin— I understand that the officers the cause of liberty and their count fortune of war, have fallen into your hands, have been thrown indiscriminately into a common jail, appropriated for felons — that no consideration has been had for those of the most respectable rank, when languishing with ;younds and sickness — that some of them have been even amputated in this unworthy situation. Let youi* opinion, sir, of the principle which actu- ates them, be what it may, they suppose they act from the noblest of all principles, a love of freedom and their country. But political opinions,! conceive, are foreign to this point. The cbligatioris arising from the rights of humanity, and claims of rank, are uni- versally binding and exiensive, except \a case of retaliation. These, I should have hoped, would have dictated a more tender treatment of those in- dividtial.'?, whom chance or war had put in your My duty now makes it necessary to apprise you, that, for the future, I shall regulate my conduct to- wards those gentlemen of your army, who are, or may be in our possession, exactly by the rule you shall observe towards those of ours who may be in your custoJy. If severity and hardship mark the line of your conduct (painful as it may be to me) your prisoners will feel its effect; bat if kindness and huaianity are shown to ours, I shall, with pleasure, consider those in our hands only as unfortunate, and they shall receive from me that treatment to which the unfortunate are ever entitled. I b?g to be favored with an answer as soon as possible, and am, sir, your very humble servant, G. WASHINGTON. His excellency general Gage. ANSWER. Boston, August 13, 1775. StH — To the glory of civilized nations, humanity and var have been compatible; and compassion to the subdued is become almost a general system. Britons, ever pre eminent in mercy, have out- gone common examples, and overlooked the crimi- nal in the captive. Upon these principles, your prisoners, whose lives, by the laws of the land, are destined to the cord, hav-, hitherto been treated emraiTPd ;„,' ^^i'h care and kindness, and more comfortably lodg- rv who bvthe'^^' *^^^" ^^^ king's troops, in the hospitals; indis- criminately, it is true, for I acknowledge no rank that is not derived from the king. My intelligence from your army would justify severe recrimination. I understand there are seme of the king's faithful subjects, taken sometime since by the rebels, laboring like negro slaves, to gain their daily subsistence, or reduced to the wretched alternative, toperisti by famine or take arms against their king and country. Those, who have made the treatment of the prisoners in my hands, or of your other friends in Boston, a pre- tence for such measures, found barbarity upon false- hood- I would willingly hope, sir, that the sentiments of liberality, which I have always believed you to possess, will be exerted to correct these misdoii\gs. Be temperate in political disquisitions; give free PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 267 operation to truth, and punish those who deceive and misrepresent; and not only the effects, but the causes of this unhappy conflict will soon be re- moved. Should those, under whose usurped authority you act, conlroul such a disposition, and dare to call severity retaliation, to God, who knows all hearts.be the appeal for the dreadful consequences. I trust that British soldiers, asserting the rights of the state, the laws of the land, the being of the constitution, will meet all events with becoming fortitude. They will court victory with the spirit their cause inspires, and from the same motive vvili find the patience of martyrs under misfortune. Till I read your insinuations In regard to mir.is- ters, I conceived that I had acted under tlie king-, whose wishes it is true, as well as those of his ministers, and of every honest man, have been to see this unhappy breach forever closed; but unfor- tunately for both countries, those, who have long since projected the present crisis, and influence the councils of America, have views very distant from accommodation. I am, sir, your most obedient humble servant, THOMAS GAGE. George Wanhingion, esq. REPLY. Head atrAUTERS, Cambridge, August 19, 1775. Sia — 1 addressed you on the 11th inst. in terms which gave the fairest scope for the exercise of that humanity and politeness, which were supposed to form a part of your character. I remonstrated with you on the unworthy treatment shewn to the officers and citizens of America, whom the fortune of war, chance, or a mistaken confidence, had throv/n into your hands. Whether British or American mercy, fortitude, and patience, are most pre-eminent — whether our virtuous citizens, whom the hand of tyranny has forced into arms, to defend their wives, their chil- dren, and their property, or the mercenary instru- ments of lawless domination, avarice, and revenge, best deserve the appellation of rebels, and the pu- nishment of that cord, which your affected clemen- cy has forborne to inflict — whether the authority under which I act, is usurped, or founded upon the genuine principles of liberty— were altogether foreign to the subject. I purposely avoided all political disquisition; nor shall I now avail my- self of those advantages, which the sacred cause of my country, of liberty and human nature, give me over you; much \c^s shall I stoop to retort any invective. But the intelligence, you s^y you have received frjm our arnr.y, requires a reply. I have taken time, sir, to make a s'rict enquiry, and And it has not the least foundation in truth. Not on!y your officers and soldiers have been treated with a te .dernes? due to fellow cilizeas and brethren, but even those execrable parricides, whose coun- cils and aid have deluged their country with blood, i have been protected from the fury of a justly en- raged people. Fur from compelling or permitting their assistance, I am embarrassed with the num- bers who croud to our camp, animated with the pti- rest principles of virtue and love of their country. You advise me to give free operation to truth; to punish misrepresentation and falsehood. If expe- rience stamps value upon counsel, your's t lUst have a weight which few can claim. You best can tell, how far the convulsion, which has br^nght such ruin on both countries, and shaken the mighty empire of Britain to its foundation, may be tiiced to these malignant causes. i You affect, sir, to despise all rank, nof derived from the same source with your own. I cannot con- ceive one more honorable, than that which flovs from the uncorrupted clioice of a br?ve and free people, the pureat source and original fountain of all power. Far from making it a pica foi- cruelly, a mind of true magnanimity and enlarged ideas, would comprehend and respect it. What may have been the ministerial views which have precipitated the present crisis, Lexington, Concord, and Charlestovvn, can best declare. Mny that God, to whom you then appealed, judge be- tween America and you. Under his providence, those who influence the councils of America, and all the other inhabitants of the United Colonies, at the hazard of their lives, are determined to hand down to posterity those just and invaluable privi- leges which they received from their ancestors. I shall now, sir, close my correspondence with you, perhaps forever. If your oflicers, our prison- ers, receive a treatment from me, diffei-ent from what I wished to shew them, they and you will remember the occasion of it. I am, sir, your very humble servant, GEOUGE WASHINGTON. General Gage. 268 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. Z/SlterJ'rom major general liobeiteon to his excellency governor Livivgslon, Nkw-Yobk, Jamtury 4, \777. SrR — I am interrupted in my daily attempts to soften the calamities of persons awd reconcile their (Case with our security, by a general cry of resent- tnent, arising from an information-; That offic TS in the king's service, taken on the 27ih of November, and Mr. John Brovin, a deputy comnrsisssry, are to be tri'id in Jersey fir hig^ trea- son; and that Mr. Ilift' and another prisoner have been hanged. Though I -^m neither authorised to threaten or to sooth, my wish to prevent an increase of horrors, will justify my usinp the liberty of an old acquaint- ance, to de;Mre your interposition to put an end to, PC prevent meaiures which, if pursued on one side, would tend to prevent every act of humanity on the other, and render every person who exerci.'-es this 10 the king's enemies, odious to his frieifds. I aeed not point out to you all the cruel conse quences of such a procedure. I am hopeful you'll prevent them, and excuse 'his trouble from, Sir, your obedient humble servant, JA.MES K0BERT.'50?f. K B. At tlie moment that the cry of murder r'^ached my et,rs, i was sijjning oi ders that Fell's lequest to have the liberty of the city, and colonel Jitiynold now be set free on his parole, siionld be eomplied with. 1 have not recalled the order, be cause, though the evidence be strong, I cannot be- lieve it possible, a measure so cruel and unpolitic, *^otild be adopted where you bear sway. To William Livingston, esq. Uc. &c. GOVEUNOH LIVINGSTOh's ANSWER. January 7, 1777. Sin — Having received a letter under your sig- nature, dated the 4tii instant, which I have some reason to think you intended for mr, I sit down to answer your enquiries concerning certain officer> in the service of your king taken on Staten Inland, and one Browne, who culls himself a deputy com^ missary; and also respecting one IlifF and another prisoner, (I suppose you must mean John Mee, he having shared the fate you mention) who have been hanged. Buskirk, Earl and Hamrnel, who are, I presume, the oIBcers intended, with the said Browne, were sent to me by general Dickenson as prisoners ta- ken on Staten-lsland- Finding them all to be sub- jects of this state, and to have committed treason against it, the coiincil of safety committed them to Trenton gaol. At the same time I acquainttd ge- neral Washington, that if he chose to treat the three first, who were British officers, as prisoners of War, I dou!)ted not the council of safety would be satiijfied. General Washington has since informed me that he intends to consider them as such; and they are theref ire at his service, whenever the com- missary of prisoners shall direct concerning them. Browne, I am told, committed several robberies in this state before he took sanctuary on Staten- lsland, and I slisuld scarcely imagine that he has expiated the guilt of Lis former crimes by com- mitting \\\ft greater one of joining the enemies of iiis country. However, if general Washingtoia chooses to consider him also as a prisoner of war, I shall not interpose in the matter. Uiff was executed after a trial by a jury, for en- listing our subjects, himself being one, as recruits in the British army, and he was apprehended orj his way with them to Staten-lsland. Had he never been subject to this state, he would have forfeited his life as spy. Mee was one of his company, and had also procured our subjects to enlist in the service of the enemy. If these transactions, sir, should induce you to countenance greater severities towards our people, whom the fortune of war has thrown into your pow- er, than they have already sufi'ered, you will pardon me for thinking that you go farther out of yotir way to find palliatives for inhumanity than neces- sity seems to require; and if this be the cry of mur-. der to which you allude as having reached your ears, I sincerely pity your ears for being so fre- quently assaulted with cries of murder much more audible, because much less distant,— I mean the cries of your prisoners who are constantly perish- ing in the gaols Of New-York (the coolest and most deliberate kind of murder) from the ri,;orous mari- ner of their treatment. I am, with all due respect, your most humble servant, WILLIAM LIVINGSTOX, James Robertson, esq. &C. Sec. &c. P. S. You have distinguished me by a title which I h&ve neither authority nor ambition to assume. I know of no man, sir, who bean away in this state. It is our peculiar felicity, and our superiority over the tyrannical system we have discarded, that we are not swayed by men — In New-Jersey, sir, the laws alone bear sway. A''ovember, 1781. Address delivered by J\i, I'abbe Bandole, to congress, the supreme executive council, and the assembly •>/ PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTfON. 269 Pennsylvania, &c &c. tvho were invited by his excel.'ency the minister of France, to attend in the Roman Catholic church in Philadelphia, during the celebration of divine service, and thanksgiving for the capture of lord Corniuallis. Gentlemeit — A numeroas people assembled to render thanks to the Aln.igh'y for his rnercies, is one of the most affecting objects, and worthy the attention of the Supreme Bu'.ic, mcj^ navi, . c .. 1 . ..u I • 1 found here another lionie, and, thouerh driven from regions to confine themselves in another Jericho, I ' ' " fe ' "'"cn nou . II i: . J . i- 11 . r .. (their native soil, they have blessed God. that he whose walls were fated to fall before another | * ' ' has delivered them from their enemies, and co/>- ducted thetn to a country where every just an.i fepling m-an h:is sitretched out the helping hand of benevolence. Heaven rewards their virtues. Three Joshua. It is He, whose voice commands the winds, the seas and the seasons, who formed a juiiction on the same day, in the same hour, between a formidable fleet from the south, and an army rush- ing from the north, like an impetuous torrent. Who but he, in whose liands are the hearts of men, could inspire the allied troops witli the friendships, the confidence, the tenderness of brothers? How is it that two nations once divided, jealous, inimical, and nursed in reciprocal prejudices, are now be- come so closely united, as to form but one? — Worldlings would say, it is the wisdom, the virtue. htrge states are at once wrested from the foe. The rapacious soldier has been compelled to take refuge behind his ramparts; and opprcHsion has vanished like those phantoms which are dissipated by the morning ray. On this solemn occasion, we might renew our thanks to the God of battles, for the success ha has granted to the arms of your allies, and your and moderation of their chiefs; it is a great national fiends, by land and by sea, through the other parts interest which has performed this prodigy. They will say, that to the skill of the generals, to the courage of the troops, to the activity of the whole army, we must attribute this splendid success. Ah! they are ignorant, that the combining of so many fortunate circumstances, is an emanation from the of the globe. But let us not recal those events which too clearly prove how much the hearts cf our enemies have been obdurated. Let us pro- strate ourselves at the altar, and implore the God of mercy to suspend his vengeance, to spare them in his wrath, to inspire them with sentiments of ^70 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. justice and moderation, to terminate their obstinacy , the chaff from the grain, ll has discriminated the and error, and to ordain that your victories be (temporising politiciyn. wlio, at the first appe«rance followed by peace and tranquility. Let us beseech him to continue to shed on the councils of the king your ally, that spirit of wisdom, of justice, and of courag-e, which has rendered his reign so of danger, was deiermined to secure his idol, pro- perty, at the hazard of the general weal, from the persevering patriot — who, having embarked his all in the common cause, chooses rather to risque — glorious. Let us intreat him to maintain in each rather to lose that all, for the preservation of the of the states that intelligence by which the United | more estimable treasure, liberty, than to possess States are inspired. Let us return him thanks that a faction, whose rebellioH he has corrected, now deprived of support, is annihilated. Let us offer it — fenjoy it he certainly could not) — upon the ignominious terms of tamely resitijning his coun- try an^ posterity to perpetual servitude. It has. him pure hearts, unsoiled by private hatred or pub-|in a word, opened the eyes of those who wei-e made lie dissention; and let us, with one will and onelto believe, that their iuipiru* .nerit, in abetting our voice, pour forth to the Lord that hymn of praise,] persecutors, would excTpt the-i from being involv- by which Christians celebrate their gratitude and his glory. Speech of his excellency V/iUiam Livingston, esq. governor of the state of JVew-.Tsrsey, to the legisla- ture of that state, in the year 1777. Gehtlemks— Having already laid before the as- sembly, by messages, the several matiers that have occurred to me, as more particularly demanding their attention during the present session, it may seem less necessary to address you in the more ceremonious form of a speech. But conceiving it my duty to tlie state, to deliver my sentiments on the present situation of affairs, and the eventful contest between Great Britain and America, which '' could not, with any propriety, be conveyed in occasional messages, you will excuse my giving you the trouble of attending for that purpose. After deploring with you, the desolation spread through this state by an unrelenting enemy, who have indeed marked their progress with a devasta- tion unknown to civilized nations, and evincive of the most implacable vengeance — I heartily congra tulate you upon that subsequent series of success wherewith it hath pleased the Almighty to crown the American arms; ?.nd particularly on the im- portant enterprise against the enemy at Trenton, — and the signal victory obtained over them at Princeton, by the gallant troops under the com- mand of his excellency general Washington. Considering the contemptible figure they make at present, and the disgust they have given to many of their own confederates amongst us, by their more than Gothic ravages— (for thus doth the Great Disposer of events often deduce good out of evil) — their irruption into our dominion will probably redound to the public benefit. It has certainly enabled us the more effectually to distinguish our friends from our enemies. It has winnowed ed in the general calamity. Biil iis the rapacity of the enemy was boundless — their havoc was indis- criminate, and their bii'.barity unparalleled. They have plundered friends and foes. Effec-ts capable of division, they have Jivided. Such as were not, they have destroyed. I'h&y hive warred upon decrepit age — warred upon defenc-less youth. They have conunitted hostilities against the professors of Jiierature, and the ministers of rtlgion — .ig^^inst public records, and private m'jcumenis, and boo'.ts of improvement, and papers of curiosity, and against the arts and sciences. They have butchered the wounded, ssking for quarter; mangled the dying, weltering in their blood; refu-ied to the dead the rite:; of sepulture; suffered prisoners to perish for want of sustenance; violated the c'lastity of women; disfigured private dwellings, of taste and elegance; and, in the rage of impiety and barbarism, profaned and prostrated edifices dedicated to Almighty God. And yet there are amongst us, who, either from ambitious or lucrative motives — or intimidated by the terror of their arms— or from a partial fondness for theBritish constitution — or deluded by insidious propositions — are secretly abettiiig, or openly aid- ing their machinations, to deprive us of that liber- ty, v/ithout which man is a beast, and government a curse. Besides the inexpressible baseness of wishing to rise on the ruins of our country — or to acquire riches at the expense of the liberties and fortunes of millions of our fellow-citizens — how soon would these delusive dreams, upon the conquest of Ame- rica, end in disappointraent? P'or where is the fund to recompense those retainers to the British arms? Was every estate in America to be con- fiscated, and converted into cash, the product would not satiate the avidity of their national dependents; nor furnish an adequate repast for the keen appetites of theirown min'i,'erial beneficiaries. PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTIO^^ £71 Inscead of gratuities and promotion, these unhappy accomplices in their tyranny, would meet with supercilious looks and cold disdain; and, after tedious attendance, be finally told by their haughty masters, that they indeed approved the treason. With all this, we ought to contrast the nunoer- ous and hardy sons of America, inured to to'l — seasoned alike to heat and cold — hale — robust — patient of fatigue — and, from their ardent love of liberty, ready to face danger and death— the but despised the traitor. Insulted, in fine, by immer-.se extent of continent, which our infatuated their pretended proieclors, but real betrayers— and I enemies have undertaken to subjugate — the re- goaded with the stings of tlieir own consciences — jmarkable unanimity of its inhabitants, notwith- they would remain the frightful monuments of hu- Islanding the exception of a few apostates and man contempt and divine indignation, and linger deserters — ^their unshaken resolution to maintain out tberest of theii- days in self-condemnation and jtJieir freedom, or perish in the attempt — the remorse — and in weeping over the ruins of tlieir i fertility of our soil in all kinds of provisions neces- country, which themselves had been instrumental ;Sary for the support of war— our inexhaustible in- in reducing to desolation and bondage. ternal resources for military stores and naval arma- _,, .. 1. i •/• 1 u «u„ ^^..,^„ h^ents — our comparative economy in public ex- Others there are, who, ternhed by the power ^ / i of Britain, have persuaded themselves that she is not only formidable, but irresistible. That her ; penses — and the millions we save by having re- probated the farther ex-:hange of our valuable ^ . , , .. „ «u„t •(.•„„„(. t« h^taples for the worthless baubles and finery of power IS great, is beyond question; that it is not to ' J be despised, is the dictate of common prudence. But then we ought also to consider her, as weak in council, and ingulphed in debt— reduced in her trade — reduced in her revenue— immersed in plea- sure — enervated with luxury — and, in dissipation and venality, surpassing all Europe. We ought to consider her as hated by a potent rival, her natural enemy, and particularly exasperated by her imperious conduct in the last war, as well as i her insolent manner of commencing it; and thence inflamed with resentment, and only v/atching a favorable juncture for open hostilities. We ought to consider the amazing expense and difficulty of transporting troops and provisions above three thousand miles, with the impossibility of recruit- ing their army at a less distance, save only with such recreants, whose conscious guilt must at the first approach of danger, appal the stoutest heart. Those insuperable obstacles are known and ac- knowledged by ^very virtuous and impartial man in the nation. Even the author of this horrid war is incapable of concealing his own confusion and distress. Too great to be wholly suppressed, it frequently discovers itself in the course of his speech — a speech terrible in word, and fraught v^ith contradiction — breathing threatnings, and be- traying terror — a motley mixture of magnanimity and consternation — of grandeur and abasement. — With troops invincible, he dreads a defeat, and wants reinforcements. Victorious in America, and triumpliant on the ocean, he is an humble de- pendent on a petty prince; and apprehends an j debt already enormous.'' And what was the ma- attack upon his own metropolis; and, with full jority of their parliament, fm-merly the most august Eriglish manufacture. Add to this, that in a cause so just and righteous on our part, we have the highest reason to expect the blessing of Heaven upon our glorious conflict. For wha can doubt the interposition of the supremely just, in favor of a people forced to recur to arms in defence of every thing dear and precious, against a nation deaf to our complaints — rejoicing in our misery — wantonly aggravating our oppressions— determined to divide our substance— and by fire and sword to compel us into submission? Respecting the constitution of Great Britain, bating certain royal prerogatives, of dangerous ten- dency, it has been applauded by the be«t judges; and displays, in its original structure, illustrious proofs of wisdom and the knowledge of human nature. But what avails the best constitution, with the worst administration? For what is their present government — and what has it been for years past, but a pensioned confederacy again«t reason, and virtue, and honor, and patriotism, and the rights of man? What were their leaders, bat a set of political craftsmen, flagitiously conspiring to erect the babel, despotism, upon the ruins of the ancient and beautiiul fabric of law — a shame- less cabal, notoriously employed in deceiving the prince, corrupting the parliament, debasing the people, depressing tlie most virtuous, and exalting the most profligate—in short, an insatiable junto of public spoilers, lavishing the national wealth, »nd, by peculation and plunder, accumulating a confidence in the friendship and alliance of France, he trembles upon his throne, at her secret design and open preparations. assembly in the world, but venal pensioners to the crown — a prefect mockery of all popular repre- ^ sentation— and at the absolute devotion of txery 572 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. minister? Wlia^ were the characteristics of their| and divine; and we can neither question the justice administration of the provinces? The substitution jof our opposition, nor the assistance of Heaven to crown it with victory. Let us not, however, presumptuously rely on the interposition of Providence, without exerting those efforts which it is our duty to exert, and which our bountiful Creator has enabled us to exert. Let us do our part to open the next campaign with redoubled vigour; and until the United Stales have humbled the pride of Britain, and obtained an honorable peace, cheerfully furnish our proportion for continuing the war — a war, founded on our side on the itnmutable obligation of self defence and in support of freedom, of virtue, and every thing tending to ennoble our nature, and render a peo- ple happy — on their part, prompted by boundless avarice, and a thirst for absolute sway, and built on a clain repugnant to every principle of reason and equity — a claim subversive of all liberty, na- tural, civil, moral, and religious; incompatible with human happiness, and usurping the attributes of deity, degrading man, and blaspheming God. Let us all, therefore, of every rank and degree, remember our plighted failh and honor, to main. tain til a cause with our lives and fortunes. Let us inflexibly persevere in prosecuting to a happy period^!' what has been so gloriously begun, and liiiherto so prosperously conducted. And let those in more distinguished s'tations use all their influ- ence ar.d authority, to rouse the supine; to animate the irresolute; to confirm the wavering; and to draw from his lurking hole, the skulking neutral, who, leaving to others the heat and burden of the day, means in the final result to reap the fruits of that victory, for which he will not contend. Let us be peculiarly assiduous in bringing to condign punish^ ment, those detestable parricides who have been openly active against their native country. And may vve, in all our deliberations and proceedings, be influenced and directed by the Great Arbiter of the fate of nations, by whom empires rise and fall, and who will not always suffer the sceptre of the wicked to rest on the lot of the righteous, but in due time avenge an injured people on their un- feeling oppveaso'-, and his bloody instruments. HaJclmJi, Id, Feb. 25, 1777. [Xj^/f has been controverted -whether the capture of gen. Corniuallis was the result of a plan preconcert' ed between gen. IP usftington and count de Grasse; or rather -whether the arrival of the count in the Chesapeake, -was pve-determmed and expected by gen. Washington, and consequently all the prepara* of regid instructions in the room of law; the multi- plication of officers to strtiigthen the court in- teres-; perpetually extending the prerogatives of the kii'g, and retrenching the rights of the sub- ject, advancing to the most eminent stations, men without education, and of the most dissolute man- ners; employing, with the people's money, a band of emissaries to misrepresent and traduce the peo- ple; and, to crown the system of mis-rule, sport- ing with our persons and esta'.es, by filling the highest seats of justice, witii bankrupts, bullies, and block-heads. From such a nation (though all this we bore, and should perhaps have borne for another century, had they not avowedly claimed the unconditional disposal of life and property) it is evidently our duty to be detached. To remain happy or safe in our connexion with her, became thenceforth utterly impossible. She is moreover precipitating her own fall, or the age of miracles is returned — and Bri tain a phenomenon in the political world, without a parallel. The proclamations to ensnare the timid and credulous, are beyond expression disingenuous and tantalizlig. In a gilded pill they conceal real poison: they add insult to injury. After repeated intimations of commissioners to treat with Ame- rica, we are presented, instead of the peaceful olive- branch, with the devouring sword: instead of be ing visited by plenipotentiaries to bring matters to an accommodation, we are invaded by an army, in their opinion, able to subdue us — and upon dis- covering their error, the terms propounded amount to this, "If you will submit without resistance, we are content to take your property, and spare our lives; and then (the consummation of arrogance!) we will graciously pardon you, for having hitherto defended both." Considering then their bewildered councils, their blundering ministry, their want of men and money, their impaired credit, and declining commerce, their lost revenues, and starving islands, the corruptioi of their parliament, with the effeminacy of their na tion — and the success of their enterprise is against all probabiliiy. Considering farther, the horrid enormity of tbeir waging war against their own brethren, expostulating for an audience, complain- ing of iujurles, and supplicating for redress, and waging it with a ferocity and vengeance unknowr to modern ages, and contrary to all laws, human PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 2:3 tions to attack JWttf York, a mere finesse to deceive the enemy, or ivhether the real intention -was against JV'*t;w York, and the siege of Yorktown planned npoii the unexpected arrival of the French fleet in the hay. The follotuing letter will set the matter in its trite light.] [Carey's Museum. Mount Yktxvos, July 31i 1788. Sin— I duly received your letter of the 14th inst and can only answer youbrieiiy and generally from • memory; that a combined operation of the land and naval forces of France in America, for the year 1781, was preconcerted the year before; that the point of attack was not absolutely agreed upon*, because it could not be foreknown where tlie ene- my would be most susceptible of impression; and l)ec:»use we (liavingthe command of tlie water with sufficient means of conveyance) could transport oursflves to any spot with the greatest celerity; that it was determined by me, nearly twelve months before hand, at all hazards, to give out, and cause it to be believed by the highest military as well as civil oUicers, that New York was the destined place of attack, for the important pur- pose of inducing the eastern and middle states to make greater exertions in furnishing specific sup- plies, than they otherwise would have done, as well as for the interesting purpose of rendering the ene- my less prepared elsewhere; that, by these means, i^ ^'^*^ ' '''^'^ ""'•■'^ ^^'^"''^ ^o S^'^^'^V it, as I am and these alone, artillery, boats, stores, and provi- r^i'^'^''^' solicitous the undisguised verity should sions, were in seasonable preparation to move with ^ known. Many circumstances will unavoidasly first have been so far degarnishe;!, to carry on the southern operations, as to render our success in the siege of tiiat place, as infallible as any future military event can ever be made. For I repeat it, and dwell upon it again, some splendid advantage (whether upon n Urger or smaller scale was almost immaterial) was so essentially neces'sary, to revive the expiring hopes and languid exertions of the country, at the crisis in question, that I never would have consented to embark in any enterprize wherein, from the most raional plan and accurate calcul itions, the favorable issue should not have ap- peared to my view as a ray of light. The failure of an attempt against the pots of the enemy, could, in no other possible situation during the war, have been so fatal to our cause. That much trouble was taken, and finesse used, to misguide and bewilder sir Henry Ciiiiton, in regard to tliereal object, by fictitious coinitiunica- tions, as well as by making a deceptive provision of ovens, forage, and boats in his neighbortiood, is certain: nor were less pains taken to deceive our own army; for I had always conceived, where the imposition does not completely take place at home, it would never sufficiently succeed alu'oad. Your desire of obtaining truth, is very laudable; the utmost rapidity to any part of the continent; for the difficulty consisted more in providing, than knowing how to apply the military apparatus; that, - before the arrival of the count de Grasse, it was the fixed determination to strike the enemy in the most vulnerable quarter, so as to insure success with moral certainty, as our affairs were then in the most ruinous train imaginable; that New-York was thought to be beyond our effort, and consequently, that the only hesitation that remained, was between an attack upon the British army in Virginia, and tliat in Charleston: and finally, that, by the intervention of several communications, and some incidents which cannot be detailed in a letter, tiie liostile post in Virginia, from being a provisional and strongly expected, became the definitive and certain object of the campaign. I only add, that it never was in contemplation to attack New-York, unless the garrison should 'Because it would be easy for count de Grasse, in good time before his departure fronrr the West Indies, to give notice, by express, at what place he could most conveniently first touch to receive ad- vice. be miscoriceived, and misrepresented. Notwith- standing most of the papers, which may properly be deemed official, are preserved; yet the knowledge of innumerable things of a more delicate and secret nature, is confined to the perishable remembrance of some few of the present generation. With esteem, I am, sir, your most obedient hum- ble servant, GEORGE WASHINGTON. FnOM THE AMF.niCAK MKIirtTRY. Tarring and feathering, origina'ly, a Yiink"e trich. Tl'.is appears from the speech of jypFitigal, the tory Sagamore, to the Yankee mob. "Was there a Yankee trick ye knew. They did not play as well as you.' Did they not lay their heads together, And gain your art to tar and feather?" Tarring and fealhcing hnufulf This appears by the authority of the sentence which was pronounced on M'Fingul — fAi'Fingat, by John Trumbull, esq. page 60 — 1.) This sen- tence, be it remembered, though seemingly the order and decrf>e of a comnuttee, in fact, had its QU PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE IlEVOLU I iON. origin in the oraia of a man who was a jutige <>! lyears I was placed with an ofticer as his servant, the supreme court, of the state of Cojineccicnt.hn which siation I continued until I was 15, and Whether appointed judge from this specimen of j being a great proficient in iiorsemanship, was taken his judicial knu-wledge, or not, is not no.v in qnes- jas an assistant to the riding master of the troop, tion — but let us hear the sentence pronounced on land in the year 17G1, was m:iHe sergeant of dra- M'FiTigul, king of the tories. js"0ns; but the peace coming tlie year fjUowing, 1 ... , , , I was disbanded. Beinj bred to no profession, I took "Meanwhile beside the pole, the guard > o i > A bench of justice had prepared. Where, sitting round in awful sort. The grand cammlllee hold the court; While all the crew in silent awe. Wait from their lips the lore of law. Few moments with deliberation, They hold the solemn consultation, When soon in judgment all agree. And clei'k declares the dread decree: "That squire M'Fingal, having grown The vilest tory in the town. And now on full examination. Convicted by his own confession, rinding no token of repentance. This court proceed to render sentence: That first the mob a slip-knot single. Tie round the neck of said M'Fingal; And in due form do tar him next, And fealiier, as the law i)iiiiicT:>: Then thro' th.e town attendant ride him. In cart with constable beside him. And having held him up to shame. Bring to the pole from whence he came." Vision and prediction of M'Fingal, king of the tories, when in his coat of tar and feathers. "Tar yet in embryo in pine, fcliall run on tories* backs to shine; Trees rooted fair in groves of fallows. Are growing for our future gallows; And geese unhatched, when pluck'd in fray. Shall rue the feath'ring of that day." ,M'Fiti£-a', by J. Trumbull, esq. page 60. CAPTAIN WILLIAM CUNNINGHAM. The following is copied from the American Apollo, No. 7, Friday, Febiuary 17, 1792, vol. I. printed at Boston, by Belknap and Young, State street, (u weekly paper in the form of a pamphlet.) •'The life, confession, and last dying words oi captain William Cunningham, formerly Brilis] provost marshul, in the city of Nev.'-York, wh( was executed in London, the lOlh of August, 1791. "I, William Cunningham, was born in Dublin barracks, in tlie year 1738. My father was trum peter to the Blue dvagoor.s, and at the age of 8 I up with a woman who kept a gin shop in a blind j alley, near the Coal Quay; but the house being I searched for stolen goods, and my doxy taken to Newgate, I thought it most prudent to decamp; accordingly set off for the North, and arrived at Drogheda, where, in a few months after, I married the daughter of an exciseman, by whom 1 had three sons. "About the year 1772, we removed to Newry, were I commenced the profession of a scowbanker, which is that of enticing the mechanics and coun- try people to s'lip themselves for America, on pro- mises of great advantage, and tiien artfully getting an indcniure upon them; in consequence of which, on their arrival in America, they are sold or obliged to serve a term or years for their p:issage. 5 embarked at Nev^ry in the ship Needham fc^r New-York, and arrived at that port the fourth day of August, 1774, with some indented servants I kidnapped in Ireland, but were liberated in New- Yorkj on account of the bad usage they received from me during the p;iS3age. In that city I used the profession of breaking horses, and teaching ladies and gentlemen to ride, but rendering myself obnoxious to the citizens in their infant struggles for freedom, I was obliged to Hy on board the Asia man of war, and from thence to Boston, where my own opposition to the measures pursued by the Americans in support of their rights, was the first thing that recommended me to the notice of gen. Gag.; and when the war commenced, I was ap- pointed provost marshal to the royal army, v/hich placed me in a situation to wreak my vengeance on the Americans. I shudder to think of the niurders I have been accessary to, both ivith and without orders from government, especially while in New- York, daring v^rhich time there were more than two thousand prisoners starved in the dif- ferent churches by stopping their rations, which I sold. "There were also two hundred and seventy-five American prisoners and obnoxious persons execut- ed, out of all which number there were only about one dozen public executions, whic'i chiefly con. -listed of British and Hessian deserters. Tue mode for private e^iecutions Wiis thus conducted;— A PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE PvEVOLUTION. guard wss cispatched fram the provost, about lia'T after 12 at night, to the Barrack-street, and the neighborhood of the upper barracks, to order the people to shut their window shutters and put out their lights, forbidding thenn, at the same time to presume to look out of their windows and doors, on pain of de:4th; afcr which, the urfjrtunate pri- soners were conducted, grigged, just behind the tipper barracks, and hung without ceremony, and there buried by the black pioneer of t!ie provost. •'At the end of the war I returned to Knglaiu! with the army, and settled in Wales, as being a cheaper place of livipg than in any of the populous cities, but being at length persuaded to go to Lon don, I entered so warmly into the dissipations cf that capital, that I soon found my circumstances much embarrsssfd. To relieve which, I mortgaged my half pay to an army agent, but that being soon expended, I forged a draft for three hundred po'inds sterling on tlie board of ordnance, but being detected in presenting it for acceptance, 1 was apprehended, tried and convicted, and for that cfTence am here to suffer an ignominous deatli. "I beg the prayers of all good Christians, an,^ also pardon and forgiveness of God for the many horrid murders I have been accessary to. "WILLIAM CUNNINGHAM." MILITARY OUDERS IN 1779- Cdpy of general Wayne's orders, issued on the evening previous to the attack on Stoiiv Point. IlEAn-auAnTEns, Fort Montgomery, Light infantry— Xv/^ 15, 1779. The troops will parade on beating the assemble. Taking it from the right, they will march, on beat- ing the troop, and move by the right. Proper lialling places will be fixed and every oflicer and noncommissioned ofncer will remain with and be accountable for every man of their platoons. No soldier to be permitted to quit the ranks on any pretence whatever, until a general halt is made, and then to be attended by one of the oiKcers of the platoon. As soon as t!ie troops assemble, this order to be read at the head of each: The troops will march from Clement's to Stony Point, at 11 o'clock, and move by the right. Every officer and non commissioned ofScer will remain with and be accountable for every maa in his platoon. No soldier to be permitted to q-iit the ranks on any pretence whatever, until a general lialt is made, and then to be attended by one of th-? ofKoers of tlie platoon When the van of the troop"! arrive in the rear of the hill, col. Fabager will form his regiment in a solid column of half platoons, in front, as fast as they come up; col. Mdigs will form next in Fabager's rear, and major Hull in the rear of Meigs, which will be the right coluvnn; col. But- ler will form a coUmn on th.e left of Fabager, and m:f 100 deternined and picked men, properly oificered, wiih their guns unloaded, their whole dependence to be on their bayonets, will move 20 pices in front of the right column by the rout No. 1, enter the sallyport C; he is to detach an officer and 20 naen a little in front of him, whose business it will be to secure the sentries, and renwve the abbaiees, and other obstructions, for the column to pass throug'i. Tlie column will follow close in the rear, with shouldered arms, under the com- •aand of col. Fabager, with gen. Wayne in person; vhen the works are forced, (and not before) the victorious troops will as they enter give the watch- vi-orJ, the Fort's our own, with repeated and loud voice, drivnig the enrmy from their works and guns, which will favor t!-,e pass of the whole; should the enemy refuse to surrender, or attempt to make their escape by water o» otherwise, vigorous means must be used to compel them to the former, and prevent their accomplishing the latter. CjI. Buller will move by the rout No. 2, preceded by 100 men with fixed bayonets and unloaded muskets, under the command of major Stewart, who will observe a distance of 20 paces in front of the column, which will immediately follow under the command of col. Butler, wiiii shouldered muskets, and will enter the sally-port C or D. The officer commanding the above 100 men will also detach a proper officer, with 20 men, a little in front, to remove the obstructions — as soon as they gain the work, they will also give and continue the watch-word, which will prevent confusion and mistakes. Major Murphy will follow colonel Butler to the first figure. No. 3, where he wi.l divide a little to the right and left and wait the attack o.i the right, which will be a signal to begin and keep up a per- petual and galling fire, and endeavor to enter be- twecn, and pass the work A. A. If any soldier presumes to take L;s musket from his shoulder, attempts to fire or begin the battle till ordered by his proper officer, he shall be immediately put to 276 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. death by the officer next to him; for the cowardice aiid misconduct of one man is not to put the whole in danger and disorder with impunity. After tlie trocps begin to advance to the works, the strictest silence must be observed and the srreatest atten- tion paid to the command of the officers; as soo;; as ihe lines are secured, the officers of the artillery, with their commands, will take possession of the cannon, to the end thatthe shipping may be secured Rnd the Fort at Verplank's Point annoyed, so as to facilitate the attack upon that quarter. The gene- ral has the fullest confidence in the bravery and fortitude of the corps he has the happiness to com- mand. The distinguished honor conferred on every officer and soldier who has been drafted into this corps, by his excellency general Wushington, the credit of the states they respectively belong to, end their own reputation, will be such powerful motives for each man to distinguish himself, that the general cannot have the least doubt of a glori ous victory: And further, he solemnly engages to reward the first man who enters the works with g500 and immediate preferment, to the second 400, to the third 300, to the fourth 200, to the fifth 100, and will report the conduct of every officer and soldier who distinguishes himself on this oc- casion, in the most favorable point of view, to his excellency, who always takes the greatest pleasure in rewarding merit. But should there be any soldier so lost to every feeling, every sense of honor, as to attempt to retreat one single foot, or shrink from the places of danger, the officer next to him is to put him immediately to death, that he may no longer disgrace the name of a soldier the corps or the state to which he belongs. As the general is determined to share the dan- gers of the night, so he wishes to participate the glory of the day, in common with his brother lioldiers. (Signed) A. WAYNE. GRATITUDE OF GENERAL GATES. From the genuine letter of an officer. An old soldier of the royal regiment of artillery, who served me while the 18th regiment was at Fort Pitt and the Illinois, on our return from that country to Philadelphia, in 1772, came to me with a happy smile on his countenance, and told me he had the honor to receive a letter from major Gates, and begged me to read it. I asked him how be came to correspond with major Gates. Please your honor, said the old man, major Gates was dangerously wounded at Braddock's defeat, and wa3 left among the slain, I was wounded also, but made a shift to carry t!ie worthy captain Gates (he was then a captain) off the field. He has often told me since, that he owed his life to me, and charged meat parting, that whenever I thought he could in any instance serve me, to write to him without reserve; so, please your honor, (this is a soldier's dialect to all officers) I am now grown old, and worn orit in the service, and expect to be invalided and sent home, but have been long in \merica, and I like America, please your honor; I accordingly took the liberty to write to major Gates for his advice, and this is his answer. lie has also w.-ote to major Hay, to give me every indulgence the service will admit of. I hope your honor will give me your opinion what is best to be done. I read the letter; but had not read far, before I was sensibly touched v/ith the sentiments of the writer. Afier re-capitulating the service the veteran had rendered him at Braddock's field, he says, "do as you please, respecting your small pittance of pension. Thou hast served long, but ihy service lias not brought ihee rest for thy wounds and infirmities. I find by your letter that you wish to continue in America, therefore make yourself easy; when you receive your discharge, repair to my plantation on Potomac river. 1 have ot a fine tract of land there, which not only furnishes me with all the necessaries, but all the comforts of life; come and rest your firelock in my chimney corner, and partake with me; while I have, my savior PenfoldHhiiU not want; and it is my wish, as well as Mrs. Gates's, to see you spend the even- ing of your life comfortably. Mrs. Gates desires to be affectionately remembered to you." ISDIGHANT lANGUAGE. Mr. Pitt's speech in 1777, in opposition to lord Suffolk, who proposed to parliament to employ the Indians against the Americans, and said, in the course of the debate, that "thei/ had a right to vze all the means that God and nature hud put into their hands to conquer America." "My I.0RDS — I am astonished to hear such prin« ciples confessed! I am shocked to hear them avowed in this house, or in this country! Princi- ples, equally unconstitutional, inhuman, and un- christian! My lords, I did not intend to have encroached again on your attention; but I cannot repress my indignation. I feel myself impelled by every duty. My lords we are called upon as members of this house, as men, as Christian men, to protest against such notions standing pear the throne, polluting PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. S77 xhe ear of majesty. "That God and nature pu< snto our hands!" I know not what ideas that lord may entertain of God and nature; but I know, that such abominable principles are equally abhorrent to religion and humanity. What! to attribute the sacred sanction of God and nature to the massacres of ihe Indian scalping knife! to the cannibal savage, torturing-, murder- ing", roasting, and eating; literally, my lords, eating the mangled victims of his barbarous battles! SucJi horrible notions shock every precept of religion, divine or natural, and every .~enerous feeling of hu- manity. And, my lords, they shock every senti- ment of honor; they shock me as a lover of honora ble war, and a detesler of murderous barbarity. These abominable principles, and tliis more abominable avowal of them, demand the most decisive indignation. I call upon that right reve rend bench, those l.oly ministers of the gospel, and pious pastors of our church: I conjure them to join in the holy work, and vindicate the religion of their God. I appeal to the wisdom and the law of this learned bench, to defend and support the justice of their country. I call upon the bishops to interpose the unsullied sanctity of their laivn; upon the learned judges, to interpose the purity of their crinnie, to save us from this pollution. I call upon the honor of your lordships, to reverence the dignity of your ancestors, and to maintain your own. I call upon the spirit and humanity of my country, to vindicate the national character. I in- voke the genius of the constitution. From the tapestry that adorns these walls, the immortal ancestor of this noble lord frowns with indignation at the disgrace of his country. In vain he led your victorious fleets against the boasted armada of Spain, in vain he defended and estab- lished the honor, the liberties, the religion, the protestant religion of this country, against the arbitrary cruelties of popery and the inquisition, if these more than popish cruelties and inquisitorial practices are let loose among us; to turn forth into our settlements, among our ancient connections, friends, and relations, the merciless cannibal, thirst ing for the blood of man, woman and child! to send forth the infidel spvage — against whom? against your protestant brethren; to lay waste their coun- try; to desolate their dwellings, and extirpate their race and name, with these horrible hell-hounds of savage war! Spain armed herself with bloodhounds, to extir- pate the wretched natives of America; and we im- prove on the inhuman example even of Spanish cruelty. We turn loose these savage hellhounds against our brethren and countrymen in America, of the same language, laws, liberties, and religion, ende.ired to us by every tie that should sanctify humanity. My lords, this awful subject, so important to our honor, our constitution, and our religion, demands the most solemn and effectual enquiry.— And I again call upon your lordships and the unit- ed powers of the state, to examme it thoroughly, and decisively, and to stamp upon it an indelible stigma of the public abhorrence. And I again implore those holy prelates of our religion, to do away these iniquities from among us. Let them perform a lustration; let them purify this house, and this country from this sin. My lords, I am old and weak, and at present unable to say more; but my feelings and indigna- tion wtre too strong to have said less. 1 could not have slept this night in my bed, nor reposed my head on my pillow, witliout giving this vent to ray eternal abhorence of such preposterous and enormous principles." SURRENDER OF LOliD CORNWALLIS, From sir jY. W IVraxalVs memoirs of /lis own time. NovEJiBKH, irSl.— During the whole month of November, the concurring accounts transmitted to government, enumerating lord Cornwallis's em- barrassments, and the positions taken by the ene- my, augmented the anxiety of the cabinet. Lord George Germain, in particular, conscious that on the prosperous or adverse terminf.tion of that expedition, must hinge the fate of the American contest, his own stay in office, as wel! as probably the duration of the ministry itself, feU, ar.d evea expressed to his friends, the strongest uneasinesis on the subject. The meeting of parliament mear.- while stood fixed for the 27th of November. On SuTiday the 25th, about noon, official intelligence of the surrender of the British forces at Yorktown, arrived from Falmouth, at lord Germain's house in Pall mall. Lord Walsingham. who, previous to his father sir AVilliam de Grey's elevation to tlie peerage, had been under secretary of state in that department, and who was selected to second the address in the house of peers, on the subsequent Tuesday, happened to be there when the messenger brought the news. Without communicating it to any other person, lord George, for the purpose of despatch, immediately got with him into a hackney- coach and drove to lord Slormount's residence in Porlland-pbce. Haviiig imparud to lii.-n the srs PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION". disastrous information, and taken him into the car- riage, they instantly proceeded to the Chancellor's house in Great Ilnssel!street, Bloomsbury, whom they found at home; when, after a short consulta tion, they deternriined to lay it themselves, in per- son, before lord North. He had not received any intinnation of the event when they arrived at his door, in Downing- street, between 1 and 2 o'clock. The first minisier's firmness, and even his presence of mind, gave way for a short time, under this awful disaster. I asked lord George afterwards, how he took the communication, when made to hitn.? ••As he would have taken a ball in liis breast," replied lord George. For he opened his arms, exclaiming wildly, as he paced up and down the apartment during a few minutes, "Oh God! it is all over!" Words which he repealed many times, under emotions of the deepest agitation and dis- tress. "When the first agitation of their rtiinds had subsided, the four ministers disctissed the ques- tion, whether or not it migiit be expedient to prorogue parliament for a few days; but, as scarcely an interval of forty-eight hours remained before the appointed time of assembling-, and as many members of both houses were already either ar- rived in London, or on the road, that proposition was abandoned. It became, however, indispensa- ble to alter, .ind almost model anew the king's speech, which had been alre&dy drawn up, and completely prepared for delivery from the throne. Tltis alteration was therefore made without delay; and at the same time, lord George Germain, as secretary for the American department, sent off a despatch to I*.is majesty, who was then at Kew, acquainted him witli the melancholy termination of lord Corn-.valUs's expedition. Some hours hav- ing elapsed, before these different, but necessary acts of business could take place, the ministers separated, and lord George Germain repaired to his office in Wliiteliail. There he found a confirma- tion of the intelligence, which arrived about two hours after the first communication; having been transmitted from Lover, to which place it was forwarded from Calais wilh the French account of the same event. I dined on that day at lord George's; and though the information, which had reached London in the course of the morning, from two different quarters, was of a nature not to admit of long concealmeiit; yet it had not been communicated either to me, or to any individual of the company, as it might naturally have been through the channel of com- [ mon report, when I got to Fall-mall, between five and six o'clock. — Lord Wahsingham, who likewise dined there, was the only person present, except lord George, who was acquainted with the f:tct.— The part)', nine in number, sat down to table, i thought the master of the house appeared s^iri'tus, though he manifested no discomposure. Before the dinner was finished, one of his servants delivered him a letter, brought back by the messenger who had been despatched to the king. Lord George opened and persued il: then looking at lord Wals- ingham, to whom he exclusively directed his observation, "Tlie king writes" said he "just as he always does, except that I observe he has. omitted to mark the hour and the minute of his writing with his usual precision." This remark, ih(.ugh calculated to awaken some interest, excited no comment; and while the ladies, iord George's three daugliters, remained in the room, we re- pressed our curiosity. But the)' had no sooner withdrawn, than lord George having acquainted us, that from Paris inform.-xtion had just arrived of the old Count de .Maurepas, first minister, lying at the point of death: "It would grieve me," said I, "to finish my career, however far advanced in years, were I first minister of France, before I had witnessed the termination of this great contest be- tween England and America." "Ue has survived to see that event," replied lord George, with some agitation. Utterly unsuspicious of the fact whichi had happ-ned beyond the Atlantic, I conceived him to allude to the indecisive naval action fought at the mouth of the Chesapeake, early in the pre- ceding month of September, between admiral Graves and count de Grasse; which, in its results, might prove most injurious to lard Cornwallis. Under this impression, "my meaning," said I, "is that if I were the Coimt de Maurepas, I should wish to live long enough, to behold the final issue of the war in Virginia." "lie ha.s survived to witness it completely," answered lord George. — "The army has surrendered, and you may peruse the particulars of the capitulation in that paper/' taking at the same time one from his pocket, which he delivered into my hand, not without visible emotion. By his permission 1 read it aloud, while the company listened in profound silence. We then discussed its contents, as it afTected the ministry, the country and the war. It must be confessed that they were calculated to diffuse a gloom over the most convivial society, and that they opened a wide field for political speculation. After perusing the account of lord Cornwallis's surrender at York-Town, it was impossible for all PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF TlIE REVOLUTION. 279 present not to feel a lively curiosity to know bow compel them to expiate their crimes on the pub- the king had received the intelligence, as well as | lie scaflbld. Burke, with inconceivable warmth of how he had expressed himself in his note to lord i coloring, depicted the folly and impracticability of tieorge Germain, on the first communication of so painful an event. He gratified our wish by readirig it to us, observing at the same time, that it did the taxing America by force, or, as he described it, "shearing the wolf." The metaphor was wonder^ fully appropriate, and scarcely admitted of denial. highest honor to his majesty's fortitude, firmness j I'itt levelled his observations principally against and consistency of character. The words made the cabinet, whom he represented as destitute of an impression on my memory which the lapse of ] principle, wisdom or union of design. All three more than thir'y years has not erased; and i shall | were sustained, and I hud almost said, outdone here commemorate its tenor, as serving to show by Mr. Thomas Pitt, who, in terms of gloomy how that prince felt and wrote, under one of the I despondency, seemed to regard the situation of most afHiciing, as well as humiliating occurrences the country as scarcely admitting of a remedy, oi" his reign. The billet ran nearly to this effect: . under such a parliament, such minlsiera and sucli "I have received, with sentiments of the deepest' a sovereign. Lord North, in this moment of gene- concern, the communication which lord George! fid deprebsion, found resources within himself. — Germain had made me, of the unfortunate result I He scornfully repelled the insinuations of Fox, as of the operations in Virginia. I particularly lament it, on account of the consequences connected with it, and the difficulties which it may produce in carrying on the public business, or in repairing such a misfortune. — But 1 trust that neither lord deserving only contempt, justified the principle of the war, whicii uld not originate in u despotic wish to tyrannize over America, but from the desire of maintaining the constitutional authority of parliament over the colonies; deplored, in corn- George Germain, nor any member of the cabinet, mon with the opposition, the misfortunes whick will suppose that it makes the smallest alteration had marked the progress of the contest; defied in those principles of my conduct which have i the threat of punisliment; and finally adjured the directed me in past times, and which will always bouse not to aggravate the present calamity by continue to animate me under every event, in the | ^^fj action or despair, but, by united exertion, to prosecution of the present contest." I\ot a senti- ment of despondency orof despair was tobe found in the letter; the very hand-writing of which indicated composure of mind. — Whatever opinion we may entertain relative to the practicability of reducing America to obedience by force of arms, at the end of 1781, we must admit that no sovereign could manifest more calmness, dignity or self-command than George HI. displayed in this reply. Severely as the general effect of the blow receiv- ed in Virginia was felt throughout tlie nation, yet no immediate symptoms of ministerial dissolution, or even of parliamentary defection became visible in either house. All the animated invectives of Fox, aided by the contumelious irony of Burke, &nd sustained by the dignified denunciations of Pitt, enlisted on the same side, made little ap parent impression on their hearers, who seemed stupified by the disastrous intelligence. Yet never probably, at any period of our history, was more indignant language used by the opposition, or sup- ' secure our national e-K^'ication. Massachusetts state Papers, SrEECU OF THK GOTEUMOIl TO BOTU UOUSES, February/ 16, 1773. Ceiiilemen of the comuil, and Gemleiiidii if the house of representatives.- The proceedings of such of the inhabitants of the town of Boston, as assembled together, and passed and published their resolves or voles, as the act of the town, at a legal (own meeting, denying, in the most express itrms, the suprema- cy of parliament, and inviting every other town and district in the province, to adopt the same principle, and to establish committees of corres- pondence, to consult upon proper measures to main- tain it, and the proceedings of divers other towns, in consequence of this invitation, appeared to me to be so unwarrantable, and of such a dangerous nature and tendency, that 1 thought myself bound to call upon you in my speech at opening the session, to join with me in discountenancing and ported by administration. In the ardor of his feel- ! bearing a proper testimony against such irregulari- ings at the recent calamity beyond the Atlantic, ^^^^ *"^ innovations. Fox not only accused ministers of being virtually in the pay of France, but menaced them with the I stated to you fairly and truly, as I conceived, the constitution of the kingdom and of the pro- vengeance of an undone people, who would speedily vince, so fir as relates to the dependence of the iO PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF TilK UEVOLUTION. former upon the latter; and 1 desired you, if you diiTered from me in sentiments, to show me, with candor, my own errors, and to give your reasons in support of your opinions, so ftr as you might differ from me. I hoped that you would have considered my speech by your joint committees, and have given rae a joint answer; but, as the house of representatives have declined tliat mode of pro- ceeding, and as your principles in government are very different, I am obliged to make separate and distinct replies. I shall first apply myself to you. Gentlemen of the council.- The two first parts of your answer, which re spect the disorders occasioned by the stamp act, anJ the general nature of supreme authority, do not appear to me to have a tendeacy to invalidate any thing which I have said in my speech; for, how- ever the stamp act may have been the immediate occasion of any disorders, the authority of parlia- ancBt was, notwithstanding, denied, in order to jusufy or excuse them. And, for the nature of the supreme authority of parliament, I have never given you any reason to suppose, that I intended a iT;ore absolute power in parliament, or a greater degree of active or passive obedience in the peo- pie, than what is founded in the nature of govern- ment, let the form of it be what it may. I shall, therefore, pass over those parts of youi* ansv/er, without any other remark. I would also have saved you the trouble of all those authorities which you iiave brought to show, that all taxes upon Eng lish subjects, must be levied by virtue of the act, not of the king alone, but in conjunction with the lords and commons, for I should very readily have allowed it; and I should as readily have allowed, that all other acts of legislation must be passed by the same joint authority, and not by the king alone. Indeed, I am not willing to cominue a controversy with you, upon any other parts of your answer. 1 am glad to find, that independence is not what you have in contemplation, and that you will not presume to prescribe the exact limits of the au- thority of parliament, only, as with due deference to it, you are humbly of opinion, that, as all human authority in the nature of it is, and ought to be limited, it cannot constitutionally extend, for the reasons you have suggested, to the levying of taxes, in any form, on his majesty's subjects of this pro- vince. I will only observe, that your attempts to draw aline as the limits of the supreme authority in go- vernmeat, by distinguishing some natural rights, as more peculiarly exempt from such authoritj than the resi, rather tend to evince the impractica- bility of drawing such a line; and that some parts of your answer seem to infer a supremacy in the provivice, at the same time that you acknwledge the supremacy of parliament; for otherwise, tbfc rights of tlie subjects cannot be tlie same in all es!=ential respects, as you suppose them to be, in all parts of the dominions, "under a like form of legislature." From these, therefore, and other considerations, I cannot help flattering myself, that upon more mature deliberation, and in order to a more con- sistent plan of government, you will choose rather to doubt of the expediency of parliament's exercis- ing its authority in cases that may happen, thun to limit the authority itself, especially, as you agree with me in the proper method of obtaining a redress of grievances by constitutional representa- tions, which cannot well consist with a denial of the authority to which the representations are made; and from the best information I have been able to obtain, the denial of the authority of parlia- ment, expressly, or by implication, in those petitions to which you refer, was the cause of their not being admitted, and not any advicS given by the minister to the agents of the colonies. I must enlarge, and be more particular in my reply to you. Gentlemen of the house of representatives: I shall tuke no notice of that part of your answer, which attributes the disorders of the province, to an undue exercise of the power of parliament; be- cause you take for granted, what can by no means be admittv 1, that parliament had e.xercised its power without just authority. The sum of your answer, so far as it is pertinent to my speech, is this. You allege that the colonies were an acquisition of foreign territory, not annexed to the realm o* England; and, therefore, at the absolute disposal of the crown; the king having, as you take it, a constitutional right to dispose of, and alienate any p.nrt of his territories, not annexed to the realm; that queen Elizabeth accordingly conveyed the property, dominion, and sovereignty of Virginia, to sir Walter Raleigh, to be held of the crown by homage and a certain render, without reserving any share in the legislative and executive authority; that the subsequent grants of America were similar in this respect; that they were without any reserva- tion for securing the subjection of the colonists to the parliament, and future laws of England; that this was the sense of the English crown, the b»- PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 281 lion, and our predecessors, when they first took possession of this country; that, if the colonies were not then annexed to the realm, they cannot have been annexed since that time; that, if they are not prince or state, against the general sense of the nation, be urged to invalidate them; and, upoa examination, it will appear, that all the grants which have been made of Arp.erica, are founded now annexed to the realm, they are not part of j upon them, and are made to conform to them, even tlie kingdom; and, consequently, not subject to j those which you have adduced in support of very the 4ffgislative authority of the kingdom; for no country, by the common law, was subject to the laws or to the parliament, but the realm of Eng- land. fiow, if thii foundation shall fail you in every p;u't of it, as I think it will, tlie fabric which you have raised upon it must certainly fall. Let me then observe to you, that as English sub- different principles. You do not recollect that, prior to what you call the first grant by queen E'izabetli to sir Wal- ter Raleigh, a grant had been made by the same princess, to sir Humphrey Gilbvit, of all such coun- tries as he should discover, which vvfere to be of the allegiance of her, her heirs and successors; but he dying in the prosecution of his voyage, a second jects, and agreeable to the doctrine of feudal grant was made to sir Waller Raleigh, which, you ten'jve, ail our lands and tenements are lield mediately, or immediately, of the crown, and al- though the possession and use, or profits, be in tlie subject, there still remains a dominion in the crown. When any new countries are discovered by English subjects, according to the general law and usage of nations, they become part of the stale, and, according to the feudal system, the lordship or dominion, is in the crown; and a right accrues of disposing of such territories, under such tenure, or for such services to be performed, as the crown shall judge proper; and whensoever any part of such territories, by grant from the crown, becomes the possession or property of private per- isons, such persons, thus holding, under the crown of England, remain, or become subjects of Eng- say, conveyed the dominion and sovereignly, wilh> out any reserve of legislative or executive au- thority, being held by homage and a render. To hold by homage, which implies fealty and a render, is descriptive of soccage tenure, as fully as if it had been said to hold, as of our manor of Eist Greenv/icli, the words in your charter. Now, this alone was a reserve of dominion and sovereignty in the queen, her lieirs and successors; and, besides tbis, the grent is made upon this express condition, which you pass over, that the people remain sub- ject to the crown of England, the head of that legislative authority, which, by the E.iglish con- sti*.ution, is equally extensive with the authority of the crown, throughout every part of the dominions. Now, if we could suppose the qtieen to have ac- land, to all intents andpurposes, as fully as if any jquired, separate from her relation to her subjects, of the royal manors, forests, or other territory, lor in her natural capacity, which she could not do. within the realm, had been granted to them upon tiie like tenure. But that it is now, or was, when llie plantations were first granted, the prerogative of the kings of England to alienate such territo- ries from the crown, or to constitute a number of new governments, altogether independent of the sovereign legislative authority of the English em- pire, I can by no means concede to you. 1 have never seen any better authority to support such an opinion, than an anonymous pamphlet, by which, 1 fear, you have too easily been misled; for I shall presently show you, that the declarations of king James the I. and of king Charles the I. admitting a title to a country discovered by her subjects, and then to grant the same country to English subjects, in her public capacity as queen of England, still, by this grant, she annexed it to the crown. Thus, by not distinguishing between the crown of Eng- land and the kings and queens of England, in their personal or natural capacities, you h.ive been led into a fundamental error, which ihiist prova fatal to your system. It is not material, whether Virginia reverted to the crown by sir Walter's attainder, or whether he never took any benefit from his grant, though the latter is most probable, seeing he ceased from all attempts to take possession of they are truly related by the author of this pam-'the country after a few years trial. There were, phlet, ought to have no weight with you; nor does undoubtedly, divers grants made by king James the cession or restoration, upon a treaty of peace, of countries which have been lost or acquired in war, militate with these principles; nor may any the I. of the continent of Amerira, in the beginning of the seventeenth century, and similar to the grant of queen Elizabeth, in this respect, that they were particular act of power of a prince, in selling, or dependent on the crown. The charter to the coun- ddivering up any paitof his dominion* to a foreign I cil at Plymouth, in Devon, dated Nuv^mber 3, lS20j '3t!. ^i<«^ PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. more immediately respects us, and of that we have the most authentic remains. By this charter, upon the petition of sirFerdinando Gorges, a corporation was constituted, to be, and continue by succession, forever in tJie town of Plymouth aforesaid, to which corporation, that part of the American continent, which lies be- i'.veen 40 and 48 degrees of latitude, was granted, to be held of the king, his heirs and successors, as of the manor of East Greenwich, with powers to constitute subordinate governments in Ame- rica, and to make laws for such governments, not repugnant to the laws and statutes of England. From this corporation, your predecessors obtained a grant of ihe soil of the colony of Massachusetts- Bay, in 1627, and in 1628, they obtained a charter from king Charles the I. making them a distinct corporation, also within the realm, and giving them full powers within limits of their patent, very like to those of the council of Plymouth, through- out their more extensive territory. We will now consider what must have been the senseof the king, of the nation, and of the patentee*, at the time of granting these patents. From the year 1602, the banks and sea coasts of New Eng- land had been frequented by English subjects, for catching and drying cod-fish. When an exclusive right to the fishery was claimed, by virtue of the patent of 1620, the house of commons was alarmed, and a bill was brought in for allowing a free fishery; and it was upon this occasion, that one of the secretaries of state declared, perhaps as his own opinion, that the plantations were not annexed to the crown, and so were not within the jurisdiction of parliament. Sir Edwin Sandys, who was one of the Virginia company, and an eminent lawyer, declared, that he kpew Virginia had been annexed, and was held of the crown, as of the manor of East Creenwich, and he believed New England was so also; and so it most certainly was. This declara- tion, made by one of the king's servants, you say, shewed the sense of the crown, and, being not secretly, but openly declared in parliament, you would make it the sense of the nation also, notwith- standing your own assertion, that the lords and commons passed a bill, that shewed their sense to be directly the contrary. But if there had been full evidence of express declarations made by king James the I. and king Charles the I. they were declarations contrary to their own grants, which declare this country to be held of the crown, and consequently, it must have been annexed to it. And may not such declarations be accounted for by other actions of those princes, who, when they were soliciting the parliament to grant the duties of tonnage and poundage, witli other aids, and were, in this way, ackiiOwledging the rights of parliament, at the same time were requiring the payment of those duties, with ship money, &c. by virtue of their prerogative? But to remove all doubts of the sense of the na= lion, and of the patentees of this patent, or char- ter, in 162'), I need only refer you to the account published by sir Ferdinando Gorges himself, of the proceedings in parliament upon this occasion. As he was tlie most active member of the council of Plymouth, and, as he relates what came within bis own knowledge and observation, his narrative, which has all the appearance of truth and sincerity, must carry conviction with it. He says, that soon after the patent was pa.S£ed, and whilst it lay in the crown office, he was summoned to appear in parliament, to answer what was to be objected against it; and the house being in a committee, and sir Edv/ard Coke, that great oracle of the law, ia the chair, he \¥as called to the bar, and was told by sir Edward, that the house understood that a patent had been granted to the said Ferdinando, and divers other nol^le persons, for establishing a colony in New England, that this was deemed a grievance of the commonwealth, contrary to the laws, and to the privileges of the subject, that it was a monopoly, 8tc. and he required the delivery of the patent into the house. Sir Ferdinando Gorges made no doubt of the authority of the house, but submitted to their disposal of the patent, as, in their wisdom, they thought good; '•not knowing, under favor, how any action of that kind could be a grievance to the public, seeing it was undertaken for the advancement of religion, the enlargement of the bounds of our nation, Stc. He was willing, however, to submit the whole to the honorable censures." After divers atten- dances, heimaglned he had satisfied the house, that the planting a colony was of much more conse- quence, than a simple disorderly course of fish'ng. He was, notwithstanding, disapointed; and, when the public grievances of the kingdom were pre- sented by the two houses, that of the patent for New England was the first. I do not know how the parliament could have shewn more fully the sense they then had of their authority over this new acquired territory; nor can we expect better evidence of the sense which the patentees had of it, for I know of no historical fact, of which we have less reason ta daubt. And now, gentlemen, I will shew you how it ap- pears from our charter itself, which you say I have PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOJ.UTION. i85 not yet been pleased to point out to you, except j order sent unto tliem, under the hand of the clerk from that clause, which restrains us from makingjof the honorable house of commons, shall be enter- laws repugnant to the laws of England; that it was ed among their public records, to remain there the sense of our predecessors, at the time when junto posterity. And, in an address to parliament, the charter was granted, that they were to remain nine years after, they acknowledge, among other subject to the supreme authority of parliament. undeserved favors, that of taking off the customs from them. Besides this clause, which I shall have occasion further to remark upon before I finish, you wiU find that, by the charter, a grant was made of exemption from all taxes and impositions upon any goods imported into New England, or exported from thence into England, for the space of twenty- one years, except the custom of five per cent, upon such goods as, after the expiration of seven years, should be brought into England. Nothing can be more plain, than that the charter, as well as the patent to the council of Plymouth, constitutes a ' corporation in England, with powers to create a subordinate government or governments within the plantation, so that there would always be sub- jects of taxes and impositions both in the king- dom and in the plantation. An exemption for twenty-one years, implies a right of imposition after the expiration of the term, and there is no distinction between the kingdom and the planta- tion. By what authority then, in the understand- ing of the parties, were those impositions to be laid? If any, to support a system, should say by the king, rather than to acknowledge the authority of parliament, yet this could not be the sense of one of our principal patentees, ^tr. Samuel Vassal, who, at that instant, 1628, the date of the charter, was suffering the loss of his goods, rather thaq submit to an imposition laid by the king, without the authority of parliament; and to prove that, a few yeaifyfter, it could not be the sense of the rest, I need only to refer you to your own records for the year 1642, where you will find an order of the house of commons, conceived in such terms as discover a plain reference to this part of the charter, after fourteen years of the twenty-one were expired. By this order, tlie house of com- mons declare, that all goods and merchandise ex- ported to New England, or imported from thence, shall be free from all taxes and impositions, both in the kingdom and New England, until the liouse shall take further order therein to the contrary. The sense which our predecessors had of the bene- fit which they took from this order, evidently ap- pears from the vote of the general court, acknow. ledging their humble thankfulness, and preserv- I am at a loss to know what your ideas could be, when you say that, if the plantations are not part of the realm, they are not part of the king, dom, seeing the two words can properly convey but one ido", .ind tliey have one and the same significa- tion in the different languages from whence they are derived. I do not charge you with any design; liut the equivocal use of the word realm, in several parts of you answer, makes them perplexed and bscure. Sometimes you must intend the whole ominion, which is subject to the authority of par- liament; so')ietimes only strictly the territorial realm to which other dominions are, or may be annexed. If you mean that no countries, but the ancient territorial realm, can, constitutionally, be subject to the supreme authority of England, which you have very incautiously said is a rule of the common law of England — this is a doctrine which you will never be able to support. That the common law should be controled and changed by statu es, every day's experience teaches; but that the common law prescribes limits to the extent of the legislative power, I believe has never been said upon any other occasion. That acts of parliaments, for several hundred years past, have respected countries, which are not strictly withirt the realm, you might easily have discovered by the statute books. You will find acts for regulat- ing the affairs of Ireland, though a separate and distinct kingdom. Wales and Calais, whilst they sent no representatives to parliament, were sub- ject to the like regulations; so are Guernsey, .lersey, Alderney, &c. which send no members to this day. These countries are not more properly a part of the .ancient realm, than the plantations, nor do I know they can more properly be said to be annexed to the realm, unless the declaring that acts of parliament shall extend to Wales, tiiough not particularly nanned, shall make it so, which 1 conceive it does not, in the sense you intend. Thus, I think, I have made it appear that the plantations, though not strictly within the reaiiE, have, from the beginning, been constitutionally subject to the supreme authority of the realm. ing a grateful remembrance of the honorable re-Lnd are so far annexed to it, as to be, with the spect from that high court, and resolving, tbiit the 'realm and the other dependencies upon it, one 284 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. entire dominion; and that the plantation, or colony of Massachusetts-Bay in particular, is holden as feudatory of the imperial crown of England. Deem it to be no part of the realm, it is immaterial; for, to use the words of a very rjreat authority in a ease, in some respects analogous, "being feudatory, the conclusion necessarily follows, that it is under the government of the king's laws and the kings's courts, in cases pmper for them tointerpose, though (like counties Tulatine) it has peculiar laws and customs, jura regalia, and complete jurisdiction at borne." Yourremai'k upon, and construction of the words, rot repugnant to the laws of England, are much the same with those of the council; but, can any reason be assigned why the laws of England, as they stood just at that period, should be pitched upon as the standard, more than at any other period? If so, why was It not recurred to wlien the second charter was granted, more than sixty years after the first? It is not improbable, that the original intention might be a repugnancy in gene- ral, and a fortiori, guch laws as were made more immediately to respect us, but the statute of 7th and 8th of king William and c[ueen Mary, soon ^fter the second charter, favors the latter construc- tion only; and the province agent, Mr. Dummer, in liis much applauded defence of the charter, says, that, then, a law in the plantations may be said to be repugnant to a law made in Great Britain, when it flatly contradicts it, so far as the law made there mentions and relates to the plantations. But, gentlemen, there is another clause, both in the iirst and second charter, which, I think, will serve to explain this, or to render all dispute upon the construction of it unnecessary. You are enabled to impose such oaths only, as are warrantable by, pv not repugnant to the laws and statutes of the realm. 1 believe you will not contend, that these clauses must mean such oaths only, as wei'e warrant- t^ble at the respective times when the charters were fjranted. It has often been found necessary, since the date of the charters, to alter the forms of oaths to the government by acts of parliament, and such itllerations have ahyays been conformed to in the plantations. Lest you should think that I admit the authority of king Charles the II. in giving his assent to an act of the assembly of Virginia, which you subjoin xo the authorities of James the I. and Charles the J, to have any weight, I must observe to you, that J do not see any greater inconsistency with Magna Cli^rta, in the king's giving his assent to an act ot a subordinate legislature in)mediately, or in per- son, than when he does it mediately by his gover- nor or substitute; but if it could be admitted, that such an assent discovered the king's judgment that Virginia was independent, would you lay any stress upon it, when the same king was, from time to time, giving his assent to acts of parliament, wiiich inferred the dependence of all the colonies, ai d had, by one of those acts, declared the planta- tions to be inhabited and peopled by his majesty's subjects of England? I gave you no reason to remark upon the absurdity of a grant, to persons not born within the realm, of the same liberties which would have belonged to them, if they had been born within the realm; but rather guarded against it, by considering such grant as declaratory onjy, and in the nature of an a'csur- ance, that the plantations would be considered as the dominions of England. But is there no absurdity in a grant from the king of England, of the liber- ties and immunities of Englishmen to persons born in, and who are to inhabit other territories than the dominions of England; and would such grant, whether by charter, or other letters patent, be sufficient to make them inheritable, or to entitle them to the other liberties and immunities of Eng- lishmen, in any part of the English dominions? As I am willing to rest the point between us, upon the plantations having been, from their first discovery and settlement under the crown, a part of the dominions ,of England, I shall not take up any time in remarking upon your arguments, to show that, since that time, they cannot have been made a part of those dominions. The remainin.^ parts of your answerjltfe princi- pally intended to prove that, under both chartersj it hath been the sense of the people, that they were not subject to the jurisdiction of parliament, and, for this purpose, you have made large extracts from the history of the colony. Whilst you are doing honor to the book, by laying any stress up- on its authority, it would have been no more than justice to the author, if you had cited some other passages, which would have tended to reconcile the passage in my speech to the history. I have said that, except about the time of the anarchy, which preceded the restoration of king Charles the II. I have not discovered that the authority of parliament had been called in question, even by particular persons. It was, as I take it, from the principles imbibed in those times of anarchy, that the persqns of influence, mentioned in the histortj-^ PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 28: disputed the authority of parliament, but the go-i vernment would not venture to dispute it. On the contrary, in four or five years after the restora- tion, the government declared to the king's com- missioners, that the act of navigation had been for some years observed here, that they knew not of its being greatly violated, and that such laws as appeared to be against it, were repealed. It is not strange, that these persons of influence should prevail upon a great p^irt of ibe people lo fall in, for a time, with their opinions, and to suppose acts of the colony necessary to give force to acts of parliament. The government, however, several years before the charter was vacated, more ex- plicitly acknowledged the aut'iiority of parliaiiient, and voted that their governor sbould take the oath required of him, faithfully to do, and perform all matters and tilings, enjoined him by the acts of trade. I have not recited in my speech, all these particulars, nor had I them all in my mind; but, I think, I have said nothing inconsistent v/ith tbem. My principles in government, are still the same with what they appear to be in the book you refer to; nor am I conscious that, by any part of my conduct, I have given cause to suggest the contrary. Inasmuch, as you say that I have not particularly pointed out to you the acts and doings of the ge- neral assembly, which relate to acts of parliament, I will do it now, and demonstrate to you that such acts have been acknowledged by the assembly, or submitted to by the people. From your predecessors' removal to America, until the year 1640, there was no session of par- liament; and the first short session, of a few days only, in 1640, and the whole of the next session, until the withdrav/ of the king, being taken up in the disputes between the king and the parliament, there could be no r»om for plantation affairs. Soon after the king's withdraw, the house of commons passed the memorable order of 1642; and, from that time to the restoration, this plantation seems to have been distinguished from the rest; and the several acts and ordinances, which respected the other plantations, were never enforced here; and, possibly, under color of the exemption, in 1642, it might not be intended they should be executed. For fifteen or sixteen years after the restoration, there was no officer of the customs in the colony, except the governor, annually elected by the peo- ple, and the acts of trade were but little regarded; mr did the governor take the oath required of governors, by the act of the 12th of king Charles tbe 11. until the time which I have mentioned. — Upon the revolution, the force of an act of parlia- ment was evident, in a case of as great importance as any which could happen to the colony, King William and queen Mary were proclaimed in the colony, king and queen of England, France, and Ireland, and the dominions thereunto belonging, in the room of king .Tames; and this, not by virtue of an act of the colony, for no sur!i act ever passed, but by force of an act of parliament, whic'? altered the succession to the crown, and for which the people waited several weeks, with anxious concern. By force of another act of parliament, and that only, such officers of the colony as had taken the oaths of allegiance to king .Tames, deemed them- selves at liberty to take, and accordingly did take, the oaths to king William and qneen Mary. And that I may mention other acts of the like nature together, it is by force of an act of parliament, that the illustrious house of Hanover succeeded to the throne of Britain and its dominions, and by several other acts, the forms of the oaths have, from time to time, been altered; and, by a late act, that form was established which every one of us has com- plied with, as the charter, in expresr, words, re- quires, and makes our duty. Siiall v/e now dispute whether acts of parliament have been submitted to, when we find them submitted to, in points which are of the very essence of our constitution.' If you should disown that authority, which has power even to change the succession to the crown, are you in no danger of denying the authority of our most gracious sovereign, which I am sure noiie of you can have in your thoughts.' I think I have before shewn you, gentlemen, what must have been the sense of our predecessors at the time of the first charter; let us now, whilst we are upon the acts and doings of the assembly, consider what it must have been at the time of the second charter. Upon the first advice of ijie revolution in England, the autiiority which assumci tiie government, instructed their agents to petition parliament lo restore the first charter, and a bill for that purpose passed the house of commons, but went no furtlier. Was not this owning the authority of parliament.' By an act of parliament, passed in the first year of king William and queen Mary, a form of oaths was estivbiished, to be taken by those princes, and by all succeeding kings and queens of England, at their coronation; the first of which is, that they will govern the people of the kingdom, and the dominions thereunto belong- ing, according to tljr statutes in parliament agreed 286 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. on, and the laws and customs of the same. When the colony <-'irected their agents to make their hunnble application to king William, to grant the second charter, they could have no other pretence, than, as they were inhabitants of part of the dominions of England; and they also knew the oath the king had taken, to govern them according to the statutes in parliament. Surely, then, at the time of this charter, also, it was the sense of our predecessors, as well as of the king and of the nation, that there was, and would remain, a supremacy in the parliament. About the same time, they acknowledge, in an address to the king, that they have no power to make l^vs repugnant to the laws of England. And, immediately after the assumption of the powers of government, by virtue of the new charter, an act was passed to revive, for a limited time, all the local laws of the colonies of Massachusetts-Bay and New Plymouth, respectively, not repugnant to the laws of Eng- land. And, at the same session, an act passed, establishing naval officers, in several ports of the province, for which, this reason is given; that all undue trading, contrary to an act af parliament, made in the 15th year of king Charles the 11. may be prevented in this, their majesty's province.— The act of this province, passed so long ago as the eecond year of king George the T. for stating the fees of the custom house officers, must have rela- tion to the acts of parliament, by which they are constituted; and the provision made in that act of the province, for extending the port of Boston to all the roads, as far as Cape Cod, could be for no other purpose, than for the more effectual carrying the acts of trade into execution. And, to come nearer to the present time, when an act of parliament had passed, in 1771, for putting an end to certain tinwarrantable schemes, in this pro- vince, did the authority of government, or those persons more immediately affected by it, ever dis- pute the validity of it? On the contrary, have not a number of acts been passed in the province, the burdens to which such persons were subjected, might be equally apportioned; and have not M those acts of the province been very carefully framed, to prevent their militating with the act of parliament? I will mention, also, an act of par- liament, made in the first year of queen Anne, ' although the proceedings upon it more imme- diately respected the council. By this act, no office, civil or military, shall be void, by the death of the king, but shall continue six months, unless suspended, or made void, by the next .successor. By force of this act, governor Dudley continued in the administration six months from the demise of qneen Anne, and immediately after, the council assumed the admiiaistration, and continued it unti! a proclamation .arrived from king George, by virtue of which governor Dudley reassumed the govern, ment. It would be tedious to enumerate the addresses, votes and messages, of both the coun- cil and house of representatives, to the same pur- pose. I have said enough to shew that this go- vernment has submitted to parliament, from a con- viction of its constitutional supremacy, and this not from inconsideration, nor merely from reluctance at the idea of contending with the parent state. If, then, I have made it appear that, both by the first and second charters, we hold our lands, and the authority of government, not of the king, but of the crown of England, that being a dominion of the crown of England, we are consequently sub- ject to the supreme authority of England. That this hath been the sense of this plantation, except in those few years when the principles of anarchy, which had prevailed in the kingdom, had not lost their influence here; and if, upon a review of your principles, they shall appear to you to have been delusive and erroneous, as I think they must, or, if you shall only be in dodbt of them, you certainly will not draw that conclusion, which otherwise you might do, and which I am glad you have hitherto avoided; especially when you consider the obvious and inevitable distress and misery of inde- pendence upon our mother country, if such inde- pendence could be allowed or maintained, and the probability of much greater distress, which we are not able to foresee. You ask me, if we have not reason to fear we shall soon be reduced to a worse situation than that of the colonies of France, Spain, or Holland. I may safely affirm that we have not; that we have no reason to fear any evils from a submission to the authority of parliament, equal to what we must feel from its authority being disputed, from an uncertain rule of law and government. For more than seventy years together, the supremacy of parliament was acknowledged, v;ithout complaints of grievance. The effect of every measure cannot be foreseen by human \visdom. What can be expected more, from any authority, than, when the unfitness of a measure is discovered, to make it void? When, upon the united representations and complaints of the American colonies, any acts have appeared to parliament to be unsalutaty, have there not been repeajLed instances of the repeal of such acts.^ We cannot expect these in- PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION 287 stances should be carried so far as to be equivalent to a disavowal, or relirquishment of the right itself Why, then, shall we fear for ourselves, and our posterity, greater rigor of government for seventy years to come, than what we and our predecessors Gave felt, in the seventy years past. You must give me leave, gentlemen, in a few words, to vindicate myself from a charge, in one part of your answer, of having, by my speech, reduced you to the unhappy alternative of appear- ing, by your silence, to acquiesce in my sentiments, or of freely discussing this point of the supremacy of parliament. I saw, as I have before observed, the capital town of the province, without being reduced to such an alternative, voluntarily, not only discussing but determining this point, and ■ inviting every other town and district in the pro- vince to do the like. I saw that many of the prin- cipal towns had followed the example, and that there was imminent danger of a compliance in most, if not ail the rest, in order to avoid being distinguished. Was not I reduced to the alterna- tive of rendering myself justly obnoxious to the displeasure of my sovereign, by acquiescing in such ii-regularities, or of calling upon you to join with me in suppressing them.' Might I not rather have expected from you an expression of your concern, that any persons should project and prosecute a plan of measures, which would lay me under the necessity of bringing this point before you.' Ii was so far from being my inclination, that nothing short of a sense of my duty to the king, and the obligations I am under to consult your true interest, could have compelled me to it. Gsntlemen of the council, and Gentlemen of the house of representatives. We all profesi to be the loyal and dutiful sub- jects of the king of Great Britain. His majesty considers the British empire as one entire dominion, subject to one supreme legislative power; a due submission to which, is essential to the mamten- ance of the rights, liberties and privileges of the several p.irls of this dominion. We have abundant evidence of his majesty's tender and impartial regard to the rights of his subjects; and I am authorised to say, that "his majesty will most graciously approve of every constitutional measure that may contribute to the peace, the happiness, andprosperity of his colony of Massachusetts-Bay, and which may have the effect to shew to the world, that he has no wish beyond that of reigning ih the hearts and affections of his people." T. HUTCHINSON". ANSWER OF THE HOUSE 0? HKPnESENTATlTES TO THE SPEECH OF THE GOTERSOn, OF EEBRUAHT SIXTEESTH. -. March 2, 1773. May it please your excellency, In your speech, at the opening of the present session, your excellency expressed your displeasure at some late proceedings of the town of Boston, and other principal towns in the province. And, in another speech to both houses, we have your repeated exceptions at the same proceedings, as being "unwarrantable," and of a dangerous nature and tendency; "against which, you thought your- self boHnd to call upon us to join with you in bearing a proper testimony." This house have not discovered any principles advanced by the town of Boston, that are unwarrantable by the constitu- tion; nor does it appear to us, that they have "invited every other town and district in the pro- vince to adopt their principles." We are fully convinced, that it is our duty to bear- our testimony against "innovations, of a dangerous nature and tendency;" but it is clearly our opinion, thst it is the indisputable right of ail, or any of his majesty's subjects, in this province, regularly and orderly to meet together, to state ihe grievances they labor under; and to propose, and unite in such constitu- tional measures, as ibey shall judge necessary ox' proper, to obtain redress. This right has been frequently exercised by his majesty's subjects within the realm; and we do not recollect an instance, since the Imppy revolution, when the two houses of parliament have been called upon to dis- countenance, or bear their testimoay against it, ia a speech from the throne. Your excellency is pleased to take notice of some things which we "allege," in our answer to your first speech; and the observation you make, we must confess, is as natural and undeniably true, as any one that could have been made; that, "if our foundation shall fail us in every part of it, the fabric we have raised upon it must certainly fall," You think this foundation will fail us; but we wish your excellency had condescended to a con- sideration of what we have "adduced in support of our principles." We might then, perhaps, have had some things offered for our conviction, more than bare affirmations; which, we must b^ to be excused if we say, are far from being sufficient, though they came with ycur excellency's authority, for which, however, v/e have a due regard. Your excellency says that, "as English subjects, and agreeable to the doctrine of the feudal tenure, all our lands are held mediately, cr immediately. 288 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE UEVOLUTIOxV, of the crown." We trust your excellency does not mean to introduce the feudal system in its perfection; which, to use the words of one of our greatest historians, was ''a state of perpetual war, anarchy, and confusion, calculated solely for de- fence against the assaults of any foreign power; but, in its provision for the interior order and tranquility of society, extremely defective. A con- stitution, so contradictory to all the principles that govern mankind, could never be brought about, but by foreign conquest or native usurpation " — And a very celebrated writer calls it, "that most iniquitous and absurd form of trovei-nment, by which human nature was so shamefully degraded." This system of iniquity, by a strange kind of fatality, "though originally formed for an encamp- ment, and for military purposes only, spread over a great part of Europe;" aad, to serve the pur- poses of oppression and tyranny, "was adopted by princes, and wrought into their civil constitutions;" and, aided by the canon lav/, calculated by the Roman Pontiff to exalt himself above all that is called God, it prevailed to the almost utter extinc- tion of knowledge, virtue, religion and liherly from that part of the earth. But, from the time of the reformation, in proportion as knowledge, which then darted its rays upon the benighted world, increased and spread among the people, they grew impatient under this heavy yoke; and the most virtuous and sensible among them, to whose steadfastness we, in this distant age and climate, are greatly indebted, were determined to get rid of it; and, though they have in a great measure subdued its power and influence in England, they have never yet totally eradicated its principles. Upon these principles, the king claimed an absolute right to, and a perfect estate in, all the lands within his dominions; but how he came by tliis absolute right and perfect estate, is a mystery which we have never seen unravelled, nor is it our business or design, at present, to enquire. He granted parts or parcels of it to his friends, the great men, and they granted lesser parcels to their tenants. All, therefore, derived tiieir right and held their lands, upon these principles, mediately or immediately of the kingi which Mr. Blackstone , however, calls, "in reality, a mere fiction of our English tenures." By what right, in nature and reason, the christian princes in Europe, claimed the lands of heathen people, upon a discovery made by any of their subjects, is equally mysterious. Such, however, was the doctrine universally prevailing^, when the lands in America were discovered; but, as the peo- ple of England, upon those principles, held all the lands they possessed, by grants from the ki.ig, and the king had never granted the lands in Ame- rica to them, it is certain they could have no sort of claim to them. Upon the principles advanced, 1 the lordsiiip and dominion, like tliat of the lands I in England, was in the king solely, and a right from thence accrued to him, of disposing such territories, under such tenure, and for such services to be per- formed, as the king or lord thought proper. But how the grantees became subjects of England, that is, the supreme authority of the parliament, your excellency has not explained to us. We conceive that, upon the feudal principles, all power is in the king; they sifford us no idea of parliament. "The lord was in early times, the legislator and judge over all his feudatories," says judge Blackstone. By the struggle for libsrty in England, from the days of king John, to the last happy revolution, the constitution has been gradually changing for the better; and, upon the more rational principles that all men, by nature, are in a state of equality in respect of jurisdiction and dominion, power in England has been more equally divided. And thus, also, in America, though we hold our land* agreeably to the feudal principles of the king, yet our predecessors wisely took care to enter into compact with the king, that power here should also be equally divided, agreeably to the original fundamental principles of the English constitution, declared in Magna Charta, and other laws and statutes of England, made to confirm them. Your excellency says, "you can by no means concede to us that it is no^, or was, when the plantations were first granted, the prerogative of the kings of England, to constitute a number of new governments, altogether independent of the sovereign authority of the English empire." By the feudal principles, upon which you say "all the grants which have been made of America are founded, the constitutions of the emperor have the force of law." If our government be considered as merely feudatory, we are subject to the king's absolute will, and there is no authority of parlia» ment, as the sovereign authority of the British em- pire. Upon these principles, what could hindec the king's constituting a number of independent governments in America.'' That king Charles the I. did actually set up a government in this colony, conceding to it powers of making and executing laws, without any reservation to the English p.'«r- liament, of authority to make future laws binding therein, is a fact which your excellency has not PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 2J9 disproved, if you have denied it. Nor have you shewn that the parliament or nation objected to it; from whence we have inferred that it was an acknowledged right. And we cannot conceive, why the king has not the same right to alienate and dispose of countries acquired by the discovery of his subjects, as he has to "restore, upon a treaty of peace, countries which have been ac- quired in war," carried on at the charge of the nation; or to "sell and deliver up any part of his dominions to a foreign prince or state, against the general sense of the nation;" which is "an act of power," or prerogative, which your excellency allows. You tell us, that "when any new countries are discovered by English subjects, according to the general law and usage of nations, they become part of the state." The law of nations is, or ought to be, founded on the law of reason. It was the saying of sir Edwin Sandis, in the great case of the union of the realm of Scotland with England, v/hich is applicable to our present purpose, that "iherc being no precedent for this case in the law, the law is deficient; and the law being deficient, re- course is to be had to custom; and custom being insufiicient, we must recur to natural reason" — the greatest of all authorities, which, he adds, "is the law of nations." The opinions, therefore, and determinations of the greatest sages and judges of the law in the exchequer chamber, ought not to be considered as decisive or binding in our pre- sent controversy with your excellency, any further than they are consonant to natural reason. If, how- ever, we were to recur to such opinions and deter- minations, we should find very great authorities in •ur favor, to show that the statutes of England are not binding on those who are not represented in parliament there. The opinion of lord Coke, that Ireland was bound by statutes of England, wherein they were named, if compared with his other writings, appears manifestly to be grounded upon a supposition, that Ireland had, by an act of their own, in the reign of king John, consented to be-thus bound; and, upon any other supposition, this opinion would be against reason; for consent only gives human laws their force. We beg leave, upon what your excellency has observed of the colony becoming a part of the state, to subjoin the opinions of several learned civilians, as quoted by a very able lawyer in this country. "Colonies," Bays Puffendorf, "are settled in different methods; for, either the colony continues a part of the com- monwealth it was set out from, or else is obliged to pay a dutiful regard to the mother common- wealth, and to be in reallnejs to defend and vindicate its honor, and so is united by a sort of unequal confederacy; or, lastly, is erected into a separate commonwealth, and assumes the same rights with the state it descended from." And king Tullius, as quoted by the same learned author from Grotius, Says, "we look upon it to be neither truth nor justice, that mother cities ought, of necessity, and by the law of nature, to rule over the colonies." Your excellency has misinterpreted what we l)ave said, "that no countrj', by the common law, was subject to the laws or the parliament, but the realm of England;" and are pleased to tell us, "that we have expressed ourselves incautiously." We beg leave to recite the word* of tl^ judges of England, in the beforemenrioned case, to our purpose. "If a king go out of England with a com* pany of his servants, allegiance remaineth among Ids subjects and servants, although he be out of his realm, wliereto his laws are confined." We lid not mean to say, as your excellency would sup- pose, that "the common law prescribes limits to ihe extent of the legislative power," though we shall always affirm it to be true, of the law of rea- son and natural equity. Your excellency thinks you have made it appear, that the "colony of Massachusetts-Bay is holden as feudatory of the mperial crown of England;" and, therefore, you say, "10 use the words of a very great authority in a case, in some respects analogous to it," being feudatory, it necessarily follows that "it is under the government of the king's laws." Your excel- lency has not named this authority; but we con- ceive his meaning must be, that, being feudatory, it is under the government of the king's laws absolutely; for, as we have before said, the feudal system admits of no idea of the authority of par- liament; and this would have been the case of the colony, but for the compact with the king in the charter. Your excellency says, that "persons thus holdinfj under the crown of England, remain or become subjects of England," by which, we suppose your excelle.icy to mean, subject to the supreme au- thority of parliament, "to all intents and purposes, as fully as if any of the royal manors, &c. within the realm, had been granted to them upon the like tenure." We apprehend, wit'.j submission^ your excellency is mistaken in supposing that our allegiance is due to the crown of England. Every man swears allegiance for himself, to his own king, in his natural person. "Every subject is presumed by law to be sworn to the king, which is to Hi3 590 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. natural person," says lord Coke— Rep. on Calvin's | is not to be taxed in the other, because laws ordain case. "The allegiance is due to his natural body;" and, he says, "in the reign of Edward II, the Spencers, the father and tlie son, to cover the treason liatched in their hearts, invented this dannnuble and damned opinion, that homage and oath of allegiance was more by reason of the king's crown, that is, of his politic capacity, than by rea- son of the person of the king; upon which opinion they inferred execrable and detestable conse- quents." The judges of England, all but one, in the case of the union between Scotland and Eng- land, declared that "allegiance followeth the na- tural person, not the politic;" and, "to prove the allegiance to be tied to the body natural of the king, and not to the body politic, the lord Coke cited the phrases of divers statutes, mentioning our natural liege sovereign." If, then, the homage and allegiance is not to the body politic of the king, then it is not to him as the head, or any part of that legislative authority, which your excellency says "is equally extensive with the authority of taxes, impositions, and charges, as a discipline of subjection, particularized to every particular na« tion." Nothing, we think, can be more clear to our purpose than this decision of jud^s, perhaps as learned as ever adorned the English nation, or in favor of America, in her present controversy with the mother state. Your excellency says that, by "our not dis- tingui.sliing between the crown of England and the kings and queens of England, in their personal or natural capacities, we have been led into a fundamental error." Upon tliis very distinction we have availed ourselves. We have said, that our ancestors considered the land, which they took possession of in America, as out of the'bounds of the kingdom of England, and out of the reach and extent of the laws of England; and that the king also, ef*en in the act of granting the charter, considered the territory as not within the realm; that the king had an absolute right in himself to the crown throughout every psrt of the dominion;" I '^'^P°^^ °^ ^'^^ *^"^^» ^"^ ^^'»^ ^'>'s was not disputed and your excellency's observations thereupon must | ^^ ^^^ "*^'°"' "°^ '^^"^'^ ^^^ ^^"'^^' °" ^"J' *''^'"^ fail. The sarae judges mention the allegiance of j S''^^^^^' ^^ claimed by the nation; and, therefore, a subject to the'kings of England, who is out of| ^ ancestors received the lands, by grant, from the reach and extent of the laws of England, which I ^^^ ^"^^' *"'^' ** ^^^ ""'"^ *'"*^' compacted with is perfectly reconciieable with the principles of '"""» ^nd promised him homage and allegiance, not our ancestors, quoted before from your excellency's '" ^'^ ^"'"^''^ "^ politic, but natural capacity only, history, but, upon your excellency's principles. ap-T '* ^^ difficult for us to sIhjw how the king ac- pears to us to be absurdity. The judges, speakingN""^"^ * ^'^^"^ ^* *'"^ country in his natural capacity, or separate from his relation to his subjects, which we confess, yet we conceive it will be equally difficult for your excellency to show how the body politic and nation of E'lgland acquired it. Oar ancestors supposed it was acquired by neither; and, therefore, they declared, as we have before quoted from your history, that, saving their actual purchase from the natives of the soil, the dominion^ the lordship, and sovereignty, they had, in the sight of God and man, no right and title to what they possessed. How much clearer then, in natural rea- son and equity, must our title be, who hold estates dearly purchased at the expense of our own, as well as our ancestors labor, and defended by them with treasure and blood. of a subject, say, "although his birth was out of the bounds of the kingdom of England, and out of the reach and extent of the laws of England, yet, if it were within the allegiance of the king of Eng- land, &c. Normandy, Aquitain, Gascoign, and other places, within the limits of France, and, conse- quently, out of the realm or bounds of the kingdom of England, were in subjection to the kings of En-r. land." And the judges say, "Bex et lie^mim, be not so relatives, as arfiing can be king but of one kingdom, which clearly holdcth not, but that his kingly power extending to divers nations and king- doms, all owe him equal subjection, and are equally born to t!ie benefit of his protection; and although he is to govern them by their distinct laws, yet any one of the people coming into the other, is to have the benefit of the laws, wheresoever he Cometh." So they are not to be deemed aliens, as your excellency in your speech supposes, in any of the dominions, all which accords with the principles our ancestors held. "And he is to bear the burden of taxes of the place where hecometh. but living in one, or for his livelihood ¥our excellency has been pleased to confirm, rather than deny or confute, a piece of history, which, you say, we took from an anonymous pam- phlet, and by which you "fear we have been to» easily misled." It may be gathered from your own declaration, and other authorities, besides the anonymous pamphlet, that the house of commons m one, he;*,,^!^ exception, not at the king's having made an PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTfON. 231 absolute grant of the territory, but at the claim of an exclusive right to the fishery on the banks and sea coast, by virtue of the patent. At this you say "the house of commons was alarmed, and A bill was brought in for allowing a free fishery." And, upon this occasion, your excellency allows that "one of the secretaries of state declired, thai the plantations were not annexed to the crown, and so were not wiUiin the jurisdiction of parlia- ment." If we should concede to what your excel- lency supposes might possibly, or, "perhaps," be the case, that the secretary made this declaration *'as his own opinion," the event showed that it was the opinion of the king too; for it is not to be accounted for upon any other principle, that he would have denied his royal assent to a bill, formed for no other purpose, but to grant his subjects in England the privilege of fishing on the sea coasts in America. The account published by sir Ferdinando Gorges himself, of the proceedings of parliament on this occasion, your excellency thinks will remove all doubt of the sense of the nation, and of the patentees of this patent or charter, in 1620. «'ThiB narrative," you say, "has all the ap- Jjcarance of truth and sincerity," which we do not deny; and, to us, it carries this conviction with it, that "what was objected" in parliament, was the exclusive claim of fishing only. His imagining that he had satisfied the house, after divers attendances, that the planting a colony was of much more con- sequence than a simple disorderly course of fish- ing, is sufficient for our conviction. We know that the nation wae at that time alarmed with apprehensions of monopolies; and, if the patent of New England was presented by the two liouses as a grievance, it did not show, as your excellency supposes, "the s^nse they then had of their au- thority over this new acquired territory," but only their sense of the grievance of a monopoly of the sea. We are happy to hear your excellency .say, that "our remarks upon, and construction of the words, not repugnant to the laws of Eng-land, are much the same with those of the council." It serves to confirm us in our opinion, in what we take to be the most important matter of difference between your excellency and the two houses; After saying, that the statute of 7th and 8th of William and Mary favors the construction of the words, as intending such laws of England as are made more immediately to respect us, you tell us, that "the province agent, Mr. Dummer, in his much applaud- ed defence, says that then a law of the plantations may be said to be repugnant to a law made in Cireat Britain, when it flatly contradicts it, so far as the law made there mentions and relates to the plantations." This is plain and obvious to com- mon sense, and, ther.°fore, cannot be denied. But, if your excellency would read a page or two fur- ther, in that excellent defence, you will see that he mentions this as the sense of the phrase, as taken from an act of parliament, ratheij than as the sense he would choose him.ielf to put upon it; and he expressly designs to show, in vindication of the charter, that, in that sense of the words, there never was a law made In the plantations repugnant to the laws of Grf;at Britain. He gives another cnnstrui'tion, much more likely to be the true intent of the words, namely, "that the patentees shall not presume, under color of their particular charters, to make any laws inconsistent with the great char- ter, and other laws of Englatid, by which the lives, liberties, and properties of Englishmen are secur- ed." This is tlie sense in which our ancestors ■* understood the words; and, therefore, they are unwilling to conform to the acts of trade, and disregarded them till they made provision to give tliem force in the colony, by a law of their ownj saying, that "the laws of England did not reacU America; and those acts were an invasion of their rights, liberties, and properties," because they were not "represented in parliament." The right of being governed by laws, which were made by persons in whose election they had a voice, they looked upon as the foundation of English liberties. By the compact with the king, in the charter, they were to be as free in America as they would have been if they had remained within the realm; and, therefore, they freely asserted that they "were to be governed by laws made by themselves, and by officers chosen by themselves." Mr. Dummer says, "it seems reasonable enough to think that the crown," and, he ciight have added, our ancestors, "intended by this injunctioiinlto provide for all its subjects, that they might not be oppressed by arbitrary power; but, being still, subjects, they should be protected by the same mild laws, and enjoy the same happy government, as if they con. tinued within the realm " And, considering the words of the charter in this light, he looks upon j. them as designed to be a fence against oppression in and despotic power. But the construction which of your excellency puts upon the words, reduces us,iali to a state of vassalage, and exposes us to oppres- the sion and despotic power, whenever a parliamentsion shall see fit to make laws for that purpose, and put' the them in execution. '-xn. :92 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. We flatter ourselves that, from tlie large extracts we have made from your excellency's history of the colony, it appears evidently that, under both charters, it hath been the sense of the people and of the governnient, that they were not under the jurisdiction of parliament. We pray you again to turn to those quotations, and o'lr observations up- on them; and we wish to have your excellency's judicious remarts. When we adduced that his- tory, to prove that the sentiments of private per- sons of influence, four or fivie years after the restoration, were very ditTerent from what your excellency apprehended them to be, when you delivered yqur speech, you seem to concede to it, by telling us, "it was, as you take it, from the prin- ciples imbibed in those times of anarchy, (preced- ing the restoration,) that they disputed the au- thority of parliament;" but, you add, "the govern- ment would not venture to dispute it." We find, in the same history, a quotation from a letter of Mr. Stoughton, dated seventeen years after the restoration, mentioning "the country's not taking notice of the acts of navigation, to observe them." And it was, as we take it, after that time that the government declared, in a letter to their agents, that they had not submitted to them; and they ventured to "dispute" the jurisdiction, asserting that they apprehended the acts to be an invasion of the rights, liberties, and properties of the sub- jects of his majesty in the colony, they not being represented in parliament, and that "the laws of England did not reach America." It very little avails in proof, that they conceded to the supreme authority of parliament, their telling the commis sioners, "that the act of navigation had for some years before been observed here; that they knew not of its being greatly violated; and that such laws as appeared to be against it, were repealed." It may as truly be said now, that tlie revenue acts are observed by some of the people of this pro vincc; but it cannot be said that the government and people of this province have conceded that the parliament had authority to make such acts to be observed here. Neither does their declara- tion to the commissioners, that such laws as ap peared to be against the act of navigation, were repealed, prove their concession of the authority of ^ parliament, by any means, so much as their making . provision for giving force to an act of parliament ^within this province, by a deliberate and solemn _act or law of their own, proves the contrary. t; You tell us, that "the government, four or five years before the charter was vacatjsd, more es. plicitly," that is, than by a conversation with the commissioners, "acknowledged the authority of parliament, and voted that their governor sh.onld take the oath required of !iim, faithfully to do and perform all matters and things enjoined him by the acts of trade." But does this, may it please your excellency, show their explicit acknowledg- ment of the authority of parliament? Does it not rather show directly the contrary? For, what could there be for their vote, or authsrity, to re- quire him to take the oath already required of him by the act of parliament, unless both he and they, judged that an act of parliament was not of force sufficient to bind him to take such oath? — We do not deny, but, on the contrary, are fully persuaded, that your excellency's principles in go« vernments are still of the same with what they ap- pear to be in the history; for you there say, that "the passing this law, plainly shows the wrong sense they had of the relation they stood unto Eng- land." But we are from hence convinced, that your excellency, when you wrote the history, was of our mind in this respect, that our ancestors, in passing the law, discovered their opinion, that they were without the jurisdiction of parliament; for it was upon this principle alone, they shewed the wrong sense they had, in your excellency's opinion, of the relatioR they stood unto England. Your excellency, in your second speech, conde^ scends to point out to us the acts and doings of the general assembly, which relates to acts of par- liament, which, you think, "demonstrates that they have been acknowledged by the assembly, or sub- mitted to by the people," neither of which, in our opinion, shows that it was the sense of the nation, and our predecessors, when they, first took posses- sion of this plantation, or colony, by a grant and charter from the crown, that they were to remain subject to the supreme authority of the English parliament. Your excellency seems chiefly to rely upon oup ancestors, after the revolution, "proclaiming king William and queen Mary, in the room of king James," and taking the oaths to them, "the altera- tion of the form of oaths, from time to time," and finally, "the establishment of the form, which every one of us has complied with, as the charter, in express terms, requires and makes our duty." We do not know that it has ever been a point in dispute, whether the kings of England were ipsa facto kings in, and over, this colony, or province. The compact was made between king Charles the I. his heifs and sucessors, and the governor PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 293 and company, their heirs and successors. It is easy, upon this principle, to account for the ac- knowledgment of, and submission to, king William and queen Mary, as successors of Charles the I. in the room of king James; besides, it is to be con- sidered, that the people in the colony, as well as in England, had suffered under the tyrant Janves, by which he had alike forfeited his right to reign over both. There had been a revolution here, as well as in England. The eyes of the people here were upon William and Mary; and the news of their being proclaimed in England was, as your excellency's history teils us, "the most joyful news tver received in Hew England." And, if tbey were not proclaimed here, "by virtue of an act of the colony," it was, as we think may be concluded from the tenor of your history, with the general or universal consent of the people, as apparently as if "such act had passed." It is consent alone that makes any human laws binding; and, as a learned author observes, a purely voluntary submission to an act, because it is highly in our favor and for our benefit, is in all equity and justice, to be deemed as not at all proceeding from the right we include in the legislators, that they thereby obtain an au- thority over us, and that ever hereafter, we must obey them of duty. We would observe, that one of the first acts of the general assembly of this province, since the present charter, was an act requiring the taking the oaths mentioned in an act of parliament, to which you refer us. For what purpose was this act of the assembly passed, if it wssthe sense of the legislators that the act of par- liament was in force in the province.' And, at the same time, another act was made for the e.stablish- ment of other oaths necessary to be taken, both which acts have the royal sanction, and are now in force. Your excellency says, that when the colony applied to king William for a second char- ter, they knew the oath the king hid taken, which was to govern them accordingto the statutes in par- liament, and (which your excellency here omits,) the laws and customs of the same. r>y t!ie laws and customs of parliament, the people of England freely debate and consent to such statutes as are made by themselves, or their chosen representa- tives. This is a law, or custom, which all man- kind may justly challenge as their inherent right. According to this iaw, the king has an undoubted right to govern us. Your excellency, upon recol- lection, surely will not infer from hence, that it was the sense of our predecessors that there was to remain a supremacy in the English p.irliament, .or a full power and authority to make laws binding upon us, in a'l cases whatever, in that parliamentr where we cannot debate and deliberate upon the necessity or expediency of any law, and, conse- quently, without our consent; and,jts it may proba- bly happen, destructive of the first law of society,* the good of the whole. You tell us that, "after the as.sumption of all the pov/ers of government, by v'rtue of the new charter, an act passed for the reviving, for a limited time, all the local laws of the Massachusetts Bay and New Plymouth, re- spectively, not repugnant to the laws of England. And, at the same session, an act passed establish- ing naval ofticers, that all undue trading, con- trary to an act of parliament, may be prevented." Among the acts that were then revived, we may reasonably suppose was that, whereby provision was made to give force to this act of parliament in the province. The establishment, therefore, of the naval officers, was to aid the execution of an act of parliament, for the observance of which, witliin the colony, the assembly had before made provision, after free debates, with their own con- sent, and by their own act. Tl'.« actof parliament, passed in 1741, for putting an end to several unwarrantable scheiTies, mention- ed by your excellency, was designed for the general good; and, if the validity of it was not disputed, it cannot be urged as a concession of the supreme authority, to make laws binding on us in all cases whatever. Bat, if the design of it was for the ge- neral benefit of the province, it was, in one respect, at least greatly complained of by the persons mor* immediately affected by it; and to remedy the in- convenience, the legislature of this province pass-ed an act, directly militating with it; wliich is t'la strongest evidence that, althougli tiiey may huve submitted, sub silentio, to some acts of parliarnenr, that they conceived might operate for their bene- fit, they did not conceive tliemselves bound by any of its acts which, they judged, would operate to the injury even of individuals. Your excellency has not thought proper to at- tempt to confute the reasoning or" a learned writer on the laws of nature and nations, quoted by us, on this occason, to shew that the authority of the legislature does not extend so far as the funda- mentals of the constitution. We are unhappy in not having your remarks upon the reasoning of that great man; and, until it is confuted, we shall remain of the opinion, that the fundamentals of the constitution being excepted from the commission of the legislators, none of the acts or doings of the general a-ssembiy, however dslihsiatf; and sc3'.M;\n, £94 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTIONS. could avail to change them, if the people have noti in very express terms, given them the power to do it; and that, much less ought their acts and doings, however ntimerous, which barely refer to acts of parlinment made expressly to relate to us, to be taken as an acknowledgment that we are subject to the supreme authority of parliament. We shall sum up our own sentiments in the %vords of that learned writer, Mr. Hooker, in his ecclesiastical policy, as quoted by Mr. Locke. — «'The lawful power of making laws to command whole political societies of men, belonging so pro- perly to the same entire societies, that for any prince or potentate of what kind soever, to exer- cise the same of himself, and not from express commit^sion, immediately and personally received from God, is no better than mere tyranny. Laws, therefore, they are not, which public approbation hath not made so; for laws human, of what kind soever, are available by consent." "Since men, naturally, have no full and perfect power to com- mand whole politic multitudes of men, therefore, utterly without our consent, we could in such sort, be at no man's commandment living. And to be commanded, we do not consent, when that society, whereof we be a party, hath at any time before consented." We think your excellency has not proved, either that the colony is a part of the politic society of England, or that it has ever consented that the parliament of England or Great Britain, slioald make laws binding upon us, in all cases, whether made expressly to refer to us or not. We cannathelp, before we conclude, expressing our great concern, that your excellency has thus repeatedly, in a manner, insisted upon our free sentiments on matters of so delicate a nature and weighty importance. The question appears to us to be no other, than whether we are the subjects of absolute unlimited power, or of a free govern- ment, formed on the principles of the English con- stitution. If your excellency's doctrine be true, the people of this province hold their lands of the crown and people of England; and their lives, liber- ties, and properties, are at their disposal; and that, even by compact and their own consent, they were subject to the king, as the head allerius populi of another people, in whose legislature they have no voice or interest. They are, indeed, said to have a constitution and a legislature of their own; but your excellency has explained it into a mere phan- tom; limited, controled, superseded, and nullified at the will of another. Is this the constitution which so charmed our ancestors, that, as your ex- cellency has informed us, they kept a day of solemn thanksgiving to Almighty God when they received it? And were they men of so Htt'e discernment, such children in understanding, as to please them- selves with the imagination, that they were blessed with the same rights and liberties which natural born subjects in England enjoyed, when, at the same time, they had fully consented to be ruled and ordered by a legislature, a thousand leagues distant from them, which cannot be supposed to be sufficiently acquainted with their circuiTiStances, if concerned for their interest, and in which they cannot be in any sense represented.? [The committee who reported the above, were Mr. Gushing, (the speaker,) Mr. S. Adams, Mr, Hancock, Mr. PhilUps, major Poster, col. Bowers, Mr. Hobson, col. Thayer, and Mr. Denny.] Massachusetts besolutioks. — On motion of Mr. S. Adams, the fullorvinff resolutions were adopted, 110 to 4, May 28, 1773. Whereas, the speaker hath communicated to this house, a letter from the truly respectable house of Burgesses, in his majesty's ancient colony of Vir- ginia, enclosing a copy of the resolves entered into by them, on the 12th of March last, and request, ing that a committee of this house may be appoint- ed to communicate, from time to time, with a cor- responding committee, then appointed by the said house of Burgesses in Virginia: And, whereas this house is fully sensible of the necessity and importance of a union of the several colonies in America, at a time when it clearly ap- pears, that the rights and liberties of all are sys- tematically invaded; in order that the joint wisdom of the whole may be employed in consulting their common safety: Resolved, That this house have a very grateful sense of the obligations they are under to the house of Burgesses, in Virginia, for the vigilance, firm- ness and wisdom, which they have discovered, at all times, in support of the rights and liberties of the American colonies; and do heartily concur with them in their said judicious and spirited resolves. Resolved, That a standing committee of corres- pondence and enquiry be appointed, to consist of fifteen members, any eight of whom to be a quorum; whose business it shall be, to obtain the most early and authentic intelligence of all such acts and resolutions of the British parliament, or proceed- ings of administrations as may relate to, or affect the British coloiues in America, and to keep up PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 295 and maintain, a correspondence and communica- tion with our sister colonies, respecting these im portant considerations; and the result of such their proceedings, from time to time, to lay before the house. Resolved, That it be an Instruction to the said committee, that they do, without delay, inform themselves particularly of the principles and au- thority, on which was constituted a court of en- quiry, held in Rhode Island, said to be vested with powers to transport persons, accused of oftences committed in America, to places beyond the seas to be tried.* Resolved, That the said committee be further instructed to prepare and report to this house, a draft of a very respectful answer to the letter, received from the speaker of the honorable house of Burgesses of Virginia, and another, to a letter received from the speaker of the honorable house of representatives, of the colony of Rhode Ish^nd; also, a circular letter to the speakers of the several other houses of assembly, on this continent, enclos- ing the aforesaid resolves, and req;esu..g them to lay the same before their respective assemblies, m confidence, that they will readily and cheerfully comply with the wise and salutary resolves of the house of Burgesses, in Virginia. [The committee of correspondence, chosen in pursuance of the resolves aforesaid, were Mr. Gushing, (the speaker,) Mr. S. Adams, hon. John Hancock, Mr. William Phillips, captain William Heath, hon. Joseph Hawley, James Warren, esq. R. Derby, jun. esq. Mr. Elbridge Gerry, J. Bowers, esq. Jedediah Foster, esq. Darnel Leonard, esq. captain T. Gardner, capt. Jonathan Greenleaf^ and J, Prescott, esq.] Letter from the house of representatives, addressed to the speakers of the several houses of assembly, on the continent, BosTow, June 3, 1773. Sir — The house of representatives, of this pro- vince, being e;trnest!y attentive to the controversy between Great Britain and the colonies, and con- sidering that the authority claimed and exercised *ln consequence of burning the Ga&pee, a British armed vessel, which had greatly harassed the navigalio.'i of Rhode Island, a court of enquiry was appointed, under the great seal of Enghuid, to be holden at Newport. Tney met once and again, but finally dissolved, wi.hout doi ig any thing im- by parliament, on the one side, and by the general assemblies of this continent, on the other, greatly militates, and is productive of this unhappy conten- tion, think it of the utmost importance to the wel- fare of both, and particularly of the colonies, that the constitutional powers and rights of each, be enquired into, delineated and fully ascertained. That his majesty's subjects of America, are entitled to the same rights and liberties as those of Great Britain, and that these ought, in justice, by the constitution, to be as well guaranteed and secured, to the one, as to the other, are too ap- parent to be denied. It is, by this house, humbly conceived, to be likewise undeniable, that the authority as.sumed, and now forcibly exercised by parliament, over the colonies, is utterly subversive of freedom in the latter; and that, while his majesty's loyal .sub- jects in America have the mortification, daily, to see new ahndgemeuts of their rights and liberiies, they have not the least security for those which at present remain. Were the colonists only af- fected by a legislature, subject to their control, t'ley would, even then, have no other security than belongs to them by the laws of nature, and the English constitution; but should the authority, now claimed by parliament, be fully supported by power, or submitted to by the colonies, it appears CO this house that there will be an end to liberty in America; and that the colonists will then change the name of freemen for that of slaves. In order to adjust and settle these important concerns, the free and magnanimous Burgesses of Vi"ginia have proposed a method for uniting the councils of its sister colonies; and it appearing to this house to be a measure very wise and salutary, is cheerfully received and heartily adopted. W'ith great respect for your honorable assembly, and in confidence, that a matter, which so nearly affects the safety of each colony, will be assisted by its wise councils, permit this house to enclose a copy of resolutions, la'ely entered into here, and to request you to comni'»*jicate the same at acoH' venient opportunity. THOMAS GUSHING, speaker. [June 2, 1773, the galleries having been cleared, oy a vote of the house, Mr. S. Adams observed, "that he perceived the minds of the people wei*e much agitated by a report, tltat letters of an ex* portant. li was supposed that many persons, ,. , , j . .... j ^ ^ suspected ofburnnig the Gaspee, would have been ^•■^"'•'^'"^''y "'^^"^'^ ^^^^ ^^^" *""^" '''''^ "^"^ *<* sent to England tor trial. iEngland, greatly to the prejudice of this province i9G PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. that he had obtained certain letters, with different ibeen made by all his governors, ever since its first signatures, with the consent of the gentlenian, publication, make it proper for me to communicate from whom he received them, that they should the order to both houses, be read in the house, under certain restrictions. namely, that the said letters be neither printed nor copied, in whole, or in part," — and lie accordingly offered them for the Consideration of the house. I am required to signify to you his majesty's disapprobation of the appointment of committees of correspondence, in various instances, which sit A vote then passed, that the letters be read; and i and act, during the recess of the general court, by prorogation. T. HUTCHINSON. they were read accordingly: being signed, Thomas Hutchinson, Andrew Oliver, Charles Paxton, Ro- bert Auchmuty, &c. The whole house was then resolved into a committee, to take said letters into consideration, and the house adjourned to the afternoon. Mr. Hancock, from the committee of the whole house, rep(Jrtei1, that the committee were of opinion, the tendency and design of thelth^t ^is mnjesty has been pleased to put an end to said letters was to overthrow the constitution of EXTBACT FHOM THE ANSWER OF THE HOUSE OV RB- rntSENTATIVES TO THE GOVERJCOH, February 5, 1 774f. J\fay it please your excellency, It affords great satisfaction to this house to find. this government, and to introduce arbitrary power into the province, and the report was accepted, 101 to 5. A comrr.ittee of nine was, thereupon, chosen, to consider what was proper to be done, in reference to the letters aforesaid; and the speaker, (Mr. Gushing,) Mr. Admas, Mr. Hancock, Mr. Gor ham, Mr. Pickering, maj. Hawley, col. Warren, Mr, Payne and major Fester, were chosen.] IXTHACT rnOM THE GOVERSGr's MESSAGE TO THE TWO HOUSES, JANUARY 26, 1774. Gentlemen of the council, and Genilemen of the house of representatives. The judicial proceedings of the governor and council, as the supreme court of Probate, and as the court for determining in cases of marriage and divorce, having been impeded in many instances, where the opinion of the governor has been dif- ferent from that of the majority of councellors present, the governor having always considered his consent as necessary to every judicial act. In the year 1771i I stated the arguments, as well against as for the claim of the governor; and his majesty having been pleased to order the case thus stated, to be laid before the lords of his majesty's most honorable privy couiicil, I am now able to inform you, that it has been signified to me, to be his majesty's pleasure, that I do acquiesce in the determination of the majority of counsellors pre- sent, voting as a court for proving wills and ad- ministration, and deciding controversies concern- ing marriage and divorce, although I should differ in opinion from that majority. This order more immediately respects the council; nevertheless, the tender regard which his majesty has shewn for the interest and convenience of his subjects, in a construction of the charter, different from what bad an undue claim, heretofore made by the governors of this province, grounded upon a supposition that the consent of the chair was necessary to the validity of the judicial acts of the governor and council. Whereby their proceedings, when sitting as the supreme court of Probate, and as the court for determining in cases of marriage and divorce, have been so often impeded. The royal order, that the governor shall acquiesce in the determina- tion of the majority of the council, respects not the council only, but the body of the people of this province. And his majesty has therein shewed his regard to justice, as well as the interest and convenience of his subjects, in rescuing a clause in the charter from a construction which, in the opinion of this house, was repugnant to the express meaning and intent of the charter, inconsistent with the idea of a court of justice, and dangerous to the rights and property of the subject. Your excellency is pleased to inform the twe houses, that you are required to signify to them his majesty's disapprobation of the appointment of committees of correspondence, in various in- stances, which sit and act, during the recess of the general court, by prorogation. You are not pleased to explain to us the grounds and reasons of his majesty's disapprobation: until we shall have such explanation laid before us, a full answer to this part of your speech will not be expected from us. We cannot, however, omit saying, upon this occa- sion, that while the common rights of the Ameri- can subjects, continue to be attacked in various instances, and at times when the several assemblies are not sitting, it is highly necessary that they should correspond with each other, in order to unite in the most effectual means for the obtaining a redress of their grievances. And as the sittinjj PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 297 of the general assemblies in this, and most of the colonies, depends upon the pleasure of the gover- nors, Mfho hold themselves under the direction of administration, it is tol^e expected, that the meet- ing of the assemblies will be so ordered, as that the intention proposed by a correspondence be- tween them, will be impracticable, but by com- mittees, to sit and act in the recess. We would, moreover, observe that, as it has been the practice • for years past for the governor and lieutenant go- vernor of this province, and olher officers of the crown, at all times, to correspond with ministers of state, and persons of distii'.ction and influence in the nation, in order to concert and carry on such measures of the British administration, as have been deemed by the colonists to be grievous to them, it cannot be thought unreasonable, or im- proper, for the colonists to correspond with their agents, as well as with each other, to the end, thsit tlieir grievances may be so explained to his ma- jesty, as tha*, in his justice, he may aflTord then, necessary relief. As this province has heretofore felt the great misfortune of the displeasure of our sovereign, by means of misrepresentations, permit us further to say, there is room to apprehend tliat his majesty has, in this instance, been misinformed; and that there are good grounds to suspect, that those who may have misinformed him, have had in meditation furthermeasuresdestructive to the colo flies, wliich they were apprehensive v/ould be de- feated by means of committees of correspondence, sitting and acting in the recess of the respective assemblies. It must be pleasing to the good people of this province, to find that the heavy debt which had been incurred by their liberal aids, fhrough the course of the late war, for the subduing his ma- jesty's inveterate enemies, and extending his ter- ritory and dominion in America, is so nearly dis- charged. Whenever the house of representatives shall deem it incumbent upon them to provide for any future charges, it will be done, as it ought, by such ways and means as, after due deliberation, to them shall seem meet. In the mean time, this house will employ the powers with which they are entrusted, in suport ing his majesty's just authority in the province, according to the royal charter, and in despatching such public business as now properly lies before us. And, while we pursue such measures s.z tend, by God's blessing, to the redress of grievances, and to the restoration and establishment of the public liberty, we persuade ourselves., tliac we shall, at the same time, as far as in us lies, most effectually secure the tranquility and good order of the government, and the great end for which it was instituted, the safety and welfare of the peo» pie. [The committee, by whom the forei^oing was reported, were, the speaker, Mr. S. Adams, Mr. Hancock, col. Warren, col. Thayer, col. Bowers, and captain Derby.] [Uefove the general court of Massachusetts se* pirated, in June, 1?T4, they elected live delegates, to meet sucli as should be cliosen by the other colo- nies, to convene at Philadelphia, to consider the critical and alar.-ning situation of the country. — They met in September, 1774, and delegates from all the otlier provinces, (except Georgia, which, however, soon afterwards joined the confederacy,) convened there, at that period, and formed the iiist continental congress. The following gentle- ^ met! were appointed delegates: Thomas Gushing, Samuel Adams, Robert T. Paine, James Bowdohi, and John Adams. And as the general court w:is dis- solved, it was also proposed to have a provincial congress, or meeting of deputies, from every town in this state. Deputies were accordingly chosen, and met at Salcin, October 7th, 1774. An adjourn- ment was immediately voted, to Concord, John Hancock, was chosen president, and Benjamin Lincoln, secretary. A committee was appointed to consider the s;ate of the province, consisting of the following gentlemen, viz, the pre.jideut, Joseph Hawley, Dr. Joseph Warren, Samuel D.;xter, col. Ward, col. Warren, captain ilealh, col. Lee, Dr. Church, Dr. Holtan, Mr. Gerry, col. Tying, captain llobinson, major Foster, and Mr. Gorliam. The day following, the committee reported a message to governor Gage, which was accepted, and is as follows:] MESSAGE rnOM THi: PnOVtNCIAL CO'«GHESS, SITTINBAT CONCOKD, TO UlS F.XCELLK.VCr GO-S'liUSOR GAGE. J/aj' it p'e.a&e your excellency. The delegates, from the several towns in the province of Massachusetts Bay, convened in con- grass, beg leave to address you. Tiie distressed and miserable state of the province, occasio.ned by the intolerable grievances and oppressions to which the people are subjected, and the danger and destruction to which they are expi; ed, of which your excellency must be sensible, and the want of a general assembly, have rendered it indispensably necessary to collect the wisdom of the province, Jjy their delegates, in this congress, S.9i PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. Pene'raled with tlie mosv poignant concern, and ardently solicitious to preserve union and harmony between Great Britain and the colonies, necessary to the well being of both, we entreat your excel- lency to remove that brand of contention, the fortress at the entrance of Boston. We are much concerned that you should have been induced 4.0 construct it, and thereby causelessly excite such a spirit of rciientment auJ indignation, us now gene- rally prevails. to concert some adequate remedy for prevewting impending ruin, and providing for the public safety. It is with the utmost concern we see your hostile preparations, which have spread such alarm through the province and the whole continent, as threaten } to involve us in ail tlie confusion and horrors of I civil war: and, wbiie we contemi)late an event sol deeply to be regretted by every good man, it must I occasion the surprise and astonishment of all man- kind, that such measures are pursued, against a I people, wliose love of order, attachment to Britain, We assure you, that the good people of this and loyalty to their prince, have ever been truly colony never have had the least intention to do exemplary. Your excellency must be sensible, that I any injury to his majesty's troops; but, on the con- trary, most earnestly desire, that every obstacle to treating them as fellow subjects may be im- mediately removed: but are constrained to tell your excellency, that the minds of the people will never be relieved, till those hostile works are demolished. And we request you, as you regard his majesty's honor and interest, the dignity, and happiness of the empire, and the peace and wel- fare of this province, that you iiniriediately desist from the fortress, now constructing at the south entrance into the town of Boston, and restore the pass to its natural state. the sole end of government is the protection and security of the people: whenever, therefore, that power, which was originally instituted to effect these important and valuable purposes, is employed to harass and enslave the people, in this case it becomes a curse, rather than a blessing. The most painful apprehensions are excited in our minds, by the measures now pursuing; the rigorous execution of the (Boston) port bill, with improved severity, must certainly reduce the capi- tal and its numerous dependences to a state of poverty and ruin. Th» acts for altering the char- ter,* and the administration of justice in the colony, are manifestly designed to abridge this people of their rights, and to license murders; and, if carried into execution, will reduce them to slavery. The number of troops in the capital, increased by daily accessions drawn from the whole continent, together with the formidable and hostile preparations which you are now making on Bos- ton Neck, in our opinion, greatly endanger the lives, liberties, and property, not only of our .brethren in the town of Boston, but of this pro- vince in general. Permit us to ask your excel- lency, whether an inattentive and unconcerned acquiescence to such alarming, such menacing measures, would not evidence a state of insanity? Or, whether the delaying to take every possible precaution for the security of this province, would not be the most criminal neglect in a people, here tofore rigidly and justly tenacious of their con- stituted rights? ADDIIESS OF THE IROVISCTAL CONGRESS TO THE INHA- BITANTS OF THE TOWMS AS JJ UISTRICTS OF MASSA- CHUSETTS -DAT. December 4, 177A. Friends and brethren: At a time when the good people of this colony were deprived of their laws, and tiie administra- tion of justice; when the cruel oppressions brought on their capital had stagnated almost all their com- merce; when a standing army was illegally posted among us, for the express purpose of enforcing submission to a system of tyranny; and when the general court was, with the same design, prohibit- ed to sit; we were chosen, and empowered by you, to assemble and consult upon measures necessary for our common safety and defence. With much anxiefy for the common welfare, we have attended this service, and upon the coolest deliberation, have adopted the measures recommended to you. We have still confidence in the wisdom, justice, and goodness of our sovereign, as well as in the mtegrity, humanity, and good sense of the nation. And, if we had a reasonable expectation that the truth of facts would be made known in England, •In June of this year, an act of parliament was passed, revoking that part of the charter, which allowed the representatives of the people to elect counsellors; and the king, with the advice of his ministers, was empowered to appoint th'em; and, in Au^ist, he accordingly appointed others, com- I we should entertain the most pleasing hopes, that monly called mandamus counsellors; being wholly Ue measures concerted by the colonies, jointly independent of the people, and holding their office of the crown, they were likely to be (it inslruoients ''"'^ severally, would procure a full redress of our of opprcistOii and tjranHy. 'grievances: but we are construmed in j'.ttice to PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. £99 Vf)ii, to ourselves, and posterity, to say, that the incessant and unrelenting malice of our enemies lias been so successful, as to fill t'le court and kingdom of Great Britain with falsehood and calumnies concerning us, and excite the most bit- ter and groundless prejudices against us; that the sudden dissolution of parliament, and the hasty summons for a new election, gives us reason to apprehend that a majority of the house of com- mons will be again elected, under the influence of an arbitrary ministry; and that the i^eneral tenor of our intelligence from Great Britain, with the frequent reinforcements of the army and navy at Boston, excites the strongest jealousy, that the and provincial congress; and, v/hile it censures its ov/n individuals counteracting those plans, that it be not deceived, or divei-ted from its duty, by rumors, should any take place, to the prejudice of other communities. Your provincial congresses, we have reason to hope, will hold up the tov/ns, if :iny should b° so lost, as not to act tlieir parts; and Hone can doubt, that the continental congress will rectify errors, should any take place, in any colony, through the subtilty of our enemies. Surely, no arguments can be necessary to excite you to tlie most strict adherence to the American associa- tion, since the minutest deviation iH one colony, especially in this, will probably be misrepresented system of colony administration, so unfriendly to i in the others, to discourage their general zeal and the protestant religion, and destructive of A.meri. perseverance, wjiich, however, we assure ourselves, can liberty, is still to be pursued, and attempted | cannot be efiected. with force, to be carried into execution. | ^^j^jj^ ^,^g fj^.;^;^,^ ministry are suffered, with a You are placed, by Providence, in a post of! high hand, to tyrannize over America, no part of it, honor, because it is a post of danger; and while we presume, can be negligent in guarding against struggling for the noblest objects, the liberties of; the ravages threatened by the standing army, now our country, the happiness of posterity, and rights in Boston; these troops will, undoubtedly, be em- of human nature, the eyes, not only of North Ame-i ployed in attempts to defeat the association which rica and the whole British empire, but of all Ku- our enemies cannot but ftfar will eventually defeat rope, are upon you. Let us be, therefore, altogether them; and, so sanguin?,ry are those our enemies, solicitous that no disorderly behavior, nothing un- as we have reason to think, so thirsty for the blood becoming our character, as Americans, as citizens, | of this innocent people, who are only contending for and Christians, be justly chargeable to us. Whoever, with a small degree of attention, con- templates the commerce between Great Britain and America, will be convinced that a total stoppage thereof will soon produce, in Great Britain, such dangerous effects, as cannot fail to convince the ministry, the parliament, and people, that it is their rights, that v/? should be guilty of the most unpardonable neglect, siiould we not apprize you of your danger, which appears to us imminently great, and ought attentively to be guarded against. The improvement of the militia in general, in the military art, has been therefore tliought necessary, and strongly recommended by this congress. We their interest and duty to grant us relief. Who- "^^^ think, that particular care should be taken by ever considers the number of brave men inhabiting North America, well know, that r- general atten- tion to military discipline must so establish their rights and liberties as, under God, to render it impossibfce for an arbitrary minister of Britain to destroy them. These are facts, which our ene- mies are apprized of, and if they will not be in- fluenced byprinciples of justice, toalter their cruel measures towards America, these ought to lead them thereto. They, however, hope to effect by the towns and districts in this colony, that each of the minute men, not already provided therewith, should be immediately equipped with an effective fire-arm, bayonet, pouch, knapsack, thirty rounds of cartridges and ball, and that they be discipUned three times a week, and oftener, as opportunity may offer. To encourage these, our worthy countrymen, to obtain the skill of complete soldiers, we recom- mend it to the town.s, and districts, furtliwilh to stratagem what they may not obtain by power, and [pay their own minute men a reasonable considera- are using arts, by the assistance of base scribblers, I tion for their services; and, in case of a general who undoubtedly receive their bribes, and by many | muster, their further services must be recompensed other means, to raise doubts and divisions through- out the colonies. To de.'^eat their Vvricked designs, we think it necfbS.iy to:- each town to be particuLu-ly care- ful, str;ctiy to execute the pUas of tiie cfi.itiiientai by the province. An attention to discipline in the militia, in general, is, however, by no means to be neglected. With the utmost cheerfulness, we assure you of our determinalion to stand or fail with the li^ 300 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. berties of America; and while we humbly implore the Sovereign Disposer of all thing's, to whose Divine Providence the rights of his creatures can- not be indiflerent, to correct tlie errors and alter the measures of an infatuated ministry, we cannot doubt of his support, even in the extreme difficul- ties which we all may have to encounter. May all means devised, for our safety, by the general congress of America, and assemblies or conven- ticns of the colonies, be resolutely executed, and iiappily succeeded; and may this injured people be reins'ated in. the full exercise of their rights, with- out tlie evils and devastations of civil war. JoliiiChanipe. rUOM THK HTCHMO?JD COMriLF.Ii. Some person in a late Compiler having asked, with at least the semblance of sincerity, whether Slaughter qir Champe was sent to arrest the traitor Arnold? I beg leave to inform him, upon the testi- mony of Henry Lee, that Champe was the distin- guished soldier selected for this highly honorable, and most confidential business, by major Lee, at the request of general Washington. Lee, in his memoirs of the war in the southern states, thus describes the hero, and his adventure:— "He was a native of Loudon county, in Virginia, about twenty-three or twenty-four years of age; that he had enlisted in V6— rather above the common size — full of bone, and muscle; with a saturnine countenance; grave, thoughtful and taciturn — of tried courage and inflexible persever- ance, and as likely to reject an offer coupled with ignominy, as any officer in the corps; a commission being the goal of his long and anxious exertions, and certain on the first vacancy." [It will be proper here to premise, that although Champe was young, ardent, and devoted to bis country's cause, and thirstmg for military fame; ' yet his noble and magnanimous soul revolted at tl'.e idea of doing any think underhanded, or that had even the shadow of a deviation from the paths of cliivalry, r.nd the high notions of honor which glowed in every Ainerican bosoni. — —At last, how- ever, Champe, convinced that no action stampt ivlth ihe approbation of the commander in chief, could be other than laudable and worthy of a soldier's best exertions, he engaged in the inter- prize with alftcrity and zeal; and after all the plans of Washington were fully explained to him by jnajor Lee, it was determined that, to give a greater chance of success, that Champe should enter the fneinjes lines as a deserter! and accordingly be did desert.] — "Evidently discernible as were the diffi- culties in the way, no relief could be administered by major Lee, lest it might induce a belief that he was privy to the desertion, which opinion getting to the enemy, would involve the life of Champe., The si^rjeant was left to his own resources and to his own management, with the declared deter- mination that, in case his departure should be dis- covered before morning, Lee would take care to delay pursuit as long as was practicable." "Giving to the scrjeant three guineas, and pre- senting his best wishes, he recommended him to start without delay, and enjoined him to communi- cate his arrival in New-York as soon thereafter as might be practicable. Champe pulling out his vt^atch, compared it with the major's, reminding the latter of the importance of holding back pursuit, which he was convinced would take place during the night, and which might be fatal, as he knew that he should be obliged to zig-zag in order to avoid the patroles, which would consume time. It was now 11 o'clock: He returned to camp,* and taking his cloak, valice, and orderly book, he drew his horse from the picket, and mounting him, put himself upon fortune. Lee, charmed with his ex- peditious consummation of the first part of his enterprize, retired to rest. Useless attempt! The past scene could not be obliterated; and, indeed, had that been pi'acticable, the interruption which ensued would have stopped repose. "Within half an hour, captain Carnes, officer of the day, waited upon the major, and, with con- siderable emotion, told him that one of the patrole had fallen in with a dragoon, who, being challenged, put spur to his horse and escaped, though instantly pursued. Lee, complaining of the interruption, and pretending to be extremely fatigued by his ride to and from head-quarters, answered as if he did not understand what had been said, which compelled the captain to repeat it. Who can the fellow that was pursued be? enquired the major; adding, a countryman, probably. No, replied the captain, the patrole sufficiently distinguished him to know that he was a dragoon; propably one from the army, if not certainly of our own. This idea was ridiculed from its improbability, as during the whole war but a single dragoon had deserted from the legion. This did not convince Carnes, so much stress was it now the fashion to lay on the deser- tion of Arnold, and the probable effect of his example. The captain withdrew to examine the *From Lee's Marque, where they had been con- sulting on the best plan of the proposed desertion. PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. Sftl squadron of horse, whom he had ordered to assem- 1 enaMed the pursuinpr dr.goons to take the trail of ble in pursuance of established usage on such oc-jhis horse; knowing", as officer and trooper did, the casions. Vory quickly he retui-ned, stating that! make of their shoes, whose impression was an tSe scoundrel* was known, and no other person unerring guide. than the serjeant major, who had gone off with his horse, baggage, and orderly book — so presumed, as neither the one nor the other could be found. Sensibly affected at the supposed baseness of a «oldier extremely respected, the captain added that he had ordered a party to make ready for pursuit,^ and begged the major's written orders. "Occasionally this discourse was Interrupted, and every idea suggested which the excellent character of the sergeant warranted, to induce the suspicion that he had not deserted, but had taken the libs-r^y to leave camp with a view to personal pie iSure: an example, said Lee, too often set by the officer- "When Middleton dep[irted, it was a few minutes past twelve; so that Champe had only the start of rather more than an hour — by no means as long as was desired. Lee became very unhappy, not only because the estimable and gallant Champe might be injured, but lest the enierprize might be delay- ed; and he spent a sleepless night. The pursuing party duringthenight, was, on their part, delayed by the necessary halts to examine the road, as the im- pression of ihe horse's shoes directed their course; tiiis was unfortunately loo evident, no other horse uiving passed along the road since the shower- When the day broke, Middleton was no longer themselves, destructive as it was of discipline, fo„na to halt, and he pressed on with rapidity, opposed asitwristo orders, and disastrous as it Ascending an eminence before he reached the might prove to the corps in the course of the ser.|tj,,ee pjdgeons, some miles on the north of the village of Bergen, (Jersey) as the pursuing party reached its summit, Champe was discovered not more than half a mile infront, resembling an Indian in his vigilance. The serjeant at the same mo- ment discovered the party, (whose object he was no stranger to,j and giving spur to his horse, he determined to outstrip his pursuers. Middleton,' at the same instant put his horses to the top of their speed; and being (as the legion all were) "Some little delay was thus interposed, but it being now announced that the pursuing parly was ready, major Lee directed a change in the-officer, saying that he had a particular service m view, ^hich he had determined to entrust to the lieut. ready for duty, and which probably must be per- formed in the morning. He therefore directed him to summon cornet Middleton for the present command. Lee was induced thus to act, first to well acquainted with the country, he recollected add to the delay, and next from his knowledge of a short route through the woods to the bridge the tenderness of Middleton's disposition, which below Bergen, which diverged from the great he hoped would lead to the protection of Champe, road just after you gain the Three Pidgeons.— should he be taken. Within ten minutes Mid [Reaching the point of separation he halted, and dleton appeared to receive orders, which were dividing his party, directed a serjeant with a few delivered to him made out in the customary form, and signed by the major. 'Pursue so far as you can with safety, serjeant Champe, who is suspected of deserting to the enemy, and has taken the road leading to Pauler's Hook. Bring him alive thai he may suffer in the presence of the army; but kill bim if he resists or escapes after being taken.* dragoons to take the near cut, and possess, with all possible despatch the bridge, while he with the residue followed Champe; not doubting but that Champe must deliver himself up, as he would be closed between himself and his serjeant. Champe did not forget the short cut, and would have taken it himself, but he knew it was the usual route of our parties when retarnlng in the way from the neighborhood of the enemy, properly preferring "Detaining the cornet a few minutes longer in advising him what course to pursue urgi«g him ^ , , ex., 1 • the woods to the road.— He consequently avoided to take care of the horse and accoutrements, jfj. , t. j ■t; and persuaded that Middleton would avail hlm- recovered— and enjoining him to be on his guard, lest he might, by his eager pursuit, improvidenliy fall into the hands of the enemy, the major dis- missed Middleton, wishing him success. A shower of rain fell soon after Champe's departure, which *The reader will understand, that Washington and Lee were the only persons acquainted with the facts in this case. self of it, wisely resolved to relinguish his inten. tion of getting to Pauler's Hook, and to seek refuge from two British galleys, lying a few miles to the west of Bergen, "This was a station always occupied by one or more galleys, and which it was known now lay there. Entering the village of Bergen, .Champe S02 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION, turned to his right, and disguised his change of course as much as he could by taking the beaten streets, turning as they turned; he passed through the village and took the road towards Elizabeth town Point, Middleton'sserjeantgainedthebridge, when he conceived himself ready to pounce upon Champe when he came up; and Middleton pursuing his course through Bergen, soon got also to the bridge, when to his extreme mortification he found that the serjeant had slipped through his fingers. Returning up the road, he enquired of the villagers of Bergen, whether a dragoon had been seen that morning preceding his party? He was answered in the affirmative, but could learn nothing satis- factory as to the route he took. While engaged in eiquiries himself, he spread his party through the village to take the trail of Champe's horse, a as would more efl^ectually mislead. After this examination he was consigned to the care of ge- neral Arnold, and by him retained in his former rank. AVashington hoped and believed, that the trial of Andre v.'ould occupy much time, and enable Champe to accomplish his designs. That gallant officer disdaining all subterfuge, completely foiled this hope, by broadly confessing the nature of his connexion with Arnold. The commander in chief offered to excliange Andre for Arnold, a proposal sir Henry Clinton, for obvious motives, declined. Had this gallant ofiicer protracted his trial, and the plot proved successful, the life of Andre would have been saved, not by the intrigues of sir Henry Clinton, but of Washington in his favor. The honest and precipitate intrepidity of the British officer defeated this benevolent project, and no resort always recurred to. Some of his dragoons alternative remained but a speedy death. The hit it just as the serjeant, leaving the village, got serjeant, unfortunate as he was in this, was more in the road leading to the Point. Pursuit was J successful in obtaining evidence the most full and renewed with vigor, and again Champe was dis- 1 satisfactory, that the suspicions resting on several covered. He, apprehending the event, had pre- pared himself for it, by lashing his valice, (contain, jnghis cloathes and orderly book) on his shoulders, and holding a drawn sword in his hand, having thrown away its scabbard. This he did to save what was indispensable to him, and to prevent any interruption to swimming by the scabbard, should Middleton, as he presumed, when disappointed at the bridge, take the measures adopted by him. The pursuit was rapid and close, as the stop occasioned by the Serjeant's preparation for swimming had brought Middleton within two or three hundred yards. As soon as Champe got abreast of the galleys, he dismounted, and running through the marsh to the river, plunged into it, calling upon the galleys for help. This was readily given; they fired upon our horse, and sent a bo.'.t to meet Champe, who was taken on board, and conveyed to New- York, with a letter from the captain of the galley stating the past scene, all of which he had seen." [ Champe's affair covtinited, from another paper."] Washington was highly pleased with the result of his adventure. The eagerness of the pursuit he thought would be decisive evidence to the British commander, that this was a real and not a feigned desertion. Champe was immediately brought before sir Henry Clinton, and questioned by him on a variety of subjects, and amongst the rest, if any American officers luere suspected of deser- tion, and -who those officers were. The serjeant was forewarned on this point, and gave such answers American officers were foul calumnies, and a forgery of the enemy. He now determined on making one bold attempt for the seizure of Arnold, Having been allowed, at all times, free access to Arnold, marked all his habits and movements, he awaited only a favorable opportunity for the execu- tion of his project. He had ascertained that Arnold usually retired to rest about twelve, and that pre- vious to this, he spent some time in a private garden, adjoining his quarters. He was there to have been seized, bound, and gagged, and under the pretext that he was a soldier in a state of intoxication, to have been conveyed through bye paths, and unsuspected places to a boat laying in readiness, in the river Hudson. Champe engaged two confederates, and major Lee, who co operated in the plan, received timely intelligence of the night fixed on for its execution. At the appointed time that officer, attended by a small party well mounted, laid in wait on the other side of the Hudson with two spare horses, one for Champe, and the other for Arnold. The return of day light announced the discomfiture of the plan, and Lee and his party retired to the camp with melancholy forebodings that the life of the gallant serjeant had been sacrificed to his zeal in the service of his country. Consoling was the intelligence, shortly after received from the confederates, that on the nig':t preceeding the one fixed for Arnold's arrest, that officer had shifted his quarters. It appeared that he was employed to superintend the embarka- tion of certain troops, composed chiefly of Ameri- can deserters, and it was appiehended that unless PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION, >(ys Ihey were removed from their barracks, which were adjacent to the shore, many might seize that opportunity to escape. This attempt was never afterwards renewed. On the junction of Arnold with lord Cornwallis, in Virginia, the serjeant found means to elude the vigilance of the British lines, and to reach in safety the army of general Greene. Having been furnished by that officer with the means of escaping to Washington's camp, he arrived there to. the astonishment and joy of his old confederates in arms. When Wasliington assumed the command of the army under president Adams, he caused strict en- quiry to be made for ihe aoan who had so honorably distinguished himself, intending to honor such tried fidelity with military promotion, and heard to his great sorrow that he died but a short time before, in the state bf Kentucky. These facts are taken and condensed from the giteresling manu- scrip of major general Lee. Ann Seward, in her monody on the death of ma- jor Andre, thus speaks of the character of Wash- ington: Oh Washington! I thought thee great and good, Nor knew thy Nero thirst for guiltless blood: Severe to use the power that fortune gave. Thou cool determined murderer'of the brave. Remorseless Washington! the day shall oome Of deep repentance for this barbarous doom; When injured Andre's mem'ry shall inspire, A kindling army with resistless fire. Each faulchion sharpen that the Britons wield. And lead th'iir fiercest lion to the field; Then, when each hope of thine shall end in night, When dubious dread, and unavailing flight. Impel your haste, thy guilt upbraided soul Shall wish untouch'd, the precious life you stole: And when thy heart, appail'd and vanquish'd pride, •Shall vainly ask the mercy you denied; With horror shalt thou meet the fate thou gave, Nor pity gild the darkness of thy grave. Thus does poetic petulance dispense its invec- tive. We will now ask, who accelerated the death of Andre? Who made the extension of mercy toward him an act of mistaken mercy and of criminal indulgence.' Unquestionably sir Henry Clinton? Unquestionably tlieman who was propagating these false alarms of treason in the American camp. He rendered this severe measure for common security perfectly indispensable, as the commander in chief could not, at that time, know but what those who shared his confidence the most, where the most deeply implicated in Arnold's machinations. Was he to reprieve the victim, and thus sanction to bis surrounding officers the treasdn of Arnold, by his own signature, or to mitigate the severity of his fate, and teach them by this example to hope for mercy if detected? It is not meant to criminate sir Henry Clinton. Such artifices are justifiable in war. That he did, however, by the promulgar tion of such reports, render the death of Andre inevitable, it is conceived impossible tft doubt. — The solicitude of Washington to save the life of this unfortunate man was such, that he hazarded one of the bravest of his own soldiers in the camp of the enemy, for that purpose; and nothing but a concurrence of unpvopitious circumstances, that could not have been foreseen by mortal eye, or guarded against, if they could have been, pre- vented its accomplishment. It is a singular fact, that while the British commander was liastening the death of Andre, Washington was exerting hita- self to ward off that calamity. Serjeant Jasper. Thefollowingbiographical sketch of Serjeant Jas« PEB, whose name has been given to one of the coun- ties of Georgia, in commemoration of his gallant deeds and signal services during the revolutionary war, is extracted from the second vol. of M'CaU's history of Georgia. "The conduct of serjeant Jasper, meets particsv Lr notice in the history of Georgia, and his name is entitled to a page in the history of fame, while many others, high in rank, might jastJy be for- gotten. He w^ a man of strong mind, but as it had not been cultivated by education, he modestly declined the acceptance of a commission, which was offered to him. At the commencement of the war, he enli.sted in the second South Carolina regi- ment of infantry, comaianded by colonel Moultrie. He distinguished himself ia a particular manner, at the attack which was made upon fort Moultrie, on Sullivan's Island, on the 28th of June, 1776. In the warmest part of that contest, the flag- staff was severed by a csnnon bail, aad the flag fell to the bottom of the ditch on the outside of the works. This accident was considered by the anxious inha,- bitants in Charleston, as putting an end to the contest by striking the American flag to the ene- my. The moment Jasper made the discovery that the flag had fallen, he jumped from one of the embrasures, and mounted the colors, which he lied to a. spunge-stafl^, and re-planted them on the parapet, where be supported them u.^til another 504 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. fiag-stafF was procured. The subsequent activity and enterprize of this patriot, induced colonel where travellers often halt to refresh themselves with a coel draught from this pure fountain. Jasper ■ Moultrie to give him a sort of roving commission,! and his companion considered this spot the most to go and come at pleasure, confident that he was always usefully employed. He was privileged to select such men from the regiment as he should c'loose to accompany him in his enterprizes. His parties consisted generally of five or six, and he often returned v/ith prisoners before Moultrie was favorable for their enterprize. They accordingly passed the guard and concealed themselves near the spring. When the enemy came up they halted, and only two of the guard remained with the pri- soners, while the others leaned their guns against trees in a careless manner and went to the spring. ar>nrised of his absence. Jasper was distinguished! Jasper and Newton sprung ftom their place of for his humane treatment, when an enemy fell into his power. His ambition appears to have been limited to the characteristics of bravery, humanity and usefulness to the cause in which he was engaged. When it was in his power to kill, concealment, seized two of the muskets, and shot the sentinels. The possession of all the arms placed the enemy in their power, and compelled them to surrender. The irons were taken off, and arms put in the hands of those who had been pri- but not to capture, it was his practice to permit isoners, and the whole party arrived at Purysburgh a single prisoner to escape. By his cunning and | the next morning and joined the American camp, enterprize, he often succeeded in the capture of! There are but few instances upon record, where those who were lying in ambush for hira. He | personal exertions, even for self-preservation frons certain prospects of death, would have induced resort to an act so desperate of execution; how much more laudable was this, where the spring to action was roused by the lamentations of a female unknown to the adventurers. entered the British lines, and remained several days in Savannah, in disguise, and after informing himself of their strength and intentions, returned to the American camp with useful information to his commanding officer. In one of these excursions, an instance of bravery and humanity is recorded by the biographer of general Marion, which would stagger credulity, if it was not well attested. — While he was examining the British camp at Ebenezer, all the sympathy of his heart was awakened by the distresses of a Mrs. Jones, whose husband, an American by birth, had taken the king's protection, and been confined in irons for deserting the royal cause, after he had taken the oath of allegiance. Her well founded belief was, that nothing short of the life of her husband would atone for the offence with which he was charged, Anticipating the awful scene of a beloved husband expuing upon the gibbet, had excited inexpressible emotions of grief and distraction. "Jasper secretly consulted with his companion, Serjeant Newton, whose feelings for the distressed female and her child were equally excited with his own, upon the practicability of releasing Jones from hlis impending fate. Though they were unable to suggest a plan of operation, they were determin- ed to watch for the most favorable opportunity and make the effort. The departure of Jones, and several others (all in irons,) to Savannah, for trial. "Subsequent to the gallant defence at Sullivan's Island, colonel Moultrie's regiment was presented with a stand of colors by Mrs. Elliot, which she had richly embroidered with her own hands, and as a reward for Jasper's particular merits, gover- nor Rutledge presented him with a very handsome sword. During the assault against Savannah, twd officers had been killed and one wounded endeavor- ing to plant these colors upon the enemy's parapet of the Spring hill redoubt. Just before the retreat was ordered, Jasper endeavored to replace thera upon the works, and while he was in the act, re- ceived a mortal wound and fell into the ditch.-— When a retreat was ordered he recollected the honorable conditions upon which the donor pre- sented the colors to his regiment, and among the last acts of his life, succeeded in bringing them off. Major Horry called to see him soon after the retreat, to whom, it is said, he made the following communication: "I have got my furlough. That sword was presented to me by governor Rutledge, for my services in the defence of fort Moultrie— give it to my father, and tell him I have worn it with honor. If he should weep, tell him lys son binder a guard, consisting of a serjeant, corporal, 1 died in the hope of a better life. Tell Mrs. Elliot and tight men, was ordered upon the succeeding that I lost my life supporting the colors which she morning. Within two miles of Savannah, about presented to our regiment. If you should ever thirty yards from the main road, is a spring of fine see Jones, his wife, and son, tell them that Jasper water, surrounded by a deep and thick underwood, lis gone, but that the remembranoc of the battle PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 305 which he fought for them, brought a eecret joy to his heart when it was about to stop its motion forever." He expired a few »iunutes after closing this sentence. FEMALE PATRIOTISM. From the Richmond Enguirer. The M. S. of the following interesting letter was p-,,r,tely forwarded to us by a gentleman of Balti- more, and was found among some old papers of a distinguished lady of Philadelphia.-It is a copy of a letter from a lady of Philadelphia to a British omcer at Boston, written immediately after the brittle of Lexington, and previous to the declara- tion of independence-It fully exhibits the feelings of those times.-A finer spirit never animated the breasts of the Roman matrons, than the following letter breathes: j Siu_We received a letter from you— wherein you let Mr. S. know that you had written after the b-ittle of Lexington, particularly to me-knowing ,P.v martial spirit-that I would delight to read the exploits of heroes. Surely, my friend, you must mean the New England heroes, as they alone per- formed exploits worthy fame-while the regulars. Viistly superior in numbers, were obliged to retreat with a rapidity unequalled, except by the French at the battle of Minden. l.ideed, general Gage gives them their due praise in his letter home, where he says lord Percy was remarkable for his activity. You will not, I hope, take offence at any expression that, in the warmth of my heart, should escape me, when I assure you. that though we consider you as a public enemy, we regard you as a private friend; and while we detest the cause you are fighting for, we wish well to your own personal interest and safety. Thus far by way of apology As to the martial spirit you suppose me to possess you are greatly mistaken. I tremble at the thoughts of war; but of all wars, a civil one: our all is at stake; and we are called upon by every tye that is dear and sacred to exert the spirit that Heaven has given to us in this righteous struggle for li- berty. I will tell you what I have done. My only bro ther I have sent to the camp with my prayers and blessings; I hope he will not disgrace me; I am confident he will behave with honor, and emulate the great examples he has before him; and had I twenty sons and brothers they should go. I have retrenched every superfluous expense in my table and family; tea I have not drank since last Christ- mas, nor bought a new cap or grown since yo\:r defeat at Lexington, and what I never did before, have learnt to knit, and am now making stockings of American wool for my servants, and this way do I throw in my mite to the public good. I know this, that as free I can die but once, but as a slave I shall not be worliiy of life. I hive the pleasure to assure you that these are the sentiments of all imy sister Americans. They have sacrificed both assemblies, parties of pleasure, *ea drinking and finery to tliat great spirit of patriotism, that actuates all ranks and degrees of people through- out this extensive continent. If these are the sentl- ments of females, what must glow in the breasts of our husbands, brothers and sons.? They are as with one heart determined to die or be free. It is not a quibble in politics, a science which few understand, wliich we are contending for; it is this plain truth, which the most ignorant peasant knows, land is clear to the weakest capacity, that no man 'has a right to take their money without their con- sent. The supposition is ridiculous and absurd, as none but higliwaymen and robbers attempt it. Can you, my friend, reconcile it with your own good sense, that a body of men in Great Britain, who have little intercourse with America, and of course know nothing of us, nor are supposed to see or feel the misery they would inflict upon us, shall inveiit themselves with a power to command our lives and properties, at all times and in all cases whatsoever? You say you are no politician. Oh, sir. it requires no Machiavelean head to develope this, and to discover this tyranny and oppression. It is written with a sun-beam. Every one will see and know it because it will make them feel, and we shall be unworthy of the blessings of Heaven, if we ever submit to it. All ranks of men amongst us are in arms.— Nothing is heard now in our streets but the trumpet and drum; and the universal cry is "Americans to arms" All your fneads are officers; there are captain S. D. lieut. B. and c*ptain J. S. We have five regunents in the city and county of Philadel- phia. complete in arms and uniform, and very ex- pert at their military mancuvres. We have com- paniesof lighthorse, light infantry, grenadiers nfle- men, and Indians, several companies of artillery, and some excellent brass cannon and field pieces. Add to this, that c^ry county in Pennsylvania, and Uie Delaware government, can send two thousand men to the field. Heaven seems to smile on us for in the memory of man never were known such quantities of Rux, and sheep without number.- We are making powder fast, and do HOt want for t; SOS PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. iin^.muriiuon. In short, we want for nothing bin ships of war to defend us, which we cowld procure by mak.iti;j alliances: but such is our attachment to Great Britain, that we sincerely wish for recon- ciUaliofi, and car.no'. bear the thoughts of throwing off all dep'^ndence on her, whicli such a step would assuredly lead to. The God of mercy will, I hope, open the eyes of our king that he may see, while in seeking our d struciion, he will go near to com- plete his own. It is my ardent prayer that the elusion of blood may be stopped. We hope yet to see you in this city, a friend to the liberties of America, whicli will give infinite satisfaction to. Your sincere friend, C. S. To captain S. in Boston. Remarks on liberty of conscieirce, ascribed to his excellency William Livingston, governor of JVew Jersey, 177S. «'If, in our estiniate of things, we ought to be regulated by their importance, doubtless every encroachment upon religion, of all things the most important, ought to be considered as the greatest imposition; and the unmolested exercise of it, & proportionable blessing. By religion, I mean an inward habitual reverence for, and devotedness to the Deity, toith svch external homage, either public or private, as the loorshipper belitves most acceptable to him. According to this definition, it is impossible for human laws to re- gulate religion without destroying it; for they can- not compel imoard religious reverence, that being altogether mental and of a spiritual nature; nor can they enforce outward religions homage, because all such homage is ei'J.ier a man's own choice, and then it is not compelled, or it is repugnant to it, and then it cannot be religious. The laws of England, indeed, do not peremptorily inhibit a man from worshipping God, according to the dictates of his own conscience, nor positively constrain him to violate it, by conforming to the religion of the state: But they punish him for doing the former, or what amounts to the same thing, for omitting the latter, and consequently punish him for his religion. For what are the civil disqualifications and the pr',vatIon of certain privileges he thereby incurs, but so many punish- ments? And what else is the punishment for not embracing the religion of others, but a punishment for practising one's own? With how little pro- priety a nation can boast of its freedom under suc!i restraints on religious liberty, requires no great sagacity to determine. They affect, tis true, to abhor the imputation of intolerance, and applaud themselves fur tijeir preten,ded toleration and lenity. As contradistinguished, indeed, from actual prohibition, a permission may doubtless be called a toleration; for as a man is permitted to- enjoy his religion under whatever penalties or forfeitures, he is certainly tolerated to enjoy it. Gut as far as he pays for such enjoyment, by suffer- ing those penalties and forfeitures, he as certainly does not enjoy it freely. On the contrary, he is persecuted in the proportion that his privilege is ]so regulated and qualified. I call it persecution, because it is .harassing mankind for their princi- ples; and I deny that sucli punishments derive any sanction from law, because the consciences of men are not the objects of human legislation. And to trace this stupendous insult on the dignity of rea- son to any other source than the one from which I deduced it in the preceding essay, I mean the abominable combination of Kise-cnAFx and fhii;st- CRAFT, (in everlasting indissoluble league to extir- pate liberty, and erect on its ruins boundless and universal despotism,) would I believe puzzle the most assiduous enquirer. For what business, in the name of common sense, has the magistrate (distinctly and singly appointed for our political and temporal happiness) witli our religion, which is to secure our happiness spiritual and eternal? And indeed among all the absurdities chargeable upon human nature, it never yet entered into the thoughts of any one to confer such authority upon another. The institution of civil society I hs.ve pointed out as originating from the unbridled rapaciousness of individuals, and as a necessary curb to prevent that violence and other incon- veniences to which men in a state of nature were exposed. But whoever fancied it a violence offered to himself, that another should enjoy his own opinion? Or who, in a state of nature, ever deemed it an inconvenience that every man should choose his own religion? Did the free denizens of the world, before the monstrous birth of priest-c.iapt, aiding by and aided by the secular arm, ever worry one another for not practising ridiculous rites, or for disbelieving things incredible-i* Did men in their aboriginal condition ever suffer persecution for conscience sake? The most frantic enthusiast ■.vill not pretend it. Why then should the mem- bers of society be supposed, on their entering into it, to have had in contemplation the reforming an abuse which never existed? Or why are they pretended to have invested the raagisirate with ,uthority to sway and direct their religious senli- PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 507 menl? In reality, such delegation of power, had it ever been made, would be a nrnre nullity, and the compact by which it was ceded, altogether nugsitory, the rights of conscience being immntabhj personal and absolutely inalienable, nov can the state or community as such have any concern in the matter. For in what manner doth it affect society. which is evidently .-ind solely instituted to prevent personal assault, the violation of property and the defamation of character; and hath not (these re- maining inviolate) any interest in the actions of men— how doth it, I say, afl'ect society what prin- ciples we entertain in our own niiiuls, or in luliat outxuard form r.'s think it best to pay our adoration to God? But to set the absurdity of the magistrate's authority to interfere in matters of religion, in the strongest light, I would fain know what religion it is that he has authority to establish? Has he a right to establish only the true religion, or is any religion true because he does not establish it? If the former, his trouble is as vain as it is arrogant, because the true religion being not of this -world, ■wants not the princes of this world to support it; but has in fact either languished or been adulterated ■ivherever they meddled with it. If the supreme magistrate, as such, has authority to establish any religion he thinks to be true, and the religion so established is therefore right and ought to be embraced, it follows, since all supreme magis- trates have the same authority, that all establisli- ed religions are equally right, and ought to be embraced. The emperor of China, therefore, hav- ing, as supreme magistrate in his empire, the same right to establish the precepts of Confucius, and the Sultan in his, the imposture of Mahomet, as hath the king of Great Britain the doctrine of Christ in his dominiDn, it results from these princi- ples, that the religions of Confucius and Mahomet are equally true with the doctrine of our blessed Saviour and his Apostles, and equally obligatory upon the respective subjects of China and Turkey, as Ciiristlaiiily is on those within the British realm; a position wliich, 1 presume, the most zealous ad- vocate for ecclesiastical domination would think it blasphemy to avow. Tlie English ecclesiastical government, therefore, is, and all the ukctgious estaulisuwkmts in the WOULD, are manifest violations of the right of private Judgment in matters of religion. They are iujp'jdent outrag; s on common sense, in arrogitin;j a power of controlling the devotiand optralions of .the mind and external acts of divine homage not cog.dzable by any human tribunal, and for which we are ac • countabk only to the Great Searcher of heart"*, whose prerogative it is to judge them. In contrast with this spiritual tyranny, hoy beautiful appears our Catholic constitution in di?' claiming all jurisdiction over the soi(h of men, and securing, by a law never to be repealed, the volun- tay, unchecked mural suasion of every individu*!, iuid his own self-directed intercourse v/ith t!.e father of spirits, either by devout retirement or pub- lie -tuorship of his own election/ ilow amiable the plan of entrenching, with the sanction of an ordi- nance, immutable and irrevocable, the sacred rigliis of conscience, and renouncing cil discrimination be- txccen men on account of their sentiments about the various modes of church government^ or the dij'crent articles of their faith V LEGISLATURE OF VIRGINIA. FROM WIRt's life OF HEXRT. Debate on the motion ojfered by Patrick Henry, esq. in (he year 1775, to put the colony of Virginia in s state of defence. On Monday the 20th of March, 1775, the con- vention of delegates from the several coimlies and corporations of Virginia, met for the second time. Their meeting was held in tlie Old Churcii, in ti.s town of Jiichmond.— Mr. Henry was a member of this body also. The reader will bear in mind the tone of the instruciions given by the conventioa of the preceding year, to their deputies in con- gress. He will remember that wliile they recite, with great feeling, the series of grievances undf r which the colonies had labored, and insist, with firmness, on their constitutional rights, they give nevertheless the most explicit and solemn pledge of their faith and true allegiance to iiis majesty, king George the HI. and avow their determination to support him, widi their lives and fortunes, in the legal e.vercise of all his just rights and preroga- tives. He will remember that these instructions contain also an expression of their sincere approba- tion of a connecliuu with Great Britain— and of their ardent wishes for a return of that friendly intercourse, from which this country had derived so much prosperity and happiness. These senti- ments still acUuted many of the leading members of the convention of 1775 — they could not part wiUi the fond hope, that those peaceful days would, again return, which had shed so much light and wannlh over the land; and the report of tiie king's gracious reception of the petiiion from copgres.s, tended to ciierish that hope and to render thein averse to any measure of violence — but Mr. Henry saw things with a sleiditr eye; and a deeper insight 503 rPJN'CIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. His judgment was too solid to be duped by ap- pearances, and his heart too firm and manly, to be amused by false and flattering hopes. — IT'; had long since r^ad the true character of the British court, and saw that no alternative remained for his coun- try, but abject submission, or heroic resistance. It was not fi)r a soul like Henry's, to hesitate between these courses. He had offered upon the altar of liberty no divided heart. The gulph of war which yawned before him, was indeed fiery and fearful. Eat he saw that the awful plunge was inevitable. Tlie body of the convention, however, hesitated. They cast around a "longing lingering look" to those floWery fields, on which peace and ease and joy were still sporting, and it required all the energies of a Mentor, like Henry, to push them fiom the precipice, and conduct them over the stormy sea of the revolution, to liberty and glory. The convention being formed, and organized for business, proceeded in the first place to express their unqualiHed approbation of the measures of congress, and to declare that they considered this whole continent as under the highest obligations to that respectable body for the wisdom of their coimcils, and their unremitted endeavors to main, tain and preserve inviolate, the just rights and liberties of his majesty's dutiful and loyal subjects in America. They next resolved, "that the warmest thanks of the convention, and of all the inhabitants of this colony were due, and that this just tribute of applause, be presented to the worthy delegates, deputed by a former convention to represent this colony in general congress, foi' their cheerful under- taking, and faithful discharge of the very important trust reposed in them." The morning of the 23d of March was opened by readmg a petition and memorial from the as- sembly of Jamaica, "to the king's most excellent majesty;" whereupon it was resolved "that the unfeigned thanks, and most grateful acknov/ledge- Ttients of the convention be presented to that very respectable assembly, for the exceeding generous aud affectionate part they have so nobly taken, in the \inhappy contest between Great Britain and her co'iO'iics, and for their truly patriotic endeavors to fix the just claims of tlie colonists upon the most permanent constitutional principles; that the as- sembly be assured, that it is the most ardent, wish of this colony (and they were persuaded, of the whole continent of North America) to see a speedy j-eturn of those halcyon days when we lived a free sBd happy people." Tliese proceedings were not adapted to the taste of Mr. Henry. On the contrary, they were "gall and worm-wood" to him. The house required to be wrought up to a bolder tone. He rose, there- fore, and moved the folio wing, manly resolutions: "Jiesohed, That a well-regulated militia, com. posed of gentlemen and yeomen, is the natural strength and only security of a free government; that such a militia, in this colony, would forever render it unnecessary for the mother country to keep among us, for the purpose of our defence, any standing army of mercenary soldiers, always subversive of the quiet, and dangerous to the liberties of the people, and would alleviate the pretext of taxing us for their support. "That the establishmenl of such a militia is, at this time, peculiarly necessary, by the state of o\ir laws, for the protection and defence of the coun- try, some of which are already expired, and others will shortly be so, and that the known remissness of government, in calling us together, in legislative capacity, renders it too insecure, in this time of danger and distress, to rely that opportunity will be given of renewing them, in general assembly, or making any provision to secure our inestimable rights ami liberties from those further violations -with •which they are threatened. "Resolved, therefore, that this colony be imme- diately put into a state of defence, and that be a committee to prepare a plan for the embodying, arming and disciplining such a number of men, as may be sufficient for that purpose." The alarm which such a proposition must have given to those who had contemplated no resist- ance of a character more serious than petition, non-importation and passive fortitude, and who still hung, with suppliant tenderness, on the skirts of Britain, in the hope of seeing, once more, her maternal smile, will be readily conceived by the reflecting reader. Tlie shock v/as painful: it was almost general. The resolutions were opposed, as not only rash in policy, but as harsh, and well nigh impious, in point of feeling. Some of the warmest patriots of the convention opposed them. Richard Bland, Benjamin Harrison, and Eidmund Pendleton, who had so lately drunk of the fountain of patriotism, in the continental con- gress, and Robert C. Nicholas, one of the best, as well as ablest men and patriots in the state, gave them all the resistance of their great influence and abilities. They urg«d the late gracious re-ceptian PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 5o,g of the congressional petition by the throne.— They insisted that national comity, and much more, filial respect, demanded the exercise of a more dignified patience:— that the sympathies of the parent country were now on our side; that the friends of American liberty, in parliament, were still with us, and had, as yet, had no cause to blush for our indiscretion; that the manufacturing in- terest of Great Britain, already smarting under the effects of our non-importation, co-operated power- fully towards our relief; that the sovereign himself had relented, and shown that he looked upon our sufferings with an eye of pity. Was this the moment, they asked, to disgust our friends, to extinguish all the conspiring sympathies which were working in our favor, to turn their friend- ship into hatred; their pity into revenge? And what was there, they asked, in the situation of the colony, to tempt us to this? Were we a great military people? Were we ready for war? Wliere were our stores— where were our arms — where our soldiers — where our generals — whe-e our money, the sinews of war? They were no where to be found. In truth, we were poor — we were naked — we were defenceless: and yet we talk of assuming the front of war! — of assuming it too, against a nation, one of the most formidable in the world! a nation, ready an4 armed at all points! — her navies aiding triumphant in every sea — her armies never marching but to certain victory? — What was to be the issue of the struggle we were called upon to court? What could be the issue, in the compara- tive circumstances of the two countries, but to yield up this country, an easy prey to Great Bri- tain, and to convert the illegitimate right, which the British parliament now claimed, into a firm and indubitable right, bv conquest? The measure might fae brave; but it was the bravery of madmen. It had no pretension to the character of prudence, and as little to the grace of genuine courage. It would be time enough to resort to measures of despair, when every well founded hope had entirely vanished. To this strong view of the subject, supported as it was, by the stubborn fact of the well known helpless condition of the colony, the opponents of those resolutions superadded every topic of persua- sion which belonged to the case. "The strength and lustre which we derived from our connexions with Great Britain— the domestic comforts which we had drawn from the same soiirce, and whose value we were now able to estimate, by their loss! —that ray of reconciliation, whicli was dawning I upon us from the east, and which promised sofai and happy a day; with this they contrasted the clouds and storms which the measure, now pro- posed, was so well calculated to raise, and in which we should not have even the poor consolation of being pitied by the world, since we should have, so needlessly and rashly, drawn them upon our- selves." These arguments and topics of persuasion were so well justified by the appearance of things, and were, moreover, so entirely in unison with that love of ease and quiet, which is natural to man, and that disposition to hope for happier times, even under the most forbidding circumstances, that an ordinary man, in Mr. Henry's situation, would have been glad to compound with the displeasure of the house, by being permitted to withdraw his resola. tions in silence. Not so Mr. Henry. His was a spirit fitted to raise the whirlwind, as well as to ride in and direct it. His was that comprehensive view, that unerring prescience, that perfect command over the actions of men, that qualified him, not merely to guide, but almost to create the destinies of nations. He rose, at this time, with a majesty unusual to him, in an exordium, and with all that self- possession by which he was so invariably distin- guished. "No man," he said, "thought more highly than he did of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very wortky gentlemen who had just ad- dressed the house. But different men often saw the same subject in different lights; and therefore, he hoped it would not be thoKght disrespectful to those gentlemen, if entertaining, as he did, opi- nions of a character very opposite to theirs, be should speak his sentiments, freely and without reserve. This, he said, was no time for ceremony. The question before the house, was one of awful moment to this country. For his own part, he considered it, as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject, ought to be the free- dom of the debate. It was only in this way that they could hope to arrive at truth, and fulfil the great responsibility which they held to God and their country. Should he krep back his opinions, at such a time, through fear of giving offence, he should consider himself as guilty of treason to- wards his country, and of an act of disloyalty to- wards the Majesty of Heaven, which he revered before all earthly kings." "Mr. President," said he, "it is natural to man to iadi;!ge in the illusions of hope. We are »pt ;]0 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen! —we have remonstrated— we have supplicated— we to the song of that syren, till she transforms us into beasts. Was this, he asked, the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Were we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For his part, whatever anguish ppl have prostrated ourselves before the tlirone, and have implored its interposition, to arrest the lyran- nical hands of the ministry and parliament. — Our petitions have been slighted— our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult — our supplications have been disregarded, and we have been spurned with contempt from the foot of spirit it might cost, he was willing to know the j of the throne. In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free— if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges, for which we have been so long contending — if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle, in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon, until the glorious object of oup contest shall be obtained — we must fight! I re- peat it, sir, WE MUST fight! ! An appeal to arms^ and to the God of Hosts, is all that is left us!" whole truth — to know the worst, and to provide for it." "He had," he said, "but one lamp, by which his feet were guided, and that was the lamp of ex- perience. He knGw of no way of judging the future, but by the past; and judging by the past, he wished to know what there had been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years, to justify those hopes with which gentle- men had been pleased to solace themselves and the house. It is that insidious smile with which our petition has- been lately received? Trust it not, sir, it will prove a snare to your feet. — Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask your- selves how this gracious reception of our petition comports v/ith those warlike preparations, which cover our waters, and darken our land? Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and recon- ciliation? Have we shewn ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled, that force must be called in, to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjuga- tion — the last arguments, to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purposes be not to force us to submission? — Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quar- ter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. Tlicy are sent over, to bind and rivet upon us those chains, which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that, for the last ten years. Have we any thing new to offer upon the subject? Notiiing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable: but it has been all in vain. — Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplica- tion? What terms shall we find, which have not been already exhausted? Lei us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves longer. Sir, we have done every thing that could be done, to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned "Imagine to yourself," says my correspondent,* "this sentence, delivered with all the calm dignity of Cato, of Utica— imagine to yourself the Roman senate, assembled in the capitol, when it was entered by the profane Gauls, who, at first, were awed by their presence, as if they had entered an assembly of the Gods! — imagiwe that youheard that Cato addressing such a senate— imagine that you saw the hand writing on the wall of Belshazar's palf.ce — imagine you had heard a voice, as from Heaven, uttering the words "JFe must Jighty" as the doom of fate, and you may have some idea of the speaker, the assembly to whom he addressed himself^ and the auditory, of which I was one. "They tell us, sir," continued Mr. Henry, "that we are weak — unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. — But when shall we be stronger?-*— Will it be the next week or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inac- tion? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance, by lying supinely on our backs, and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak, if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. — Three millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force whicii our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we * Judge Tucker. PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. Sli pendence was the effect of ministerial oppression and not the result of a pre-concerted plan. — Tho' intended for the bosom of private friendship, those letters may legilirnately be considered as convey- ing the sentiments of the whole American people at that time. They evince the reluctattce with which a separation from Great Britain was contem.* plated; and do away the idea held oat by some English writers, ihat "independence had long beea meditated by the leading characters in the colo- nies, and that tliey availed themselves of the ob- noxious acts of the Brilish government for its as- sertion." Thomas Jefferson, in a letter to Dr. Wm. Smallj formerly one of the professors of William and Ma- ry, but then at Birmingham, in England, where he successfully applied his extensive scientific know- ledge to practical improvements, in various manu- factures, Etc, dsited May 7ih, 1775, writes as fol- lows: "Within this week, we have received the unhap- py news of an action of considerable magnitude be- tween the king's troops and our brethren of Boa- ton, in which it is said 500 of the former, with the earl of Percy, were slain. That such an ac- tion has happened is undoubted, though, perhaps, the circurastawces may not yet Jiave reached us with trulh. This accident has cut off our last hopes of reconciliation, and a phrenzy of revenge seems to have seized all ranks of people —It is a. lamentable circumstance that the only mediatory power acknowledged by both parties, instead of leading to a reconciliation this divided people, should pursue the incendiary purpose of still blow- ing up the flames, as we find him constantly doiag in every speech, and public declaration. This ma}'; perhaps, be intended to intimidate into an acqui- escence, but the effect has been most unfortu- nately otherwise. A littie knowledge of human nature, and attention to its ordinary workings, might have foreseen th.-it the spirits of the people, were in a state, in wlUch they were more like)}' to be provoked than frightened by haughty deport- Harrison, Lemuel Riddick, George Washington, j ment; and to fill up the measure of irritation, Adam Stevens, Andrew Lewis, William Christian, proscription of individuals has been substituted Edmund Pendleton, Thomas Jefferson, and Isaac in the room of just trial. Can it be believed that Zahe, esquires, were appointed a committee to pre a grateful people will suffer those to be consigned pare the plan called for by the last resolution. to execution wiiose sole crime has been developing '^^ and asserting their right? Had the parliament pos- Letters from Thomas Jeiferson. sessed the liberty of reflection, they would have From the Richmond Compiler of April 6, 1816. [avoided a measure as impotent as it was inflamma- The following are extracts horn letters tending j tory. When I saw lord Chatham's bill, I enter- to prove that the American declaration of inde- itaified hi^h hopes that a reconciliation coald have shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God, who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Beside.s, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat, but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged: their clank- ing may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is enevitable; and let it come!! I repeat it, sir— Let IT come! ! ! "It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter: Gen- tlemen may cry, "peace peace;" but there is no peace; the war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears tiie clash of resounding arms.' Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle.' — What is it that gentlemen wish.' What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery!!! Forbid it. Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but, as for me" (cried he, with boi!^. his arms extended aloft, his brows knit, every feature marked with the resolute purpose of his soul, and his voice swelled to its ^oldest note of exclamation,) "Give me LiuEnTY OH GIVE ME DEATH." He took his seat. No murmur of applause was heard; the efi'ect was too deep. After the trance of a moment, several members were seen to start from their seats. The cry "to arms," seemed to quiver on every lip, and gleam from every eye! liichard H. Lee, arose and supported Mr. Henry, but even his melody was lost amidst the agitation ^ of that ocean, which the master spirit of the slorm had lifted on high. That supernatural voice still sounded in their ears, and shivered along their arteries. They heard in every pause the cry of liberty or death. Tliey became impatient of speech. Their souls were on fire for action. r The measure was adopted; and Patrick Ker.ry, Richard H. Lee, Robert C. Nicholas, Benjamin 312 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. been brought about. The difference between bis terms, and those offered by our congress, might have been accommodated, if entered on by both parties with a disposition to accommodate; but the dignity of parliament, it seems, can brook no opposition to its power. Strange, that a set of men who have made sale of their virtue to the minister, should yet talk of retaining dignity!" Another letter from the same gentleman to John TJandolph, the former attorney general, dated Au gust 25tb, 1775, contains the annexed passage: "I am sorry the situation of our country should render it not eligible to you to remain longer in it. 1 hope the returning wisdom of Great Britain will ere long put an end to the unnatural contest. There may be people to whose tempers and dispositions contention may be pleasing, and who may therefore wish a continuance of confusion; but to me, it is of all states but one, the most horrid. My first wish is a restoration of our just rights; my second a re- turn of the happy period when, consistently with duty, I may withdraw myself totally froHi the pub- lic eye, and pass the rest of my days in domes- tic ease and tranquility, banishing every desire of afterwards even hearing what passes in the world. Perhaps, ardour for the latter adds considerably to the warmth of the former wish. Looking with fondness towards a reconciliation with Great Bri- tain,! cannot help hoping you may be able to con- tribute towards e.vpediting this good work. I thinfcit must be evident to yourself that the minis- try have been deceived by their officers on this side the water, who (for what purposes I cannot tell) have constantly represented the American op- position as that of a small faction, in which the body of the people took little part. This you can inform them, of your own knowledge, to be untrue. They have taken it into their heads, too, that we are cowards, and shall surrender at discretion to an armed force. The past and future operations vf the war mu^t confirm or undeceive them on that head. I wish they were thoroughly and mi- nutely acquainted with every circumstance rela- tive to America, as it exists in truth. I am per- suaded they would go far towards disposing them to reconciliation. Even those in parliament who are called friends to America, seem to know no- thing of our real determinations. I observe they pronounced in the last parliament th» y«"^ P°^^" ^" '^"^'^^ °" I "TUEUESA ASGILL." "Sm— If the politeness of the French court will permit a stranger to address it, it cannot be doubt- j It was to this letter that young Asgill owed his etl-but that she who unites in herself, all the more'Hfe and liberty. His mother was informed almost delicate sensations with which an individual can I at the same instant, that the minister of the king be penetrated, will be received favorably by a no- of France had written to general W.'ishinglon to bleman, who reflects honor not only on his nation, procure the pardon of her son, and that his re- PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OP THE REVOLUTION. 319 quest had been granted. If any tUing can con- vey an idea of the mournful sentiments to which this parent was a prey during eight months, it is that sentiment which her gratitude inspires in the letter addressed to the count de Vergennes, on hearing she owed the restoration of her sOn to his interference; the greatest talents never produced any thing more noble or equally affecting. Second letter of lady As^ll to compte de Vergennes. AN HONEST JURY. ^^■'' The refusal of certain gentlemen, returned to serve as grand jurors for Boston, or Suffolk coun- ty, in 1774, being frequently alluded to, the fol- lowing, which shews the reasons why they would not be impannelled, becomes highly interesting: Count;/ of Suffolk, Boston, ^w^-. 30, 1774. We, who are returned by the several towns in this county, to serve as grand jurors at the su- perior court for this present term, being actuated "Exhausted by long suffering, overpowered by ^^^^ z^^\on^ regard for peace and good order, and the excess of unexpected happiness, confined to my i gi^pg^.^ ^^^-^^^ ^^ promote justice, righteousness bed by weakness and langour, bent to the earth! ^^^ ^^^^ government, as being essential to the by what I have undergone, my sensibility alone happiness of the community, would now most glad- could supply me with strength sufficient to address yoti. ly proceed to the discharge of the important duty required in that department, could wepersuade our- „ , , . . ^u- r ui „gaging three hundred silk throwsters here ia one week for New York was treated as a fable, because, fjrsooth, they have no silh there to throw. be both cruel and impoHiic to pinoh chilJren till'Those who Qude this objection, peibaps, did aot 41. 3£^2 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. know, that, al ihe same time the agents from the king of Spain were at Quebec contracting for 1000 pieces of cannon, to be made there for the fortifi- cations of Mexico, with 25,000 axes for their in- dustrious logwood cutters, and at New York en- gaging an annual supply of warm floor carpets for Iheir West lutji* houses — otiier agents from the em- peror of China were at Boston.in New England, treat- ing about the exciiange of raw silk for wool, to be carried on in Chi)iese jonks thro' the straits of Wagellan. And yet all this is as certainly true as the account, said to be from Quebec, in the papers of last week, that the inhabitants of Canada are making preparations for a cod and whale fishery tbissin-nmer in the upper lakes. Ignorant people may ohject that the upper lakes are fresh, and that cod and whale are salt water fish: -But let them know, sir, that cpd, like other fish, when attacked by their enemies, fly into any water they think they canbesafest in; that whales, when they have a mind to eat cod, pursue them wherever they fl)-; and that the grand leap of the whale in that chace up the falls of Niagara is esteemed by all who have seen it, as one of the finest spectacles in nature! — Really, sir, the world is grown too incredulous: I'endulum-like, it is ever swinging from one ex treme to another, formerly, every ihlng printctJ was believed, because it was in print: Now things seem to be disbelieved, for just the very same rea- son. Wise men wonder at the present growth of infideli'y! They shoidd have considered, when they taught people to doubt tlie authority of news- papers, and the truth of predictions in almanacks-, that vhe next step might be a disbelief in the well- vouched accounts of ghosts and witches, and doubts even of the truth of the A n creed. Your humble servant, A Traveller. by congress, who will doubtless give ull the en. couragement to all that the good of the -xvhole will admit of. Some talk of.resuming our first charter, others of absolute independency. Our eye is to the congress — may wisdom direct your every step, You will see that our governor has told us. Correspondence of Mr. Adams. The ecitor was favored by president Adams with a large bundle of letters; written to him by dis- tinguished persons, in the years 1774, 1775, and 1776, and some other papers. Such have been selected as were thought necessary to shew the feelings of those days, and exhibit the character of some of the actors in them. From J. Palmer, esq. datedat Boston, Sept. 14, 1774, to John Jldums, e^q. at Philadelphia. [Extracts.] "The spirit of liberty is amazingly increased, so that there is scarce a tory and hardly a neutral to be found in the country. This province seems ripe for a more popular government, if not restrained tljat the refusing submission to the late acts of par. liament is general throHghow the province; and that he should lay the same before his majesty: and since that I have received satisfaction that our friends to government are convinced they can't carry these acts into effect; and are willing, if possible, to keep matters in a state of suspense until ihey hear from home. At the same lime they continue to entrench and fortify the neck, professedly, and I believe reaU ly and only, for self-defence." From Benjamin Kent, esq. to the same, dated Boaton^ Sept. 23, 1774. [Extracts.] '•Our enemies, for their own further security, as as well as to bring the town into the most complete dependence on the navy and army, spare no labor or pains; they suffer no owner of powder to take a single grain out of the town's magazine, and there is none to be bouglit in the town. Two or three days ago, after the men of war had spiked up our cannon at the battery, they robbed us of six good pieces of large cannon, as we were carrying them in a gondola through the mill pond to Water-town, They take and keep the guns and cutlasses out of carls and waggons going over the Neck; and no doubt, if they thought they could disarm the town they would do it instantly. [He then mentions that their friends in Connecticut urged them to act before general Gage should receive the additional regiments which he expected— but that the peo- pie of Boston "would not undertake any thing ma- terial before they heard from the grand council of America, which we hope will remain forever."] He then expresses a wish that the c(i.igress would consider their case, and says "we are not suspi- cious that it can possibly be disagreeable to the grand congress that we should do every thing in our power towards our defence; but to lie still so long as in any measure to disable us to secure our- selves by and bye, when we can now prevent it, would be very unv/ise, and it may be fatal to the town." "It is necessary for us, as far as we can, to prepare for the worst that can happen; that we may not be unhappily surprised when the worst shall come. Louk into Europe and see how ty- ranny flourishes; and if the tyrants will but join their forces, in a little time not one free state will be left on the other side of the Atlantic— which GOD forbid! PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OP THE REVOLUTION. !33 In cnnchisioM lie sajs— "Ido most heartily hope and desire, the body of representatives, of all the colonies, may have eternity, for the glory of GOD, and the happiness of the American world. This is the pi- yer of the faith of your and their most cor- dial b-ciher and friend." From John Trumbull, esq. to the same, dated Boston, Ajis- 20, ir74. [Extracts.] "In the county of Worcester, the people, at a ge- neral meeting-, have resolved that no court shall be held there, according to the n^w regulation of ju- ries, and that judge Oliver shall not take his seat. Upon a report that a regiment vould be sent to protect the court, they declared that they were ready to meet it. It is to be hoped, however, that no violent measures will be taken, till tlie sense of the whole continent is known; as the people have groat dependence upon tlie determinations of con- gress, and expect them to cliailc out the line for their conduct. As to the soldiers here, tliey are no .-nore feared than if they were the troops of Lil- liput. Indeed, they are much more disposed to flight than combat, and have more inclination to desert to us than to figlit us — above two hundred having already left them. To put a stop to these frequent desertions, theofiicersare obliged to treat them with great severity — death or 1000 lashes, is the only choice offered te those who are retaken. There Is a humorous story told about town of one of the deserters, though I cannot say it is abso- lutely to be depended upon as fact: a soldier, whose name was Patrick, deserted sometime ago and set- tled in a country town at some distance, and there undertook to instruct a company of about (ilfy men in military exercises. A serjeant and eight men were sent to apprehend deserters, got intelligence of him, and agreed with a countryman, for a couple of guineas, to conduct them to him. Patrick, it seems, was at that time exercising his company; Jiowever, being called by the serjeant and his men, he immediately came up to them. The serjeant demanded what he did there, told him he was his prisoner, and ordered him to return and join his regiment. Sir, aaid Patrick, I beg your pardon, butl don't think it possible for me to obey you at present. Tlie serjrant repeated his orders in a very peremptory stile, Patrick still assured him uf the great improbability of his bting able to com- ply with the command; but told him, as it was not absolutely certain, he would see what could be done about it. You must know, said he, that we determine everything here by a vote — and turning to his company, which had by this time came up, —gentlemen, says he, if it be your mind that should leave tlie town and return to my regiment, please to manifest it. Not a single hand appeared - in favor of the motion. He then desired that those who were contrary-minded sho\ild manifest it, which passed ne.m. con. The serjeant and his men, finding themselves in so small a minority, and see- ing it in vain to oppose the general voice of the meeting, were about to return again in p'^ace, when one or two of his men were desirous to havs it put to vote whether they should not stay also. Patrick, as modera .or, immediately put the question, which it was not difficult to carry in such an assembly, and the serjeant, knowing it vain to resist, return- ed with six men to liis regiment. Richard Crnnch, e-.q. to Ji!r. Adin-ntt, dated Boston; Oct. 15, 177'1. [Extract.] •'I liear that a letter fiom one P -?, a clergy- man in Connecticut, has been interce-,)l£d, and that an attested copy of it is now before cur congress. The contents of it are vary extraordinary — he in- forms tlie person to whom it is addressed, that he has received ad'.'ice that several regiments more from England, and a number of men of war, are expected, and that when tliey arrive, hanging ivorh ivill begin, — and that those only will be safe whose lintels and door posts shall be sprinkled. Our minis, ters in this province put up their ardent petitions in public for the direction and blessing of heaven on your congress." Dr. Samuel Cooper to Mr. Adams, dated 16lh Oct, 1774. "Having just been informed that Mr. Tudor is going to Philadelphia, I take this opportunity to tharik you for the obliging favor of your letter of 29th September. The struggle, as you justly ob- serve, between fleets and armies and commercial regulations, must be very unequal: We hope, how- ever, the congress will carry this mode of defence as far as it will go, and endeavor to render it as early effectual as it can be, since ihe operation of it must necessarily be slow — were we at ease we would wait— but being first seized and griped by the mer- ciless hand of power, we are "tortured even to madness," and yetj perhaps, no people would give a greater example of patience and firmness, could the people be sure of the approbation and counte- nance of the continent; in consolidating them selves in the best manner they are able, they should have, they say, fresh spirits to sustain the conflict. The report of an uncommon large quantity of British goods sent to New York and Philadelphia, nalu- rally carries our thoughts to a non-consumption — 524 PRI\CIP].ES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION". Nothing could more thoroughly embarrass these selBsh importers, and none ever deserved more such a punishment. Our provincial congress is assembled; they ad- journed from Concord to Cambridge. Among them and through the province the spirit is ar- dent. And I think the inhabitants of this town sre distracted to remain in it with such formidable fortifications at its entrance. Desides the regi iTVents expected from the .southward and Canada, we have several companies from Newfi>undland, of which we had no apprehension until they arrived. The tories depend that the administration will push the'r point with all the force that they can spare, and this I think v/e ought to expQCt and take into our account. stituiion or form of government enticted for us by the British parliament. It is evil against right — utterly intolerable to every man who has any idea or feeling of right or liberty. It is easy to demonstrate that the regulation act will soon annihilate every thing of value in the charter, introduce perfect despotism, and render the house of representatives a mere form and mi- nisterial engine. It isTzowor never, that we must assert our liber- ty. Twenty years will make the number of tories on this continent equal to the number of wliigs. They who shall be born will not have any idea of a free government. CO'Several of the volumes of the Weekly Re- GisTEn are enriched by the correspondence of Mr. Adams. His letters to the editor, enclosing his communications .to Mr. IVirt, (the elegant author of the "Sketches" of the famous Patrick; Jlenyy, of Virginia) inserted in the 14th vol. page 257, et seq. mediately are highly interesting. Mr. Wirt had claimed for iMr. Henry the declaration "we must fibht," which Mr. Adams says was derived from a letter which lie himself had shewn to Mr. Henry, written by major Haivley, of Northampton, Mass. in 1774. The following, as connected with this subject, cannot fail of exciting tha most pleasant feelings in those who delight to trace the first dawnings of our glo- rious revolution. EnrTOR. It will necessarily be a question, whether the new government of this province shall be sufTiJred to take place at all, — or whether it shall be imme- diately withstood and resisted? A most important question this — I humbly con- ceive it not best forcibly or wholly to resist it, im- Extract of a letter from president Adams to If. .Mies, dated Quincy, Feb. 5, 1819. "Dear sir,— I enclose you the "broken hints to be communicated to the committee of congress for the Massachusetts," by major Joseph Hawley, of Northampton. This is the original paper that I read to Patrick Jlenry in the fall of the year 1774, which produced liis rapturous burst of approbation, and solemn as- severation "I AM OF THAT MAn's MIND."* 1 pray you to send it back to me. I would not ex- change this original for the show book of Harvard college, and printed it shall be at my own expense inahandbill." Broken hints to be communicated to the committee of congress fur the ^Massachusetts. "We must fight, if we can't otherwise rid our- selves of British taxation, all revenues, and the con- *See Weekly Register, vol. XIV, page 2J8. There is not heat enough yet for battle. Con- stant, and a sort of negative resistance of govern- ment, will increase the heat and blow the fire. There is not military skill enough. That is im- proving, and must be encouraged and improved, but will daily increase. Fight we must finally, unless Britain retreats. But it is of infinite consequence that victory be the end and issue of hostilities. If we get to fight- ing before necessary dispositions are made for it, we shall be conquered, and air will be lost for- ever. A certain clear plan, for a constant, adequate and lasting supply of arms and military stores, must be devised and fully contemplated. This is the main thing. This, I think, ought to be a capital branch of the business of congress— to wit: to devise and settle such a plan; at least, clearly to investigate how such supplies can be extensively had in case of need. While this is effecting — to wit: while the continent is providing themselves with arms and military stores, and establishing a method for a sure and unfailing and constant supply, I con- ceive we had best to negociate with Britain. If she will cede our rights and restore our liberties, all is well — every good man will rejoice: if she will not agree to relinquish and abolish all Ameri- can revenues, under every pretence and name, and all pretensions to order and regulate our internal Ipolicy and constitution— then, if we have got »ny PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 525 constant and sufficient supply of military stores, it will be time to take to arms. I can't quit tliis head-it ought to be immediately and most se- riously attended to It can't be any other than road ness to commence hostilities before we have es- tablished resources on a sure plan for certain and effactual military supplies. Men, in that case, will not be wanting. But what considerate man will ever consent to take arms and go to war, where he has no reasona- ble assurance but that all must be given over and he fall a prey to the enemy, for want of military stores and ammunition, in a few weeks? Either an effectual non-consumption agreement or resistance of the new government, will bring on hostilities very soon. 1. As to a non-consumption agreement— it ap- pears to me that it ought to be taken for certain truth, that no plan of importation or consumption of tea, British goods in general, or enumerated ar- ticles, which is to rest and depend on the virtue of all the individuals, will succeed; but must cer- tainly prove abortive. The ministry may justly call such a plan futile- futile it will turn out. A plan of that sort may safely rest and be founded on the virtue of the majority: but then the majority, by the plan, must be directed to control the minority, which implies force. The plan, therefore, must direct and pre- scribe how that force shall be exercised. Those, again, who exercise that force, under the direction and by order of the majority, must by that majority be defended and indemnified. Dispositions must therefore necessarily be made to resist or overcome that force which will be brought against you— which will directly produce war and bloodshed. From thence it follows, that any other non-con- sumption or nonimportation plan, which is not perfectly futile and ridiculous, ionplies hostilities end war. 2. As to the resistance of the new government, that also implies war: for, in order ti- resist and prevent the efiect of the new government, it is in- dispensably necessary that the charter government, or some other, must be maintained— constitutional- ly exercised and supported. The people will have some government or other —they will be drawn in by a seeming mild and just and executive justice must go on in some form or other, and we may depend on it they will; — there- fore the new government wifl take effect until the old is restored. The old cannot be restored until the council take on them the administration, call assemblies, constitute courts, make sheriffs, &c. The coun- cil will not attempt this without good assurance of protection. This protection can't be given with- out hostilities. Our salvation depends upon an established per- severing union of the colonies. The tools of administration are using every de- vice and effort to destroy that union, and they will certainly continue so to do — Thereupon, all possible devices and endeavors must be used to establish, improve, brighten and maintain such union. Every grievance of any one colony must be held and considered by the whole as a grievance to tl»e whole, and must operate on the whole as a griev- ance to the whole. This will be a difficult matter to effect: but it must be done. Qaere, therefore — whether is it not absolutely necessary that some plan be settled for a continua- tion of congresses?— But here we must be aware that congresses will soon be declared and enacted by parliament to be high treason. Is the India company to be compensated or not? If to be compensated — each colony to pay the particular damage she lias done, or is an average to be made on the continent? The destruction of the tea was not unjust — there- fore to what good purpose is the tea to be paid for, unless we are assured that, by so doing, our rights will be restored and peace obtained? What future measures is the continent to pre- serve with regard to imported dutied tea, whether it comes as East India property or otherwise, under the pretence and lie that the tea is imported from Holland, and the goods imported before a certain given day? Dutied tea will be imported and con- sumed — goods continue to be imported — your non- importation agreement eluded, rendered contemp- tible and ridiculous -unless all teas used, and all goods, are taken into some public custody which will be inviolably faithful." [The foregoing is a literal copy of the venera- ble paper before me, except its frequent abbrevia- tions of the and that, with the addition only of a administration, which will last awhile; legislation I few commas, he. to make it read.] 326 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. BATTLE OF LEXINGTON. Billericut Mass. 16ih June, 1819. Sin — From having lately seen some notice in the papers, of your wish to obt.nin the names of those who destroyed the tea in Boston harbor, in December, 1773,* I was led to believe that the names of those patriotic citizens, who fell in the def 'nc ■ of heir just privileges, on the nineteenth of ^pril, 17T5, might be also acceptable and as wor- thy of being perpetuated. As they were the first who fell in the revolutionary contest— as they fell not in the act of desolating an unoffending coun- try and in multiplying the miseries of their fellow men to gain laurels— but in resisting the ravages of an invading enemy, they are entitled to grateful recollection, to honorable distinction. I have, there- fore, encl'jsed you a list of the names of those who were killed on that memorable day. It has been principally collected from a narrative of the ex- cursion and ravages of the king's troops, under the command of general Gage on the 19th April, 1775, to which I have added a few notes, which are de- rived from other authentic sources. With sentiments of respect, your most obedient servant, JOHN FARMER. To H. mies. A list of the provincials neho -were killedin the action of the 19th April, 1775, and the towns to ivhich they respectively belonged. Acton. Capt. Isaac Uavis, Abner Hosman, James Hayv/ard. Bedford. Capt. Jonathan Wilson. Jieverly. Mr. Kynnim. Brookline. Isaac Gardner,f esq. Cambridge. William Mercy, Moses Richardson, John Hicks, Jason Russell, J&bez Wyman and Jason Winship. Charlestoxm. James Miller,t Edward B.irber.lj Danvers. Henry Jacobs, -Samuel Cook, Ebene- zer GoldthwHit, George Southwick, Benjamin Da- land, jun. Jotham Webb, and Perly Putnam. *See the letter of president Ad4ms to H. Niles, May 10, 1819— Weekly Rkgisteu vol. XV, p. 226. •j-Ile had vohiii\eered his services, and was killed on the reiurn of the troops to Uosion. He was born at Brookline, 9th May, 1726, and graduated at Harvard colle^^e in 1747. "In Lis domestic, social, civil and religious capacity he was equally belovel and respected. The melancholy circum- stance of his death excited great public sensibility as well as private lamentation and regret." Rev. Mr. Pierce's Hist. Brookline. +James Miller was 65 years of age. ' II Aged 16, son of capt, William Barber of Charles- town. . Dedham. Elias Haven. Lexington. Jon.is Parker, Robert Monroe, Jedi- diah Monroe, John Raymond, Samuel Hadley, Jq- nartian Harrington, jun. Isaac Muzzy, Caleb Har- rington, Nathaniel Wyman, and John Brown* Lynn. Abednego Ramsdell, Daniel Townsend, William Flynt, and Thomas Hadley. Medford. Henry Putnam and William Polley. A^eedham. Lieut. John Bacon, Sergeant Elisha Mills, Amos Mills, Nathaniel Chamberlain, Jona- than Parker. Salem. Benjamin Pierce. Sudbury. Josiah Haynes,j Asahel Reed. J'Vatertotun. Joseph Cooledge. IVobnrn. Asa Parker and Daniel Thompson. All who were killed belonged to Massachusetts. The Americans had 49 killed 34 wounded 4 missing 87 Total. The British loss, in killed, wounded and missing was 273. With regard to the Indians who destroyed the three cargoes of tea in the harbor of Boston, I have met with a slight notice that confirms the remark of president Adams, that "they were no ordinary Mohawks." It is in the Historical Sketch of Charlestown, by the hon. Joseph Bartlett, M. D. in which he says, that E. N. (giving only the ini- tials)^ respectable inhabitant of that town, had repeatedly informed him that he was among the Indians who destroyed the tea. J. F. The "Mohawk Indiahs." Hanover, J\''. H. June 22, 181?. Mr. JViles— Sin — Seeing a notice or a letter addressed to president Adams from you, I take the liberty of giving you the information, in part, you wish. My father, Anthony Morse, afterwards a lieu- tenant during the revolutionary war, but since de- ceased, and Mr. Joseph Roby, now of this town, w/ere the most active in destroying the tea in Bos- ton harbor. Mr. Roby thinks there is but one or two now surviving besides himself. I am, sir, yours with esteem, LEWIS R. M. MORSE. *A monument is erected in Lexington to the memory of the eight first, who fell on the morning ofthel9'.h. f Mr. Haynes was an officer of the church. PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 322 MR. ADAMS TO GOVERNOR BULLOCK. PHrTiADEtPHiA, July 1, 1776. Dear sin— Two days ago I received your favor of May 1st. — I was greatly disappointed, sir, in the information you gave me, that you should be prevented from revisiting Philadelphia. I had flattered myself with hopes of your joining us Soon, and not only affording us the additional strength of your abilities and fortitude, but enjoy- ing the satisfaction of seeing a temper and conduct here, somewhat more agreeable to your wishes, than those which prevailed when you were here before. BvJt I have since been informed, that your countrymen have done themselves the justice to place you at the head of their affairs, a station in which you may perhaps render rRore essential service to them, and to America, than you could here. There seems to have been a great change in the sentiments of tlie colonies since you left us, and 1 hope that a few months will bring us all to the same way of thinking. This morning is assigned for the greatest debate of all— A declaration, that these colonies are free and independent states, has been reported by a committee, appointed some weeks ago for that pur- pose, and this day, or to-morrow, is to determine its fate. — May Heaven prosper the new born re- public, and make it more glorious than any former republics have been! The small-pox has ruined the American army in Canada, and of consequence the American cause. A series of disasters has happened there, partly owing I fear to the indecision at Philadelphia, and partly to the mistakes or misconduct of our officers in that dep.-irtment. But the small-pox, which in- fected every man we sent there, completed our ruin, and compelled us to evacuate that important province. — We must, however, regain it some time or other. My countrymen have been more sitccessfu! at sea, in driving away all the men of war completely out of Boston harbor, and in making prizes of a great number of transports and other vessels. We are in daily expectation of an armament be- fore New-York, where, if it comes, the conflict must be bloody. The object is great which we have in view, and we must expect a great expense of blood to obtain it. But we should always re- member, that a free constitution of civil govern- ment cannot be purchased attOQ dear a rate, as there is nothing, on this side the new Jerusalem, of equal importance to mankind. It is a cruel reflection, that a little more wisdom, a little more activity, or a little more integrity, would have preserved us Canada, and enabled us to support this trying conflict, at a less expense of meu and money. But irretrievable miscarriages ought to be lamented no further, than to enable and stimulate us to do better in future. Your colleagues, Hall and Gynn, are here in good health and spirits, and as firm asyoa yourself could wish them. Present my compliments to Mr, Houston. Tell him, the colonies will have repub- lics for their governments, let us lawyers, and your* divine, say what we will. 1 have the honor to be, with great esteem and respect, sir, your sincere friend and most humble servant, JOHN ADAMS. His excellevcy Archibald Bullock, esq. of Georgia. MR. ADAMS TO MR. CHASE. Philadei-phia, July 1, 1776. Dear sir — Your favor by the post this morning gave me much pleasure, but the generous and unanimous vote of your convention gave me mucli more. It was brought into congress this morning, just as we were entering on the great debate- That debate took up most of the day, but it was an idle mispense of time, for nothing was said, but what had been repeated and hackneyed, in that room, before, an hundred times, for six months past. In the committee of the whole, the question was carried in the affirmative, and reported to the house. — .\ colony desired it to be postponed until to-morrow, vvlien it will pass by a great majority, perhaps with almost unanimity; yet I cannot promise this, because one or two gentlemen may possibly be found, who will vote point blank against the known and declared sense of their constituents. j Maryland, however, I have the pleasure to inform you, behaved well.— Paca, generously and nobly. AIhs, Canada! we have found misfortune and dis- grace ill that quarter— Evacuated at last — trans- ports arrived at Sandy-Hook, from whence we may expect an attack in a short time, upon New- York or New-Jersey — and our army not so strong as we could wish. The militia of Nev;-Iersey and Neiv Eiiglund, not so ready as they ought to be. *Zubly. 328 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. The Romans made it a fixed rule never to send or receive ambassadors, to treat of peace with their enemies, while their affairs were in an adverse or disastrous situation. There was a jjenerosity and magnanimity in this, becoming freemen. It Howed from thut temper and those principles which alone can preserve the freedom of a people. It is a pleasure to find our Americans of the same addressed, he was pleased to send me a copy of it, and of another written to her on the same third of July. It is probable that, after the loss of sucli a companion, a review of their epistolary corres- pondence brought to his recollection the enquiries I had made, and the subsequent conversation, though years had elapsed. These letters I pre- sent to the public, but not without permission; temper. It is a good sympto;T5, foreboding a good believing that they will be read with muct. iiiterert end. If you Imagine that I expect this declaration wjll ward off calamities from this country, you are mistaken. A bloody conflict we are destined to endure.— This has beeo my opinion from the beginning. You will certainly remember my decid- ed opinion was, at the first congress, when we found that we could not agree upon an immediate non- exportation, that the contest could not be settled without bloodshed, and that if hostilities should once commence, they would terminate in an incura ble animosity between the two countries. Every political event since the 19th of April, 1775, has confirmed me in this opinion. If you Imagine that I flatter myself with happi ness and halcyon days, after a separation from Great Britain, you are mistaken again. I don't ex- pect that our new governments will be so quiet as I could wi»h, nor that happy harmony, confidence, and affection, between the colonies, that every good American ought to study, labor, and pray for, fora long time. But freedom is a counterbalance for poverty, discord, and war, and more. It is your hard lot and mine to be called into life, at such a time; — yet even these times have their pleasures I am your friend and servant, JOHN ADAMS. Mr. Chase. FUOM A LiTE BOSTOSf PAPKTl. Two letters from pi'esident Adams, written, one in the morning, the other in the evening, of the 'Sd J^ibj, 1776. Mr. Editor— Some years ago, having seen in your paper a brilliant paragraph from a letter of the hon. John Adams to a friend— not, however, for tlie first time, it having appeared before on many a fourth of July— I was curious to learn from its venerable author who was that friend, and also such anecdotes concerning the subject of the let ter, as he might be willing to communicate. He gratified my curiosity, with his accustomed energy, on a transaction in which he bad taken so dis tinguished a part. After the death of Mrs. Adams, the accoiDplisbed friend to whom the letter wus on the forty-third anniversary of the grand event which they announced. THOMAS DAWES. Boston, July 3, 1819. Philadelphia, July Zt 1776. Your favor of June 17, dated at Plymouth, was handed me yesterday by the post. I was mucli pleased to find that you had taken a journey to Plymouth to see your friends, in the long absence of one whom you may wish to see. The excursioa will be an amusement, and will serve your health. How happy would it have made me to have takea lliis journey with youl I was informed, a day or two before the receipt of your letter, that you was gone to Plymouth, by Miss. P. who was obliging enough to inform me, in your absence, of the particulars of the expedition to the Lower Harbor, against the men of war. — Her narration is executed with a precision and perspicuity which would have become the pea of an accomplished historian, I am very glad you had so good an opportunity of seeing one of our little American men of war. Many ideas, new to you, must have presented, themselves in such a scene; and you will in future better understand the relations of a sea engage* ment. I rejoice extremely in Dr. Bulfinch's petition for leave to open an Hospital. But I hope the busi- ness will be done upon a larger scale. I hope that one Hospital will be licensed in every county, if not in every town. I am happy to find you resolved to be with the children in the first class. Mr. W. and Mrs. Q. are cleverly through innoculation in this city. ' I have one favor to ask, and that is, that In your future letters you would acknowledge the receipt of all those you may receive from me, and mention iheir dates; by this means I shall know if any of nine miscarry. Tlie information you give me of our friend's re- i'asing his appointment, has given me much pain, grief, and an:^iety. I believe I shall be obliged to JPRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 5 £9 follow his example. I have not fortune enough to support my family, and, what is of more importance, to support the dignity of that exalted statioa.* It is too high and lifted up for me, who delight in nothing so much as retreat, solitude, silence, and obscurity. In private life, no one lias a right to of affliction produces refinement in slates as well as individuals. And the new governments we are assuming in every part, will require a purificatiort from our vices, and an augmentation of our virtues, or they will be no blessings. The people will have unbounded power; and the people are extremely censure me for following my own inclinations in j addicted to corruption and venality, as well as retirement, in simplicity, and frugality; but in pub- lic life every man has a right to remark as he pleases; at least he thinks so. Yesterday the greatest question was decided which ever was debated in America; and a greater, perhaps, never was or will be decided among men. A resolution was passed, without one dissenting colony: the great. I am not without apprehensions from this quarter; but I must submit all aiy hopes and fears to an overruling Providence, in which, un- fashionable as it may be, I firmly believe. , JOHN ADAMS, Mbs. Adams. PuiLiBEtPHIA, July 3, 1776. Had a declaration of independence been made seven months ago, it would have been attended with many gre^t and glorious effects. We might, ought to be, free and independent stales; and, as I, ~ ... , , ^ j n- -t. r • _ " ' "^ ^ ' I before this hour, have formed alliances with foreign "That these United Colonies are, and of right free and independent states, they have, and of right ought to have, full power to make war, con. elude peace, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which other states may right- fully do." You will see, in a few da}'s, a declaration, setting forth the causes which have impelled us to this revolution, and the reasons which will justify it in the sight of God and man. Apian of confedera- .tion will be taken up in a few days. When I look back to the year 1761, and recol- lect the argument concerning writs of assistance, in the superior court, which I have hilher'o con- sidered as the commencement of the controversy between Great Britain and America, .ind lun through the whole period from that time to this, and recollect the series of political evsnts, tlic chain of causes and effects, I am surprised at the suddenness as well as greatness of this revolution. Uritain has been filled with folly, and Amerios with wisdom; at least this is my judgment— time must determine. It is the will of Heaven that the two countries should be sundered forever. It may be the will of Heaven that America shall suf- fer calamities still more wasting, and distresses still more dreadful. If this is to be the case, it will h.ed to make known to the people, that they riv^y again have warning." From the same, dated Feb. 8. 1778. [C'ctract.] "The communication between the city and country, in spite of every thing hitherto dy.e, still continuing, and threate:iing the most perr.icious consequences, I am induced to beg you will exert every possible expedient to put a stop to it. In order to this, to excite the zeal of the militia under your command, and make them more active in their duty, I would have you let every thing taken from persons going into and coming out of the city, redound to the benefit of the parties who take them. At the same time, it will be necessary to use great precaution to prevent an abuse of this privilege; since it may otherwise be made a pretext for plundering the in- nocent inhabitants. One method to prevent this will be, to let no forfeiture take placfc but under the eye and with the concurrence of some com- missioned officer. Any horses captured in this manner, fit for the public service, either as light or draught horse?, must be sent to camp to the quarter master gene- ral, who will be directed to pay the value of them to the captor!^" Gen. Lacey to the council of Pennsylvania — dated Warwick, Bucks, Feb. 15, 1778. [Extracts.] "My force is reduced almost to a cypher. Only sixty remain fit for duly in camp. With this number, you must of course suppose that we are in no wise capable of guarding so extensive a country as this, nor even safe in our camp." [Gen. Lacey's force continually fluctuated — sometimes it amounted to several hundred; at other times it was wholly in- efficient, and hardly exceeded fifty in all. Atone moment he had several times more men than arms; at another, many times more arms than men. The militia were called out for short tours, and his com- mand was a most perplexing one. The officers and men hardly knew each other before they separated.] On the 21«< of Feb. 1778, gen. Washington ordert the destruction or removal of certain quantities of hay ^ in places accessible to the enemy. Gen. JVushington to gen. Lacey, dated at Valley Forge, March 2, 1778. [Extracts.] "I don't well know what to do with the great numbers of peop!e taken going to Philadelphia. I have pu- niei.'ied several severely, fined others heavily, and fome are sentenced to be imprisoned during the war." He then expresses a wish that the state will take charge of them, punish them as criminals, or hold them to exchange "for those inhabitants lately taken from their families." But in a post- script adds, "If either or any of the persons now in your custody are such that you think are pro- per to make examples of, and you have sufficient evidence to convict them, send them over to me, with the witnesses, and I will have them imme- diately tried by a court martial." Gen. Lacey to the council, dated camp, near White Marsh, March 11, 1778. [Extract.] "As soon as I approach within eight or ten miles of the ene- my's lines, the inhabitants, having their horses con- cealed in b3'e places, mount them, and taking tbeir way through the fields and private paths, repair directly to the city, with the intelligence that the rebels are in the neighborhood. Not one word of intelligence can we procure from them, — not even the direction of the roads. There are large sums of counterfeit mon ey cir- culating in the lower part of i5ucks and I'liiiudel- phia counties, which are brought out of the city by the market people." A letter from gen. Wayne to gen. Lacey, by grder of gen. Washington, notifies gen. L. that he is di- rected 'Ho collect and drive ia all the cattle, horses 334 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. and waggons, in the counties of Bucks and Pnila- delphia, likely to fall into the hands of the enemy, — especially the property of tories." Gen. Lnceij*s orders to his scouting parties, March 9, 1778. [Extract] **If your parties should meet with any people going to market, or any persons whatever going to the city, and they endeavor to make their escape, you will order your men to fire upon the villains. You will leave such on the roads — their bodies and their marketing lying together. This I wish you to execute on the first offend*;rs you meet, that they may be a warning to others." Gen. Washington to gen. Lacey, dated at Valley Forge, 20th March, 1778— "Sunday next being the time on which the quakers hold one of their ge- neral meetings, a number of vhat society will probably be attempting to go ini.6 Philadelphia. This is an intercourse that we shouhlby all means endeavor to interrupt, as the plans settled at these meetings are of the most pernicious tendency*. I would therefore have you dispose of your parties in such a manner as will most probably fall in vith lliese people, and if they should, and any of tlittn should be mounted upon horses fit for draft or the service of light dragoons, I desire they may be taken from them, and sent over to the quarter-mas- ter general. Any suc!i are not to be considered as the property of the parties who may seize them, as in other cases. Communicate the above orders to any of the officers who may command scouting parties on y.3ur side of the Schuylkill. *I was in much doubt whether I ought to pub- lish or suppress this letter — but, on reflection, have thought it best to insert it. It must be ad- mitted, that a great maj ori ty of the quakers in Penn- ■ylvania, were "well inclined" to the British, and some of them went great lengths out of the rules of their profession to aid and comfort the enem_\ of their country; others, by adhering to those rules and refusing to take any part in the contest, even by the payment of taxes, were impropei-ly suspect- ed of disaffection, when in fact they were only neu- tral, refusing to have any tiling to do with the war; a few, liowever, laid aside their testimony against fighting, and contended gallantly for freedom. Persons of this religious persuasion in some other states, were sincerely attached to the cause of inde- pendence, and did all that consistently they could do to assist the whigs. A stoppage of the inter- course with Pniladelphia, at the tim3, was indubi- tably necessary and proper; but gen. Washington was misinformed, I appretiend, wiien he spoke of the "plans" settled at i!ie meetings of tlie quakers — whatever they might have done as individual, their "meetings" must have passed wivhout tht adoption of any plans of a political nature — for sucli things are not sufiered to be mentioned in them. Ed iron. [Gen. Lacey, in reply, says he had ordered out his horse to stop the quakers, with orders, "if they re- fused to stop when hailed, to fire into them, and leave their bodies lying in tine road."] [So great was the intercourse with Philadelphia, and so numerous the sufferings of the whigs in con- sequence of intelligence carried to the enemy, that an idea was entertained of removing all the people within fifteen miles of that city; but Washington said "the measure was rather desirable than practi- cable," and preferred a rigid conduct towards "no- torious characters," who, he again directed, should be tried by courts martial. But in a letter of the mh April, in consequence of a resolve of congress, he says "it will be needless to apprehend any more, [f found going to Philadelphia with provisions, yon may take that and their horses from them." Gen, Green to gen. Lacey, dated Valley Forge, Iprii 21, 1778. The wife of maj. T. complains; that some of your people have taken from iier hus- band, one of their horses, which they are in want of to enable them to move up to Reading. I wish you to inquire into the matter, and if there is no capital offence, to order the beast to be delivered to die owner again. The war is a sufficient calamity uTwJer every possible restraint, but where people are lnfitk?nced by avarice and private prejudice, they increa&e the distresses of the inhabitants beyond conception. Those evils can only be restrained by the generaVi?, whose duty it is to protect the dis- tressed inhaKtants, as well as govern and regulate the affairs of thvant; and when a great part of them are absolutely destitute of any at all. Their situa- tion too with respect to summer overalls, 1 fear is not likely to be much better. There are a great many on hand, it is said, at Springfield, but so in- different in their quality as to be scarcely wort-h the expense of transportation and delivery. For the troops to be without clothing at any time, is highly injurious to the service and distressing to lour feelings: but the want will be more peculiarly SS8 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. moitifyirig when they come to act with those of our allies. If it is possible, I have no doubt im- mediate measures will be taken to relieve their distress. It is also most sincerely to be wished, that there could be some supplies of clothing fur nisbed for the officers. There are a great many whose condition is I'eally miserable still, and in some instances it is the case with almost whole state lines. It would be well for their own sakes and for the public good, if they could be furnish- ed. When our friends come to co-operate with us, they will not be able to go on the common routine of duty — and if they should, they must be held, from their appearance, in low estimation. [CIRCTJLAB.] Head Quarters, Jtear the Liberty Pole, Bergen county, 27th August, 1780. Sin— The honorable the committee of co opera- tion having returned to congress, I am under the disagreeable necessity of informing your excellen- cy that the army is again reduced to an extremity of distress for want of provision. The greater part of it has been without meat from the 2 1st to the 26th. To endeavor to obtain some relief, I moved down to this place, with a view of stripping the lower parts of the country of the remainder of its cattle, which, after a most rigorous exaction, is found to afford between two and three days' sup ply only, and those consisting of milch cows, and calves of one or two years old. When this scanty pittance is consunaed, I know nat what will be our next resource, as the commissary can give me no certain information of more than 120 head of cattle expected from Pennsylvania and about 150 from Massachusetts — I mean in time to supply our im- mediate wants. Military coercion is no longer of any avail, as nothing further can possibly be collected from the country in which we are obliged to take a position, without depriving the inhabitants of the last mor- sel. This mode of subsisting, supposing the de- sired end could be answered by it, besides being in the highest degree distressing to individuals, is attended with ruin to the morals and discipline of the army. During the few days which we have been obliged to send out small parties to procure provisions for themselves, the most enormous ex- cesses have been committed. It has been no inconsiderable support of our cause, to have had it in our power to contrast the conduct of our army with that of the enemy, and to convinc3 the inhabitants that, whilg tUeif rights were wantonly violated by the British troops, by ours they v/^ere re^ipected. This distinction must, unhappily, now cease, and we must assume the odious character of the plunderers instead of the protectors of the people; the direct conse- quence of which must be, to alienate their minds from the army and insensibly from the cause. We have not yet been absolutely without flour, but we have this day, but one day's supply in camp, and I am not certain that there is a single barrel between this place and Trenton. I shall be obliged therefore to draw down one or two hundred bar- rels from a small magazine, which I had endeavor- ed to establish at West Point, for the security of the garrison, in case of a sudden investiture. From the above state of facts, it may be foreseen that this army cannot possibly remain much longer together, unless very vigorous and immediate mea- sures are t.iken by the stales to coarply with the requisitions made upon them. The commissary general has neither the means nor the power of procuring supplies — he is only to receive them from the several agents. Without a speedy change of circumstances, this dilerrma will be Involved. either the army must disband, or what is, if possi- ble, worse, subsist upon the plunder of the people. I would fain flatter myself that a knowledge of our situation will produce the desired relief: not a relief of a fevr days, as has generally heretofore been the case, but a supply equal to the establish- ment of magazines for the winter. If these are not formed before the roads are broken up by the weather, we shall certainly experience the same difficulties and distresses tlie ensuing winter whicli we did the last. Although the troops have, upon every occasion hitherto, borne their wants with unparalleled patience, it will be dangerous to trust too often to a repetition of the causes of discontent, I have the honor to be, with great respect, your excellency's most obedient, G. WASHINGTON. State of Delaioare. • FROM TUE PAPERS OF C.USAR ASD THOMAS RODSEV. The editor's friend, Caesar A. BaJney, of Delaware^ well known as a member of congress from that state, attorney general of the United Sutes, &&. favored him with an opportunity of examining a great mass of papers lefi by his uncle, general Cae- sar and his father, capt. Thomas Rodney, men celebrated for their devotion to the cause of H- berty. Out of this extensive collection, the fol- lowing articles have been gleaned, in the belief that each of them may go to establish some PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. SS9 point interesting to thosf who seek to ascertain the "principles and acts of the revolution." Editor] the stamp act congress, Extract of a letter from Ccesar Rodmtj, to his bro' ther Thomas, dated JVerw York, Oct. 20, 1765. When I wrote to you last, I expected that con- gress would have ended in eight or ten days from that time; but, contrary to expectation, we have not yet finished. You and many others are sur- prised, perhaps, to think we should sit so long, when the business of our meeting seemed only t* be the petitioning the king, and remonstrating to both houses of parliament: but when you consider that we are petivioning and addressing that august body, the great legislature of the empire, for redress of grievances, — that, in order to point out those g^rievances, it was likewise necessary to set forth the liberty we have and ought to enjoy (as freeborn En- glishmen)accordingto the British constitution. This we are about to do by way of declaration, in the na- ture of resolves, as a foundation to the petition and address; and was one of the most difficult tasks I ever yet saw undertaken, as we had carefully to avoid any infringement of the prerogative of the crown and the power of parliament — and yet in duty bound fully to assert the rights and privileges of the colo- nies. However, after arguing and debating two weeks, on liberty, privileges, prerogative, &c. in an assembly of great abilities, we happily finished them, and now have the petition and addresses be- fore us, and expect to finish in three or four days. Philadelphia, Saturday, Sept. 17th, 1774. Sir— By express, which arrived here yesterday from the committee of the town of Boston, to the continental congress, we are informed the county of Suffolk, of which the town of Boston is the capital, had entered into certain resolutions, a copy of which was enclosed us, generally to the purport of not suffering the commander in chief to exe- cute the act of parliament changing their govern • ment, by persuading, protecting and compelling officers under the new regulation to resign, and by a refusal in jurymen to serve, &c. That they have ordered all those able to bear arms to keep in readiness to defend their inherent rights, even with loss of blood and treasure; that they are de - termined not to injure the general or any of the king's troops, unless compelled thereto by an at- tack made bj the troops on them. They complain of the general seizing of the powder at Cambridge, which they say was private property; and also that he is now fortifying the only pass that leads from the town of Boston into the country, from whence the inhabitants of the town arc daily supplied: this pass is a narrow neck of land about 1 20 yards wide, at which he has placed a number of troops and 2S cannon; that the country people passing and repas- sing this place are sufTere.i to be insulted by the soldiery — and that the inhabitants feared, (from those movements of the general), he had designs of apprehending and sending to England those pcr« sons who have stood foremost in the great cause of li- berty — that in consequence of his conduct, and those their suspicions, the inhabitants of Suffolk sent (by a committee appointed for that purpose) an ad- dress to the general, enquiring the cause of his stopping up and fortifying the pass, seizing and securing the magazines, 8tc. and their disapproba- tion of his conduct — and that they had no intention to assault either him or his soldiers; — but that, if he continued to block up the pass, and therf^y prevent them of the only means of supplyini the town with necessaries, they should look up»n it as a commencement of hostilities: Upon t^e whole, they sent an express to the general congress here for their instructions as to their future conduct. The congress met on that business this day, and have resolved thereon — which you will see in the "Packet" of Monday, being ordered immediately to be printed, as well that the general as the peo- pie might know what they thought of the matter. I am yours, &.c. CiESAR RODNEY.. Capt. Thomas Rodney. Philadelphia, Monday, Sept. 19, 1774 Sir— Some time ago, I do not doubt but you were all much alarmed, on a report that the king's ships were firing on the town of Boston. When that news came to this city, the bells were mnfHed, and kept ringing all that day: however, in a few days after that news was contradicted here, and hope by this time it is §o with you. By some late very authentic accounts from Boston govern- ment, to the gentlemen of that place now at the congress, we are informed that there was about three days between this report's passing throughr the Massachusetts and Connecticut governments, and its being contradicted: that when the cspres- ses went to contradict this false report, they found, in those two governments, in differen. parties, up- wards of fifty thousand men, well armed, actually on their march to Boston, for the relief of the inha- bitants; and that every fai-mer who had a carl or waggon, (and notableto bear arms), was with them, loaded with provisions, ammunition, &c. all bead- ed by experienced officers, who had served in the late American war: and tl^at vast numbers more 340 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. were preparing to march. Upon the news being contradicted, they returned peaceably to their se- veral places of abode— but not till they had sent some of their officers, from the different parties, to Boston, to know the real situation of affairs there, and to direct them what principal officers in the different pa»ts of the country they should hereaf- ter send expresses to, in case they should stand in need of their assistance. It is supposed by some of the friends of liberty, at Boston, that the alarm was set on foot by some of the friends to the minis teri'al plan, in order to try whether there was that true valor in the people. If this was the case, I suppose you will think with me, that, by this time, they can have no doubts revnaining. Indeed, I think it is proved by the general's own conduct; %, ever since that, he has been fortifying himself, W'ich I imagine is more for his own security than to av^ack the inhabitants. I amyours, &c. C.HSAB RODXEY. Mr. Tfian^B Rodnfl/t Dover. [extkact.] Fhiladelphia, Sept. 24, 1774. Sib — Mr. R. I'enn is a great friend of liberty, and has treated the gentlemen delegates with the greaf- cst respect. More or less of them dine with him every day— and his brother wishes his station would admit of his acting the same part: all these mat- ters are for your own private speculation, and not for public view. By this you may see that some people with you are mistaken in their politics, and you may also take for granted every body here is not well pleased with the coalition of the two bro- thers. I am, as usual, your friend and humble servant, C.liSAR RODNEY. JUr. Thomas Rodney. Philadelphia, Monday, Oct. 9, 1775. Sir — On Friday, about eleven o'clock at night. Dr. K. of this city was seized by order of the com- mittee of observation, for having wrote letters to Kngland, injurious and destructive to us in the American contest, and wicked with respect to this city, and is now confined in jail, together with one B. who came here with governor Skeen, Mr. C. an apothecary, who was in partnership with S. and one JSlr. S. all of whom were aiding the doctor in iiis plan. You must know K. has been a considera- ble time since marked out as a thorough-paced to- ry; for which, together with his having insulted the |)eople, he was (since I came to town last) carted through the streets. But the offence for which he nesday last, a ship sailed out of this port for Lon- don, in which Mr. C. was going passenger. A few days before she sailed, young Dewees, son of the sheriff, went to pay Ur. K. some money, and com- ing suddenly into his room, found him and C. toge- ther, with a bundle of papers before them, which they hustled up in seeming confusion. This, wilh K's. tory character, gave Dewees suspicion, and he accordingly informed a few of the committee, who kept the matter secret, let the ship sail and the passengers go down to Chester by land, to go ot\ board. On Thursday evening, wiiich was the day the passengers went, a small parly was sent down to Chester; they stayed there that night incog, and saw the passengers go on board next morning. They then immediately pushed on board, seized and examined Mr. C. who, in a little time, told them that there were several letters from Dr. K. and Mr, B. and one from Mr. S. that he had the charge of them, and was concerned with them in the plan they had concerted, but that the let- ters were then in the custody of a woman down in the cabin, and that she had them concealed in a pocket sewed to the inside of her s— ft tail, where in fact they soon after found them, and came back to town, (leaving C. as they had promised, upon his making a discovery of the whole matter, on oath, before Mr. Graham, at Chester), and then seized the authors. The letters were to lord Dartmouth aud other ministers of state, but under cover to Messrs. M'Cawley. The substance and design was pressing their sending to Philadelphia five thou- sand regulars, on which condition they would en^ gage five thousand more here to join them, provid- ed the royal standard should be also sent in, and K. appointed to bear it; for that great numbers of those who now wear cockades and uniform were hearty in the ministerial cause — that the rest were a pack of cowards — for that he (K.) had madeabove five thousand of them run, by snapping a single pistol at them, &c. They had with them, for the use of the ministry, one of J. F's plans of Delaware bay and river, whereon they had described the place where the chevaux-de-frises were fixed. Besides thesp and many more villainous contrivances, they were taking home the out-lines for a print, to be struck off in London, shewing K's late exhibition in the cart, going through the streets ef Philadel- phia with the mob, some of whom he undertakes particularly to describe, to wit: Bradford, &c. Sec, many of whom were actually not there, and how he every now and then.by snappinghis pistol,made them run, &c. His abuse of the congress, committees, &c. js now confine , ia thus circmnsianced; On Wed- (iu his letters), id intolerabls— such as rebels, fee PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. HI After the committee of safety had examined them and the contents of the letters, they sent a pilot boat down the river to overtake the ship, to bring up C. and to search the box of letters, and to bring all of them that they supposed to be from or to suspicious persons. This boat returned Sunday afternoon, brought C. and put him in jail, and also brought a number of letters belonging to and wrote by other persons. The comniitee of safety has been sitting on these affairs all this day, but I have been so closely confined to congress to-day, that 1 don't yet know what they have done, or what others are accused. Yours, &c. CESAR RODXEY. Mr. Thomas Rodney. Dover, August 30, 1776. Sir — 1 received your letters by last post, and the one preceding and one mentioned in that. I am pleased with your resolution mentioned in your tion are complete 1, I shall be content — nor shall desire to have any band in politics, unless at any time liberty be encroached upon. Nothing but the great cause of liberty, which we have been em- barked in, could have induced me, (who have an in- creasing family and so little for them), to have spent so much of my time and money in public ser. vices. THOMAS RODNEY. Hon. Cdesar Rodney, in congress. Extract of a letter from col. John Haslett* to genC' ral Cesar Rodney, dated camp near Mount Wash' ington, 5th Oct. 1776. Sir— I know you have already sacrificed a large share of private property to the evil and unthank- ful; in this you resemble the Suprene Manager, who makes his sun to shine on the evil and the good, and, bad as times are, you have a few friends still of the latter character. And, my dear sir, who can better afford it? Providence has blessed you with last, as I should be sorry to hear that the unsteady ! f.„.,,„^. ^ , . , ^.,, , , . ^ ' ' "^ a fortune to your prudence mexhaustible, by which passions which govern the people, should at anvL,„,, „„„ „„„ui=j * ^■ i. i j ^ •^ ** f r « . you are enabled to live where you please, and to time give the least shock te that virtue which hath .„„_..„ c„^. - , ,. . „ o j feeep the hrst company where you do live, and all so long and necessarily supported American liber- i».. .„;,i, r=.., i u i -. ,, .i " J fi this with few drawbacks upon it. How then, can ty. Though the people in a popular government! ,^„ . „ „.,.,„. r -.. .^ li •^ ^ *^ ^ f f b you lay out a part of it to more noble purposes, often put away good men for bad ones, and though Lv,„„ • „ • ^ i- t , r ' o > o than in serving your country^ guarding her rights such a change could not be more dangerous at any 1„ J „--i jr •" ^i_ ^l^ ^ ^ -^ ! and privileges, and forcing wretches to be happy time than the present, yet I look on the presenti „„-^. ,,„.^ ...,,, , ... -n ^ *^ ^ ^ \ against their will? In this you will act as an agent change with us as an example which favors liberty. If .t,„ o , • r- i j ^ ^ ■'of the Sovereign Goodness, and co-operate with If the people will not continually support those] ,,„„^^ . .. u j i .i. u *^ ^ / ir Heaven to save a wretched race; and though you men, who have served them faithfully at all hazards, „ * „/r .. *u • t ^ ^-l * ^ \tnsiy not efTect the righteous purpose, the testi- it cannot be supposed that they will long support mony of an approving concience, the applause of conscious virtue, and the approbation of all good beings, will more than balance the sacrifice. A thousand things might be urged to the same pur- pose. But a word to the wise. Allen's To-i'n, in Jersey, 12 miles from Princeton:, 20 do. from Brunsivick, Dec. 30th 1776. Sin— I wrote you a long letter on the 24th, which I had no opportunity of sending, and left it in my trunk at Mr. Case's, two miles from Bristol; it con- tains the news to that time, which I cannot repeat here. On the 25th inst. in the evening, we received orders to be at Shamony ferry as soon as possible. We were there according to orders in two hours, and met the rifle-men, who were the first from Bristol; we were ordered from thence to Dunk's ferry, on the Delaware, and the whole army of believe the people will not let you execute "this i ^''°"* 2°^° ""'" followed, as soon as the artillery design-they will soon be tired of those who theylS"' "P" ^^^'^ ^^'^^ companies of Philadelphia in- have now set up — and will begin to call again upon those men whose virtue bath been proved to the Utmost. When the great matters which you men-l those men who, in opposition to the public weal, have pursued their own private interest only. These men by a violent exertion of the influence of the magistracy, and descending to assert the most base, low add infamous falsehoods, have succeeded for once, because the people were blinded that they could not see their true interest. But be assured, they that set them up will pull them down again. After devoting ten years to the service of your country and public business, to the great prejudice of your own private interest, you certainly deserve to enjoy the sweets of retirement, which is the happiest life in this state; and you will have this re- flection, that after the time you mention, that yon have accomplished the establishment of American liberty; and that you could not do any thing that would add to the honor already acquired: but I fantry and mine were formed into a body, under the command of captain Henry, (myself second in •Killed at Princeton. S4S PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. command), which were embarked immediately to cover the landing of the other troops. We landed with greai difficulty through the ice, and formed on the ferry shore, about 200 yards from the rirer. It was as severe a night as ever I saw, and after two battalions v^ere landed, the storm increased so much, and the river was so full of ice, that it was imppssible to get the artillery over; for we had to walk 100 yards on the ice to get on shore. Gen Cadwallader therefore ordered the whole to retreat again, and we had to stand at least six hours under arms — first, to cover the landing and till all the rest had retreated again --and, by this time, the storm of wind, hail, rain and snow, with the ice, v/as so bad, that some of the infantry could not get back till next day. This design was to have surprised the enemy at Black Horse and Mount Holley, at the same time that Washington sur- prised them at Trenton; and had we succeeded in getting over, we should have finished all our troubles. Washington took 910 prisoners, with 6 pieces of fine artillery, and all their baggage in Trenton. The next night I received orders to be in Bristol before day: we were there accordingly, and about 9 o'clock began to embark one mil above Bristol, and about 3 o'clock in the afternoon got all our troops and artillery over, consisting of about 3000 men, and began our march to Burling- ton— the infantry, flanked by the rifle-men, making the advanced guard. We got there about 9 o'clock and took possession of the town, but found the enemy had made precipitate retreat the day be fore, bad as the weather was, in a great panic. The whole infantry and rifle-nien were then ordered to set out that night and make a forced march to Bordentown, (which was about 11 miles), which they did, and took possession of the town about 9 o'clock, with a large quantity of the enemy's stores, which they had not time to carry off. We stayed there till the army came up; and the gene ral finding the enemy were but a few miles ahead, ordered the infantry to proceed to a town called Croswick's, four miles from Bordentown, and they were followed by one of the Philadelphia and one of the New England battalions. We got there about 8 o'clock, and at about 10, (afler we were all in quarters), wete informed that the enemy's baggage was about 16 miles from us, under a guard of 300 men. Some of the militia colonels applied to the infantry to make a forced march that night and overhaul them. If'e had then been en duti/four uiffhts and days, making forced marches, luithout six hours sleep in the whole time/ whereupon the infantry ofTicers of all the compaoies unanimously declared j it was madness to attempt, for that it would knock up all our brave men, not one of whom had yet gave out, but every one will suppose were much fatigued. They then sent off a party who were fresh, but they knocked up before they got up with them, and came back and met us at this town next morning. They surrounded a house where there was six tories- -took three of them--"One got off— and one who run and would not stop, was shot dead. They gave him warning first by calling, and at last shot two bullets over his head, but he still persisted, and the next two shot; one bullet went through his arm and one through his heart. The enemy have fled before us in the greatest panic that ever was known; we heard this moment that they have fled from Princeton, and that they were hard pressed by Washington. Never were men in higher spirits than our whole army is; none are sick, and all are determined to extirpate them from the Jersey, but I believe the enemy's fears will do it before we get up with them. The Hessians, from the general to the common soldier, / curse and imprecate the war, and swear they were ent here to be slaughtered; that they never will leave New- York again, till they sail for Europe. Jersey will be the most whiggish colony on the continent: the very Quakers declare for taking up arms. You cannot imagine the distress of this country. They have stripped every body almost without distinction — even of all their clothes, and have beat and abused men, women and children, in the most cruel manner ever heard of. We have taken a number of prisoners, in our route, Hessians and British, to the amount of about 20. It seems likely, through the blessing of Providence, that we shall retake Jersey again without the loss of a man, except one gen. VVashington lost at Trenton. The enemy seem to be bending their way to Amboy with all speed, but I hope we shall come up with the Princeton baggage yet, and also get a share of their large stores at Brunswick. 1 hope, if I live, to see the conquest of Jersey, and set ofF home again in two weeks. Some of my men have complained a little, but not to say sick; they are all now well here. THOMAS llODNEY. Bri£: gen. desar Rodney, esq. Dover, July 20ih, 1779. DEAnsiR— You willreadily grant that it is evident from the low credits of our money, that the state of our finances is bad enough yet I think congress is too much alarmed on this head, and is thereby arged into measures that still tend to depress the PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. S43 credit of 111'- JAoney. 'Tis well enough that they i member his interest annually, and his principal ac should alarm the people, that every exertion may be made by tliem to support congress in their mea cording to the terms of lending. This is the mode the friends of the cause are en= deavoring to promote here, that all persons what* ever may have an opportunity of subscribing. AVhen I see large societies formed in your city to promote their own particular sentiment about to be cool, uniform and firm, in what they do on j the constitution of government, I cannot think they this head. Taxation, if not impeded by other would be backward in a measure of this sort, which means, will restore the money much sooner per- possibly may be the means of saving the very exist- haps than congress apprehend; for, by this means, ence of that government, without destroying one bill, one half the money. sures for raising the value of the money — but if congress be too much alarmed themselves, they will not be so likely to direct these exertions in the best manner to answer effectually the purpose intended. Congress, in my humble opinion, ought at least, will be taken out of circulation, and the people will seon be amazed to see the money dis- appear, without heaving that any of it is destroyed. This position will appear evident to you when you consider, that, from the moment the present tax is collected, (if the plan is pursued), there will al- ways be at least sixty millions of dollars locked up in the treasuries — and as fast as any part of this sum is dealt out to supply the exigencies of the war, it ought to be supplied by the taxes coming in. I think there can be no doubt but a sum, equal j a moment to what I have mentioned, will always remain in the treasury; that is, between the hands of the first col- lectors and those that pay it out to the people again: and while It is there, it will be out of sight and out of circulation. The mode that I would advise in your city would be this: Let each class of people, according to their calling, associate together — and let the mer- chants, who we may suppose the monied men, be- gin—their example will soon be followed by the rest. But if taxation has been too long neglected, and is now too slow to supply your present demand, it is better to borrov/, than emit any more money — This would convince both our friends and ene- mies, as well abroad as at home, that the people are determined to support the public credit, and the only hope that Britain now has would vanish ia Once this example is set, he that is able, and does not follow it, will give the strongest proof of his disaffection, and ought to be regarded accord- ingly. There are few evils but what have benefits pro^ pnrtionate attendant on them. War cannot be car- ried on witiiout supplies, and the high prices given .foi" them for twelve months past, has encouraged but not upon unusual interest; — a higher interest ..„ u . j .i i- , , ; ' ^ the merchant and the farmer m such a decree, that than usual, holds out that tiie people are not ready . i , , . , , o > J .„. ^ . , ,. ,. , , -^ j we see industry, enterpnze and plenty abouud eve- and willing to support the public credit, and that . *u .. • . . , \.,^ , . , . . Iry where— so that, in my private view, (notwith- the security is doubtful. An accumulating inte- i ♦ j- »i ^ » ^ •' ^ standing the state of our nnances), our circum- rest, to be in proportion to the mcrease of the quantity of money, holds out that you intend to emit more — that is, that you will make the monster yet more terrible, that has frightened every body almost out of their wits already. Borrowing is a measure I never would advise, If the necessity of our circumstances did not drive us into it, by being past the opportunity of better means; but as we are now circumstanced, borrow- ing may have an extraordinary good effect, if the measure is wisely conducted—that is, If the friends to America would form themselves into bodies, or small societies, and every man subscribe according to his abilities to lend the public at usual interest, and each society to appoint one or more of their members to take a certificate for the gross sum stances are the most flourishlag that they have been since the war began. THOMAS RODXEY. Ccesar Rodney, esq. Philadelphia, Juk 22d, 1779. DE-in sin— I have received your favor of the 17th, for which and the enclosure I am much oblig- ed, as I shall always be for a communication of your sentiments on public affairs. I so much agreed with you concerning the ex- pediency of acceding to the confederation, though, as you justly observe, in several particulars excep- tlonable, that I used what little influence I had to fbrward its ratification by our state; advising, at the same time, a strong declaration upon the parts they all subscribe, in trust torec^ve and pay each ^obj^cted to, address©! to congress, and-pointedly 6U PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. expressing our expectation of a revision and alter- ation thereof at a more convenient season. Your reflections on our loan, and on some other proceedings, 1 fear, are too well founded.— Our dif- ficulties are prodigious. We see the wisdom of your proposal to stop the presses— we perceive taxation to be of as much importance as you men- tion — we are desirous of borrowing on the lowest terms— but, while we have so many thousands to supply with necessaries, and while the demands up on us for the articles we must purchase are daily and hourly rising upon us, with such a boundless stretch— to what purpose are loans and taxes? I have esteemed it my duty since I have been in congress, to keep my eyes constantly fixed on the preventing further emissions — and several steps have been taken towards that point, that are known but by very few to lead towards it: some others are now under consideration — and 1 am im- patiently waiting for the moment, when a prospect of carrying on affairs without further emissions, and a likelihood of succeeding in the attempt, will permit me to move for stopping the presses. Mrs. Dickinson and Sally, with myself, desire to be very affectionately remembered to your family. I am, sir, your siacerely affectionate and very humble servant, JOHN DICKINSON. To Thomas Rodney, esq. D^ver. Philadelphia, Jime\4:, 1781. Sm — You will find by the contents of this, that it is a confidential letter, conveying you very im- portant and pleasing intelligence. Congress has I'eceived a letter from the king of France, and are also otherwise officially informed by his minister here, that the empress of Russia threw out an invitation for the belligerent powers to apply for her mediation, at which the court of L.ondon eagerly caught, and mentioned the empe- ror of Germany as another mediator — and a con- gress was proposed to be opened at Vienna, for the purpose of settling a general peace. The answer of the court of France was, that they could send no plenipotentiaries to said congress, till they had consulted their allies; but, as the mediators are such respectable powers, and may be so fully relicJ on for justice, the king presses the United States to submit to the mediation — and that the first pre- liminary he will insist on, previous to any other ne- gociation, shall be, the independence of the United States, in full— and upon obtaining this, request that the states may be as moderate in all other demands as possible, that the mediating powers^ may thereby receive favorable impressions of our equity and justice. The same mediating applica- tion was made to the court of Spain, and their an- swer was, that they could not do any thing but in conjunction with their all)', the king of France— so ♦hat the congress of mediation is likely to be de- layed till our despatches reach France However, ihe king says that, if he is so pressed that he can- not decently delay sending a plenipotentiary till that time, he shall insist on the preliminary before mentioned, and tlien only proceed in the negocia- tion so as to have it in such forwardness as will not injure America against their plenipotentiaries and instructions arrived. The king of France thinks that very equitable terms of peace may be obtain, ed through this mediation, but urges us strongly to exert ourselves this campaign— as the wresting the southern states out of the hands of the British, will contribute greatly to lessen their demands and make them more readily incline to equitable terms of peace; and that our exertions ought to be quick and vigorous, lest a truce should take place: and to ensure the success of this mediation we ought to make the most ample and vigorous preparations for carrying on the war. Britain made an attempt, through a Mr. Cumberland, to negociate a separate treaty with Spain; but this has failed, though Mr. Cumberland is still at Madrid. Spain would not treat but in conjunction with France, and France cannot treat but in conjunction with America. Thus are we linked together, so that the indepen- dence of America nov»r stands on prosperous ground, and no further doubt need to remain about it: for this much is certain — all the powers of Europe, (Britain excepted), wish us to be independent. Thus far in confidence, with this addition, that congress have appointed Dr. Franklin, J. Adams, J. Jay, H. Laurens and governor Jefferson, their plenipotentiaries for settling the peace. They first agreed to appoint but one, and Adams was ap- pointed before I came up; they then agreed to add two more, then Jay was appointed — then Jefferson had five votes, Franklin four, and Laurens one. The states voted the same way three times. Then I proposed to the members of Virginia and Penn- sylvania tliat we should appoint them both, which being generally agreed to, this day was appointed for the purpose, and then Laurens was included — so the appointment now consists of five. New Hampshire, Pennsylvania, Delaware and Maryland, ■vere for Franklin, South Carolina for Laurens, and Massachusetts, Connecticut, Jersey, Virginia and North Carolina for Jefferson, Rhode Island anS PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. S45 New York unrepresented; Georgia absent. Mr 1 ing whipped. Their desertions, I believe, have M'Kean wanted to alter in favor of Jefferson and been rare, and their sickness but little. Whea leave Franklin out, which, upon Georgia's coming ia, would have carried him; but I would not give up Franklin, and by the manner of proposing to appoint them both, got him appointed — though this was exceedingly against the grain of several members. He will now be put at the head of the commission. His abilities, character and influence are what will be of most use to us in Europe. I am, your most obedient, THOMAS RODNEY. His excellency Ccesar Rodney^ esq. Dover. American ai*d Fiiewch soLniEHS. Williamsburg, l&th Dec. 1781. Deau sir — After the departure of gen. Wash- ington, the French quartered themselves upon the people, of this and some otlier towns, a la mode militaire, and gave no small offence; but they are now dancing them into good humor again by a ball every week. I iiad myself a petit guerre with a French officer, by which I was turned out of my quarters, and, consequently, came off but second best. Being summoned before count Rochavcbeau to answer for my rebellious conduct, I received a long lecture on the subject of politeness to friend:^ and allies, with intimations of bis power to punish obstinacy. Although I was put into quarters equally good With those I was compelled to leave, I must confess, I did not perfectly understand the French politeness^ in the mode of exciiange. The old count, I believe, has either forgotten or forgiven me, as a day or two ago he gave me an invitation to dine with him. will our army bear the comparison? JAMES TILTON. Thomas Rodney, esq. It must be mortifying to our poor devils to ob serve the comfortable and happy life of French soldiers. They appear on parade every day like fine gentlemen, as neat as their officers, and hardh to be distinguished from them. They are paid once a week, and, by their happy countenance, ap- pear to want nothing. A centlnel is not allowed to stand upon duty without a warm watch-coat in addition to his other clothing. The officers treat the soldiers with attention, humanity and respect, and appear to employ all the means necessary to inspire them with sentlmen'.s of honor. Except some horse jockeying and plundering, at the re- duction of York, I have Ueard of no stealing among them. — Theft is said to be a crime held in univer sal abhorrence among them. I have not seen or heard of any instance, yet, of a Freneh soldier be 44. British Parliament. Extract from the speech o/ John Wiikes, delivered in the house of commons, on the 6th of Feb. 1775, on lord North's propositions to declare, that a re- bellion existed in the colony of Massachusetts, ^c. From Botta's history, "I am indeed surprised, that, in a business of so much moment as this before the house, respect- ing the British colonies in America, a cause which comprehends almost every question relative to the common rights of mankind, almost every question of policy and legislation, it should be resolved to proceed with so little circumspection, or rather with so much precipitation and heedless impru- dence. With what temerity are we assured, that the same men who have been so often overwhelmed with praises for their attachment to this country, for their forwardness to grant it the necessary succours, for the valour they have signalized in its defence, have all at once so degenerated from t!eir ancient manners, as to merit the appellation of seditious, ungrateful, impious rebels! But if such a change has indeed been wrought in the minds of. this most loyal people, it must at least be admitted, tliat affections so extraordinary could only have been produced by some very powerful cause. But who is ignorant, wlio needs to be told of the new madness that infatuates our ministers? — who has not seen the tyrannical coiinsels they have pursued, for the last ten years.' They would now have us carry to the foot of the throne, a resolution, stamped with rashness and ii justice, fraught with blood, and a horrible futurity. But before this be allowed them, before the signal of civil war be given, before they are permitted to force Englishmen to sheath their swords in the bowels of their fellow subjects, I hope this house will consider the rights of humanity, the original ground and cause of the present dispute. Huve we justice on our side.' No: assuredly, no. He must be altogether a stranger to the British con- stitution, who does not know that contribuuons are voluntary gifts of the people; and singularly blind, not to perceive that the words "liberty and pro- perty," so grateful to English ears, are nothing better than 'mockery and insult to the Americans, if their property can be taken without their con- sent. And what motive can there exist for this 346 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. new rigour, for these extraordinary measures?— Have not the Americans always demonstrated the utmost zeal and liberality, whenever their succours bave been required by the mother country? "In the two last wars, they gave you more than you asked for, and more than the"r faculties war ranted: they were not only liberal towards you, but prodigal of their substance. They foJight gallantly and victoriously by your side, with equal valor, against otir and their enemy, the common ep?ny of the liberties of Europe and America, the ambiiiotis and taitnless French, -.vhorn now we fear and flatter. And even now, at a moment when you are planning their destruction, when you are brand- ing them with the od'ous appellation of rebels, what is tlieir language, what their protestations? Read, in the name of Heaven, the late petition of the congress to the king; and you will find, 'they are ready and willing, as they ever have been, to demonstrate their loyalty, by exerting their most strenuous efforts in granting supplies, and raising forces, when consUtutionally required.' And yet we hear it vociferjited, by some inconsiderate individuals, that the Americans wish to abolish the navigation act; that they intend to throw off the supremacy of Great Britain. But would to God, these assertions were not rather a provoca- tior* than the trutii! They ask nothing, for such are the words of their petition, but for peace, li- berty, and safety. They wish not a diminution of the royal prerogative; they solicit not any new right. They are ready, on the contrary, to defend this prerogative, to maintain the royal authority, and to draw closer the bonds of their connexion with Great Britain. But our ministers, perhaps to punish others for their own faults, arc sedulously endeavoring, not only to relax these powerful ties, but to dissolve and sever them forever. Their address represents the province of Massachusetts as in a state of actual rebellion. The other pro- vinces are held out to our indignation, as aiding and abetting. Many arguments have been em- ployed, by some learned gentlemen among us, to comprehend them all in the same offence, and to involve them in the same proscription. "Whether their present state is that of rebellion, or of a fit and just resistance to unlawful acts of power, to our attempts to rob them of their pro- perty and liberties, as they imagine, I shall not declare. But I well know what will follow, nor, however strange and harsh it may appear to some, shall I hesitate to announce it, that I may not be accused hereafter, of having failed in duty to my country, on so grave an occasion, and at the ap" proach of such direful calamities. Know, then, a succes.sful resistance is a revolution, not a rebellion. Rebellion, indeed, appears on the back of a flying enemy, but revolution flames on the breastplate of the victorious warrior. Who can tell, whe- ther, in consequence of this day's violent and mad address to his majesty, the scabbard may not be thrown away by them as well as by us: and whe- ther, in a few years, the independent Americans may not celebrate the glorious era of the revolu- tion of 1775, as we do that of 1663? The generous efforts of our forefathers for freedom. Heaven crowned with success, or their noble blood had dyed our scaffolds, like that of Scottish traitors and rebels: and the period of our history which does us the most honor, would have been deemed a rebellion against the lawful authority of the prince, not a resistance authorized by all the laws of God and man, not the expulsion of a detested tyrant. "But suppose the Americans to combat against us with more unhappy auspices than we combated James, would not victory itself prove pernicious and deplorable? Would it not be fatal to British as well as American liberty? Those armies which should subjugate the colonists, would subjugate also their parent state. Marius, Sylla, Cxsar, Augustus, Tiberius, did they not oppress Roman liberty with the same troops that were levied to maintain Roman supremacy over subject provinces? But the impulse once given, its effects extended much further than its authors expected; for the same soldiery that destroyed the llomaa republic, subverted and utterly demolished the imperial power itself In less than fifty years after the death of Augustus, the armies destined to hold the provinces in subjection, proclaimed three em- perors at once; disposed of the empire according to their caprice, and raised to the throne of the Caesars the object of their momentary favor. "1 can no more comprehend the policy, than acknowledge the justice of your deliberations. — Where is your force, what are your armies, how are they to be recruited, and how supported? The single province of Massachusetts has, at this mo- ment, thirty thousand men, well trained and disci- plined, andean bring, in case of emergency, ninety thousand into the field; and, doubt not, they will do it, when all that is dear is at slake, when forced to defend their liberty and property against their cruel oppressors. The right honorable gen- tleman, with the blue riband, assures us that tett PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 347 thousand of our troops and four Irish regiments, will make their brains turn in the head a little, and strike them aghast with terror! But where does the author of this exquisite scheme propose to send his army? Boston, perhaps, you may lay in ashes, or it may be made a strong garrison: but the province will be lost to you. You will hold T3oston as you hold Gibraltar, in the midst of a country which will not be yours: the whole Ameri- can continent will remain in the power of your enemies. The ancient story of the philosopher Calanus and the Indian hide, will be verified; where you tread, it will be kept down; but it will rise the more in all other parts. Where your fleets and armies are stationed, the possession will be secured while they continue; but all the rest will be lost. In the great scale of empire, you will ilecline, I fear, from the decision of this day: and the Americans will rise to independence, to pow- er, to alt the greatness of the most renowned states; for they build on the solid basis of general public liberty. "1 dread the effects of the present resolution; I shudder at our injustice and cruelty; I tremble for the consequences of our imprudence. You will urge the Americans to desperation. They will certainly defend their property and liberties, with the spirit of freemen, with the spirit our ancestors did, and I hope we should exert on a like occasion. They will sooner declare themselves independent, and risk every consequence of such a contest, than submit to the galling yoke which administration is preparing for them. Recollect Philip II. king of Spain: remember the Seven Provinces, and the duke of Alva. It was deliberated, in the council of the monarch, what measures should be adopted respecting the Low Countries; some were disposed for clemency, others advised rigour; the second prevailed. The duke of Alva was victorious, it is true, wherever he appeared: but bis cruelties sowed the teeth of the serpent. The beggars of the Briel, as they were called by the Spaniards, who despised them as you now despise the Ameri- cans, were those, hawever, who first shook the power of Spain to the centre. And, comparing the probabilities of success in the contest of that day, wiih the chances in that of the present, are they so favorable to England as they were then to Spain.' This none will pretend. Yau all know, however, the issue of that sanguinarj' conflict — how that powerful empire was rent asunder, and severed forever into many parts. Profit, then, by the ex- perience of the p»st^ if you would avoid » similar fate. But you would declare the Americans rebels; and to your injustice and oppression, j-ou add the most opprobrious language, and the most insult- ing scoffs. If you persist in your resolution, all hope of a reconciliation is extinct. The Americans will triumph, — the whole continent of North Ame. rica will be dismembered from Great Bri^cin, and the wide arch of the raised empire fall. But I hope the just vengeance of the pejple will over- tHke the authors of these pernicious counsels, and the loss of the first province of the empire be speedily followed by the loss of the heids of those ministers who first invented them." Thus spoke this ardent patriot. His discourse was a prophecy; and hence, pevhsps, a ne* prolia- bility might be argued fur the vulgar maxi»Ti, that the crazed read tii.e future often better than the sage; for, among other things. It was said also of Wilkes, at that time, that his intellects were some- what disordered. Csiptain Harvey answered him, in substance, as follows: "I am very far from believing myself capable of arguing the pres°ot question with all the eloquence which my vehement adversary has signalized in fa%or of those who openly, and in srms, resist the ancient power of Great Britain; as the studies which teach man the art of discoursing with elegance, are too different and too remote frona my profession. This shall not, however, deter me from declaring my sentiments with freedom, on so important a crisis; though my words should be misinterpreted by the malignity of party, and myself represented as the author of illegal coun- sels, or, in the language of faction, the defender of tyranny. "And, first of all, I cannot but deplore the misery of the times, and the destiny which seema to per. secute our beloved country. Can I see her, with- out anguish, reduced to this disastrous extremity, not only by the refractory spirit of her ungrate* ful children on the other side of the ocean, but also by some of those who inhabit this kingdqm, and whom honor, if not justice aitd gratitude, should engage in words and deeds, \o support and defend her.' Till we give a check to these incendiaries, who, with a constancy and art only equalled by their baseness and infamy, blow discord and scatter their poison in every place, in vain can we hope, without coming to the last extremities, to bring the leaders oftjiis deluded people to a sense of their duty. 548 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. "To deny that the legislative power of Great Britain is entire, general, and sovereign, over all parts of its donninions, appears to me too puerile to merit a serious answer. What I would say is, that, under this cover of rights, under this color of privileges, under these pretexts of immunities, the good and loyal Americans have concealed a design, not new, but now openly declared, to cast off every species of superiority, and become altoge- ther an independent nation. They complained of the sta.Tip-act. It was repealed. Did this satisfy them.' On the contrary, they embittered more than ever our respective relations, now refusing to indemnify the victims of their violence, and now to rescind resolutions that were so many strides tov/ards rebellion. And yet, in these cases, there was no question of taxes, either internal or external. A duty was afterwards imposed on glass, paper, colours, and tea. They revolted anew; and the bounty of tins too indulgent mother again revoked the greater part of these duties, leaving only that upon tea, which may yield, at the utmost, sixteen thousand pounds sterling. Even this inconsidera- ble impost. Great Britain, actuated by a meekness and forbearance without example, would have re- pealed also, if the colonists had peaceably ex- pressed their wishes to this effect. At present, they bitterly complain of the regular troops sent amongst them to maintain the public repose. But, in the name of God, what is the cause of their presence in Boston? American disturbances. If the colonists had not first interrupted the general tranquility, if they had respected property, pub- lic and private; if they had not openly resisted the laws of parliament and the ordinances of the king, they would not have seen armed soldiers within their walls. But the truth is, they expressly excite the causes, in orderto be able afterwards to bemoan the effects. When they were menaced with real danger, when they were beset by enemies from within and from without, they not only consented to admit reg«lar troops into the very heart of their provinces, but urged us, with the most earnest solicitations, to send ihemi but now the danger is past, and the colonists, by our treasure and blood, are restored to their original security; now these troops havebecomenecessary to repress thefactious, to sustain the action of the lav/s, their presence is contrary to the constitution, a manifest violation of American liberty, an attempt to introduce tyranny; as if it were not the right and the obligation of the supre i.e authority, to protect the peace of the interior as well as that of the exterior, and to repress internal as effectually as external enemies. "As though the Americans were fearful of being called, at a future day, to take part in the national representation, they preoccupy the ground, and warn you, in advance, that, considering their dis- tance, they cannot be represented in the British parliament: which means, if I am not deceived, that they will not have a representative power in common with England, but intend to enjoy one by themselves, perfectly distinct from this of the parent state. But why do I waste time in these vain subtleties? Not content with exciting discord at home, with disturbing all the institutions of social life, they endeavor also to scatter the germes of division in the neighboring colonies, such as Nova Scotia, the Floridas, and especially Canada. Nor is this the end of their intrigues. Have we not read here, in this land of genuine felicity, the incendiary expressions of their address to the Eng- lish people, designed to allure them to the side of rebellion? Yes, they have wished, and with all their power have attempted, to introduce into the bosom of this happy country, outrage, tumults, devastation, pillage, bloodshed, and open resist- ance to the laws! A thousand times undone the English people, should they suffer themselves to be seduced by the flatteries of the Americans? The sweet peace, the inestimable liberty, they now enjoy, would soon be replaced by the most ferocious anarchy, devouring their wealth, annihilat- ing their strength, contaminating and destroying all the happiness of their existence. Already have the colonists trampled on all restraints; already have they cast off all human respect; and, amidst their subtle machinations, and the shades in which they envelop themselves, they suffer, as it were, in spite of themselves, their culpable designs to ap- pear. If they have not yet acquired the consistence, they at least assume the forms, of an independent nation. "Who among us has not felt emotions kindling deep in his breast, or transports of indignation, at the reading of the decrees of congress, in which, with a language and a tone better beseeming the haughty courts of Versailles or of Madrid, than the subjects ot a great king, they ordain imperiously the cessation of all coraimerce between their coun- try and our own? We may transport our mer- chandise and our commodities among all other nations. It is only under the inhospitable skies of America, only in this country, dyed with the blood, and bathed in the sweat, we have shed for the safety and prosperity of its inhabitants, that English industry cannot hope for protection, can- not find an asylum! Are we then of a spirit to PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. S49 endure that our subjects trace ar<5Mnd us the circle of Popilius, and proudly declare on what conditions they will deign to obey the ancient laws of the common country? But all succeeds to tlieir wish: they hope, from our magnanimity, thai war will result, and from war, independence. An.l v/hata people is this, whom benefits cannot oblige, whom clemency exasperates, whom the necessity of defence, created by themselves, offends! "If, therefore, no doubt can remain as to the pro- jects of these ungrateful colo.iists; if an universal resistance to the civil government, and to the laws of the country; if the interruption of a free and reciprocal commerce between one part and ano- "This is what I think of our present situation; t^hese are the sentiments of a man neither partial, \ov vehement, but free from all prepossessions, and ready to combat and shed the last drop of his blood, to put down the excesses of license, to extirpate the germes of cruel anarchy, to defend the rights and the privileges of this most innocent people, whether he finds their enemies in the savage deserts of America, or in the cultivated plains of England. "And if there are Catalines among us, who plot in darkness pernicious schemes against the state, let them be unveiled and dragged to light, that they may be offered a sacrifice, as victims to the ther of the realm; if resisting every act of the Bri- justvengeance of this courteous country; that their tish legislature, and absolutely, in word and deed, denying tlie sovereignty of this country; if laying a strong hand on the revenues of America; if seizing his majesty's forts, artillery, and ammunition; if exciting and stimulating, by every means, the whole subjects of America to take arms, and to resist the consliiutional authority of Great Bri tain, are acts of treason, then are the Americans in a state of the most flagrant rebellion. Where- fore, then, should we delay to take resolute mea- sures? If no other alternative is left us, if it is necessary to use the power which we enjoy, un- der Heaven, for the protection of the whole em- pire, let us show the Americans, that, as our ancestors deluged this country with their blood, to leave us a free constitution, we, like men, in defiance of faction at home and rebellion abroad, »re determined, in glorious emulation of their (example, to transmit it, perfect and unimpaired, to our posterity. I hear it said by these propagators of sinister auguries, that we shall be vanquished in this contest. But all human enterprizes are never without a something of uncertainty. Are high-minded men for this to stand listless, aod indolently abandon to the caprices of fortune the conduct of their affairs? If this dastardly doctrine prevailed, if none would ever act without assur- ance of the event, assuredly no generous enter prize would ever be attempted; chance, and blind destiny, would govern the world. I trust, how ever, in the present crisis, we may cherish better hopes: for, even omitting the bravery of our soldiers and the ability of our generals, loyal subjects are not so rare in America as some believe, or affect to believe. And, besides, will the Americans long support the privation of all the things necessary to life, which our numerous navy will prevent from reaching their shores? names may be stamped with infamy to the latest posterity, and their nrieinory held in execration, by 11 men of worth, in every future age!" Eulogium ou Warren. From Botta's history of the American war, — pub- lished, he says, "in the Philadelphia papers," but we know not when, or where, or by whom, it was delivered, which we should have been glad to have ascertained. "What spectacle more noble," than this, of a hero who has given his life for the safety of coun- try! Approach, cruel ministers, and contemplate the fruits of your sanguinary edicts. What repara- tion can you offer to his children for the loss of such a father, to the king for that of so good a subject, to the country for that of so devoted a citizen? Send hither your satellites; come, feast your vindictive rage: the most implacable enemy to tyrants is no more. We conjure you respect these his honored remains. Have compassion on the fate of a mother overwhelmed with despair and with age. Of him, nothing is left that you can still fear. Flis eloquence is mute; his arms are fallen from his hand: then lay down yours: what more have you to perpetrate, b.irbarians that you are? But, while the n.ime of American liberty shall live, that of Warren will fire our breas.s, and animate our arms, against the pest of stundiffg armies. "Approach, senators of America! Come, and deliberate here, upon the interests of the united colonies. Listen to the voice of this illustrious citizen: he intreats, he exhorts, he implores you not to disturb his present felicity with the doubt, that he, perhaps, has sacrificed his life for a people of slaves. •550 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. •'Come hither, ye soldiers, ye champions of Ame- jican liberty, and contemplate a spectacle which should inflame your generous hearts with even a new motive to glory. Remember, his shade still hovers, unexpialed, among us. Ten thousand ministerial soldiers would not suffice to com- pensate his death. Let ancient ties be no restraint: foes of liberty are no longer the brethren of free- men. Give edge to your arms, and lay thetn not down, till tyranny be expelled from the British empire, or America, at leasl, become the real seat of liberty and happiness. "Approach ye also, American fathers and Ameri- can mothers; come hither, and contemplate the first fruits of tyranny: behold your friend, the defender of your liberty, the honor, the hope of your country: see this illustrious hero, pierced with wounds, and bathed in his ov/n blood. But let not your grief, let not your tears be steril. Go, hasten to your homes, and there teach your chil- dren to detest the deeds of tyranny; lay before them the horrid scene you have beheld: let their hair stand on end; let their eyes sparkle with fire; let resentment kindle every feature; let their lips vent threats and indignation: then — then — put arms into their hands, send them to battle, and let your last injunction be, to return victorious, or to die, like Warren, in the arms of liberty and of glory! *'And ye generations of the future, you will often look back to this memorable epoch. You will transfer the names of traitors and of rebels from the faithful people of America, to those who have jnerited tliem. Your eyes will penetrate all the iniquity of this scheme of despotism, reeently plotted by the British government. You will see good kings misled by perfidious ministers, and virtuous ministers by perfidious kings. You will perceive that if at first the sovereigns of Great Britain shed tears in commanding their subjects to accept atrocious Kws, they soon gave them- selves up to joy in the midst of murder, expect- ing to see a whole continent drenched in the blood of freemen. O, save the human race from the last outrages, and render a noble justice to the Ameri- can colonies. Recall to life the ancient Roman and British eloquence; and be not niggardly of merited praises towards those who have bequeathed you liberty. It costs us floods of gold and of blood; it costi' us, alas! the life of AVarren," Commander in chief — Washington. It seemed right that we should collect the follow- ing articles, and present them together, as con- taining, in themselves, the best portrait of the father of his country, drawn by himself, that we had the power to offer — though in detached parts, they must needs he familiar to the Am? rican people. The articles are — 1. Washington's acceptance of the command of the armies of the United States, June 16, 1775. 2. his letter to the president of congress Sept. 24,1776. 3 His generjil orders to the army, April 18, 1783. 4. His circular to the governors of the several states— June 18, 178.1. 5. On resigning his commission to congress, as- sembled at Annapolis, 1783. 6. His speech to the first congress, under the constitution, April 30, 1789. To which we might have added his farewell ad- dress on retiring from the presidency, but that is in the hands of every body; and it does not properly come within the scope of t\ie contents of this volume. EnixoB. Speech of gen. Washington to congress on accepting hu commission, Jtine 15th, 1775. Mr. President— Though I am truly sensible of the high honor done me, in this appointment, yet I feel f>Teat distress, from a consciousness that my abilities and military experience may not be equal to the extensive and important trust: However, as the congress desire it, I will enter upon the mo- mentous duty, and exert every power I possess in their service, and for support of the glorious cause. I beg they will accept my most cordial thanks for this distinguished testimony of their approbation, "But, lest some unlucky event should happeUj unfavorable to my reputation, I beg it may be re- membered, by every gentleman in the room, that I, this day, declare with the utmost sincerity, I do not think myself equal to the command I am honored with. "As to pay, sir, I beg leave to assure the con- gress, that, as no pecuniary consideration could have tempted me to accept this arduous employ- ment, at the expense of my domestic ease and hap^ piness, I do not wish to make any profit from it. I will keep an exact account of my expenses. Those, I doubt not, they will discharge, and that is all I desire." To John Hancock, esq. president of congress. Colonel Morrises on the Height* of Herlem, > Sept. 24t/i, 1776. 5 Sir— From the hours allotted to sleep, I will borrow a few moments to convey my thoughts, on PRfNCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. S^l sundry important matters, to congress. I shall offer them with the sincerity which ought to cha- racterize the man of candour, and with the free- dom which may be used in giving useful informa- tion, without incurring the imputation of presump- ' tion. We are now, as it were, upon the eve of another dissolution of our army. The remembrance of the difficulties which happened upon the occasion last y«ar, the consequences which might have followed the change, if proper advantages had been taken by the enemy, added to a knowledge of the pre- sent temper and situation of the troops, reflect but a very gloomy prospect upon the appearance of things now, and satisfy me beyond the pessibility of doubt, that, unless some speedy and effectual sneasures are adopted by congress, our cause will be lost. It is in vain to expect, that any, or more than a trifling part of this army will again engage in the service on the encouragement offered by con- gress. When men find that their townsmen and companions are receiving twenty, thirtj', and more, dollars for a few months' service (which is truly the case) it cannot be expected, without using compulsion; and to force them into the service, would answer no valuable purpose. When men are irritated, and the passions inflamed, they fly hastily and cheeflully to arms: but after the first emotions are over, a soldier reasoned with upon the goodness of the cause he is engaged in, and the inestimable rights he is contending for, hears you with paiience, and acknowledges the truth of your observation, but adds, that it is of no more importance to hiju than others. The officer makes you the same reply, with this further remark, that his pay wiil no^ support him, and be cannot ruin himself and family to serve his country, when every member of the community is equally interested and benefited by his labors. It becomes evidently clear then, that, as this contest is not likely to be the wgrk of a day; as the war must be carried on systematically; and to do it you must have good officers; there are, in my judgment, no other possible means to obtain them, but by establishing your army upon a permanent footing, and giving your officers good pay. This will induce gentlemen, and men of character, to engage: and, till the bulk of your offjccis are com- posed of such persons as are actuated by princi- ples of honor and a spirit of entcrprize, you have Lttle to expect from them. They ought to have such allowances as will enable them to live like, and support the characters of, gentlemen. Besides, something is due to the man who puts his life iiu your bands, hazards his health, and fbraakes the sweets of domestic enjoyment- Why a captain in the continental service should receive no more than five shillings currency per day, for perform- ing the same duties that an officer of the same rank in the British service receives ten shillings sterling for, I never could conceive, especially when the latter is provided with every necessary he requires, upon the best terms, and the former can scarcely procure them at any rate. There Is nothing that gives a man consequence, and renders him fit for command, like a support that renders him independent of every body but the state he serves. With respect to the men, nothing but a good bounty can obtain them upon a permanent esta;b- lishment; and for no shorter time than the con- tinuance of the war, ought they to be engaged, as facts incontestibly prove that the difficulty and cost of enlistments increase with time. When the army v/as first at Cambridge, I am persuaded the men might have been got, without a bounty, for the war. After this, they began to see that tJie contest was not likely to end so speedily as x^s imagined, and to feel their consequence by remark- ing, that, to get in the militia in the course of th« last year, many towns were induced to give them a bounty. Foreseeing the evils resulting from this, and t'h« destructive consequences which unavoidably would follow short enlistments, I tool: the libertj^, in a long letter, (date not recollected, as my letter book is not here) to recommend the enlistments for and during the war, assigning such reasons for it ae experiencehas since con vin-^ed me were well found- ed. At that time, twenty dollars would, I am per- suaded, have engaged the men for this term. But it will not do to look back: and, if the present cp- portunity is slipped, I am persuaded that twelve months more will increase our difficulties fourfold. T shall therefore take the freedom of giving it as my opinion, that a good bounty be immediately offered, aided by the proffer at least a hundred, or a hundred and fifty acres of land, and a suit of clothes and blanket, to each non-commis.^ioned officer r>nd soldier; as 1 have good authority for saying, that, however high the men's pay may appe.ir, it is barely sufficient, in tlie present scarcity and dearness of all kin.ls of goods, to keep thera in clothes, much less afford support to ;he;r families. S52 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. If this encouragement then is given to the men, and such pay allowed the officers as will induce gentlemen of character and liberal sentiments to engage, and proper care and precaution used in the nomination (having more ref^ard to the cha- racters of persons than the number of men they can enlist) we should, in a little time, have an army able to cope with any that can be opposed to it, as there are excellent materials to form one. But while the only merit an officer possesses, is his abi- lity to raise men; while those men consider and treat him as an equal, and, in the character of an officer, regard him no more than a broomstick, being mixed together as one common herd, no or- der nor discipline can prevail; nor will the officer ever meet with that respect which is essentially ne- cessary to due subordination. ject to them, and therefore take liberties which the soldier is punished for. This creates jealousy: jealousy begets dissatisfaction; and these, by de- grees, ripen into mutiny, keeping the whole army in a confused and disordered state; rendering the time of those who wish to see regularity and good order prev^iil, more unhappy than words can de- scribe. Besides this, such repeated changes take place, that all arrangement is set at nought, and the constant fluctuation of things deranges every plan as fast as adopted. These, sir, congress may be assured, are but a small part of the inconveniences which might be enumerated, and attributed to militia: but there is one that merits partxular attention, and that is the expense. Certain I am, that it would be cheaper to keep fifty or a hundred thousand in constant To place any dependence upon militia is as-jpay, than to depend upon half the number, and suredly resting upon a broken staff: men just dragged from the lender scenes of doimestic life; unaccustomed to the din of arms; totally unac supply tlite other half occasionally by militia. The time the latter are in pay, before and afcer they are in camp, assembling and marching; the waste quainted with every kind of military skill; which, of ammunition, the consumption of stores, which, being followed by a want of confidence in them- 1 in spite of every resolution or requisition of con- selves, when opposed to troops regularly trained, gress, they must be furnished with, or sent home, disciplined, and appointed; superior in knowledge added to other incidental expenses consequent and superior in arms, makes them timid and ready Upon their coming and conduct in camp, surpasses to fly from their own shadows. Besides, the sud- aU idea, and destroys every kind of regularity and den change in their manner of living, particularly in their lodging, brings on sickness in many, impa- economy which you could establish among fixed and settled troops, and will, in my opinion, provcj, tience in all; and such an unconquerable desire of >f the scheme is adhered to, the ruin of our cause returning to their respective homes, that it not only produces shameful and scandalous desertions among themselves, but infuses the like spirit into others. Again; men accustomed to unbounded freedom and no control, cannot brook the restraint which is indispeHsably necessary to the good order and go- vernment of an army; without which, licentiousness and every kind of disorder triumphantly reign. To bring men to a proper degree of subordination is not the work of a day, a month, or even a year: and, unhappily for us and the cause we are en- gaged in, the little discipline I have been laboring to establish in the army under my immediate com- mand, is in a manner done away, by having such a mixture of troops as have been called together within these few months. Bel axed and unfit as our rules and regulations of war are, for the government of an army, the tii- litia (those properly so called; for of these we have two sorts, the six months' men, and those sent in as a temporary aid) do not think themselves sub- The jealousies of a standing army, and the evils to be apprehended from one, are remote, and, in my judgment, situated and circumstanced as we are, not at all to be dreaded: but the consequence of wanting one, according to my ideas, formed from the present view of things, is certain and ine- vitable ruin. For, if I Was called upon to declare upon 03th, whether the militia have been most ser^ viceable or huriful, upon the whole, I should sub- scribe to the latter. I do not mean by this, howe- ver, to arraign the conduct of congress; in so do* ingi should equally condemn my own measures, if 1 did not my judgment: but experience, wiiich is the best criterion to work by, so fully, clearly, and decisively reprobates ihe practice of trusting to militia, that no man, who regards order, regu^ larity and economy, or who has any regard for his own honor, character, or peace of mind, will risk them upon this issue. An army formed of good officers moves like clock-work: but there is no situation upon earth less enviable nor more distressing than that per- PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. S5S sou's who is at the head of troops who are regard- f would be ingratitude not to rejoice; it would bo- less of order and discipline, and who are unpro- vided with almost every necessary. In a word, the difficulties which have forever surrounded tne, since I have been in the service, and kept nny mind constantly upon the stretch; the wounds which ni\ feelings, as an officer, have received by a thousand things which have happened contrary to my ex- pectations and wishes; added to a consciousness of my inability to govern an army composed of such discordant parts, and under such a variety of isuricate and perplexing circumstances, induce, not only a belief, but a thorough conviction in my mind, that it. will be impossible, unless there is a tho- rough change in our military system, for me to conduct matters in such a nrninner as to give satis- faction to the public, wliich is all the recompense I aim at, or ever wished for. Before I conclude, I must apologize for the li- berties taken in this letter, and fi}r the blv)ts and scratching! therein, not having time to give it more correctly. With truth I can add, that, with every sentiment of respect and esteem, I am your's and the congress' most obedient, &c, i GEO. WASHINGTON. insensibility not to participate in the general feli- city. The commander in chief, far from endeavoring to stifle the feelings of joy in his own bosom, of- fers his most cordial congratulations on the occa- sion to all the officers of every denomination; to [all the troops of the United States in general; and in particular to those gallant and persevering men who had resolved to defend the rights of their in- vaded country, so long as the war should continue. For these are men who ought to be considered as the pride and boast of the American army; and who, crowned with v/ell earned laurels, may soon withdraw from the field of glory to the more tran- quil walks of civil life. While the commander in chiefrecollects the almost infinite variety of scenes through which we have past, with a mixture of pleasure, astonishment, and gratitude; while be contemplates the prospects before us with rapture, he cannot help wishing that all the brave, of what- ever condition they may be, who have shared the toils and dangers of effecting tiiis glorious revolu- tion; of rescuing millions from the hand of oppres- sion, and of laying the foundatiaa of a great em- [pii'e, might be impressed with a proper idea of the General orders issued by general IVashiiiston, to the di,,'nified part they have been called to act, under aynuj, the smiles of Providence, on the stajje of human Head Quarters, Chatham, .if,ril ISth, 178,3. '^^*": ^'"' ^appy, tlirice happy! shall they be pro- The commander in chief orders the cessation of """"^^^'^''^^afei', who have contributed anythuig, hostilities between the United States of A;r.erica \ ^^^ ^^^^ performed the meanest office in erect- and the king of Great Britiin, to be publicly pro- claimed to-morrow at twelve o'clock, at the new building: and that the proclamation which will be communicated herewith, be re.id tomorrow even- ing at the head of every regiiiienl and corps of the army; after which the chapl lins, with the sever.il brigades, will render thanks to the Almighty God for all his mercies, particularly for his over ruling the wrath of man to his own gl jry, and causing the rage of war to cease among the nations. ing this stupendous fabric of freedom and empire, on the broad basis of independency; who have as* sisted in protecting the rights of human nature, and established an asylum for the poor and oppres- sed of all nations and religions. The glorious task for which we first flew to arms being accomplish- ed— the liberties of our country being fully ac- knowledged and firmly secured by the smiles of heaven on the purity of our cause; and the honest exertions of a feeble people, determined to be free, gainst a powerful nation disposed to oppress them; Although the proclamation before alluded to, ex- 1 and the character of those who have persevered, tends only to the prohibition of hostilities, and not through every extremity of hardship, suffering and to the annunciation of a general peace, yet it must danger, being immortalized by the illustrious ap- afford the most rational and sinc<=re satisfaction pellation of the /»amo< amy— nothing now remains to every benevolent mind, as it puts a period to but for the actors of this miglity scene to preserve a a long and doubtful contest, stops the effusion of perfect unvarying consistency of character tlirough human blood, opens the prospect to a more splen- the very last act, to close the dr,ima with applause; didscene, and, like another morning star, promises j;ind to retire from the military theatre with the same approbation, of angels and men, which have cr6wned all their former virtuous actions. For this purpose no disorder or licentiousness must be the approach of brighter day tlian hath hitherto illuminated the western hemisphere. On such a happy da}-, which is the harbinger of peace, a day which j;mnpletes the eighth year of the war, it tolerated. Kvery considerate and well dispos^^ 354 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. soldier must remember it will be absolutely neces- sary to wait with patience until peace shall be de- clared, or congress shall be enabled to take pro- per measures for the security of the public stores, &c. As soon as these arrangements shall be made, the general is confident, there will be no delay in discharging', with every marlc of distinction and honor, all the men enlisted for the war, who will then have faithfully performed their engagements with the public. The general has already inte- rested himself in their behalf, and he thinks he need not repeat the assurance of his disposition to be useful to them on the present, and every other proper occasion. In the mean time, he is deter mined that no military neglects or excesses shall go unpunished, while he retains the command of the army. The adjutant-general will have such working parties detached, to assist in making the prepara- tions for a general rejoicing, as the chief engineer of the army shall call for; and the quarter-master general will, without delay, procure such a number of discharges to be printed as will be sufficient for all the men enlisted for the war — he will please to apply to head quarters for the form. An extra ra tion of liquor to be issued to every man to-morrow to drink "Perpetual peace and happiness to the United States of America." Genei'al WuBJiington^a circular letter to the governor of each of the states, dated Head Quarters, J\''e-wbvrgh, June 18, 1783. •'StR — The object for which I had the honor to hold an appointment in the service of my country, being accomplished, I am now preparing to resign it into the hand of congress, and return to that do- rsestic retirement, which, it is well known, I left with the greatest reluctance; a retirement for which 1 have never ceased to sigh through a long and painful absence, in which, (remote from the noise and trouble of the v/orld,) I meditate to pass the remainder of life, in a state of undisturbed repose; but, before I carry this resolution into effect, I think it a duty incumbent on me to make this my last olTicial communication, to congratulate you on the glorious events which heaven has been pleased «o produce in our favom to offer my sentiments re- specting some important subjects, which appear to me to be intimately connected with the tran quility of the United States; to take my leave of your excellency as a public character; and to givt my final blessing to that country, in whose service 1 have spent the prime of my life; for whose sake I have consumed so many anxious days and watch I ful nights, and whose hapj)iness, being extremel''^ di^ar to me, will always constitute no inconsidera- ble part of my own. "Impressed with the liveliest sensibility on thi.s ple.ising occasion, I will claim t!ie indulgence of dilating the more copiously on the subject of our mutual felicitation. When we consider the mag- nitude of the prize we contended for, the doubtfal nature of the contest, and the favorable manner in which it has terminated, we shall find the greatest possible reason for gratitude and r?joicing. This is a theme that will afford infinite delight to every benevolent and liberal mind, whether the event in contemplation be considered as a source of pre- sent enjoyment, or the parent of future happiness; and we shall have equal occasion to felicitate our- selves on the lot which Providence has assigned us, whether we view it in a natural, a political, or moral point of light. "The citizens of America, placed in the most en- viable condition, as the sole lords and proprietors of a vast tract of continent, comprehending all the various soils andclimates of the world, and abound- ing with all the necessaries and conveniences of life, are now, by the Tate satisfactory pacification, acknowledged to be possessed of absolute freedom and independency: they are from this period to be considered as the actors on a most conspicuous theatre, which seems to be peculiarly designed by Providence for the display of human greatness and felicity. Here they are not only surrounded with every thing that can contribute to the comple'iion of private and domestic enjoyment, but heaven has crowned all its other blessings, by giving a surer opportunity for political happiness, than any other nation has ever been favored with. Nothing can illustrate these observations more f)rcibly than a recollection of the happy conjuncture of times and circumstances, under which our republic assumed its rank among the nations. — Tlie foundation of our empire was not laid in a gloomy age of ignorance and superstition, but at an epocha when the rights of mankind were better understood and more clear- ly defined, than at any former period. Researches of the human mind after social happiness have been carried to a great extent; the treasures of knowledge acquired by the labors of philosophers, sages, and legislators, through a long succession of years, are laid open for us, and their collected wisdom may be happily applied in the establish- ment of our forms of government. The free cul- itivation of letters, the unboilnded extension of commerce, the progressive refinement of mannersj PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 355 the growing liberalily of sentiment, and, above all. the pure and benign light of revelation, have had a meliorating influence on mankind, and increased the blessings of society. At this auspicious" pe- riod, the United States came into existence as a nation; and if their citizens should not be conr,- pletely free and happy, the fault will be entirely their own. "Such is our situation, and such are our pros- pects. But notwithstanding the cup of blessing is thus reached out to us; notwithstanding happiness is ours, if we have a disposition to seize the occa- sion, and make it our own, yet it appears to me there is an option still left to the United States of America, whether they will be respectable and prosperous, or contemptible and miserable as a nation. This is the time of their political proba- tion.- this is the moment v/hen the eyes of the whole world are turned upon them: this is the time to establish or ruin their national character forever: this is the favorable moment to give such a tone to the federal government, as will enable it to answer the ends of its institution; or, this may be the ill- fated moment for relaxing the powers of the union, annihilating the cement of the confederation, and exposing us to become the sport of European po- litics, which may play one state against another, to prevent their growing importance, and to serve their own interested purposes. For, according to the system of policy the states shall adopt at this moment, they will stand or fall; and, by their con- iii-mation or lapse, it is yet to be decided, whe- ther the revolution must ultimately be considered as a blessing or a curse, not to the present age alone, for with our fate will the destiny of unborn millions be involved. "With this conviction of the importance of the present crisis, silence i.i me would be a crime; I will therefore speak to your excellency the lan- guage of freedom and sincerity, without disguise. I am aware, however, those who differ from me in political sentiments may, perhaps, remark, I an' stepping out of the proper line of my duty; and they may probably ascribe to arrogance or ostenta- tion, what I know is alone the result of the purest sooner or later, convince my countrymen, th.it I could have no sinister views in delivering, with so little reserve, the opinion contained in this ad- dress. "There are four things which, I humbly con- ceive, are essential to the well being, I may even venture to 3ay, to the existence of the United States, as an independent power. "1st. An indissoluble union of the states under one federal head. "2dly. A sacred regard to public justice. "3dly. The adoption of a proper peace establish- ment. And, "4thly. The prevalence of that pacific and friend- ly disposition among the people of the United States, which will induce them to forget their local prejudices and policies; to make those mutual con- cessions which are requisite to the general prospe- rity; and, in some instances, to sacrifice their in« dividual advantages to the interest of the com- munity. "These are the pillars on which the glorious fd- ibric of our independency and national cl)aracter must be supported. Liberty is the basis — and whoever would dare to sap the foundation, or over- turn the structure, under whatever specious pre- text he naay attempt it, will merit the bitterest execration, and the severest punishment, which can be inflicted by his injured country. "On the three first articles I will make a few observations, leaving the last to the good sense and serious consideration of those immediately concerned. f "Under the first head, although it may not be necessary or proper for me in this place to enter into a particular disquisition of the principles of the union, and to take up the great question which has been frequently agitated, whether it be expe- dient and requisite for the states to delegate a larger proportion of power to cungre^s, or not; yet it will be a part of my duty, and that of every true, patriot, to assert, without reserve, and to insist up- intention. But the rectitude of my own heart, Ion the following positions:— That, unless the states which disdains such unworihy motives; the part ij will suffer congress to exercise those prerogatives have hitherto acted in life; the determination 1 have formed of not taking any share in public bu- siness hereafter, the ardent desire I feel, and shall continue to manifest, of quietly enjoying in private life, after all the toils of war, the benefits of a wise and liberal govenicaent, will, I flatter myself. they are undoubtedly invested with by Oie con- stitution, every thing must very rapidly tend tj anarchy and confusion: That it is indispensable to the happiness of the individual states, that there should be lodged, somewhere, a supreme power to rf gulate and govern the general concerns of the- S56 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. •confederated republic, without which the union eannot be of long duration: That there must be a faithful and pointed compliance on t!ie part of every state with the late proposals and demands of congress, or the most fatal consequences will ensue: That whatever measures have a tendencj to dissolve the union, or contribute to violate or lessen the sovereign authority, ought to be con sidered a? hostile to the liberty and independence of America, and the authors of them treated ac- cordingly. And, lastly, that, unless we can be enabled by the concurrence of the states topartici pate of the fruits of the revolution, and enjoy the essential benefits of civil society, under a form of government so free and uncorrupted, so happily guarded against the danger of oppression, as has been devised and adopted by the articles of con federation, it will be a subject of regret, that so much blood and treasure have been lavished for tio purpose; that so many sufierings haVe been encountered without a compensation, and that so mauy sacrifices have been made in vain. Many other considerations might here be adduced to prove, that, without an entire conformity to the spirit of the union, We cannot exist as an inde pendent power. It will be sufficient for my pur pose to mention but one or two, which seem to me of the greatest importance. It is only in our united character as an empire, that our indepen- dence is acknowledged, tliat our power can be regarded, or our credit supported among foreign nations. The treaties of the European powers with the United States of America, will have no validity on a dissolution of the union. We shall be left nearly in a state of nature; or we may find, by our own unhappy experience, that there is a natural and necessary progression from the ex- treme of anarchy to the extreme of tyranny; and that arbitrary power is most easily established on the ruins of liberty, abused to licentiousness. ^ "As to the second article, which respects the performance of public justice, congress have, in their late address to the United States, almost exhausted the subject; they have explained their ideas so fully, and have enforced the obligations the states are under to render complete justice to ail the public creditors, with so much dignity and energy, that, in my opinion, no real friend to the iionor and independency of America can hesitate a single moment respecting the propriety of com plying with the just and honorable measures pro posed. If ti»eir arguments do not produce con viction, I know of nothing that will have greater influence, especkiU)' when we reflect that the sys lem referred to, being the result of the collectefl wisdom of the continent, must be esteemed, if not perfect, certainly the least objectionable, of any that could be devised; and that, if it should not be carried into immediate execution, a na- tional bankruptcy, with all its deplorable conse- quences, will take place before any different plan can possibly be proposed or adopted; so pressing are the present circumstances, and such is the alternative now offered to the states. "The ability of the country to discharge the debts which have been incurred in its defence, is not to be doubted; and inclination, I flatter my- self, will not be wanting. The path of our duty is plain before us; honesty will be found, on every experiment, to be the best and only true policy. Let us then, as a nation, be just; let us fulfil the public contracts which congress had undoubtedly a right to make for the purpose of carrying on the war, with the same good faith we suppose our- selves bound to perform our private engage- ments. In the mean time, let an attention to the cheerful performance of their proper business, as individuals, and as members of society, be earnestly inculcated on the citizens of America; then will they strengthen the ba.ids of govei-nment, and be happy under its protection. Every one will reap the fruit of his labors: every one will enjay his own acquisitions, without molestation and witiiout danger. "In this state of absolute freedom and perfect ' security, who will grudge to yield a very little of his property to support the common interests of society, and ensure the protection of government? Who does not remember the frequent declara- tions at the commencement of the war — that we should be completely satisfied if, at the expense of one half, we could defend the remainder of our possessions? Where is the man to be found, who wishes 10 remain in debt, for the defence of his own person and property, to the exertions, the bravery, and the blood of others, without making one generous effort to p^y the debt of honor and of gratitude.' In what purt of the continent shall we find any man, or body of men, who would not blush to stand up and propose measures purposely calculated to rob the soldier of his stipend, and the public creditor of his due? And were it possible that such a flagrant instance of injustice could ever happen, would it not excite the gene- ral indignation, and tend to bring down upon the authors of such measures the aggravated vengeance of Heaven? If, after all, a spirit of PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF TTI?; REVOLUTION. 157 disunion, or a temper of obstinacy and perverse ness should manifest itself in any of the states; if such ah ungracious disposition should attempt to frustrate all the happy effects that might be ex- pected to flow from the union; if there should be a refusal to comply with requisitions for funds to discharge the annual interest of the public debts; andif that refusal should revive all those jealousies, and produce all those evils, which are now happily removed, congress, who have in all their transic tioiis shown a great degree of magiAiiuniiy and justice, will stand justified in the sight of God and man! and that state alone, which puts itself in opposition to the aggregate wisdom of the con- tinent, and follows such mistaken and pernicious councils, will be responsible for all the conse quences. "For my own part, conscious of havmg acted, wliile a b -rvant of the public, in the manner I con- ceived best suited to promote the real interests of my country; having, in consequence of my fixed belief, in some measure pledged myself to the army, that their country would finally do them complete and ample justice, and not wishing to conceal any instance of my official conduc* from the eyes of the world, I have thought proper to transmit to your excellency the enclosed collec- tion of papers, relative to the half pay and com- mutation granted by congress, to the officers of the army. From these communications my decided sentiment will be clearly comprehended, together with t!ie conclusive reasons which induced me, at an early period, to recommend the adoption of this measure in the most earnest and serious manner. As the proceedings of congress, the army, and myself, are open to all, and contain, in my opinion, sufficient information to remove the prejudices and errors which may have been entertained by any, I think it unnecessary to say any thing more than juat to observe, that the resolutions of congress, now alluded to, are as undoubtedly and absolutely binding upon the United States, as the most solemn acts of confederation or legislation. "As to the idea which, I am informed, has in some instances prevailed, that the h^ilfpay and commutation are to be regarded merely i-i the odious light of a pension, it out to be exploded forever; that provision should be viewed, as it really was, a reasonable compensa'ion offered by congress, at a time when they had nothing else to give to officers of the army, for services then to be performed. It was the only means to preven; a total dcrelicuoa of the secvice. It was a part of their hire, I may be allowed to say, it was the priceof their blood, and of your independency. It is therefore more than a common debt; it is a debt of honor; it can never be considered as a pension, or gratuity, nor cencelled until it is fairly discharged. "With regard to the distinction between officers and soldiers, ii is sufficient that the uniform ex- perience of every nation of the world, combined «ith our own, proves the utility and propriety of the discrimination. Rewards, in proportion to the aid the public draws from them, are unquestionably due to all its servants. In some lines, the soldiers have, perhaps, generally, had as ample conpensa- tion for tlieir services, by the large bounties which have been paid them, as tl;eir officers will receive in the proposed commutation; in others, if, besides the donation of land, the payment of arrearao-es of clothing and wages, (in which articles all the component parls of the army must be put upon the same footing,) we take into the estimate the bounties man^ of the soldiers have received, and the gratuity of one year's full pay, which is pro- mised to all, possibly their situation, (eVery cir- cumstance being duly considered,) will not be deemed less eligible than that of the officers.— Should a farther reward, however, be judged equit. able, I will venture to assert, no man will er-joy gre.-iter satisfaction than myself, in an exemptfoii from taxes for a limited time, (which has been petitioned for in some Instances,) or any other adequate immunity or compensation grunted to the brave defenders of their country's cause. But neither the adoption or rejection of this proposi- tion will, in any manner, affect, much less militate igainst, the act of congress, by which they have offered five years' fuUpay, in lieu of the half-pay for life, which had been before promised to the officers of the army. "Before 1 conclude the subject on public justice, I cannot omit to mention the obligations this coun- try is under to that meritorious class of veterans the non-commissioned officers and privates, who have been discharged for inability, in consecjupnce of the resolution of congress, of the 23d of i\pril, 1782, on an annual pension for life. Their peculiar sufferings, their .singular n^erits and chiirns to that provision, need only to be known, to interest the feelings of humanity in tlieir bihaif. Nothii!;; but apunctu.i! payment of their annu.il allowance, can rescue liiem from the most complicated misery; and nothi; ;; could be a more melancholy and dis- tressing sight, than to behold those who have 358 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. shed their blood, or lost their limbs in the ser- 1 forth; that the dis'ressfcs and disnppointnients. vice of their country, without a shelter, without which have very often occurred, have, in too many a friend, and without the means of obtaining any! i'lslances, resulted more from a want of energy in •f the comforts or necessaries of life, conipelled ' l^be continental govei'nment, th.^n a deficiency of to beg their bread daily from door to door. Suffer means in the particular stages; that the inelficacy metoreccrnmend those of this description, belong of the measures, arising from the want of an ing to your state, to the warmest patronage of your adequate authority in the supreme power, from a excellency and your legislature. | partial compliance with the requisitions of con- gress, in some of the states, and from a failure of punctuality in others, while they tended to damp the zeal of those who were more willing to exert •'ll is necessary to s.iy but a few words on the third topic which was proposed, and which regards particularly the defence of the republic — as there can be little doubt but congress will recommend a proper peace establishment for the United States, in which a due attention will be paid to the im- portance of placinij the militia of the union upon a regular and respectable footing. If this should be the case, I should beg leave to urge the great advantage of it in the strongest terms. "The militia of this country must be considered as the palladium of our security, and the first effectual resort in case of hostility. It is essential, therefore, tliat the same system s'-ould pervade the whole; that the formation and discipline of the militia of the continent should be absolutely uniform; and that the same s.pecies of arms, ac- coutrements, and military apparatus, should be introduced in every part of the United States. No one, who has not learned it from experience, can conceive the difficulty, expense, aiid confusion, which result from a contrary system, or the vague arrangements which have hitherto prevailed. "If, in treating of political points, a greater latitude than usual has been taken in the course of the address, the importance of the crisis, and the magnitude of the objects in discussion, must be my apology. It is, however, neither my wish nor expectation, that the preceding observations should clai.m any regard, except so far as they shall appear to be dictated by a good intention, consonant to the immutable rules of justice; cal- culated to produce a liberal system of policy, and founded on whatever experieHce may have been acquired, by a long and close attention to public business Here I might speak with more confidence, from my actual observations; and if it would not swell this letter, (already too prolix,) beyond the bounds I had prescribed myself, I could demon- strate to every mind open to conviction, that, in less time, and with much less expense than has been incurred, the war might have been brought themselves, served also to accumulate the expenses of the war, and to frustrate the best concerted plans; and that the discouragement occasioned by the complicated difficulties and embarrassments, in which our affairs were by this means involved, would have long ago produced the dissolution of any army, less patient, Itss virtuous, and less persevenng, than that which 1 have had the honor to command. But while 1 mention tliose things which are notorious facts, as the defects of our federal constitution, particularly in the prosecu- tion of a war, I beg it may be understood, that, as I have ever taken a pleasure in gratefully acknow- ledging the assistai.ce and support I have derived from every class of citizens, so I shall always be happy to do justice to the unparalleled exertions of the individual states, on many interesting oc- casions. "I have thus freely disclosed what I wished to m,ake known, before I surrendered up my pub- lic trust to those who committed it to me. The task is now accomplished; I now bid adieu to your excellency, as the chief magistrate of your state; at the same time 1 bid a last farewell to the cares of office, and all the employments of public life. "It remains, then, to be my final and only re- quest, that your excellency will communicate these sentiments to )our legislature, at iheir next meet- ing; and that they may be considered as the legacy of one who has ardently wished, on all occasions, to be useful to his country, and who, even in the shade of retirement, will not fail to implore the Divine benediction upon it. "1 now mak«e it my earnest prayer, that God would have you, and the slate over which you preside, in his holy protection; that he would incline the hearts of the citizens to cultivate a spirit of subordination and obedience to govern- ment; to entertain a brotherly affection and love to the same happy conclusion, if the resources of i for one another; for their fellow-citizens of the the continent couid have been properly called l United States at large, and particularly for their PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. s$g brethren who have served in the field; and, finalK; that he would most graciously be pleased to dis- pose us all to do justice, to love mercy, and to demean ourselves with that charity, huitiility, and pacific temper of the mind, which were tht^ characteristics of the Divine Author of our bier sel religicn; without an humble imitation of whose example, in these things, we can never hope to be a happy nation. "I have the honor to be, with much esteem and respect, sir, your excellency's most obedient and most bumble servant," « GKO. WASHINGTON." General Washingt\)n to the president of congress on resigning his commission — 1783. "Mr. President — The great events on which my resignation depended, having at length taken place, i have now the honor of offering my sincere con- gratulations to congress, and of presenting m_vself before them to surrender into their hands the trust committed to me, and to claim the indulgence of retiring from the service of my country. "Happy in the confirmation of our independence and sovereignty, and pleased with the opportunity afforded the United States of becoming are.specta- ble nation, I resign, with satisfaction, the appoint- ment I accepted with diffidence; a diffidence in my abilities to accomplish so arduous a task, which, however, w-is superseded by a confidence in the rectitude pf our cause, the support of the Supreme Power of the union, and the patronage of Heaven. "The successful termination of the war has verified the most sanguine expectations; and my gratitude for the interposition of Providence, and the assistance 1 have received from my country- men. Increases with every review of the momentous contest. "While I repeat my oblig.itions to tlie army in general, I should do injustice to my own feelings, not to acknowledge, in this place, the peculiar services and distinguished merits of the persons who have been attached to my person during the war. It was impossible the choice of confidential officers to compose my family could have been more fortunate. Permit me, sir, to cecommend in particular, those vWio have continued in the service to the present moment, as worthy of the favorable notice and patronage of congress. "I consider it as an indispensable duty to close this last solemn ^ct of my official life, by com mending the interests of our dearest country t© the protection of Almighty God, and those who have the superintendence of them, to his h,oly keep- ing. "Having now finished the work assigned me, I retire from the great theatre of action; and, bidding an affectionate farewell to this august body, under whose orders I have long acted, I here offer my commission, and take my leave of all the employ- ments of public life." President Washington- s speech to the first Qongress, . Jlpril 50th, 1789. Fellow-citizens of the senate t arid of the hoxise of representatives: Among the vicissitudes incident to life, no evept could have filled me with greater anxieties than that, of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 4th day of the present month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision «s the &s}lum of my declining years; a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me, by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time: on the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken, in tlie wisest and most experienced of her citizens, a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one, who, inherit- ing inferior endowments from nature, and unpractis- ed in the duties of civil administration, ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiences. In this conflict of emotions, all I dare aver is, that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be aflected. All I dare hope is, that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrujice of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendant proof of the confidence of my fellov,'. citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incupacity as well as disinclination for the weighty, and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which misled me, and its consequences be judged by my country, with sonje Si*are of the partiality in which they originated. Such being the impressions under which I have,, in obedience t'? thrpuM';': summons, repaired to 560 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. the present station, it Woiild be peculiatly impro- per to omit, in this first official act, my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being, who rules ever the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that his benediction may consecrate to the lilievties and happiness of the peo- ple of the United States, a government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its ad- ministration, to execute, with success, the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good, I asswre myself that it expresses your senti- ments not less tiian my own; nor those of my fellow- citizens at large less than either. No people can be bound to ackiiowledge and adore the invisible hand which conducts the affairs of men, more than the people of the United Slates. Every step, by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation, seems to have been dis- tinguished by some token of providential agency. And, in the important revolution just accomplished, in the system of their united government, the tranquil deliberations and volwntary consent of so many distinct comrinunities, from which the event has resulted, cannot be compared with the means by which most governments have been estab- lished, without some return of pious gratitude, along w^ith an humble anticipation of the future blessings, which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, havp forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which, the proceedings of a new and free govern- ment can more auspicioitsly commence. By the article establishing the executive de partment, it is made the duty of the president "to recommend to your consideration, such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient." The circumstances under which I now meet you, will acquit me from entering into that subject farther than to refer you to the great constitutional char- ter under which we are assembled; and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt i them. In these honorabU qitalifictins, I behold the surest pledges, that as, on one side, no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor partj' animosities, will misdirect the comprehen- sive and equal eye which ought to watch over this grcut assemblage of communities and interests — so, on another, that the foundations of our nationaS policy will be laid in the pure and immutable prin- ciples of private morsdity; and the pre eminence of a free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citi- zens, and command the respect of the world. I dwell on this prospect with every satisfactioni which an ardent love for my country can inspire; since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists, in the economy and course of nature, an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness — between duty and advantage — between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimou."? policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity— since we ought to be no less per- suaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which Heaven itself has ordained — and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty, and the destiny of the republican model of government, are justly con-. sidered as deeply, perhaps, as finally staked, on the experiment entrusted to the bands of the Ameri^ can people. Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide howfar an exercise of the occasion.il power delegat- ed by the fifth article of the constitution is render- ed expedient, at the present juncture, by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them. Instead of undertaking par- ticular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public good: For, I assure myself, that, whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effective go- vernment, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen, and a regard for the public harmony, will sufficiently influence your delibera- tions on the question, how far the former can be more impregnably fortified, or the latter be safely- and more advantajreously promoted principx.es and acts of the revolution. &6i To the prtceding observiitions I have one lol May channel, was obliged to go round the Overfall add, which will be most properly addressed to the house of representatives. It concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible. When I was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous strug- gle for its liberties, the light in which I contem- plated my duty, required that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation. From this resolu- tion 1 have in no instance departed. And being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline, as inapplicable to myself, any share in the personal emoluments, which may be indis- pensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department; and must accordingly pray that tlie pecuniary estimates for the station in wlucii t am placed, may, during my continuation in it, be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require. Having thus imparted to you my sentiments, as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave, but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the human race, in humble supplication, tha , since he has been pleased to favor the Ameri- can people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquility, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity, on a form of govern- ment for the security of their union, and the ad- vancement of their happiness, so his Divine Bles- sing may be equally csnspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this government must depend. Collection of Scraps FROtt VARIOUS SOCRC£S. On the 8th April, 1782, an action took place at the entrance of the Delaware bay, between an American sloop of war, commanded by capt. Barney, called the Hyder Alley, mounting 16 six pounders, and carrying 1 10 men; and the British sloop of war General Monk, under capt. Rogers, of 20 nine pounders, and 136 men. The former had four men killed and eleven wounded; the latter twenty kil led and thirty-three wounded. In the navy de- partment at .Washington is a representation of this action. On the left of the painting appears Cape Shoals to get into the bay. It was during this time that the action took place. To the right of the fighting ships, the English brig Fair American* of 16 guns, is seen chasing and firing at one of the Hyder Ally's convoy, wliich escaped under the Jersey shore. At a distance is seen the vessels convoyed by the Hyder Ally steering up the bay. HECAl'lTULATIOir. lbs. is 96 lbs. 180 guns Hyder Ally, 16 men 110 guns Gen. Monk, 20 men 136 kd. 4 kd. 20 wd. 11 wd. S3 The night on which the American troops crossed the Delaware was cold — the ice making on the river. The morning was ushered in with a heavy storm of rain and sleet, the soldiers were exhaust- ed with fatigue, and their arms rendered, in some degree, useless by the rain. In this situation, gen. Sullivan, who commanded the advance, sent col. William Smith, one of his aids, to inform general Washington of the state of his troops, and that he could depend on nothing but the baronet, in the impending attack, being then within a short dis- tance of Trenton. General Washington answered him in a voice of thunder, and with the countenance of a hero, "Go back, air, immediately, and tell gene- rul Sullivan to qo oa!" The above anecdote was related by col. Smith, a short time after the event, who added, that he never saw a face so awfully sublime aa general Washington's when he addressed him. The churches. Extract from a sermon preached at New York, by the rev. Dr. Rougers, Dec. 11, 1783, the day appointed by congress as a pub- ^lic thanksgiving throughout the United States. "It is much to be lamented, that the troops of a nation who has been considered as one of the bul- warks of the reformation, should act as if they had waged war with the God whom Cliristians adore. They have, in the course of this war, utterly des- troyed more than fifty places of worship in these states. Most of these they burnt, others they le- velled with the ground, and in some places left not a vestige of their former situation; while they have wantonly defaced, or rather destroy eil others, by converting them into barracks, jails, hospitals, riding schools. Sic. Boston, Newport, Philadel- Henlopen light-house, and on the right, the point of Cape May, In the centre is seen the Hyder phia and Charleston, all furnished melancholy in- Ally and General Monk engaged, the latter in the stances of this prostitution and abuse of the hou?e« act of striking her colors. In front is the frigate of God;— and of ni«e«e«n places of public worship Quebec, which, not finding sufficient water in Cjipelin this city, when the war began, there w«irc b»6 46. 36^ PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. m;:f fit fur U3e \vh( n the B: itis'.i troops left it. It is true, Trinity church, and the old Lutheran, were destroyed by the fire, that laid waste so great a part of the city, a few nights after the ene- my took possession of it; the fire was occasioned by the carelessness o? their people, and they pre- vented its more speedy extinguishment. But the ruinous situation in which they left two of the Low Dutch Refor.ned churches, the three Presbyterian churches, tiie French Protestant church, the Ana- baptist church, and the Friendsnew meeting house, was the effect of design, and strongly marks their enmity to those societies." Of the middle Dutch church, which, in the begin- ing of the war, was used by the British as a pri- son, and afterwards converted into a ridivg school, the venerable Dr. Livingston thus expresses him- self, in a sermon, delivered July 4, 1790, when it was for the first time opened for public wor- ship, after being repaired; "I dare not speak of the wanton cruelty of those who destroyed this temple, nor repeat the various indignities which have been perpetrated. It would ba easy to mention facts which would chill your blood! A recollection of the groans of dying pri- soners, which pierced this ceiling, or the sacrile- "The ro&d tiu'ougi; which they marched was lined with spectators, Fi-enca and American. On one side the commander in cliief, surrounded by his suite and the American staffs, took his station; on the other side opposite to him, was the count de Rochambeau, in like manner attended. The cap- tive army approached, moving slowly in column,. with grace and precision. "Universal siiencs was observed amidst the vast Concourse, and the utmr>st decency prevailed, ex- hibiting in demeanor an awful sense of the vicissi- tudes of human life, mingled with commisseration for the unhappy. The head of t!ie column ap- proached the commander in chief— O'Hara, mis- taking the circle, turned to that on his left for the purpose of paying his respects to the commander in chief, and requesting further orders; when quickly discovering his error, with embarrassment in his countenance, he flew across the road, and advanc- ing up to Washington, asked pardon for his mis- take, apologized for the absence of lord Corni»allis, and begged to know his further pleasure. "The general feeling his embarrassment, reliev- ed it by referring him, with much politeness, to general Lincoln for his government. Returning to the head of the column, it again moved, under the gious shouts and rough feats of hormanship exhi- ' ^jj,,,^, ^f Lincoln, to the field selected for the bited within these walls, might raise sentiments in ^^„^i^^i^„ ^f ^^e ceremony your minds which would, perhaps, not harmonize with those religious afTections, which I wish, at present, to promote, and always to cherish." The suHREWBEn at tohktowit. From the Bich- rnond Compiler, of ^ipril 10, 1818. As every inci- dent connected with our revolutionary history, is "Every eye was turned, searching for the Bri- tish commander in chief, anxious to look at that man heretofore so much their dread. All were disappointed. "Cornwallis held himself Aacfc from the humiliat- interesting to thegreat mass of the people, I shall ings^ene; obeying sensations which his great cha solicit a niche in your paper to answer an inquiry in a late Compiler, concerning the surrender of the British army at Yorktown, Virginia; and hope that your readers will experience the same pleasure in ' reading the account, luat I enjoy in the narration: ••At two o'clock in the evening, Oct, 19th, 1781, the British army, led by general O'Hara, marched out of its lines, with colors cased and drums beat- ing a British march. "It will be seen in the sequel, that O'llara, and not Cornwallis, surrendered the British army to the allied forces of France and America. In this af- fair, lord Cornwallis seemed to have lost all his former magnanimity and firmness of character, — be sunk beneath the pressure of his misfortunes, and for a moment gave Lis soul up to chagrin and iorrow. racter ought to have stifled. Ha h.ad been unfor- tunate, not from any false step or deficiency of ex- ertion on his part, but from the infatuated policy of his superior, and the united power of his enemy brought to bear upon him alone. There was noth- ing with which he could reproach himself; there was nothing with which he could reproach his brave and faithful army; why not then appear at its head in the day of misfortune, as be had always done in the day of triumph? "The British general in this instance deviated from his usual line of conduct, dimming the splen- dor of his long and brilliant career. "Thus ended the important co-operation of the allied forces. Great was the joy diflused through, out our intant empire." PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. S6J T cannot end this interesting detail as recorded by lienry Lee, wilhoiit giving you his panegyric on the father of our country. "This wide ucclaiin of joy and of confidence, as rare as sincert', sprung not only from the convic tion that our signal success would bring in i*s train the blessings of peace, so wanted by our wasted country. And from the splendor witlj which it encircled our national name, but from the endear- ing reflection that the mighty exploit had been achieved by our fiithfnl, beloved Wasiiington. W^ had seen him strug:^ling throughout the war vviti inferior force against the best troops of England, assisted by her powerful navy; surrounded by difii- culties, oppressed by wanl; never dismayed, never appalled, never despairing of '.he commonwealth. "We have seen him renouncing his fune as ; soldier, his safety as a ra;in; in his unalloyed love of country, v/eakening his own immediate f ji-ce to strengthen that of his lieutenants; subinitling with equanimity to iiis own consequent inabilily to act, and rejoicing in their triuniphs. became best cal- culated to uphold the great cause entrusted to his care; at length, by one great and final exploitj un- der the benign infiaence of I'rovidence,* lifted to the pinnacle of glory, tlie rewards of his toil, his sufferings, his patience, his heroism, and his virtue. Wonderful man! rendering it didiiult by his con duct throughout life to decide wliether he most excelled in goodness or in greatness." Revolutiojrary soldiers of Conncctiait. Among tlie apphoanti i\y,- p<;nsions was lieut. M who obtained !iis title by his valor. His decbra tion was made out in due form, and certified by ili< judge who knew him well, and could safely attest his merits and his services. Tse nk^iy veter:in possessed an infi.-inity which re.idered him unnble to write his name, and, in signing the i.coi^ss-.v- documents, he could only make his mark. At the storming of Fort Montgomery, by the Biitlsii, he was in the act of touching off a cannon, loaded to the muzzle with every kind of missile, when a sho carried away his arm, and the match dropped upon the ground; he immediately seized it will) his left hand, and fired the piece, at the very point and at •When I trace the heroes of seventy six throug!) all their countless difficislties aiitlliardsliips — when I behold all the dangers, and plots which encom- passed them, their "hair breadth escspe?" and final glorious triumphs — I am as strongly impressed with the belief that our cause was guided by hea- ven, as that Moses and the Israelites were directed by the finger of God, througu the wilderness. the very instant the enemy were entering the fort, which swept down a whole phalanx of the foe. For .Ills heroic ac'ion he was honored with a commis* :,lon; but in his old age he couid not write his name with his left hand. Another of these venerable men, trembling with ige, applied for the necessary papers to obtain a oe.ision. Tlie judge enquired wnerehe had serv- ed? "Why, first," said he, "in the old French war." A!), says the judge, you cannot obtain a pension for je.'vices nt tlut period; did you serve in the revo- RUioijary army? "O yes, I served all the war, I was at the biittle of Bunker's Hill — afterwards at Long Island, and the capture of the Hessians at Trenton -I W.15 at the attack of Germantowh, and the bat- tle of Monmouth, — and, fiuuily, at the capture and siege of Y rktown, in Virginia — and," added the ;>ld mnn, his eyes re-kindling with tlie fir? of '76,. "I ivdsthe Jirst .'Imerican centinel placid nt the quar'. ters of lord Corniualhs, after he ivas an .imirican pri" soncr." PRIVATE BE::^KFlCErJCB. From the Philadelphia Centinel. The subsfqient narrative is no idle fiction of the rjrain; we vouch fjr its authenticity, and no doubt but many of our readers are already acquainted vith the names and nir^iumstances depicted. We s iali Gvsrfee! pleasure in embellishing our columns wvilh suc!i instances of private bejieficence, so ho- n irable to the causa of humanity, and we cannot bi^ .tfijcipate a cor.cufrenceinopinioh of our pa- trons and correspondents. In the ye ir 1806, a professional gentleman of this city had obtained a judgment, for a few hundred loilars, against an old, infirm gentleman, who had f i.-merly been a commissary to the United States* army, during thv revolutionary war, and who, by .repeated misform les, had become reduced from easy circumstancft? (o absolute penury and dis- •ess.— An execution had been taken out, and the advocate called on the sheriff of Philadelphia coun- ty, presented it to Iiion and requested that it might be executed immediately. "It shall be done sir," said the minister of justice, and the gentleman was about leaving the apartment, when his ears were saluted with an exclamation not unlike that whi;l» greetedcorporalTrim, as the beneficentandphllan- thropic Toby s-wore, that the licut. should not sink, but march. "This execution," said he "shall never be served by '," then turning to his clerk, lis contin»ic-d, "give Mr. acheck for the amount." I'he greatest astonishment was excited— the eye 564 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. of Inquiry was turned on the sheriff, but "the form of bis visage had changed;" instead of the Ktern unbecoming features of a minister of justice, his countenance seemed beaming with seraphic mildness and unbounded benevolence — the warm current of life, which for a moment had mantled his cheeks with crimson, had again receded to the heart, but a ray of ethereal sweetness remain- ed, which language is inadequate to pourtray. "I could wish," said the gentleman, when his as tonishment had in some measure subsided, "that you would so far gratify me as to inform me of the motives which have excited your munificence in the present extraordinary manner," "You shall have my reasons," said the good Samaritan, *'and then judge for yourself of the propriety of my con- duct." "In the month of December, 1777", which, ydu will recollect, was just after the battle of Ger- mantown, and when our army had retired to Val- ley Forge, 1 obtained from general Washington, under whom I at that time held a captain's com- mission, a furlough of absence from the army for one month, for the purpose of visiting my wife and three small children. It was at that period of the revolution, when our army had scarcely any thing but their patriotism with which to cover themselves, and little else than a love of liberty to afford them s\;bsistence. I set out on my journey to Chesnut Hill, on foot, consoling myself for the weariness of the way, with the endearing antici- pations of again folding to my bosom the pjrtner of my life and the tender pledges of our conjugal affection. As I turned from the high-way into the iivenue which led to the scene of my former do- mestic felicity, and beheld the moon-beams play ingon leafless branches of the msjcstic oaks, whicli were wont to shadow my humble dwelling, how nni- mated, how exquisite were the sensations which took possession of my breast! I was at that mo- ment at the pinnacle of hums,n felicity— the next precipitated me into the abyss of despair. The house which I fondly anticipated as sheltering all that was near and dear to m", was a smokingheap of smoking ruins. The desolating Briton had been there, and had left me to contemplate, in speech- less agony, the devastation of his sacrilegious hand. An appalling silence prevailed, save only when in terrupted by the hollow blasts of the evening as they swept through the wide and melancholy waste. The moon, which, at this moment, emitted her fee- ble rays from behind a cloud, enabled me to disco- ver, at a short distance from this scene ;tf misery snd destruction, my shivering wife iind children, and from them it was learned, that the enemy, af- ter having plundered them of their last rag, had set fire to the house, and that one of the unfeeling monsters had cast my little infant into the flames; with much difiiculty it was saved by its half dis- tracted mother. To proceed, however, to that part of the story which accounts for my conduct this morning; as soon as day light appeared, we set out for New Jersey, where I had some rela- tions. The situation of my family was such as could hardly have failed to excite commisseration in a breast less interested for them than mine- Seated in a wretched cart, which was drawn by a decrepit old horse, without clothing suflficient to screen them from the severity of the weather, they were destined to pass another night, with no other shelter than the canopy of heaven, ere they could reach their place of destination. While engaged in meditating in what manner the night could be best passed in our present situation, darkness be. gan to overshadow us; the wind blew with in- creased violence, and the rain poured down upon us in torrents. It was at this critical juncture, that a horseman approacl.ed, and inquired who I 'as, and whitlier I was going. After listening to a hasty recital of our misfortunes, he dismounted from his horse, unfastened the only blanket which he had to screen himself from the storm that raged, passed it around the neck of my wife, and threw the extremities of it over the heads of my shiver- ing children. Having done this, he dropt atear up- on my hand, as he pressed it between his, gave me his best wishes, and vaulting into his saddle, was out of sight in a moment. And now, need I inform you, that this man was a commissary to the army, and the identical person against whom the iron band of the law was this morning directed; or could you for a moment believe, that I could seize on the palsied frame of my family's benefactor, and immure it within the cold inhospitable walls of a prison.' Qod fobid!" A gleam of exultation flash- ed across his countenance as the last sentence pas- sed emphatically from his lips. The advocate bowed in silence and retired; the remaining audi- tors averted their heads, and the benevolent and eloquent speaker passed from before them. PENSIONERS' MUSTER. The following incidents of the actors in the revolu- tion, may aptly be placed in this collection for preservation. It is copied from tlie Connecticut Mirror, printed at Hartford, on the 7th August, 1820. On Tuesday last the county court for this county commenced a special session, for the purpose of PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 365 bear-ntf d>f pensioners of the army of Ihc revoUi- tioD make oath to their respective estate*. The number of applicants amounted to about one hun- dred and fifty, most of them indicating, in their ap- pearance, the strongest evidence, that necessity alone urged them to make claim for that bounty to which they have the fullest title. The court, after having patiently gone through with the busi- ness, declined accepting any compensation, and several gentlemen of the bar, who assisted, followed their generous example. On Wednesday, after the pensioners had alt made oatb.it happened that among them a drummer and fifer wer" found, who ware immediately furriished with instruments, at the sound of which the war-worn veterans paraded in front of the court house. At their head was placed major tHurtis, who scted a distinguished pftrt at the battle of Monuiouth, and by Lis side inarched captain Miller, equally disiinguished in leading up ihe '\forlarn hopt'* at Stoney-Point. — Colonel Manross acted as m;*rshal of the day. — By urgent solicitation these gentlemen permitted swords to be buckled to their sides. The venera- ble band then, almost without exception leaning upon tlieir staves, moved off" at the sound of tlie drum. The scene now presented was affecting beyond description. To see so many of the heroes of the revolution, bending beneath the weight of age, endeavoring to step to the sound of music, which, for a moment, seemed to strengthen their feeble joints, and kindle up in their countenances the remembrance of the deeds of other days, was enough to excite in the coldest bosom the strong- est emotions of admiration and gratitude. The scenes of the revolution, associated with this feeble remnant of those who bore a part in them — crowded upon the mind, at one moment elevated with the proudest recollections — then saddened by the melan. cboly reflection that the same arm which, com- paratively but a few years since, was nerved in bat- tle for our defence, now tremblingly reached to the time-worn staff for support. Having marched up and down almost the whole extent of Main-street, they were led back to the north market, where a f.ugal and substantial dinner was provided for them by the citizens. Tlie rev.' Mr. Cushman was invited to officiate at the table, { tnd wlien the old soldiers had assembled with | cheerful countenances around the convivial board, fce prefaced a most pathetic and impressive prayer with the following patriotic observations. Venerable Fathers: The interesting' occasion on which you are this dav convened, awakens sensations in your withering bosoms more ardent, more solemn, and more im- portant than the hope of pecuniary benefit could possibly inspire. You recollect, with a deep in- tercst, the noble achievements which have been narrated to us by the fireside:— That period which threatened the citizens of these states with a fate more cruel than death, now rushes upon your re- membrance, and almost restores that youthful vigour which time had gradually stolen away— that period, when the welfare of our country, the liberties of your persons, the enjoyment of your unalienable rights, and the destiny of your progeny rolled with weight upon your then distressed hearts, now rises to heighten the felicity you then by your valor procured;— that love of liberty which first led our persecuted ancestors toprefer a howling wilderness to their native soil, and prompted thera to resist oppression, when tliey could not escape by flight. They knew that the God who had made ihem, and had endowed them with the love of peace, intended that they should have a place on the face of the globe, and when they had peaceably withdrawn to these ends of the earth, they planted their standard in this territory, and resolutely cal- led it theirs, determined, if the gift of Providence could not ensure a title against the claims of ty- ranny, to purchase it with their blood. In this laud- able determination you tpok a part; in tlie conflict which ensued, you hazai-ded your lives, and while yoH stand trembling over the graves yo\i liave pur- chased in a peaceful soil, your children shall vene- rate your grey hairs, and express their gratitude for the privileges trans.-nitted from yow. May that spirit which first inspired your bosoms with pa- triotic valour, descend to your posterity throujjh succeeding generations, and perpetuate the prin- ciples and enjoyments of national independence^ But while we reverence you, our fathers, as the benefactors of our country, we trace our signal victory to a higher power, and recognize in our first triumph, and in every subsequent enjoyment, the Almighty arm of God.— To him be tlie praise to him be our gratitude directed, and to him let us look through a glorious Redeemer for the continuance of civil and religious liberty. One hundred and twelve of these pensioners then sat down to the table, together with the judges of the court— Major Curtis presiding. After the cloth was removed, the following sentiments were drank, accompanied by cannon, and the wholesceiie was closed by the patriotic and revolutionary song of 'God save America' in ftdl chorus. 365 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. TOASTS. I Hy major JVatcfi. — May our sons never relinquish I, The American revolution; — the Jordan of death the liberties purchased by their fathers at the price between the Egypt of oppretsion and the Canaan of of their blood. liberty. 2 guns. II The departed heroes of the revolution; fallen beneath the luirvest sickle — but the sun shines not upon a wider field of liuerty than has sprung from their deeds. 2 guns. III. GENERAL GEORGE AVASHINGTOX— our leader in baltif; here; ruy %ve all be mustered with him in Heaven. {Drank standing] — 2 guns. IV. The surviving patriots of the revolution — may they not survive the liberty they won. 2 gxms. V. Genersl Joseph Warren; — BHope for a moment bade the world farewell, "And freedom sbriek'd as Warren darkly fell." 2 gtms. VI. General Israel Putnam — while alive, neither Danger nor Tre;'.son dared look liim in the face; even his memory has proved an over match for titled Difamatiou. 6 cheers and 2 guns. VII. The battle of Lexington; — "How great a matter a little fire kindleth!" 2 guns. VIII Bunker-Hil! — let its thunders never cease to ring in the ears of our enemies. 6 cheers and 2 guns. IX. Captain Nathan Hale; — the blood of such martyrs i-t the sure seed of future patriots and heroes. 2 guns. X. Our pensions: — "The broken soldier kindly bade to $tay— "Sat by the fire and talk'd the nijht away." XI. The spirit of TS — may it descend to poster!- ty, and ever stand at 4lh proof 2 guns. XII. The rising generation; — while they enjoy Anecdotes and incidents of the day. An old officer to whom was assigned the duly of forming the company, after the line was formed, said with as much strength as age and infirmity would permit — "fellow soldiers! dress by the right;" finding that he was not heard upon the two extremes of his company, he exclaimed with new energy — "soldiers, ZooA: to the right; the aQ\6.\tv's friends are always /ounrf on the right." After the company was formed, they found them- selves much annoyed by the spectators, whose eager curiosity led them to encroach loo close upon these old veterans, upon which one of the Serjeants stepped briskly forward — "Gentlemen," said he, stand back; these men shall not want for room to-day — they shall have the whole city if they want it: you may look at us if you will, but you must not press upon oar ranks — the British never dared to do that. In the morning after the troops were mustered, it was proposed to major Curtis, an aged and venerable patriot, that he shotsld march at their head, and a sword was accordingly procured for his use. When it \vas presented to him he strongly declined wearing it, saying that it was now an unfit instrument for his feeble, palsied hand. Upon this an old comrade stepped up — "Major," said he, "you did not behave thus at Monmouth — you raised the standard high at Monmouth battle.'* "Monmouth! Monmouth!" said the major, "let me fegl of it;" then raising the sword aloft, his hand trembling like Ihe aspen, he added — "I once could wield it, but the day has gone by — still if you wish it, I will try to carry it." After a short march the troops were halted a few moments in order to give the more aged and infirm the blessings of liberty, may they never forget j an opportunity to rest. The old major mentioned those who achieved it. 2 guns. above, after seating himself upon a stone, observed to the by-standers "tl'-at it was pleasant to them XITI. Ourselves—'We. must all soon meet where the poverty we now plead shall be our best title to a pension of eternal rest. 2 guns. [^Drank tilent and standing] TOLtJHTEERS. Sy major Curtis. — The citizens of Hartford; — "We were hungry, and they gave us meat." J3y captain Miller. — The batteries of our ene- mies — may America never want brave sons to storm them. to measure their steps once more to the martial drum and fife," but added he with feeling — "Harkt from the tombs is now our appropriate music." The second volunteer toast, which was given by captain Miller of this town, may be read with additional interest, when it is known that he was the hero who commanded the forlorn hope at tha storming of Stoney-Point, The story, as we heard it related by a pensioner who was at his side at the tinoe, is worth preserving. Miller, upon reacblcg PRtNClPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. >07 the enemy's works, from his small size, was unable to reach the tops of the piquets; after making orifc or two unsuccessful leaps, and fearing that he . should be preceded by Ws companions, exclaiiiied — "Chrow me into the fort mith your bayonets," and he was liierally tossed over with the muzzles of their muskets. The age, infirmities and extreme poverty of these pensioners, was calculated to render the scene peculiarly affecting. Most of them, as appeared by their declarations, possessed little or nothing. A great part of the inventories fell short of fif.y dollars, and many of them amounted to a much smaller sum: one, in particular, contained but one item, and that an empty tobacco hor! Captain Nathan Hale, whose virtues and misfor tunes suggested the sentiment contained in the eighth toast, was a brave and valuable officer be- longing to col. Knowlton's regirjient of Connecti- cut light-infantry. He was a native of Coventry, in this state, and graduated at Yale College in 17r3. -\fter the unfortunate battle on Long-Island Yes! Saviours and Sires, tliough the pittance be small. Which your country awards— and that pittance your all, , , ^ 1 » . Though the cold hand of Poverty press on your framci, and the retreat of the American troops to Nev/- „ . ,.,, . „ , , ■ , •^ Yet your children shall bless you, and huast of your namei. York, general Washington became very solicitous I'; worse's fan- path his fieet had ventured far, The pride of peace, the rising grace of war. In duty fiini, in dinger calm as ev'n, To friends unchanging, and sincere to Heaven, How short his course, the prizo how early won. While weeping friendship mourns her fav'rite gone. FH05I THE CONSECTICUT MIHUOH. A view of the inarch of the veterans on Wednesday, occasioned the foUosving.- They once marcli'd in ginry— their banners were streaming. With the glance of the sunbeam, their armour was gleaming; Then hopes swelled their bosoms— then firm was their tread— And round them the garlands of victory were spread. Then little they dreara'd that the country they sav'd— That the country for whom every danger they brav'd, Would forget their desert when old age should come on, And leave them forsaken— their comlorts all gone. They now march in glory— still memory sheds, The brightest of haloes around their hoar heads; Though faltering the footstep— though rayless the eye, Remenbrance still dwells on the days long gone by. to obtain accurate information of the resources and movements of the British army. To spy out an enemy's carap is one of the most difficult and hazardous undertakings which a soldier is ever called upon to execute. But the salvation of America was at stake, and Washington had no difficulty in findisg enough who were ready to yield up their lives in her defence. Hale promptly volunteered his services and immediately set forth upon the undertaking. He visited the British ar- my in disguise, and collected all the necessary in- formation, but, just as he was on the eve of re- turning, he was so unfortunate as to be detected. Circumstances being strongly against him and his inflexible integrity not permitting him to dissemble, he frankly confessed the object of his visit. He was not allo.ved everi the form of a trial, and was barbarously executed the following morning. How unlike was the conduct of the American com- mander in the case of the unfortunate Andre, — Washington not only gave him every indulgence which the laws of war would allow, but to these he added his sympathy and tears. The fjllowing just tribute to the memory of captain H.^le is from the pen of the late president Dwight. Thus did fond virtue wish in vain to save, Hale, bright and generous, from a hapless grave; With geniu.s' living flame his bosom glow'd. And science charm'd him to her blest abode. And when life with its toils and afRictiont shall cease, O then may you hail the bright Angel of peace, Then freemen shall weep o'er the veteran's grave, And round it the laurel and cypress shall wave- Thursday August 3. A. T. FnOM THE NEW TOHK COLUMBXAW. Sketch "f revolutionary history. — At the late anni° versary meeting of the Medical society of Orange county, an address was delivered by Ur. Arnell, in which he introduced a biography of Dr. Tusten, a mitive of Soulhold, I.. I. who was a distinguished practitioner in the early settlement of that coun- ty. In relation to the death of Dr. Tusten, his biographer gives the followiug interesting sketch of our revolutionary history: In .Tune, 1779, col. Brandt, who commanded the six nations of Indians, left Niagara, witli about 300 warriors and a number of tories, who had joined that murderous cvcw, with an intention of destroy- ing the settlements upon the Delaware river, which was then considered as the frontier of our unsettled country. On the 20th of July, he appeared on the west of Minisink — he sent down a party which de- stroyed the settlement, burnt several houses, and plundered the inliabitants, returning with their ill-gotten booty to the main body, which lay then at Grassy Swamp Brook. An express was imme- diately dispatched to colonel Tusten, his superior officer. Gen. Allison being then confined in New- ses PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. York, having been taken prisoner at the battle of Fort Montgomery — the colonel received the news that evening — he instantly issued orders to the officers of the regiment to rendezvous at Minisink, where he would meet them Having taken an affec- tionate, and it proved a final, leave of his family, he collected what few he could, and was at the ap pointed place by morning. In the after part of that day, about 120 men were collected, when a council was held, to determine whether it would be best to pursue the Indians into the woods; a majority of the officers were in favor of that mea- sure; colonel Tusten, who viewed things in a calm manner and judicious light, was opposed to that plan: he gave, as his reasons for his opposition, that th« men were not sufficiently supplied with ammunition for a battle— that there were probably a much greater number of Indians than had been seen — that they were piloted by tories and Indians well acquainted wli'i the woods, and commanded by Brandt, a well knov/iv warrior, who would never risk a battle unless he had superior advantages. To this was answered, that there was no danger of their numbers— that the Indians dare not fight — that they had several cattle and horses which they had plundered from the inhabitants which they must guard or leave upon the appearance of an enemy — that they might be pursued with delibera tion until they came to the fording place of the Delaware river, which was near the enterance of Lacawac river into the Delaware, and finally, ma- jor Meeker mounted his horse and flourished his sword, requesting all those who were men of courage to follow him, and let the cowards stay behind, Thia last appeal was too much for Amerl can valor, and the men immediately turned out, determined to pursue and destroy the Indians or perish in the attempt. They marched that even ing about 17 miles, when they encamped for the night. In the morning they were ovartaken by colonel Hathorn, of the Warwick regiment, who, being the oldest colonel and highest officer in rank, took the command. He called a council and himself opposed the pursuit, but here it was urged that they had a pilot, captain Tyler, who was as Well acquainted with the woods as any among their enemies, and who could bring them to a spot most eligible for an attack with perfect safety, and the same scene of bullying was acted by major Meeker, who is well calculated by the poet, "a fool devoid of rule," and the fatal line of march was again com- menced. They had not proceeded far before Brandt discovered them — he ordered a few ofhh Indians to keep in sight and decoy them to the very spot where they intended to surprise him: but before they reached the place captain Tyler was shot, which damped the spirits of our men. During this confusion a party of Indians hove in sight — colonel H. ordered that no man should fire until tbey had prepared for a general battle; a large Indian however rode past on a horse which had been stolen from Mmisink, and which one of our men knew; the temptation was too great, and our hero fired his rifle and brought the Indian to the ground. The advanced Indians then fired and rushed towards our men, in order to divide them, and about thirty were separated from the main body, who could not afterwards be brought into action. In a few minutes Brandt appeared with his whole force, when the firing became general. .\ very confused and irregular fire was kept up from behind trees and rocks both by the Indians and our men. From the situation in which they were placed every one fought in his own way and it was impossible for any one to command: colonel Tusten retired to a spot surrounded by rocks, were he directed the wounded to be conveyed to him, and he now became the surgeon and friend of the wounded. Early in the battle he had re- ceived a slight wound in the hand, though not sufficient to prevent his dressing the wounds of the soldiers. The battle lasted the whole day; the Indians constantly endeavoring to divide and break the main body which had possession of the ground until sunset, when their ammunition was expended, and a general retreat was ordered — No regularity could be preserved, and every one was left to effect his escape in the best manner he could — some crossed the river, while others were shot in it; some retreated through the woods, while others were destroyed in the attempt; but now a scene presented itself which of all others was the most trying. Dr. Tusten had seventeen with him^ whose wounds he had dressed, and whose lives might have been saved — the cries they kept up for mercy and protection when they heard the re- treat ordered, beggared all description; they were necessarily left to be sacrificed by savage barbarity; and whether Dr. Tusten stayed and perished with !iis wounded countrymen, or attempted to make his retreat, is not known. This is the last time he was ever seen by any white man, though it ia generally believed that he suffered by the same tomahawk which destroyed those that were with liim. On this fatal day forty-four of our country- men fell, some of whom might emphatically be PRINCIPLES AND ACTS ©F THE REVOLUTION. called ihc pride and flower of (ioshen. Among puroiass any of the above enumerutpd articles. them was n Jones, a Little, a Duncan, a Wisner, a Vail, a Townsend, and a Knapp; and there perishrri our friend and brother in profession, Dr. Tu'iten, a sacrifice for the independence and liberty of our eounlry. IVashingtonin want of a pen -knife. —In C;ildwell's life of Greene, p. 65, there is a fac simile of the following curious epistle: October 7th. 1779. •Dear sir — I have lost — and cannot tell how — an Old and favorite penknife, and am much distressed for want of one — if you have any in your stores, please send me one — if you have not, be so good as to get one immediately. Perhaps Mr. Bailey eould furnish me. One with two blades I should prefer, when choice can be had. — I am, dear sir, •Your most obedient, •GEO WASHINGTON.* DOMESTIC MAKUFACTUnBS. "At a town meeting holden in New Haven, by adjournment, upon the 22d day of Feb. 1768. "The committee app6inted in consequence of a letter from the selectmen of the town of Boston to the selectmen of this town, to consider of some measures to be agreed upon for promoting ecjonomy, manufactures, &c. report. That it is thsir opinion, that it is expedient for the town to take ail prudent and legal measures to encoufage the produce and manufactures of this colony, aud to lessen the use of superfluities, and more especially the following articles imported from tibroad, viz. ••Carriages of all sorts, house furniture, men's and women's hats, men's and women's apparel, ready made household furniture, men's and wo men's shoes, sole leather, gold, silver, and thread lace, gold and silver buttons, wrought plate, diamond, stone, and paste ware, clocks, silver- smith's and jeweller's ware, broad clolhs that cost above ten shillings sterling per yard, muJfs, furs, and tippets, starch, women's and children's toys, silk and cotton velvets, gauze, linseed oil, malt liquors, and cheese. "And that a subscription be recommcniJed to the several inhabitants and house holders of the town, whereby they may mutually agree and engage, thai they will encourage the use and consumption of articles manufactured in theBritish American colo in.ported fiom abroad, after the said Slsi of March, itnd t!iat they will be careful io promote the savinj of linen rags, and other materials, proper for mak- ing paper in this colony. •'The foregoing report being considered by the town, was by a full vote approved of and accepted* A true copy of record, Test, SAMUEL CISHOP, jr. totoii clerk.** CoruT MAitTiAL. — From the Proiidence (ft. I.) Patriot.-^S. friend has handed us the following extract from the orderly book of general Sul/ivan, in command h-cre during the reV')lution, as being connected with a case somewhat an-ilogous to one which occurred in the Seminole war. We LaVe omitted names, for obviolis reasons. "Head quarters, Prnridence, July 24, 17/8. "The sentence of the court martial, whereof colonel E — ^ was president, against M. A, and D. C. the general totally disapproves, as iilogal and absurd. Tlie clearest evidence having appeared to the court, that the said A. was employed by the enemy, repeatedly, to come on tiie main as a spy, and that he enticed men to go on to Illiode- Island, to enlist in the enem3's service, and his confessions from day to day being so different as to prove him not only a spy, but to be a person irt whom the least confidence cannot be placed; the court having found him guilty of all this, nothing could be more absurd than to senteiice him to be whipped one hundred lashes, ar.d afiervards to be taken into a service which he has been long endeavoring in the most malicious nnd secret man- ner to injure! The man who is found guilty of acting as a spy, can have but one judgment by all the laws of war, which is to suflV-r deatli; aiul the sentence of a man to be wliipped when found guilty of this crime, is as absurd .is for the coj.mon law courts to order a man to he set in the siocks for wilful murder. The same absurdity appearing in the judgment aguinst 1). C. for the same reasons, [he gen.] disapproves thfin bolli, dissolves the court, and orders another court to sit for the irinl of those persons, ton;oriovv morning, at 9 o'clock: The adjutant general to hdje a crime against A. for acting as a spy, and for enticing men to enlist into the enemy's service, and aL;air.st C. for acting as a spy." At the subsequent court, A. was found guilty nies, and more especially in this colony, and tiiat i before, and sentenced to be /j./.v;', which sentence Jhey will not, after the 3ist day of March nex'. |lhe general approved and executed. S70 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. In soi:'\-g the works of Quebec by general Montgonie-y, liie gallant captain Clieesemiin, of New- York) ai'l to Mo/.tpomeiy, being as active as he was bruve, the moment lie reached Ihe picket, placed his hand on one of the palisadoes, exclaim- ing^ to 'lis comrades, *If there be any honor in being the first man in Quebec, I have it.' He si)riingover and fell by a siiot within the picket. When col. Gan^ner of Brookline was brought off from Bunker's Hill, wisere lie was roorialiy wonndev, he was asked if he did not wish to see his son, who had been also in the battle. 'If my son hah dotie his duty, I shall be glad to see him.' He was ..nswcred that his son had done his duty. He sav; and embraced him. ^ost. Patriot. The first sea-fight, — The late rev. Dr. Bxstlet, of Salem, Mass. whose decease was equally deplored by the friends of religion, patriotism snd literature —who for many years enriched the columns of tt:e •'Essex Register" with his remarks, when speak- ing of the revolutionary pension law, seized the op- portanity to give us the following interesting scrap of histoT}: '•The following history may discover how a man may e'igage in the public service, and yet not be qualified according to law f^r the bounty of a term short of one year's service. Joshua Ward, who belonged to Salem, but who has lived many years in Marblehead, a painter, marched on the 19th of April, to Charlestown neck, as a fifer of the first company in colonel Timothy Pickering's regiment of militia, commanded by capt. William Pickman, »nd soon after entered the army under captain Thomas Karnes. From Cambridge, he was ordered to V/atertown to guard the public stores, and re- mained at this station till the battle of Bunker's Hill. He t'len joined the regiment under colonel Maiisfield on Prospect Hill, in Charlestown, in the Massachusetts line, and acted as fife-major, till he joined gen. Sullivan's brigade, on Winter Hill, when he was promoted as fife-major general. He continued in the service till the first day of Janu- ary 1776, when he was discharged, having continu- ed the time of his enlistment. He then entered captain Be ■jamln Ward's company, and performed garrison duty at fort William and Mary, now fort Pickering,, till the 19lii of June following. He then volunteered with the first lieutenant Ilaraden, a well known brave and able officer, with others of his companions, on board the 'I'yrannicide, a public armed brig of 14 guns and 75 men, com- aaanded by captain John Fiske, afterwards a major general in Massachusetts, and eminent by his pwb ■ lie services. He was in tiiis brig during three cruizes, and was at the taking of elgVit prizes, the first of which v/as the kin^^'s arme:l schooner Dis- patch, belonging to lord How-'s fleet, then on Lheir pufissge from Halifax to New-York, it being lO^h July. In the engaijement one man was killed in tiic Tyrannicide, tliree wounded, and one died of his wounds. He continued in this vessel till the 14tl» of February, 1777, when he returned from a four and an h?.lf month's cruise in the West Indies, and all were discharged. He is now 72 years of age. In the action with the Dispatch, which lasted 7 glasses, her commander, Jo]}n Goodrich j 2d lieut. of tiie Renown of 50 guns, then in the fleet, was killed, and several men. Mr. More, sailing master, was wounded and his limb araputated. Mr. Collingsin, midshipman, had his lirnb amputated hut he died. The Dispatch was so disabled that they were obliged to take her in tow, and they brought her into Salem, after being out 17 days. The Dispatch had eight carriage guns, 12 swivels, and a compliment of 41 picked men from different ships in tlie fleet. This was the first sea fight. The Tyrannicide was tlie first vessel that was built for the public service, and her commission was signed by John Hancock. The Di.sp.itch was no prize to the crew, excepting a small bounty on her guns. And yet this worthy msn in his poverty, comes not within the letter of the law, and instead of his bounty, must accept a hearty recommendation to the generous care of his fellow-citizens." STnONG ME.^iSUIlES PROPOSED. In congress Oct. 21, 1778. — " JVhereas there is every reason to expect that our unnatural enemies, desp.\lring of being ever able to subdue and en- slave us by open force, or persuade us to break through the sol;':mn treaties, as having entered into '.vjth our great and good ally, his Most Christian majesty, and return to the dependence of Great Britain, will, ss the last effort, ravage, burn, and destroy every city and town on this continent they can come at: liesolved. That it be recommended to such inha- bitants of these states, as live in places exposed to the ravages of the enemy, immediately to build huts, at least 30 miles distant from their present habitations, thereto convey their women, children, and others not capable of bearing arms, and them- selves in case of necessity, together with their furniture, wares, and merchandise of every sort; also, that thoy send off all their cattle; being measures they cannot think hardships in such times PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. S7t of public calamity, when so many of their gallant countrymen are daUy exposed in the hardships of the field, fighting in defence of their rights and liberties. Resolved, That immediately, when the enemy begin to bum or destroy any town, it be recom mended to the good people of these states to set fire to, ravage, burn, and destroy, the houses and properties of all tories, and enemies to the free- dom and independcf.ce of America, and secure the persons of such, so as to prevent them from assisting the enemy, always takr-ig care not to treat them or their families with any wanton cruelties, as we do not wish, in this parlicul >r, to copy after our enenues, or their German, negro, and copper- eolourcd allies. Extract from the ;nin::tes, Chakles Thomson, sec." Loni) CnLTv.kM thus expressej:! himself, when speaking in puHi.Mnenv, of t!ie congress thst dedar ed independeuoe. ♦'! must declire and avow, tha. in all my reading and observation, and i- has been my favorite study, I have read rhucydides, and have studied and admired the master states of the world, but for solidity of reasoning, force of sagscity and wisd-T^ of conclusion, under sich a complication of difTicult circumstances, no nation or body of men can stand in preference to the ge neral congress at Philadelphia." . A brave-fellow.— A.mor\g numberless feats of VHlor performed by individuals of the American revoiu- tionary army, none has pleased me more than the following, related by an eye witness:— "During the heat of the battle at Germantown, while buUeis flew as thick as hail stones, one Darkelew (of Monmouth) was levelling his musket at the ene- my, when his lock was carried away by a ball- Undismayed, he caught up the gun of a comrade just killed by his side, and taking aim, a bullet entered the muzzle, and twisted the barrel round like a corkscrew! Still undaunted, our hero i nme diately kneeled dov/n, unscrewed the whole lock from the twisted barrel, screwed it on to the barrel from which the lock had been torn, and blazed away at the enemy." Can ancient Sparta or modern Britain boast a more !-.rJlliant displuy of cool, deliberate, unshaken courutje? This hero is still living. Anecdote connected -with the surrender at Yorklown. From the N. Y. "National Advocate"— 1818. Baron Steuben-commanded in the trenches at the moment '.or-1 Corn.va'U's made hi.^ overture for capitulation, t'he proDosnls were immediately despatched to the commander in chief, and the negociation, as we say, proffressed.— The Marquis de la Fayette, whose tour it was next to mount guard in the trendies, marched to relieve the Baron, who, to his as\nnish;-nent, refused to be relieved. He in- F.)rra'^d wer wliich lias so fully assured my heart, escape this threatening death?" M:*ving resolved, if he must perish, to perish in the attempt, he darted like lightning through his enemies, and seizing the bridle, whicli was held by a servant boy, as he vaulted into tke saddle, he put the ma- jor's courser to her speed, and went oft" with his booty, to the no small disap-oointment and morti- fication of the astonished beholders After guzirig a while in stupid amazement, the redoubtable Fari'MOg recollected that his soldiers had guns, bui it was too late; and the order to ^'shoat at the rebel" was obeyed without efifect. IMTFUESTING HISTOIIT. It is known as a matter of hisiory, that in the early part of 1755, great exertions were made by the British ministry, at the head of which was the illustrious earl of Chatham, for the reduction of the French power in the provinces of the Canadas. To carry the object into effect, general Amherst, referred to in the letters of Junius, was appointed to the command of the British army in North Westorn America; and the British colonies in Ame- rica were called upon for assistance, who con- tributed with alacrity their several quotas of men, to effect the grand object of British enterprize. It is a fact still within the recollection of some of our oldest inhabitants, that the British army lay encamped, in tiie summer of 1755, on the eastern bakik of the Hudson, a little south of the city of J^lbany, on the ground now belonging- to John I. Van Rensselaer, esq. To this day vtsiiges of their encampment remain; and after a lapse of sixty years, when a great proportion of the actors of- those days have passed away, like shadows from the earth, the inquisitive traveller cart observe the remains of the ashes, the places where they boiled their camp kettles. It was this army, that, under the command of Abercrombie, was foiled, with a serere loss, in the attack on Ticonderoga, where the distinguished Howe fell at the head of his troops, in an hour that history has consecrated to his fame. In the early part of June, the eastern troops began to pour in, company after company, and such a motley assemblage of men never before thronged together on such an occasion, unless an example may be found in the ragged regiment of sir John FalstaflT, of right merry and facetious memory. It would, said my worthy ancestor, whorelates to me thestory, haverelaxed the gravity of an anchorite, to have seen the descendants of the Puritans, march- ing tlirough the streets of our ancient city, to taka their station on the left of tl^ British army- some with long coats, some with short «oats, and others with no coats at all, in colours as varied m the rai^i-bov/, some with their hair cropped like the army of Cromwell, and others with wigs whose curls fl.v.ved with grace around their shoulders. Their march, their aocoutremenls, and the whole arrang-irment of the troops, furnished matter of amusement to the wits of the British army. The music played the airs of two centuries ago, and the tovt ensemble, upon the whole, exhibited a sight to the wondering strangers that they had beeii unaccustomed to in their own land. Among the club of wits that belonged to the British army, there was a physician attached to the stafl', by the name of Doctor Shackburgj who combined with the science of the surgeon, the skill and talents of a musician. To please brother Jonathan he com- posed a tune, and with much gravity recommend- ed it to the officers, as one of the most celebrated airs of martial music. The joke took, to the no small amusement of the British corps. Brother Jonathan exclaimed it was nation Jlne, and in a few dsys nothing was heard in the provincial camp but the air of Yankee Doodle. Little did the author or his coadjutors then suppose, tliat an air raadp for the purpose of levity and ridicule, should ever be marked for such high desiinies; in twenty years from that time our national march inspired the hearts of the heroes of Bunker Hill, and less than 'hirty, lord Cornwallis and his army marched into the American lines to the tune of Yankee Doodle^ [.21bani/ Stutesmuii, PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION, 875 j|. V. ' » »■■ »li«W 1775— .Vov. 7 — Dunmove' s pr id imaiion. Im Norfolk tad the adjacent country, Dunmore countftd on numerous adherents. The ras'i advice, togetiier with his own impeiuous, haughty and revengeful temper, early impelled him to a mea- sure characterized by f dly, and fraught with incal- culable mischief, not only to the people of Vir^^i colony to a proper sense of their duty to his majes- ty's cra^a and dignity. ! do further order and re- quire all his majesty's liege subjects, to retain their quitrer.ts or other taxes due, or that may become due in their own custody, till such a time as peace may again be restored to this at present most un» happy country, or demanded of them for their , but to his own cause. Under dute of Nov.] former saluttry purposes, by officers properly au- 7th, he iscued the following pj-oclama ion, the style of which strongly indicates the agitation of a per- turbed mind, whi'st its substance betrays a b mu, impolitic, ruiious inflexibility, and, what is still 16th year of his r.if\jesty's reign. "DUNMORE, thorised to receive the same. "Given under my hand, on board the ship WiU liam, off Norfolk, the 7'h day of November, in the worse, a B:tv;tge and wanton disregard for the fun- dameital princiiiles upon which the social fabric esseruiully rests, and for those rules of civilization, which are usually rejected, even in the phrenzy and calamitous intent of war. £y his excellency, the right honorable Johbt, earl of Dunmore, his majesty^s lieutenant and governor ge- "God save the king" TicoiTDEnoeA. The following is not a revolu- tionary document, but an article that may well be preserved in this collection; and, being specially requested, we insert it with pleasure. From the Hartfnvtl Times. The following state- ment or return, ex'tltnt-nij a minute and accurate neral of the colony iif Virginia, and vice admiral of < p., -i-h. i j> • % •' a J J ' ■> ^ account of tlie loss \n kille ' and wounded sustamed by the British nn 1 \inerican forces under the com- the same> A PnOCtAMATIOW *'As I have ever entertained hopes that an ac- commodation might have taken place between Great Britain and this colony, without being com- mand of gen. .Ibercro .>bie, in the memorable dis- aster or defeat at Ticonderoga, July, 1758, was, as it purports, made out soon after the battle, by pelled by my duty to this most disagreeable, butU^'^^h Woadruff, who was a captain of the pro- now absolutely necessary duty, rendered so by a!^i"<='^» ^^--c^^' '^"^ belonging to Farmir.gton, in body of men, unlawfully assembled, firing on hWf^^ «°""^y- '^^^ o'"'^''"*^ document has been pre- Biajesty's tenders, and the formation ot an army,;"^^^^ '" "^^ f-'^'^y* ^^ * P'*^^'^"' memorial of J •. _ I *., »♦ I. u- their ancestor, for sixty years, and was handed to and an army now on its march to attack his mnjes- \ ♦ .^ } . > , , ^ ij ^ *w »ii J- 1 •• * us by his son. It is undoubtedly the most authen- ty's troops, and destroy the well disposed suojects " ■' ■> - ., - , .r. 1 r .. u » ui tic and correct statement of that unfortunate affair, of this colony. To defeat such treasonable pur- ■" " ^ ' » J .u * M u t- -t^-- „ 1 »u • u„** r. which exposed our frontiers to the murderous and poses, and that all such traitors, and their abettors *^ _ , . !...•»• J ^u * .u ,! cruel outrages of a savage foe, and filled tlie whole may be brought to justice, and that the peace audi ^6 & » _ J J i'.^u- 1 L • .1 i colonies with consternation and dismay, whicli at good order of this colony may be again restored, ... which the ordinary course of the civd law is una- ble to effect, I have thought fit to issue this my proclamation, hereby declaring that, until the afore said good purposes can be obtained, I do, in virtue of the power and authority to me given, by his ma- jesty, determine to execute martial law, and cause this day is to be found; and in every point of view is worthy of preservation. We recommend its in- sertion to the editor of the Baltimore Weekly Re- gister, as that work is probably the most permanent and valuable place in which it can be deposited. We have printed it verbatim, and preserved th« the same to be executed throughout this colony; same orthography, to exhibit an idea of the pro- and to the end that peace and good order may the vincial dialect of that day. sooner be restored, I do require every person ca- The British regiments arc distinguished nume- pable of bearing arms to resort to his wjrt;e5 - » H =^ -( M -■^ '" =="-■ ^ "> 5 3 ' '^ "* '"'v. ^ m 09 w a o (-> ►— pmix p.-I'UUOJi to H.- /'■'ll^Y S13UO|00 M «o l'^l>uno.ii " t— 1^ 1— pm>N •siafTiv CO (-1 h^ (-» papunoyi^ Ot t-l K- )-• »• 1^ p-vn:^ suiB^d^O C3lr-03WlOtOlt>.lf>.*>- l>9piUl0^^l ^ rfi. M ►- (-* M K3 *■ pmN s.jnan Ili *^ !*>. i-i ^ — 1- papuno^H lO — to pmiH •suSisua «o ^ 01 H- 1- to ^ papunoji M (-1 pmx ■8,13 fpV l-« M pppunoyf^ M l-» pmx • SJ31S13J,V to I-- h- 7/3punojj "O Ot I-* til to o» vm:^ s,iufi3s (J, 50 -vi ci>?'*'a>CTiwoo p0punoji a> ^ u> ^^^oo^o.rf^-• sj^ t'l o r •— P^//LY to 03 03 ►-> to (X I-" 0> 03 Ol — Oi Or, to p,^punoji 03 to to 03 to <0 03 1 futssijir The PRtJSCHiBM). Fi'oni the Boston Gazette, \77^. The following is an aathenlic copy of a letter v/iiicb was lately thrown into the camp, with the follow- ing direction: "To the officers and soldiers of his majesty'' s troops in Boston. "It being more than probable that the king's standard will soon be erected, from rebellion break- ing out in this province, it is proper that you, sol- diers! should be acquainted with the authors there- of, and of all the misfortunes brought upon the pro- vince; the following is a list of them, via: Samuel Adams Jiimes Bowdoin D"-. Thomas Young Dr Benjamin Church Cipx. Jo n Bradford Josiah Qu;ncey Mj. N.ith'l. Barber Win. MoUineux John Hancock William Cooper Dr. Chauncey Dr. Cooper Thom::s Gushing Jose-yh Grenleaf and William Denning. The number killed, 515 men. The number wounded, 1269. — The number missing 39 — Suir total 1823. This drawn out by me, Judah Wood- ruff, August ye 15: 1758 — Alt lake George. "The friends of your king and country and of America, hope and expect it from you, soldiers, the instant rebellion happens, you will put the above persons immediately to the sivord, destroy th?ir houses, and plunder their effects: it is just that they should be the first victims to the mischief they have brought upon us. (signed) ^frie7id to Great Britain and America. "P. S. Don't forget those trumpeters of sedi- tion, the printers, Edes & Gill and Thomas." FROM THE BOSTON PATHIOT. Messrs. Ballard & Wright: The enclosed letter, from the venerable and patriotic major Haviley* has never been in print. Its publication at this tim.e wf>uld not perhaps be irrelevant, and would certainly gratify some of your country friends. It was written soon after the adoption of the present constitution, and shews his opinion of that instrument. It is needless to add, that we here think every thing from the pen of that great man deserving of record. HAMPSHIRE. To the hon. the senate of Massachusetts. May it please your honors: The intelligence given me by the writ of summons, under the hand of the presUent of the council, that I am chosen a senator by a majority of the voters of the comi- ty of Hampshire, affords me a singular pleasure, on two accounts: The one is, that un election to that high trust, by a majority of the unaolicited sufiVages of the voters of the county, is a genuine oroof of the good opinion of the people of my *Tlie author of the "Broken HintF," piige 324. PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 573 dear cou.ily; the other is, the fair oociision tha it gives me to bear a free and public testimony against one part of our glorious constitution: I style it glorious, although I humbly conceive it has several great blemishes, on account whereof it will, until corrected, be liable, in my poor opi- nion, to very weij^hty exception; but still it re- mains glorious on account of the great quantity of excellent matter contained in it. That part of the constitution this event enables me not im- pertinently to except to, is the cojuiition or term ^vhich the constitution holds every one to, who has the honor to be elected a member of the ge- neral court of Massachusetts, before he may (us is expressed in the constitution) proceed to execute the duties of his place. Be the person ever so immaculate and exem- plary a Christians although he has, in the proper place, that is, in the Christian church, made a most sokmn, explicit, and public profession of the Christian faith; though he has an hundred times, and continues perhaps every month in the year, by participating in the church of the body and blood of Chrisf, practically recognized and affirmed the sincerity of that profession; yet, by the constitution, he is held, before he may be ad mitted to execute the duties of his office, to make and subscribe a profession of the Christian faich, or declaration that he is a Christian. Did our fa ther confessors imagine, that a man who had not so much fear of God in his heart as to restrain him from acting dithonesily and kn&vishly in the trust of a senator or representative, would hesitate a moment to subscribe that declaration? Ctti bono, then, is the declaration.? This extraordinary, not to say absurd, condition, brings fresh to mind a passage in the life of the pioui, learned, and prudent Mr. John Howe, one of the strongest pillars of the dissenting interest in the reign of Charles the 2d and James the 2d. The history is as follows: (ay undc. standing. 'Ii is ..r sbsurnitj; for noth- ing h!;s two beginnings' 'I am sure,' said he, I am a minister of Christ, and I am ready to debate ihat matter wilh your lordship, if you please: I cannot begin again to be a minister." Beside?, this term of executing the duties of lie place is ag. last common riglit, and as I may ^•ay, tlie natural franchise of every member of the commonwealth wio has not by soroe crime or delictum forfeited his natural rights and franchises. It, moreover, reduces t'.ie ninth article of the declaraiion of rights to a mere futility, and, in such a connection, it would be for the reputation of the declaration of rights if that same ninth article was wholly expunged.* More than that, the said condition is plainly repugnant to the first great article of the said declaration: and I am ready to debate that matter with any Doctor who assisted in framing the constitution, either in con- vention or without doors. The said declaration of faith to be subscribed, which constitutes the s.4d impolitic and unrighteous condition, will, I believe, ever sound in every good ear almost as uncouthly as the Sessions Justices' famous charge to the standing grand jury. Let us hear them successively: "I do declare, that I believe the Christian re- ligion, and have a firm persuasion of its truth; and that I am seized and possessed in rny own right of the property required by the constitution," he. "Gentlemen of the grand jury: You are required by your oath to see to it, that the several towns in the county be provided, according to law^ with Pounds and School-masters, Whipping posts and ministers," "That Mr. Howe, waiting upon~a certain bishop, his lordship presently fell to expostulating with him '•'jout his nonconformity. Mr. Howe told him he could not have time, without greatly trespassing on his patience, to go through the objections he had to make to the terms of con- formity. The bishop pressed him to name any one that he reckoned to be of wciglit. He there upon instanced the point of re o.-dinalion. «Why pray sir,' said the bishop, 'what luirt is there in being twice ordained?' 'Hurt, my lord,' says Mr. Howe to him; the thought is sLocking— it hurn: Each containing an odd jumble of sacred and profane; but, to me, the charge jingles best. By t!ie constitution of the commonwealth of Massa- rliusetts, I am, may it please your honors, one of its senators; and 1 am strongly disposed, accord- ing to my poor abilities, to execute the duties of my office; but, by the unconscionable, not to say dishonorable terras, est:ibiished by the same con- stitution, I am barred from ende.^voring to per- form these duties. I h.ive been a professed Chris- tian nearly forty years, and, although I have been g'lilty ot many tilings unworthy of that character, whereof I am ashamed, yet I am not conscious that I have been guilty of any thing wholly inconsistent with the truth of that professioa. The lav/3 under the first charter required of the subjects of that state, in order to their enjoy- are PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION;^ =3asacataEP mg ■ ■< nviitjr s, i ■ •■"■■> s! CM be n.em- bers in full communion of some Clristian church. Bu', it never was before requiri'd, in the Massa- ch'isettsB w, thut a subject, in order to his en- joying or exercising any franchise or office, should make profession of the Christian religion before a temporal court. May it please your honors: We have all heard »f alieut. governor of the Massachusetts-Bay, and some of us b tve known him vry well, who contend cd long and earnestly that he had a right to a seat in council with a voice. I imagine I can maintaih a better argument than be did, that I have a right to a seat in the senate of Massachusetts without a voice; but, at present, I shall not attempt to take it. I am, may it please your honors, with the greatest respect to the senate, your most obedient humble servant, JOSEPH HAWLEV. October 28, 1780. NAVAL POWER OF SAtRMv The following list of privateers, fitted out and chiefly owned in Salem and Beverly, from March 1, to Nov. 1, 1781, was found among the papers of the late Mr. Jamet Jefry, whose accuracy was well known to those by whom he is remembered. At that period, privateering was the principal business of the town Sulem Guzette SHfPS. Ships* J\ratnes. M. of Weight JVo. of Guns. r>l Metal. Men. Pilgrim 18 9 lb. 120 Es>>ex 2u 6 110 .Franklin 18 6 100 Scourge 20 6 110 Dis'iain 20 6 no Congress 20 9 130 Royal Louis 18 6 100 Porus 20 9 130 Grand Turk 24 6 120 Rat;le Snake 20 4 95 Rover 20 4 95 Crouiwell 16 6 100 Jasnn 16 6 100 Marquis 16 4 75 Hendrirk 18 6 100 Junius Brutus 20 6 110 Rhodes 20 6 110 Harlequin 20 4 95 Nf-p'une 16 4 75 Mohawk 22 6 110 Bucc'uiier 18 9 120 Cicero 18 9 120 Rambler 16 6 95 Defence 14 6 85 Independence 16 4 70 Jack 12 9 60 26 snips 476 2645 B«1G *. Brigs* JVames. Gvns. Metal. Men. Tyger 16 Alb. 70 Montgomery 14 4 60 Sturdy-Beggar 14 4 60 Captain 10 3 45 New Adventure 14 3 55 Aciive 14 4 60 Hero 8 4 40 Fortune 14 4 60 Swift 14 4 60 Blood-Hound 14 3 55 Flying-Fish 10 3 45 Fox 14 3 55 Cato 14 3 55 Chace 10 3 45 Lion !2 4 50 Speedwell 14 3 55 16 -is. 206 1 870 SCHOOKUS Sch f/neis* JVd'/ies (JuiiS. M.tal. .Men. G'evhound 8 3 b 35 Lively 8 o 35 Shackle 6 3 30 Pine Apple 6 3 30 Languedoc 6 2 25 Dolphin 6 3 30 6 3 30 Pau^her 4 3 20 8 c! ooiiers 50 235 , .SLOOP!! Slnops' jY'.fni'S. Uiins. Metal. Men. Fi3l.-H.,wk 8 Alb. 40 Hazard 6 3 30 2 Sidons 1 14 70 7 S)i.li"Tl ■• •ttfS '" '• c'.'I-)..-!-! I»lC\PITCLATIO>. V ssets Gimi--. •■len.i Ships 26 476 J645 Brigs 16 206 870 Schooners 8 50 235 Sloops 2 14 70 Shallops, men only 120 To at 52 746 .940 WEIGHT OF GllEAT CHA RAGTERS. AUGUST 19, 1783. If'dcrhed at the icales at ff est Point. General Washington, 209 Ibt. Genernl Lincoln, 2U General Knox, 2.D Gener 1 Huntington, 132 General Greaton, C)lonel S'vifi, Colonel Michael Jrckson^ Colonel Henry Jackson, Lieuteiiai t Colonel Huntington, Lieutenant Colonel Cobb, Lieutenart Colonel Humphreys, T'le abovememorancUim was found in the pocket" book of a deceased officer of the Massachusetts line. 166 219 252 238 232 186 221 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. Sff Jnecdote.— Gentry] Marioo was a native of Souvb Carolina, and the immediate tlieatre of his exploits was a large section of maritime district of that state. The peculiar hardihood of his constitution, and his beincj adapted to a warm climate, and a low marshy country, qualified him to endure hard- ships and submit to exposure, which, in that sickly region, few other men would have been competent to sustain. With the small force he was enabled j valuable rights and privileges, and to reduce uS, to embody, he was continually annoying the tne- 1 by fire and sword, by lh« saVages of the wilderness my, cautious never to risk an engagement, till hej""! o""* o«^n domestics, to the most abject and could make victory certain. General Marion*s ignominious bondage; desirous, at the same time. effect, and then wheeling his horse, arid bidding them good morning, departed. The dragoons, as- tonished at what they had witnessed, and scarcely believing their foe to be mortill, gave up the chase* Tn congress, Jlfarch 16, 1776. "The congress, considering the warlike preparear*'»» confess and bewail our considerable descent of surface, had been in part j n**'^'^"!^ sins and transgressions, and by a si.icere a marsh; Marion entered it at the upper side, the dragoons in chace^ leaped the fence also, and were but a short distance behind him. So com- pletely was he now in their power, that bis only mode of escape was to pass over the fence at the lower side. To drain the field of its superfluous water, a trench had been cut around this part of the field, four feet wide, and of the same depth; of the mud and clay removed in cutting it, a bank had been formed on its inner side, and on the top of this was erected the fence, the elevation amount ing to nearly eight feet perpendicular height— a ditch four feet in width running parallel with it on the outer side, a foot or more intervening, be- tween the fence and ditch. The dragoons, acquainted with the nature and extent of this obstacle, and considering it im- possible for their enemy to pass it, pushed towards him with loud shouts of exultation and insult, and summoning him to surrender or perish by the Bword; regardless of their rudeness and empty clamour, and inflexibly determined not to become their prisoner, Marion spurred his horse to the charge, the noble animal, as if conscious that his master's life was in danger, and that on his exer- tions depended his safety, approached the barrier in bis finest style, and with a bound that was almost supernatural, cleared the fence and ditch completely, and recovered himself without loss festored to the blessings of peace and liberty, and ©f time on the opposite side— Marion instantly | eiabled to transmit them inviolate to the latest wheeled about and saw his pursuers unable to p^iss posterity. And it is recommended to Christians tke ditch, discharged his pistol Rt them withoui 'of all denoroiufttions, to susembie far i>uliiiat certain and glorious, if we will seize them in rime. Delay aad inactivity will bring along with chem infainy, disgrace, and certain perdition. TO THE GOOD PEOPLE OF IRELAND. The misery and distress which your ill-fated country has been so frequently exposed to, and bas so often experienced, by such a coitibination of rapine, treachery, ind vnleace, as wo'ild have disgraced the nana of government, in the most ar- bitrary -jountry in tie world, has rnost sincerely af- the most serious attention of congressf the ministry of Britain have seen the extreme meanness and folly of the attempt to establish a supreme authority in parliament, as their venal scribblers had endeavor ed to define it, exempt from question and control, appeal or restriction; but it is evident to all the world, that such doctrine is incompatible with eve- ty idea of a civil cons' itutioo, for all compacts, bills of right, nay, the soie-nn obligation of their king 10 govern ac3arding to the statutes in parlia- ment agreed on, and the laws and customs of the same, would have been all nugatory trumpery, were such a supremacy admitvedj for this supreiie authority having no rtile or law to direct its ope rations, or limit its power, it must necessirily be- come arbitrary and absolute; for caasing to be a go vernment by force, and it will appear fully evident that this unnatural war, in which we have been u i- avoidably engaged, has been begun and supported for no other purpose than to establish this supreme or arbitrary power, for they are individually the same; nor is it in the power of sophistry to draw a line of separ?\tion; the flimsy and contradictory speech oflori Nor h, introductory to his concilia- tory motion, furnishes the fallast conviction on thi^ poi t. He says, "before the war broke out he offered a conciliatory proposition. The ground upon which he made it was. That it was just the eolonies should contribute to the support of go- vernment," And almost in the same breath he says "he th«ught necessary to shew the colonies we were not figh ing for taxation, for he never thought taxation would be beneficial to us." He farther o-rapiu laws, neic!i-rto advaicj n.ir recede, 'jut tora-nain in total sihnce " ^iU lord^hio. I hope, vill excuse ne, if I p-:-einm ro loo!? Seyoil the acltno vl ;dg.»d indolence of his disposition, t> es- olain this stupor of a first minister, and the case is very obviou i; fir as soon a* the;r fi/e regiments ihould have completed the co'i;|U3st of \ nsrica, it should lie with the lives and properties of its inha- 'lit-ints, at the mercy of the conqueror's s*ord. The very natiss of assemblies, conven.ions, or charters, those odious appendices of democratical power, shotild be finished, and the tyrant's fiat should henceforth beco.ne the law of ihe land, and hence sprung the torpedo that benumbed the mi- nisters faculties. His lordship says, his proposition was mismter- preted or misunderstood, and was rendered suspi. cious by a supposition of a variety of cases; the fected your friends in <\. nerica, and has engaged congress treated it as unreasonable and insidious. and rejected it. War began, and his intention was, from the beginning, at the moment of victory, to propose the same proposition in terms obviating all ths misrepresentations and misunderstandings concerning it. Here it is confessed, that thiswise and virtuous administration, at every hazard, and at a certain expense, has almost annihilated public credit, have been looking for victory which has never come,andItrust never will come; and which, if it did come, must have been accomplished by the mur- der of fellow citizens, sooner than clear their own propositions of their ambiguity and suspicion. And what deprives them of the color of excuse, for the hnrrid barbarities of the w.ir, the city of London, in the most respectful language, petitioned the throne to declare clearly and explicitly before the war commenced, what they wished to have done on the part of America; but all to no purpose; they would not, they dare not declare their true jbject. The solemn appeal was mi^de, and, for the honor of virtue, the comfort of human nature, and the terror of oppression, it will be indelibly re- corded in the historic page, that a few virtuous citizens could effectually resist the raost vigor- ous efforts of the most powerful tyranny, and thereby establish the freedom of the western world forever. To arrive at power, Gustavus like, by a bold effort of courage, proves at least the existence of one virtue, at the same time we detest the treachery; but to sacrifice the public treasure, to devote every effort of rapacious taxation, and the fruits of an ever- growing excise, to this idol of madness and folly, to establish a system of venality. says, "he nev r proposed %ny tax, his maxim was by which the price of every man's integrity and to say nothing about America, neither to propose abilities was to be determined, to stipulate the PRINCIPLES ANB ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 0(^,i> precise condition for which he shall treacherously r state of slavery, for an obligation 'o work for any betray the interest of his country, and violate every j other purpose than one's own advantage, is truly obligation of private friendship and public virtue, the condition of a slave, and every new tax adds a to beat down every fence to honor and principle, to destroy the very bond and frame of civil society. to make the pillage of property the means to ac» complish the plunder of liberty, and to drive the people into all the miberies of a civil war, in pur- link to the chain. But even in this gloorny picture there is a dawn of hope; all bodies are capable of refraction to a certain degree, beyond which it i» impossible to expand them ever so little, without absolute destruction. It is evident to all the world. suit of this dream of power, are instances of such *hat the nerves of public credit in England are on determined depravity as are not to be described even in the language of a country where new vil- lany adds to the catalogue of crimes almost every day. The perfect similarity of the declaratory act of supremacy, and that relating to your country, viz. That Ireland should be subordinate to and depend on the imperial crown of Great Britain is very ob- vious; but this declaration ex parte can avail nothing, , «t the same time that it furnishes the most incon- testible and decisive proofs, that no such subordina- tion or dependence was ever understood before, or there would have been no necessity for such an &ct. the rack of extension, and the dreadful explosioa must follow of course; and can it be supposed that the system of weakness and folly, that has so long asurpcd the name of constitution, can survive the shock; and their people may yet hope to see a vigorous young one grow out of the ruins of the old. I have it in my commission to repeat to you, my good friends, the cordial concern that congress takes in every thing that relates to the happiness of Ireland; they are sensibly affected by the load of oppressive pensions on your establishment, the ar- bitrary and illegal exactions of public money by The navigation act, which bad been framed for'king.g letters; the profuse dissipation, by sinecure the sole purpose of securing to the British sub- j appointments with large salaries, and the v^ry arbi- jects, all the advantages to be derived from thejtrary and impolitic restrictions on your trade and commerce of their own settlements, has, by sub- 1 ojan^.f^ctures, which are beyond example in the sequent acts, been framed into the most odious and ^ history of the world, and can only be equalled by impolitic monopoly that could be devised; creating that illiberal spirit which directs it, and which has local distinctions and commercial schisms, giving ighewn itself so abundantly in petitions from all privilege to one set of subjects to the injury of j parts of their islands, and in the debate in their others, and operating on all the indicted provinces I house of commons, when you had been lately as an oppressive tax, comprehending all the taxes Umused with the vain hope of an extension of your of Britain, however variously modified or com- trade, and which were conducted with such tern- pounded. And we wish to have it forever fixed j per- and language as might be supposed to suit their copper colored allies in America, but must fix a stain on the character of a civilized nation forever. on your minds, that by a monopoly of trade every pretence to internal taxation is given up; for were you even without a constitution of your own, and .as dependant as usurpation has endeavored to make you, the monopoly of your trade is more than ' a full and equitable compensation for all other taxes, and it will not appear paradoxical to futurity, that the rise and fall of the British empire have been owing to this act; and the engine by which the wise politician, who framed it, designed to wind up and connect the British interest all over the world, we have seen employed as the wheel on which British liberty and grandeur have disgrace- fully expired. The anticipation of public revenue has fixed the crisis of Britain, the labor of their people for all succeeding generations being engaged to pay the interests of their public debts. I cannot suppose ' Am uuTiik dcdiU6t4oa to say they are all bora in a When I had the 'pleasure of residing in your ca- pital some years ago, it gave me pain to observe such a debility and morbid langour in every de- partment of your government, as would have dis- graced anarchy itself; the laws are too v/eak tb exe- cute themselves, and vice and violence often reign with impunity; and even the military with you seem to claim an exemption from all civil restraint, or ju- risdiction,and individuals are forced to trust to them- selves for that security and protection which the government of the country can no longer afford them. We congratulate you however, on the bright prospect which the western hemisphere has afford- ed to you, and the oppressed of every nation, and we trust that the liberation of your country has been effected in America, and that you never will 384 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OP THE REVOLUTION. be called on for those puiiiful, ihou'^li necessary exertions, which the sacred love of liberty inspires, and which have enabled us to establish our free- dom forever. We hope the political Quixots of Great Britain will no longer be able to disturb the peace and hapniness of mankind, and which Providence has permitted perhaps to shew the monstrous abuse of power; yet lost to all public virtue as they are, we wish they may turn from their wickedness and livej and we dowbt not the noble efforts of America will meet the full approbation of every virtuous Briton, wlien they shall be able to distinguish between the mad pursuits of government and the true interest of their people. But as for you, our dear and good fi-iends of Ireland, we must cordially recom- mend to you to coiiiinue peaceable and quiet in every possible situation of your affairs, and endea- vor, by mutual good will, to supply the defects of administration. But if the government, whom you at this time acknowledge, does not, in conformity to her own true interest, take off and remove every restraint on your trade, commerce and manufac- tures, lam charged to assure you, that means will be found to establish your freedom in this respect, in the fullest and amplest manner. And as it is the ardent wish of America to promote, as far as her other engagements will permit, a reciprocal commercial interest with you, I am to assure you, they will seek every means to establish and ex- tend it; and it has given the most sensible pleasure to have those instructions committed to my care, as 1 have ever retained the most perfect good will and esteem for the people of Ireland. And am, with every sentiment of respect, their obedient and humble servant, BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. Versailes, October 4, 1778. Mr. Barlow's Oration, July 4, I787. An oration, delivered at the North church in Har.ford, at the meeting of the Connecticut society of the Cincinnati, July the fourth, 1787, in commemoration of the independence of the United States — by Joel Barlow, esq. and publish- ed by desire of said society, JUr. President, gentlemen of the society, and fetlow-citixena. On the anniversary of so great an event, as the the sword of victory, and prommel in he voice of peace, remain to be confirmed by our future exertions — while the nourish nent, the gro\vth, and even the existence of our empire depend up- on the united efforts of an extensive and divided people — the duties of this day ascend from amiue- ment and congratulation to a serious patriotic em- ployment. We are assembled, my friends, not to boast, but to realize — not to inflate our national vanity by a pompous relation of past achievements in the coun- cil, or in the field; but, from a modest retrospect of the truly dignified part already acted by our countrymen — from an accurate view of our pre- sent situation — and from an aniicipation of the scenes that remain to be unfolded — to discern and familiarize theduries that still await us, as citizens, as soldiers, and as men. Revolutions in other countries have been effect- ed by accident. The faculties of human reason and the rights of human nature have been the sport of chance and the prey of ambition. And when indignation has burst the bands of slavery, to the destruction of one tyrant, it was only to impose the manacles of another. This arose froroi. the imperfection of that early stage of society, which necessarily occasioned the foundation of empires on the eastern continent to be laid in ignorance, and which induced a total inability of foreseeing the improvements of civilization, or of adapting the government to a state of social refine- ment. I shall but repeat a common observation, when 1 remark, that on the western continent, the scene was entirely different, and a new task, totally un-^ known lo the legislators of other nations, was im- posed upon the fathers of the American empire. Here was a people thinly scattered over an extensive territory, lords of the soil on which they trode, commanding a prodigious length of coast and an equal breadth of frontier — a people habituated to liberty, professing a mild and benevolent re^ ligion, and highly advanced in science and civiliza- tion. To conduct such a people in a revolution, the address must be made to reason, as well as t» the passions. And to reason, to ihe clear under* standing of these variously affected colonies, the solemn address was made. A people thus enlightened, and capable of dis- birth of the empire in which we live, none will question the prnpriety of passing a few moments jcerning the connexion of causes with their remotest in contemplating the various objects suggested to [effects, waited not the experience of oppression ia the miud by the important occasion. But, at the their own persons; which they well knew would present period, while the blessings, claimed by I render them less able to conduct a regular cp'^ PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION?. 385 position. Rut in the 'uoment of tlieir giv^atest pros peri;y, when every heart expaide'l vvitli the increas inp opulence of the British Atherican dominions, an I every tonfjue united in the praises of the parent slate and her pntriot kin;^, when many cir- cumstances coicurred, which wonlf? have render- ed an ignorant people s-cure and imltentive to their future interests — at tliis mo nent t!ie eyes of the Amrric in Ar),'us were o )ened to t'.e first and most plausible invasion oF the colonial rights. In vain were we told, and perhaps with the gre^itest truth and sincerity, that the mor.ies levied in America were all to be expended witlnn the country, and for oiu' ben'fi'; equally idle was the poli'^v of G-eat Britain, in commencinic her new system by a small and almost imperceptible duty, and that upon very few articles. It whs not the quantity of the tax, it was not the mode of appro- priaiion, but it whs the right of the demand, which was called in question. Upon this the people deliberated: this they discussed in a cool and dis|>a<;siDnaie manner: and this they opposed, in every shape that an artful and systematic ministry coul ' devise, for more than ten j'ears, before they assumed the sword. TLis single circumstance, aside from the magni- tude of the object, or the event of the contest, will stamp a peculiar glor}' on the American revolu- tion, and mark it as a distinguished era in the his- tory of mankind; that sober reason and reflection have done the work of enthusiasm, and performed the miracles of Gods. In what other age or na- tion has a laborious and agricultural people, at It would be wanderlni^ from the objects which ought io occupy ouP present attention, again* to recount the numerous acts of the British parlia- ment which composed that .system of tyranny designed f .r the subjugation of Amerioa: neither rian we indulge in the detail of those me r.orable events, which marked aur various stages of resist- ance, from the glooms of unsuccessful sunplica- lioi, to the splendor of victory and ack owledo-- ed sovereignty Tie farmer were the f^u-mo of senatorial eloquence, pro lucing miracles of tinion a'ld exertioT in t-very part of tlic continent, till we find them preserved for everlasting remembrsnce in that declaratory act of indr-pende-ce, which gave being to an empire, and Jignified the day we now commemorate; the latter are fresh in th« memory of every person of the least information* It would be impertinence, if not a breach of delicacy, to attempt a recital of those glorious iichievements, especially before an audience, part of whom have been distinguished ac'.ors in the scene, others the anxious and applauding specta- tors. To the fuit'-iful historian wo resign the task —the historian, whom it is hoped the pr'^sent age will deem it their duty, as well as their interest, to furnish, encourage, and support. AVhatever praise is due for the task already per- formed, it is certain that much remaii.s to be d.ne. The revolution is but half completed. Indepea- dence and government were the two objects con- tended for: and but one is yet obtained. To the glory of the present age, and the admiration of the future, our severance from the British empire ease upon their own farms, secure and distant from h''^' conducted upon principles as noble, as they the approach of fleets and armies, tide-waiters, and stamp-masters, reasoned before they had felt, and, from the dictates of duty and conscience, •ncountered dangers, distress, and poverty, for the sake of securing to posterity a government of independence and peace? The toils of ages and the fate of millions were to be sustained by a few hands. The voice of unborn nations called upon them for safety; but it was a still small voice, the voice of rational reflection. Here was no Cromwell to inflame the people with bigotry and zeal, no Cssar to reward his followers wif. the spoils of vanquished foes, and no territory to acquire by conquest. Ambition, superstition, and avarice, those universal' torches of war, never illumined an American field of battle: But the permanent principles of sober policy spread through the colonies, roused the people to assert their rights, and conducted the revolution. 49. were new and unprecedented in the history of hu- man actions. Could the same generous princi- ples, the same wisdom and unanimity be exerted in effecting the establishment of a perm.anent federal system, what an additional lustre would it pour upon the present age! a lustre hitherto unequalled; a display of magnanimity for which mankind^nay never beliold another opportunity. Without an efficient government, our indepen- dence will cease to be a blessing. Shall tlni glow of patriotism and unslinken perseverance, which has been so long consni uous in tlie American character, desert as at our utmost ne'd? Shall we lose sight of our own happiness, because it has grown familiar by a ne.ir approach? Shall thy . *Thi^ oration was preceded by kh' tpctiire of the act of independence; which, by an order ot this state society, is in fuvu e to make part ot their public exercises at every annual meeting. S86 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION, labors, O Washington, have been besvowed in vain? Hast thou conducted us to independence and'peace, and shall we not receive the blessings at thy hands? AVhere are the shades of our fallen friends? and what is their language on this occasion? Warren, Montgomery, Mercer, Woosler, Scimmel, and Lau Fens, all ye hosts of departed heroes! rich is the treasure you have lavished in the cause, and pre- valent the price you have paid for our freedom. Shall the purchase be neglected? the fair inheri- tance lie without improvement, exposed to every daring invader? Forbid it, honor; forbid it, gratitude; and oh, may Heaven avert the impend- ing evii. Ift contemplating the price of our independence, it will never be forgotten, that it was not entirely the work of o'jr own hands; nor could it probably have been established, in the same term of time, by all the blood and treasure that America, un- assisted, was able to furnish for the contest. Much of the mprit is due, and our warmest acknowledg- ments shall ever flow to that illustrious monarch, the father of nations and friend of the distrest — that monarch who, by his early assistance, taught us not to despair; and who, when we had given a sufficient proof of our military virtue and persever- ance, joined us in alliance, upon terms of equality; gave us a rank and credit among the maritime na tions of Europe; and furnished fleets and armies, money and military stores, to put a splendid period to the important conflict. Where shall we find language to express a na- tion's gratitude for such unexampled goodness and magnanimity? my friends, it is not to be done with language. Our sense of obligation for favors received from Heaven, is best expressed by a wise improvement. Does Louis ask for more? and can duty be satisfied with less? Unite in a permanent federal government; put your commerce upon a respectable footing; your arts and manufactures, your population, your wealth and glory will in- crease; and when a hundred millions of peqple are comprised within your territory, and made happy by your sway, then shall it be known, that the hand of that monarch assisted in planting the vine, from which so great a harvest is produced. His generous heart shall exult in the prospect: his royal descendants, fired by the great example, shall imitate his virtues: and the world shall unite in his praise. Here shall that pride of the military character, the gallant PAYETTE, find his compensation for a life of disintercited aervice. whose toils have noi ce^ised with the teriTiinatlon of the Wi-..-, and whose successful endeavors to promote our in- tertst, in commercial and politic.il arrangements, can only be equalled by his achievements in the field. How will the posterity of that noblemang and that of the other brave oflicers of his nation, who have fought by your sides, on reviewing the Araerican history, rejoice in the fame of their fa- thers; nor even regret the fate of those who bled in so glorious a field! An acknowledgment of the merits of Rocham= beau and Chastellux, D'Estaigw, De Gr.asse, De Earras, and the other heroes of the Frencii i>rmy and navy — affection to the memory of our brethren and companions who have bled in our battles- reverence to the advice of our illustrious com- mander in chief, and of all those sages and patriots who have composed our councils, from the time of the first congress to the present moment — honor to our worthy creditors in Europe — a regard to the conduct of the imperial sovereigns of Russia and Germany, who evince to the v/orld that they revere the cause of liberality and tiuman happi- ness, in which we drew the sword — a respect to the memory of the venerable Frederic of Prussia, whose dying hand put the signature lo a treaty of commerce with the United States, upon the most liberal principles that ever origmaied m a diplo- matic council — a sacred regard to ourselves and to all posterity — and, above all, a religious graitude to our Heavenly Benefacior, who hath hitherto smiled upon our endeavors — call upon us, in the language of a thousand tongues, for firmness, unanimity, and perseverance, in completing the revolution, and establishing the empire. The present is justly considered an alarming crisis: perhaps the most alarming that Americft ever saw. We have contended with the most powerful nation, and subdued the bravest and best appointed armies: but now we have to contend with ourselves, and encounter passions and prejudices, more powerful than armies, and more dangerou* to our peace. It is not for glory, it is for existence that we contend. Much is expected from the federal conventioft now sitting at Philadelphia: and it is a happy cir- cumstance that so general a confidence from all parts of the country is centred in that respectable body. Their former services, as individuals, com- mand it, and our situation requires it. But although much is expected from tbem, yet more is demand^ ed from ourselves. PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 587 The first great object is to convince the people of the importance of their present situation: for the majority of a great people, oaa subject which they understand, will never act wrong. If ever there was a tinne, in any age or nation, wlien the fate of nr»illions depended on the voice of one, ii is the present period in these stales. Every free citizen of the American empire ought now to consider himself as the legislator of half mankind. When he views the amazing extent of territory, settled and to be settled under the operation of his laws — when, like a wise politician, he contem- plates the population of future ages — the changes to be wrought by the possible progress of arts> • in agrir,uUure, commerce, and manufactures — the increasing connexion and intercourse of nations, and the effect of one rational political system upon the general happiness of mankind — bis mind, dilated with the great idea, will realize a liberali y of feeling wiiich leads to a rectitude of conduct. He will see that the system to be established by his suffrage, is calculated for the great benevolent purposes of extending peace, happiness, and pro- gressive improvement to a large proportion of his fellow creatures. As there is a probability that the system to be proposed by the convention may answer this description, there is some reason to bope it will be viewed fay the people v/ith that candour and dispassionate respect which is due to the importance of the subject, While the anxiety of the feeling heart is breath- ing the perpetual sigh for the attainment of so great an object, it beooiTjes the strongest duty of the social connexion, to enlighten and harmonize the minds of our fellow-citizens, and point them to a knowledge of their interests, as an extensive federal people, and fathers of increasing nations. The price »;ut into their hands is great, beyond all comparison; and, as they improve it, they will entail happiness or misery upon a larger proportion of human beings, than could be affected by the conduct of all the nations of Europe united. of erroneous sentiments arising from our inexperi- ence; sentiments which, if uncorrected in this early stage of our political existence, will he the source of cakmiiies wilhoul measure and without end. Should that venerable philosopher an 1 states- man be induced to continue his enquiries, by tracing the history of confederacies, and with his usual energy and per.spicuity, delineate and defend a system adapted to the circumstances of the Unit- ed States— I will not say he could deserve more from his distrest country, but he would crown a life of patriotic labors, and render an essential addi- tional service to the world. While America enjoys the peculiar felicity of seeing those, who have conducted her councils and her battles, retire, like Cincinnatus, ;o the humble labors of the plough, it must be remember- ed that she there expects a continuance of tlieir patriotic exertions. The society of the Cincinnati, established upon the most benevolent principles, will never lose sight of their duty, in rendering every possible aid, as citizens, to that community which they have defended, as soldiers. They will rejoice, that, although independence was the result of force, yet government is the child of reason. As they are themselves an example of the noblest effort of human nature, the conquest of self, ia obeying the voice of their country, and exchanging the habits, the splendor, and importance of mili. tary life, for domestic labor and poverty they will readily inculcate on others, the propriety of sacriiicing private and territorial advantages, to the good of the great majority, the salvation of the United States. Slaves to no party, but servants of the whole, they have wielded the sword of every state in the union, and bled by the side of her sons. Their attachments are as extensive as their labors.— Friendship and charity, the great pillars of their institution, will find their proper objects, through the extended territory, and seek the happiness of all. Those who are possessed of abilities or informa- ^^ii^ ^.^ contemplate the endearing objects of tion in any degree above the common rank of their fellow-citizens, are called upon by every principle of humanity, to diffuse a spirit of candour and rational enquiry upon these important subjects. Adams, to his immortal honor, and the timely assistance of his country, has set the great exam- ple. His treatise in defence of the constitutions, though confined to the state republics, is calculaL ed to do infinite «ervice, by correcting thousands our association — and indulge in the gloomy plea- sure of recollecting that variety of suffering which, prompted the sympathetic soldier to institute this memorial of his friendship—fraternal affecfiua recalls the scene of parting, and enquires with solicitude the fate of our beloved companions. Since the last anniversary, the death of general Howe has diminished the number of our brethren and called for the tribute of a tear. With soiae of k sas PRINCrPLES AND ACTS OF IHE REVOLUTIOJS. the foibles, incident to human nature, l;e possessed many valuable accomplisbments. His natural good understanding he bad embellished v.jth considera- ble attention to poHte literature. As a soldier, he was brave — as an officer, attentive to disci- pline; he commanded with dignity and obeyed with alacrity; and whatever talents he possessed, were uniformly and cheerfully devoted to the ser- vice of his country. But a few weeks prfvious to that period, the much lamented deaths of Tilpjhman and M'Dougall Viev siiccessively announced, and the tidings re- ceived n ith a peculiar poignancy of grief. What citizen of the American empire does not join the general voice of gratitude, when contemplating the merits of 'hose distinguishing officers, and rwpII the tide of sympathy, with his bereaved country, when deprived of tlseir future assistance? They were ornaments to the slates in wbiclj they lived, as well as to the profess^jon in which they acquired their glory. Amiable and heroic Tilghmnn! short was the career of thy fames but much hast thou performed for thy country. Of thee shall it ever be re rnembered, that no social virtue was a stranger to tiiy breast, and no military acl.ievement too daring! soul: and that it was the love, of a rational and for thy sword, While we condole with thy afflicted «f'lig''iened age, and not ihe stupid sUre of bar* list of our deceased comp.«iiiO''s be closed even with the names of those worthy heroes But Heaven had bestowed too murh glory upon the life of the favorite Greene, to allow it a long dura- tion. My affectionate auditory will anticipate more than can be uttered, in the mel:inc^ oly duty of contemplating his distinguished excellence. To any asserr.bly that could be CDllected in America, vain would be the attempt 'o illustrate liis charac- ter, or embeliisli the scene of his exploits. It is a subject to be felt, but not to be described. To posterity, indeed, it ma\ be told, as an incentive to the most exalted virtue and asionishing enter- prize, that the man, who cnrrierl in his native genius all the resources of war, and the balance of every extreme of fortune — who knew the advan- lages to be derived from defeat, the vigilunce of military arrangement, the rapidity and happy mo- ment of assault, the deliberate activity of battle* and the various important uses of vict.>ry — .hat the man who possessed every conceivable quality of a warrior, was, in his public and private charac- ter, without a foible or a fault; that all the amiable as well as heroic virtues were assembled in his father for the loss of so dear a son, permit the tear of friendship to flow fcr its own bereavement: and as oft as the anniversary of tins day shall as- semble the companions of thy life, to rejoice in the freedom of their country; tlicy shall mingle a eighto thy lasting memory, and bewail thy untiroely fate. Untimely also was the death of the brave and patriotic M'Dougall. Though many years were worn away in his unremitted labors for the public Safety-.-though his early and decided esertions against the claims of Great Britain had an essential influence in determining the conduct of the pro Vince in which he resided — though he was the nerve of war, the wisdom of council and one of our princi- pal supporters in the acquest of independence — yet these but shew us the necessity of such charac- ters in establishing the blessings of the acquisi- tion. While it bh.'ill vequire the same wist'om and Unshaken fortitude, the same patience and per- severance, to rear tiie fabric of our entire, as it did to lay the fotindation — patriotism and valour, Sn -ympathelic affection, will bemoan the loss of >l'DaugaU. Happv would it be for America, thrice hpppy {br the feelings of sorrowing friendship, could the Darity, that expressed his praise. The map of America may designate the vast extent of conquered country recovered by his sword: the future truveller, in the southern states, may be pointed, by the peasant, to the various regions containiijg monuments of his valor and his skill; where, amid bis marches and counter- marches, his studied retreats and bis rapid ap- proaches, every advantage, given to the enemy, was resumed with ten-fold utility and certain con- quest. The historic amae, as a legacy to future ages, may transmit with heroic dignity the feats of her favorite chief: but v.'ho shall transmit the feelings of the heart — or give the more interesting representation of his worth? the hero will remain; but the man must be lost. The gri(f of his bereaved consort, aggravated by the universal testimony of his merit, we hope will receive some alleviation from the ardent sympathy of thousands, whose hearts were penetrated with his virtues, and whose tears would have flowed upon his hearse. But we will not open afresh the wounds whicU •>ve cannot close. The best eulogium of the good and great ia expressed by an emulation of their PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 389 virtue^. As those of ihe illustrious Greene ■ ' i eqii !l\ us-!u1 in every department, in which hu- man socie y can call a man to act, every fi-iend to America must feel the want of his assistance, in the duties that remain to be performed. Ye-, as these duties are of the rational and pacifi( kind, the performance is more attainable, and eniulatii i: the better encouraged. In military operations, none but tlie soldier can be distinguished, nir any but the ibrlunale are sure of rendering strvice: but here is a theatre of action for every citizen of a great country: in which the smallest circum stance will have its weight, and on whicii infinite conecqucuces will depend. The present is an age of philosopliy, and Ame- rica 'he empire of reason. Here, neitlier tl»c pageanti-y of courts, nor the glooms of suj.fiSii tion, !iave dazzled or beclouded the mind. Oi.r duty calls us to act worthy of the age and the country that gave us birth. Though inexperience may have betrayed vis into errors— yet they have not been fatal: and our own discernment will point us to their proper remedy. However defective the present confederated sys tem may appear — yet a due consideration of the circumstances, under which it was framed, will teach us rather to admire its wisdom, than to murmur at its faults. The same political abilities. field of thought. The natux'a! resources of the country are inconceivably various and great. The enterprizing genius of the people promises a most rapid improvement in all the arts that embellish human nature. The blessings of a rational go- vernment will invite emigrations from the rest of tSe worid, and fill the empire witli the worthiest and happiest of mankind; while the example of political wisdom and felicity, here to be displayed, will excite emulation through the kingdoms of the eariii, and meliorate the conduion of the ha-v man race. In the pleasing contemplation of such glorious events, and comparing the scenes of action that adorn the western hemisphere, with what ha* take-.i place in the east, may we not apply to oar country the language of the prophet of Israel^ though spoken on a difl'- rent occasion— "The glory of this latter house shall be greater than the former, saith the Lord of Hosts: and in this place will I give peace, saith the Lord of IIosis:"— peace to any disorders that may at present subsist ■ mong us — peace to the contending passions of nations — peace to this empire, to future ages, and througli the extended world! THE SKNTI5IENTS OF AN AMEHTCAIT WOWAH-. From a Philadelphia paper dated June, 1780. On the commencement of actual war, the women which were displayed in that institution, uniied j of America manifested a firm resolution to contra- With the experience we have had of its oper.,tion, | bute as much as could depend on them, to the de- Will doubtless produce a system, which will stand I Ijverance of their country. Animated by the purest, the test of ages, in forming a powerful and happy people. Elevated with the extensive prospect, we may consider present inconveniencies as unworthy of regret. At the close of the war, an uncommon plenty of circulating specie, and a universal passion for trade, tempted many individuals to involve themselves in ruin, and injure the credit of their country. But these are evils which work their own remedy. The paroxysm is already over. Industry is increasing faster than ever it declined; snd, with some exceptions, where legislative authority has sanctioned fraud, the people are honestly discharging their private debts, and in- creasing the resources of their wealth. Every possible encouragement, for great and generous exertions, is now presented before us. Under the idea of a permanent and happy govern ment, every point of view, in which the future •ituation of An.erlca can be placed, fills the mind with peculiar dignity^ and op^ns an unbounded patriotism, they are sensible of sorrow at this day, in not offering more than barren wisl.e:; for the sue- cess of so glorious a revolution. They aspire to render themselves more really useful; and this sen- timent is universal from the north to the south of the thirteen United States. Our ambition is kin- died by the fame of those heroines of antiquity, who have rendered their sex illustrious, and have proved to the universe, that, if the weakness of our constitution, if opinion and manners did not forbid us to march to glory by the same paths as tlic men, we should at least equul, and sometimes sur- pass them in o'jrlove for the public good. I glory in all that which my sex has done great and com- mendable. I call to mind with enthusiasm and with admiration, all those acts of courage, cf con- stancy and patriotism, vvhich history has transmit- ted to us: The people favored by heaven, preserv- ed from destruction by the virtue, the ze.d and the resolution of Deborah, of Judith, of Esther! The fortitude of the mother of he .Machabees, in giv- ing up her sons to die before her eyes: Rome saved 390 PRLSCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTIOxN^. from the fnryof a victorious enemy by the effor'-s I disinterestedness, your com -ige, and your co si of VolHtnaia, nnd other Roman ladies: So many faiTtous sjpges, where the women have been seen» forgetting the weakness of their sex, bi'ilding ne^v walls, digging trenches with their feeble hanrls, furnishing arms to their defenders, they themselves darting the missile weapons on the enemy, resignirg the ornairents of their appa" rel, and their fortune, to fill the public treasury, and to hasten the deliverance of their country; cy will always be dear to America, as long as she- shall preserve her virtue. We know that, at a distance from the theatre of war, if we enjoy any tranquility, it is t)\e fruit of your watchings, your labors, your dangers. If i live happy in the midst of my family, if my hus- band cultivates his field, and reaps his harvest in peace; if, surrounded with my children, I myself burying themselves under its ruins; throwing them-|"'^""^** ^^^ youngest, and press it to my bosom, selves into the flames rather than submit top'"^""* ^^'"ff ^^^^^^ of seeing myself separated the disgrace of humiliation before a proud ene-K''^'" *^' ''y *^^'"°'^'0"^ ^"^'"^•'^^•i'^ ^^o"''^ '" which my. Born for liberty, disdaining to bear the irons of a tyrannic government, we associate ourselves to the grandeur of those sovereigns, cherished and revered, who have held with so much splendor the sceptre of the greatest states. The Matildas, the Elizabeths, the Maries, the Catharines, who have extended the empire of liberty, and, contented to reign by sweetness and justice, have broken the chains of slavery, forged by tyrants in the times of ignorance and barbarity. The Spanish women, do they not make, at this moment, the most patriotic sacrifices, to increase the means of victory in the hands of their sovereign? He is a friend to the 'French nation. They are our allies. We call to mind, doubly interested, that it was a French maid who kindled up amongst her fellow citizens, the flame of patriotism buried ander long misfortunes: It was the maid of Orleans who drove from the kingdom of France the ancestors of those same British, whose odious yoke we have just shaken off; and whom it is necessary that we drive from this continent. But I must limit myself to the recollection of this small number of achievements. Who knows If persons disposed to censure, and sometimes too severely with regard to us, may not disapprove our appearing acquainted even with the actions of which our sex boasts? We are at least certain, that he cannot be a good citizen who will not applaud our efforts for the relief of the armies which de- fend our lives, our possessions, our liberty? The situation of our soldiery has been represented to me; the evils inseparable from war, and the firm and generous spirit which has enabled them to sup- port these. But it has been said, that they may apprehend, that, in the course of a long war, the view of their distresses maybe lost, and their ser- vices forgotten. Forgotten! never; lean answer! we dwell; if our barns, oirr orcharrls arp safe at the present time from the hands of those incendiaries, it is to you that we owe it. And shall we hesi- tate to evidence to you our gratitude? Shall we hesitate to wear a clothing more simple; hair- dresses less elegant, while, at the price of this small privation, we shall deserve your benedictions. Who amongst us, will not renounce, with the high- est pleasure, those vain ornaments, when she shall consider that the valiant defenders of America will be able to draw some advantage from the mo» ney which she may have laid out in these; that they will be better defended from the rigors of the seasons; that, after their painful toils, they will re- ceive some extraordinary and unexpected relief; that these presents v/ill perhaps be valued by t.hera at a greater price, when they will have it in their power to sayr This in the offering of the ladies* The time is arrived to display the same sentiments which animated us at the beginning of the revolu- tion, when we renounced the use of teas, however agreeable to our taste, rather than receive them from our persecutors; when wc made it appear to them that we placed former necessaries in the rank of superfluities, when our liberty was interested; when our republican and laborious hands spun the flax, prepared the linen intended for the use of owr soldiers; when exiles and fugitives we supported with courage all the evils which are the concomi- tants of war. Let us not lose a moment; let us be engaged to offer the homage of our gratitude at the altar of military valor, and you, our brave de- liverers, while mercenary slaves combat to cause you to share with them, the irons with which they ' are loaded, receive with a free hand our offering, the purest which can be presented to your virtue. By an A MERICAN WOMAN. General Ariiold. The following is the letter of tliis infamous man to in the name of all my sex. Brave Americans, your| the commander in chief, after his treason, and PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 391 an account of a procession which was bad in the city of Philadelphia a day or two after the date of this letter: "Onboard the Vulture, Sept. 25,1780. **SiR~The heart which is conscious of its own rectitude cannot attenript to palliate a step which the world may censure as wrong; I have ever acted from a principle of love to my country, since the commencement of the present unhappy contest between Great Britain and the colonies; the same principle of love to my country actuates my pre- sent conduct, however it may appear inconsisent to the world, who very seldom judges right of any man's actions. "I have no favor to ask for myself. I have too often experienced the ingratitude of my country to attempt it; but from the known humanity of your excellency, I am induced to ask your protection for Mrs Arnold, from every insult and injury that the mistaken vengeance of my country may expose her to. It ought to fall only on me, she is as good and as innocent as an angel, and is incapable of doing wrong. I beg she may be permitted to re- turn to her friends in Philadelphia, or to come to me as she may choose; from your excellency I have no fears on her account, but she may saffer from the mistaken fury of the country. *'I have to request that the enclosed letter may be delivered to Mrs. Arnold, and she permitted to write to me. "I hav^ also to ask that my clothes and baggage, which ire of little consequence, may be sent to me; if required, their value shall be paid in money, *'I have the honor to be, with great regard and es- teem, your excellency's most obedient humble servant, B. ARNOLD. "His excellency, general Washington. «»N. B. In justice to the gentlemen of my family, eol. Varrick and major Franks, I think myself in honor bound to declare, that they, as well as Joshua Smith, esq. (who I know are suspected) are to- tally ignorant of any transactions of mine, that they had reason to believe, were injurious to the public." A concise description of the figures exhibited and pa- raded through the streets of this city on Saturday last. A stage raised on the body of a cart, on which was an effigy of general Arnold sitting; this was dressed in regimentals, had two fsces, emblemati- cal of his traitorous conduct, a mask in his left hand, and a letter in his right from Belzebub, tel- ling him that he had done all the mischief he could do, and now he must hang himself. At the back of the general, was a figure of the devil, dressed in black robes, shaking a purse of money at the general's left ear, and in his right hand a pitch-fork, ready to drive him into hell, as the reward due for the many crimes which his thirst of gold had made him commit. In the front of the stage, and before general Ar- nold, was placed a large lanthorn of transparent paper, with the consequences of his crimes thua delineated, i. e. on one part general Arnold on his knees before the devil, who is pulling him into the flames— a label from the general's mouth with these words, "My dear sir, I have served you faith- fully;" to which the devil replies, "And I'll re- ward you." On another side, two figures hanging, inscribed, "The Traitor's Reward," and wrote un. derneath, "The adjutant general of the BritLsh ar- my, and Joe Smith; the first hanged as a spy, and the other as a traitor to his country." And on the front of the lanthorn was wrote the following: — "Major general Benedict Arnold, late commander ofthe/;r< West Point. The crime of this man is high treason. "He has deserted the important post, JVest Point, on Hudson's river, committed to his charge by his excellency the commander in chief, and is gone off to the enemy at New York. "His design to have given up this fortress to our enemies has been discovered by the goodness of the Omniscient Creator, who has not only prevented him from carrying it into execution, but has thrown into our hands Andre, the adjutant general of their army, who was detected in the infamous character of a spy. "The treachery of the ungrateful general is held up to public view, for the exposition of infa- my; and to proclaim,' with joyful acclamation, ano. ther instance of the interposition of bounteous Providence. "The effigy of this ingrate is therefore hanged (for want of his body) as a traitor to his native country, and a betrayer of the laws of honor." The procession began about four o'clock, in the following order: ^92 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. Several genilemen mounted on liorseback. A line ofcontinental ofHcers. Sundry gentlemen in a line. A guard of the city infantry. Just before the cart, drums and fifes playing the llos^ues march. Guards on eacli side. The procession was attended with a numer asaef \ •■• .ic. h ve taksn p.ace sin^e the hegiiininir of the wqr so we recommend, in a particular manner, to th -ir obs- rv^tiin, the goo Iness of God in the year now drawing to a conclusion. In which the con- f-deruio;. of the United State, has been com- pi'^ted-in which there have been so many in- staace* of prowess and su-cpss in our armies, particulirly in tlie sTjth-rn stales, where, not- withstandiig the dltficiltics with wiich ih-'y had to struggle, they have recovered the whole coun- ous concourse of people, who, after expressing P^ 7:^^"' '"'■' '^"" ''^^^'^"^'-^^ ^''^ ^^'^^'^ '^"■'"" Iheir abhorrence of the treason and the traitor,!""^ ' '"'' """ ^""^^ ''"^ over-ru;,. leaving ih.,n committed him to the flumes, and left both tho effigy and the original to sink into ashes and obli- vion. PROCLAM \TIO>f. "Whereas, it hath pleased Almiglity God, the only a post or two, on or n.-nr the sea;— in which we have be?n so powerfully and effectu Uy ass:s.ed by our allies, while in .dl the cor.junct opera ions tlie most perfect harmmy his suhsi-^-ed in the allied army;— in which there has been so plentiful a harvest, and so great abun.-la .ce of the fruits of the earth of every kind, as not only enables us - - -■ -'^'.f >>i.iu, as injL uiiiv ena')'es us father of mercies, remnrkably to assist and sup- easily to supply the wants of our army but gves port the Un,ted Spates of America, in their im.|comfort and happiness to the whole people-and portant struggle for liberty, ^>gair,st the long con tinned efforis of a pouarful nation, it is the duty of all ranks to observe and thankfully acknowledgp the interposiuoiis of his Providence in their behalf Through the whole of the contest, from its first rise, to this time, the i. Huence of Divine Providence may be clearly perceived in many signal instances, of which we mention but few. In revealing the councils of our enemies, when the discoveries were seasonable and important, and the means were seemingly inadequate or formito'is; — in preserving and even improving the union of the several states, on the breach of which «ur enemies placed their greatest dependence; — . . - «•-•- -« .»..^jv ... i,ij la-i 3; 117 com* w increasing the number, and adding to the zed fort and relieve all our brethren who are in distress and attachment of the friends of liber^y-in grant- | or captivity; to prosper our hu.bandmen, a,id give ing remarkable deliverances, and blessing us with success to all engaged in lawful commerce- to the mos. signal success, when affairs seemed to impart wisdom and integrity to our counsellors have the most discouraging appearance;-in raising judgment and fortitude to our officers and soldiers' up for us a powerful and generous ally, in one of to protect and prosper our illustrious ally, and favor our united exertions for the speedy establish.' ment of a safe, honorable, and lasting peace; t« bless all seminaries of learning; and causf the knowledge of God to cover the earth, as the waterf in which, after the success of our allies by sea, a general of the first rank, with his whole army, has been captured by the allied forces, under the direc tion of our commander in chief. It is therefore recommended to the s?veral states to set-ipart the thirteenth day of December next, to be religiously observed as a day of thanksgiving and prayer; that all ihe people may assemble on that day, with grateful hearts, to celebra.e the praises of our gracio'is Bt-nefactor; to confess our manifold sins; to offer up our most fervent sup- plications to ;he God of all Grace, that it may please him to pardon our offences, and incline our hearts for th( future to keep dl his la > s; to com- the first of the E.iropea i povers; — in confounding the councils of our enemies, and suffering them to pursue such measures, ^s have most d rectly contributed to frustrate their own desires ani ex- peciations,— above all, in making their ex reme cruelty to the inhabitants ofthe.se states, when in their power, and their savage devastation of pro- perty, the very means of cemeiting our union, and adding vigour to every effort in opposition to them. And as we cannot help leading the good peo- ple of these states to a retrospect on the events cover the seas. Done in congress this twenty-sixth day of OcAo* ber, in the year of our Lord one th lusand seven hundred and eighty one, and in the sixth year of the independence of the United States of America. THO.M.VS M'KEAN, prendent. Attest, CHAntKS TuojtsojT, sec'r^o PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OP THE REVOLUTION. S?>3 Baltimorf., A'ovember 15, 1781. The address of the citizens of Jialtimove to the honora- ble major general, the marqnis de la Fayette. It is with peculiar satisfaction that the citizens of Baltimore embrace the present moment, to ex- press a. gratitude which they will always owe to major general tlie marquis de la Fayette; and to congrat'ilate him, personally, on the late important events in Virginia and South Carolina, so glorious and consequeniial to America. Among the first in our cause, you early found a way to our uffections, with him, who has struggled witli our various difficultiea since their beginning. At a time when we had no ally, you were our friend; and wiien we gained an ally, your presence and good offices could not but increase a cordiality FUOM THE tOSnO't CHROVICLE, MAHCII 9, 17B'2. The humble and dutiful declaration awl address of his majesty^s Jlnerican loyalists, to the ^ja^-'a viost excellent majesty, to both houses of [larliainent and the people of Great Britain. We, his majesty's most dutiful and faitliful sub- jects, the loyul inhabitants of America, who have happily got within the protection of the Hritish forces, as well as those who, tl;ough too wise not to have foreseen the fatal tendency of the present wanton and causeless rebellion, yet, from number- less obstacles, and unexampled severities, liave hitherto been co.apelled to remain under the tyranny of the rebels, :md submit to the measures of congressional usurpation; ar.iiriatcl vviili tiie pureit principles of duty and allegiance to his ma- which must render our union with France per-iJ^sty and the British parliame'^t, lieg leave, witti maaent. In particular, we cannot sufficiently acknowledge our sense of your late campaign in Virginia, where, with a few regulars and militia, you opposed the British commander, from whose large army, and military talents, this state had such serious cause of apprehension. the deepest humility and reverence, on the c>rsse;'.t calamitous occasion of public and national mis- fortune, in the surrender of lord Cornwallis, and the army under his lordship's command, at York- Town, liu.ahly to entreat that your majesty, and the parliament, would be graciously pleased to permit us to offer this renewed testimony of loynlty and jallaclmient to our most gracious sovereign, and These things, sir, have rendered you dear to us, the British nation and government; and thus pub- and we feel the highest gratification in seeing, once licly to repeat our most heartfelt acknowleJg- rnore, in our town, the man who will always hold a ments for the infinite obligations we feel ourselves first place in our hearts. under for the heavy expenses that have been Baltimore, 5th JVovember, 1781. The answer of mnjor general de la Fayelte to the address from the citizens nf Balliinore. In the affectionate attentions of the citizens of a free town, I would find a reward for the services the first American soldiers, is for me a source of the greatest happiness incurred, r.nd the great national exertions that have been made, to save and rescue us, and your American colonies, from impending ruin, and the accumulated distresses and cidamiiies of civil war. For such distinguished proofs of national ease and regard, we confess ourselves unable to make that of a whole life. The honor to have been amoner , , . , , i . • . ., °j adequate return which our hearts, replete with the most dutifiil and grateful sensations, most wdlii-giy of^cr, but which we have not words sulHcient to, I participate with you in the glo-rious events express. Our sufferings as men, and. our duty as that have taken place under his excellency gene-do}al subjects, point out to us at once, the pro- ral Washington's immediate command, and under priety, m our present situation, of thus publicly general Greene. I enjoy the effects these will have on the success of our noble cause, and particularly the advantages which they will affurd to this state. The time when I had the honor to command the army in Virginia, which you are pleased so politely to mention, has only shewn that the courage and fortitude of American troops are superior to every kind of difficulty. My campaign began with a personal obligation to the inhabitants of HaUimore; at the end of it I find myself bound lo Iheoi by a new tie of everlast- ing gratitude. LA FAVE FTE. 50. repeating our assurance.s, that we revere, with a kind of holy enthusiasm, the ancient constitution of the American colonies; and that we cannot but lament every event, and be anxiously solicitous to remove every cause or suspicion, that might have the most distant tendency to separate the two countries, or in any remote degree to lessen the claim we have to the present aid and cont^iued exertions of Great Britain; especially if it should arise from any misrepresentation or distrust, either of our (idelity or imtubers, to entitle uslo ihe future countenance and protection of that sovereign and nation, whose government and laws, we call Gad S94 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. to witness, that, in the integrity of our souls, we prefer to all others. Tiie local prejudices of birth and education, and the weight of past and hanpy experience, conspire together to render, in our breasts, most sacred and inestimable, our rela- tion to British subjects and British laws. We deem it more valuable than life itself, and under the most trying circumstances, hate invariably resolved, in defiance of every hazard, to assert our rights; and, as far as in our power, in opposition to every o>her state and kingdom in the world, to adhere to the nation and country from which we sprung; and to which, with honest pride and gratitude, we acknowledge that we owe both our natural and political existence. Unhappy, indeed, for ourselves, and we cannot but iliink unfortunately too for Great Britain, the number of well aflectcd inhabitants in America to the parent country, cannot, for obvious reasons, be exactly ascertained. But there are facts from \v!iich the most undoubted and undeniable con- clusions may be inferred, and to which, for want of other evidence, we must recur, resting our appeal upon such proofs to the unerring and unbiassed decision of truth and candour. The penalty under which any American subject enlists into his majesty's service, is no less than the immediate forfeiture of all his goods and chattels, lands and tenements; and if apprehended, and con-j vioted by the rebels, of having enlisted, or prevail- ed on any other person to enlist into his majesty's service, it is considered as treason, and punished with death: Whereas, no forfeiture is incurred, or penalty annexed, to his entering into the ser- vice of congress; but, on the contrary, bis property is secured, and himself rewarded. In the former case, he withdraws himself from his family and relations, without any possibility of receiving any assistance from, or affording any relief to either. In the latter, he is subject to no such peculiar self-denials, and real distresses. — The embodying provincial corps in New-York, and sending ihem on service to Savannah — or in Philadelphia, and ordering them to Pensacola, when they might be more usefully employed in the province where they were raised: the drafting troops from the corps, and from under the com- man 'i of officers with whom they enlisted, to form new corps, and to give a command to other officers, are all measures which have had their discouraging efTccts on the recruiting service. The desultory manner also in which the war has been carried on, by first UtUng possession of Bos- ton, Rhode Island, Philadelphia, Portsmouth, Nor- folk, in Virginia, Wilmington, in North Carolina » &c. Stc. and then evacuating them, whereby many thousand inhabitants have been involved in the greatest wretchedness, is another substantial rea- son why more loyalists have not enlisted into his majesty's service, or openly espoused and attached themselves to the royal cause; yet, notwithstanding all these discouraging circumstances, there are many more men in his majesti/^s provincial regiments, than there are in the continental service. Hence it cannot be doubted but that there are more loyalists in America than there are rebels; and also, that their zeal must be greater, or so many would not have enlisted into the provincial service, under such very unequal circumstances. Other reasons might be enumerated, why many more have not enlisted into his majesty's provincial service, if we were not prevented from it by motives of delicacy and teiiderriess to the character of the person to whose management the business of that department was principally committed. We also infer from the small number of militia collected by general Greene, the most popular and able general in the service of congress, in the long circuitous march he took through many of the most populous, and confessedly the most rebellions conntiee in that country, that there must be a vast majority of loyalists in that part of America, as well as else- where. The presumption becomes stronger, froor a consideration of the well known seduction and compulsion which were made use of by the rebel generals, and other officers, in order to embody the militia, as well as from the manner in which the militia are there mentioned by general Greene, in his public despatches in the course of one month. In that of the 10th of March, he says— "Our militia have been upon such loose and uncertain footing, ever since we crossed the Dan, that I could attempt nothing with confidence." In bi» next of the 16th, in giving his account of tw» brigades of militia, consisting of three captains, ten subalterns, and -561 rank and file, he return* two captains, nine subalterns, and 592 rank and file missing, besides one regiment, of which he could get no return, and adds, "those missing are supposed to have gone home." According to the report of the generals and field officers, very few were killed or taken; most of them having thrown away their arms, and abandoned the field early in the action. In that of the 30th, he writes, "that nothing but blood and slaughter have prevailed among the whigs and tories; and their inveteracy against each other must, if it continues, depopulate PRlxNClPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 395 this part of the country." Surely, whole brigades] party, some time ago, under the command of one throwing away their arms, and returning Lome, and all that sort of conduct, must carry with it the most presumptive evidence, not only of their disaffection to the measures of congress, but of their loyalty and attachment to his majesty, and the British nation and government; especially if you take into the account this well known fact, that the rebels have recruited the continental ar my, and in all instances assembled the militia, by deceiving some, terrifying many, and driving more, to assist in their military operations. On the con- trary, the service of the loyalists has in all cases been ready and voluntary; and in many unsolicited, and in some unnoticed, if not rejected. If it should be said, if such is the number and disposition of the loyalists in America, how comes it to pass that they have not been of more im- portance to his majesty's service? We answer, might it not with equal propriety be enquired, why his majesty's forces have not more fully answered the just expectations of the nation? — And might not the question with greater propriety be put to his majesty's commanders in America? A due deference to whom, we trust, will be thought the most decent apology for our waving the mention of many more of the true and undenia- ble causes which we have it in our power to assign. And permit us to add, that it is only from modesty, and a wish to avoid both the appearance and im- putation of selfish ostentation, that we decline entering into a particular enumeration of such proofs of allegiance and fidelity, from the conduct and sufferings of American loyalists, as have never been equalled by any people, in any age, or in any country. We cannot, however, refrain from hinting at someincontestible advantages the loyalists have been of, in affording supplies to the royal army, by acting as guides and pilots, and (inde- pendent of those employed in the provincial line) as militia and partizan troops. As corps of Refu- gees, they have been too often distinguished by the zeal and gallantry of their behavior, to need the mention of any particular instance; if they did, we might refer to the affair of the Block-house, opposite Fort Knyphausen, where captain Ward, Buftnion, went from Long Island to Connecticut, and there surprised and took prisoner a rebel major general, named Silliman, and sevearl otiier officers. A party of militia also not long ago went from Wilmington, in North Carolina, 6U or 70 miles into the country, and took major general Ashe, with two or three field ofHcers, and some other persons, and brought them prisoners to his nia- jesty's garrison at Wilmington. Another party of militia lately went near 200 miles up into the country from Wilmington, to a place called Hills- borough, and with a body of 6 or 700 militia, attacked a party of rebel troops, who were there as a guard to the rebel legislature, then sitting at that place, and took the rebel governor, Mr. Burke, several of his council, 11 continental offi- cers, and about 120 of the troops prisoners, whom the militia delivered to major Craig, who com- manded the king's troops at Wilmington. Other more voluntary alerts, preformed by the loyalists in South Carolina and elsewhere, might be mentioned without number. Surely such are not timidfriends! We defy the most incredulous opposer of Ameri- can loyalty, as well as the most determined ad- vocate for congressional usurpation, to point out a single instance wherein the like has been done, or attempted by the rebel militia; or that they have in any instance voluntarily assembled in such numbers, or attempted any military achievements whatever, without the espress orders and coercion of their tyrannical rulers. The establishing civil government, and forming a militia in a colony as soon as the rebel army is drove out of it, is the best measure that can be adopted to make the loyal inhabitants importantly useful to the king's interest. It is the highest political absurdity that ever was thought of, to imagine that a colony is to be retained, and tli* peace and good order of government restov'^j by the force of arms and martial law, ant) that too without the partial aid and concurrence of its inhabitants. And it is equally preposterous to ex- pect that aid and couourrence, without sonje regard is paid to the prejudices and inclinations with about 70 Refugees, withstood and repulsed! of the people. They should be treated v.-ih the attack of general Wayne, at the head of three confidence and honored with notice, by being chosen brigades of continentals. As a militia, appointed to all ofiices of civil government. The acting by themselves (for we take no notice of] protecting autliority and persuasive ii^fluence of the many thousands that, at diflTerent times, par- which is the only measure that can extend to, and ticularly in Georgia and South Carolina, have attached themselves to the royal army) a small connect the people of a British province in one common interest and voluntary submission. A 59& PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. province, dius restored to the influence of civil government, and the exertions of the militia, the natural force of the country, the royal army might proceed to the next, ever keeping the rebel fnces in front. Tims, province after province might and would be speedily reclaimed to their former happy and most eligible situation of British subjects. The policy of prosecuting the American waif is fltrikinglviibvious for more reasons, but particularly as it aftords the most encouraging hope that can poss'bly be held out to his msjesly loyalists to persevere in tlieir principles and exertions, at the sane time that it aflords a number of safe ports to the royal navy during the war. It is also political, in order to prevent vast numbers of distressed peo- ple from goinej to England, and throwing them- selves and fhmilirs, helpless and ruined, upon na- tional bounty for maintenance and support. It is humane and just, from a cqnsideration of the repeated declarations that have been made, that ••it was the gracious and firm resolution of his ma- j for maintaining the dignity, and preserving the jesty and the British nation to persevere, in every Lxterior territories of the British nation and em- just and necessary measure, for the redemption of | pij-g, his majesty's faithful American subjects from the I tyranny asd oppression of congress, and restoring 1 Relying with the fullest confidence upon na- them to the protection and benefit of British laws." tional justice and compassion to our fidelity and The importance the possession of some part, if not i distresses, we can entertain no doubts but that and must continue to be, from the mutual wants and supplies of each other, it would be folly to imagine, but that many of the inhabitants of Que- bec, and the Islands, would, from various mo- tives, and with different views, under such cir- cumstances, contribute in some measure towards facilitating their own reduction, and hastening the surrender to some other power. If Great Britain can maintain a naval superiority in the Ameri- can seas, the continent, with proper conduct, is undoubtedly retainable. If she cannot, her insular possessions in America are still less tenable than her continental; for this plain reason, that the former are more assailable by naval force than the latter. Consequently, the prosecution of the American war with magnanimity and vigour ap- pears to us the best, if not the only measure for re-animating his majesty's loyalists in America, to a strenuous exertion of their most distinguished endeavors, for discouraging the efforts of the rebels for dispiriting the hostile powers of Europe, and the whole of the revolted colonies, must be of, as an asylum for loyalists, as well as the weight it would be of in fixing the preliminary articles. Great Britain will prevent the ruin of her Ameri- can friends, at every risk short of certain destruc- tion to herself But if compelled, by adversity of and influencing the definitive treaty, whenever I "I'sfortune, from the wicked and pefidious corn- such an event should take place, strongly enforces binations and designs of numerous and powerful the political propriety and necessity of tlie Ameri- can war. It also appears to be a political and neces- sary measure, in order to detain the rebel forces in the revolted colonies; for there can be to doubt, if his majesty's troops were withdrawn from thence, but their views and operations would be imme- diately turned towards the province of Quebec to the ncrthv.ard, and the British West-India islands Co the southward, and when the contiguity of the one, ar«»I the proximity of the others to the revolted colonies !>? considered, it is not improbable to sup pose, from the connexion now subsisting between enemies abroad, and more criminal and dangerous enemies at home, an idea should be formed by Great Britain of relinquishing her American colo- nies to the usurpation of congress, we thus solemnly call God to witness, that we think the colonies can never be so happy or so free as in a constitu- tional connexion with, and dependence on Great Britain; convinced, as we are, that to be a British subject, with all its consequences, is to be the happiest and freest member of any civil society in the known world— we, therefore, in justice to our members, in duty to ourselves, and in fidelity America and France, Spain and Holland, but that, [to our posterity, must not, cannot refrain fronj by the united forces of those powers in tliose [making this public declaration and appeal to the St'jacent islands, CO operating with titc Americans, [faithful subjects of every government, and the that th.e British islands must be immediately taken; compassionate sovereign of every people, in every iiid that all the contiijental possessions of Great 'nation and kingdom of the world, that our princi- Biitain would soon after be irrecoverably lost. If; pies are the principles of the virtuous and free; we take into our view the effect the evacuation ofj that our sufl'erings are the sufl'erings of unprotected America must have upon the ininds of people, I loyalty, and persecuted fidelity; that our cause is and the unavoidable iuiercoursc there has beep, I the cause of legal and constitutional government., PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. S97 any power in Europe, to the iroriifying debasement of a state of slavery, and a Wft of insult, under the tyranny of congressional usurpation. Baltimoiie, Ju!i/ 30, 1782, Yesterday a depntaticn of the nnerchants of thia town, waited upon his excellency Coust te Ro- CHAMBEAu, and presented him the following ad- dress, expressing their grateful sentiments of his very poHte attention to their request for protection of the trade, &c. To his excellency the Copnt he Rociiambeait, com' mander in chief of the auxiliary troops of his most Christian majesty, in the United States. We, the merchants of the town of Baltimore, the duty and security of every prince and sovereign! impressed with a grateful sense of the /important on earth. Our appeal, therefore, is just; and our services rendered by your excellency, and the claim to aid and assistance is extensive and 'gallant forces under your command, to the United universal. Bui if, refleciing on the uncertain events | states, and more particularly to the state of Mary- of war, and .sinking under the gloomy prospect ofjij^nd, beg leave to -wait upon your excellency, and public affairs, from the divisions and contests un-jieiurn you our most sincere thanks, in this public happily existing in the great councils of the n-^- manner, for the distinguished aid and protection, throug-hout the woild; that, opposed by pvincip' of republicanism, and convinced, from recent ob- servation, that bruial violence, merciless severity, relentless cruelty, and discretionary outrages are the distinguished traits and ruling principles of the present system of congressional republicanism, our aversion is unconquerable, irreconcileable. — That we are attached to monarchical government, fi-om past and happy experience — by duty, and by choice. That, to oppose insurrections, and to listen to the requests of people so circumstanced as we are, is the common interest of all mankind in civil society. That to support our rights, is to support the rights of every subject of legal go- vernment; and that to afford us relief, is at once tion, any apprehensions should have been excited in our breasts with respect to the issue of the American war, we humbly hope it cannot, even by the most illiberal, be imputed to us as an abate- ment of our unshaken loyalty to our most gracious sovereign, or of our unalterable predilection in favor of the British nation and government, whom may God long protect and preserve, if, in conse- quence thereof, we thus humbly implore that your which you have, from time to time, so willin8:ly ftffoided to the commercial interests of this state, and to inform your excellency, that we are happy in the opportunity of paying you this tribute, .so Ijustly due to distinguished merit. And, permit us, sir, on this occasion, to observ?, thai when the distresses of this country rendered an application to the French nation for assistance majesty, and the parliament, would be graciously | "^'^^^S'*'"!'' ^^^ wisdom of your sovereign pointed pleased, in the tenderness of our fears, and in pit'yj°"* >°"^ excellency as the grand instrument to to our distresses, to solicit, by your ambassadors ^^*'*^ '" ""'' s^*lvation; and, with gratitude, we at the courts of foreign sovereigns, the aid of such p™^'"'^' ^'^»* ^'^^ objects of your appointment have powerful and good allies, as to your majesty andp^" ^""^ answered, and the events Uiat have parliament, in your great wisdom and discretion, T*^^" P'^''^' ^'"'^^ y^""" *>^PPy ^^^rival in America, may seem meet. Or if such a measure should in any manner be thought incompatible with the digniiy and interest of our sovereign and the na- tion, we most humbly and ardently supplicate and entreat, that, by deputies or ambassadors, nominal- ed and appointed by your majesty's suffering Ame- rican loyalists, they may be permitted to solicit and obtain from other nations that interference, aid and alliance, which, by the blessing of Almiglity Cod, and in which you acted so distinguished a part, fullv evince the propriety of your sovereign's choice, and the magnanimity of his intentions towards us— for we have seen a British army, numerous and weli appointed, become prisoners of war to the united exertions of the co;nbined armies of France and America— an event that was considerably accelerat- ed by the great experience and military talents of your excellency, and the valor of liie olFicers and may, in the last fatal and ultimate extreme, save i^°^'^'^''' ""'^^'' y^"''*^"'^""^"'^' ^"'^ which, we trust, and deliver us, his majesty's American loyalists, "^''^ ^"""^ eventually to the establishment of th rights and liberties of tliis country, the purijosc* for which you have so generously drawn vour sword. who, we maintain, in every one of the colonies, compose a great majority of tlie inhabitants, and those too the first in point of opulence and conse- quence, from the ruinous system of congressional I And we beg leave also, amidst the general ■ •^y independence and republican tyranny, detesting ! diffused by th. birth of a Uaupbin of France' to rebellion as we do, and preferring a subjection to Iconiiratulate jour cicelitncy on that auspicioui S93 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. event; and it is our fervent wish and prayers, that be may long live to tread the footsteps of his illustrious father, in being' the friend of the dis- tressed, and the 'advocate for the liberties of man- kind. In hopes that your excellency will enjoy health and happiness, while you reside among us, and on return to your native country, may you be rewarded by your sovereign, in proportion to your merits and services— we remain, with sentiments of gratitude and esteem, on behalf of the merchants of Balti. more, your excellency's most obedient servants, SAMUEL PURVIANCE, RICHARD CURSON, SAMUEL SMITH, MARK PRINGLB, WILLIAM PATTERSON. BiLTiMouE, July 29, 1782. To which bis excellency was pleased to return the following answer: To the merchants of the totvn of Baltimore. Gehtlemeh — The intentions of the king, my master, towards his faithful allies, being that his auxiliary troops should not only protect the liber- ties of the United States, but watch over their commercial interests, as often and as much as it would be in their power, I have felt a peculiar pleasure to have been able to render some ser- vices to your state: The noblest reward for me is, without doubt, the approbation of such a re- apectable body of citizens. The praises which you are pleased to bestow on my conduct, and that of the officers and soldiers ander my command, are due, in a great measure, to his excellency general Washington, and his army, to whose exertions we have had the honor to co-operate, in the reduction of the British army at York-Town. My sovereign will certainly be impressed with a grateful sense of the general joy which has been diffused among the people of all ranks in the Unit- ed States, upon the birth of an heir to hia king- dom. 1 shall not fail to make him acquainted with your patriotic and generous wishes. I embrace with pleasure, gentlemen, this oc- casion, to render you my sincere thanks for the readiness with which you have taken in your houses our staff-officers and others, whose duty and station renders the convenience of a house absolutely ne- cessary to them. I flatter myself that they will maintain, with you, that good understanding, and harmony of sen- timents, which we have been happy enough to ex- perience, till now, from your fellow-citizens in the different states, LE CTE DE KOCHAMBEAU. Annapolis, .Avgutt 15, 1782. On Saturday last arrived in this city, on a visit to our governor, his excellency Count Rochambeau, commander in chief of the auxiliary army in the United States, accompanied by the Count Dillon, and several other French officers of distinction, and on Monday morning set out on his return to balti> more. To hit excellency Cooht Rochambeau, commander in chief of the auxiliary army in the United States. The address of the governor and council of the state of Maryland. Annafolis, Jlugutt 11, 1782. Sin — It is with singular pleasure, that the execu. tive of Maryland embrace the opportunity afford- ed by your arrival in this city, of offering your excellency every mark of esteem and respect. Accept, sir, our warmest thanks for the distin- guished part you sustained in the reduction of York; to the wisdom of your counsels, the vigour of your conduct, the bravery of the troops undeir your command, and to the judicious exertions of the Count de Grasse, the success obtained by thie allied army is, in a great degree, to be attributed. We are happy to assure your excellency, that the people of this state, deeply interested in every event which can promote the felicity of your illustrious monarch, or his kingdom, received, with the most lively demonstrations of joy, the account of the birth of a Dauphin: That the young prince may emulate the virtues, and inherit the dominions of his royal father, and that the union, founded on the most generous equality, and cemented by the blood of both nations, may endure forever, is our fervent wish; the incidents of war have only more strongly united our affections, and we doubt not, that the ancient spiril of France, with her numerous resources, will soon humble the pride of our com^ mon enemy- The ready protection afforded by your excellency to the commerce of Maryland, demands our grate. ful acknowledgments; the decorum and exemplary discipline observed by your troops, on their march through the slate, have given entire satisfaction to our citizens; our duty and inclination will prompt us to do eviery thing in our power for their COU' PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 569 veniencej and we requesi your excellency to com- municate to the generals and other officers of your army, the high sense we entertain of their merit, and the affection and regard we have for their per- sons and characters. In behalf of the executive, THOiMAS S. LEE. To his excellency the governor, and the honorable council of the. state of Maryland. AwwAPOLis, August 11, 1782. I am very sensible of the marks of friendship and affection that I receive from his excellency the go- vernor, and the honorable council of the state of Maryland. If we have been happy enough to contribute to- wards the success of their arms, under our com- mander in chief, his excellency general Washing- ton, we receive the most flattering marks of ap- probation, by the very cordial reception the French army meet with from all the inhabitants of this state. The great joy and interests they have been pleased to show, on account of the birth of the Dauphin, will, undoubtedly, be very agreeable to the king my master; he will be equally flattered at the warmth with which the state of Maryland support their alliance, and wish it to be lasting. The strict discipline of the troops, is the least mark of gratitude that we could give to a state from which we receive so many proofs of attach- ment and friendship. I have the honor to be, your obedient and most bumble servant, l.E COMPTE DE ROCHAMBEAU. EXTRACTS FROM AN ORATION Delivered before his excellency the governor of South Carolina, and a numbeir of other gentlemen, on Monday, the fourth of July, 1785, being the celebration of American independence — by the late Dr. Ladd. "Tell ye your children of it, and let your cliilJreD tell their chil- dren, and their children another generation." A prophet divinely inspired, and deeply impres- sed, with the importance of an event which had just taken place, breaks into this exclamation — an exclamation happily adapted to the present oc- casion; tending to perpetuate the remembrance of an event which is written upon the heart of every true American — every friend to his country. When we consider this as the natal anniversary of our infaat empire, we shall ever be led to call into grateful recollection the fathers of our inde- pendence: those to whom (under God) we are in- debted for our political existence and salvation . A short eulogiura upon them, their merits, and their honors, will be the subject of the present dis- course; for what more happy subject can be chosen on this day, than the great authors of our liberty? they! who "digged it out with their swords!"— who, in the grim face of death, amidst perils innu- merable, gave the purchase of their blood— who built it upon their tombs, and whose spirits, bend- ing from the sky, point with pleasure to its foun- dation. But where ami? Fairy scenes open around me, and I seem to press the ground of enchantment. Behold yon vast structure, which towers to the very heavens! Is it not cemented with blood, and built upon the slaughtered carcase of many a gal- lant soUliep? on its broad front, AMERICAN IN- DEPENDENCE shines conspicuous, in characters of crimson! — surrounding nature appears animated! the very tombs accost the traveller, and seemingly repeat — "How beautiful is death when earn'd by virtue! Who would not sleep with those? what pity is it That we can die but onee to save our c«untry!" Add. C^c. » » » ♦ » The eventful history of our great revolution, is pregnant with many a source of sublime astonish- ment! Succeeding ages shall turn the historic page, and catch inspiration from the era of 1776; they shall bow to the rising glory of America; and Rome, once mistress of the world, shall fade on their remembrance. The commencement of our struggles, their pro-- gress, and their periods, will furnish a useful les- son to posterity — they will teach them that men- desperate for freedom — united in virtue— and as- sisted by the God of armies, can never be subdued. The youthful warrior— the rising politician, will tremble at the retrospect, and turn pale at the amazing story. America— the infant America, all defenceless as she is, is invaded by a most powerful nation; her plains covered by disciplined armies, her harbors crowded with hostile fleets. Destitute of arms; destitute of ammunition; with no discipline but their virtue, and no general but THEIR GOD, behold our brave countrymen arising to resistance —see the first encroachments of hostility withstood at Lexington; and O Britain! write that page of thy' history in crimson, and margin it with black, for thy troops fled!— routed with stones, with clubs, and every ignominious weapon— they fled from our women; they were defeated by our children. 400 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. this,, what mortals could withstand? for it i; written . in the volumes of eternity, that even Britain, tsat hardy, that gallant nation, was unequal to the conflict. At this very tinrje, a member of the British par- liament could assert in open day, that a single re- giment of disciplined troops would march thro' America, and crush the rebels to subjection. The experiment was tried; it was reiterated, and the success was everyway worthy of the rash attempt. Such has the inconsistency been of theory and p!-;>ctice, relative to American subjugation. But were freemen— were Americans to be inti- midaied by the military parade of hostile regi- men.s? Answer, ye Britons! for by a bloody expe- rience, have ye been taught the reverse; by a blooily experience were ye taught never to oppose men desperate for their country; and by that bloody experience will your children, and your children's children acquire in.structien. They will learn wisdom from the history of defenceless Americans, who A'hen threatened with the loss of their liberties, (liber- ties! which were coeval with their existence, and dearer than their lives) arose in resistance, and were nerved by desperation! what was the conse- brave man, that he has died for his country. Quite quence.' the ii.vaders were repulsed, their armies captured, their strong works demolished, and their fleets driven back. Behold the terrible flag, that glory of Great Britain, drooping all tarnished from the mast, bewails its sullied honors. Yet, while we justly admire the valor and suc- cess of our veteran armies, let us shed one tear to the memory of those "unfortunately brave," who « ere martyrs in common cause; and, while we cele- brate tlieir actions — wiiile we glory in their vir- tues — let us deplore the catastrophe, and lament their misfortunes. What catastrophe? what misfortunes? Pardon me, my respected auditors. Let your indulgent (losoms plead in my favor; and re.nember, that the timid perturbation of a young orator, before s» august an assembly, must lead him into frequent improprieties. I said we should lament their mis- fortunes. I beg leave to correct that too hasty expression; for surely it is so misfobtusk to the This, my countrymen, by assistance superhuman, have we at length accomplished— I say superhu- man assistance, for one of us has ^'chased a thou- sand, and ten put ten thousand to fiffht. The Lord of hosin -was on our side, the God of the armies of Israel,-'' and at every blow we were ready to exc!aim with glorious exultation, "'J'he sword of the lord and of Washington.'* • • « » » Yet how did even America despair, when the protecting hand of her GREAT LKADERwas one moment withheld! Witness our veteran army re- treating through the Jerseys; an almost total with- ering to our hopes, while America treinbled with expectation — trembled! tho' shielded and protect- cd by the KING OF KINGS, and her beloved Wasuingtos. But brilliant, rapid, and successive have our con- quests been: while the gloomy "times that try men's aouls" were few, and of short duration. America, born to be independent, gathered strength amidst surrounding difficulties. She rose, like Antaeus, vigorous from every fall. Her resentment was ac- companied by the winged bolt of destruction. It the reverse: it is the highest acme of military am- bition, and plays around the soldier's character with a sun -beam of never ending glory. "The gallant man though slain in fight lie be, Yet leaves bis country safe, bis nation free; Entails a debt on all the grateful state, His own brave friends shall glory in his fate, His wife live honor'd, all his race succeed; And late posterity enjoy the deed." Pope'i Homer. • » » » * The/rtWof the brave man is by no means the death of the vulgar: it is ihe birth-day oT his glory, and opens to a blessed immortality. There the hoary warrior who has learned the rudiments of his profession under Washington or Wolfe, Mont- calm or the great Montgomery, shall then com- mence his soldiership; then, enlisted in the armies of MICHAEL, that arckangelic chieftain, he shall fight the battles of the Lord: nor shall his earthly fame beunremembcred, but, when the historic leat shall shiver in the blaze— when all human work , the great IlHad itself, receive their finish from the fire, the soldier's memory must survive, for it is re* gistercd in heaven. Yes! ye shall live in fame, ye shades of Warren, of Mercer, of Laurens, and the brave Montgomery? and when in remotest ages, posterity shall call forth every distinguishing characteristic of human excellence, the genius of your country shall bend his drooping head, and one tear, one grateful tear flashed, like lightning from heaven, against herj tie shed to your remembrance. Then the young enemies, and blasted as it smote. Opposition like j warrior, emulous of your fates and your fame, shall PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 4t)l in speculation. It contradicts our habits and opi- nions in every other transaction of life. Do we feel his burning soul— and while he unsheaths the patriotic blade, he shall exclaim with transport— "How beautiful is death when earn'd by virtue." But peace to your manes, ye dear departed brethren! ye have trodden the path of honor before US; and obtained the crown of glory. Brethren, St is all your own, for bravely did ye obtain it. May the green sod lie light on your breasts, and eweet your sUimbera be in the dark house appoint- ed for all living. So sleep the brave who sink to rest, With all their country's wishes blest; When spring, with dewy fingers cold, Returns to deck their hallow'd mould, She there shall dress a sweeter sod Than fancy's feet have ever trod. By fairy hands their knell is rung; By forms unseen their dirge is sung; There honor comes, a pilgrim grey. To bless the turf that wr.ips their clay. And freedom shall a while repair, To dwell a weeping hermit ti>evt."—Collint. But we turn to take a view of those worthy au- thors of o\ir independence, who have survived the contest.— A hvitig patriot/ Where is the bosorri that does dot vibrate with pleasure at the sound? The dead CAO oidy receive the tribute of remem- brance; and long shall the? possess it: but the living- axe entitled to our warmest thanks, our united benedictions. — Here words must fail; for who cw duly praise the living patriots of America.'' Alas! barely to recount their names, their merit.s, and their honors, would i-xhaust the powers of language; to do them justice is above all Ciceronian rhetoric, and calls for the eloquence of angels. You, and you, with a very respectable part of my audience, have fronted danger in the bloody field. —With a truly m.isonic fortitude have we assisted in the structure of our independence; and ye will tell the stnry to your children, and your children shall tell their children, and their children another genera- tion. Thus shall your honors succeed with undi- toinished lustre to jjoslerity: and future writers shall praise the brave man, and crown their eulo- gium with — "his father -was an .American." Allow me, ray auditors, one claim on your atten- tion to the beloved name of Washington; for how, upon a celebration like this, can the name of Wash- ington be distant.? he, whose unbiassed virtue, firm patriotism, unequalled abilities, and steady perse yerance, are written upon the hearts of his breth- ren — Though retired from the theatre of action, ' 51. in the full splendor of meridian glories, he can never be lost to his country— we see him in onr li- berties, and shall forever see him, while that OPUS \I AGXUM, the independence of America, remains in existence. Where are those who admire the unexampled patriot, and "in whose ears the name of a soldier sounds like the name of a friend?" O that upoa this day ye wo^ild join your friendly voices wth mine, to eternize the name of Washiugto ! — The august veteran of Prussia has himself led tlie way, wnd left, it upon everbsting record, that "Frederic ■WIS the oldest general in Europe, -when Wathington loas the greatest general upon earth." But I proceed to pay that attention due to the memory of another distinguished character: For' to what is America more indebted than to the gal- lant exertions of her beloved Greene? in whose a-Tiiable c'laracier the great soldier and the good citizen are so conspicuously blended — Long shall this country in particular retain his memory — long as the pal.Tietto, that emblematic tree, shall flourish in Carolina. '•To thee, O Greene, each muse her tribute pay«, Great chiL-ftaiii! crown'd with neverfadiig bays; Thy worth thy country, ever grateful, owns, Her fiist of warriors and her best of sons." # » » • • But see the long list! upon which the names of Gates, Lincoln, the brave Stark, and the gallant Wayne are conspicuously lettered! Men whose names shall descend to posterity with co-eternal honor; among them shall the brave Sullivan be of- ten mentioned; and the name of St. Clair, though sullied by malign censure, will shine untarnished there; and there shall the venerable name of Put- nam be found, that hoary chieftain, who, •'The fame of battle spread, When fourscore years had blanch'd his laurel'd head." But there is no end of this! the list of deserv- ing characters is swelling to my view, and I shall grow hoarse in repeating it; I will therefore quit the attempt, and hasten to conclude: "For ahould I strive to mention ev'ry name, With which my country swells the list of fame, Amidst thelaborof the arduous tale. My time, my periods, and my voice would fail.' ' Previous to my quitting this subject, permit me, gentlemen of South Carolina, to observe, that the very raan who fills the seat of your government for the present year, must long remain high in his country's bonors~-honor8, wlllch be has most brave- 4&2 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTiOfv. ly acquired.-The gallant defence of Fort MouUrie, Most of the present difficulties of this c .i.ntry will decorate the page of many a future history, j «nse from the weakness and other defects of our and give at once immortal fame to the hero and governments, liistoriau. And now, my most respected a«ditors, having in some measure paid our debt of acknowledgment My business at present shall be only to soggest the defects of tbe confederation. These consist— 1st. In the deficiency of coercive power. 2d. In to the visible authors of our independence, let w- j a defect of exclusive power to issue paper m»ney, lay our bands upon our hearts in humble adoration and regulate commerce. 3d. In vesting the sove. of that MONARCH, who (in the place of George reign power of the United States in a. single 'egis- the Third) was this day chosen to reign over us: ' Jature: and, 4th. In the too frequent rotaiion of let us venerate the great generalissimo of our ar-; its members, mies, from whom all triumphs flow: and be it our glory that not George the Third, but JEHOVAH A convention is to sit soon for the purpose of de- the first and the last, is king of /America-He who vising means of obviating par^Df "he two first defect, dwelleth in the clouds, and whose palace is the that have been mentioned. But I wish they may heaven o«^ heavens:-For, independent as we areUdd to their recommendations to each state, to sur. with respect to the political systems of this world, j render up to congress their power of emitting mo- we are sliU a province of the great kingdom, and "ey. In this way. a uniform currency will be pro fellow subject with the inhabitants of heaven. ' ihe people of the United Stat jamm liush, M. D- 1787 — There is nothing more common, than to confound the terms of .American revolution with those of the late .American \oar. The American war is over: but this is far from being the case with the American revolution. On the contrary, nothing but the first duced, that will facilitate trade, and help to bind the states together. Nor will the states be deprived I- I TT -^ t vt„t^„ B./ »^n oflaree sums of money by this mean, when sudden Jlddress to the penplo of the Umted States.— Uy Jien- h . . emergencies require it; for they may always bor- row them, as they did during the war, out of the treasury of congress. Even a loan office may be better instituted in this way, in each state, than in any other. The two last defects that h.-^ve been mentioned. act of the great drama is closed. It remains yet are not of less magnitude than the first. Indeed, to establish and perfect our new forms of govern- ment; and to prepare the principles, morals, and manners of our citizens, for these forms of govern tnent, after they are established and brought to perfection. The confederation, together with most of our State constitutions, were formed under very unfa vorable circumstances. We had just emerged from a corrupted monarchy. Although we under- stood perfectly the principles of liberty, yet most of us were ignorant of the forms and combina tions ofpower in republics. Add to this, the Bri- tish army was in the heart of our country, spread- ing desolation wherever it went: our resentments, of course, were awakened. We detested the Bri- tish name, and unfortunately refused to copy some things in the administration of justice and power, in the British government, which have made it the admiration and envy of the world. In our opposi- tion to monarchy, we forgot that the temple of ty- ranny has two doors. We bolted one of them by proper restraints; but we left theother open, by ne the single legislature of congress will become more dangerous, from an increase ofpower, than ever. To remedy this, let the supreme federal power be divided, like the legislatures of most of our states, into two distinct, independent branches. Let one of them be styled the council of the stales and the o'her the assembly of the states. Let the first consist of a single delegate— and the second, of two, three, or four delegates, chosen annually by each state. Let the president be chosen an- nually by the joint ballot of both houses; and let him possess certain powers, in conjunction with a privy council, espe'ially the power of appointing most of the officers of the United States, The officers will not only be better, when appointed this way, but one of the prinaipal causes of faciioB will be thereby removed from congress. I appre- hend this division of the power of congress will become more necessary, as soon as they are invest- ed with more ample powers of levymg and expend- ing public money. I The custom of turning men oat of power or of- glecting to guard against the effects of our own|fice, as soon as they are quu.ified for it, has been ignorance and Jiceotiousness. [found to be as absurd in practice, as it is virtuoua PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. m dismiss a genei-al — a physician — or even a domes- tic, as soon as lliey have acquired knowledge suf- iicient to be useful to us, for the sake of increas- ing tlie number of able generals— skilful physi cians— and faithful servants? We do not. Govern- ment is a science, and can never be perfect in America, until we encourage men to devote not only three years, but their whole lives to it. I be- lieve the principal reason why so many men of abilities object to serving in congress, is owing to their not thinking it worth while to spend three years in acquiring a profession, which their coun- try immediately afterwards forbids them to fol- low. There are two errors or prejudices on the sub- ject of government in America, which lead to the mpsl dangerous consequences. It is often said, "that the sovereign and all other power is seated in the people." This idea is unhappily expressed. It should be — "all power V derived from the people," they possess it only on the days of their elections. After this, it is the property of their itilers; nor can they exercise or resume it, unless it be abused. It is of importance to circulate this idea, as it leads to order and good government. The people of America have mistaken the mean-, ingofthe word sovereignty; hence each state pre- tends to be sovereign. In Europe, it is applied only to those states which possess the power of making war and peace — of formii\g treaties, and the like. As this power belongs only to congress, they are the only sovereign power in the United States. We commit a similar mistake in our ideas of the word independent. No individual state, as such, has any claim to independence. She is indepen- dent only in a union with her sister states in con- gress. To conform the principles, morals and manners of our citizens, to our republican forms of govern- ment, it is absolutely necessary, that knowledge of every kind should be disseminated through every p^rt of the United States. For this purpose, let congress, instead of laying out half a million of dollars, in building a federal town, appropriate only a fourth of that sum, in founding a federal university. In this university, let every thing connected with government, such as history — the law of nature and nations — the civil law— the municipal laws of our country— and the principled of commerce — be taught by ro'-:ipetent professors Let masters be employed, likewise, to teach gunnery — fortification — and every thing con- nected with defensive and offensive wsr. Above all, let a professor of, what is called in the Eu- ropean universities, economy, be established in this federal seminary. His business should be to unfold the principles and practice of agriculture and manufactuies of all kind, and to enable him to make his lectures more extensively useful, con- gress should support a travelling correspondent for him, who should visit all the nations of Europo, and transmit to him, from time to time, all ihe dis- coveries and improvements that are made in agri- culture and manufactures. To this seminary, young men should be encouraged to repair, al'cer com.! pleting their academical studies in the colleges of their respective stales. The honours and offices of the United States should, after a while, be con- fined to persons who had imbibed federal and re- publican ideas in this university. For the purpose of diffusing knowledge, as well as extending the living principle of government to every part of the United States— every state— city —county — village — and township in the union, should be tied together by means of the post-office. This is the true non-electric wire of government, tt is the only means of conveying heat and light to every individual in the federal commonwealth. "Sweden lost her liberties," says the abbe Raynal, "because her citizens were so scattered, that they had no means of acting in concert with each other." It should be a constant injunction to the post-mas- ters, to convey newspapers free of all charge for postage. Theyarenot only the vehicles of know, ledge and intelligence, btit the centinels of the li- berties of our country. The conduct of some of those strangers, who have visited our country, since the peace, and who fill the British papers with accounts of our distres- ses, shews as great a want of good sense, as i does of good nature. They see nothing but the foundations and walls of the temple of liberty} and yet they undertake to judge of the whole fabric. Our own citizens act a still more absurd patt, when they cry oat, after the experience of three or four years, that we are not proper materials for re- publican government. Remember, we assumed these forms of government in a hurry, before we were prepared for them. Let every man exert himself in promoting virtue and knowledge in oup country, and we shall soon become good republi- cans. Look at the steps by which governueuts 404 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. have em c'-anged, or rendered stable in Europe. R ad the history of Great Britain. Her boasted government has risen out of wars, and rebellions, tbii listed above six hu'idred years. The United States are tf ivellin^^ peaceably into order and good gove 'nrient. Th^y k'.o v no strife — but what arises from the collision of opinions; and, ia three years, thevhav" advanced farther in the road to stability and hjppi'iess, than most of the nations in Europe have done, in as many centuries. There is bu<^ one path that can lead the United States 'o destruction; and that is, their extent of territory. It was pvobably to effect this, that Grea' Britain ceded to «s so much waste land. But even this paih nsay be avoided. Let but one new state be exposed to sale at a time; and let the land of- fice be sYiXiX up, till every part of this new state be sealed. I »',!> extremely sorry to find a passion for retire ment so universal among the patriots and heroes of tlie war. They resemble .skilful mariners who, »fter exerting themselves to preserve a ship from sinkins;: in a storm, in the middle of the ocean, drop asleep, as soon as the waves subside, and leave the cure of their live* and property, during the remainder of the voyage, to sailors, without know- ledge or experience. Every man in a republic is pubi:c property. His time and talents — his youth ■ — his mani ood — hi» old age-7-nay more, his life, bis all, belong to his country. Patriots of 1774, 1775, 1776— heroes of 1778, 1779, 1780' come fortvard! your country demands your s-ervices! — Philosophers and friends to man- kind, come forward! your country demands your studies and speculations! Lovers of peace and ord«T, who declined taking part in the late war, come forward! your country forgives your timidit}.' and demands your influence i.nd advice! Hear her proclaiming, in sighs and groans, in her govern- ments, in her finances, in her trade, in her manu- fact'U'es, in her morals, and in her manners, ♦•THE ilEVOLUTlONIS NOT OVEU!" JPart of Judge Perifjlatoii's charge to the grand jurors of Gagetotun, Chevaxvs, and Cumdsn districts, in the slate of South Carolina, 1787. Gentlemen of the grand jttry — Is this fatal passion for sudden riche.s, so generally prevalent among us, io extinguis.h every sentiment of political and moral duty.' Is it to be expected, that one assem- bly after another will be on the side of the debtor? Ko, gentlemen: the period is not far distant, when ike kwa of ttx8 st^ie must be voluaturily obeyed^ or executed by force. No society ever long en dured the miseries of anarchy, disorder, and liaen- tiousficss. The most vile despotism will be em- braced in preference to it. The nations, from which we derive our origin, alTord innumerable examples of this. I will, however, mention but one. When the parliament of England had de- throned and beheaded that faithless tyrant, Charles the first — subdued all their enemies at home and abroad — and changed their monarchy into a re- P'lblic — one would have supposed, that an assem- blage of as great talents as ever adorned human mture, which so highly di.siing'jis'.ied the patriots of that time, could r;ot fail of forming a wise and just government, and of transmitting it to their p jsterity. But the event shewed that the disor- derly temper of the people, occasioned by the civil war, would not bear the .strong curb of legal au- thority. Expedient after expedient was tried: and government assumed many difierent shapes to hu- mour their passions and prejudices, and lead thena to a willing obedience: but all to no purpose. The public disorders daily increased. Every little club of politicians were for making laws for the wjiole nation. The fair form of equal and legal li- berty became defaced by a thousand fanciful and impraciicable whimsies, until the general distress became insupportable. What followed.' The very people, who, a ttvf years before, had daazled the world with the splendor of their actions, invited back, and enthroned the son of that king, wliom they had formerly put to death; gave him carte blanche to do as he pleased; and seemed to have forgotten, that they iiad ever lost a drop of blood, or spent a shilling, in defence of their liberty. Gentlemen, let us not lose sight of this awful precedent. To acquire freedom, is nothing, in comparison to a wiise and profitable use of it. Nothing can be more certain, than that Great Britain would eagerly seize any favorable oppor- tunity to compass our destruction. She would, to-morrow, pour her fleets and armies into this country, particularly the southern states, if the great powers of Europe could be so allied and con- nected, as to secure her from a hostile confederacy. The history of those nations every where shews us, what trivial causes occasion themjst important changes in their political systems. Surely, then, it is wise to be on our guard, and in the iirst place to secure a free and just, but, at the same time, a strong government at horns. Without this, the ci'.izens are insecure in their persons and estates: that insecurity produces murmuring and discon- tent; Rtid UiRt discontent will ever prudu-s a Jis- PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 4(}S position favorable for trying new changes. Irs such a state, to be attacked by a formidable enemy, without soldiers or military stores, and without au thority to cotnpel even our own citizens to obey the laws, vre must fall a prey to any foreign power, who may tiiink it worth the cost to subjugate us. I have heard, gentlemen of the grand jury, great complaints against the illiberal and monopo lizing spirit of the British government, en the sub- ject of commerce with America — iier numerous duties on American produce — and her refusal to enter into treaties for mutual benefits in trade. It must surely be liighly ridiculous to abuse one nation for profiting by the follies of another. Do we expect that Great Britain, as a trading nation, will not exert every nerve to hold fast the com- mercial adi'antages, which our avidity for her ne groes and manufactures hath given her.' Is it not the steady policy of every nation in Europe, to promote and extend their own commerce by every ' possible means, let it be at the expense of whorh- aoever it will.' Yes, gentlemen: and let us act with such caution and punctuality, as to mak6 it her interest to solicit, and we shall soon find her courting, with douceurs, those commercial compacts, which she now so contemptuously de- clines. At the close of the war, indeed, she stood trembling with apprehension, lest our two allies, France and Holland, should monopolize our trade. A treaty, pressed at that moment, and properly Hrged — the sine qua noti of all future amity and in- tercourse, v/ould, in all probability, have produced •n inlet of American built vessels into her islands, and an exemption from many other injurious re- straints. But the favorable moment slipt through our hands unimproved, and (I fear) never to re- turn. The only possible way left us to recover it, is, to live within our income; to secure a balance of trade in our favor; and to urge the federal go- vernment to such general regulations, as shall se- cure us from the infamous vassalage into which we are hurrying. If three or four thousand pounds sterling worth of merchandise, (annually) which sum will include a great many luxuries, be suffi- cient foi* all our rational wants, when our exports greatly exceed that sum, and are aiinually increas- ing — is it not obvious to the meanest capacity, thai « large balance must yearly return to us in gold and silver.' which, in spite of all the paper-money casuists in the world, is the only wholesome politi. cal blood that can give union, health, and vigor] to the bc*Jy politic. Jif we do not Burtail our e.'jpenses, and export' m^re than we import, a general bankruptcy must be the inevitable consequence. Many people call for large emis-sions of paper money. Fcr what?— To shift the burdens, wbicii they have incurred by their avarice and folly, rroia themselves to t!)eir better, and more deserving, creditors, whose property they choose to hold fast. Can anything be more fraudulent or astonishing.' No, gentlemen: paper medium and sherifib' s.^le bills, are only temporary expedients, a repetition of which, in a very short time, would be insup> portable. They were intended, at a singular cri- sis, to open a ro treat even to the foolisii and ex- travagant, as well as the unfortunate debtor, by af- fording an opportunity to retrieve, but net to give impunity to the one, or a release to the other. The honest and Indus'.rious man will seize the opportu- nity to lay up against the day of account and pay- ment, while nothing will correct or reclaim the indolent and fraudulent knave. But, as I said, the period is at hand, when the punctual payment of taxes and debts must take place voluntarily; or the uninterrupted recovery of them, in^ithe courts of justice, be enforced. Palliatives are exhausted'. We must either relinquish government, resign our independence, and embrace a military master — or execute our laws by force of arm's, if no alterna* tive is left us. But, before we are compelled to re- sort to this disgraceful and painful ultimatum, let us all exert ourselves, and support each other, as free citizens, acknowledging no master but the laws, which we ourselves have made for oMr comaica good— obeying those, laws, and enforcing tbera, when and where we can. Let no man say, this or that is not my business. Whatever materially af- fects the honor and interest of the state, is every man's business; beeause he must, in common with all others, share the good or evil brought upon his country. The man who refuses or evades the pay- ment of taxes imposed by his immediete represen- tative, or excites or co-operates in the resistance of lawful authority, is the parricide of his countr_v, as well as the voluntary assassin of his own in- terest; since it is impossible he can be tranquil op happy, or enjoy t>is property in peace and security, while his country is convaised and distracted. As grand jurors, gentlemen, the laws have se- lected you, as their principal auxiliary and most responsible guardians. On you, then, it is pecu- liarly inciinibent to interest yourselves in the con- duct of all around you. You have the greatest property to lose: and your example, therefore, must be of the greatest weight. Investigate the 406 PRrNCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. foVxre f your district: aT>d, wherever any person 1 thence clothed with the noblest of titles, with has .'\ccep''='d a o'lbl'c trust, ■'nd neglects or abuses it, dr sr him for'h, let his office, fortune, or cha racter be whit it may If keepers of ferries, high ways, or- bridges, do not discharge their duty — if the officers of justice violate the trust reposed in in thenn— you are bound, in duty to your country, to yoiirselves and to your children, as well as by the solemn oath you hav; just taken, to name them in your presentments, togiethsr with the names of such v/itnesses as can prove the charge. Even in your private capacity, as citizens, ta inform against and prosecute all such offenders, is highly me- ritorTCiis. The malevolence which may, for a time, be directed against an honest, spirited, and patriotic citizen, is like the harmless hissing of serpents, that cannot bite. He will soon triumph over their impotent clamour, and obtain the es- 4eem and support of all good men. I have been actuated in the plain and pointed ob» servations you have just heard, by an ardent zesl for the honor and prosperity of my country. This is not a time to lessen or extenuate the terror, which the present dangerous crisis must inspire. To know our danger, to face it like men, and to triumph over it by constancy and courage, is a cha- racter this country once justly acquired. Is it to be sacrificed in the hour of peace, with every in- centive to preserve it? I repeat again, that, with- out a change of conduct, and an union of all the good men in the state, we are an undone peopU; the government will soon tumble about our heads, and become a prey to the first bold ruffian, who shall associate a few desperate adventurers, and seize upon it. I confesss the subject very deeply affects me. 1 shall, therefore pursue it no farther. I do not, however, despair of the republic. There are ho- nest and independent men among us, to retrieve every thing, whatever may be opposed by the vi- cioMs and unprincipled, if they will but step forth, and act with union and vigor. If they will not, the miseries resulting to their country from the utter destruction of all public and private credit, a bankrupt treasury, and the triumph of all man- ner of fraud, rapine, and licentiousness, together with the scorn and derision of our enemies, if we should have any left, be on their heads! fioBToN, December 3, 1778. .J declaration, addressed, in the name af the king of France, to all the ancient French in J^orth Ame rica. f Translated from the French. J that which effaces all others; charged, in the name of the father of his country, and the beneficent protector of his subjects, to offer a support to those who were born to enjoy the blessings of his govern, ment — To all his countrymen in JVorth America. You were born French; you never could cease to be French. The late war, which was not declared but by the captivity of nearly all our seamen, and the principal advantages of which our common ene- mies entirely owed to the courage, the talents, and the numbers of the brave Americans, who are now fighting against them, has wrested from you that which is most dear to all men, even the namd of your country. To compel you to bear the arms of parricides against it, must be the completion of misfortunes: With this you are row threaten- ed: A new war may justly make you dread being obliged to submit to this most intolerable law of slavery. It has commenced like the last, by de- predations upon the most valuable part of our trade. Too long already have a great number of unfortunate Frenchmen been confined in Amerieaa prisons. You hear their groans. The present war was declared by a message in March last from the king of Great Britain to both bouses of parliaments a most authentic act of the British sovereignty, announcing to all orders of the state, that to trade (with America) though without excluding others from the same right, was to offend; that frankly to avow such intention, was to defy this sovereignty; that she would revenge it, and deferred this only to a more advantageous opportunity, when she might do it with more appearance of legality than in the last war: For she declared that she had the right, the will, and the ability to revenge; and accordingly she demanded of parliament the sup- plies. The calamities of war thus proclaimed, have been restrained and retarded as much as was possi- ble, by a monarch whose pacific and disinterested views now reclaim the marks of your former attach- ment, only for your own happiness. Constrained to repel force by force, and multiplied hostilities by reprisals which he has at last authorised, if necessity should carry his arms, or those of his allies, into a country always dear to him, you have not to fear either burnings or devastations: And if gratitude, if the view of a flag always revered by those who have followed it, should recall to the banners of France, or of the United States, the Indians who loved us, and have been loaded with The undersigned, authorised by his majesty, snd'preseots by him, whom they also Call their Fathers PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. iDf faz aaifa.::; ii€ver, no never shall they employ against you, body would be more considered, or have more their too cruel methods of war. These they mustlpower to do good than that of the priests, taking renounce, or they will cease to be our friends. « part in the government; since their respectable It is not by menaces that we shall endeavor to avoid combating with our countrymen; nor shall Wre weaken this declaration by invectives against a great and a brave nation, which we know how, to respect, and hope to vanquish. As a French gei^leman, I need not mention to those among you who were born such as well as myself, that there is but one august house in the oniverse, under which the French can be happy, and serve with pleasure; since its head, and those who are most nearly allied to him by blood, have been at all times, thro' a long line of monarchs, and are at this day more than ever delighted with bearing that very title which Henry IV. regarded as the first of his own. I shall not excite your regrets for those qualifications, those marks of distinction, those decorations, which, in our man- n«r of thinking, are precious treasures, but from which, by our common misfortnnes, the American French, who have known so well how to deserve them, are now precluded. These, 1 am bold to hope, and to promise, their zeal will very soon procure to be diflTused among them. They will merit them when they are to become the friends of cur allien. I shall not ask the military companions of the Marquis of Levi; those who shared his glory, who admired his talents and genius for war, who loved his cordiality and frankness, the principal characteristics of our nobility, whether there be other names in other nations among which they would be better pleased to place their own. Can the Canadians, who saw the brave Montcalm fall in their defence, can they become the enemies 'of his nephews? Can they fight against their former leaders, and arm themselves against their kinsmen? At the bare mention of their names, the weapons would fall out of their hands. I shall not observe to the ministers of the altars, that their evangelic efforts will require the special protection of Providence, to prevent faith being diminished by example, by worldly interest, and by sovereigns whom force has imposed upon them, and whose political indulgence will be lessened proportionably as those sovereigns shall have less to feiir. I shall not observe, that it is necessary for religion that those who preach it should form a body in the state: and tliat in Canada no other conduct has merited the confidence of the people. I shall not represent to that people, nor to all my countrymen in general, that a vast monarchy, having the same religion, the same manners, the same language, where they find kinsmen, old friends and brethren, must be an inexhaustable source of commerce and wealth, more easily ac- quired, and belter secured, by their union, with powerful neighbors, than with strangers of another hemisphere, among whom every thing is different, and who, jealous and despotic sovereigns, would sooner or later treat them as a conquered people, and doubtless much worse than their late country, men, the Americans, who made them victorious. I shall not urge to a whole people, that to joiir with the United States, is to secure their owa happiness; since a whole people, when thoy acquire the right of thinking and acting for themselves, must know their own interest; But I will declare, and I now formally declare in the name of his ma- jesty, who has authorised and commanded me to do it, that all his former subjects in North Ame- rica, who shall no more acknowledge the supremacy of Great Britain, may depend upon his protection and support. Done on board his majesty's ship the Languft- doc, in the harbor of Boston, the 28th day of October, in the year 1778. ESTAING. FionEL BE GnAWDCLos, secretary, appointed by the king to the squadron commanded by the Couht D'ESTAIKO. Printed on board the Languedoc, by P. P. De.uauck, Printer to the king and the Squadron. TO THE ISHABITASTS OF TUB 03SITSD STATES OF AXE. nicA. Friends and countrymen— The present sitaatioB of public affairs demands your most serious atten- tion, and particularly the great and increasing depreciation of your currency requires the imme- diate, strenuous, and united efforts of all true friends to their country, for preventing an exten- sion of the mischiefs that have already flowed from that source. America, without arms, ammunition, discipline, revenue, government, or ally, almest totally stript of commerce, and in the weakness of youth; as it were, with a "staff and a sling," only dared, "in the name of the Lord of Hosts," to engage a gigantic 408 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. adversary, prepared at all points, bcasting of his strength, and of whom even mighty warriors "were greatly afiaid." For defraying the expenses of this uncommon ■war, your representatives in congress were obliged to emit paper money; an expedient lliat you knew to have been before generally and successfully practi-ied on this coutinent. They were very sensible of the inconveniences tviih which too frequent emissions would be attend- ed, and endeavored to avoid iliem. For this pur- pose they established loan-officts so early as in October 17T&, wi have, from that time to this, repeatedly and earnestly solicited you to lend them money on the faith of United States. The sums received on loan have nevertheless proved inadequate to the public exigencies. Our enemies prosecuting the war by sea and land with implaca- ble fury and with some success, taxation at home und borrowing abroad, in the midst of difficulties and dangers, were alike impracticable. Hence the continued necessity of new emissions. But to this cause alone we do not impute the evil before mentioned. We have too much reason to believe it has been in part owing to the artifices of men who have hastened to enrich themselves by monopolizing the necessaries of life, and to the misconduct of iaferior officers employed in the pub !ic service. The variety and importance of the business entrusted to your delegates, and their constant attendance in congress, necessarily disables them from investigating disorders of this kind. Justly apprehensive of them, they, by their several resolu- tions of the 22d of Nsvember, and 20th of Decem- ber, 1777, and of the 3d and 9lh of February, 1773, recommended to the legislative and executive powers of these states a due attention to these interesting affairs. How far those recommenda tions have been complied with we will not under- take to determine, but we hold ourselves bound in duty i@ you to declare, that we are not con- vinced there has been as much diligence used in detecting and reforming abuses as there has been in committing or complaining of them. With regard to monopolizers, it is our opinion, that taxes, judiciously laid on such articles as become the objects of engrossers, and those fre- quently collected, would operate against the per- nicious tendency of such practices. As to inferior officers employed in the public service, we awxiodslt desire to call your most vigilant attention to their conduct with respect to every species of misbehavior, whether proceed- ing from jgnorance, negligence or fraud, and to the making of laws for iriflicting exemplary punish- ments on all offenders of this kind. We are sorry to hear that som? persons are so slightly informed of their own interests, as to sup- pose that it ia advantageous to them to sell the produce of t^Tcir farms at enormous prices, when a liitle reflection might convince them that it is injurious to those inleres's and the generel wel* fare. If they expect thereby to purchase imported goods cheaper, they will be agregiously disappoint- ed; for the merchants, who know they cannot obtain returns in gold, silver, or bills of exchange, but that their vessels, if loaded here at all, must be loaded with produce, will raise the price of what they have to sell, in proportion to the price of what they have to buy, and consequently the land- holder can purchase no more foreign goods, for the same quantity of his produce, than he could before. The evil, however, does not stop at this point. The landholder, by acting on this mistaken calcula- tion, is only Liboring to accumulate an immense debt, by increasing the public expenses, for the payment of which his estate is engaged, and to embarrass every measure adopted for vindicating his liberty, and securing his prosperity. As the harvests of this year, which, by the Divine Goodne.ss, promise to be plentiful, will soon be gathered, and some new measures relating to your foreign concerns, with some arrangements relating to your domestic, are now under consideration, from which benefieial effects are expected, we entcrtaia hopes that your affairs will acquire a much greater degree of regularity and energy than they have hitherto had. But we should be highly criminal if we did not plainly tell you, that those hopes are not founded wholly upon our own proceedings. These must be supported by your virtue, your wisdom, and your diligence. Prom the advantage of those seats in the national council with which you have honored us, we have a pleasing prospect of many blessings approach- ing this our native land. It is your patriotism must introduce and fix them here. In vain will it be lor your delegates to form plans of economy; to strive to stop « continuation PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 409 of emissions by taxation or loan, if you do not zealously co-operate with them in promoting their designs, and use your utmost indus'try to prevent the waste of money in the expenditure, which your respective situations, in the several places where it is expended, may enable you to do. A discharge of this duty, a compliance with recommendations for supplying money, might enable congress to give speedy assurances to the public that no more emissions shall take place, and iherebj close that source of depreciation. Your governments being now established, and your ability to contend with your invaders as- certained, we have, on the most mature delibera- tion, judged it indispensably necessary to call up- on you for forty-five millions of dollars, in addition [ To our constituents we submit the propri'ity ;i'id purity of our intentions, \vr U kno-.v ing they will not forget, that we lay no burthens upon them, but those in which we participate wilu them — a happy sympathy, that pervades societies formed on the basis of equal liberty. Mmy cares, many labors, and may we not adfl, reproaches — are peculiar to us. These are the emohiments of our unsolicited statians; and with these we are content, if you approve our conduct. If you do not, v/e shall return to our private condition, with no o;her regret than that which will arise from our not having served you as acceptably and esssntiully as we wished and strove to do, though as cheerfully and faithfully as we could. Think not we despair of the commonwealth, or to the fifteen millions required by a resolution of Lnjeavor to shrink from opposing diOicuUies. Xo. congress, of the 2'1 of January last, to be paid into the continental treasury before the 1st day of Janu- ary next, in the same proportion, as to the quotas of the several states, with that for the said fifteen millions. It appeared proper to us to fix the first day of next January for the payment of the whole; but, as it is probable that some states, if not all, will raise part of the sums by instilments, or otherwise, before that time, we recommend in the strongest manner the paying as much as can be collected as soon as possible into the continental treasury. Though it is manifest that moderate taxation, in times of peace, will recover the credit of your currency, yet the encouragement which your ene- mies derive from its depreciation, and the present exigencies, demand great and speedy exertions. We are persuaded you will use all possible care to make the promotion of tlie general welfare interfere as little as may be with the ease and comfort of individuals; but though the raising these sums should press heavily on some of your constituents, yet the obligations we feel to your Your cause ia /^oo good, your objects too sacred, to be relinquished. AV^a tell you truths, because you are freemen who can bear to hear thsin, and may profit by them; and when they reacli your enemies, wc fear not tha consequences, because we are not ignorant of their resources or our own. Let your good sense decide upon t!ie comparison. Let even their prejudiced understandings decide upon it, and you need not be apprehensive of the determination. Whatever s.ipposed advantages from plans of rapine, projects of blood, or dreams of do nination, may heretofore have amused their inflamed fancies, the conduct of one monarch, the friend and pro- tector of the rights of mankind, hiis turned tha scale so much against them, that their visionary schemes vanish, as the unwholesome vapours of the night before the healthful influence of the sun. An alliance has been formed between Iiis most Christian majesty and these states, on the basis of the most perfect equality, for the direct end of maintaining effectually their liberty, sovereignty and independence, absolute and unlimite.I, as well venerable clergy, the truly helpless widows and ;„ mUters of govenimsnt as of commerce. The orphans, your most gallint, generous, meritorious L-onduct of our good and great ally towards us, in officers and soldiers, the public faith and the com mon weal, so irresistibly urge us to attempt the appreciation of your currency, that we cannot with hold obedience to those authoritative sensations On this subject we v/ill only add, that, as the rules of justice are most pleading to our infinitely good and gracious Creator, and an adherence to them most likely to obtain his favor, so they will ever be found to bs the best and safest maxims of, human policv. ' 52! t'.is instance and others, has so fully manifested his sincerity and kindness, as to excite on our part correspondent sentiments of confidence and affec- tion. Observing the interests of his kingdom, to wliich duiy and inclination prompted his attention, to be connected with those of America, and the combjaa- tion of both clearly to coincide with the bensiicent designs of the Author of Nature, who, unqi!?sliona- b'y, intended men to partake of certain rif^hls and 410 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTIO^^, portions of happiness, his majesty perceived the attainment of these views to be fovmded on the single proposition of a separation between America and Great Britain. The resentment and confusion of your enemies, will point out to you the idess you s'lould entertain of the magnanimity and consummate wisdom of his most Christian majesty on this occasion. They perceive, that selecting this grand and just idea from all those specious ones that might !»ave confused or misled inferior judgment or virtue, and satisfied with the advantages whicii must result from that event alone, he has cer-Kented the har- mony between himself and these states, not only by establishing a reciprocity of benefits, but by eradicating every cause of jealousy ;md suspicion. They also perceive, with similar enfiotions, that the moderation of our ally, in not desiring an acquisi- tion of dominion on this continent, or an exclusicn of other nations from a share of its commercial advantages, so useful to them, has given no alarm to ihose nations, but, ia fact, has ij. r eiiestka them in the accomplishment of his generous undertak- ing, to dissolve the monopoly thereof by Great Britain, which has already contributed to elevate her to her present power and haughtiness, and threatened, if continued, to raise both to r height insupportable to the rest of Europe. In short, their own best informed statesmen and writers confess, that your cause is exceedingly favored by courts and people in that quarter of the world, while thet of your adversaries is equally reprobated; and from thence draw ominous and v/ell-grounded conclusions, that the final event must prove unfortunate to the latter. Indeed, we have the best reason to believe that we shall soon form other alliances, and on principles honorable and beneficial to these states. Infatuated as your enemies have been from the beginning of this contest, do you imagine they can now fiatier themselves with a hope of conquering you, unless you are false to yourselves? "When unprepared, undisciplined, and unsupport- ed, you opposed their fleets and armies in full conjoiRed force: then, if at any time, was conquest to be apprehended. Yet, what progrcbs towards it have their violent and incess-nt efforts made? Ju 'ge from their own conduct. Having devoted you to bondage, and, after vainly wasting theirl blood and treasure in the dishonorable enterprise,! theyd«igned, at length, to offer tems ofaccom-l modaiion, with respectful addresses, to that once despised body, the congress, vr'ioae humBle sup- plications, owtT for peace, liberty and safety, they had corstemptiiously rfjecied, under pretence of its being an unconstituiional assembly. Nay mere; desirous of sed\icing you into a deviation from the paths of rectitrtde, from which they had so far and so rashly wandered, they made most specious ofl'ers to tempj; you into a violation of your faith given to your illustrious ally. T eir arts were as unavailing as their arms. Foiled again, [and stung v/ith rage, embittered by envy, they had no alternative, but to renounce the inglorious and ruinous controversy, or to resume their former modes of prosecuting it. They chose the latter. Again the savages are stimulated to horrid massa- cres of women and children, and domestics to the murder of their masters. Agsin our brave and unhappy brethren are doomed to miserable deaths in gaols and prison-ships. To complete the sanguinary system, all the "extiiemities of war" are, by authority, denounced against you. Piously endeavor to derive this consolation from their remorseless fury, that "the Father of Mercies" looks down with disapprobation on such audacious defiances of his holy laws; and be further comforted with recollecting, that the arms assumed by you, in your righteous cause, have not been sullied by any unjustifiable severities. Your enemies, despairing however, as it seems, of the success of their united forces against our main army, have divided them, as if their design was to harass you by predatory, desultory opera- tions. If you are assiduous in improving opportuni- ties, Saratoga may not be the only spot on this continent to give a new denomination to the baiHed troops of a nation, impiously priding herself in no- tions of her omnipotence. Rouse yourselves, therefore, that this campaigti may finish the great work you have so nobly carried on for several years past. What nation ever engaged in such a contest under such a complica- tion of disadvantages; so soon surmounted many of them, and in so short a period of time had so certain a prospect of a speedy and happy con- clusion? We will venture to pronounce, that so remarkable an instance exists not in the annuls of mankind. We well remember what you said at the commencement of this war. You saw the immense difference between your circumstances and those of your enemies, and you knew the quarrel must decide on no less than your lives, Ubevties aad estRtes. All these you greatly put PRINCIPLE? AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTrON. 411 to every hazard, resolving rather to die freemen than to live slaves; and justice will oblige the impartial world to confess you have uniformly acted on the same generous principle. Considi^r how much you have done, how comparatively little remains to be done, to crown you with success. Persevere, and yoa ensure peace, freedom, safety, glory, sovereignty, ;ind felicity to yourselves, your children, and your childrens' children. Encouraged by favors already received from infinite goodness, gratefully acknowledging them, earnestly imploiir.g their continuance, constantly endeavoring to draw them down on your heads by »n amendment of your lives, and a conformity to the Divine Will, humbly confiding in the protection so often and wonderfully eitperienced, vigorously employ the means placed by Providence in your hands, for completing your labors. Fill up your battalions — be prepared in every part to repel the incursions of your enemies — place your several quotas in the continental treasury — lend money for public uses — sink the emissions of your respective states — provide effectually for expediting the conveyance of supplies fer your armies and fleets, and for your allies — prevent the produce of the country from being monopolized — effectually superintend the behavior of public offi- cers — diligently promote piety, virtue, brotherly love, learning, frugality, and moderation — and may you be approved before Almighty God worthy of those blessings we devoutly wish you to enjoy, Done in congress, by unanimous consent, this twenty -sixth day of May, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-nine. JOH^ J\Y, president. Attest. Ghabies Thomson, secretary. ANNAPOtTS, July 7, 1780. TO THE PEOPLE OF MAHTtAND. Friends and covntrymen/ A free people, from whom the trust and powers of government are delegated to a representative council, for the better management of the public interests, have a right to be informed at all times, but more especially in great emergencies, of the true situa- tion of their affairs. Duty, therefore, as well as inclination, prompts us to lay before you the exigencies and the danger of this, in common with our sister states; to disclose our wants, our resources, and the means of calling them forth in support of the justest cause and noblest ends a people can contend for. The enemy, convinced by fatal experience, that force and artifice alone will never subdue the stubborn spirit of liberty, have long depended on the failure of our oublic credit to accomplish their views of conquest: the rapid depreciation of our paper currency, princi- pally owing to the not imposing taxes in due time, as somewhat adequate to the public demands, and the abilities of the people to pay, had given foundation to the opinion, that these states, from the want of money to support the war, would at length give up the contest, and bend to the galling yoke of Britain. The event, however, we trust will discover this opinion to be as vain and delusiv«, as many others entertained by our inveterate foe. The congress has recommended to the states a plan for calling in their bills of credit, by taxes or otherwise, which has been adopted by this and several other of the states. Taxes, equally laid, • quickly collected, and faithfully applied, are neces- sary to give efficacy to the plan, and to restore, and when restored, to preserve public credit.—. Experience has taught us the necessity of taxation: a free people, seeing that necessity, and the im- portance of victory, on which their liberty depends, needs no exhortation to submit, even with cheer- fulness, to the heaviest taxes: reflect, that these will be but temporary, and the benefits result- ing from them most extensive and permaroent; if adequate and timely exertions are made, the war, probably, may be speedily ended, and will not leave us incumbered with a load of debt, under which »>■ the present and future generations must otherwise inevitably labor; by timely and due exertions we shall avoid the evils inseparable from a great na- tional debt. The taxes hitherto imposed cannot be complained of as very burthensome: our pre« sent debt, when compared with our probable resources in peace, is far from being alarming; a lingering war, however, besides consuming our inhabitants, wasting our resources, accumulating expense, will subject our country to the cruel and wanton devastations of an enemy, who never yet used even transient victories with moderationi What strong incentives to the most vigorous and spirited efforts are deducible from these reflec- tions! Rise then into action with that ardor which, despising, overcomes all difficulties, and which led you, destitute of money, of allies, of arms and soldiers, to encounter one of the most powerful nations in Europe. Single, and unsupported, raw and undisciplined, you baffled for three succesive years the repeated attacks of numerous and veteran bands. Shall we now, whea strengthened by a mighty alliance, droop and desert the field, to 41£ PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. which honor, the stongest ties, the dearest interests of hi(7i.r!;\ point; to which victory itself invites us? A wa-like, potent, and magnanimous nation, has espoused our cause with all that warmth of friendship, and is determined to yield us power- ful aid, a respectable land and naval force may be daily expected on our coust from P'rance, ready to act under the orders of our patriotic general. How disgraceful would it be to this state, were it any Ways accessary in laying that great, and good man, under the humiliating necessity of avowing to our allies an inability to undertake any enterprise of con sequence against the common enemy; particularly, if that weakness should proceed, not from the real inability of tliis, and the other states, but from the supineness, or the want of spirit in their peo pk! We have hitherto done our duty, the gene- ral has acknowledged our exertions, and we entreat you, by all that is dear to freemen, not to forfeit the reputation you have so justly acquired; let us set an exa-nple of f jrtitude, perseverance and dis- interestelness: these virtues form the character of true republicans: beware, lest an iiordinate love of riches should mark too strongly ours-, remem- ber, t!iat you entered upon this war, not through choice, but necessity; not to acquu-e wealth, or power, but to preserve liberty and property: re- member, that your cause is righteovis, that you had not recourse to arms, until the bayonet ui)lifted to your breasts, a discretionary surrender of all that 5s valuable to man, was demanded with menaces of hostile force, and with all the ipsolence of conscious power: remember too, that ^^ i >iave pledged to each othe.' jour lives, your fortunes, and your sacred honor, in defence of those rights, without the enjoyment of which, life is but misery, and go- vernment a curse. The general has called upon us to complete our battalions, and for a reinforcement of 2205 militia, to join him with all expedition. Considering the •approach of harvest, and attentive to your ease and convenience, we have offered to raise an additional battalion, in lieu of the militia, and we have the satisf>»ction to inform you, that the general has approved the offer, on condition that this battalion be ready at the place of rendezvous by the last of ibis month at farthest. By the law, printed for your information, and with which we intreat your ready compliance, you will perceive that we have held out the most libcril encouragment for re- cruits, upon principles of equality and justice. If, from negligence, indifference, or the dread of danger and fatigue, motives too degrading to be iroputh Virginia regi- xnent he was promoted to the command of me eleventh Virginia regiment, by the Marquis Dt La Fayette, which regiment he commanded until his return to Virginia, on the 30th of November, 1782. Tbe day on which the preliminary articles of peace were signed at Paris, gen. Cropper was engaged with com. Whaley, in the barge Victory, in the 1 C :es ^ - , • J as to subdue the free spirit of Amerrcans, without the criminal, as he or they, in his or their discre- ^ , . . lue criiimiai, <»» >^ }, a total redress of their grievances. May a spu-it tion may e y. i ^ wisdi)m descend at last upon our ministry, and And be it farther ordained and declared. That rescue the British empire from destruction! We province of Pennsylvania will follow their example in a few weeks. Our militia will amount to not less than 60,000 men. Nothing but a total repeal of the acts of parliament of which we complain, can prevent a civil war in America. Our opposi- tion has now risen to dc sparation. It would be as this ordinance shall be in force, till the end of the first session of the first assembly that shall meet under the new constitution of this state, and no longer. Passed in convention, September 5, 1776, and signed by their order. B. FRANKLIN, President, ATTEST. JOHN MORRIS, Jun. Sec. MISCELLANEOUS ARTICLES. FROM VARIOUS SOURCES. PuiLAUBLPHiA, Dec. 24, 1774. The following letters from agentlensan in Ame- rica, to a member of the British parliament, may be depended upon as authentic: "The proclamation forbidding the exportation of gunpowder and fire arms to America, seems in- tended to take away from the colonies the power of defending themselves by force. I think it my duty to inform you, that the said proclamation will be rendered ineffectual by a manufactory of gun- powder, which has lately been set on foot in this province, the materials of which may be procured in great perfection among ourselves, and at an easier rate than they can be imported from Great Britain. There are moreover gun-smiths enough in this province, to make one hundred thousand stand of arms in one year, at 28 s. sterling a-piece, if they should be wanted. It may not be amiss to make this intelligence as public as possible, that oar rulers may see the impossibility of enforcing the late acts of parliament by arms. Such is the wonderful martial spirit which is enkindled among us, that we begin to think the whole force of Bri- tain could not subdue us. We trust no less to the natural advantages of our country than to our num- bers, and military preparations, in the confidence and security of which we boast. The four New England colonies, together with Virginia and Mary tremble at the thoughts of a separation from Great Britain. All our glory and happiness have been derived from you. But we are in danger of being shipwrecked upon your rocks. To avoid these, we are willing to be tossed, without a compass or guide, for a while, upon an ocean of blood. "Wish- ing you success in your disinterested labours to promote the happiness of this country, I am, sir, with much esteem for your firmness, your most obedient humble servant." [.^/mo7j's Remembrancer. January 21, 1775. A letter from a gentleman in the province ofAIassa- chusetts, to his friend in London. "You have, no doubt, long before this time, heard the particulars of the general congress, and that the court and the couiitry have digested their thoughts upon them, if not adopted their conse- quent plans of conduct. God grant that the nation and parliament may think favorably of them, and grant the prayer of our petition to the king. — Britain and America are made to be friends; and it is the most unnatural, detestable quarrel be- . tween them that ever happened in the world. ■ Britons and Americans may write or say what they will, but this quarrel never will, and never can be made up, but by restoring us to the state we were in, in 1763. It is as certain as that London or Bostoa exist, that no other plan or scheme of policy that ever can be invented, will keep the two countries together, but that which nature dictated, and which experience found useful for 150 years. It is in vain, it is delirium, it is frenzy to think of dragoon- ing three millions of English people out of their liberties, at the distance of 3000 miles. It is still more extravagantly wild for a nation to think of doing it, when itself is sinking down into a bot- tomless gulph of debt, in order to make the con- quered lift her out of it. • "The congress have drawn a line by the banks Itiud, are completely armed and diicipiined. Thej oi'the ocean. They have claimed their ownexclu- PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTfOK. 419 sive jurisdiction in all interior concerns, and in all | "There is a spirit prevailing here, such as I ne- cases of taxation. They have left to Great Britain ver saw before, I remember the conquest of Lou- the exclusive sovereignty of the ocean, and over igburg in 1745; I remember the spirit here when their trade. They have placed both upon consti- tutional principles; and if Britons are not content with all we have but our liberty, we say as the cor- poration of London said to the king in 1770, "We •all God and men to witness, that as we do not owe our liberty to those nice and subtle distinc- tions which pensions and lucrative employments have invented, so neither will we be deprived of it by them; but as it was gained by the stern virtue of our ancestors, by the virtue of their descendants it shall be preserved." "The congress consisted of the representatives of twelve colonies. Three millions of free white people were there represented. Many of the mem- bers were gentlemen of ample fortunes and emi- nent abilities. Neither corruption nor intrigue had any share, ( believe, in their elections to this ser- vice, and in their proceedings you may see the sense, the temper and principles of America, and which she will support and defend, even by force of arms, if no other means will do. "The state of this province is a great curiosity: I wish the pen of some able historian may trans- mit it to posterity. Four hundred thousand peo- ple are in a state of nature, and yet as still and peaceable at present as ever they were when gov- ernment was in full vigor. We have neither legis- lators nor magistrates, nor executive officers. We have no officers but military ones. Of these, we have a multitude, chosen by the people, and exer- cising them with more authority and spirit than ever any did who had cocamissions from a gov- ernor, "The town of Boston is a spectacle worthy of the attention of a deity, suffering amazing distress, yet determined to endure as much as human na- ture can, rather than betray America and posterity. General Gage's army. is sickly, and extremely ad- dicted to desertion. What would they be, if things were brought to extremities.' Do you think such an army would march through our woods and thick- ets, and country villages, to cut the throats of hon- est people contending for liberty.' "The neighboring colonies of New-Hampshire, Rhode Island, and Connecticut, are arming and training themselves with great spirit, and if they must be driven to the last appeal, devoutly pray- ing for the protection of heaven. the duke d'Anville's squadron was upon this coast, when forty thousand men marched down to Bos- ton, and were mustered and numbered upon the common, complete in arms, from this province on- ly in three weeks; but I remember nothing like what I have seen these six months past." [Mnon's Remembrancer. Anecdote of general Putnam. — During the late war, when general Amherst was marching across the country to Canada, the army coming to one of the lakes, which they were obliged to pass, found the French had an armed vessel of twelve guns upon it. He was in great distress; his boats were no match for her; and she alone was capable of sinking his whole army in that situation. While he was pondering what should be done, Putnam comes to him, and says, "general, that ship must be taken." Aye, says Amherst, I would give the world she was taken. "I'll take her," says Putnam.— Amherst smiled, and asked how? "Give me some wedges, a beetle, (a large wooden hammer, or maul, used for driving wedges) and a few men of my own choice." Amherst could not conceive how an armed vessel was to be taken by four or five men, a beetle, and wedges. However, he granted Putnam's request. When night came, Putnam, with his materials and men, went in a boat under the vessel's stern, aj^ in an instant drove in the wedges behind the rudder, in a little cavity be- tween the rudder and ship, and left her. In the morning, the sails were seen fluttering about: she was adrift in the middle of the lake; and being presently blown ashore, was easily taken. The Rev. Mr. Payson, of Chelsea, near Boston» a gentleman of the mildest manners, soundest learning, and most amiable character, who has ever been so warm on the side of government, that par- son Treadwell, and others, on the side of the peo- ple, have repeatedly refused to let him preach in their pulpits; being at Lexington, and with his own eyes seeing that the king's troops had fired first, and committed murder — and, being himself a wit- ness of other of their barbarities, could not endure the sight without taking vengeance; he therefore put himself at the head of a party, and with his musket, led them on to the attack — engaged, and killed, or wounded, and took prisoners, the whole party mentioned in one of the accounts, as going up with provisions and ammunition for the main 420 PHINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. body. Wlaat will government say to this desertion of one among many of their warmest friends? — It Bcems as if the cause was such, that no honest man could appear in it. From the J^'etv-Tork Journal. Newport. M,r 22, 1775. T'-ie people of New Jersey have taken possession of the treasury of that province, in which was the amount of between twenty and thirty thousand pounds; which money is to be appropriated to the payment of the troops now raised in that province, for the defence of the liberties of America. WoHCESTisn, .Mjy 17. A great number of governor Hutchinson's let- ters have lately fallen into the hands of our people. A correspondent at Rnxbury has favored us with the following extract from one of them to general Gage, then at New York, dated at Boston, Jnsylvania could be brought to take part with New Y;>rk, I think the business luonld be done. I Tnust beg the favor of you not to let this letter come under any other than your own observation." Phtiadelphia, June 9, 1775. The following paragraphs are taken from the Pennsylvania Mercury: The ladies in Bristol township have evidenced a laudable regard to the interest of their country. At their own expense, they have furnished the re- giment of that county with a suit of colours and drums, and are now making a collection to supply muskets to such of the men as are not able to sup- ply themselves. Ws hear the lady, who was ap pointed to present the colors to the regiment, gave in charge to the soldiers, never to desert the colors of the ladies, if they ever wished that the ladies should list under their banners. The spirit ot oppbsition to the arbitrary and ty- rannical acts of the ministry and parliament of Eri. tain, hath diffused itself so universally throughout this province, that the people, even to its most ex- tended frontiers, are indefatigable in training them- selves to military discipline. The aged, as well as the young, daily march out under the banners of liberty, and discover a determined resolution to maintain her cause even until death. In the town of Reading, in Berks county, there had been some time past three comoanies formed, and very for- ward in their exercise; since, however, we are well informed, a fourth company have associated under the name of the Old Man's company. It consists of about eighty Germans, of the age of forty and upwards. Many of them have been in the military service in Germany. The person who, at their first assembling, led them to the field, is 97 years of age, has been 40 years in the regular service, and in 17 pitched battles, and the drummer is 84. In lieu of a cockade, they wear in their hats a black crape, as expressive of their sorrow for the mourn- ful events which have occasioned them, at their late time of life, to take arms against our brethren, in order to preserve that liberty which they left their native country to enjoy. In the Uisemhly of Pennsylvania, .Tune 29, 1 775. — The house taking into consideration, that many of the good people of this province are conscientious- ly scrupulous of bearing arms, do hereby earnestly recommend to the associators for the defence of their country, and others, that they bear a tender and brotherly regard towards this class of their fellow subjects and countrymen; and to these con- scientious people it is also recommended, that they cheerfully assist, in proportion to their abilities, such persons as cannot spend both time and sub- stance in the service of their country without great injury to themselves and families. Extract of a letter from Philadelphiai dat^ed .htly 10, 177 5, from a gentleman of consideration and fortune. "Travel through whatever part of this country you will, you see the inhabitants training, making firelocks, casting mortars, shells and shot, and making saltpetre, in order to keep the gunpowder mills at v/ork during the next autumn and winter. Nothing, indeed, is attended to but preparing to make a defence that will astonish the whole world, and hurl destruction on those who, to preserve themselves in ofiice, have advised measures so fa- tal both to Britain and America.. At least two hun- dred thousand men are now in arms, and well traiji- PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 42J ed, ready vo ni«rch whenever wanted for the s- p' port of ADierican freedom and property. In shor.. a spirit of enthusiasm for war is gone Jorth, that has driven away the fear of death; and mag^azi' es of provisions and anr)munition,by order of the state? general of America, ('or the t-3L^CIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. redress, and professed our readiness to coniributc for the general want, to the utmost of our abilities, when constitutionally required. The apparently gracious reception it met with, promised us a due consideration of it; and that consideration relief. But, alas! Sir, it seems at that moment the very reverse was intended. For it now appears, that in a very few days after this specious answer to our agents, a circular letter was privately written by the same secretary of state; to the governors of the colonies, before par- liament had been consulted, pronouncing the con- gress illegal, our grievances pretended, and vainly commanding them to prevent our meeting again. Perhaps, sir, the ministers of a great nation, never before committed an act of such narrow policy and treacherous duplicity. They found parliament, however, prepared to support every one of their measures. I forbear, sir, entering into a detail of those acts, which, from their atrociousness, must be felt and remembered forever. They are calculated to carry tire and sword, famine and desolation, through these flourishing colonies. They cry, "havoc, and let slip the dogs of war." The extremes of rage and revenge, against the worst of enemies, could not dictate measures more desperate and destruc- tive. There are some people who tremble at the ap- proach of war. They fear, that it must put an inevitable stop to the further progress of these colonies; and ruin irretrievably those benefits, which the industry of centuries has called forth, from this once savage land. I may commend the anxiety of these men, without praising their judg- ment. War, like other evils, is often wholesome. The waters that stagnate, corrupt. The storm that works the ocean mto rage, renders it salutary. — Heaven has given us nothing unmixed. The rose is not without the thorn. War calls forth the great virtues and efforts, which would sleep in the gentle bosom of peace. "Paulum sepulta: distat inertia celaia virtus.'* It opens resources which would be con- cealed under the inactivity of tranquil times. It rouses and enlightens. It produces a people of animation, energy, adventure, and greatness. Lev us consult history: Did not the Grecian republics prosper amid continual ivarfare? Their prosperity, their power, their splendor, grew from the all-ani mating spirit of war — did not the cottages of shep- herds, rise hito imperial Rome, the mistress of the world, the nurse of lieroe-i, the delight of Gods! thnvugh the invigorating operation of unceasing wars! — "Per damna, per ccedes,ab ipso Juxit opes animumque ferro." How often has Flanders been the theatre of contending powers, conflicting hosts, and blood! Yet what country is more flourishing and fertile? Trace back the history of our parent slate. Whether you view her arraying Angles against Danes; Danes against Saxons; Saxons against Normans; the Barors against the usurping princes, or the civil wars of the red and white roses, or that between the people and the tyrant Stuart — yoii see her in a state of almost continual warfare. In almost every reign, to the commencement of that of Henry the Vllth, her peaceful bosom (in her poet's phrase) was gored with iron war. It was in the peaceful reigns of Henry VII. Henry VIII. and Charles 11. that she suffered the severest extremities of tyranny and oppression. But amid tier civil contentions, she flourished and grew strong, trained in them, she sent her hardy legions forth, which planted the standard of England upon the battlements of Paris; extending her commerce and her dominion. " Tliose noble English, who could entertain ■\Vitli half their forces, the full power of France, And let anotlier half, stand laughing by. All out of work, and cold lor action." The beautiful fabric of her constitutional liberty was reared and cemented in blood. From this fullness of her strength those scions issued, which taking deep root in this delightful land, have reared their heads, and spread abroad their branches like the cedars of Lebanon. Why fear we then, to pursue, through apparent evil — real good,' The war, upon which we are to enter, is just and necessary. "Justvm est bellum, ubi necessarium; et pia urma, qxdbus 7iulla, nisi in armis, relinquittir spes." It is to protect these regions, brought to such beauty through the infinite toil and hazard of our fathers and ourselves, from be- coming the prey of that more desolating cruel spoiler, than war, pestilence, or famine, — absolute rule and endless extortion. Our sufterings have been great— our endurance long. Every effort of patience, complaint, and. supplication, has been exhausted. They seem only to have hardened the hearts of the ministers who oppress us, and double our distresses. Let us therefore consult only how we shall defend our liberties with dignity and success. Our parent slate will then think us worthy of her, when she sees that with her liberty we inherit her rigid PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 425 We look forward with pleasure to ihat day, not far remote (we hope) when the inhabitants of Ame- rica ehall have one sentiment, and the full enjoy- ment of the blessings of a free government. Incited by these motives, and encouraged by the advice of many friends of liberty among you, the grand American congress have sent an army into your province, under the command of general Schuyler — not to plunder, but to protect you — to animate, and bring forth into action those senti- ments of freedom you have disclosed, and which the tools of despotism would extinguish through the whole creation. To co-operate with this design, and to frustrate those cruel and perfidious schemes, which would deluge our frontiers with the blood of women ijnd children, I have detached colonel Arnold into your country, with a part of the army under my command. I have enjoined upon him, and I am certain that he will consider himself, and act as in the country of his patrons and best friends. Necessaries and accommoda- tions of every kind which you may furnish, he will thankfully receive, and render the fullvalue. 1 invite you therefore as friends and brethren, to provide him with such supplies as your country affords; and I pledge myself not only for your safety and security, but for an ample compensation. Let no man desert his habitation — let no one flee as be- fore an enemy. The cause of America, and of li- berty, is the cause of every virtuous American citi- zen; whatever may be his religion or his descent, the United Colonies know no distinction but such as slavery, corruption, and arbitrary dominion, may create. Come then, ye generous citizens, range yourselves under the standard of general liberty — against which all the force and artifice of tyranny will never be able to prevail. G. WASHINGTON. A letter fTom general Lee to general Burgoyne, dated ■ camp on Prospect Hill, December 1, 1775. «'Deaii sir — As 1 am just informedyou are ready to embark for England, I cannot refrain from once more trespassing on your patience. An opportunity is now presented of immortalizing yourself as the Saviour of your country. Tlie whole British em- pire stands tottering on the brink of ruin, and you have it in your power to prevent the fatal catastrophe, but it will admit of no delay. For Heaven's sake avail yourself of the precious mo- ment; put an end to the delusions; exert the voice of a brave virtuous citizen, and tell the oeople at !\ome that they must immediately rescind ail their vesolution of mainti'.ining it against all invaders Let us give her reason to pride herself in the rela- tionship. And thou, great liberty! inspire our soul's. Make our lives happy in thy pure embrace. Or our deaths gloiious in tliy just defence! The following address luas pubHsheJ in Canada, on the arrival there of colonel Aimold, with the troops ■under his command. By his excellency George Washington, esq. com- mander in chief of the army of the United Colo- nies of North America. TO THB INdABITAKTS OV CAITASA. Friends and brethren— T\\e unnatural contest be- tween the English Colonies and Great Britain, lias now risen to such a height, that arms alone must decide it. Tha •clonics, confiding in the justice of their cause, and the purity of their intentions, have reluctantly appealed to that Being, in whose hands are all human events. He has hitherto smiled upon their virtuous efforts — the hand of tyranny has been arrested in its ravages, and the Britisii arms, which have shone with so much splendor in every part of the globe, are now tarnished with disgrace and disappointment. Generals of approv- ed experience, who boasted of subduing this great continent, find themselves circumscribed within the limits of a single city and its suburbs, suffering all the shame and distress of a siege, while the free- born sons of America, animated by the genuine prin- ciples of liberty and love of their country, with in- creasing union, firmness and discipline, repel every attack, and despise every danger. Above all, we rejoice, that our enemies have been deceived with regard to you — they have persuaded themselves, they have even dared to say, that tlie Canadians were not capable of distinguishing be- tween the blessings of liberty, and the wretched- ness of slavery; that gratifying the vanity of a little circle of nobility— would blind the people of Canada. By such artifices they hoped to bend you to their views, but they have been deceived; instead of fitlding in you that poverty of soul and baseness of spirit, they see with a chagrin, equal to our joy, that you are enlightened, generous, and virtuous — that you will not renounce your own rights, or serve as instruments to deprive your fellow-subjects of theirs. Come then, my brethren, unite with us in an indissoluble union, let us run together to the same goal. We have taken up arms in defence of our liberty, our properly, our wives, and our child- ren; we are determined lo preserve them, or die. i impolitic acts; that they mu«t Gverturn the whole — 5i. 4?i6 PRINCJPLES ANB ACTS OF IHE REVOLUTIOiN^. frantic system, or that they are undone. You) the natural tenderness of a mother, and acts the ask me, in your letter, if it is independence at I part of a cruel step-dame, it must naturally be U'hich the Americans aim? I answer, no! the idea i expected that their aUections cease; the ministry never entered a sing-le American's head until a | leave them no allernaiive, flj^; servire, aut alienari jpost intolerable oppression forced it upon them, \jnbent; it is in human nature, it is a moral obliga- All they required was to remain masters of their |tion to adopt the latter; but the fatal separation own property, and be governed by the same equita- ' has not yet taken place, and yourself, your single ble laws which they had enjoyed from the first [self, my friend, mny perhaps prevent it. Upon formation of the colonies. The ties of connection, which bound them to their parent counti-y, were 8S0 dear to them, that he who would have ventured \ to have touched them, would Lave hee!> considered as the most impious of mortals; but these sacred ties, the same men who have violated or baffled i n„, ;f „„,. ,. ■., „^ „„„^ k,.»„i, ^rr „u ^^„„-.«<°^^« ' I Hui ir you Will at once break on all connections some persons, I am af:aid, you can make no im- pression; for to repeat a hackneyed quotation, "Tlicy are in blood "Stpp'd in so far, tliat should they wade in more, "To return would be as tedious as go o'er." the most precious laws and rights of the people at home, dissipated or refused to account for their treasures, tarnished the glory, and annihilated the importance of the nations; Ihese sacred ties, I say, so dear to every American, are now rending suiunder. •'Yeu ask, whether it is the weight of t;ises of| which they complain? I answer no; it is the prin- i ciple they combat, and they would be guilty in the eyes of God and man, of the present world | and all posterity, did they not reject it; for if il I were admitted, they would have nothiug that Ihey ' could call their own. They wjuld ba in a worse j condition than ihe wretched slaves in the West ,...,,,, ,. r .x. . c .i. , ,. . , an height: but at the same time I avow, that if the India Islands, whose little peculium has ever been I ,. , ,.,,,, , , 'parliament and people should be depraved enough esleenried inviolate. But wherefore should I dwell , • .. • . Ito support anv longer some persons in their scheme, on th's, IS not the case of Ireland the same with i , j ' /. .u • i . r u jmy zeal and reverence for the rights or humanity theirs? They are subordinate to the British em- ! , . e x c 1 are so much greater than my fondness tor any pire, thayare subordinate to the parliament ofj . , .u i r *■ •* .k «. * . "^ narticular spot, even the place or my nativity, that Great Britain; but they tax themselves. Why, as!, , , . ^ ... •, r a " • w •' 'had I any influence m the councils or America, 1 the case is similar, do not you begin with them? ,ii- ^.t .^ •i»..u 3 4 Aidsde-camp, 4s. 6d. each 1 Adjutant gen«T<»l, 1 Quarter master general, 1 Assistant quarter master general, 1 Piiy master general, 6 Majors brigade, 4s. 6d. Secretary to commander in clnef Directors of hospitals, 18 18 12 4 6 13 6 7 9 6 1! 4 Surgeons, 63. 1 4 1 Apothecary, 6 2 Mates, and 1 clerk, 3s. 9 1 Commissary general. 12 2 Major generals under commander in chief. 24s. 9d. 2 9 4 Ai '3 -de camps, 4s. 6d. 18 6 Bri^'adier generals, 18s. 9(1. 5 12 1 Engineer, 9 4 Sub-engineers, 4s. fid 18 4 Major generals, com> manding separate armies, 49s. 6d. 9 18 8 aid-de camps, 4s. 6d. 1 16 8 Mijors brigade, 4s. 6d. 1 16 4 Secretaries, 4p. 9d. 19 4 Deputy adjutant gene- rals, 9.s.'4''i. 1 17 4 Deputy quarter master generals, 6s. 1 4 4 Deputy commissary ge- nerals, 6s. 1 4 8 Sub-engineers, 4s. fid. 1 16 9 Brigadier generals, 18s. 9d.» 8 8 60 RKGIMKHT8. 60 Colonels, 13s. 6d. 40 10 60 Lieutenant colonels, 9s. 27 60 M .jors, 6s. 18 540 C.ptains, 4s. 6d. 121 10 1080 Lieutenants, 3s. 162 540 Ensigns, 2s. 54 2160 Serjeants, Is. 3d. 135 2160 Corporals, Is. Id. 117 540 Drums, Is. Id. and 540 fifes, Is. Id. 58 10 30600 Privates, Is. 1530 (Chaplains, surgeons, and surgeon's mates, not included) TLTINB CAMP. 14 Colonels, 13s. 6d. 9 9 14 Lieutenant colonels, 9s. 6 6 14 Majors, 6s. 4 4 128 Captains, 4s. 6d. 28 16 256 Lieutenants, 3s. 3R 8 Carried over. 8 6 41 17 2265 10 23)3 8 6 87 3 2400 11 7 •Including Thompson, who is prisoner. 454 PRlNCfPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. Brought over, 128 Ensigns, 2s. 12 16 512 Se:jcaiits, Is. 3d. 32 512 t.orpor^ls, Is. Id. 27 14 256 Drums and fifes. Is. Id. 13 7 8692 Privates, Is 434 12 per diem. of the minute-men were made, and ihey wers 2400 11 6 -iAnciiM^ X a, ■> —520 10 JERSET BUIGADB. 5 Colonels, 13s. 6d. 3 7 6 5 Lieutenant colonels 9s. 2 5 5 M.jj(.rs, 6s. 1 lU 42 Captains, 4s, 6d. 9 9 84 Lieutenants, 3s. . 12 12 42 Ensigns, 2s. 4 4 168 Serjeants, Is. 3d. 10 10 168 Corporals, Is. Id. 9 2 84 Drusns and fifes. Is. Id. 4 1! 2S56 Privates, It. 142 16 .200 6 6 MILITIA (in pa}.) 44 Colonels, 13s 6d. 29 14 44 Lieuvenant colonels, 9s. 19 16 44 M..jors, 6s. 13 4 400 Captains, 4s, 6d. 90 SOU Lieutenants, 3s. 120 400 Ensigns, 2s. 40 1600 Serjeap.s, Is. 3d. 100 1600 Corporals, Is. Id. 86 13 bOO Drums and fifes. Is. Id. 43 6 2-000 Privates Is. 1350 4 8 • 1892 14 5014 12 DAILT AIT.0WA5C"E OF PEOVISIOWS. 1 lb. fresli-beel, or 1 ib. salt- fish; I lb. pork, or 20 oz. salt- beef; 1 lb. bread, fiour, 1 pint nriilk, 1 quart cider or spruce beer, /*er diem Cich — 3 lb. can- dles, 8 lb. hard soap, per -.veek for 100 men — J pints pease, 1 pnv: Indidi': intal, 6 oz. butler, per man a lueek. 'i'his is about lOd. sterling ration per day. itaviojis, on an average 3 per da), for general and other officers, 4898 at 2s. 6d. 612 5 Non-coiiiniissioned officers, and privates, 80,248, at lud. 3343 13 4 3955 18 4 Clothing for continental ar- my, Hying camp, and Jersey brigade, 49,248, 2d. per day. Daily expenses. Nothing of the navy con- tingencies, or army extraordi- naries, ate included. 8970 10 4 410 8 9380 18 4 These accouHts of the American armies were taken about the latter end of May, 1776. But when the congress were informed, that foreigners had been hired, and that general Howe intended coming to New York (from Halifax) they ordered the number of the continental troops to be increas- ed, to seventy thousand. At the same time, returns A PROCLAMATION. By his excellency general JVashington, general and commander in chi'f of the army of the United States of JVorth America. Whereas a bombardment and attack upon the cily of New York by our cruel and inveterate ene- my may be hourly expected: and as there are. great numbers of women, children, and infirm persons yet remaining in the city, whose continuance will rather be prejudicial than advantageous to the ar- my, and their persons exposed to great danger and hazard: I do therefore recommend it to all per- sons, as they value their own safely and preserva- tion, to remove with ail expedition out of the said lown at I his critical period — trusting that with the blessing of Heaven upon the American arms they may soon return to it in perfect security. And I do enjoin and require all the officers and soldiers in the army under my command, to forward and assist all such persons in their compliance with this recommendation. Given under my hand, at head-quarters, New York, August 17, 1776. GEORGE WASHINGTON. In convention of the representatives of the state of JVc-w York, held at Harlem, Aug. 17, 1776. Resolved, That the women and children, and infirm persons in the city of New York, be imme- diately removed from the said city, agreeable to general Washington's request of this bouse, in his letter of this date. ROBERT BENSON, Sec. MASSACHUSETTS. IW PROVlHCIAt CONGHESS. V/aterto-wn, April 26, 1775. TO THE INHABITANTS OF CHEAT BHITAIW. Friends and fellow subjects, Hostilities are at length commenced in this colo- ny, by the troops ander command of general Gage; and it being of the greatest importance, that an early, true, and authentic account of this inhuman proceeding should be known to you, the congress of this colony have transmitted the same; and for want of a session of the hon. continental congress, think it proper to address you on this alarming oc- casion. By the clearest depositions, relative to this transaction, it will appear, that, on the night pre- ceding the 19th of April, instant, a body of the PRmciPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 45-5 king's troons, under command of colonel Smith, were secretly landed at Cambridge, with an ap parent design to take or destroy the military and other stores, provided for the defence of this co- lony, and deposited at Concord; that some inhabi- tants of the colony, on the night aforesaid, whilst travelling peaceably on the road between Boston and Concord, were seized and greatly abused by armed men, who appeared to be officers of gene ral Gage's army; that the town of Lexmgton, by these means, was alarmed, and a company of the inhabitants mustered on the occasion;* that the re- gular troops, on their way to Concord, marched in. to the said town of Lexington, and the said com pany, on their approach, began to disperse; that notwithstanding this, the regulars rushed on with great violence, and /?rsi began hostilities, by firing on the said Lexington company, whereby, they killed eight, and wounded several others; that the regulars continued their fire until those of the ssid company, who were neither killed nor wounded bad made their escape; that colonel Smith, with the detachment, then marched to Concord, where a number of provincials were again fired on by the troops, two of them killed and several wounded, before any of the provincials fired on them; and /Afli these hostile measures of the troops produced an engagement that lasted through the day, in which many of the provincials, and more of the re- gular troops, were killed and wounded. To give a particular account of the ravages of the troops, as they retreated from Concord to Charles Town, would be very difficult,. if not im practicable; let it suffice to say, that a great num- ber of the houses on the road were plundered, and rendered unfit for use; several were burnt; women in child-bed were driven by the soldiery naked into the streets; old men, peaceably in their houses, were shot dead, and such scenes exhibited, as would disgrace the annals of the most uncivilized nations. These, brethren, are marks of ministerial ven- geance against this colony, for refusing, with her sister colonies, a submission to slavery; but they have not yet detached us from our royal sovereign; we profess to be his loyal and dutiful subjects; and so hardly dealt with as we have been, are still rea- dy, with our lives and fortunes, to defend his per- son, family, crown and dignity; nevertheless, to the persecution and tyranny of his cruel ministry, we will not tamely submit; appealing to Heaven for the justice of our cause, «'we determine to die, or be free." We cannot think that the honor, wisdom, and valor of Britons, will suffer them to be longer in- active spectators of measures, in which they them- selves are so deeply interested; measures pursued in opposition to the solemn »irotests of many noble lords, and expressed sense of conspicuous com- mons, whose knowledge and virtue have long cha- racterized them as some of the greatest men in the nation; measures, executing contrary to the inter- est, petitions, and resolves of many large, respect- able counties, cities, and boroughs, in Great Bri- tain; meatures highly incompatible with justice, but still- pursued with a specious pretence of eas- ing the nation of its burthens; measures which, if successful, must end in the ruin and slavery of Bri- tain, as well as the persecuted American colonies. We sincerely hope, that the Great Sovereign of the Universe, who hath so often appeared for the English nation, will support you in ever} rational and manly exertion with these colonies, for saving it from ruin, and that, in a constitutional coniiec- tion with our mother country, we shall soon be al- together a free and happy people. Signed by order, JOS. WARREN, president. • There were 100 provincials, and 900 regulars. IS PROTIHCIAI, CONGRESS. Watertotun, May 5, 1775. Whereas, his excellency, general Gage, since his arrival in this colony, hath conducted, as an instru- ment in the hands of an arbitrary ministry, to en- slave this people; and a detachment of the treops under his command, has of late been, by him, or- dered to the town of Concord, to distroy the pub- lic stores, deposited in that place for the use of the colony: And whereas, by this clandestine and perfidous measure, a number of respectable inha- bitants of this colony, without any provocation giv- en by them, have been illegally, wantonly, and in« humanly slaughtered by his troops: Therefore, resolved, that the said general Gage hath, by these and many other means, utterly dis- qualified himself to serve this colony as a governor, and in every other capacity; ar.d that no obedience ought, in future, to be paid by the several towns and districts in this colony, to his writs, for calling an assembly, or to his proclamations, or any other of his acts or doings; but that, on the other hand, he ought to be considered and guarded against, as an unnatural and inveterate enemy to the country. JOSEPH WARREN, president P. T. 436 PRINCIPLKS AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. IVeterioiun, j\i'ov. 20. destruction might come upon our frontiers, have A pRoctAMATiON FOH A PUBLIC THAHK.30IVING. bccn almost miraculously defeated; that our un- Although, In consequence of the nnnatural, cru- natural enemies, instead of ravaging the country el, and barbarous measures, adopted and pursued with uncontroled sway, are confined within sTich by the Briiish administration, great and distressing calamities are brought upon our distressed coun- try, and in this colony in particular; we feel the dreadful effects of a civil -war, by which, America is stained with the blood of her valiant sons, who have bravely fallen in the laudable defence of our rights and privileges; our capital^ once the seat oj justice, opulence and virtue, is unjustly wrested from its proper owners, who are obliged to flee from the iron hand of tyranny, or held in the unrelenting arms of oppression; our seaports great- ly distressed, and towns burnt by the foes who have acted the part of barbarous incendiaries. — And, although the wise and Holy ©overnor of the world h as, in his righteous Providence, sent droughts into this colony, and wasting sickness into many of our towns, yet we have the greatest reason to adore and praise the Supreme Disposer of events, who deals infinitely better with us than we deserve; and amidst all his judgments, hath remembered mercy, by causing the voice of health again to be heard amon^jst us; instead of famine, affording to an ungrateful people a competency of the neces- saries and comforts of life; in remarkably preserv- ing and protecting our troops, v/hen in apparent danger, while our enemies, with all their boasted skill and strength, have met with loss, disappoint- ment, and defeat;— sind, in the course of his good Providence, the Father of all Mercies, hath be- stowed upon us many other favors, which call for our grateful acknowledgments: Therefore— We have thought fit, with the advice of the council and house of representatives, to ap- point Thursday, the 23d of November, instant, to be observed as a day of public thanks^rivin^, through- out this colony; hereby calling upon ministers and people, to meet for religious worship on the said day, and devoutlt/ to offer up their unfeigned praises to Almighty God, the source and benevo- lent bestosver of all good, for his affording the ne- cessary means of subsistence, though our com- merce has be§n prevented, and the supplies from! the fishery denied us;— that such a measure of health is enjoyed among us; that the lives of our officers and soldiers have been so remarkably pre- served, while our enemies have fallen before them; that the vigorous efforts, which have been used to excite the savage vengeance of the wilderness and rouse Ute Indians to arms, that an unavoidable! narrow limits, to their own mortification and dis- tress, environed by an American army, brave and determined; — that such a band of union, founded upon the best principles, unites the American co- lonies, — that our rights and privileges, both civil and religious, are so far preserved to us, notwith- standing all the attempts of our barbarous enemies to deprive us of them. And to offer up humble and fervent prayers to Almighty God, for the whole British empire; es- pecially for the united American colonies: — That He would bless our civil rulers, and lead them into wise and prudent measures, at this dark and diffi- cult day; that He would endow our general court witb all that wisdom whicli is profitable to direct; that He would graciously smile upon our endeavors to restore peace, preserve our rights and privi» leges, and hand them down to posterity; that He would give wisdom to the American congress, equal to their important station; that He would di- rect the generals, and the American armies, wher- ever employed, and give them success and victory; that He would preserve and strengthen the harmo- ny of the united colonies; that He would pour out his spirit upon all orders of men, through the land, bring us to a hearty repentance and reformation; purify and sanctify all His churches; that be would make ours, Emanuel's land; that He would spread the knowledge of the Redeemer through the whole earth, and fill the world with his glory. And all servile labor is forbidden on said day. Given under our hands, at the council chamber, in Watertown, the fourth day of November, ia the year of our Lord, one thousand seven hun^ dred and seventy-five. By their honors command, PEREZ MORTON, Dep. Sec. Jp.mes Otis, Walter Spooner, Caleb Cushing, Joseph Whitcomb, Jedidiah Foster, James Prescott, Eldad Taylor, Benjamin Lincoln, Michael Farley, Joseph Palmer, Samuel llolten, Jabez Fisher, Moses Gill, Benjamin White. GOD SAVE THE PEOPLE. The folloiuing test passed the assembly of Massa- chusetts in 1776. **We the subscribers do each of us severally for ourselves profess, testify and declare, before God and tbe world, that we verily believe that PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 437 the war, resistance and opposition in which the United American Colonies are now eng'aged against the fleets and armies of Great Britain, is on the part of the said colonies, just and necessHry; and we do hereby severally promise, covenant and engage to and with every person of this colony, who has or shall subscribe tliis declaration, or ano- ther of the same tenor and words, that we will not, during the said war, directly or indirectly, in any ways aid, abet, or assist any of the naval or land forces of the king of Great Britain, or any employ ed by him, or supply them with any kind of pro- visions, military or naval stors, or hold any corres pondence with, or communicate any intelligence to any of the officers, soldiers or mariners belong ing to the said army or navy, or enlist or procure any others to enlist into the land or sea service of Great Britain, or take up or bear arms against Ihis or either of the United Colonies, or undertaking to pilot any of the vessels belonging to the said navy, or any other way aid or assist them; but on the contrary, according to our best power and abilities, will defend by arms the United American Colonies, and every part thereof, against every hostile attempt of the fleets and armies in the ser- vice of Great Britain, or any of tkero, according to the requirements and directions of the laws of this colony, that now or may hereafter be provided for the regulation of the militia thereof." Copy of a letter to his excellency general Oage, from the hon. Jonathan Trumbull, esq. governor of the colony of Connecticut, in behalf of the general as- tembly of said colony, dated Hartford, Jlpril 28, 1775. Sir — The alarming situation of public afl^airs in this country, and the late unfortunate transactions in the province of Massachusetts Bay, have induced the general assembly of this colony, now sitting in this place, to appoint a committee of their body to wait upon your excellency, and to desire me, in their name, to write to you relative to these very interesting matters. The inhabitants of this colony are intimately connected with the people of your province, and esteem themselves bound, by the strongest ties of friendship, as well as of common interest, to regard with attention, whatever concerns them. You will not, therefore, be surprised, that your first arrival at Boston, with a body of his Majesty's troops, for the declared purpose of carrying into execution certain acts of parliament, which, in their appre- hension, were uaconstitutional and oppressive, j even yet, find expedients to restore peace, that should have given the good people of this colony a very just and general alarm; your subsequent proceedings in fortifying the town of Boston, and other military preparations, greatly increased their apprehensions for the safety of their friends and brethren; they could not be unconcerned specta- tors of their suflTerings, in that which they esteem- ed the common cause of this country; but the late hostile and secret inroads of some of the troops under your command, into the heart of the coup.- try, and the violences they have committed, have driven them almost into a state of desperation. They feel now not only for their friends, but for them- selves, and their dearest interests and connections. We wish not to exaggerate; we are not sure of ev- ery part of our information; but, by the best inlel- IJgence that we have yet been able to obtain, thft late transaction was a most unprovoked attack up- on the lives and property of his majesty's subjects; and it is represented to us. that such outrages have' been committed, as would disgrace even barba- rians, and much more Britons, so highly famed for humanity, as well as bravery. It is feared, there- fore, that we are devoted to destruction, and that you have it in command and intention, to ravage and desolate the country. Jf this is not the case, permit us to ask, why have these outrages been committed? Why is the town of Boston now shut up? And to what end are ail the hostile prepara- tions that are daily making, and why do we conti- nually hear of fresh destination of troops for his ountry? The people of this colony, you may rely upon it, abhor the idea of taking arms against the troops of their soveriegn, and dread nothing so much as the horrors of civil war; but, at the same time, we beg leave to assure your excellency, that as they apprehend themselves justified by the prin- ciples of self defence, so they are most firmly re- solved to defend their rights and privileges to the last extremity; nor will they be restrained from giving aid to their brethren, if any unjustifiable at- tack is made upon them. Be so good, therefore, as to explain yourself upon this most important subject, as far as is consistent with your duty to our common sovereign. Is there no way to pre- vent this unhappy dispute from coming to extre- mities? Is there no alternative but absolute sub- mission, or the desolations of war? By that hu- manity which constitutes so amiable a part of your character; for the honor of our sovereign, and by the glory of the British empire, we entreat you to prevent it, if it be possible; surely, it is to be hoped that the temperate wisdom of the empire might. 438 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION, all parts of the etr.pire may enjoy theii- particular rights, honors, and immunities: Certainly, this is an event most devoutly to be wished for; and will it not be consistent with your duty to suspend the operation of war on your part, and enable us on ours, to quiet the minds of the people, at least, till when you are assHred, that previous to my taking these steps, such were tfce open threats, and such the warlike preparations throughout this province, as rendered it my indispensible duty to take every precaution in my power, for the protection of his majesty's troops under my command, against all the result of some further deliberations may be; hostile attempts. The intelligence you seem to known? The importance of the occasion will, we doubt not, sufficiently apologize for the earnest- ness with which we address you, and any seeming impropriety which may attend it, as well as induce you to give us the most explicit and favorable an- swer in your power. I am, with great esteem and respect, in behalf ®f the general assembly, sir, 5tc. (Signed) JONATHAN TRUMBULL His excellency, Thomas Gags, esq. Hia excellency general Gage's answer to the forego- ing letter, dated BosTOW, May 3, 1775. Sib:— T am to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 28lh of April last, in behalf of the general assembly of your colony, relative to the alarming situation of public affairs in this country, and the late transactions in this province: that this situation is greatly alarming, and that these trans- actions are truly unfortunate, are truths to be re- gretted by every friend to America, and by every well-wisher for the peace, prosperity, and happi- ness of this province. The intimate connection, and strong ties of friendship between the inhabi- tants of your colony, and the deluded people of this province, cannot fail of inducing the former to have received, relative to the late excursion of a body of troops into the country, is altogether inju- rious and contrary to the true state of facts; the troops disclaim, with indignation, the barbarous outrages of which they are accused, so contrary to theirlcnown humanity. I have taken the greatest pains to discovei* if any were committed, and have found examples of their tenderness, both to the young and the old, but no vestige of cruelty or barbarity: It is very possible, that )n firing into houses, from whence they were fired upon, that old people, women, or children, may have suffered, but if any such thing has happened, it was in their de- fence, and undesigned. I have no command to ravage and desolate the country, and were it my intention, I have had pretence to begin it upon the sea ports, who are at the mercy of the fleet. For your better information, I inclose you a narrative of that affair, taken from gentlemen of indisputa- ble honor and veracity, who were eye witnesses of all the transactions of that day. The leaders herft have taken pains to prevent any account of this af- fiiir getting abroad, but such as they have thought proper to publish themselves; and to that end, the post has been stopped, the mails broke open, and letters taken out; and, by these means, the most injurious and inflammatory accounts have been interpose their good offices, to convince the latter! spread throughout the continent, which has served of the impropriety of their past conduct, and to^^Q deceive and inflame the minds of the people. persuade them to return to their allegiance, and toseekredressofany supposed grievances, in those When the resolves of the provincial congress decent and constitutional methods in which algne they can hope to be successful. That troops should be employed for the purpose of protecting the magistrates in the execution of their duty, when opposed with violence, is not a new thing in the English, or any other government that any acts of the British parliament are uncon- stitutional or oppressive, I am not to suppose; if any such there are, in the apprehension of the peo- ple of this province, it had been happy for them if they had sought relief, only in the way which the constitution, their reason, and their interest, point- ed out. You cannot wonder at my fortifying the town of breathed nothing but war, when those two great and essential prerogatives of the king, the levying of troops, and disposing of the public monies, were wrested from him; and when magazines were forming by an assembly of men, unknown to the constitution, for the declared purpose of levying war against the king, you must acknowledge, it was my duty, as it was the dictate of humanity, to pre- vent, if possible, the calamities of civil war, by destroying such magazines. This, and this alone, 1 attempted. You ask, why is the town of Boston now shut np? I can only refer you, for an answer, to those bodies of armed men, who now surround the town, and prevent all access to it. The hos- tile preparations \ou mention, are such as the con- Boston, or making any other military repstrations, I duct of the people of th'is province has rendered PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 459 it prudent to make, for the defence of those under my command. You assure me, the people of you colony abhor the idea of taking arms against the troops of their sovereign; I wish the people of this province, for their own sakes, could make the same declaration. You enquire, is there no way to prevent this un- happy dispute from coming to extremities? Is there no alternative but absolute submission, or the de- solations of war? I answer, 1 hope there is; the king and parliament seem to hold oat terms of recon- ciliation, consistent with the honor and interest oi Great Britain, and the rights and privileges of the colonies; ihey have mutually declared their readi- ness to attend to any real grievances of the colo- nics, and to aflbrd them every just and reasonable indulgence, wiiich shall, in a dutiful and constitu- tional maimer, be laid before them; and his Majes- ty adds, it is his ardent wish that this disposition may have a happy effect on the temper and conduct of his subjects in America: I must add likewise, the resolution of the 27U) of February, on the gra:»d dispute of taxation and revenue, leaving it to the colonies to tax themselves, under certain condi tions; here is surely a foundation for an accommo- dation, to people who wish a reconciliation, rather than a destructive war, between countries so nearly connected, by the ties of blood and interest; but 1 fear, that the leaders of this province have been, and still are, intent only on shedding blood. I am much obliged, by your favorable sentiments, ®f my personal character, and assure you, as it has been my constant wish and endeavor hitherto, so 1 shall continue to exert my utmost efforts to pro- tect all his majesty's liege subjects under my care, in their persons and property. You ask, whether it will not be consistent with my duty, to suspend the operations of war, on my part? 1 have com- menced no operations of war but defensive; such you cannot wish me to suspend, while I am sur- rounded by an armed country, who have already begun, and threaten farther to prosecute an offen- sive war, and are now violently depriving me, the king's troops, and many other of the king's sub- jects, under my immediate protection, of all the conveniences and necessaries of life, with which the country abounds; but it must quiet the minds ©f all reasonable people, when I assure you that I have n* disposition to injure and moles', quiet and peaceable subjects; but on the contrary, shall es- teem it my greatest happiness lo defend and pro- tect them against every species of violence and oppression.— I am, sir, 8cc. (Signed) THOMAS GAGE. Letter from the commitiee of JVe-M York, to the lord tnayor, aldermen, and common council of London^ laid before the court of common council by the mayor, on the 2ord of June, 1775. COMMITTKE ChAMBEH, 7 New-Yohk, May 5, 1775. 5 Jify lord and gentlemen — Distinguished as you are, by your noble exertions in the cause of liberty, and deeply interested in the expiring commerce of the empire, you necessarily command the most re- spectful attention. The general committee of as- sociation, for the city and county of New York, beg leave, therefore, to address you, and the capital of the British empire, through its magistrates, on the subject of American wrongs. Born to the bright inheritance of English freedom, the inhabi- tants of this extensive continent, can never submit to the ignominious yoke, nor move in the galling fetters of slavery. The disposal of their own pro- perty, with perfect spontaniety, and in a manner wholly divested of every appearance of constraint, is their indefeasible birthright. This exalted bles- sing, they are resolutely determined to defend with their blood, and transfer it, uncontaminated, to their posterity. You will not, then, wonder at their early j ealausy of the design, to erect in this land of liberty, a des- potism scarcely to be parallelled in the pages of antiquity, or the volumes cf modern times; a des- potism, consisting in power, assumed by the repre- sentatives of a part of his majesty's subjects, at their sovereign will and pleasure, to strip the rest of their property; — and what are the engines of administration to execute this destructive project? The duty on tea; oppressive restraints on the com- merce of the colonies; the blockade of the port of Boston; the change of internal police in the Mas- sachusetts, and Quebec, the establishment of pope- ry in the latter; the extension of its bounds; the ruin of our Indian commerce, by regulations calcu- lated to aggrandize that arbitrary government; im- constitulional admiralty jurisdiction throughout ihe colonies; the invasion of oar right to a trial, in the most capital cases, by a jury of the vicinage; the horrid contrivance to screen from punishment the bloody executioners of ministerial vengeancej and not to mention the rest of the black catalogue of our grievances, the hostile operations of an ar- my, who have already shed the blood of our coua- trymen. The struggles excited by the detestable stamp act, have so lately demonstrated to the world that Americans will not be slaves; that we stand astonished at the gross impolicy of the minister. — ■ Recent experience had evinced, that the possessors 440 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. of this extensive continent would never submit to a tax, by pretext of legislative authority in Britain; disgwise, therefore, became the expedient. In pur- suit of the same end, parliament declared their ab- ment to the welfare of his realm and domiiii:.>ns. Permit us further to assure you, that America is grown so irritable, by oppression, that the least shock, in any part, is by the most powerful and solate supremacy in attempting to raise a revenue, sympathetic affection, instantaneously felt through under the specious pretence of providing for their the whole continent. That Pennsylvania, Mary< good government and defence. Administration, j land, and New York, have already stopped their to exhibit a degree of moderation, purely ostensi- ble and delusory, while they withdrew their hands from our most necessary articles of importation, determined with an eager grasp to hold the duty on tea, as a badge of their taxative power. Zea- lous on our part, for an indissoluble union with the parent state, studious to promote the glory and happiness of the empire, impressed with a just sense of the necessity of a controlling authority to regulate and harmonize the discordant commercial interests of its various parts; we cheerfully submit to a regulation of commerce, by the legislature of a parent state, excluding, in its nature, every idea of taxation. Whither, therefore, the present machinations of arbitrary power infallibly tend, you may easily judge; if unremittedly pursued, as they were inhu- manly devised, they will, by a fatal necessity, ter- minate in a total dissolution of the empire. The subjects of this country will not, we trust, be deceived by any measures conciliatory in ap- pearance, while it is evident that the minister aims at a sordid revenue, to be raised by grievous and oppressive acts of parliament, and by fieeis and armies employed to enforce the execuiion. They never will, we believe, submit to an auction on the colonies, for the more effectual augmentation of the revenue, by holding it up as a lempiaiion to them, that the highest bidder shall enjoy the great- est share of government favor. This plan, as it would tend to sow the seeds of discord, would be far more dangerous than hostile force, in which we hope the king's troops will ever be, as they have already been, unsuccessful. Instead of those unu- sual, extraordinary, and unconstitutional modes of procuring levies from the subjects, should his Ma- jesty graciously be pleased, upon suitable emergen- cies, to make requisitions in ancient form, the co- lonies have expressed their willingness to contri- bute to the support of the empire — but to contri bute of their voluntary gift, as Englishmen; and when our unexampled grievances are redressed, our prince will find his American subjects testify- ing, on all proper occasions, by as ample aids as their circumstances will permit, the most unshak- en fidelity to their sovereigti, and inviolable attach- exporls to the fishing islands, and those colonies, which at this dangerous juncture, have refused to unite with their brethren in the common cause; and all supplies to the navy and army ut Boston; and that probably the day is at hand, when our continental congress will totally shut up our ports. The minions of power here, may now inform ad. ministration, if they can ever speak the language of truth, that this city is as one man in the cause of liberty; that to this end, our inhabitants are al- most unanimously bound by the inclosed associa- tion; that it is continually advancing to perfection, by additional subscriptions; that they are resolute- ly bent on supporting their committee, and the in- tended provincial and continental congresses; that there is not the least doubt of the efficacy of their example in the other colonies: In short, that while the whole continent are ardently wishing for peace on such terms as can be acceded to by English- men, they are indefatigible in preparing for the last appeal. That such are the language and con- duct of our fellow citizens, wili be further mani- fested by a representation of the lieutenant gover- nor and council of the 1st mst. to general (lage, at Boston, and to his Majesty's ministers by the packet. Assure yourselves, my lord and gentle- men, that we speak the real sentiments of the con- federated colonies on the continent, from Nova Sco- tia to Georgia, when we oeclare, that all the hor- rors of a civil war, will never compel America to submit to taxation, by authority of parliament. A sincere regard to the public weal, and the cause of humanity; in hearty desire to spare the further effusion of human blood; our loyalty to our prince, and the love we bear to all our fellow subjects in his maiesty's realm and dominions; a full conviction of the warmest attachment in the capital of the empire, to the cause of justice and liberty, have induced us to address you on this momentous subject, confident that the same cogent motives will induce the most vigorous exertions of the city of London to restore union, mutuai confidence, and peace to the whole empire. We have the honor to be, my lord and gentle- men, your most obedient and affectionate fellow- subjects, and humble servanls, ISAAC LOW, Chairman PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 441 John Jay, Frederick Lewis, John Alsop, Philip Livingston, James Duane, E. Duyckorch, William Seton, William \V. Ludlow, Cornelius Clopper, Abm. Brinkerhoff, Henry Kemsen, Robert Ray, Ever. Bancker, Joscpii ToUen, Abm. P. Lott, David Buckman.Isaac Roosvvelt,G)ibriel H. Ludlow, Wm. AViilton, Daniel Phtnix, Frederick Jay, Samuel Broome, Jno. De Lancey, Alexander M' Don gall, Jno. Ileade, Joseph Bull, George Jtneway, John White, Gab, W. Ludlow, John Lasher, Theopli. Anthony, Thomas Smith, Richard Yates, Oliver Templetou, Jacobus Van Landb}', Jeremiah Piatt, Peter S. Cur- tenius, Thos. Randall, Aug. V Horne, Ab. Duryee, Samuel Verplanck, Rudolphus Rilzeman, John Morton, Joseph Helleit, Robert Benson, Abraham Brasher, L- onard Lisjjenard, Thomas Jlarstory, Nicholas H'ffman, P. V B. Livingsion, Lewis Pin- tar J, John Imlay.Eleazer -Miller, jun. John Broom, Jolm B. Moore, Nicholas Bogert, John Anthony, Victor Uicker, William Goforih, Hercules MuUi- jjen, Nich. Roosevelt, Corn. V. Low, Francis Bas- set, James Beckman, Thomas Ivers, William Den- ning, John Berrien, Banjamin ilelme, William W. Gilbert, Dan. Dunscomb, John Lanib, Rich. Sharp, Jolm Morin Scott, Jacob Vanvoorstis, Comfort Sands, Edward Fleiiiing, Lancaster Burling, Benj. Ki-sauv, Jacob Ltfreris, Ant. Van Dane, Abraharii Walton, Hamilton Young, Peter GoeUl, Gtrrel Kiiettas, Thomas Buchanan, James Desbrosses, jun. Petrus Byvanck, Lau;ence Enribren. To the I'ight honorable the lord mayor, the al- dermen, and common council of the city of Luiidon. Nlw Youk, July 3, 1775. The following address of the provincial congress of the colony of New York, wus presented on the 26Lh uU. to his excellency George Washington, geuerihssimo of all the forces in the confederated colonies of America. "Jlay it please your excelkncy: — At a time when the most loyal of his majesty's subjects, from a regard to the laws and constiiuiion, by whicli he sits on the throne, feel themselves reduced to the unhappy necessity of taking up arms to defend their dearest rights and privileges; while we de- plore the calamities of this divided empire, we re- joice in the appointment of a genilema.n, from wiiose abilities and virtue, we are tauglit to expect j botlj security and peace. "Confiding in you, sir, and in the worthy gene- rals immediately under your command, we have the rnost flaUeriisg hop>.s uf success ia the gicii-i ous struggle for American liberty, and the fullest assurances, that whenevc^r this important contest shall be decided, by that fondest wish of each American soul, an accommodation with our mother country, you will cheerfully resign the important deposit committed into your iiands, and reassuu»e the ciiaracter of our worthiest citizen. Hy order, P. V. B. LIVINGSTON, Pres't. To the above address, his excellency returned the following answer: • "Gentlemen: — At the same time that with you- r deplore the unhappy necessity of such an ap- pointment, as that with which I am now honored, t cannot but feel sentiments of the highest grati- tude for this alTecting instance uf distinction and regard. "Miiy your warmest wishes be realized in the success of America, at this important and interest- ing period; and be assured, that every exertion of my worthy colleagues and myself, will be equally extended to the re-eslablisiiment of peace and harmony, between the mother country and these coionies: as to the fatal but necessary operations of war, when we assumed the soldier, we did not lay aside the citizen, and we shall most sincerely rejoice, with you, in that happy hour, when tlie establishment of American liberty, on the most firm and solid foundations, shall enable us to re- turn to our private stations, in the bosom of a free, peaceful, and happy country. G. WASHINGTON." To the honorable the delegates elected by the several counties and districts loithin the government of JVeio York, in colonial congress convened. The respectful address of the meclianics in union, for the city and county of New York, represented by their general committee. Elected delegates — With due confidence in the def l.,iavion which you lately made to the chairman uf our general committee, that you are at ail times ready and willing to attend to every request of your constituents, or any part of them; we, the mechanics in union, Ihougii a very inconsiderable part of your constituents, beg leave to represent, that one of the clauses in your resolve, r.espectinj the eslablialiment of a new form of government. Is erroneously construed, and for that reason ra:iy serve the most dangerous purposes; for it is well imown how indefatigable the emissaries of tlie Hritish parliament are in the pursuit of every scheme wiiicik is iikdy to bring disgrace upun our 442 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. rulers, and ruin upon us all. At the same time we cheerfully acknowk'lje that the genuine spirit of liberty which animates the other part of that resolve, did not permit us to interpret it in any other sense than that which is the most obvious, and likewise the most favorable to the natural rights of man. We covsid not, we never can be- lieve you intended that the future deleg-ates, or yourselves, should be vested with the power of framing a new constitution for this colony; and that its inhabitants at large should not exercise the right which God has given them, in common with all men, to judge whether it be consistent with their interest to accept or reject a constitu- tion framed for that state of which they are mem- ber?. This is the birthright of every man to what- ever state he may belong. There he is, or ought to be by inadmissible right, a collegislator with all the other members of that community. Conscious of our own want of abilities, we are, alas! but too sensible that every individual is nut qualified for assisting in the framing of a constitu- tion: but, tiiat share of common sense which the Almighty has bountifully distributed amongst man- kind in general, is sufficient to quicken every one's feeling, and enable him to judge rightly wliat degree of SHfety, and what advantages he is likely to enjoy, or be deprived of, under any constitution proposed to him. For this reason, should a pre. posterous confidence in the abilities and integrity of our future delegates, delude us into measures which might imply a renunciation of our inaliena- ble right to ratify our laws, we believe that your wisdom, your patrio ism, your own interest, nay, your ambition itself, would urge you to exert all the powers of persuasion you possess, and try every method which, in your opinion, could deter us from perpetrating that impious and frantic act of self- destruction; for, as it would precipitate us into a state of absolute slavery, the lawful power which, till nov/, you have received from your constitu- ents, to be exercised over a free people, would be annihilated by that unnatural act. It might proba- bly accelerate our political death; but it must im- mediately cause your own. ff The continued silence of the bodies which are, by election, vested with an authority subordinate to that of your house, would strike us with amaze- ment, should we suppose that, in their presence, your resolve ever was interpreted in a sense that was not favorable to the free exercise of our inahenable rights. But we, who daily converse with numbers who have been deceived by such misconstruction, coivceive that we ought to ii.form you in due time, that it has alarmed many zealous friends to the gen ral Cf.use which the United Colonies are defending with their lives and fortunes As the general opinion of your upriglitness de- P'^nds, in a great measure, on yoor explanation of that matter; and it being self-evident that the political !;appiness or misery of the people under your government, must be deeply affected by the measures which they may adopt in consequence of such explanation, we trust that you will receive this respectful address with indulgence, and that all our brethren in this, and the other colonies in the union, will do us the justice to beileve, that it was dictated by the purest sentiments of unconfined patriotism. The resolve which contains the obnoxious clause already mentioned, is, together with the introduc- tion to it, in the following words, to wit: "And whereas doubts have srisen, whether this congrtss are invested with sufficient power and authority to deliberate and determine on so im- portant a subject as the necessity of erecting and constituting a new form of government and internal police, to the exclusion of all foreign jurisdiction, dominion and control whatever. And whereas it appertains of right, solely to the people of this colony to determine the said doubts. Therefore* "liesolveJ, That it be recommended to the electors in the several counties in this colony, by election in the manner and form prescribed for the election of the present congress, either to authorise, (in addition to the powers vested in this congress) their present deputies, or others in the stead of their present deputies, or either of them, to take into consideration the necessity and propriety of instituting such new government as in and by the said resolution of the continental congress is described and recommended: And if the majority of the counties, by their deputies in provincial congress, shall be of opinion that such new government ought to be instituted and estab- lished; then to institute and establish such a go- veriuncnt as they shall deem best calculated to secure the rights, liberties, and happiness, of the good people of this colony, and to continue in force until a future peace with Great Britain shall render the same unnecessary." We cannot forbear expressing our astonishment at the existence of the doubts alluded to in the in- troduction just quoted. But when in compassion to those weak minds which gave them birtb, you FRINCIFLES AND ACTS OF THIi REVOLUTION. 443 condescended to declare, that qt appertains solely to the people of this colony to determine the said doubts;' you have in the spirit of the recom- mendations of the general congress, demonstrated to your constituents, that you will on all occasions warn them to destroy in its embryo, every scheme that you may discover to have the least tendency towards promoting the selfish views of any foreign or domestic oligarchy. Your enemies never can persuade people of reflection, that you fully in- structed the most ignorant among us by such a positive declaration of our rights, for die purpose of surreptitiously obtaining oar renunciation of them. Human nature, depraved as it is, has not yet, and we hope never will be guilty of so much hypocrisy and treachery. We observe on the contrary, that your resolve is perfectly consistent with the liberal principle on which it is introduced; for after having set forth what relates to the election of deputies, you recom- mend to the electors, 'If the majority of the coun- ties shall be of opinion that such new government ought to be instituted, then to institute and estab- lish such a government.' Posterity will behold that resolve as the test of their rectitude. It will prove that you have fully restored to us the exercise of our right, finally to determine on the laws by which this colony is to be governed; a right of which, by the injustice of the British government, we have till now been deprived. But a forced and most unnatural miscon- struction, which is artfully put upon your resolve, has deceived many, who really believe that we will not be allowed to approve or reject the new constitution; they are terrified at the consequences, although a sincere zeal for the general cause inspire them to suppress their remonstrances, lest the com- mon enemy should avail himself of that circum- stance, to undermine your authority. Impressed with a just fear of the consequences which result from that error, we conceive it would be criminal in us to continue silent any longer; and therefore we beseech you to remove by a fuil and timely explanation, the groundless j ealousies which arise from a misconception of your patriotic resolve. As to us, who do not entertain the least doubt of the puri'y of your intentions; who well know, that your wisdom could not suffer you to aim at obtaining powers, of which we cannot lawfull) divest ourselves; which, if repeatedly declared by uSj to have been freely granted, would only pro- claim our insanity, and for that reason, be void of themselves; we begf leave, as a part of youi* constituents, to tender you that tribute of esteem and respect, to which you are justly entitled, for your zeal in so nobly asserting the rights which the people at large have to legislation; and in pro- moting their free exercise of those rights. You have most religiously followed the lines drawn by the general congress of the United Colonies. Their laws, issued in the stile of re- commendations, leave inviolate, in the conventions, the committees, and finally the people at large, the right of rejection or ratification. But though it be decreed by that august body, that the punish- ments of death shall, in some cases be inflicted, the people have not rejected any of their laws, nor even remonstrated against them. The reason of such general submission, is, that the wiiole of their proceedings is calculated to promote the greatest good to be expected from the circum- stances which occasion ihe-r resolves, and scarcely admit the delays attending more solemn forms. The conduct of their constituents in this instance, clearly shews, what an unbounded confidence viru- ous rulers may place in the sound judgment, integrity, and moderation of a free people. Whatever the interested supporters of oligarchy may assert to the contrary, there is not, perhaps, one man, nor any set of men upon earth, who, with- out the special inspiration of the Almighty, could frame a constitution, which in all its parts, would be truly unexceptionable, by the majority of the people for whom it might be intended. And should God bless any man, or any set men, with such eminent g\fts, that man, or those men, having no separate interest to support, in opposition to the general good, would fairly submit the work to the collective judgment of all the individuals who might be interested in its operation. These it is probable, would after due examination, unanimously concur in establishing tliat constitution. It would become their own joint work, as soon as the ma- jority of them should have freely accepted it; and by its having received their free assent, the only characteristic of the true lawfulness and leg-aiii/ that can be given to human institutions, it would be truly binding on the people. Any other con- currence in the acts of legislation is illusory a-,d tyrannical; it proceeds from the selfish principles of corrupt oligarchy: and should a system of laws appear, or even be good in every other respect, which is scarcely adimissible, yet it would be im- perfect. It could be lawfully binding on none but 444 PIUNCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. the legislotors themselves, and must continue in that state of imperfection which disgrace the best laws, now and then made in govr^rnments estkblish ed on oligarchic principles, and deprives them of true legality. As such is the case with Great Bri tain herself, it is evident that her parlia:ment are so far from having a lawful clumto our obedience, that they have it not to that of their own con- s' ituents; that all our former laws have but a rela- tive legality, and that not onp of them is lawfully common conveniency, the operation of most of ihem be and ought to be tolerated, until a new system of government shall have been freely ratified by the collegislative power of the people, the sole lawful legislature of this colony. It would be an act of despotism to put it in force by any other means, wliich God avert! The people it is true might be awed, or openly forced to obey, but they would abhor the tyranny and execrate i'.s authors, 'lliey wouKl justly think that they were no longer bound to submit than despotism coulil be maintain- eA by the same violent or artful means which would hiive produced its existence. But the free ratification of the people will not be sufficient to render the establishment lawful, unless they exercise in its fulness an unconlrokd p)wer to aUer the constitution in the same man- rrr that it shall have been received. This power necessarily involves that of every district, occa- sitmalty to resiew their deputies to committees and congresses when the majorlly of such district siiall t'iink fi ; and therefore, without the intervention of the executive, or any other power, foreign to the body of the respective clcciors, that right is £0 essential to our safety, that we firmly believe you will recon:imend to all your constituents imme diately to exercise it, and never suffer ils being vrested from theni; oihefwise the sensibility of our dclcgnt.es could not allow them to say that they liold their offices from the volur;t.iry choice of a liee pecjile. AVe likewise conceive that tl)is measure will more efi'eciudlly and more speeJily than any other, remove disaflecteU persons fioin all our councils, and give ova- public picoedings a much greater veig'it than tiicy have hitlierto obtained a;iiongsl our nci^^hbors. ^Ve never did as a body, nor never will, assursie any authorliy whatsoever in the public transactions of the present limes. Common sense teaches us, destroy our usefulness as a body of voluntary associators, who are warmly attached to the cause of liberty; but that it would likewise expose every one of us to deserved derision. At the same time, we assure your honorable house, that on all occa- sions we will continue to testify our zeal in sup- porting the measures adopted by congresses and committees, in the prosecution of their grand ob- ject, the restoration of human rights in the United Colonies. And if at any future time, the silence binding upon us, though even now for the sake of of the bodies in power give us reason to conceive that our representations may be useful, we then will endeavor to discharge our duty with propriety, and rely on public indulgence for any imperfection which cannot affect our uprightness. Signed by order of the committee, MALCOLM M'KUEN, chairman- MECHANICS-nALl, Jwic 14, 1776. In convention of the representatives of the state of J^'e^a-Yurk, .August 10, 1776, liesolved. That if any of the militia officers in the service of this state shall, during the present invasion, resign his commission after having re- ceived orders to proceed upon duty from tliis con- vention or his superior olficer, without the per- mission of this state, or shall not repair witli all possible dispatch to such place or places, as he or they may be ordered' to by the convention of tliis state, or by his superior officer, shall, upon proof before a general court martial, be rendered incapable of holding any military employment un- der tills state, and his name held up as a deserter of his country's cause. ROBERT BENSON, Sec. IN VIRGINIA COSVENTIOU. Satnvday, March 25, 1775.— Resolved, as the opi- nion of this convention, that on account of the un- happy disputes between Great Britain and the co- lonics, and the unsettled stale of this country, the lawyers, suitors, and witnesses, ought not to attend the prosecution or defence of civil suits at the licxt general court: and it is recommended to tlie several courts of justice, not to proceed to the hearing or dtlermination of suits on their dockets, except attachments; nor to give judgment, but in t!ie case of sherift's, or other colleclois oi' money or tobacco received by them, in other cases where such judgment shall be voluntarily confessed, or upon such amicable proceedings as may become necessary for the settlement, division, or tlislribu- lion of estates: and, during the suspension of the ■.idministration of justice, it is earnestly recom- tL&l the a'-surJity of the zW.m. wo'.ilJ not only Wiiended to the people, to ob.'serve a peaceable r.nd PRISCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 4A8 orderly bebavi- r; to all cref^itors to be as indul- gent ♦o their debtors as may be; and to all debtors. to pay as far as they are able; and where differencps may arisp, wliich cannot be adjusted between the parties, that they refer the decision thereof to ju- dicious neighbors, and abide by their determina- tion. Monday, March 27, 1775.— The committee ap- pointed to prepare a plan for the encouragement of arts and manufactures, repoited the following resolutions, which being severally read, were unan- imously agreed to: Whereas, it hath been judged necessary, for the preservation of the just rights and liberties of America, firmly to associate against importation; and, as the freedom, happiness, and prosperity of a state greatly depend on providing within itself, a supply of articles necessary for subsistence, cloth, ing, and defence; and whereas, it is judged essen- tial, at this critical juncture, to form a proper plan for employing the different inhabitants of this colony, providing tor the poor, and restraining va- grants and other disorderly persons, v,ho are nui- sances to every society, a regard for our country, as well as common prudence, call upon us to en- courage agriculture, manufactures, economy, and the utmost industry; therefore, this convention doth resolve as follows: Resolved unanimously — That it be earnestly re- commended to the different magistrates, vestries, and churchwardens, throughout this colony, that they pay a proper attention and strict regard to the several acts of assembly, made for the re.straint of vagrants, and the better employing and main- taining the poor. Resolved unanimously — That from and after the first day of May next, no person or persons what- ever, ought to use, in his or their families, unless in case of necessity, and on no account, sell to butchers, or kill for market, any sheep under four years oLl; and where there is a necessity for using any mutton, in his, her, or their families, it is re commended to kill such only as are least profita- ble to be kept. Resolved unanimously— That the setting up and promoting woollen, cotton, and linen manufic.ures, ouglit to be encouraged in as many different branches as possible, especially coating, flannel, blankets, rugs, or coverlids, hosiery, and coarse cloths, both broad and narrow. Resolved unanimously— Tha,t all persons, having proper laads fjr the purpose, ought to cultivate and raise a quantity of flax, hemp, and cotton, suf- ficient not only for the use of his or her own family, but also to spare to others on moderate terms. Resolved unRnlmously — As salt is a daily and in- dispensible necessary of life, and the making of it amongst ourselves, must be deemed a valuable ac- quisition, it is therefore recommended, that the utmost endeavors be used to establish salt works, and that proper encouragement be given to Mr. James Tait, who hath made proposals, and ofl'tred a scheme to the public, for so desirable a purpose. Resolved unanimously — That saltpetre and sul- phur, being articles of great and necessary use, the making, collecting, and refinhig them to the utmost extent, be recommended, the convention being of opinion, that it may be done to great ad- vantage. Resolved unanimously — That the making of gun- powder be recommended. Resolved unanimously — That the manufacturing of iron into nails and wire, and other necessai'y ar- ticles, be recommended. Resdved unanimously— That the making of steel ought to be largely encouraged, as there will be a great demand for this article. Resolved unanimously— That the making of dif- ferent kinds of paper ought to be encouraged; and as the success of this brancli depends on a supply of old linen and woollen rags, the inhabitants of this colony are desired, in their respective families, to preserve these articles. Resolved unanimously — That, whereas, wool combs, cotton and wool cards, hemp and fl;.x hec- els, have been for some time made to advantage, in some of the neighboring colonies, and are necessa- ry for carrying on linen and woollen manufactures, the establishing such manufactures be recom- mended. Resolved unanimously— That the erecting full- ing mills, and mills fur breaking, swingling, and softening hemp and flax, and also that the making grindstones be recommended. Resolved unanimously — Tliat Vo.t brewing malt liq'iors in this colony, would tend to render liie consumption of foreign liquors less necessary, it is therefore recommended, that proper attention be given to the cultivation of hops and ba:Uy. Resolved unanimously — That it be'recommenued to all the inhabitants of this colony, that they use as the convention engageth to do, our own rnana- 446 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. factures, and those of other colonies, in preference to all others. Resolved unanimously— That for the more speed- ily and effectually carrying^ these resolutions into execution, it be earnestly recommended, that soci- eties be formed in different parts of this colony; and, It is the opinion of this convention, that pro- per premiums ought to be offered in the several counties and corporations, to such persons as shall excel in the several branches of manufactories; and it is recommended to the several committees of the different counties and corporations, to pro- mote and encourage the same, to the utmost of their power. August 16, \77S.~Kn address from the Baptists in this colony was presented to the convention, and read; setting forth, that however distinguished from the body of their countrymen, by appellatives and sentiments of a religious nature, they never- theless consider themselves as members of the same community in respect to matters of a civil nature, and embarked in the same common cause; that, alarmed at the oppression which hangs over America, they had considered what part it would be proper to take in the unhappy contest, and had determined that in some cases it was lawful to go to war, and that they ought to make a military resistance against Great Britain in her unjust invasion, tyrannical oppressions, and repeated hostilities; that their brethren were left at discre- tion to inlist, without incurring the censure of their religious community; and, under these cir- cumstances, many of them had enlisted as soldiers, and many more were ready to do so, who had an earnest desire their ministers should preach to them during the campaign; that they had there- fore appointed four of their brethren to make application to this convention for the liberty of preaching to the troops at convenient times, with- out molestation or abuse, and praying the same roay be granted them. lieiohed, That it be an instruction to the com- manding officers of the regiments or troops to be raised, that they permit dissenting clergymen to celebrate Divine worship, and to preach to the soldiers, or exhort, from time to time, as the vari- ous operations of the military service may permit, for the ease of such scrupulous consciences as may not choose to attend Divine service as celebrated fcy the chaplain. Test in Virginia, 1776, published by order of the conventitn-'"!, A. B. in the presence of Almighty God, do solemnly swear, that I will, to the utmost of my power, support, maintain, and defend the government of Virginia, in the present just and necessary war, against all powers whatever, who do, or may levy or carry on any hostility of war against the same, and that I will not in any man- ner aid, or assist, comfort, countenance, correspond with or abet any person whatever, whom I know, or have cause to suspect, have designs to further, aid, or assist the tyrannical and cruel war, which the British parliament have levied against Ame- rica, and that I will, from time to time, declare and make known all traitorous conspiracies and attempts against the peace and safety of Virginia, which shall come to my knowledge: So help mt God." WiLHAMSBunf}, Oct. 1773. To colonel Andrew Lewis, and Mr John Boyer. Gentlemen — For your past service you have our thanks, and v/e presume it is ail the reward you desire. And as we have again committed to you the greatest trust we can confer (that of ap- pearing for us in the great council of the colony) we think it expedient you hear our sentiments at this important juncture. And first, we require you to represent us with hearts replete with the most grateful and loyal veneration for the race of Brunswick, for they have been truly our fathers; and at the same time the most dutiful affection for our sovereign, of whose ho.TCst heart we can- not entertain any diffidence; but sorry we are to add, that in his councils we can no longer confide; a set of miscF^ants, unworthy to administer the laws of Britain's empire, have been permitted impiously to sway. How unjustly, cruelly, and tyrannically, they have invaded our rights, we need not now put you in mind. We only say, and we assert it with pride, that the subjects of Britain are one; and when the henest man of Boston who has broke no law, has his property wrested frona him, the hunter on tl.e Alegany must take the alarm, and, as a freeman of America, he will fly to his representatives, and thus instruct them: — Gentlemen, my gun, my tomatiawk, my life 1 desire you to render to the honor of my king and coun- try; but my liberty to range these woods on the same terms my father has done, is not mine to give up; it was not purchased by me, and purchased it was; it is entailed on my t;on, and the tenure is sacred. Watch over it, gentlemen, for to him it must descend unviulated, if my arm can defend it; but if not, if wicked power is permitted to prevail against me, the original purchase was blood, and jrning shnll seal the surrender. PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 44?' That our countrymen and the world may know| ticular, have been precipitated into measures, ex- our disposition, we choose that this be published. And we have one request to add, that is, that the sons of freedom who appeared for us at Philadel- phia, will accept our most ardent, grateful ac- knowledgments; and we hereby plight them our faith, that we will religiously observe their resolu- tions, and obey their instructions, in contempt of power and temporary interest; and should ttie mea- sures they have wijiely calculated for our relief fail, we will stand prepared for every contingency. We are, gentlemen, your dutiful, &c. The Freeholders of Botetourt. NORTH CAROLINA. Extracts from the reply of the assembly of JVorth Carolina, to the speech of governor Martin, April, 1775. To his excellency Josiah Martin, esq. captain gen- eral, governor, and commander in chief, in and over the province of North Carolina. Sir: — We, his majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the members of the assembly of North Carolina, have taken into consideration you excel- lency's speech, at the opening of this session. We met in general assembly, with minds supe- rior to private dissention, determined calmly, unit- edly, and faithfully, to discharge the sacred trust reposed in us by our constituents. Actuated by sentiments like these, it behoves us to declare, that the assembly of this colony have the highest flense of their allegiance to the king of Great Bri- tain, to whom alone, as our constituuonal sovereign, we acknowledge allegiance to be due, and to whom we so cheerfully and repeatedly have sworn it, that to remind us of the oath was unnecessary. This traordinary perhaps in their nature, but warranted by necessity, from whence, among many other mea- sures, the appointment of committees, in the seve- ral towns and counties, took its birth, to prevent, as much as in them lay, the operations of .such un- constitutional encroachments: And the assembly remain unconvinced of any steps taken by those committees, but such as they were compelled to take for that salutary purpose. It is not to be controverted, that his majesty's subjects have a right to petition for a redress of grievances, or to remonstrate against them; and as it is only in a meeting of the people, that their sense, respecting suc'i petition and remonstrance, can be obtained, that the right of assembling is as undoubted.— To attempt, therefore, under the mask of authority, to prevent or forbid a meeting of the people for such purposes, or to interrupt their proceedings when met, would be a vain ef- fort, unduly to exercise power in direct opposition to the constitution. Far be it from us, then, sir, even to wish to pre- vent the operations of the convention now held at Newbern, or to agree with your excellency in be- stowing upon them the injurious epithet of an il. legal meeting. They are, sir, the respectable re- presentatives of the people, appointed for a spe- cial and important purpose, to which, though our constituents might have thought us adequate, yet, as our meeting depended upon the pleasure of the crown, they would have been unwise to have trust- ed to so precarious a contingence, especially as the frequent and unexpected prorogations of the as- sembly, one of them in particular,' as if all respect allegiance, all past assemblies have, upon every ^"^ *^^^"^'on to the convenience of their represen- occasion, amply expressed; and we, the present r^**'^^^ '^^^^^ ^^^" *ost, was proclaimed but two or representatives of the people, shall be always rea-h^^^^^^^y^ before the time which had been appoint- dy, by our actions, with pleasure to testify; sensi- ble, however, that the same constitution which es- tablished that allegiance, and enjoined the oath in consequence of it, hath bound majesty under as solemn obligations, to protect subjects inviolate in all their just rights and priviledges, wisely intend- ing, by reciprocal dependence, to secure the hap piness of both. We contemplate, with a degree of horror, the unhappy state of America, involved in the most ed for the meeting.s, gave the people not the least reason to expect that their assembly would have been permitted to sit till it was too late to appoint delegates to attend the continent»l congress at Philadelphia; a measure which they joined the rest of America in thinking essential to its interest. The house, sir, neither know, nor believe that any base arts have been practised upon the people in order to lead them from their duty; but we know with certainty, that the steps they have taken embarrassing difficulties and distresses, by a num- proceeded from a full conviction, that theparlia- ber of unconstitutional mvasions of their just rights ment of Great Britain had, by a variety of oppres- and privileges; by which, the inhabitants of the sive and unconstitutional proceedings, made those continent in general, and of this province in par- ! steps absolutely necessary. We think it, therefore. 448 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. a duty we owe the people, to assert, that their con- dvict has not been owuifj to base arts, practised upon them by wicked and designing men; and have it much to lament, that your excellency should add your sanction to such groundless imputations, as it has a manifest tendency to weaken the influence which the united petition of his majesty's Ameri- can subjects might otherwise have, upon their so- vereign, for a redress of those grievances of which they so justly complain. We should feel inexpressible concern at the in- formation given us by your excellency, of your be- ing" authorized to say, that the appointment of de- legates, to attend the congress at Philadelphia, now in agitation, will be highly Offensive ♦o the We take this opportunity, sir, the first that has been given us, to express the warm attachment we have to our sister colonies in general, and the heart-felt compassion we entertain for the deplor- able state of the town of Boston in particular, and also to declare the fixed and determined resolu- tion of this colony, to unite with the other colo- nies in every effort to retain those just riglits and liberties which, as subjects to a British king, we possess, and which it is our absolute and indispen- sible duty, to hand down to posterity, unimpaired. JOHN HARVEY, Speaker. In provincial congress, JYorth Carolina, September 8, 1775. Mr. Hooper laid before the house an address to ,. , J ^ .1 u -.,(•, „A f„^„. «]>o the inhabitants of the British empire; and the same kmg, had we not recently been informed, trom toe r L . ..u ■. .u .. I ■ „ -^of , u c K»»., riaoetri' ^S'"g ^^^^ was unanimously received, and is as best authority, that his majesty has been pleasfccli o •' » 1 *\ -.J ^.t*r.^ ^e follows viz. to receive, very graciously, the united petition or his American subjects, addressed to him by the continental delegate.s, lately convened at Philadel- phia. We have not, therefore, the least reason to suppose, that a similar application to the throne, will give offence to his majesty, or prevent his re- ceiving a petition for the redress of grievances, which his American subjects have a right to pre- sent, either separately or unitedly. We shall always receive, with pleasure, the in- Friends, and felloiu-citizens — "The fate of the con- test which at present subsists between these Ame- rican colonies and the British ministers who now sit at the helm of public affairs, will be ont of the most important epochs which can mark the annals of the British history. "Foreign nations with anxious expectation wait the result, and see with amazement the blind infatuated policy which the present administration formation of any marks of lojally t,j the kin-, pursues to subjugate these colonies, and reduce given to your excellency, by the inhabitants of them from being loyal and useful oubjects, to an this colony; but we ace greatly concerned, lest the manner in which }0u Imve thought proper to con- vey this information, should excite a belief, that al^'^''" of blaod, and expended millions of treasure. absolute dependance and abject slavery; as if the descendants of those ancestors who have shed ri- great number of the people of this province are disaffected to their sovereign, to prevent which, it is incumbent upon us, in this manner, solemnly to testify to the world, that his majesty has no subjects more faithful than the inhabitants of North Carolina, or more ready, at the expence of their lives and fortunes, to protect and support his per- son, crown, and dignity. If, however, by the sig- nal proofs your excellency speaks of, you mean those addresses lately published in the North Ca- rolina Gazette, and said to be presented to you, the assembly can receive no pleasure from your congratulations thereupon, but what results from the consideration that so few have been found in so populous a province, weak enough to be seduced from their duty, and prevailed upon by the base arts of wicked and designing men, to adopt prin- ciples so contrary to the sense of all America, and so destructive of tliose rights and privileges^ it was their duty to maintain. in fiving upon a lasting foundation the liberties of the British constitution, saw with ^nvy the once happy state of this western region, and strove to exterminate the patterns of those v.rtues which shone with a lustre which bids fair to rival and eclipse their own. "i o enjoy the fruits of our own honest industry; to call that our own which we earn with the labor of our hands, and the sweat of our brows; to re- gulate that internal policy by which we, and not they, are to be affected; these are the mighty boons we ask. And traitors, rebels, and every harsh appellation that malice can dictate, or the violence of language express, are the returns which we receive to the most humble petitions and earnest supplication^. We have been told that independ- ence IS our object; that we seek to shake off all connection with the parent state. Cruel suggestion! do not all our professions, idl our actions, uniformly contradict this? PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 449 "We a^ain declare, and we invoke that Almighty Being who searches the recesses of the humstn heart and knows our most secret intentions, that it is our most earnest wish and prayer to be restor- ed, with the other United Colonies, to the state in which we and they were*' placed before the year 2763, disposed to glance over any regulations which Britain had made previous to this, and which seem to be injurious and oppressive to these colonies, hoping that at some futare day she will benignly interpose, and remove from us every cause of com- plaint, "Whenever we have departed from the forir.s of the constitution, our own safety and self-pre- servation have dictated the expedient; and it in any instances we have assumed powers which the laws invest in the sovereign or his representatives, jt has been only in defence of our persons, nro perties, and those rights which God and the con- stitution have made unalienably ours. As soon as the cause of our fears and appreliensions are re- moved, with joy will we return these powers to Ibeir regular channels; and sucli institutions formed from mere necessity, shall end with that necessity which created them. ••These expressions flow frbm an affection, border- ing upon devotion, to the succession of the house ©f Hanover, as by law established, from subjects who view it as a monument that does honor to hu- man nature; a monument capable of teaching kings how glorious it is to reign over a free people. — who thereby intended that the rectitude of our designs might be brought into distrust, and sedition, anarchy, and confusion, spread through this loyal province. "We have discharged a duty which ij'e owe to the world, to ourselves, and posterity; and ma)r the Almighty God give success to the means we make use of, so far as they are aimed to produce just, lawful, and good purposes, and the salvation and happiness of the whole British empire." SOUTH CAROLINA. xs raoTiwciAt cokghess. Charleston, June 21, 177S. Ordered — That the hon. William Henry Drayton, , the hon. Barnard Elliot, colonel Charles Pinckney, col. James Parsons, col. Isaac Motte, col. Siephen Bull, col. William Moultrie, major Owen Roberts, captain Thomas Savage, captain John Huger, Miles Brewton, Thomas Ferguson, and Gabriel Capers, esquires, be a deputation to present his excellency the governor, the address of this congress. To his excellency the right honorable lord Wil- liam Campbell, governor and commander in chief over the province aforesaid. The humble address and declaration of the provincial cpngress. JWay it please yovr eorcelkncy — We, his mstjesty's loyal subjects, the representatives of the people of this colony, in congress assembled, beg leave to disclose to your excellency, the true cause of our These are the heartfelt effusions of men ever ready present proceedings; not only that upon your arri- to spend their blood and treasure, when constitu- Lai among us, you may receive no unfavorable im- tionidiy called upon, in support of that succession of his majesty King George the third, his crown and dignity, and who fervently wish to transmit his reign to future ages as the Kra of common happi- ness to his people. Could these our sentiments reach the throne, surely our sovereign would forbid the horrors of war and desolation to intrude into this once peaceful and happy land, and would stop that deluge of human blood which now threatens to overflow this >colony; blood too precious to be shed but in a common cause, against the common enemy of Great Britain and her sons. "This declaration we hold forth as a testimony of loyalty to our sovereign, and affection to our pression of our conduct, but that we may stand justified to the world. V/hen the ordinary modes of application for re- dress of grievances, and the usual means of de- fence against arbitrary impositions have failed, mankind generally have had recourse to those that are extraordinary. Hence, the origin of theconti- nental congress — and hence the present represen- tation of the people in this colony. It is unnecessary to enumerate the grievances of Am.erica; they have been so often represented, that your excellency cannpl be a stranger to them. — Let it, therefore, suffice to say, that the hands of his majesty's ministers, having long lain heavy. parent state, and as a sincere earnest of our present ... , ,, . , ^ iir j i * "^ now press with mtolerable weight. We declare, and future intentions. •'W'e hope, thereby, to remove those impressions that ito love of innovation-^-no desire of altering the constitution of government — no lust of inde- which have been made by the representation of weak ipendence has had the least influence upon ourcoun- and wicked men to the prejudice of this colony, ! cils: but, alarmed and roused by a long siiccession '.IT. 450 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. of arbitrary proceetlinpjs, by wicked adtiiinistr t- tions— impressed with the greatest apprehension of instigated insurrections — and deeply affected by the connmencemcnt of hostilities by the British troops against this continent,— solely for the pre servation and deferce of our lives, liberties, and properties, we have been impelled to associate and to take up arnvs. We sincerely deplore those slanderous informa- tions and wicked councils, by which his majesty has been led into iiveasures, which, if persisted in, must inevitably have involved America in all the calamities of a civil war, and rend the IJritish em- pire. We only desire the secure enjoyment of our invaluable rights, and we wish for nothing more ardently, than a speedy reconciliation with our mother country, upon constitutional principles. Conscious of the justice of our cause, and the integrity of our views, we re&dily profess our loyal attachment to our sovereign, his crown, and digni- ty; and, trusting the event to Providence, we pre fer death to slavery. These things, we h&ve thought it our duty to declare, that your excellency, and through you, our august sovereign — our fellow sub- jects — and the whole worlds-may clearly under- stand, that our liiking up arms, is the result of dire necessity, and in compliance with the first law of nature. We entreat and trust, that your excellency will ITiake such a representation of the state of this co- lony, and of our true motives, as to assure his ma- jesty, that in the midst of all our complicated dis- tresses, he has no subjects in his wide dominions, who more sincerely desire to testify their loyalty and affection, or who would be more willing to devote their lives and fortunes to his real service. By order of the provincial congress, at Charles ton, June 20, 1775. HENRY LAURENS, Praident. TIIOM THE SOUTH CAHOLINA GA2ETTI. In provincial congress, Charleston, Wednesday, June 21, 1775. "Whereas, the inhabitants of Poole, a seaport in the English Channel, lost to all sense of honor, humanity and gratitude, have, by their late peti- tion to parliament, manifested themselves not only inimical to America, but desirous to add to the heavy oppressions under which the unfortuna-e and virtuous inhabitants of the four New Englaiid governments labor, in cons qu-nce of ilieir iau''a- aiid of mankind: to testify our jus? resentn en' to so base and cruel a conduct in the inhabitants of Poole, it is hereby resolved, That this colony will not use or employ any shipping belonging to that port, or owned by any inhi-bitant there, or carry on any transactions, or hold any commur.ication with that people. PETER TIMOTHY, Secretary, In provincial congress. Charleston, Thnrtday, June 22. "Resolved, that all absentees, holding estates in this colony, except the sick, those above 60, and those under 21 years of age, ought, forthwith, to return to this colony. "Resolved, that no persons, holding estates in this colony, ought to withdrav/ from its service, without giving good and sufficient reasotis for so Joing to this congress, or, during its recess, to the general committee. PETER TIMOTHY, Secretary, Jlssociation, unanimotisly agreed to in the provincial congress of South Carolina. The actual commencement of hostilities against this continent, by the British troops, in the bloody scene on the 19 h of April last, near Boston; the ir^crease of arbitrHry imposition?, from a wicked hu(\ despotic ministry, and the dread of instigated insurrec'ions in the colonies, are causes suflRcient to drive an oppressed people to the use of arms:— We, therefore, the subscribers, inhabitants of South Carolina, holding ourselves bound, by that most sacred of all obligations, the duly of good citizens towards an injured country, and thoroughly con- vinced, that, under our present distressed circum- stancesj we shall b* justified before God and man, in resisting force by force, no unite ourselves un- der every tie of religion and honor, and associate as a band in her defence, against every foe; hereby solemnly engag-ng that whenever our continental and provincial councils shall decree it necessary, we will go for'h, and be readvto sacrifice our live* and fortunes, to secure he- freedom and safely.— This obligation to continue in full force until are- concilation shall fake place between Great Britain and America, up.wi consti'uuonal principles; an event which we r.iost aidently c'esire. And we will hold all 'hose persons inimical to the liberties of the colonies, who shall refuse to subscribe to this association. Subscribed by every merlipr present, and certi* fled by HENRY h\\jRE,iiii, President. ble conduct in defence of the liberties of America! June, 1775 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 451 JOURNAL OF THE ST AMP- ACT CONGRESS; HELD AT NEW-ronK, 1765. We liave several times promised to treat our rea- ders with a correct copy of this venerable mantt script, detailing ihe first movements of the friends of freedom in the new world. It is an offitial cony, under the sigfUiture of John Cottow, esq. clerk to that illustrious body; and, we have reason to believe, the only one extant. It was handed to the editor by his much respected friend, dtmr »i. Riidney, esq. of Delaware the papers of his late rever ble aTid patriotic Cossar Rodney, one of the dele- gates, and for many years the great prop and stay of iVhiggis'n in the lower parts of his native state. On a loose piece of paper, in the (nanuscript book, is a list of the members, with which we have JVew/tf/'sey— — Roiiert Ogden Hendrick Fisher Joseph ni:rden. Pennsylvania John Dickinson Jo!)n Morton G orge Bryan. J)ela7vare Tlioi'.as M'Kean Caesar Ro'ney. Maryland Williann M'lrdock Edward Tilghmsn Thomas Ri'i^jgold. South Carolina — Thomas T.ynch Christipher Gadsden John Rut ledge. , „ ... !.V('wfla?n6sA/re,"^ Were not renresentcd in this con« , who found It among j ^.^^,.,„.^^ '^ I p.^. r^,, their asseo^hlies wrote ed uncle, the estima- JVo^thCaroHna fthat they would agree to wliat- and Georgia, J ever was done by the congress." THE JOURNAL. Boston, June, 17^5. SIR — The house of representdtivr-s of ttis pro- vince, in *he present s'S^iion of general court, l.ave unanimouslv at^reed to propose a meeting, as soon preceeded the journal itself, in the hand writingjas may be, ofi-ommittees from the houses of repre- of Mr. C. R. W- are thus particular to shew thelsf^^-^^'^^t °'' '^^'^r^^^^* of the several Brit.sn colo- jhies on this c'^n'inent, ^o consult togeih«^r on the entire aui'ienticiiy of the document: which, we | preset, cipcumstancee of the colonies,and the diffi- are informed, many of our sages have sought foriculiies to which they are a;.d must be redued by tlie operation of the acts of parliment, for levying duties and taxes on the colonies; and to consider of tn this journal the re.ider will not find any thing a general and united, dutiful, loyal and humble re- presentaiion of their condition to his majesty and to astonish or surprize him; but there is much; to t!ie parliment, ami to implore relief, to admire. In every line he will discover a spirit I T^he house of representatives of this province .... _ ,, . ., . , have also voted, to propose that such meeting be of decision and firmness totally irreconcilable '( the city of New-York, in the province of New- with a state of servitude, and highly worthy of j York, on the firs: rue^dav in O.-.lober next, nnd imitation at the present day. The difficuKies l^**^^ 'PP''"^^]! the comnr»ittee of threeof their mem- bers to attend that service, with such »?t.eo'her the people encountered in forming this cor.gress, houses of repr-^sentatives or burgesses, in the seve- unknown to the laws and opposed by the royal-! ra) colonies, may think fit to appoint ^ are to enjoy, would oe attended witli the greatest difficulty, "if it is not absolutely impracticable, and therefore, you are not lo urge or consent to any proposal for any re- presentation, if s.tcli be made in the congress. It is the expec'. .lion of the house, that a most loyal aid dutifiji address to his majesty and the par- iiament, will be prepared by the congress, praying asweilf'r die removal of the grievances the colo- nies labor under at present, as for preventing others for the future: which petitions, if drawn up, as far as you shall be able to judge, agr-'euble to the mind of the house, you are empowered o sign and for- ward; and you are to lay a copy of the same before this h')use, and make report of your proceedings upon your return.* II is the hearty prayer of this house, that the con- gress may be endued with that wisdom which is from above, and that thpjr councils and determi- nations may be attended ^'ith the divine blessing. SAMUEL WHITE Speaker. From the colony of Jlhode-CMKTCXLV Bowler, Island and J^rovidence < and Plantations, OIeniiy Ward, Esqs, Who produced the following appointment, viz: Ey the honorable SAMUEL WARD, governor, cap- tain f^^neral and commander in cliief of and over th» English colony of Rhode-Lsland and Provi- dence Plantations in New-England in America. To MetcaJf Bowler and Henry IVard, esquires, Gurkting: W'lereas, the general assembly of this province have n wi-.nated .^nd appointed you, tlie same Met- caif iV)wler and Henry Ward, to be commissioners in belialf of this colony to meet such commissioners as are or &haU be appointed by the other British gnv'rraments in North .America, to meet at New- York the first Teusday of October next, I do, thpr,°fore, hereby authorize and empower, and comrnissionate you, the said .Metcalf Bowler and Henry Ward, forlhsvith to repair to New-York, aiul therp, in behalf of this colony, to meet and join w^th Mie other commissioners in consulting togeth- er on the present circumstances of the colonies, and the JifficuUies to which tliey are and must be reduced by the operation of the act of parliament •The reader may remark in all these commis- sions with how great authority the ri^ht of inslruc- fr's.'iis assumed.— Ed. IIi;g. for levying duties and taxes upon the colonie=; ani to consider of a general and united, dutiful, loyal and humble representation to his majesty and the parliament, and to implore relief. And you are also hereby empowered to conclude and agree with the other commissioners, upon such measures as you s'uall think necejisary and proper for obtaining re- dress of the grievances of the colonies, agreeably to the instructions given you by the general assem- bly of this colony. ' Given under my hand and the seal of the said co- lony, this sixteenth day of September, 1755, and in the fifth year of his majesty's reign. SAMUEL WARD. By his honor's command. HEJVRTWJRD, Secretarrj. From the colony of Connecticut, Eliphalet Dyer, "^ » Daviu. Rowland, >. a" Wm. Saml. Jounson, 3 M W^ho produced the following appointment, viz: At a general assembly of the governor and company of the c^dony of Connecticut, holden at Hartfordj by special order of his honor the governor of said colony, on the nineteenth day of September, An« no Dom. 1765. Whereas, it has been proposed that a congress be attended by commissioners from the several go- vtrnments on this continent, to confer upon a gene- ral, united, humble, loyal and dutiful representa- tion to his majesty and the parliament, of the pre- sent cii'cumstances of the colonies and the difficul- ties to which they are and must be reduced by the operation of the acis of parliament for laying duties and taxes on the colonies, and to implore relief. Resolved by this assembly, That Eliphalel Dyer, David Rowland, and William Samuel Johnson, esqrs. or any two of them, be, and are hereby appointed commissioners, on behalf of this colony, to repair to New York to attend the proposed congress, in the matters above referred to; and his honor is hereby desired to commissionate them accord- ir.gly. A true copy, examined by GEORGE WYLLYS, Secretary. At a general assembly of the governor and compa- ny of the colony of Connecticut, holden at Hart- ford, by special order of his honor the governoi' of said colony, on the 19th day of September, An- no Dom. 1/65. Instructions to the commissioners of this colony, appointed to meet commissioners from the other colonies at New- York, on the first Teuaday of Oc- tober next: Gentlemen,— Yon are to repair to the said city of New-York, at said time, or at the time which, ac- cording to the intelligence you may receive of the convening of the other commissioners,^t may ap- pear to you seasonable and best, to consult togeth- er with them on the present circumstances of the colonies, and the difficulties to which they are and must be reduced, by the operation of the acts of parliament for levying duties and taxes on the colo- nies, and to consider of and prepare a generul and united, dutiful, loyal and humble representation of their condition to his majesty and the parliament, and to implore relief, ho,. In your proceedings you are to take care that you form no such junction with the othei- commissioners as will subject you to the major vote of the commissioners present. You are to inform the governor and general as- sembly iX the sessions in October next, cf all such PRINCl-PLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 453 proceedings, as appear to you needful and conveni- ent to be coinmunicaied for consider;, ion: and to ob erve all such further instructions as you may re- ceive; and you are to report your doings with the doinpjs of tlie commissioners a such meeting, to the general assembly of this colony, for acceptance and approbation. A true copy, examined by GEORGE WYLLYS, Secretary. Thomas Fitch, esquire, governor and command- .., c V er in chief of his majesty's colo y of Con- "" ■ "■' necticut in New-England, in America, To Eliphalet Tiyer, David Rutuland, and IViUiam Samuel Johnson esquires, OHBETrrro: from the general sense of the people, and such of the representatives as they have had an cpportunily of speaking to, that when the assembly does meet, (which will be probably very soon) the coR^ress will be approved, and a rfegular committee for the purpose appoin'.ed; in the mean time they think themselves in some measure authorised to meet the congi'ess, by the following vote, viz: Extract from the votes and proceedings of the ge^ neral assembly of the colony of New-York. Die Sabati, 9h, a m the 4th April, 171. Mr,. Speaker represented to this house, that his Whereas, the general assembly of the said sinution in the country rendered it vastly inconve- colcyiy of Connecticut, at their session holden at Hartford on .he nineteenth day of iliis instant, Sep tember, nominated and appointed yo\i, or any two af you, to be comiTiissioners on behalf of thi.-- colo- ny, to repair to New-York to attend a congress pro- posed to be held there by commissioners from the several governments on this continent, to confer upon a general and united, loyal, humble and duti- ful representation to his majesty and the parliament, of the present circumstances of the colonies, an 1 the difficulties to which they are and must be redii- ced by the operation of the acts of parliament, for levying duties and taxes on the colonies, and to im- plore relief, &c. and have desired me to commission you accordingly. nient to him alone lo correspond with the agent of thi<: colony, at the court ^ f Gre«t Britain, and more especially so, during tiie recess of the house. Ordered. That the members of the city of New- York, or the major part ^f them, be a committee of correspondence to correspond with the agent of this colony at the court of Great Britain during the recess of the house, coTioerning the public affairs of this colony; and thut they lay before the house copies of mU siich leuers as they ui'^y write to him, an't also all such letters and advices at they may receive from him respecting the same. DiEjavis, 9!i, A M. 9th December, 1762. Aldermia Livingston, from tlie committee ap- pointed to correspond with the agent of tijis colony I do therefore, reposing a speciaUrust and confi-iai the coui\ ofG>ea; Britain, acquainted the house, dence in your loyalty, ability and good conduct, that the commi tee conceived it expedient that one hereby constitute, authorize and commission the or moVe members should be added to the said com- sai ! Eliphalet Dyer, David Rowland and William jrrjiitee to correspond with the said agent about the Samuel Johnson, esquires, or any two of you, for j affairs of this colony. and on be'ialf of this colony, to repair to the said Ordrcd, Tint Robert R. Livingston, esq. be add- city of New-York on the first day of October next, ed to, -mm be made one of the said committee of or at the time which, according to the intelligence you may receive of the convening of the other com- missioners, may appear to you seasonable and best, to confer ad consult with them or such of them as correspondence. DiK JoTis,9h, A. >i. the 18th October. 1764 Ordered, Vbat the said committee appointed to ■ ,, . ^ J • .u .. 1 correspond with the Siiid aarent, be also a committee shall be present upon and convening, the matters!, • ' . r.i u \ •♦ . „j J ., . ' , P ' .- J f .u °' c idurmg the recess of the house, to write to and cor- and things before mentioned, for the purposes afore- 1 „„ "^^ , -,, ,, „ , ur-„ ^ ;t*^«, ., ,° . . u u- . • respond wiih the several assemblies or committees said; v/herem you are to observe such instructions e „u]- ^.u- *• ^ tv,^ ,.u- ^^* ^^t- ' , •' . , L 11 r .u ■ c 01 assemblies on this continent, on the subject mat- as you have received, or shall further recuve from . c 4.L ^ , 11 1 .u„ „. „„ „„*. £• ^, •' , „ui t*u I 1 e r^ iter of the HCt, commonly ca led the stamp act, of the general assembly ot the said colony of Connec- 1, „. . • • -,-,. c j» •„ fv,«, „i„ .. f Li , ^1 • . .. -^ 1- the act res'rauung paper bihs of credit in the colo- ticut, agreeable to the imponant trust reposed in . c t, • it., i i „f *^.^ o„.,„_»i ' ° *^ "^ nies, from being a legal tender, and of the several ^ '. , > 1 J .. Li \ p ., iother acts of parliament lately passed, with relation Given under my hand, and the pubic seal of said :.„ », . , V,^, ., i '^ ■ 'j„i„„„„.i^ ■^ ♦. . . . r 1 to the trade of the nothern colonies; and also on the colony of Connecticut, within the same, the twen-| ty-first day of September, in the fifth year of the reign of our sovereign lord George the third, of Great Britain, France and Ireland, king, defender of the faith, &c. Anno Domini, one thousand seven hun- dred and sixty-five. THOMAS FITCH. By his honor's command, GfOBQE WzLLxs, Secretary. ("Robert R. Livingston,"^ , From the colony j ^''"^ ^'l''""'^' 'I oijXe.o.York, < ^f'"^ Livikcstos, >-3^ I William Bayard, | ^ I^Leonahd LispEJfAnD, J W Appeared, and informed the congress that since the above letter from the speaker of the house of representatives of Msssachusetts Bay, the general assembly of New-York have not had an opportuni- ty of meeting, but that they confidently expect, subject of the impending dangers, which threaten the colonies of being taxed by laws to be passed in Great Britain. Extract from, compared and examined with the records of the proceedings of the general as- sembly of the colony of New-York. By ABRAHAM LOTT, clerii. From the colony of) ,T ^ ' ( %, ,,. , ■' < Henhkick Fisheb, > 5^ J\t-ivJersev, ) , „ C ri "' (_.l0S£PH BoRDEjr, jW Who produced the fallowing appointment, viz: At a mealing of a large number of the representa- tives of the colony of New-.Tersey, at the house of Robert Sproul, October 3d, 1765: At the desire of the speaker of the house of re- presentatives ;is aforesaid, and at the earnest request of many of our constituents, to consider of some method for humbly, loyally and dutifully joining in a petition to his majesty, tha^ he v.'ould be graci- ously pleased to recommend to the parliament of 454 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. Gffa Bri-.?in tnrciress our grievances by repeftling' several of t!ie late acts of parliament affecting the norlhern colonies, particularly that called the stamp act. Rohprt Oc^den, esq. Hendnck Fisher, esq. and Joseph Borden, esq. were'lirecled to attend at the congress now met at New-York, and join the mea sures there to be con'-lu 'ed, fl^r the purposes afore- said, and to make report of thev proceediriffs there- in, at the next mtTting of the general assembly. Signed by order, JOHN LAWRENCE. From the prov Pennsyl'vania fCJ' UN Dickinson,^ « cr ' (^(iKOH(!K BkYAS, 3 a Wh: produc'd 'he followi^ g ap; ointment in gene- ral assembly, S^-ptember llth, 1765, A.M. The house resumed t'le consideration of their re- solution of yesterday, to appoint a committee cf three or more of their members, to attend the ge- neral congre.9s of committees from the several as- semblies on this continent, to be held at New-York on the first of October next, and, after some time spent therein, Besolved, That Mr. Speaker, Mr. Dickinson, Mr. Bryan and Mr. Morton be, and they are, hereby. Dominated and appointed to that service. A true extract from the journals, CHARLES MOORE, Cleik of the assembly. Extract from the journals of the house f represen- tauves for the province of Pemsylvanis; Wednesdatf, September 11/A, 1765, A M.— Tht comnii*tee appointed toprepare instructions for the depti'ifs nominated by this house to attend the pro- posed congress at New-Yorlc on the first of next month, reported an essay for that purpose, which they presented to the chair; and 'he S'me being read and agreed to by the house, follows in these words, viz: Jngcruc lions to the committee appointed to meet the committees 'f the other livitish continental coUnies, at JVeiv-York: It is desired by the house that you shall, with the com riittees that have been appointed by the several Britis'i c lonieson this continent to meet at New- York, consult together on t!'e present circumstances of the colonies, and the diffictdti-es they are and must be reduced to, by the lite acts of parliament for the levying duties and tuxcs upon these colonies; and join with the said committees in loyal and duti- ful addresses to the ki:^g and to the two houses of parliament, humbly represen ing the condition of these colonies, and i;tiplor>ng relief, by a repeal of the said fecis; and you are stridly required lo take care that i;uch addresses in whic!. you join, are drawn up in the most decent and r> spectful terms; so also avoid everv expression that can give the least of- fence to his majesty or to either house of parlia- ment. You are also direcled to make report of your pro- ceedings herein to the succeeding assembly. A. true extract from the journals, CHARLES MOORE, Clerk of the assembly September 26tb, 1765. From the government of the counties of JN'ew Castle, Kent a"d^ Cesar Rodhet, > ^ Sussex, on IJeUnvare, ^ Thomas M'Kean, 5w Whose appointment are as follow, viz: Caesar Rodney and Thomas MKean, esqrs. ap- peared from the government of the counties of New Castle, Kent and Sussex, upon Delaware, and in- formed this congress, that the representatives of the said government could not meet in general as< semhly after the above letter was wrote, and before the first day of this instant: that the said asseii.bly consists only of eighteen members, fifteen of whom have appointed the other three to attend here, fcc. by three several instruments of writing, which are in the words following, to wit: To all whom these presents may come: Know tk. That we, the subscribers, five of the representatives of the freemen of the govern- ment of the counties of'New-Castle, Kent and Sus- sex, upon Delaware, sensible of the weighty and op- pressive taxes imposed upon the good people of tl'.is government by divers late acts of parliament, and uf the great infringement of the liberties and just established rights of all his majesty's colonies on this continent, occasioned by the late measures in England; and being of opinion that the method proposed by the honorable hotise of assembly of the province of Massachusetts bay is the most likely to obtain a redress of these grievances; and, taking into consideration the misfortune we, at present, labor ui'der, in not having it in our power to convene, afs a house, and, in a regular manner, to appoint a com- mitiee: yet, z'alous for the happiness of our con- stiiuents, think it our duty, in this way, to serve them as mucli as in us lies, (assured of the hearty ppprobstion of any future house of assembly of this government); and, therefore, do hereby nominate and appoint Jacob Kollock. Thomas M'Kean and ('xsar Rodney, esqrs. three of the representatives of the same government, a committee, to repair to the city of New-York on the first day in October next, and there to join with the committees sent by the otl^r provinces, in one united and loyal petition to his majesty, and remonstrance to the honorable hotise of commons of Great Britain, against the aforesaid acts of parliament, therein dutifully, yet most firmly, asserting the colonies' right of exclu- sion from parliamentary taxation; and praying that they may not, in any instance, be stripped of the ancient and most valuable privilege of a trial by their peers, and most humbly imploring relief. In testimony whereof, we have hereimto set our hands, at New Castle, tl^e twenty-first day of September, Anno que Domini, 1765. EVAN RICE, THOMAS COOK, WILLIAM ARMSTRONG, GEORGE MONROE, JOHN EVANS. Kent county, to wit: We, whose names are here underwritten, mem- bers of the general assembly of the government of the counties of New Castle, Kent and Sttssex, upon Delaware, for the said county of Kent, though sen- sible of the impropriety of assummg the functions of assemblymen during the recess of our house, yet, zealous to concur in any measure which may be productive of advantage to this government and the other British col-onies on the continent of America in general, have appointed, ar,d, as much as in us lies, do appoint, Jacob Kollock, esq. Caesar Rodney, esq. and Thomas M'Kean, esq. members of said as- sembly, to be a committee to meet with the other PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 435 coromittpes already appointed, or to be appointed, by the several and respective assemblies of said other colonies, at the city of New-York, on the first Tuesday in October next, in conjunction with the other commiltees, to consider of the present dis tressful circumstances of the s^id colonies, occa- sioned, in some measure, (as we apprehend), by se- veral late acli of parliament, and to join with them in an humble address to his most gracious majfsiy, and the parliame t of Great Rritain, f'T the redress of our grievances, or in any other expedient that shall be afjreed on, by the said committees, which may tend to promote the utility and elfare of the British dominions in Aii>erica. JOHN VINING, JOHN CATON, JOHN BVRNS, WILLIAM KILLEN, VINCENT LOGKEKMAN. September 13th, 1765. Sussf.c county, to -unt: We, whose names are here underwritten, mem- bers of the general assembly of the government of the counties of N.^w-Cas le, Kent and Sussex, upon Uela.vare, for the said county of Sussex, ;lioiigh sen- sible pf the impropriety of assurniag tae functions of assemblyn)en d-iriig the recess of our house, yet, zealous to concur in any measure which may be proJuclive of advan^ai^e to this government and the other colonies on tlie continent of America in gene- ral, have appointed, and, as much us in us lies, do appoiit Jac(.b Kollock, e^q C«s:ir R ■ Iney, esq and Tlio.nas M'Kean, esq. members of the said assem- bly, 10 be a ommittee ta meet with the other com- inilli'es already appointed, or to be appoinled, by the several and respective assemblies of the said other colonies, at the ciiy of New-York, on ihe fiist Tuesday in October next, in cortjunciion with the said otfier commiltees, to consider of the present distressful circumstances of the said colonies, occa- sior.ed, in some measure, (as we apprehend), by se- veral late acts of parliament; and to join with them in an humble address to his most gracious majesty and the parlia.nent of Great Brixain for redress of our grievances; or on any other expedient, that sliall be agreed on by tlie said commiltees, which may tend to promote the utility and welfare of the Bri- tish dominions in America. DAVID HALL, HENJ'N. BURTON, LEVliV CKAPHER, THO'S ilOHlN>ON, JACOB KOLLOCK,jun. September irth, 1765. Prom the province ofCf '"^^^.^^^'^'^""ck,^ ^^ Maryland, i ^^"Wahd Filohmax, k ^ ' (_ I UOMAS IllWOeOLD, ^ Ui Jmlructtfjus from the honorable the lower house of as- sembly of the province of .Mart/land: To William Vlurd.ick, Edward I'ilg.nnuii and Thos. Ringt3fold, esqrs. a committee appointed to join the several comioitiees from ihe several colonies in America, at New York: Oent/emen — You are to repair immediately to the city of New-York, in the provi .ce of New-York, and there join wiiti the commiUeesfrom the houses of represenlatives of the other colonies, in a gene ral nnd united, loyal and humble representation to his majesty and the British parliament, of (he cir- cumstances and condili;>ii of the British colonies ami plantations, and to pray relief from the borlhens and restrain s latf l\ l.iid on their trade and '-oiTimf-rce, and e-peci.dly fr m the taxes imposed by -n act of the Us session i.f p rliament s^ranting and apply- ing certhi stamp duties and other du'ies in the Bri- tish colonies :,nd plaiitations in America, wliereby 'hey are deprived, in s >ine instance's, of thht invalu- able privilege of E glisiimen and British subjects — trials by juries, tiiat you take c.^re that such repre- sentation shall humbly and decently, but exp-^essly, contain and assertion of he riglits of the colonies to be exempt froiii all and eve; y taxali ms ^nd im- positions upon their persons nd properties to which they do not consent in •-. legisl;rive wa\, either by themselves or by their reprcscntalives, by them freely chosen and apo(inif^1. Signed by order .>f the hous'', ROBERT LLOYD, Speaker. From the province o! South- Carolina, Thomas Ltnch, ~) « Ci HCiT i- G DSDEN, V. O* John Rutledge, j m Wlio produced the following appointment: Thursday, 25th July, 1765.— I'iie lionse, (accord- ing to order), look into cnnsider.ition t le letter from the speaker of the house representatives of the of .Vlassacuselts-biy, Lid before them on F-iday last — and, d.^bate arising thereon, and some time spent therein, Ordered, Tl at the said letter h ■ referred to a committee of the following gentlemen, viz: capt. Gadsdpn, Mr. Wright, Mr. Gdillard, Mr Wrigg, Mr. Parsons, Mr. Pinckney, colonel Lawrence, Mr. Rutledge, Mr. Manigault and Mr. Drayton. Friday. 2Slh July, ,1765.— -Captain Gadsden re- ported, from the com.miltee appointed to consider of the letter sent from the speaker of the house of representatives of the province of Msssachusetts- bay to the spe ker of this house, and to report their opinion thereupon of the expediency and uliiily of the measures Ihprein proposed, a.id the best means of pflTecting the relief therein mentioned: That they ure of opinion the measure therein pro- posed is prudent and necessary, and therefore re- commend to the house to send a committee to meet the committees from the houses of representatives or burgesses of the several British colonies on ths conti-ent, at New-York, on the first Tuesday in Oc- tober nest That the said committee he ordered to consult thfre, with those otl.er cnmmitiees, on the present circumstances of tlie colonies, and the difficulties which they are and mu'.t b" reduced to, bv th^ope- ra^i-.n oftheactsof psrliament for levying duties and taxes on the colonies; anri to consider of a general and united, loyal and humble r.-'Drfsentation of i heir condition to Ms: m jesty an ! the parliment, and to implore relief; iliat the result of their consul'alion shall, at their re'ur-,be immrdiately laid before the house, to be confirmed or nut, as t'^e house shall think proper. And the said report being delivered in at the clerk's table a'ld read a second time, the question was severally put, that the house do aprree to the first, second and third paragraphs of this repjrl? It was resolved in the affirmative. Friday 2d August, 1765 — Motion bei'^g made, ri- solved, that this house will provide a sum suffirient to defray the charges and expences of a committee of three gentlemen on account >f their goii g to, convening at. and returnini.' from the meeting of the several committees proposed to ass-mble at New-York on the 1st Teusdav in October n?xt, to consult there with those ether cemBtitieefi on the 456 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION, present circumstances of the colonies, and the dif- ficulties which they are and. must be reduced to by the operation of the acts of parliament for l^vyiiv' duties and taxes on the colonies, and to consider ot a general, united, dutiful, loyal and humble repre- sentation of their condition to his majesty and the parliament, and to implore relief. Ordered, That the public treasurer do advance out of any monies in his hands, to the said commii- tee, a sum not exoeedi-^g six hundred pounds ster- ling', fc the purpose aforesaid. liesohed. That this house will reimburse the treaurer the said sum. Ordered, That the following gentlemen be ap pointed a committee for the purpose aforesaid, viz: Mr. Thomas Lynch, Mr. Christoplier Gadsden and Mr. John Rutkdge. Thursday, Sth August, 1765.— O'dered, That the said speaker inform Thomas Lyncli, Christopher Gadsden and Jolui Rutledge, esquires, that they are appointed a cornmictee to meet the committees of the several other colonies on the continent, on the first Tuesd.iy in October next, at N^w-York; and that he do acquaint them it is the desire of the house, that they repair to New- York on the said first Tuesday in October next, for the purpose men- tioned in the report of the consmittee, as ag.eed to by this house on Friday the 36th day of July nists, with the several inconveniences and hard- ships to which fhey are and must be subjecied by the operation of several late acts of parliament, par- ticularly the act called the stamp act; end after some 'irrie spent therein, the same was postponed for further considerati'^n, Then the congress adjourned until to-morrow morning, 9 o'clock. Wednesday, Oct. 9th, 1765, A. M.—Thcn the congress met according to adjournment. The con- gress resumed the consideration of the rights and privileges of the British American colonists, &c, the same was referred after sundry debates, for further consideration. Then the congress adjourned until to-morrow morning, 11 o'clock- Thursday, Oct. lOth, 1765, A. J^f.— Then the con- gress met according to adjournment, and resamed.. &c. as yesterday — and then adjourned to 10 o'clock^ to-morrow morning. ; Friday, Get. iXth, 1765, ^. M. — The congress last Ordered, That three copies of the proceedings of] "^^^ according to adjournment, and resumed, &. as this house relative to the said matter, be made out| yesterday — and then adjourned to 10 o'clock, to- and signed by the speaker, and that he deliver one of the.said copies to each of the said gentlemen. RAW: LOWNDES, Speaker. Then the said committees proceeded to choose s chairman by ballot; and Timothy Ruggles, esq. on sorting and counting the votes, appeared to have a majority— and thereupon was placed in the chair. Resolved, nem. con. That Mr. John Cotton be clerk to this congress during the continuance thereof. Then the congress took into consideration the several appointments of the committees from New- York, New Jersey, and the government of the low- er counties on Delaware — and Jleiolved, nem. con. That the same are sufficient to qualify the gentlemen therein named, to sit in this congress. Resolved also. That the committee of each colo- ny, shall have one voice only, in detei-mining any questions that shall arise in the congress. Then the congress adjourned until to morrow morning, 9 o'clock. Tuesday, Oct.8th,1765, A. JJi.— The congress met according to adjournment. Upon motion, voted, that the provinces be-|- is adjourned to. Voted, that Mr. justice Livingston, Mr. McKean and Mr. Eutledge be a committee to inspect the proceed- ings and minutes, and correct the same. Then the congress took into consideration the rights and privileges of the liritish American colo- fThere appears to be some error here. — [Ed. Reo. morrow morning. Saturday, Oct. 12th, 1765, J. M.—The congress met accordiiig to adjournment, and resumed, &c. as yesterday— and then adjourned to Monday morn- ing next, 10 o'clock. Monday, Oct. lAth, 1765, A. JW.— The congress met according to adjournment, and resumed, &c. as on Saturday last — and then adjourned to to-mor- row morning, 9 o'clock. Tuesday, Oct. 15th, 1765, A. M.—The congress met according to adjournment, and resumed, &c. as yesterday — and then adjourned to to-morrow morning, 9 o'clock. Wednesday, Oct. 16th, 1765, A. J/— The con- gress met according to adjournment, and resamed, &c. as yesterday — and then adjourned to to-morrow morning, 9 o'clock. Thiirsday, Oct. 17th, 1765, A. M.—The congress met according to adjournment, and resumed, he- as yesterday — and then adjourned to to-morrow morning, 9 o'clock. Friday, Oct. 18th, 1765, J. M—The congress met according to adjournment, and resumed. Sec, as yesterday — and then adjourned to to-morrow morning, 9 o'clock. Saturday, Oct. 19th, 17C5, A. M.—The congress met according to adjournment, and resumed, &c. as yesterday; and upon mature deliberation, agreed to the following declarations of the rights and grievances of the colonists in America, which where ordered to be inserted: PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION 45T The members of this congress, sincerely devot- od, with the warmest sentiments of affection and duty to his majesty's person and government; in- violably attached to the present happy establish, ment of the protestant succession, and with minds deeply impressed by a sense of the present and impending misfortunes of the British colonies on this continent; having considered as maturely as time would permit, the circumstances of the said colonies, esteem it our indispensable duty to make the following declarations, of our humble opinion, respecting the most essential rights and liberties of the colonists, and of the grievances under which they labor, by reason of several late acts of parlia- ment. 1st. That his isajesty's subjects in these colonies, owe the same allegiance to the crown of Great Bri- tain, that is owing from his subjects born within the ^ealm, and all due subordination to that august bo- dy, the parliament of Great Britain. 2d. That his majesty's liege subjects in these co- lonies are entitled to all the inherent rights and pri- vileges of his natural born subjects within the king- dom of Great Britain. 3d. That it is inseparably essential to the freedom ofa people,and the undoubted rights of Englishmen, that no taxes should be imposed on them, but with their own consent, given personally, or by their re- presentatives. 4lh. That the people of these colonies are not, and from their local circumstances,cannot be, represent- ed in the house of commons in Great Britain. 5th. That the only representatives of the people of these colonies, are persons chosen therein, by themselves; and that no taxes ever have been, or can be constitutionally imposed on them, but by their respectire legislatures. 6th. That all supplies to the crown, being free gifts of the people, it is unreasonable and inconsis- tent with the principles and spirit of the British con- stitution, for the people of Great Britain to grant to his majesty the property of the colonists. 7th. That trial by jury is the inherent and inval- uable right of every British subject in these colo- Hies. 8th. That the late act of parliament, entitled. An act for granting and applying certain stamp duties, and other duties in the British colonies and plan- tations in Americ.i, &c. by imposing taxes on the inhabitants of these, colonies, and ihesaid act, and several other acts, by extending the jurisdiction of the courts of admiralty beyond its ancient limits, have a manifest tendency to subvert the rights and liberties of the colonists. 9th. That the duties imposed by several late acts of parliament, from the peculiar circumstances of these colonies, will be extremely burthensome and grevious, and from the scarcity of specie, the pay- ment of thein absolutely impracticable. 10th. That as the profits of the trade of these co- lonies ultimately centre in Great Britain, to pay for the manufactures which they are obliged to take from thence, they eventually contribute very large- ly to all supplies granted there to the crown. 11th. Tiiat the restrictions imposed by several lateacts of parliament, on the tradeof these colonies, will render them unable to purchase the manufac- tures of Great Britain. with Great Britain, mutually affectionate and ad- vantageous. 13th. That it is the right of the British subjects in these colonies, to petition the king or either house of parliament. Lastly, That it is the indispensable duty of these colonies to the best of sovereigns, to the mother country, and to themselves, to endeavor, by a loyal and dutiful address to his majesty, and bamble ap- plication to both houses of parliament, to procure the repeal of the act for granting and applying certain stamp duties, of all clauses of any other acts of parliament, whereby the jurisdiction of the ad- miralty is extended as aforesaid, and of the other late acts for the restriction of the American com- merce^ Upon motion, voted, that Robert R. Livingston, William Samuel Johnson and William Murdock, Esqrs. be a committee to prepare an address to his ' majesty, and lay the same before the congress oa Monday next. Voted also, that John Rutledge, Edward Tilgh- man and Philip Livingston, Esqrs. be a committee to prepare a memorial and petition to the lords in parliament, and lay the same before the congress on Monday next. Voted also, that Thomas Lynch, James Otis and Thomas McKean, Esqrs. be a committee to prepare a petition to the house of commons oFGreat Britain, and lay the same before the congress on Monday next. Then the congress adjourned to Monday next, at 12 o'clock. Monday, Oct. 2lst, 1765, A. ^li.— The committee appointed to prepare and bring in an address to his majesty, did report, that they have essayed a draught for that purpose, which they laid on the table, and humbly submitted to the correction of the congress. The said address was read, and, after sundry amendments, the same was approved of by the con- gress, and ordered to be engrossed. The committee, appointed to prepare and bring in a memorial and petition to the lords in parliament did report that they had essayed a draught for that purpose, which they laid on the table, and humbly submitted to the correction of the congress. The said address was read, and after sundry amendments, the same was approved of by the con- gress, and ordered to be engrossed. The committee appointed to prepare and bring in a petition to the house of commons of Great Britain, did report that they had essayed a draugt for that purpose, which they laid on the table, and humbly submitted to the correction of the congress. The said address was read, and after sundry amendments, the same was approved of by the cou- 12th. That the increase, prosperity and happiness of these colonies, depend on the full and free enjoy- ment of their rights and liberties,and an intercourse,! gress and ordered to be engrossed 5Q. 453 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTIOI^„ Then the congress acljourned to to-tnorrow morn- ing, at 9 o'clock, Tuesday, Oct 22(1, 1765, A. .If —The corgress met according to adjourntnent. The address to his anajpsiy being engrossed, was read and compared, and is as follows, viz: To the king's vwsl cTcellent majesty. The petition of the freeholders and other inhabi- tants of the Massiohusets Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Neu Jerscv, Penni^yl- vania, the government of the cniinlies of New- Castle, Kent and Susses upon Delaware, and pro- vince of Maryland,^ J^ToHt humbly she7t;eth. That the inhabitants of these colonies, unanimously dex'otcd with the warmest sentiments of duty and affection to your sucred person and go verninent, and inviolably attached to the present h^ippy estahlishment of the protestant succession in your illustrious house, and deeply sensible of your royal attention to their prosperity ani happiness, humbly beg leave to approach the throne, by repre- senting to your mijesty, that these colonies were orij^inally planted by subjects of the British crown; 'Who, animated with the spirit of liberty, encourag- ed by your majesty's roy d predecessors, and confid- ing^ in the public faith for the enjoyment of all the rights snd liberties f ssential to freedom, emigrated from their native country to this continent, and, by their successful perseverance, in the midst of innu- ■ merahle dangers and difficulties, together with a profrsion of their blood and treasure, have happily added these vast and extenaive dominions to the empire of Great Britain, That, for the enjoyment of these rights and liber- ties, several governments were early formed in the iiaid colonies, with full power of legislation, agreea- bW to the principles of the English constitution; — that, under those governments, these liberties, thtis vested in their ancestors, and transmitted to their posterity, have been exercised am' enjoyed, and by the inesvimable blessings thereof, under the favor of Almighty God, the inhospiuhle desarts of Amer- ca have been converted, into flourishing covmtries; science, humanity and the knowledge of divine truths diffused through remote regions of ignor- ance, infidelity, barbarism; the number of British subjects wonderfully increased, and the wealth and power of Great Uriiain proporlionably augmen- ted Th?it, by means of these settlements and the un- paralleled success of your m tures have been moulded into forms as nearly re- sembling that of the mother country, as by his majesty's royal predecessors was thought conveni- ent; and these legislatures seem to have been wise- ly and graciously established, that the subjects in the colonies might, under the due administration thereof, enjoy the happy fruits of the British govern- ment, which in their present circumstances they cannot be so fully and clearly availed of any other way. Under these forms of government we and our an- cestors have been born or settled, and have had our lives, liberties and properties protected; the people here as every where else, retain a great fondness of their old customs and usages, and we trust that his majesty's servce, and the interest of the nation, so far from being obstructed, have been vastly promoted by the proviacial legisla- tures. That we esteem our connection v/ith and depen- dence on Great Britain, as one of our greatest bless- ings; and apprehend the latter will be sufficiently secure, when it is considered that the inhabitants in the colonies have the most unbounded affection for his majesty's person, family and government, as well as for the mother country, and that their sub- ordination to the parliament is universally acknow- ledged. We, therefore, most humbly intreat that the hon- orable house would be pleased to hear our council in support of this petition, and take our distressed and deplorable case into their serious consideration, and that the acts and clauses of acts so greviously restraining our trade and commerce, imposing du- ties and taxes on our property, and extending the jurisdiction of the court of admiralty beyond its ancient limits, may be repealed; or that the honor- able house would otherwise relieve your petition- ers as in your great wisdom and goodness shall B^era reete. And your petitioners shall ever pray &.c. Then the congress adjourned until to-morrow morning, 10 o'clock. Thursday, Oct. 24//;, 1765,.?. J/.— The' congress met according to adjournment. The congress took into consideration the manner in which their several petitions should be preferred and solicited in Great Britain, and thereupon came to the following determination, ziz: It is recommended by the congress to the several colonies to appoint special agents for soliciting re- lief from their present grievances, and to unite their utmost interest and endeavors for that purpose. Voted unanimously, that the clerk of this con- gress sign the minutes of their proceedings, and de- liver a copy for the use of each colony and pro vince. By order of the congress, JOHN COTTON, clerk PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 461 A copy of the proceedings of the province of New- Hampshire, as transmitted to the congres.^. Province of C In the house of representatives, JVe-m-Ifampshire, i June 29th, 1765. Mr. Speaker laid before the house a letter from the honorable speaker of the honorable reprfsenta- tivcs of the province of the Massachusetts Bay, to the speaker of this assembly, proposing a meeting of committees from the several assemblies of the British colonies on the continent, at Nesv-York, to consider of a general, united, dutiful, loval and hum- ble representation of our committees, and for im- ploring his majesty and the parliament for relief; which being read, Jiesolved, That, notwithstanding we are sensible that such a representation ought to be mad.', and approve of the proposed method for obtaining thereof, yet the present situation of our govern- mental affairs, will not permit us to appoint ii com- mittee to attend such meeting; but shall be ready to join in any address, to his majesty and the parlia- ment we may be honored with the knowledge of, probable to ansv/er the proposed end. A. CLARKSON, clerk. A copy of a letter received from Georgia, during the sitting of the congress: Savannah, in Georgia, September 6th, 1765. Sir — Your letter dated in June last, acquainting me that the house of representatives of your pro- vince, had unanimously agreed to propose a meet- ing at the city of New-York, of committees from the houses of representatives of the several British co- lonies on this continent, on the first Tuesday in Oc- tober next, to consult together on the present cir- cumstances of the colonies, and the difficulties to which they are and must be reduced by theoppera- tionofthe acts of parliament, for laying duties and taxes on the colonies, and to censider of an humble representation of their condition to his majesty and the parliament, and to implore relief, came to hand at an unlucky season, it bemg in the recess of the general assembly of this province. Nevertheless, immediately upon the receipt of your letter, I dis- patched expresses to the several representatives of this province, acquainting them with the purport thereof, and requesting them to meet at this place without delay. And according they met here on Monday last, to the number of sixteen, being a large majority of the representatives of this province; tlie whole consist, ing of twenty-five persons, but liis excellency onr governor, being applied to, did not think it expedi- ent to Call them together on the occasion; which is the reason of not sending a committee as proposed by your house, for you may be assured, no represen- tatives on this continent can more sincerely concur in the measures proposed, than do the representa- tives of the province now met together; neither can any people, as individuals more warmly espouse the common cause of the colonies, than do the peo- ple of this province. The gentlemen now present, request it as a favor, you'll be pleased to send me a copy of such repre- sentation as may be agreed upon by the several committees at New-York, and acquaint me how, and in what manner the same is to be laid before the king and parliament; whether by any person partic ularly authorized for that purpose, or by the colony agents? The general assembly of this province stands prorogued to the 22d day of October next, which is the time it generally meets for the dis- patch of the ordinary buisness of the province; and I doubt not the representatives of this province will then, in their legislative capacity, take under consideration the grievances so justly corAplained of, and transmit their sense of the same to Great Britain, in such way as may "seem best calculated to obtain redress, and so as to convince the sistel* colonies of their inviolable attachment to the com- mon cause. r am, sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, ALEX. WYLLY. To Samuel White, esqr. speaker of the" house of representatives of Massachi setts Bay, in Nev-England. The two foregoing letters, are true copies frona the original. Attest, JOHN COTTON, clerk. he"^ NEW-JERSEY. The following instructions, from the legislature of this state to its delegates in congress, 1777, will be perused with pleasure by all who cherish the principles and revere the worthies of the revolu- tion. We have copied them, by permission of the secretary of state, from the journals of the joint meeting. [Treiiton True Americaii. The council and assembly nf the state of J^ew-Jerset/^ in Joint meeting. To the hon. John Witherspoon, Abraham Clark. Jonathan Elmer, Nathaniel Scudder and Elias Boudinot, esquires, and each and every of you: We have called you to the important and inte- resting service of representing this state in the congress of the United States of North America, A higher proof cannot be given of the confidence we repose in your abilities and integrity; and we rest assured your best endeavors will, at all tiroes, be exerted to promote- the freedom, independence, and happiness of the whole union, particularly to that part to which you stand in more immediate relation. Numerous and diversified as the objects of your attention will be, we attempt not to point out either the line or the extent of your mission. Keep in constant view the cause of your delegation, and let all your conduct be directed to the general good and the prosperity of your country. We cannot, how- ever, omit the following particulars, suggested by the present posture of affairs, and to which we re- quire you carefully to attend. 1. We hope you will habitually bear in mind that the success of the great cause in which the United States are engaged, depends upon the favor and blessing of Almighty God, and, therefore, you will neglect nothing which is competent to the assem 46i2 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. bly of the states, for promoting piety and good mo rals among the people at large. But, especially, we desire that you may give attention to this circum- stance in the government of the army, taking care that such of the articles of war as forhid profane- ne^s, riot and debauchery, be observed and enforc- ed with all due strictness and severity. This, we apprehend, is absolutely necessary for the encou- ragement and maintenance of good discipline, and will be a means of recruiting the army with men of credit and principle — an object ardently to be wished, but not to be expected, if the warmest friends of their country should be deterred from sending their sons and connections into the service, lest they should be tainted with impious and im- moral notions, and contract vicious habits. 2. We have no doubt that, as guardians of the state of New-Jersey, you will be particularly atten- tive to its interests; but we also expect you will be watchful to guard against every thing which will be hurtful to the general union, or injurious to the common interests of the United States. Extinguish, by all means in your power, the least appearance of jealousy in its earliest rise. Discountenance all local and partial reflections in every instance, and reprove, by your example, and suppress, as far as your authority extends, party feuds and factions, be the offenders who they may. 3. Let the wants of the soldiery be amply supplied and due provision made for their health and com- fort; and, as we think this can be done, so we wish it always may, in such manner as to guard the civil rights of the people against military encroachment, and the arbitrary oppression of officers of the army, or of persons employed in the commissary's, quar ter-master's or hospital departments. We contem- plate with concern, the slighest appearance of such an evil, and wish you to take proper pains to prevent it. This state is forwardedly disposed to use every exertion in behalf of their troops, and, as far as can reasonably be expected, of the army in general; but we desire, when a requisition for this effect is necessary, it may be seasonably made, without waiting till the very hour of necessity, when it is impossible to take due and legal means of complying with it so as to answer any good pur- pose. 4. We desire you may be cautious of multiplying offices, or the number of the officers in the several continental departments, and thereby unnecessarily increasing the public expense. Especially, you will use your utmost influence that the departments be filled with men of probity, principle, and discre- tion, well qualified in point of capacity, and of un- suspected attachment to the liberties of America. We need not urge the reasons for calling your attention to this object, they are daily before your eyes. 5. We recommend the immediate completing of the establishment for wounded and disabled sol- diers and seamen, by extending it to the militia in the continental service, and making some provision for the widows and children of those vAio fall in battle, or die in the service, whether in tlie regu- lar or militia troops. The necessity of a law, in this as well as the several states in the union, grounded upon such establishment, requires that it be attend- ed to as speedily as possible. 6. You are to take the earliest opportunity of hav- ing some effectual mode adopted for negociating the exchange of citizens and civil prisoners, no ade- quate provisions being, as we conceive, made for this end in the cartel now subsisting. Numbers of civil officers, inhabitants and subjects of this state, in captivity, and, we doubt not, the case is similar in other states, where the operations of war have extended, not being taken in arms, and, therefore, not within the description of prisoners of war, are languishing in gaols and chains, under the power of the enemy, without the means or hope of relief. As tlieir sufferings are in consequence of their zeal and activity in the common cause, they are entitled to the most vigorous exertions of their country in their behalf. 7. The great irregularities and abuses which have been, and continue to be, committed in this state, and, probably, in others where the army hath been, or now is, by the impressing horses, teams and car- riages, and taking provisions, forage and fuel for the troops on march or in camp, and in delaying, neglecting, or totally refusing, upon the application of the inhabitants, with their receipts or certifi- cates, to those whose duty it is to make satisfac- tion, have given rise to such universal uneasiness and complaint, that it cannot have escaped your notice. The ill consequences of such a grievance, not only to individuals, but to the cause in general, are so obvious, we need only remmd you of it, and desire you would use your endeavors to procure a speedy remedy. 8. We wish you to consider whether it may not be advisable, and even necessary, that congress digest and recommend to the several states, some general plan for a treason law, lest inconveniences and dif- ficulties should arise from such laws being drawn 'in different forms and settled on di{ierentpx-:nc;= PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 463 pies, either as to tlie crimes op penalty, in the dif- 1 him, into t'lC hands of the inhabitants well affected^ ferent states; and particularly that treason against 'called tories, and will attack all such of the mili-* the union may be properly described, and the pu- j via as remain in arms; burn and destroy their houseBl nishment thereof suitably defined. Such a general and other property, and reduce them, their unfor-. faundation being once laid, the law can be varied 1 tunate wives and children to beggary and distress.; and accommodated, if necessary, to the local and special circumstances of each state, without sub. stantially departing from it. 9, That your attendance on the duties of your ap- pointment may be the more easy and convenient, and that you may have leisure andoppoKunity occa- sionally to attend lo your domestic concerns, from which, otherwise, you must have been totally ab- stracted, we have made the representation to con- sist of five, some three to be constantly present in congress, unless when precluded by unavoidable accident. And that the state may not be put to unnecessary expense, not more than three are to attend at the same time. By order of the joint-meeting, JOHN STEVENS, Chairman. Princeton, December 4, 1777. FROM THE SALEW (w. J.) MESSEWGER, AUff. 15lh. The following correspondence, which passed be- tween the commanding officers of the British troops and American militia, at this place, in the time that "tried mens souls," in the revolutionary struggle, was handed us by a venerable old man; who bore the fatigues and privation of a soldier in those days. It was presented For publication, for the purpose of reviving and keeping alive our gra- titude to those who so nobly contended for liberty, and adoration to the supreme ruler of the universe, for causing the seemingly just, though apparently weaker power, to prevail. The proposal of the Britis'i comm.inder is cruel and insulting: tlie an- swer ingenious and bold. They are as follows: "Colonel Mawhood, commanding a detachment of the British army at Salem, induced by motives of humanity, proposes to the militia at Quinton's Bridge and the neighborhood, hs well officers ;is private men, to lay down their arms and depar., each man to his own home; on that condition he solemnly promises to re-embark his troops withoul delay, doing no further damage to the country, and lie will cause his commissaries to pay for the cat- tle, hay and corn, that have been taken, in sterling money. "If, on the contrary, the militia should be delu ded and blind to their true interest and happiness, be will pot the arms which he has brought with — And, to convince them that these are not vaini threats, he has subjoined alist of the names of such i as will be the first objects to feel the vengeance oi* the Brtish nation, •'Given under my hand at head-quarters, Saletn j 2 1 St day of March, 1778. CS. MAWHOOD, Col." Answer of the colonel of militia. "SIR— I have been favored with what you say hu ► raaniiy has induced you to propose. It woul. I have given me much pleasure to have foum jL that humanity had been the line of conduct t o our troops since you have come to Salem. Ncit only denying quarters, but butchering our mei i who surrendered themselves prisoners in the ski jr r ish at Quinton's Bridge last Thursday: and bayonet :- ing yesterday morning, at Hancock's Bridge, in th e most cruel manner, in cold blood, men, who wer e taken by surprise, in a situation in which they neith - er could nor did attempt to make any resistance? and some of whom were not fighting me , are in - stances top shocking for me to relate, and I hop(5 for you to hear. The brave are ever generous ant I humane! After expressing your sentiments of hu » manity, you proceed to make a request which IJ think you would despise us if we complied with.J Your proposal that we should lay down our arms,i we absolutely reject. We have taken them up to* maintain rights, which are dearer to us than our lives, and will not lay them down, till either suc- cess has crowned our cause with victory, or like many ancient worthies contending for liberty, wfr meet with an honorable death. — You mention, that if we reject your proposal, you will put arms into the hands of the tories against us. We have noot)- jections to the measure, for it would be a very good one to fill our arsenals with arms. Your threat tJsy Wantonly burn and destroy our bouses and other pnj- perty, and reduce wives and children to beggaiy and distress, is a sentiment which my humanity al- m. St forbids me only to recite! and induces me to imagine that I am reading the cruel order of a bar- barous Attila, and not of a gentlemen, brave, gene- rous and polished with a genteel European edu( a- tion. — To wantonly destroy wl:l injure your cat tse more than ours. It will increase your enemies a iid our army. To destine to desiruction the propc rty of our most distinguished men, as you have don( ; in fonr prcposftlj i?, in my opinion, unworthy a ger per- 464 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. ouc foe, and raore like a rancorous feud between two contending barons, than a war carried on by one of the greatest powers on earth against a peo. pie nobly struggling for liberty. A line of honor would mark out that these men should share the fate of their conntrv Ifvour arms should be crown- frustrate the designs of God, and render vain the bounties which his gracious hand pours indiscrin)i> nately upon his creatures. By these the miserable slaves in Turkey, Persia, and many other extensive countries, are rendered truly ■ wretched, though their air is salubrious, and their soil luxuriously fer- ed with victory, which God forbiJ, they and their tile. By these France and Spain, though blessed by property will be e ;tirely at the disposal of your {nature with all that administers to the convenience power, will only make them desparate, and, as 1 1 oflife, have been reduced to that contemptible state «aid before, increase your foes and our army; and in which they now appear; and by these Britaiw retaliation upon tories and their property is not en* | ! ! ! but if I was possessed of the gift of pro- tirely out ofooL- power. Be assured that these are [pbecy, I dare not, except by Divine command, un- the humb.e .?er Jments and determined resolution | fold the leaves on which the destiny of that once apt only cf: kj self, but of all the officers and pri- ▼ates under me. "My prayer is, sir, that this answer may reach jou in good health and happiness. "Given at head-quartes, at Quinton's Bridge, March 22d, 1778. ELIJAH HAND, Colonel. "To Cs. Jfawhood, Colonel." FHOM THE BOSTOS CENTIHEt. powerful kingdom is inscribed." At that time there were no British troops in Bos- ton; four regiments, however, shortly after arrived, the officers of which expressed the most decided detestation of the above inserted quotation, and as Mr. Knapp says, "threatened vengeance on any ora. tor, who should dare to repeat such sentiments." When Warren delivered his Oration the following year, in defiance of those threats, the British army had been reinforced to nearly ten thousand men, and more than an hundred of the officers attended se- cretly armed, for the purpose of taking revenge, on the utterance of any sentiment, which should be obnoxious to them. »>/r, liussell. — On reading in your last Wednes- day's Centinei, an extract from Mr. Knapp's biogra- phy of Warren, it reminded me of some circum- stances, not mentioned by him, which occurred at I "^^^ ^"*^'' "^ ^^'^ ^'"^'^^^ ^^' standing in the broad the "0/d South" on the 5th of March, 1775. which h'"'^' "^^^ ^^^ "PP" end, and saw Capt. Chapman, was the anniversary of the m.ssucre of several in-K ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^'^'^ Fusileers. on the lowest step of habitants of the town of Boston by the British troops,^^^ ?"^P'^ '^*'"' P^^^'"^ '^'^'^ three pistol bullet, in in 1770 P*® right hand, and occasionally casting looks of {contempt on the orator, but more particularly on William Cooper, esq. the town-clerk, who was seat- ed near him, directly under the pulpit. Mr. Cooper maintained a firm and undaunted countenance, and Mr. Hancock had delivered an oration the pre ceding year on the saire occasion, in the course of of which he had made the following observations: — " Standing armies are sometimes (I would by no means say generally, much less universally) com- posed of persons who have rendered themselves un- fit to live in civil society; who have no other motives of conduct than those which a desire of the present gratification of their passions suggests; who have no property in any country; men who iiavelost or given lip their own liberties, and envy those who enjoy liberty; who are equally indifferent to the glory of a George or a Louis; who for the addition of one penny a day to their wages, would desert from the Christian cross, and fight under the crescent of the Turkish sultan. From such men as these what has not a state to fear? — With such as these usurping Csesar passed the Rubicon; with such as these he humbled mighty Rome, and forced the mistress of the world to own a master in a tralcor. These are the men whom sceptered robbers now employ to returned his looks with disdain. I never look back upon that scene without horror, in the contemplation of the danger we were then in of a much more hor. rid massacre than the one we were then commemo- rating. A trifle, lighter than air, would have de- luged that church, in the minds of both parties, it has always been a wonder to me that the war did not commence on that day. The 47lh regiment, Ci^ w* supposed by design J, passed the church at this time, the drums beating with redoubled force. This regiment was csm- manded by the infamous colonel Nesbit, who, a fevr days after, caused an innocent man to be ^ * . r - •. j i " redress. But fate, for wise purposes, had render- to be guiltvof, would be conspicuous in him, waal j „„„ , , i . . f ■ * ^ ed remonstrance, argument, and even entreaty, un. he to omit thankmg in the warmest terms his excel- , ;.- lency Kovernor Nelson, for the aid he has derived ,,[, • i .i . ... ■' ^ "Having received the stamp-act, the lieut, go- from him, and from the militia under his command; L„^„^„ ,. ..„ , • i, i . ^ r«i_ » • vernor, (in the absence in England of Thomas to whose activity, emulation and coarage such ap „„„„^ .. ^ •/■ . j - ,. ^ Boone, the governor), manifested a desire of com- plause is due; the greatness ot the acquisition , . ... -. ... . . . *^ " ^1 plying with Us requisitions, m causing it to be ex- would be ample compensation for the hardships i„ ,. , ,., „ . - , - , . •^ ^ ' I ecuted, (the governor of the province being, by the and hazards which they encountered with so much 1 .„ „ e ,, . . • . • ^ . ' I terms ot the act, sworn to its due execution); but patriotism and firmness. k:= ^„,.,..„ *.i ».- • m • . . jx- •^ his powers at that time were insumcient to effecta. In order to diffuse the general joy in every breast, late the same. the general orders those men belonging to the ar- my, who may now be in confinement, shall be par. doned, and join their respective corps. 2L — British marched out for their cantonments under miliiia guards. 22 — York affords very good Port-wine. 23. — Orders for the troops to hold themselves in readiness to march at the shortest notice. 24. — Marquis de St. Simon's troops embark their cannon. 25. — Demolish our works by brigades. 26. — Expectations of a supply of necessaries trom the merchants of York and Gloster. 27. — Report says sir H. Clinton has embarked from New-York for Virginia. 28. — The American cannon put on board vessels for lie liead otElk. 29. — Nothing material. 30. — I was on duty at Glostep. 3L — Col. Tarlion dismounted from his horse by an inhabitant, who claimed him in the midst of the street. Nov. 1— A supply of clothing purchased by agents, appointed for that purpose, "Encouraged by this weakness, and by the pub- lic opinion which was hostile to the act, the mem- bers of assembly deliberated in what manner they might most embarrass and elude its operations. — And, as the best mode they could devise, they ad- dressed the lieutenant governor on the occasion, requesting to be informed whether the stamp-act, said to have been passed in parliament, had been transmited to him, andif it had, through what chan- nel; and whether he had receited it from a secretary of state, the lords of trade, or from any other authen- tic source? These were questions of a singular na- ture — however, his honor, from a desii'e to soften as much as possible the fermentations which exist ed, answered, he had received it from Thomas Boone, the governor of the province. The assem- bly replied, that, while Mr. Boone was out of the bounds of his government, they could not consider him in any other tight than as a private gentlemen; and the act being received through such a channel, was not sufficiently authentic, to place the lieuten- ant governor under the obligation of enforcing it. "1 he stamps soon reached Charleston, and were deposited at Fort Johnson. The people, finding 468 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. the lieutenant governor and crown officers deter- mined to circulate them, resolved to counteract all their movennents, and obtain possession of the stamped paper. "About one hundred and fifty volunteers were soon organized and armed for the purpose; and two mights after, boats being provided at LamboU's bridge, on the west end of South Bay, they formed and marched towards that place for embarkation. Prom thence, they proceeded in boats across Ash- ley river, and landed, after twelve o'clock at night, on James' Island, between Style's plantation and the fort. They then proceeded towards the fort, and halting at a small distance from it, a reconnoitering party was sent forward. This par- ly proceeded to the draw-bridge unnoticed, or challenged by sentries; and finding it down, through the omission of the garrison, they immediately re- turned and reported the same. •'The whole body of volunteers then advanced upon the fort; and arriving at the bridge, they cross- ed it without opposition — pressed through the in- ner gate, which was not secured, and immediately possessed themselves of the fort. Only one sol- dier was found awake; and before he could give the alarm, the remainder of the garrison was secured, except Lloyd, its commander, who had not slept there that night. The garrison were then placed under a guard— the bridge was drawn up— and a search commenced for the obnoxious stamped pa- per. This, to the great joy of the volunteers, was at length found in one of the rooms of the barracks, and a guard was placed over it. Preperations were then made for maintaining the fort against any at- tack which might be made upon it by the sloop of war, when day light should arrive; and for this pur- pose, the cannon on the platforms were loaded with ball and grape shot, matches were provided, and a number of men were stationed at each gun; and a flag, shewing a blue field, with three white cres- cents, which the volunteers had brought with them for the purpose, v/as hoisted on the flag stafi of the fort. GENERAL WARREN. [It is well remembered, that this ardent patriot twice mounted the rostrum to address his fellow citizens on the subject of the massacre of the 5th of March; but the occasioii of his second ap- pointment for that purpose is not generally known • Mr. Kkapp, in his "biographical sketches," just published, has given the following very in- teresting explanation of it, which is in concu'-- rence with the daring spirit of the man, who was always foremost in danger.] "His next oration was delivered March 5th, 1775. It was at his own solicitation that he was appointed to the duty a second time. The fact is illustrative of his character, and worthy of remembrance. — Some British officers of the army then in Boston, had publicly declared that it should be at the price of the life of any man to speak of the event of March 5, 1770, on that anniversary. Warren's soul took fire at such a threat, so openly made, and he wished for the honor of braving it. This was rea- dily granted, for at such a time a man would pro- bably find but few rivals. Many who would spurn the thought of personal fear, might be apprehen- sive that they would be so far disconcerted as to forget their discourse. It is easier to fight brave- ly, than to think clearly or correctly in danger.— Passion sometimes nerves the arm to fight, butdis- turbs the regular current of thought. The day came, and the weather was remarkably fine. The Old South meeting-house was crowded at an early hour. The British officers occupied the aisles, the flight of steps to the pulpit, and several of them were within it. It was not precisely known whe- ther this was accident or design. The orator, with the assistance of his friends, made his entrance at the pulpit window by a ladder. The officers, see- ing his coolness and intrepidity, made way for him to advance and address the audience. An awful stillness preceded his exordium. Each man felt the palpitations of his own heart, and saw the pale but determined face of his neighbour. The speaker began his oration in a firm tone of voice, and pro- ceeded with great energy and pathos. Warren and his friends were prepared to chastise contumely, prevent disgrace, and avenge an attempt at assas- sination. The scene was sublime; a patriot in whom the flush of youth, and the grace and dignity of man- hood were combined, stood armed in the sanctuary of God, to animate and encourage the sons of liber- ty, and to hurl defiance at their oppressors. The ora- tor commenced with the early history of the coun- try, described the tenure by which we held our )i- bertiesand property — the affection wehad constant ly shown the parent country, and boldly told them how, and by whom these blessings of life had been violated. There was in this appeal to Britain — in this description of suffering, agony and hor- ror, a calm and high-souled defiance which must have chilled the blood of every sensible foe. Such ^^notlier hour has seldom happened in the hii«- PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 4G.9 tory of man, and is not surpassed in the records of nations. The thunders of Demosthenes rolled at a distance from Philip and his host — and Tully pour- ed the fiercest torrent of his invective when Cata- line was at a distance, and his dagger no longer to be feared; but Warren's speech was made to proud oppressors resting on their arms, whose errand it was to overawe, and whose business it was to fight. If the deed of Brutus deserved to be commemo- rated by history, poetry, painting and sculpture, should not this instance of patriotism and bravery be held in lasting remembrance? If he, 'That struck tlie foremost man of all this world,' was hailed as the first of freemen, what honors are not due to him, who, undismayed, bearded the Bri- tish lion, to show the world what his countrymen dared to do in the cause of liberty? If the statue of Brutus were placed among those of the gods, who were the preservers of Roman freedom, should not that of Warren fill a lofty niche in the temple rear- ed to perpetuate the rememberance of our birth as a nfttion?" CAPTAIN EZRA LEE, FHOM THE COMMERCIAI. ADVEHTISEn, NOV. 1821 DiEP, at Lyme, (Connecticut), on the 29th ult. Captain EZRA LEE, aged 72, a revolutionary offi- cer. — It is not a little remarkable, that this officer is the only man, of which it can be said, that he fought the enemy upon land — upon water — and under the ■water; the latter mode of warfare was as follows: — When the British fleet lay in the North River, op- posite to the city of New-York, and while general Washington had possession of the city, he was very desirous to be rid of such neighbors. — A Mr. Bush nell, of Saybrook, (Conn.)who had the genius of a Fulton, constructed a sub-marine machine, of a coni- cal form, bound together with iron bands, within which one person might sit, and with cranks and skulls, could navigate it to any depth under water. In the upper part was affixed a vertical screw for the purpose of penetrating ships bottoms, and to this was attached a magazine of powder, within which was a clock, which, on being set to run any given time, would, when run down, spring a gun- lock, and an explosion would follow. This Marine Turtle, so called, was examined by gen. Washing, ton, and approved; to preserve secrecy, it was ex- perimented within an inclosed yard, over twenty to thirty feet water, and kept during day-light locked in a vessel's hold. The brother of the inventor was to fee the person to navigate the macliine into action, but on sinking it the first time, he declined the ser- vice. Gen. Washington, unwilling to relinquish the ob- ject, requested major general Parsons to select a person, in whom he could confide, voluntarily to erk- gage in the enterprize; the latter being well ac quainted with the heroic spirit, the patriotism, and the firm and steady courage of the deceased above mentioned, immediately communicated the plan and the o:Ter, which he accepted, observing that his life was at general Washington's service. After prac- tising the machine, until he understood its powers of balancing and moving under water, a night was fixed upon for the attempt. General Washington, and his associates in the secret, took their stations upon the roof of a house in Broadway, anxiously waiting the result. Morning came and no intelli- gence could be had of the intrepid sub-marine na- vigator, nor could the boat who attended him, give any account of him after parting with him the first part of the night. While these anxious spectators were about to give him up as lost, several barges were seen to start suddenly from Governor's Island, (then in possession of the British), and proceed towards some object near the Asia ship of the line. — as suddenly they were seen to put about and steer for the Island with springing oars. In two or three minutes an explosion took place, from the sur- face of the water, resembling a water spout, which aroused the whole city and region; the enemy ships took the alarm — signals were rapidly given — the ships cut their cables and proceeded to the Hooli, with all possible dispatch, sweeping their bottoms with chains, and with difficulty prevented their af frighted crews from leaping overboard. During this scene of consternation, the deceased came to the surface, opened the brass head of his aquatic machine; rose up and gave a signal for the boat to come to him, but they could not reach him, until he again descended under water, to avoid the enemy's shot from the Island, who had discovered and commenced firing in his wake. Having forced himself against a strong current under water until without the reach of shot, he was taken in tow and landed at the battery amidst a great crowd, and re- ported himself to general Washington, who express- ed his entire satisfaction, that the object was effect' ed, without the loss of lives. The deceased was under the Asia's bottom more than two hours, en- deavoring to penetrate her copper, but in vain. He frequently came up under her stern galleries search- ing for exposed plank, and could hear the sentinels cry. Once he was discovered by the watch on deck, and heard them speculate upon him, but con- cluded a drifted log had paid them a visit— he re- 470 PUINCfPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. turaed to her keel and examined it fore and aft, and then proceeded to some other ships; but the impos- sibility of penetrating their copper, for want of a re- sisting power, hundreds owed the safe'y of their lives to this circumstance. The lonjjest space of time he could remain under water was two hours. — For a particular description of this sub-marine cu riosity, see Silliman's journal of arts and sciences. The deceased, during the war, ever h»d the con fidence and esteem of the commander in chief, and was frequently ennployd hy him on secret nnissions '.,f importance. He fought with him at Trenton and Monmouth, at Drandywine the hilt of his sword whs shot away, and his hat and coat were penetrated with the enemy's balls. On the return of peace, he laid aside the habiliments of war, and returned to his farm, where, like Cincinnatus, he tilled his lands, until now called by the great commander in chief to the regions above. He died without an enem} ; he was universally beloved. The suavity of his man ners — evenness of temper, and correclne.ss of princi- ples, was proverbial and pleasing to all his acquaint- ance. He enjoyed the confidence of his fellow-ciii- zens, to an extent almost unparalleled. — His desk was the repository of deeds, contracts and other evi- dences of property, as well as the widows and or- phans wealth for safe keeping. He constantly read the papers of the day, and was by many considered a polilical prophet. His christian and moral life was sternly strict;— his Bible his guide and rule of ac- tion. •« To do unto others, as he would they should do unto him," was his universal maxim and rule of life. His benevolence and charily was only circum- scribed by his means.— Contented and happy, he was an example of the great blessings which flow from the perfect enjoymentof life, regulated fay christian and moral virtue. He has left a widow,(with whom he has lived 51 years), and a numerous offspring to moarn the loss of one of the best of men. REVOLUTIONARY RECOLLECTIONS. FROM THE KATIOJTAL GAZETTE, OF SEPT. 5, 1821. I am one of that class of your readers who are much pleased with the plan of the reminiscences, and wish it may be promoted, by our well-informed aged citizens taking the troxible to present to the public such authentic facts and informa^on as their memories can furnish. It may be the means of pre- serving some flowers, and placing them in the chap- let of the historic muse, which would otherwise fall to the ground and perish in oblivion. I offer the following. Upon reading the Boston reminiscence of the tea- ship, the line quoted from the old song occasioned the whole of it to rise like an exhalation before me. As near beauteous Boston lying. On the gently swelling flood, Wiihout j ick or pendant, flyii g, Tl.ree ill-fated tea-ships rode. Just Rs glorious Sol was setting, On the wharf, a numerous crew, Sons of freedom, fcfsr forge! ting. Suddenly appear'd in view. Arm'd with hammers, axes, chisels, We.-pnns new for warlike deeds, Tow,.rds t!.e herbage f eighted vessels. They approach'd with dreadful speed. Hovering o'er their beads, in mid sky, Three bright angel forms were si en; Thxt was Hnmpden, this was Sidney, With fair liberty between. 'Soon,' ihey cried, 'your fljes you'll b&nlsh, 'Soon your triumph will be won, •Scarce shall setting P ocbus vanish, 'Ere the deathless deed be done.' Quifk as shot the ships were boarded. Hatches burst and chests display'd; Axes, hammers, Ijelp aft'orded. What a glorious crash they made! Captains! once more hoist your streamers. Spread your sails and plough the wave; Tell your masters they were dreamers, When they thought to cheat the brave. The people of "the good old thirteen states," though they had made up their minds to suffering and endurance, did not enter on the contests for their rights and liberties in a hasty and unadvised manner; theyhad counted the cost, and, although de- termined to sacrifice all that they held dear, rather than to crouch as slaves, yet they shuddered at being forced upon that extremity. The intelligence of the battle of Lexington, the first blood that was drawn in the quarrel, was received with the deepest regret; in Philadelphia the bells were muffled, and an expression of horror and gloom covered the coun- tenances of all its citizens. Congress first sat in the building then called Car- penters' hall, up the court of that name in Chesnut street. On the morning of the day that they first convened, their future secretary, the now venerable Charles Thomson, who resided at that time in the Northern Liberties, and who afterwards so mate- rially assisted to launch our first rate republic, had that morning rode into the city, and alighted in Chesnut street; he was immediately accosted by a message from congress, that they desired to speak I with him. He followed themessenger, and, enter- PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 4n sng the building, has described himself as struck with awe, upon viewing the aspects of so many great and good men impressed with the weight and re sponsibility of their situation, on the perilous edge of | which they were tlien advancinjjr. He walked up the aisle, and bowing to the president, desired to know their pl.^ssure. "Congress request your services, sir, as their se- cretary." He took his seat at the desk, and never looked back until the vessel was securely anchored in the haven of independence- The first speaker, (I mean the first who rose to speak) in that congress, was Patrick Henry, an ora- tor undoubtedly, but not superior to many who tool^ their seats on that day, although his biographer has ascribed to his eloquence the fulminating characier of Demostiicnes. What he said on that occasion was short and practical. Peyton Ranlolph. first president of congress, died in October, 1775, at the seat of Henry Hill, Roxbo- rotigh, near Philadelphia, where he had accepted an invitation to dine with other company. He fell from Lis seat in an apoplectic fit, and. immediately expir- ed. His corpse was taken to Virginia for interment. With respect to tlie notices of the still more re- mote *'olden time'' in Philadelphia, William Penn, at his first coming, brought over the frame of a house which was set up for him in town and remained in being for many years. I have also heard that the first mill for grinding corn was brought over in a similar manner, and was placed on Ridley Creek? Tobacco was at first cultivated in Pennsylvania, and was among her earliest exports. An old petition to the governor and council for a road to German- town, mentions 'the tobacco field, (in Front street), near the town.' When William Penn arrived the second time with his family, in 1699, be brought over a coach. In the former part of last century, Isaac Norris, senr. of Fau'iiill, kept a coach and four — he lived out of town, and like his worthy decendant of our time,hai^ a large family. His cotemporary, Jonathan Dickin- son, a gentleman who had moved from Jamaica to Pennsylvaniva, had likewise a coach and four. A very respeciableold gentleman, who died someyears since, has told me that he well rememoered when t'lere were but eiglu foUr-wheeled carriages in the whole province; VIZ. the three above mentioned, capt. Anthoney Palmer's, Andrew Hamilton's, James Lo- gan's, judge Lloyd's, of Chester, and, 1 think, judge Langhorne's, of Bucks. The bells of Christ church were first tolled on ac- count of the death of the wife of captain Palmer, when a fatal accident happened to one of the ring- ers. Captain Palmer was president of the council after James Logan, about the year 1740. Some of his descendants are still among us. O. RECOLLECTIONS OF A SOLDIER'S DAUGHTER. FBOM WOOBWOllTu's LITERARY CASKET. At the commencement of the revolutionary war, my father had a.taincd the age when the mind yields most e:ving detail: Some cf the brightest years of my existence were passed in the vicii ity of Bunker hill, and I was early taught to venerate that spot, as connected with a display of that magnanimous virtue. It was to that spot my giiHant father led his family of sprightly boy*, and, over the grave of Warren, inculcated les- sons of her;;ism and virtue. Nor was I always ex- cluded from the party, for though my father believ- ed that nature had designed me for a domestic sphere, he did not believe that an ardent love of liberty and thorough estimate of its value, as pur- ch ■sed by the blood of my fathers, could unfit me for the discharge of the important duties which Provi- dence has assigned to a woman. It was a fine morning in May, and nature seemed to have communicated her smile to the heart, and diftiised a joyous serenity over all its feelings, when 1/ ~. PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF Tlllfc: REVOLUTION. my three little brothers and myself recieved the welcome summons to prepare to attend our parent on his morning excursion.— "Whither shall we walk?" said he, as we sallied forth with all the eagerness of childhood — "To Bunker-hill" was the spontaneous reply of every little voice, and to Bunker-hill my father led the way. Days of artless innocence, alas! ye are fled forever- Never can I recal the sportive hilarity with which we lightly bounded over the adjacent fields, never regain the innocent gaity and improvident lightness of heart, that, under present enjoyments, shut the fu- ture from my view. Yet memory, busy memory, oft retards the flowery way, and,in thevisionscf the past, loses the sense of the present, and the anticipations of the future. With that buoyancy of spirit which refuses to yield to weariness, we climbed the ascent, and found ourselves on the summit, from whence we were pre- sented with a view of the whole peninsula, with the bay and harbor of Boston. My father pointed out ed was my poor drummer, who was killed not five paces from me; but the next, not at all deterred by the fate of his comrade, commenced the race, and got over in safety. In like manner most of our he- roic band succeeded, and one honest fellow, as he bowed to the word of command, thus addressed me, 'captain I see it is close dodging, hut let me once get safely over, and I'll spend my heart's last drop for you, and bring you off again dead or alive, that I will." "This honest fellow was a native of Ireland, and about six months previous was confined for debt in the prison of Salem, whence I released him on con- dition that he would enlist; and never man was bles- sed with a more devoted friend than Murphy M'Culloch proved to me. •'I was the last to make the tidventurous attempt, and though the balls showered about my head, none were permitted to touch me, and we gained the en- trenchment, and passed into the line of battle. "On this spot as near as I could recollect, I stood. the relative position of the armies, and entered into i and endeavored to do my duty as a soldier of liber- a minute detail ofevents, which abler historians have ty. I received a ball through the calf of my leg, recorded: they will not therefore occupy a place in and another through my left shoulder, but these this narration. His own personal adventure, and narrow escape from a living grave, are all that filial piety will jus- tify this feeble attempt to perpetuate. "Pray papa," said my oldest brother, "was it here that you received that ugly wound that had nearly cost you your life?" "It was on this very spot, my son, behind this breast-work — but the story is long — you must have patience, and let me commence at the beginning." Each little heart beat high with expectation, and mutually promising profound attention, we listened to the following tale. "You see that narrow speck of land yonder that unites the peninsula of Charlestown to the adjacent country. Over that isthmus, it became my duty to lead the little band under my command, to join the main army, in the intrenchment, where we now stand. You see how it is exposed to water— well there lay the Glasgow frigate, which kept up a con- tinual fire of shot and bombs across that pass, while several floating batteries, and the fortification on Copps' hill, endeavored to annoy the troops on the bill, and drive them from the entrenchment. "My little band had each the spirit of aLeonidas, and not a murmur was heard when I ordered them to attempt gaining the hill, by running singly across the dangerous pass. The first who attempt- virere mere trifles, and stood my ground in spite of them. "The gallant and generous Warren was on horse- back, pressing from one end of the line to the other, animating the troops to a vigorous defence, and every heart hailed him with love and gratitude. "He had ever distinguished me with peculiar marks of friendship, and as he passed the spot where I sood, he condescended to address me with words of cordial recognition. I know not whether any historian has recorded the last words of that hero, but believed they were addressed to myself. "My young friend, (said he, as he turned to leave m.e), do your duty, for the salvation of our country depends on this day's action." "He had not moved ten paces before I saw himfalL At that moment a shell burst by my side, and was thrown several feet into the air, and then precipitat- ed violently to the ground. "A fragment of the broken shell struck me in the breast, and caused a contusion of the sternum, and the violent shock my whole system sustained, took from me the power of motion. "Blood gushed from my mouth, nose and ears, and I lay covered with dust unable to speak or move, but for some time perfectly conscious. "I remember to have heard col. B — , who was my father's friend, exclaim 'William is de»d then! well, , h? died like a soldier.' PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 473 •'I felt the pressure of his hand upon my forehead, as he leaned over me; "he's gone, poor fellow! but I'll take his sword— the regulars shall never get that." "This sword was a present from Warren, and, though in that awful moment my soul seemed flut- tering on the verge of eternity, it gave me inexpres- sible pleasure, to find that the gift of friendship was likely to be preserved. " A faintness now came over me, and I heard no more, and for what succeeded am indebted to the observation of col. B . " The Americans fought with determination and bravery until their last round of ammunition was expended, and they were reluctantly compelled to retreat. "My poor Irish soldier, actuated by a sentiment that should immortalize his name, now declared that the Britiih should never have his captain, alive or dead. He sought among the slain for the breathless form of one he loved, and at last recognized the object of his search, among a heap of human bodies, which some resolute soldiers, where the breastwork hap- pened to be too high, had piled up to stand on "He bore the inammate body on his shoulder from the scene of carnage; but unable, thus loaded, to keep up with his companions, a shot from the pursuers terminated his life, when the main body of the retreating army was out of danger. "Some friends who knew us, passing immediately the whole family appeared at church the next sab- bath, clothed in habiliments of sorrow, and in the note which the minister read for the deceased, was an expression of triumph that he had fallen for li- berty. "The next morning as my mother sat by her win- - dow, intently watching some little shrubbery which the hand of her departed child had planted, she discovered, through the vista of the trees that em- bowered our peacefuldwelling, a litter, slowly wind- ing along the road. "The hope of being able to afford relief or re- freshment to a wounded soldier, drew my mother to the little gate that separated her own cultivated lawn from the highway. "Will you stop and rest?" said she to the man who conducted the litter — "\Ve go no farther," was the reply. She heard no more — the truth flashed across her mind and she fainted. "Long and tenderly was I nursed by that heroic woman, and though she sympathised in every pain I felt, she never breathed a regret for the part I had acted, and when I was again able to join my regi- ment, she mingled with her parting blessing a fer- vent prayer that all her children might prefer death to slavery." Such was my fatlier's tale— could I hear it and ever forget that I am a soldier's daugh- ter? Never, never. Recollections of patriotism are impressed on every page of my existence, and sen- timents of freedom twined with every fibre of my after, thought they discovered in me signs of return- heart. ing life, and by their means I was conveyed to the hospital." By this time the little auditors were in tears, and even Warren was awhile forgotten in admiration of the fidelity of the Irish soldier. My father, though a brave man and a soldier, wept — and though the lapse of twenty years has presented new and varied objects to my mind, I am not ashamed that a kindred tear has blotted the page that records his story. Recovering his usual composure, and addressing himself particularly to me, my father thus continued: "What follows is an example of female heroism and tenderness, if recorded on the page of history, might form a counterpart to the story of the Roman mother, who died from the effect of joyful surprise, when her son, whom she thought dead, was restored to her arms. "My mother received the news that her darling had fallen in battle, — but ahed no tears. "Her son had done his duty, and what more in • hese times of peril could a virtuous mother desire? 4 greeably to the primitive cn^tom of otir fathers 60. Sadly as the tenor of my days have passed, and sorely as the storms of sorrow have beaten on my head, there are hours when the tide of impetuous feeling rushes back to the scenes of my infancy, and finds, in tracing the lessons of paternal love, a kind of half oblivion to my cares. Then it is that thespirit of my father glows with undiminished ar- dour, and it is my pride and my boast that I am a SOLDIER'S DAL'GHTER. Extract from an Election Sermon, delivered by presi- dent Stiles, before the Connecticut legislature, in Mav, 1783. "While we render our supreme honors to the Most High, the God of armies, let us recollect, with affectionate honor, the bold and brave sons of free- dom, who ivillingly offered themselves, and bled in the defence of their country. Our fellow citizens, the officers and soldiers of the patriot army, who, with the Manly3,the Joneses, and other gallant comman- ders and brave seamen of the American navy, have heroically fought the v^'ar by sea and by land, merit, of their once bleeding, 4)ut now triumphant country, 4r4 PRINCIPLES AjND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTIOJS. laurels, crowns, reward?, anci the hig!»est honors. NPTer ws the profession of arms used with more glory, or in a better cause, since the days of Joshua the son of Nun. O Wa HiireToa! how rlo I love thy name! how often hav^ I adored and blessed thy God, for creating and forminjj thee the great ornament of human kind. Upheld and protected by the omnipo- tent, by the Lord of Hosts, thou hast been sustained and carried through one of the most arduous and important wars in all history. The world and pos- terity will, with admiration, contemplate thy deli- berate, cool, and stable judgment, thy virtues, thy valor and heroic achievements, as far surpassing Tnose of Cyrus, whom the world loved and adored. The sound of thy fame shall go out into u\\ the earth, and ex'end to distant ages. Thou hast convinced tlie world of the beautt of tibtck — for, in thee this beauty shines with distinguished lustre. Those who would not recognize any beauty invirtue in the world beside, will yet reverenceitinthee. There is a glory in thy diiinterested benevolence, w)iich the greatest characters would purchase, if possible, at the ex- pense of worlds, and which may excite indeed their cnnulation, but cannot be felt by the venal ^reat — who think every thing, even virtue and true glory, may be bought and gold, and trace our every action to motives terminating in aelf; "Find virtue local, all relation scorn, ♦•See all in self, and but for eel/be born." But thou, O Washington, forgottest thyself, when thou lovedst thy bleeding country Not all the gold of Ophir, nor a world filled with rubies and dia- monds, could affect or purchase the sublime and noMe feelings of thine heart, in that single self moved act, when thou renouncedst the rewards of generalship, and heroically tookest unon thyself the dangerous as well as arduous office of generalissimo —and this at a solemn moment, when thou didst de- liberately cast the die, for the dubious, the very du- bious alternative of a gibbet or a triumphal arch.' — Eut, beloved, enshielded and blessed by the great Slelchisedec, the king of righteousness as well as peace, thou haat triumphed gloriously. Such has been thy military wisdom m the struggles of this arduous conflict, such the noble rectitude, amiable- ness and mansuctude of thy character: something is there so singularly glorious and venerable thrown by Heaven about thee, that not only does thy coun try love thee, but our very enemies stop the mad- ness of their fire in full volley, stop the illiberality 0* their slander, at thy name, as if rebuked from Heaven with a "touch not mine anointed, and do my HERO on harm." Thy fame is of sweeter perfume than Ai-abi»n spices in tbe gardens of Periiia. A. baron de Steuban shall waf its fragrance to the monarch of Prussia: a marquis de la Fayette shall waft it to a far greater laonarch, and diffuse thy renown throughout Europe. Listening angels shall catch the odour, waft it to heaven, and perfume the universe." KOSCIUSCO. The following is not a revolutionary paper, but il relates to a noble volunteer in the cause of liberty in the new world, and a fearless advocate for the freedom of his native land in the old; and a pre- servation of the eulog'um upon him is due to his services. It was delivered at Warsaw on the 14th Nov. 1817, by M. Von J^'eimcewisez, who was his bosom friend. The translation here used was made for the "Republican Citizen," published at Fredericktown, Maryland. This mournful solemnity, these funeral rites; these blazing tap'?rs, this assemblage of dejected knights and people, the doleful voice of the vener- able divine, ail, all cciispire to itrpress upon us a s'rong perception of our great, our irreparable loss. What can I add to the accuteness of your feelings, or how dilate upon the ardent expressions of the reverend ministers of religion' Alas! it' does not appertain to these grey hairs, to this enfeebled voice, toaraind blunted with years, and weakened by infirmities, to eulogize the man, who was coura- geous and generous in war, and amiable in peace. Cut such was your desire: unmindful of the re- straints and ditricuUies under which I labor, I will endeavor to comply, and, although myself over- whelmed with grief, will become the interpreter of this universal niourning. Great and destructive have been the losses sus» tainedby our country in the lapse of a few years; but we have felt none with such keen anguish, as that which we now bewail in the decease of our be- loved Kosciusco. To mention the name of Koscius- co, that pattern of virtuous citizenship; to depict his love of country, which continued to blaze out wliilsi there was a breath of life remaining; his fear- less intrepidity in battle; his manly fortitude in ad- versity; his patient endurance of suffering; his Ro- man uprightness of deportment; his delicate modes ty, that inseparable accompaniment of real worth — is to awaken a thousand pleasing, but alas ! also numberless painful emotions in the breast of every native of Poland. Ere History shall record our misfortunes, and ex- hibit, in their true light, the merits of this truly great man, be it permitted to us, his contempora- PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 475 ries, to notice, in condensed brevity, his noble ac- tions, and the principal incidents of his life. THAnDfius Ko^ciuico, descended from an ancient family in the palatinate of Brescia, in Lithuania proper, received tl^e rudiments of his education in the military academy founded by Stanis!a«s A'igus lus- The commandant of that academy, prince Adam Crartorski, soon remarked the uncommon Tiililary genius of the youth, together with his pre- dileciion for the science of wnr, and in consequence, sent him into France to complete his stadias. To the latest moments of his life, Kosciusco gratefully remembered the obligations which he owed to the bounty of his benefactor. The abject, impotent and submissive situation of Poland, at that period, en- gendered dejection and despair in his useful breast. He left his country and repaired to a foreign land, there to fight the battles of independence, when he found that her standard would liOt be raised in the land of his birth. A'* the companion of the immor- tal Washi.vgtum, he fought bravely from the Hud- son to the Potomac, from the siiores of the Atlan- tic to the lakes of C.mada. lie patiently endured incredible fatigue; he acquired renown; and, what w.iS infinitely more valuable in his estimation, he acquired the Ijve and gratitude of a disenthraled nation. The flag of the United States waved in tri amph over the American forts, and the great work of liberation was finished ere Ivosciusco returned to his naive country. Just at that period Poland awoke; but alas! awoke too late from her deplorable lethargy. She had pro- claimed the memorable constitution of the third of May, and determined to acknowledge no laws but her own. Hence the inimical attack, hence the de- solating wars which ensued. Say, ye few remain- ing witnesses — say ye fields of Zieleaice and Du- binki, did not Kosciusco, did not the Poles con- tend with a valor worthy the sons of Poland? — It was not that our feeble force was over- powered: No— it was by the stratagems ai»d wiies of our enemies that our arms were wrested from our hands, and the burning desire for the combat smothered; aye, smothered! for in a short time the dismemberment of our territory, and the contemp- tuous, the scornful treatment which we received, ex- asperated the feelings of our people. The excess of their misfortunes and sufferings roused them to an eflbrt of noble and almost frenzied desperation. His enraged countrymen grasped the sword and placed it in the hands of Kosciusco! The fraternal bonds which unite us to another nation, the protection of one common sovereign, and the gratitude due to Alexander, forbid that 1 should enlarge upon '.he occurrences of the memo- rable war which followed. The army of Kosciusco was not composed of warriors, arrayed in 'the pride of military pomp:' N ! he led troops of irritated pea- santry to thefieldofglory; peasantry, armed with the implements of husbandry, against experienced and veteran soldiers! — How many battles, sieges, dread- ful nocturnal sallies and skirmishes did they sustain? The earth was ensanguined with the blood of the commandants ere it furnished ihenn with graves. The result of all these sacrifices, sufferings and exertions, were inhuman fetters. Tlie captivity con- tinued tv/o years, and would have lusted yet longer; — nor wouldsi thou, Kosciusco, have ended thy days in Solothurn's free walls— nor would you, je weep- ing sons of Poland, have again enjoyed the sweet smiles of liberty, but would have dragged out the miserable remnant of your lives in dark and moul- dering dungeons, had it not been for the magnani- mous interference of Paul 1. The first act of his reign was to burst the fetters of twenty thoiaand Poles. Thanks to thee, venerable shade! The name oi Paul cannot be mentioned by a native of Poland^ without feelings of genuine gratitude! Waen Kosciusco was liberaied, he did not turn his steps to that depressed and mourning country, which had already become us a strange land lu him. No: he turned his eyes to that distant shore, where in his youth, he had mingled in tiie combat for li- berty and independence; to thai land wiiichheknew would receive hun as one of her own children. Al- though covered with scars .nd crippled, he did not permit the fatigues and dangers of tlie voyage to disjiearten him. (ie embarked lor America; and, du- ring tais voyage, tlie ocean naJ nearly become the j^raveof our hero. A vessel, belonging ij a fleet of mercliantmen, returning from Jamaica, was separate- ed from her company in a dark night, and whilst sailing with the greatest rapidity, struck the Ame- rican ship. Mass, riggi g ar>d sails were instantly entangled. Twoiar^e vessels lay beating forcibly aganisl each other. Great was ihe tumult, noise and disorder upon deck — death stared us in the face. Kosciusco viewed the scene, at this dismay- ing and terrifying momen , vviUi Uis usual serenity and composure: but his last hour had not yet arriv- ed. Providence had ordained tlia>. he should sur- vive to see that day on which the generous v^texanrfer proclaimed the restoration of the kingdom of Po- land. Wc escaped this imminent danger with the loss of the main-mast and torn sails, oui the voyage was, in consequence of the disaster, protracted to seventy days. At length we espied the Happy shore* of the land of freedom. Peiinsyivania! the country 476 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. of Pens and Fuanklin, received Kosciusco into her bosom. After suffering such accumulated miseries, this was the first happy and joyful moment. The members of congress, then in session — his old com- patriots in arms — his friends and acquaintances, and the citizens generally, hailed his aiTival with unaf- fected pleasure. The people surrounded the car. riage of him, who had been one of their favorite chiefs, who had suffered so much in their cause, and accompanied him to his lodgings. Not only in Ame- rica, but also in every European city through which he passed after his liberation, in Stockholm, in Lon- don, and in Bristol, all those who cherished in their hearts a love of liberty, and a regard for her defen- ders, thronged about him and gave him the most lively demonstrations of their esteem. Oh! it was greatful to the heart of a Polander to perceive, in the honor and respect with which his chief was re- ceived, esteem and commisseration for the fate of an unjustly destroyed nation. Was it the delusion of hope or the wish to have the advantage ©f the best medical advice, that in- duced Kosciusco to visit the shores of Europe once more? If it was hope, soon, alas! did he preceive its fallacioushess and vanity, and the inutility of human exertions. He rejected the bustle and applause of the world, and, if I may so express myself, enclosed himself in the mantle of his own virtues and retired to the rural solitude of a farm. Here agriculture was his employment, his solace, and his delight. — He left his peaceful retirement, for the first time, to thank the illustrious .Alexander for the restora- tion of the P ilish name. His aversion to public employment, which had increased with age, hii love of solitude and quiet, led him into Switzerland. — There in the city of Solothurn, it pleased the Al- mighty to call his virtuous soul, from the scene of its sufferings and trials, to the abode of the blessed. He died as it became a cliristian and a soldier, with a firm reliance on his God, with complacency and manly fortitude. Poor as his prototypes, Phocion and Cincinnatus, he forbade al! pomp and show at his funeral; and that man, who in the field of bat- tie had commanded thousands of armed warriors, was carried to the last repository of frail mortality, upon the shoulders of six poor old men! Peace to thy ashes, thou virtuous man! receive the last and parting laments of thy sorrowing coun- trymen; receive the parting address of him, in whose arms thou hast so often reposed thine aching head. If thy native country do not receive thy mortal re- mains into her lap, while thy liberated spirit dwells in the same abode with the last Roman,* then * Ultimus Komanorum, Marcus Junius Brutus has been so called. may thy memory be immortal amongst us. May thy statue be placed in the sanctuary of the Lord, in order to perpetuate the lineaments of thy face, the benevolence of thy heart, and the purity of thy soul. May thy cenotaph be like thy life, plain and unostentatious, with no inscription but thy name; that will be all-sufficient! Whenever a native or stranger shall with tearful eyes behold it, he will be compelled to exclaim, "That was the man who did not permit his countrymen to die ingloriously, and whose virtues, magnanimity, intrepidity and patriot- ism immortalized himself ?nd his beloved country." FHOM THE BOSTOH PATRIOT. It is good for us all to look back on "olden times'^ — It is both good and proper for the young men and the youth of the present day to see and read some of the official acts of ihtiv fathers and grandfathers^ and thereby to trace out and mark down the emi- nent exertions, the privations, dangers and suffer- ings to which they were exposed in struggling through the arduous contest to establish the liber- ty and independence of their country, and to pro- vide for their posterity a national name — a home, a shelter and a fireside. Read this and treasure it for the time to come. By the congress of the United States of America — A MANIFESTO. "These United States having been driven to hos- tilities by the oppressive and tyrannous measures of Great Britain; having been compelled to commit the essential rights of man to the decision of arms; and having been, at length, forced to shake off a yoke which had grown too burdensome to bear, they de- clared themselves free and independent. Confiding in the justice of their cause; confiding in him who disposes of human events, althougJi weak and unprovided, they set the power of their enemies at defiance. In this confidence they have continued through the various fortune of three bloody campaigns, un- awed by the power, unsubdued by the barbarity of their foes. Their virtuous citizens have borne^ without repining, the loss of many things which makes life desirable. Their brave troops have pa- tiently endured the hardships and dangers of a si- tuation, fruitful in bot'i beyond former example. The congress, considering themselves bound to love their enemies, as children of that being who is equally the father of all; and desirous, since they could not prevent, at least to alleviate, the calami- ties of war, have studied to spare those who were in arms against them, and to lighten the chains of captivity. PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION 477 The conduct of those serving under the king of Great Britan hath, with some few exceptions, been diametrically opposite. They have laid waste the open country, burned the defenceless villages, and butchered the citizens of America. Their prisons have been the slaughter-houses of her soldiers; their ships* of her seamen, and the severest injuries have been aggravated by the grossest insults. Foiled in their vain attempt to subjugate the un- conquerable spirit of freedom, they have meanly as- sailed the representatives of America with bribea,j[ with deceit, and the servility of adulation. They have made a mock of humanity, by the wanton des- truction of men: they have made a mock of religion, by impious appeals to God whilst in the violation of his sacred commands: they have made a mock even of reason itself, by endeavoring to prove that the li- berty aiid happiness of America could safely be in trusted to those, who have sold their oiv7i, unawed by the sense of virtue or of shame. Treated with the contempt which such conduct deserved, they have applied to individuals; they have solicited them to break the bonds of allegiance, and embrue their souls with the blackest of crimes; but, fearing that none could be found through these United States equal to the ivickedness of their purpose, to influence weak minds, they have threatened more 7vide devastation. While the shadow of hope remained, that our ene- mies could be taught by our example to respect those laws which are held sacred among civilized nations, and to comply with the dictates of a reli- gion, which they pretend in common with us to be- lieve and to revere, they have been left to the influ- ence of that religion and that example. But since their incorrigible dispositions cannot be touched by kindness and compassion, it becomes our duty by other means to vindicate the r-ights of humanity. We, therefore, the conejress of the United States of America, do solemnly declare and proclaim,that if 'Notes by the transcriber — who recollects that se- veral of his school mates sufl:ered severely on board the Jersey prison ship; and he knows several persons yet living in Boston, who felt the tro?j hand and heart of unrelenting- barbarity, while prisoners on board *'that poisoned floating dungeon," in the harbor of New-York, when in possession of the British. I The supposed or reputed author, [Samuel Adams], of the above elegantly written state paper, chose the high honor and exalted feeling of support- ing the liberties and equal rights of his countrymen, with a moderate fortune, to the low and grovelling dignity of a " British pensioner oftiuo thousand guineas per annum for life." He was in the cabinet of his country, what general Greene was in the field; "ever early, ever watchful, and never weary of toil •r fatigue until be saw all wn« weW." our enemies presume to execute their threats, or persist in their present career of barbarity, we will take such exemplary vengeance as shall deter others from a like conduct. We appeal to that God who searcheth the he.arts of men, for the rectitude of our intentions; and, in His holy presence, we declare, that as we are not moved by any light and hasty sug- gestions of anger and revenge, so through every pos- sible change of fortune we xuill adhere to this our de- termination. Done in Congress, by unanimous consent, the thir- tieth day of October, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-eight. (Signed) HENRY LAURENS, President.** IHOM THE EVEHING POST. JVe-M-York, J^Tov. 22, 1821. William Coleman, esq. Dear sir — Agreeably to your request, I wil- lingly give you the enclosed copies of papers relat- ing to the events of that memorable day, so sooo to be celebrated in this city. I feel grateful to the gentleman who transmitted them to me — and I can- not doubt but the possession of them will be grati- fying to every American. Your obedient humble servant, AAnost Claek, Banbury, CConn.J Jiug. 24, 1821, Mr. Aaron Clark: Sir — Having observed that you are collecting varieus documents relating to the history of the state of New-York, I take the liberty of enclosing to you copies of the addresses which were exchang- ed between the citizens of the city of New-York and the American generals who entered the city in triumph after the evacuation of the British iu 1783. A committee had been appointed b^the citizen* to wait upon gen. Washington and gov. Clinton and other American officers, and to express their joy- ful congratulation to them upon this occasion. A procession for this purpose formed in the Bowery, marched through a part of the city, and halted at a tavern, then known by the name of Cape's tavern, in Broadway, where the following addresses were delivered. Mr. Thomas Tucker, late of this town, and, at that time, a reputable merchant in New- York, a member of the committee, was selected to perform the office on the part of the committee. The originals now lie before me, over the signatures of the respective generals. I am, sir, your very obedient humble servant, EiisHA D. Whittusbt. 478 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTIOJ^. To his excellency George Washington, esquire, general and commander in chief of the armies of the United States of America, The address of the citizens of New- York, who have returned from exile, in behalf of themselves and their suffering brethren: Sir— At a moment when the army of tyranny is yielding up its fondest usurpations, we hope the salu ations of long-suffering exiles, but now happy freemen, will not be deemed an unhappy tribute. In this place, and at this moment of exultation and tri- umpb, while the ensigns of sluvcry still linger in our £ig!;t, we look up to you, our deliverer, with unusual transports of gratitude and joy. Permit us to wel- come you to this city, long torn from us by the hard hand of oppreasior, but nov.', by your wisdom and energy, under the guidance of Providence, once more the seat of peace and freedom. We forbear to speak cur gratitude or your praise. We should but echo tlie voice of applauding millions. But the citizens of New-York are eminently indebted to your vir tues; and we, who have nov/ the honor to addres your escellency, h:»ve often been companions of your sufferings and witnesses of your esertions. Permit us, therefore, to approach your excellency v/ith the dignity and sincerity of freemen, and to assure you that v/e sliall preserve, with our latest breath, our gratitude for your services, and venera- tion for your character; and accept of our sincere and earnest wishes that jou may long enjoy that calm domestic felicity, which you have so gener- ously sacrificed— that the cries of injured liberty may never more interrupt your repose — and that your happiness may be equal to your virtues. Signed, at the request of the meeting, Thomss Randall, Thomas Tucker, Danl. Phanix, Henry Kipp, Saml. Broome, Pat. Dennison, Wm. Gilbert, sen. Wm. Gilbert, jun. Francis Van iJyck, Geo. Janevvay, Kphraim Brasliier, J^/'evf-York, JYov. 25, 1783, Jeremiah Wool, Abrm. P. Lott. Mis excellency's ans-wer to the citizens of JS''iiivYork, who liCive returned from exile: Gehtleme:* — I thank you sincerely for your affec- tionate address, and entreat you to be persuaded that nothing could be more agreeable to me than your polite congratulations. Permit me, in return, to felicitate you on the happy repossession of your city. Great as your joy must be on this pleasing occa- sion, it can scarcely exceed tliat which I feel at seeing you, gentlemen, who, from the noblest mo tlves, have suffered a voluntary exile of many yenrs. return again in peace and triumph to enjoy the fruits of your virttious conduct. The fortitude and perseverance which you and your suff'ering brethren have exhibited in the course of the war, have not only endeared you to your countrymen, but will be remembered with admira- tion and applause, to the latest posterity. May the tranquility of your city be pprpetual — may the ruins soon be repaired, commerce flourish, science be fostered, and all the civil and social vir- tues be chei'is!ied in the same illust ious manner which formerly reflected so much credit on the inhabitants of New York. In fine, n»ay every species of felicity attend you, gentlemen, and your wonhy fellow. citizens. GeOHGE WASHISGTOir. The address to gov. Clinton, -with the antw er. To his excellcnctj Gsorge C nten esquire, governor of the state of A't-uf York, commander in chief oj the militia, and admiral of the navy of the same. The address of the citizens of New York, who have returned from exile, in behalf of themselves and their suffering bretltren: Sia — When we consider your faithfid labors at the head of the government of this state, devoid, as v.e conceive every free people ought to be, of flat- tery, we think we should not be wanting in grati- tude to your vigilant and assiduous services in the civil line. The state, sir, is highly indebted to you in your military capacity; a sense of your real merit will secure to you that reputation which a brave man opposing himself in defence of his country, will ever deserve. We most sincerely congrattila'e you on your hap- py arrival at the Capial of the state. Your excel- lency hath borne a part with us in the general dis- tress, and was ever ready to alleviate the calamities you could not eff"ectually remove. Your example taught us to suffer with dignity. We beg leave to assure your excellency that, as prudent citizens and faithful subjects to the people of the state of New York, we wiil do every thing in our power to enable you to support order and good government in the community, over which you have, by the suff'rages of a free and discerning peo- ple, been elected to preside. Signed, at request of the meeting. Tliomas Randall, Danl P'osuix, Suml. Broome, Wm. Gilbert, sen. Francis Van JJyck, Geo. Janeway, Ephrair.' Brasliier, J^'trt-Yori:, A'ov. 25, 17^S Thomas Tucker, Henry Kipp, Pal. Dernison, Wm. Gilbert, jun. Jeremiah Wool, Abrm. P. feott. PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF Tim REVOLUTION. 479 His excellency's reply. Gektlemew — Accept my most sincere thanks for your very affectionate and respectful address; Citi- zens who, like you, to vindicate the sacred cause of freedom, quitted their native citv, their fortunes and possessions, and sustained, with manly forti- tude, the rigors of a long and painful esiie, super- added to the grievous calamities of a vengeful war, merit, in an eminent degree, the title of patriots and the esteem of mankind; and your confidence an', approbation are honors wliich cannot be receiv- ed without the utmost sensibility or contemplated without gratitude and sati^fiction. To your sufferings and to the Invincible spirit with whicii they were surmounted, I have been wit- ness, T have deeply lamented thit I had not means to alleviate them equal to my inclination. The assurances of your firm support in the admi- nistration of government, give me singular plea sure. A reverence for the laws is peculiarly essen- tial to public safety and prosperity under our free constitution; and should we suffer the authority of the magistrate to be violated for the sake of private dition of, and proceedings in, that town many years ago,..from which we select the following as suited to the design of this work: The British army evacuated Boston on the fore- noon of Sunday, the ITth March, 1776. On the af- ternoon of that day I landed (in company with a sur- geon who was ordered in by genenral Washington) at the bottom of the common, near the high blufl", which was taken away a few years ago to make Charles-street. Tiie first object that I observed on landing was a thirteen inch iron mortar on the beach of extraordinary dimensions and weight, which the British had thrown down from a battery they had erected on the height above. I was told that ano- ther of the same size was sunk at the end of the long wharf, which was afterwards raised. One of them is now at the navy-yard in Charleston, and the other was a few years since on the grand battery at New-York, were it was carried in the same year. On crossrng the common we found it very much disfigured with ditches and cellars, which had been dug by the British troops for their accommodation when in camp. To our great regret, we saw several vengeance, we should be unworthy of the number- large trees lying in the mall, which had been cut less blessings which an indulgent Providence hath down that morning. We were ir.farmed that the placed in our reach. I shall endeavor steadily to dis- cbarge my duty, and I flatter myself that this state will become no less distinguished for justice and public tranquility, in peace, than it has hitherto been marked, in war, for vigor, fortitude and per- severance. (tentlemen — Your kind congratulations on my ar- rival at this metropolis, after so long an absence, are highly acceptable, ard I most cordially felicitate you on the joyful events which have restored us to the free and uncontrolable enjoyment of our rights. While we regard, with inviolable gratitude and af- tories were so exasperated at being obliged to leave the town, that they were determined to do all the mischief possible, and had commenced destroying that beautiful promenade; but it being told to some of the selectmen, they went in haste to general Howe, and represented the circumstance, who kind- ly sent one of his i-ids to forbid the futher destruc- tion of the trees, and to reprimand the tories for their conduct. General Howe could not but feel ^ome degree of grateful regard and sympathy for the people of Massachusetts, as they had erected amon- ument in Westminster Abbey to the memory of his fectionall who have aided us by their counsel ortheir brother, whose urbane and gentlemanly deport. arms, let us not be unmindful of that Almighty Be- ing, whose gracious Providence has been manifestly interposed for our deliverance and protection, and let us shew by our virtues that we deserve to par- take of the freedom, sovereignty and independence which are so happily established throughout these United States. Geoegb Ciinto:t. Mw.York, '25th Aot». 1783. RECOLLECTIONS OF A BOSTONIAN. In the litter end of the year 1821 and early in 1822, a series of papers were published in the "Boston Centinel," under the head of "Recollections of a Bostonian" — in which the public were presented with many curious facts in relntion to the con- ment, had gained the esteem and respect of the Massachusetts forces, and who was killed in a bat- tle with the French and Indians in 1758. The mall was originally laid out with only two rows of trees, a third was added a few years before the war, which we found were all cut down for fuel, together with the entire fence which surrounded ti.e common, as was also a large magnificent tree which stool on the town's lai'd, near the school house, in West-street, of equal size with that which now stands m the middle of the common, both of which I suppose to be aboriginal. On passing into the town, it presented an inde- scribable scene of desolation and gloominess.for not- withstanding the joyous occasion of having driven our enemies from our land, our minds were im- 4ao PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION* pressed with an awful sadness at the sight of the ruins of many houses which had been taken down for fuel— the dirtiness of the streets— the wretched appearance of the very few inhabitants who remain- ed during the siege — the contrast between the Sun- day we then beheld, compared with those we for- merly witnessed, when well dressed people, with cheerful countenances, were going to, and retur- ning from church, on which occasion, Boston exhi- bits so beautiful a scene— but more especially when Ave entered the Old South church, and had ocular demonstration that it had been turned into a hiding scHooi,, for the use of general Burgoyne's regiment of cavalry, which formed a part of the garrison, but which had never ventured to pass the barriers of the town. The pulpit and all the pews were taken away and burnt for fuel, and many hundred loads of dirt and gravel were carted in, and spread upon the floor. The south door was closed, and a bar was fixed, over which the cavalry were taught to leap their horses at full speed. A grog shop was erect- ed in the gallery, where liquor was sold to the sol- diery, and consequently produced scenes of riot and debauchery in that holy temple. All these circum- stances conspired to fill the mind with sombre re- flections. But amidst the sadness of the scene, there was a pleasing satisfaction in the hope that men, capable of such atrocities, could not have the blessing of Heaven in their nefarious plan of sub- jugating our beloved country. The English sol- diers were generally Episcopalians, and viewed this act with indifference, but the Scotch, who were mostly dissenters, aiad much more moral and pious, looked upon it with horror, and not without some feelings of superstition. I was told that a ludicrous scene took place in the course of the preceding winter. A good old wo- man that frequently passed the church, was in the habit of stopping at the door, and with loud lamen- tations, (amidst the hootings of the soldiery), be- wailed the desolation of the house of prayer. She denounced on them the vengeance of Heaven, and assured them that good old Dr. Sewall, the former parson of the church, would rise from his grave, and carry them off". — A Scotch centinel was one night alarmed by an appearance of what he thought was an apparition of the doctor. He screamed violent- ly, and alarmed the guard of grenadiers, who were always stationed at the Province-house, then occu- pied by general Howe. There was no pacifying him, until some one asked how the doctor was dressed, and he answered with a large wig and gown. One of the inhabitants who had been drawn there from curiosity, assured him it could not have been doc'.or Sewall, because he never wore a wig, which restor- ed the poor fellow to his senses. It was generally supposed to be a trick of one of the English soldiers, who wished to frighten a superstitious Scotchman; and for that purpose, had dressed himself in the clerical habit of the rev. Mr. Cooke, of the Meno- tomy, which he had plundered, on his retreat at the battle of Lexington. In a former communication, I mentioned that one of the causes which led to the massacre of the 5th of March, 1770, was the affray between the inha bitants and the British soldiers, an account of which was related tome shortly after the event, by one who was an eye witness. At that time there was only one house on the east side of what is now called Pearl street, in which then resided CnAKLEs Paxton, esq. On the west side of the street, stood four or five rope walks, extending from the upper to the lower end of the street, which were all burnt in 1794. On Saturday afternoon, on the 3d March, 1770, a British soldier of the 29th re- giment, accosted^a negro v/ho was employed in one of the rope walks, by enquiring "whether his mas- ter wanted to hire a man." (The soldiers who were mechanics were sometimes hired as journeymen). The negro answered that his "master wished to have the VAULT EjiTTiED, and that was a proper work for a Lobster."* This produced a conflict between the soldier and the negro, and, before relief came to his assistance, the negro was very severely beaten. Some rope-walk men, (among whom was Mr. Ghat, the foreman of the walk), came up and parted them. Mr. GuAT, (who was a very respectable man), told the soldier that "as he had obtained satisfaction for the insult, he had better go to his barracks." The soldier "damned him" and said that "for six -pence he would drub him as be had done the negro" — A contest then took place between them in which the soldier received a much worse beating than the ne- gro, and went off to his barracks over Fort-hill, on Wheelwright's (now Foster's) wharf swearing re- venge. In about half an hour the soldier returned with about seventy of his comrades, who came over the hill huzzaing, armed with pipe staves split into bludgeons, which they obtained at a cooper's shop» and made the attack with great fury. Each party was brave and intrepid, but the science in this kind of warfare, which the ropewalk men bad obtained in their "Pope Bay" battles gave them a decided su- * Lobsters was the usui.l term of contempt, ex- pressed in those days by the citizens of Boston, to- wards the British soldiers, and the citizens of Lon- don, in a late riot, al the queen's funernl, made use of the s«?nc epithet. PKtNCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 481 periority.andintheirpursuitofthesolditrs, halted on reputation for virtuous exertions in thehour of tti. Fort-bill, and gave three cheers in token of victory, al— patience under sufferings— and forbearance up- The noise of the shouting and huzzaing resound- der severe provocation, ed far around, and excited tlie curiosity of those at The threats of the soldiers, as mentioned in my a distance. At that time, Mr. Hallowell, (grand- last communication, were put in execution on Mon- father of the pre.<;ent Admiral Hallowell, in the day evening the 5th of March, 1770, by insulting British navy), owned and resided in the house in | and abusing many inhabitants in various parts of Battery March-street, now occupied by Mr. Good- rich, near which he also owned a ship yard, about where now stands the Commercial Coffee House, in which he usually employed about fifty or sixty men. There was a mast yard a little south and several wood wharfs, on all which were also employed bar- dy laborers, who, together with the blacksmiths, blockmakers, and other athletic mechanics in the neighborhood, (whose brawny arms could wield a club with as much dexterity as an Highlander could manage his broadsword), all ran towards the scene of combat. The bravery of the soldiers was not doubted, and accordingly, preparations were made to repel another attack which was expected, and in which they were not disappointed. — The shouting of the soldiers, issuing from the barrack yard, tothe number of more than three hundred, headed by the sergeant-major, moving over the hill towards Pearl street, soon gave the alarm. The soldiers pul- led down the fence in High street, (then called Cow lane), which inclosed the field, where now stands Quincy place. The rope-walk myn pulled down the fence on the opposite side in Pearl street, when the town, which resulted m what was called the "horrid massacre," by which four persons were in- stantly killed, one died of his wounds a few days succeeding, and about seventeen in the total killed and wounded. Language cannot describe the horror and indigna- tion which was excited through the town by this dreadful event. The bells rang a terrific peal, which roused the whole population. More than five thousand citizens were collected in State street and its vicinity. The 29th regt. was marched into the same street. The 14th reg. was under arms at their barracks. What a scene for contemplation! Lieut, governor Hutchinson, and the king's council, were assembled in the council chamber, even at the solemn hour of midnight! Many of the venerable citizens repaired to them and demanded the sur- render of the criminals to justice. The high-she- riff appeared in the balcony of the state house, and ordered silence ! ! ! An awful stillness ensued — when, with a loud voice, he declared, that he was authorized by his honor the lieutenant governor and his majesty's council, with the consent of col. Dal- both parties rushed on each other with equal intre- rymple, to say that capt. Preston, and the men who pidity. — But the Herculean strength of virtuous la- had committed the outrage, should be immediately bor, united with the activity and science of the Yan- kees, soon obtained a triumph over an idle, inactive, enervated, and intemperate, tliough brave soldiery. The effect of this rencontre was seen in the coun- tenances and conduct of the soldiers the next and following day, who looked vengeance on the inhabi- tants, especially those whom they suspected to be concerned in the affray on Saturday; and those of them, who where friendly to the citizens, advised Ihem to remain at home on Monday evening, as re- venge -ivonld then be taken. The soldiers asserted on Sunday morning, that one of their men had died of his -wounds, but as the body was never shewn, it was supposed to be only a pretence to justify the horrid scene which ensued on the Monday evening following. So much has been written on the subject of the massacre of the 5th of March, \770, that it is un- pleasant to repeat "ugly recollections" respecting that horrid scene, except when it is neces*iiry to vindicate our town from slander— to establish its delivered to the civil power, and requested the citizens to retire peaceably to their dwellings; wAtc/i, afer the soldiers had marched off, was complied with. The next day a town meeting was called, and the lieut, governor and council assembled, the proceed- ings of which are very eloquently described by the venerable sage of Quincy in one of his letters to Mr. Tudor, lately published. The result of this melancholy affair was, that all the troops were ordered out of town, and the cul- prits brought to a trial, and acquitted, excepting two who were found guilty of manslaughter. The trial was one of the most important that had ever come before an American tribunal, especially as the public mind was wrought up to the highest to^e of indignation. It established the character of the judiciary for purity and independence, which hal been questioned by the lories. The law was tri- umphant, but the needless barbarity of the act never doubted. The funeral of the unfortunate victims was attend- ed with great pomp and parade. Thousands came 4 2 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. from the country; and the whole number that fol- lowed them to the grave, was supposed to exceeil ten tliousand! History dcs not (perhaps) record an instance, "vvhere the moral and patriotic character of a city was ever more conspicuous than Uoston exhibited on tills occasion. It was supposed by many, that the abeve recited horrid event, did more to effect an alienation of the aiTi ctions of the people of New Kn^l^nd fronfi the Briiish government, than any other whatever. When I bring to my recollection, Mr. Russel, that solemn and irr^prc-^sive scene, when the high sheriff was rlelivering tlie governor's message from the balcony 'o tlie assembled thousands, I am irresisti- bly drawn to a contemplation of what must have been the wonder and astonishment of any one of that vast crowd of citiz 'ns. if an angel had descend ed from heaven and unfolded to him the even's of fjturity: — That, in less than seven short jears, we shouid throw off our allegiance to a beloved kine^, and our connecion with our mo'her country, to whic'i we then looked with solicitude and affection, and fondly called it our home! That to establish our independence, would produce an eig'-t years' ■ivar, in which all Europe wouM be directly or in- directly engaged! Tiiat seven young men, among that populace, would array themselves against their native, country, and, finally, become admirals and ge- nerals in the English service! That one of ihera, then only an apprentice to a Comhill shop keeper, should become distinguished, not only as a British officer, but as a general and a count in the German empire! A philosopher of a new school, which for usefulness would be paramount to all others, and at his death, establish a professorship in the university in our ' neighborhood. That among them were two youths, a physician and a bookseller, who would become generals in the service of their native country; and one of them, by his heroic exertions in defending a post. Would call forth the astonishment of the oldest ve- terans and lose his life in the attempt! That among them were forty young men, members of a military company, most of v;hom would becorne officers of artillery, and would distinguish themselves, (par- ticularly on one occasian), where they would exhi- bit so much science and adroitness, as to command the almira'.ion of their English and German foes! More wonderful yet— that among the principal offi- cers of the 29th British regiment, then arrayed against the inhabitants, was one who would become an higldy respected Americun citizen! would hold important offices under the American goveraiient; become a member of her illustrious senate, and, af- ter a peace of thirty years, a strenuous advocate for declaration of war a!>aii;st his native country! And, ";A»' Inst not least" among the citizens, was a young barrister whose brilliant talents would place him in the front ranks of pa'riotism, and cause him to become an ardent asserter of independence — an ambassador to England, France and Holland — the father of a navy, (destined to be the rival of the mis- tress of the sea"), and finally the first magistrate of a irreat nation. In the council chamber, were many in the height of prosperity and honor, who, in a few years, fell from th^ir elevated stations; and a go- vernor, who, then basking in the sunshine of royal favor, was speedily consigned to infamy and ruiOt and, it is said, died of a broken heart. Such are the wonderful vicissitudes to which the life of man is subjected. I believe it is Voltaire who says, that the publish" ing of history does not depend on its truth. The only question the publishers ask, is — '^ Will it sell?" which brings to my recollection some circumstarices relative to (Jordon's history of the American revo- lution. In the year 17'84, I became acquair.ted with an English gentleman, v hose prejudices against our country were as violent, as they had been previous to his emigration in favor of it. One day when he was inveighing most bitterly against our conduct and institutions, he mentioned, with great asperity, the tarrinff Bnd feathering of John Malcom, (a Bri- tish customdiouse officer), before the revolution, whose only crime, he said, was chastising an impu- dent boy. I told him, that if Mr. Malcom had not have drawn his sword on the boy, no notice would have been taken of his conduct. I did not however attempt to justify the deed, as it was condemned by good men of both parties; yet I insisted, that the character of the town or country ought not to be implicated, as it was done in the night, by a veryfetv disorderly persons in disguise, who, if they had been discovered, would have been amenable to, andpu» nished by the laws. 1 then related to him the con- duct of colonel Nesbit, of the 47th British regiment, who caused an innocent countryman to be tarred and feathered,and carted public y through the si reets at noon day, with a guard of grenadiers, and the band of the regiment playing "Y,Hnkee doodle," and himself aX the head of the party, in defiance of those laws he was sent to protect and enforce. My Eng- lish fiend seemed to think I was mistaken in the /jersowofcol. Nesbit, and thought it impossible that a colonel of one of his mnjesty's regiments, could be PRINCrPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION 483 guilty of such an outrageous act. A few days afKr this conversation, we met at Doctor Gor:lon's, (the author of the history of the American Ravolution), who then lived at Roxbury. I introduced the sub- ject again, when Doctor Gordon spnke of Nesbit't conduct in the strongest terms of reprobation; and, on being abked whether he had noticed the event in his history, he produced the nmnuscript. and read to me a detail of that trans^.ciion, which, with t'lC observations and reflections connected with it, would make three or four pages of his work. In 1790 I embarked for England, where I was in- troduced to a relation ofDacior Gordon, of whotri I inquired how the Doctor had succeeded in his his. tor?.' He smiled and said, "Ii was not Doctor Gor- doi's histf^ry!" On n.y requesting .an explana'.ion, he (old me, that on the Doctor's arrival in England, he placed his manuscript in the hand^ of an intelli- gent friend, on whom he could depend, who, (after perusing it with care), declared that it was not sui;ed to the meridian of England, consequently would nevfr sell. The style was not agreeable — it was too favourable to the Americans — above all, it was full of libels agsinst some of the most respecta- ble characters in the Rritish army and navy — and that if he possessed a finune equal to the duke of Bedford's, he would not be able to pay the damages that might be recovered against him, as the trtilh would not be allowed to be produced in evidence. The doctor had returned to his native country, and expected to enjoy "otium cum dignitate." Over- whelmed wiih mortification, and almost with de- spair, he asked t!ia advice of his friend; who recom- mended him to place the manuscript in the hands of a professional gentUrr.an, that it might be new modelled, and made agreeable to English readers; this was assented to by the doctor, and the history which bears his name was compiled and written from his manuscript, by another hand\ If any of our historical or antiquarian societies, could obtain Gordon's original m.anuscript, it would be an invaluable document. On hearing the foregoing narration, I had the cu riosity to look into Gordon's history to learn what the "professional gentleman" had said of col. Nesbit and his exploits, when,to my surprise, I found he had devoted only a few lines to that subject, vol. 1 page 307, American edition. The whole of this statement evinces that all histories published in England, in which that country is concerned, cannot contain the -whole truth, [Another writer agrees generally in the fact, as to certain alterations in Gordon's history — but states that the author, indignant at the purgation, weht to w rk and re-wro^e his history: the bt^er is thought to hrtve been mticli less perfect llian the original '-opy. The writer last alluded to !->iys — ] "If doctor Gordon was compelled .o leave out of !iis book some atrocious truths from dread of ihe pains and penalties of the British law,? and c;!Storas, he, on the oX\\'iT&iietVr,liintarihj\t?\ out some mat- ters to the discredit of America, which things he read to me from his manuscript, at his residence in Roxbury. I refer here piarticularly to the subject o^ negro slavery. lie was also persuaded to soften his hursh picture of the illustrious Exempt." There are very few of the present generation, who have any idea of the humiliations to which their ancestors were subjected, while under a co- lonial government, from the con<^umciy and inso- lence of upstart officers, who, in their own coitntrv, hud been as servile as the spaniel, but on their ar- rival here, aped the port and authority of the lion. Not only humiliaiions, but other sf-vere stilfcrin^js and privations were endure^ by them, with pati- ence and fortitude, and with a moral rectii>,:de, which wotild hdve done honor to Greece or Rome, in their most virtuous days. After the battle of Lexington, the egress of a part of the inhabitants of Boston was prohibited' by a breach of faith on the part of Gen. Gage, and those who were permitted to depart, were obliged to obtain paisporls, as mentioned in my last com- munication. It was not until the fifth of June that my fa. ther became deter:i^.ined to leave the town. On that diy he directed me to make out a schedule of tlie family, agreeably to the rules instituted by general Gage, and demand a pass of major Cam, of the army, who was empowered to perform that ser- vice. Such was the crowd of citizens, eagerly press- ing to obtain passports, that it was not until seve- ral hours of exertion that I was enabled to reach the door of the major's apurtment, and when it was opened, I was so forcibly urged on by the crowd be- hind, that, on entering the chamber. Host my ba- lance, which caused me to rusli violently into the room, and though he must have perceived that the act was involuntary, yet he had the brutality to ex- claim (in broad Scotch) "hoot, hoot man! are yoa going to murder me?" I was obliged to bear this insolence in sil.-nce, though my countenance must have exhibited marks of indignation, and I walked to a window which looked into tiie court yard, where my feelings were still more excited by a view of my fellow citizens, who, with countenances almost bordering on despair, were wuitiiig a favor- 4U PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. able momer.t to obuin admission. The first reflec- tion which presented itself to my mind was, what must be the indignation of our /-mf , if he knew how his faithful, loyal, and affectionate subjects, were abused, insulted, and driven into acts of reluct- dM resistance. Which brought to my recollection a part of Warren's oration, on the preceding 5th of March, in which he observes, that *'The royal ear, far distant from this western -world, has been as- assuUed by the tongue of slander, and villains, trai- tortus alike to Icing and country, have prevailed jip on a gracious prince to clothe his countenance -with vrath." Even then a reconciliation was fondly hop- ed for by many of the most strenuous assertors of the rights of the colonies, although blood had been shed at Lexington; and even after the battle of Bunker's Hill, the congress presented an humble petition to the king, and an affectionate address to their fellow subjects in England, in which, (with much feeling), they say, "T^ have not yet learnt to rejoice at a victory obtained over Englishmen," and humbly entreated that their grievances might be redressed. Ardent hopes were entertained that these conciliatory and loyal measures, would in duce the king to change his ministers, and take to his councils a Chatham, a Cambden, and a Rocking ham. Most fortunately, however, for the evtntual prosperity and happiness of America, they pursued their mad scheme!) of burning our towns, hiring the savages of the wilderness and foreign merce- naries, to spread death and desolation through the land, which finally weaned us from our fond at- tachments to an ungrateful and cruel mother, and, . on the glorious 4th of July, 1776, we passed the Kubicon! '.—Never! never! never! to return again under her subjection, but to establish a government of our own, founded on the principles of justice and equal laws, the influence of whose example, we hope, will evenlually emancipate the world from scowling eyes, be said with great asperity, 'Your father, young man, is a damn'd rebel, and cannot be ac- commodated with a pass." Not at all intimidated by his brutality, I asserted with much vehemence, that my father was no rebel, that he adored the illustri- ous house of Hanover, and had fought for good king George the 2d, \n forty -five. Whether it was, that he himself had been a realrebelin Scotland, in 1745, or whether my mentioning that number reminded him of AVilkes' North Briton No. 45, a paper pub- lished in London, and peculiarly obnoxious to ihe Scotch— or whether he thought my expression of the house of Hanover, was intended as an insinua- tion against his own loyalty, (which it really was), — whatever may have been the cause of his irrita- tion — the moment 1 had finished speaking he rose from his chair, and with a countenance foaming with rage, he ordered me out of the room with abusive Ian. guage. The centinel at the door had an English countenance, and, with apparent sympathy, very ci- villy opened it for my departure, which I mad8 without turning my back on my adversary. On inquiry it was afterwards ascertained, that what constituted the crime of my father and caused him to be denominated a rebel, was Lis having been a member of the Whig club! The Whig club, in consequence of the perturbed state of the times, had not assembled or met for more than a year. The gentlemen that bad com- posed it, wefe James Otis, Dr. IVarren, Dr. Churchy Dr. Young, Richard Derby, of Salem, Benjamin Rent, j^athani el Barber, William Mackay, col. Bigelow, of Worcester, and about half a dozen more. Through the instrumentality of my father, I was sometimes admitted to hear their deliberations. There was always at each meeting, a speech or dissertation by one of the members, on the principles of civil liber- ty, and the British constitution. They professed loyalty to the king, but were in violent opposition to tyranny and despotism. America! recollect the j^he encroachments of the parliament, and their dis- awfuland solemn responsibility which reposes on cussions tended to a consideration of what would be your conduct. •'Contrinplate well; and if perchance tUy home "Salute thee with a father's honored name, "Go call tliy sons— instruct tliem what a DEBT "They owe their ancestors, and make them swear ''To pay !t,by tiansraitting downintire "Those sacred rights, to which themselves were born." But to return to the object of my commur.ication — after waiting nearly an hour the major accosted me wit!., " Well, young man, what do you warn?" 1 hand- ed bim a schedule of my father's famil}-, including that of his sister's (the widow of a clergyman). lie examir.ed a small book which contained what the to- pies called the "black list," when slowly raising his the duty of Americans if those encroachments were continued. For tliis purpose they corresponded with some society in London, the name of which i have forgotton, (probably the Itevolution society). Amongthe names of theircorrespondentsl recollect Wilkes, Saville, Barrs and Suwbridge. A few years previoHS to the revolution, they sent the London society two green turtle, one of which weighed 45 and the other 92 pounds. Those who are acquaint- ed with the history of those times, will easily under- stand to what those numbers alluded. On their ar- rival in London, v. grand dinner was prepared, at which col, Barre presided, and among othei* dist,in- PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 485 guished guests I recollect hearing the names of earl Temple^ lord Cambden, and the lord mayor; and among the toasts, "The Whig club of BosIoti" &nd **The ninety-two patriots of Massachusetts Bay" were drank with three times three cheers. About the time of the burning the British govern- ment schooner Gaspee, at Newport, a few years pre- vious to the revolution, admiral Mo'>tague, who then commanded the ships of war at Boston, took several of his officers and proceeded to Newport, to make personal inquiry into the afTiiir. On his return to Boston, not fur from Dedham, a charcoal cart ob- structed the passage of the coach, when the coach, man, feeling much consequence from his exalted station, in driving a British admiral, and knowing that his master was to dine that day with Mr. B. call- ed, in an insolent manner, to the collier to turn out and make way for admiral Montague! — who, Tnot at all intimidated by the splendid equipage, imposing manner, and rich livery of the knight of the whip,) replied that lie was in the A-iVij-'s high war,, and that he should not 'turn out' for any one but the king himself, and thanked fortune that he had the law to support him. The admiral finding an altercation had taken place, on discovering the cause, told his coachman to get down and give the fellow a thrash- ing, but the coachman did not seem disposed to obey his commander. One of the officers in the coach, a large athletic man, alighted, reproached the coachman with being a coward, and was proceeding to take vengeance of the coal driver, who, perceiv- ing so potent an adversary advancing, drew from his cart a stake, to use as a weapon of defence, and plac- ing himself between his oxen, in an attitude of de- fence, he exclaimed — 'Well, I vow, if I must, darn me! but I'll tarnish your laced jacket if you don't keep off.' — By this time the admiral and the other officers had left the coach, and finding that no lau- rels were to be obtained in such a contest, he made a conciliatory proposition, and condescended to ask that as & favor, which he had ordered his coachman to obtain by force. — 'Ah! now said the collier, you behave like a gentleman^ as you appear, and if you had been as civil at first, I vow I would have driven over the stone wall to oblige you — But I won't be drove; I vow Iwon'C — The coal driver made way, and the admiral passed on. ■ When he arrived at Mr. B's he related the occurrence with much good humour, and appeared much gratified with the spirit and independence of the man. Mr. B. assured the admiral, that 'the collier had exhi- bited a true character of the American people, and that the story he had then related was an epitome of the dispute between Great Britain and her colo- nies. Let the king ask of us our aid, and we will grant more than he wili demand; but we will notbe 'drove,* we will not be taxed by the parliament.' Had the government of Great Britain been as con- ciliatory to Americans, as the honest good hearted Montague was to the collier, we should probabh- now be subjects of George IVth!— "The ways of heaven are dark and intricste." — We should still be servile dependants. We should not have a beauti- ful star-spangled banner, peeping into every port in the world, in pursuit of enterprizeand wealth. — We should not now have merchants whose capital in trade is equal to that of a province, and making magnificent presents in support of literature and science that would do honor to princes. Let Ame- ricans be thankful for these mercies, and a thousand others and study to appreciate them. Tea — There have been some doubts concerning the destruction of the tea on the 16th of Decem^ ber, 1773. The number of the ships, and the place where they were situated is not quite certain. — One gentleman, now living, over 7Q y tars of age, thinks they were at Hubbard's wharf, as it was then called, abuut half way between Grifhn's (now Liverpool) and Foster's wharf, and that the number of ships was four or five. Another gentleman, who is 75 years of age, and who was one of the guard detach- ed from the new grenadier company, says that he spent the night, but one, before the destruction of the tea, in company with gen. Knox, then a private in that company, on board of one of the tea ships; that this ship lay on the south side of Russell's wharf; and that there were two more on the north side of the same wharf, and he thinks one or two at Griffin's wharf A gentleman now living, v/ho came from England in one of the tea ships, tliinks there were but two, but he is uncertain where they lay, A song, written soon after the time, tells of "Three ill-fated ships at Griffin's wharf." The whole evi- dence seems to result in this, there were iAree ships — but whether at Russell's or Griffin's wharf, or one or more at each, is not 'certain. The number of chests destroyed was, according to the news-papers of the time, 342. There was a body meeting on this 16th of December, 1773. This matter of the tea was the occasion of the meeting. The meeting began at Fanueil Hall, but that place not being large enough it was adjourned to the Old South, and even that place could not contain all who came. Jonathan Williams was moderator. Among the spectators, was John Rowe, who lived in Pond street where Mr. Prescott now lives; among other things, he said, — "Who knows how tea will mingle 486 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. with salt water" — and this suggestion was receiv-j ed with great applause. Governor H'ltchinson was| at this time at the house on Milton hill where Bar- ney Smith, esqr. lives. A committee was sent from the meeting, to requ':'St hiin to order the ships to depart. — While ihey were gone, speeches were made, for the purp')seof keepinsf the people toge- ther. The commit ee returned about sun set with Lis answer, that he could not interfere. At this moment the Indian yell was heard from the sireet iMr. Samuel Adi-ns cried out, that it was a trick of their enemies to disturb their meeting, and re- quested the people to keep their placrs — hut the people rushed out, and accompanied the Indiana to the ships. The number of persons disguised as Indians is variously stated — none put it lower than 60, none higher than 80. It is said by per sons wiio were present, that nothing was destroyed but tea — and this was not done with noise and tu- mult, little or nothing being said either by the agents or the multitude, — who looked on. Tlie im- pression was that of solemnity, rather t!)an of riot and confusion. — The dcstruclicn was efiected by the disguised persons, and .some young men who volunteered; one of the latter collected the tea which fell into the shoes of himself and companions, and put it into a phiiil and sealed it up;— which phiai is now in his poss'-ssion,— containing the same tea. — The contrivers of this measure,and those who carried it into effect, will never be known; some few per- sons have been mentioned as being among the dis- guised; but there are many and obvious reusoi'S why secrecy then, and concealment since, were necessa- ry. None of those persor;s who were confidently sAd to have been of the pariy, (except some who were then minors or very young men), have ever adnut- ted that they were so. The person who appeared to know more than any one, I ever spoke with, re- fused to mention names. Mr. Samuel Adams is thought to bayebeen in the counselling of this ex- ploit, and many other men who were leaders in the political affairs of the times;— and the hall of coun- cil is said to have been .in the back room of Edes and Gill's printing office, at the corner of the ally leading to Battle street church from court street. There are very few alive now, who helped to empty the chests of tea, and these few will pro- bably be as prudent as those who have gone before them. Daily Adv. THOM THE PITT.SBunG STATESMAN. At a critical period of the revolutionary war, when there was great danger of the dissolution o? the American ariay, for want of provisions to keep it together, a number of patriotic gentlemen gave their bonils to the amount of about two hundred and sixty thousand pounds, in gold and silver, for procuring them. The provisions were provided — the army was kept together, and cur independence was finally achieved. The amount of the bonds was never called for, but it is v/ell to keep in remeniber- ance ihe names of those who in the times that trird men's souls, stepped forward and pledged their all towards the sup[;ort of tliose who were coi.tendi; r; for our liberty. The foiloiving is a list of sonie of their names, with the sums respectively subscribed by tliem. .Abraham I5!ckley /200fj Robert Morris HOOOG G. M'Clennaghan lOUOO A. Buiin. r &. Co. 6U0U Teiic!) Fi-aixis 5500 .Tames W Ison 50IJ0 William Uiiigham oOOU Richard I'eters 5000 Sa'nui-1 Meredith 5000 .Fames Mease "5000 Thomas B:ir~lay 5000 Samuel Morris, jr. 5000 U hert L H oper 50 Hugh Shield 50(.i0 l»liiiip .Moore 5000 .VLailiew Irvvin 5000 Thomas irwin 5000 John Br.izet 5000 Henr} H,n 5w00 J lin M >rgan 5000 Thon.as VVilling 5000 Samuel Powell 50t<0 John Nixon 5000 Hobert Bridges 5o00 J Mm Du'dap 4000 Michael Hillegas 4000 William Coales 4000 E'.anuel E.re 4000 James Bodden 4000 John .Me.se 4000 Joseph Carson 4000 Thomas Leiper 4000 Kean & Nichols 4000 bamut-l Morris 3000 Isaac Moses 3000 Charles Thompson 3000 John Pimgle 3000 San.uei Miles 3000 Cadwalader .^1 orris 2300 Matthew Clarkson 2500 Thomas M'Kean 2000 John Donaldson 2000 John S'einmetz 2000 Be.j. Kandolph 2000 AR.MS OF THE UNITED STATES. Although the study of heraldry may not be very amusing to our readers, }'et as the eagle with extend- ed wings, grasping the arms of war and tlie oUve of peace, is constantly presented to otsr eyes, in some way or other, it may not be uninteresting to give a history and an explanation of the arms of our country. Robert B:.ss 2000 Oweu Biddle 2000 John Gibson 2O00 Charles Petit 2 00 John Mitchell 2000 Robert Knox 2000 Jolui Bmiock 2000 Joseph II ed 200U Francis Gurney 2000 (ieorge Campbell 2000 John Whanon 2000 Bsrj." 1 Rush 2000 rhornas La-vrence 2000 Joseph rjieiver 2000 Wd!lH(r. Hail 2000 John Patton 2000 Ceiijamin Fuller 2000 Meade £i Fi.zsim- mons 2000 .\iuirew Hodge 2000 Henry Keppele 200U Francis C. Ilassen- oever 2000 Isaac Melcher 2000 John Schafl' r 2000 Alexander Tod 2000 John Pu'viaiice 20UO John W Icooks 2U00 Si.muel Inglis 2000 Jonathan Peiu'' se 2000 Nathaniel Faikner 2000 James Caldwell 2U00 Gerardus Clarksoj 2000 John Sliee 1000 Samuel Caldwell lOuO S=.muel Penrose 1000 William Turnbull 1000 B. Davis jr. 1000 Sharp Delany 1000 Ar.drew Doz lUOO Peter Whitesides 1000 Andrew Robeson 1000 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 48r In JiPK ,1782 .vh^n congress were about to form Thepyramid on the reverse, signifies strengliiand devotion; its unfiaished state refers to the infancy of the American government. The eye over it, ancj the n-olto, "Annuit oocptls," "he sanctions our endeavours," alluc'.e to the many and single interpo- silions of Providence in favor of the American cause. [A'fjf. Recur der-l an armorial device for a seal for the union, Charles Thompson, eig..;fi'^s whin-, gules re,, and azure blue; -^-here these colors canoo' b.^ em- blazoned, tiiey are reprr>;eiited on seMis, &<'. -is fol- lo>vs: Argent, by a pe'ffC blank: rtd by perpen- dicular, and azure by hor z^ntal lines, i'he chief in our arms, o) the liorizootal lines i-' he upper 'juart^r (?f the csoa'clieon, or eagle's breast. DOCTOR F]l\NKLII\r. The author of the "Systeme de La JsTalnre" says— "What imports it to me, that Mauper uis is a good geometrician, if he be a despotic and mercil • js pre* sident, and if I be obliged to live in his domain or his academy? A beneficent man is, in my opinion, much more estimable, than a being who is learned, but cruel." — jMirabc.uu the, Elder. Not so with our Ur. Franklin — for, "Whatever he -writes, his fellow citizens read with eagerness, delight and pleasure — liud whatever he performs the civilized part of the world approves." — Turgnl to Dr. Price, From among "the political, miscellaneous, and philosophical pieces of Dr. Franklin, 'printed in Lon- don, 1779, p. 297," is extracted the following, and placed at your service. Civis. "At the conclusion of the peice of 1762, whea certain projectors advised the English ministers to leave the French in possession of Canada, in order that they might check the too rapid increase of the English colonies, the celebrated doctor Franklin ob« served 'It is a modest, word, this CHECK, for mas- sacreing men, women, and children; and for all the other horrors of Indian warfare." It was being very far-sighted indeed, to feel so soon the necessity of checking \[\& excessive population of the then Eng- lish colonies. 'But,* continues this truly great man, with that Socratic simplicity which is the peculiar characi eristic of liis writings, 'If it be, after all, 'thoug^it necessary to check ihegrowih of ourcolo- 'nies, give me leave to pr.ipose a method less cruel. 'It is a method of which >ve have an example in the ^scripture. The murder of husbands, of wives, of '>rolhers, sisters and cliildren, whose pleasing socie- •ty has be;n for some time enjoyed, affects deeply •che respective surviving relations: but grief for the 'loss of a ciiihl just born is short, and easily sup- 'pur ed. 1 he niethod I mean is, that wbicli was dictated by the Ecfi'ptian policy, when the infinite 'increase oftliechilde.i of Isritel was apprehended as •d'Uigerous to the slate; and PaATtAoa said unto his 'priests, behold the people of the children of Israel are 'more andmighiier than lue; come on, let us deal -wisely ^luith them, lest Ihcy mvllipiy, and it come to pass that 'u-hen there filleth. out any ivar, they join uho uiito our rnsinies, nr.d^ght agaimt us, and so get them np out 488 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. *of the land: — And the kin^ spake unto the ffebrexv\\.he remainder, all in the country were closed. In a 'midivives, Sec. — Exo. Chap 1. Now says the doctor, •let an act of parliament be made, enjoining the co- •lony midwives to stifle, in the birth, every third •or fourth child. T3y this means may you keep the 'colonies to their size. And if they were under the ♦hard alternative of submitting to one or the other 'of these schemes for checking their growth, I dare 'answer for them they would prefer the latter.' J^ote by the transcriber. — They seem to have found out since that time,anothermethod or scheme which, bye the bye, they never have dared to own, 'and have always disavowed' it personally to our ambassadors, 'thovgh they 'have never discontinued it'' in practice, until general J. made an example of two of their notorioHS assistants; and could he have been so for- tunate as to have caught the two principal agents, col. W — e and Col. N — s, and made them also the objects of 'exact justice,' we should not hear for a length of time of any more 'secret schemes for the de- ^population of the frontiers of the United States.^ Bost. Pat. GENERAL MARION. A biography of this revolutionary hero, it ap- pears, by an article in the Southern Patriot, has been written by judge James, of South Carolina; and the following extract has been given in that paper as a specimen of the work about to be pub- lished: "To people of good principles, particularly the religious, at this period (1780 and irsi), was truly distressing. Those fit for military service, includ- ing men of sixty years of age and boys of four- teen, few of whom dared to stay at home, were en- gaged in active warfare, and had their minds in con- stant occupation, which, in whatever situation man may be placed, brings with it a certain degree of satisfaction, if not content. But to the superanuat- ed and the female sex, no such satisfaction was af- forded. Most of those had relatives to whom they were bound by the most tender and sacred ties, who were exposed to constant danger, and for whose fate they were unceasingly anxious. As a comfort in this situation, they might employ them- selves in household affairs, or resort to private de- votion; but those refined pleasures, which arise from social intercourse, were warning; and particu- larly that faint picture of heaven, the consolation which is derived from meeting one's friends in pub lie worship, was wholly denied them. Most of the churches in towns and in the country were burnt or made depots for the military stores of the enemy — some, in fact, were converted into stables; aad, of war of sach atrocity there was no safety, where mem- bers, however peaceful, were collected; we have seen that the British tories* violated the sanctity of private dwellings by their murders, and how could it be expected they would be awed by the ho- liness of a church? In a camp where was no perma- nency, and but little rest, there was no place for chaplains— and at home there was no security, even for the pastors of the church; consequently they were compelled to go into exile. Had they gone out of their own families to administer comfort, it would have been said they were stirring up sedition; and, like some bigots of old, they would have made themselves voluntary martyrs. They took the wiser course of retiring with their families from the murderous rage of the times." * *.* * * * * » "Near the close of the year 1780, there took place a skirmish between a small patrole of whigs, under capt. Melton, and a large party of tories, under major Ganey, near White's Bridge, two miles from Georgetown; a few shots were exchanged, and Melton was obliged to retreat. But, in this short affair, Gabriel Marion, nephew to the general, was first taken prisoner, and when his name was announ- ced, inhumanly shot. The instrument of death was placed so near that it burnt bis linen at the breast. He was a young gentleman, who had received a good education — of whom high expectations were formed, and who was much beloved in the brigade. The general had no children, and he mourned over this youth, as would a father over an only child, and all his men condoled with him, but he soon publicly expressed this consolation for himself that his ne- phew was a virtuous young man — that he died in de- fence of his country, and that he would mourn over him no more. At that same place a worthy man, Mr. Swaineau, was killed. Ere this he had been a schoolmaster, but, finding there was no emyloyment for men of his peaceful profession now, he boldly shouldered the musket and died a soldier. But so prone are man- kind to pass over the merits of this useful class of citizens, that, had he not fallen by the side of a Marion, perhaps his memory would have been for- gotten. About the same time Mr. Bently, another *rhe British, under Tarlton, had already, (in May, 1780), cut to pieces Mr. Samuel Wyiey, in his own house, at Camden, wh tion of independence were many and vehement. John Dickinson, one of the deputies of the pro- vince to the general congress, a man of prompt genius, of extensive influence, and one of the most zealous partizans of American liberty, restricted however to the condition of union with England, harangued, it is said, in the following manner against independence: "It too often happens, fellow citizens, that men, heated by the spirit of party, give more importance in their discourses, to the surface and appearance of objects, than either to reason or justice; thus evin- cing that their aim is not to appease tumults, but to excite them; not to repress the passions, but to in- flame them, not to compose ferocious discords, but to exasperate and imbitter them more and more. They aspire but to please the powerful, to gratify their own ambition, to flatter thecaprices of the mul- titude, in order to captivate their favour. Accord- ingly in popular commotions, the party of wisdom and of equity is commonly found in the minority; and, perhaps, it would be safer, in difficult circumstances, to consult the smaller instead of the greater number. Upon this principle I invite the attention of those who hear me, since my opinion may diff" r from that of the majority; but I dare believe it will be shared by all impartial and moderate citizens, who con- demn this tumultuous proceeding, this attempt to coerce our opinions, and to drag us, with so much precipitation to the most serious and important of decisions. But, coming to the subject in contro- versy, I affirm, that prudent men do not abandon ob- jects which are certain, to go in pursuit of those which oflTer only uncertainty. Now, it is an estab- lished fact, that America can be well and happily governed by the English laws, imder the samr king and the same parliament. Two hundred years of happiness furnish the proof of it; and we find it also in the present prosperity, which is the result of these venerable laws and of this ancient union. It is not as independent, but as subjects; not as republic,- but as monarchy, that we have arrived at this de- gree of power and of greatness. "What then is the object of these chimeras, hatch- ed in the days of discord and of war? Shall the transports of fury have more power over us than the , experience of ages? Shall we destroy, in an mo- ment of anger, the work cemented and tested by time? "I know the name of liberty is dear to each one of us; but have we not enjoyed liberty even under the English monarchy? Shall we this day renounce that to go and seek it in I know not what form of 494 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OT TtVR REVOLtrTTif):^ republic, which will soon change into a licentious anarchy and popular tyranny? In the human body the head only sustains and governs all the membprs, directing them, with admirable harmony, to tbp same object, which is self-preservation and happi ness; so the head of the body politic, that is the king, in concert with the parliament, can alone maintain the union of the members of this empire, lately so flourishing, and prevent civil war by obvi- ating all the evils produced by variety of opinions and diversity of interests. And so firm is my persuasion of this, that 1 fully believe the most cruf^l war which Great IJritain could make upon us, would be that of not making any; and that the surest means of bringing us back to her obedience, would be that of employing none. For the dread of the English arms once removed, provinces would rise up against provinces, and cities against cities; and we should be seen to turn against ourselves the arms we have taken up to combat the common enemy. "Insurmountable necessity would then compel us to resort to the tutelary authority which we should have rashly abjured, and if it consented to receive MS again under its egis, it would be no longer as free citizens, but as slaves. Still inexperienced, and in our infancy, what proof have we given of our ability to walk without a guide? none, and, if we judge the future by the past, we must conclude that our concord v/ill continue as long as the danger, and no longer. "Even when the powerful hand of England sup- ported us, for the paltry motives of territorial limits gnd distant jurisdictions, have we not abandoned ourselves to discords, and sometimes even to vio- lence.' And what must we not expect now that minds are heated, ambitions roused, and arms in the hands of all? "If, therefore, our union with England offers us so many advantages for the maintenance of internal peace, it is no less necessary to procure us, with fo- reign powers, that condescension and respect which is 80 essential to the prosperity of our commerce, to the enjoyment of any consideration, and to the accomplishment of any enterprize. Hitherto, in our intercourse with the different nations of the world, England has lent us the support of her name and of her arms: we have presented ourselves in all the ports and in all the cities of the globe, not as Americans, a people scarcely heard of, but as Eng- lish; under the shadow of this respected name, every port was open to us, every way was smooth, every demand was heard with favor. Prom the moment when our separation shall take place, <.very ihirg will assume a contrary direction. Tic nations will accustom themselves to look upon us with dis- dain; even the pirates of Africa and Europe will fall «pon our vessels, will massacre our seamen, or lead them into a cruel and perpetual slavery. "There is in the human species, often so inexpli- cable in their affections, a manifest propensi y to oppress the feeble as well as to flatter the power- ful. Fear always carries it against reason, pride against moderation, and cruelty against clemency. "Independence, I am aware, has attractions for all mankind; but I maintain, that, in the present quarrel, the friends of independence are the pro- moters of slavery, and that those who desire to se- parate us, would but render us more dependent, if independence means the right of commanding, and not the necessity of obeying, and if being depen- dent is to obey, and not to command. If, in ren- dering ourselves independent of England, suppos- ing, however, that we should be able to effect it, we might be so, at the same time, of all other na- tions, I should applaud the project; but to change the condition of English subjects for that of slaves to the whole world, is a step that could only be counselled hy insanity. If you would reduce your- selves to the necessity of obeying, in all things, the mandates of supercilious France, who is now kind- ling fire under our feet, declare yourselves indepen- dent. If, to British liberty, you prefer the liberty of Holland, of Venice^of Genoa, or of Kagusa, declare yourselves independent. But, if we would not change the signification of words, let us preserve and carefully maintain this dependence, which has been, down to this very hour, the principle and source of our prosperity, of our liberty, of our reai independence. "But here I am interrupted, and told that no one questions the advantages which America derived at first from her conjunction with England; but that the new pretensions of the ministers have changed all, have subverted all. If I should deny, thai, for the last twelve years, the English government has given the most fatal direction to the affairs of the colonies, and that its measures towards us savor of tyranny, I should deny not only what is the mani- fest truth, but even what I have so often advanced and supported. But is there any doubt that it al- ready feels a secret repentance? These arms, these soldiers, it prepares agamst us, are not designed to establish tyranny upon our shores, but to vanquish our obstinacy, and to compel us to subscribe to conditions of accommodation, in vain is it asiterted PRIVCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 495 that the ministry will employ all means to make themselves quite sure of us, in order to exercise upon us, with impunity, all the rigor of their power; for to pretend to reduce us to an absolute impossi bility of resistance, in cases of oppression, would be, •n their part, a chimerical project. The distance af the seat of gevernment, the vast extent ofinter- Tening seas, the continual increase of our popula- tion, our warlike spirit, our experience inarms, the lakes, the rivers,' the forests, the dehles which abound in our territory, are our pledges that Enp- land will always prefer to found her power upon moderation and liberty, rather than upon rigour and oppression. An uninterrupted succession of victories and of triumphs could alone constrain Eng- land to acknowledge American independence; which, whether we can expect, whoever knows the instability of fortune can easily judge. "If we have combated successfully at Lexington and at Boston, Quebec and all Canada have witnes- sed our reverses. Every one sees the necessity of apposing the extraordinary pretensions of the min isters; but does every body see also that of fight- ing for independence? "It is to be feared, that, by changing the object of the war, the present harmony will be interrupted, that the ardour of the people will be chilled by ap- prehensions for their new situation. By substitu- ting a total dismemberment to the revocation of the laws we cornpliiin of, we should fully justify the ministers; we should merit the mfamous name of iiebels, and all the British nation would arm, with an unanimous impulse, against those w'lo, from op- pressed ani complaining subjects, should have be- •ome ati at once irreconcilable enemies. The Eng- lish cherish the liberty we defend; they respect the dignity of our cause; btit tiiey will blame, they will detest, our recourse to independence, and will unite with one consent to combat us. "The propagators of the new doctrine are pleas ed to assure us, that, out of jealously towards Eng- land, foreign sovereigns will lavish their succours iip- •nus,as if these sovereigns coul J sincere by a,JiJl4ud sebellion; as if they had not colonies, even here in America, in which it is important for them to main- tain obedience and tranquillity. Let us suppose, however, that jealousy, ambiiion or vengeance, should triumph over the fear of insurrections; do you think these princes will not make you pay dear for the assistance with which they H^itleryou? Who has not learnt, to his cost, the perfidy and the cu pidity of Europeans? They will disguise their avarice under pompous words; under the most be f ev0l9iit preuxts xkey will d«»p9iJi nji vf uur terri tories, they will invade our fisheries and obstruct our navigation, they will attempt our liberty and our priv leges. We shall learn too late what it costs to trust to those European flatteries, and to place that confidence in inveterate enemies which has been withdrawn from long tried friends. "There are many persons who, to gain their ends, extol the advantages of a republic over monarchy. I wi?l not here undertake to examine which of these 'WO forms of government merits the preference. I know, however, that the English nation, after hav-' ing tried them both, has never found repose except in monarchy. I kno\y, also, that in popular repub- lics themselves, so necessary is monarchy to cement human society, it has been requisiie to institute monarchical powers, more or less extensive, under the names of archons, of consuh, of do^es, of gnn- faloniers, and finally of kings. Nor should I here omit an observation, the truth of which appears to me incontestable: the English constitution seems to be the fruit of the experience of all anterior time; in which monarchy is so tempered, that the monarch finds himself checked in his efforts to seize abso- lute power; and the authority of the people is so re- gulated, that anarchy is not to be feared. But for us it is to be apprehended, that when the counter- poise of monarchy shall no longer exist, the demo- cratic power may carry all before it, and involve the whole state in confusion and ruin. Then an am- bitious citizen may arise, seize the reins of power, ahd annihilate liberty forever; for such is the ordi- nary career of ill-balanced democracies, they fall into anarchy, and thence under despotism. "Such are the opinions which might have been offered you with more eloquen