0* »'^L?-» "^c J-^-^^. V -^7 < 1^ • . '■",/.:^:^ -ft,* ,«""'' O J"! ^\ "'W^/ J''^%^ '^^^Z ^^^\ \^|K*' J'^^ "' V* *\Jm^^ '<=;^ J^ IDISOOXJI^LSID DELIVERED IN ST. PETER'S E™. LUTHERAN CHURCE :imit§W!l ' ^ ^^^ ON TIIANKSGIYINa DAY, BY EEY. CHAELES J. EHREHAET, A. M. LANCASTER, PA: E. H. THOMAS & SON, PRINTERS. COMESPONDENCE. MiDDLETOWN, Pa., November 28, 1862. Eev. C. J. EiiREHART — Dear Sir: — Many of us had the gratification of hearing your instructive and eloquent sermon on Thanksgiving Day. Highly approving the views and sentiments you then expressed, as worthy of the occasion, and thinking a wider dissemination of the trutlis uttered would be productive of great good in this and oth^r communities, we desire to see the address in a more permanent form. We desire, as well for your numerous auditory, as others who had not the opportunity of hearing the discourse, to see it published, and tht>refore earnestly request the favor of a copy for publication. We remain, with sincere regard. Yours truly, Jacob L. Nisley, Henry Croll, James Young, Robt. R. Wiestlinh, Luther H. Croll, Jacob Bener, Benjamin Kunkle, Samuel Kiefer, John HendriCkson, G. Weyl, Joseph H. Nislet, Geo. Smuller, J. S. Watson, William A.. Croll, Joseph Ross, Daniel Kenob«, ./'Ze-M /vV «? L. F. Steinmetz, Jacob Rife, ^'^O Jno. E. Carmany, Michael R. ALLEMAtr, B. J. Wiestling, John IIeppicu. John T. Rosa, MiDDLETOWN, Pa., December 1, 1862. Gentlemen : — Your note of the 28th ult., requesting a copy of my Thanksgiving Discourse fur publication, is before me. Sensible of its many imperfec- tions, I have hesitated to comply with your wishes. The discourse was prepared in great haste, and without any reference to greater publicity than its delivery on Thanksgiving Day. As, however, you seem to think that its publication would be productive of good, and as it is our duty to "do good unto all men as we have oppor- tunity." I waive my objections and submit the manuscript to your pleas- ure. If it will aid in a the formation of a correct public sentiment in re- ference to the value of the American Union and the freedom of an enslav- ed race, I shall rejoice with all my heart. Very Sincerely, Yours, &c., Chakles J. Ehrehart. To Messrs. Nisley, Young, Ckoll, KUNKLE, Hrndrickson, and others. "Israel hath not been forsaken, nor Judah of his God, of the Lord of Hosts • though their land was filled with sin against the Holy One of Israel. "—Jer. 51 : 5*. To-day we are keeping our National Sabbath. In accordance with the recommendation of the Governor of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, we have set apart this day, "as a day of solemn prayer and thanksgiving to the Almighty." As a christian people, we could not well do otherwise. One of the principles of our holy re- ligion is. Obedience to those who are in authority over us ; a prin- ciple which in these times sliould be distinctly enunciated. "Let ev- ery soul,'' says an inspired Apostle, "be subject unto the higher powers. " He assigns as a reason for this subjection, "For there is no power but of God ; the powers that be, are ordained of God." It is also highly appropriate that a portion of this national Sab- bath should be set apart for public worship ; that there should be a meeting together in the solemn assembly, and that all, with one heart and voice, should unite in prayer, praise and thanksgiving unto Him, to whom we owe our beirig, and in whose keeping we are as individ- uals and as a nation. We have accordingly come together in this public manner to acknowledge our indebtedness as a people to the preserving care of Him whose power is infinite, and unitedly to be- seech Him to grant us His favor and blessing. It is made my duty, according to the order observed by the pas- tors of this boroujih, this day to improve the occasion of our assem- bling by a public address. The time and the circumstances all re- quire that I should direct your thoughts to the consideration of those remarkable events that are crowding upon us, as a nation, and especially, to the consideration of those tokens of the Divine fa- vor which have characterized the past yean and which, call for special expressions of gratitude. Two years ago a similar duty devolved upon me. You will per- haps remember that I then discoursed upon the words, "Hitherto hath the Lord helped us. We showed you that the Lord had helped us In the infancy of ow Country. That He had helped us In our revolutionary struggle. That He had helped us In the formation of our National Government. And finally, that He bad helped us In every cr-isis of our past history. After dwelling upon the past of our Country, and referring to the threatening aspect of the present, we took the position that whilst "Hitherto the Lord had helped us," that henceforth oar only safety was in the help of the Lord ; that our safety was not in man ; our help was not in politicians ; not in our statesmen ; not in our Ju- rists ; not in our Generals, but in the Lord. We had then already arrived at a crisis in our Country's history. The dissolution of the American Union was then openly discussed, and entire States, with a unanimity that was alarming, were already deliberating as to the best method of accomplishing this most hazar- dous and unholy work. Two years ha^e passed since then. They have been years of darkness and gloom to our beloved Country— What we then feared was speedily brought to pass. State after State seceded, until eleven States of the American Union have taken down that glorious banner which triumphantly waved over them, and protected them for so many years, and have raised in its stead the bloody banner of revolution. The States in rebellion seized our forts ; our arsenals ; our navy yards ; our custom houses ; and by attacking Fort Surapter, inaugurated a bloody civil war. For eighteen months, civil war has now raged in our land. Thou- sands of lives have been sacrificed. Millions of treasure have been expended, and many homes have been desolated. And to-day the end is not yet. Armies numbering hundreds of thousands of sol- diers are arrayed against each other in deadly conflict. The fiercest struggle seems still not overpast. To-day there is weeping and lamentation, throughout our land. Parents are mourning the loss of sons— wives, the loss of husbands- sisters are weeping over the loss of brothers— and children, over the loss of fathers. Ours, consequently, will be a thanksgiving amid tears. As we contemplate the desolations and the woes which this unhappy conflict has created, we cannot withhold our sympathy — we would mingle our tears with the stricken ones of the land — we would weep with those th^it weep. In view of tliese things — in view of our present national condition, some perhaps are ready to imagine that a Thanksgiving under these circumstances is inappropriate; that it becomes us rather to clothe ourselves in sackcloth and ashes, and give ourselves to humiliation and fasting. But if such a thought has arisen in any mind, we say to you suppress it, yield not to the feeling which it vvould engender. If we have reason for humiliation, and fastinor, and prayer ; and no one can doubt but that such exercises would be appropriate in view of our many calamities and sins, still we have al-o at the same time abundant reason for thanksgiving and praise. Even amidst the chas- tisements that are upon us, we have great reason to render thanks- giving to God tor our many blessings, and for averting from us great- er evils. Our mercies have been far more numerous than oar ca- lamities. But especially should we render thanksgiving unto God this day, for the evidences thai He has given us, that He has noc entirely for- saken us on account of our iniquities. It should be a matter of grat- itude to us all, that the language sp )ken by Jeremiah the prophet, with reference to Israel and Judah, once God's favored people, is still applicable to us, "Israel hath not been forsaken, nor Judah of his God, of the L 'rd of hosts ; though their land was filled with siu against the Holy One of Israel." Two years ago we could say, "Hitherto hath the Lord helped ?is." To-day we can still say, "He has not forsaken ?t)r,i G Mi^dln' iif — ve will have indepen- dent states wheeling off from the different confederacies — we will have cities and districts sepa''aiing them-^elves from individna! states. In all there wi I be parties binding themselve-* togeth' r ayjainst par- ties, so that anarehv and confusion will run riot in our land. Very soon we will be loUhou'. a governramt, and the strontjest man will be master of the field. Yes, all the hopes of the American Govern- ment — the welfare of the pre-^ent ami future generations not only of this nation but of the world — all depeu'l upon the restoration and perpetuity of the American Uruon. This has been the universal sentiment of the past. It has been truly leraarked that "there is no sutiject upon which the real patriots of this country — ho.se whose names all parlies resj)ect and venerate — those who have won immortal fame, and whose deeds illuminate the brightest page of oup national history — there is no subject upon which they have evinced a more marked uni'ormiiy of opinion, and a more honest feeling, than in regard to the preservation of the Union intact and unboken. Wa hington, Jefferson, Madison and Jackson displayed thoir higiiest genius in defending and eulogizing the American Union. Clay, Webster, Benton, Dougl- s, Cass and a host of other distinguished Senators made no speeches so effective, so impressive, as those which related to the preservation of the general government." The im- mortal Washington in his Farewell Address says : "The unity of government, wliich constitutes you one people, — is a main pillar in the edifice of your ri;al independence, — the support of your tranquil- ity at home — your peace abroad — of your safety; of your prosperi- ty; of that very liberty which you so highly prize." And again, "It is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the im- mense Value of your National Union to your collective and individ- ual happiness ; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and im- movable attachment to it ; accustoming yourselves to think and 10 speak of it as of the palladium of yonr political safety and pros- perity." Jefferson has said "We owe to all mankind the sacrifice of those morbid passions which would break our confederacy, the only anchor to which the hopes of the world are moored" Jackson declared, "The Union must and shall be preserved." This has been the universal sentiment of the wise and the good. Notwithstandini? these solemn utterances, but for the protection which God has afforded us, the attempt to dissolve the American Union and to destroy the American Government vT'ould have been successful. When we consider the influences that were invoked for the accomplishment of this work; when we consider the mighty power that was called forth to establish a line of separation between the States, and when we further take into account the danger that exited of a division of sentiment in the loyal States, we must con- fess, that the faibire up to this time to destroy our Union and to rob us of our free institutions is due to the protecting care of our God. The enemies of our government have not been successful in its destruction, and for this we have reason to be thankful. Our gov- ernment has been preserved unto us ; our institutions have been protected : and though a mighty effort is still making to overthrow it, we do not believe that it will be successful ; especially not, if our pec^ple be true to themselves and to their God. A wonderful nnaiiiraity prevails throughout the loyal States, that the American Union must be pr* served; that it dare not be sundered. From this sent nieiit only a few extremists dissent. A difference of opinion may i)revail as to the best method of restoring the States in rebel- lion, but all parlies, almost without exception, agree that it is a work that mu^t be accompli.-hed. The complete restoration of our government; the establishment of its authority over our entire laud, may still cost many lives; may still demand the expendituie of much treasure. Bat it ivlil be worth all it costs. 'J'he issues at stake, and the principles involved are so mighty, that we cannot permit a dissolution to take place. Supjiose, in order to stop the further effusion of blood, we lay down our arms; we yield to the demands of the rebellious States, and submit to the restoration of the Union upon such terms as they may dictate. And luJiat have we done ? In the first place we will have surrendered our Constitution ; that constitution which has been 11 the fonndation of all our greatness. And what will we have in its place ? In ics place we will have a constitution in which Slaverrj is the chief corner stone. On this subject, Mr. A. H. Ste|ihens of Georgia, Vice P resident of the Confederate States says, *'The new Con stitiition has put at rest for ever all the agitating questions re- lating to African Slavery as it exists am' ngst us, This was the im- mediate cause of the late rupture and present revolutinn. The pre- vailing ideas entertained by Jefferson and most of the leading States- men at the time of the formation of the old Constitution, were, that the enslavement of the African was in violation of the laws of na- ture — that it was wrong in principle, socially, morally and political- ly." Observe that Mr. Stephens admits that; the sentiments enter- tained by J'fferson and most of the hading Statesmen at the time oj" the formation of the old co nstitidion were adverse to the insti- tution ot slavery. Tliey regarded the enslavement of the African as 0. violation of the laws of nature ; that it luas icrong in princi- ciple, socially, morally and politically. "Our new government" adds Mr. St^ephetis, "is founded upon exactly opposite ideas; its foundations are laid, its cornerstone rests upon the great truth, — that slavery, subordination to tbe superior race, is the natural and normal condition of the negro." Who would desire such a change as this ? Who would eive up the old Constitution, for one avowing as its basis the perpetration of so great a wrong as the perpetual boailage of millions of the hu- man family ? Certainly no one retaining the first instincts of an en- lightened humanity. But this is not all. Not only will we have surrendered our Canstitution, but; we will have siirren dered one of the dearest and first principles of oar g)veriim ent — namely, the democratic principle that the majority shall rule in accordance with the principles of th i C )'istita[,i()!i Wo will have decided that Freemen are incompetent to govern this nation and that ;ill author- ity must be giv en into the hands of the 200,000 Shivcdiolders, the aur.hors and abettors of this unh )ly rebe llion. Our vassalage would be a more shameful — a more despicable one than that rejected by our Fathers. No, we caniot sabmit to such rule, especially not, when wj remember the spirit of our ancestry. G) back to 76 — to the struggle which secured to this nation its independence — which purchased for us our free institutions. That struggle cost the coun- try many precious lives when our population was small, and much 12 of its material wealth when it was yet in an infant state. Did our Fathers pay t »o tiearly for their freed om h rid ours? Did they sac- ri6ce too mu h ? There were ihose in that eontest whi said, better snl)mit to English rule than expend so many lives and so tnnch trea- sure. Tliey weie called Tories an I are remernl) -red only to be des- pised. But what has been the judgment of posterity ? Its unani- mous verdict is, that they did not saciifice too much. And can we pay too dearly ? Can we sacrifice too much to perpetuate unto our children and unto the world the blessia^-s which our Fathers secur- ed for us at sucii a haeiifice ? Can we do too mcch to perpetuate the American Union ? too uiiich to defend the American Constitu- tion? too much to han 1 dovvu to ouf children the free institutions which we iidieriied from our fathers ? No 1 No I we repeat it, the perpetuat on of Iheae ble.-isings will be ivov h all that they cost. To preserve them, many have already .alien ; rainy more may fall; bat tliey fall in a righteoufj, a Imly cause. We mourn their loss. — We latnent the iniqniiy that has demanded so great a sacrifice. But we honor them. We honor that vvhtilc batid iliat has gone forth to protect and defend our governui' nt and her institutions. And to- day, we thank God that in the day of our calamity, he put it into the h arts of so in iny B-ave Ones, to reS:)oud at their Uouniry's call to protect and defend it in its peril. The present generation may not appreciate their sacrifices — may not fully comprehend the great- ness and majesty of the work to which our army has been called; but I feel assured hat coming generations will rise up and call them blessed. The future will give them a place beside the heroes of American Indepen 'enee. A second blessing enumerated in the Governor's Proclamation, calling for gratitude, and which we m ly al>o r fer to as an evidence that God has not forsaken us, is — Our preservation from sickness and from the xoasting pesti- lence. God has been graciously pleased to protect and defend us from those calamities, which sometimes sweep over guilty lands. Indi- vidual cases of suffering there have been; an occasional grave has been opened, to receive the earthly remains of loved ones, called from the scenes of earth ; but as a peopU; we have been l)lessed with health of body and vigor of mind. Aside from the sorrows almost inseperable from a state of war, we have enjoyed, in an unusual 13 depree, the smiles of a beniirnniit Providence. Especially has this commiuiiry been sjreatly fractical idolatry that has jyr^-vailed in our land, — As a nation we have been worshi()piiig mammon instead of God. Men hasted to become rich. To this they devoted all their energies God in many instances blessed them in their labors. He required' them in return to be liberal as he had prospered them. But they withheld from the Lord that which vvas meet. Instead of blessing the poor with their riches — instead of giving of tho-ir substance to aid in sending the gospel abroad ; to evangelize the world, meu hoarded it up. Now God is chastising them for this sin. He is scattering the wealth of the nation. Tne money withheld from the Lord, must now bs devoted to sustaining our army aud our navy. Behold the Sabbath desecration that abounds everywhere in our country. ^ 16 It has become a national sin. God's holy day is disregarded by mnltitudes. Its divine authority seems to be ij?nored in the minds of many. Some, high in authority, are guilty of its desecration. — This is especially true ia these times of calamity. The command, "Remember the Sabbath day to keep it holy," makes no impression upon tlieir hearts. This desecration of the Sabbuth in high places is however but the reflection «if the sent! uent, prevailing among our people in more retired positions. Witness the Sabbath visiting ; the Sabbaih working ; the Sabbath pleasure seeking. View the profanity that desecrates our fair so I, — This is a sin that prevails to an alarming extent. We have be- come aim St a nation of swearers. It is not confined to age or sex — to the north or to the south. The very children upon your streets have learned to bl ispheme the God who made them. It is a sin that cries to heaven for vengeance "The Lord will not hold him guiltless, tliat taketh his iiame in vain." He will punish the nation as well as ! he individual. Witness th intemperance that is sweeping over our land. It is the dreadful scourge of our country ; filling it with crime and poverty and suffering and woe. It has on several occasions more than anything else, been the cause of the disa'stjr and the de- feat of our arms. It is hurrying thousands to a drunkard's grave and to a drunkard's doom. ISee the Licentiousness that abounds, especially in towns and citi s. Men are gi>en over to every abomination. They are guilty of crimes ot every hue. Then, notice (he unbelief tha^. prevails— the disregard of the claims of the gospel, — The gospel is pr ached — men are urged with all earnestness and diligenre to embrace it. But all to no purpose. They yield not to its claims. Then beh U too the lethargy of the church— her indifference —her lu/cewa mness. The unfaithfulness in many instances of both pastors and people. Niiw is a time in which the Church is es lecially called upon to be active, and earnest and self-denying. Yet, what is the truth? She is m jre iu liffjreat thaa ever. T.ie sanctuary is more neglected 17 — the meetings for prayer are less frequented, and less is done for the cause of God than ever. Truly our land is filled with sin, and the wonder is, that God has not forsaken us. It is not amazing that he is punishing us. But there is another sin of which we as a nation are guilty, the mention of which I have reserved to the lust, inasmuch as it is more intimately connected, more clo-sely identified with the war that is now desolating our country than any other— I refer to Ouf criminal neglect of the colored race ; their oppression in a portion of our country ; their ditrensed condifvm everywhere. What I shall say on this subject may not harmonize with the views of all who hear me. I do not expect that all in this assembly will agree with ray concl'isions. Bat you will allow me the privi- lege of giving utterance to my sentiments upon this subject — a subject which is forced upon as by the events transpiring around us. If your c ireful exiQiaiti)n of the su'iject leads you to embrace different sentiment.-' I will have no complaint to make. I feel that I would be recreant to my duty and to the occasion, did I omit the utterance of sentiments which I believe to be in accordance with truth and righteousness. Fourteen months ago, on our National fast-day, I expressed my- self on this subject as follows : "I am not one of those who regard slavery as the only sin of our nation ; but I have always looked up- on it as a great evil, moral, social and political. The institution cannot be justified as it exists in our country. The principles of the gospel are p ainly at variance with it. This sin more than any other is the came of our present distressed condition as a nation. When our ancestry came to form this government they found the institu ion of slavery iu existence. It was looked upon as an evil. How to get rid of it was the per,'lexing question. A number of the States at once adopt -d measures for the gradual emancipation of the slaves. First am )n^st these was Pennsylvania. The general sen- timent of all go. id people up to the year 1820 was in hirm )ny -vith the action uf the States, proclaiming freedom to the enslaved. They looked forward to a time when liberty should be proclaimed to all throughout the la id. Soon after this period, slave labor became more profitable. The ideas of politicians began to change. Eman- cipation was no longer to be the desiiny of the colored race; but the chains of slavery must be bound the tighter. Gradaluly the 18 minds of the people underwreut a change ; they began to look upon the institution as divine ; instead uf the slave to be prepared for freedom, his freedain must be abridged. He must be degraded so low as to banish the ide-i of freedom from his mind. This change of sentiment in the South, produced a corresponding change of sen- timent in the North. The christian sentiment of the Xorth was, Slavery is a great evil ; bat it is upon us ; H )W shall we get rid of it 1 Tlie christians ot the North, having no direct cuntrcjl of the matter, earnestly exhorted their brethren of the S()uth to lab jr for the emancipation of the slave. At first these exhortations were kindly received. But gradually these sentiments became obnoxious. The churches of the South said to the churches of the North, slav- ery is a forbidden sul)ject — you must be silent in reference to it. When 'he Nor h refused, they severed their connection. Thus the churches w<-re divided into North and South. The contest was carrie I inro our legislative halls — for fifteen years oar National Congress has been little else than an arena for the dis- cussion of this exciting suliject. The North to avert threatened evil was ever ready to compromise; yielded until the demand became too uiireasonabie. The moment the North stood firm, the South withdrew with the sole a'm to rivet tlie chains of slavery still faster upon the poor negro. Now God has taken the matter in hand. I believe there will be a change. What will be done with the slave I do not know. Providence will no doubt work out the problem. Emancipation, which the South wished to avert, will be hastened on. But we of the Norih are especially guilty of our treatment of the colored race in our midst." Thus far fourteen months ago. You will perceive that we were then still in doubt as to the futnre of American slavery. We believed that in due time the Lord would solve the problem. That our duty was to wait and see the salvation of God. We, in common with the great mass of the loyal people in the Free States, did not desire to interfere with slavery in the States. The Constitution of the United States guarranteed its control to them exclusively within their State limits. Non-interference in the Stites was the feeling of all in the Free States North, excepting perhaps a sina 1 party of nitra-abolitionists. In the last Presidential Campaign, it was one of the avowed principles of the four candidates for the Presidency. lu the platform of the party most antagonistic 19 to the South, the following distinct announcement is made, "That the maintenance inviohite of the rights of the States, and especially of the right of each State to order and control its own domestic in- stitutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to hat bal ance of power on which the per'^ection and endurance of our political fabric depends— and that the Constitution, the Union, and the rights of the States must and shall be preserved." This too was he position of the President elect, reiterated again and again; and to this idea he conformed all his actions. Generals and Cabinet of- ficers who were unwilling to conform to this standard were relieved of their positions, ft was believed that the rebellious States could be restored without interfering with the question of slavery. This I believe was the honest purpose of our Chief Executive. But with such views — with such sentiments generally prevailino-, when, I ask, and hoio was slavery ever to be removed from our coun- try ? How was the freedom of the colored race ever to be brought about? Such a thing was utterly impossible. The Free States could not and wished not to interfere. The South regarded slavery a divine institution. In this condition of things, slavery must be a perpetual institmion, and the four millions of the colored race and their descendents must be in bondage forever. This vvas according to the counselling of man, but God determined o'herwise. The contiuuence of the war wrought changes in the sentiments of the loyal people. As the war was protracted, and the dimensions of the rebellion increased, it was determined after various defeats and but little success, to make use of those slaves in diggino- trenches and building fortifications, that came within our lines — and not to return them to their rebel m asters. This was progress, but still we were un- willing to let the bondmen go free. Hid our Army succeeded in cap- turing Richmond last Summer— had we then succeeded in crushing' the rebellion, slavery would still have existed and existed with no prospect of removal. The question has often been asked, Why did not Gen. McClellan take Richmond? The country was confident. We all thought that the Confederate Capitol was ours. But akis ! Richmond is still the Capitol of the States in rebellion. It is generally said in reply, that our Army had not men enough. I believe the great reason was, be- cause the Lord was not then on cur si(,le. He ha(V determined that ♦-he slave shtfiild go free, but we Wtn-fe slill unprepared t'o acquiesire in 20 the Divine decree. He would humble us more in order to make us willing. Hence defeat attended our arms before Richmond ; and re- treat and defeat was the order until the Union forces gained the Wash- ington fortifications, and the Rebel Army crossed the Potomac, and threatened to invade our own State. You know the suspense, the anx- iety and the alarm that was felt throughout our borders. The people were willing to do almost anything, and to suffer almost anything, if only the rebellion could be crusihed. Thousands became convinced that in order to save the country, slavery must be sacrificed. Though threatening our borders, the Lord would not permit the minions of slavery to devastate a Free State. The battles of South Mountain and Antietam were fought. The enemy fled into Virginia, but rested upon the banks of the Potomac. So powerful had the re- bellion now become, so vast its forces, that the President of the Unit- ed States, in the discharge of his high trust, must protect the Govern- ment by the employment of every means at his command, and by the exercise of his highest authority. He at last determines to attack the rebellion at its most vulnerable point. He issues a proclamation, de- clarins: freedom to all the slaves in the States still in rebellion, after the first of January, 1863. This is the point to which I believe the Lord was determined to bring us. Thus I read his dealings towards us as a nation. The future will show whether this be a correct inter- pretation of his providence. If slavery is to be perpetuated in this country, the Southern States will submit before the first of next Jan- uary, or conquer their independence. If slavery is not to be contin- ued, the Lord will harden their hearts so as not to submit and then give success to the Union cause. What is remarkable in the history of this rebellion is, that since the Emancipation Proclamation of the President, the Rebel forces have been retreating from every quarter, and general success has attended every raivemant of the Union forces. But the question arises. Does not the Emancipation Proclamation inter- fere with State rights ? Dies not the Constitntion guarrantee the right to hold slaves to each State, so long as it shall elect to have it. I take it that it does not violate the Constitution. The States in re- bellion have discarded the Constitution, and hence have forfeited all their rights; and it is now for the general government to say upon what Conditions they shall again enjoy their constitutional rights. Just as tho highwayniaq, having boon convicitod of waylaying and pluQ^ 21 and it remains for the Judge to say upon what terms he shall again enjoy them. Usually these are forfeited until he has served a term in the State Prison. But will not the proclamation cause an insurrection among the slaves, and be the occasion of indiscriminate slaughter of all the women and children ? It will not, as the rebels must and will guard against it, by keeping a sufficient force at home to prevent it. This necessary step on their part will to that extent weaken their army and make their restoration the easier. But if the slaves are all set free, will they not overrun the North and come in competition with white labor ? By no means. Univer- sal emancipation is the very thing to keep them South. They will not then desire to leave the ''sunny clime." On the contrary, our col- ored people will go South, as the climate is more congenial. But will the colored people be able to maintain themselves ? Will they have intelligence enough ? It does not require much intelligence to pick cotton; to gather rice ; or to plant tobacco; and in a very short time they can be educated. Looking at this subject in an unbiassed, an unprejudiced light, aside from all party questions and party considerations, I can come to no other conclusion than that Providence designs that the colored race is to be free. I believe that the Lord has taken the question of human slavery out of the hands of politicians and agitators, and will dispose of it Himself He seems to be making the restoration of the Ameri- can Union and the preservation of the American Government contin- gent upon the removal of the sin of slavery. If this be so, it is vain to fight against God. The sooner we will submit to His decisions the speedier will be our deliverance. If this war, comnaeuced by the South to perpetuate slavery, and ear- riedon by the North forthe restoration of the Union and the Govern- mentjit at the same time result in the freedom of four millions of immor- tal beings, and their posterity forever — if it inaugurate a movement that will tend to elevate the colored race to a higher civilization, then we will be able in the future to understand why the Lord sent this war upon us. And it may be that this very act, which gives frcc« dom to an enslaved race, is the very act which delivers the South from woes more terrible than evea those inflicted by this civil war. Who knows, but that thoir stubborn porslstondQ iq yivottiug; tbo Ci}\a,\m of 22 insurrection, which would have caused the indiscriminate slaughter of all the white population, men, women and children. It is not an im- probable thing. The like has occurred in the history of the world. As it is in individuals, so it may be in nations, "Whom the Lord lov- eth He chasteneth." If this be true, if passing through this baptism of blood, we come out purified, then in the future we will see, that even for these chas- tisements we have reason to render thanksgiving unto God. As now we thank God for the Revolution of Seventy- Six, so in the future our children may thank God for the present struggle through which we are passing ; especially will this be the case if it leads us to sincere re- pentance and to true righteousness of life. Let us to-day take a hopeful view of things. Lotus not be despond- ing. Let us put our trust in God, who has not yet entirekly forsaken us. Nothing is in the way of our restoration and onward progress save our sins. Let us repent of these ; let us humble ourselves before the mighty hand of God ! let us submit to his teachings as a nation and He will once more grant us his favor. Let us " Beseech God," as we are enjoined to do, '' to help and govern us in His steadfast fear and love, and to put into our minds good desires, so that by his continual help we may have a right judg' ment in all things." Let us " especially pray Him to give to Christian churches grace to hate the thing which is evil, and to utter the teachings of truth and righteousness, declaring openly the whole counsel of God." Let us " most heartily entreat Him to bestow upon our Civil Rulers, wisdom and earnestness in council ; and upon our military leaders, zeal and vigor in action ; that the fires of Rjbellion maybe quenched; that we, being armed with his defence, may be preserved from all perils; and that hereafter our people living in peace and quietness, may from generation to generation, reap the abundant fruits of His mercy, and with joy and thankfulness praise and magnify His holy name." And to-day, us wc render thanksgiving to God — as we pray for om solves and our country, let us not forget those in the camp and in th3 fi(dd, devoted to the raaintcnjinco of our Government, our Cons - tution and our Lnw/!. Tluiy too need our prayers and our sympathy Th"y arc entitled to our gratitude. Let ns not for^.ot tliob'e in our liospitalsi; the sick and wounded 28 soldiers of our army and our navy — the convalescent, the lant?-iish- injr, the dying. They too, need our prayers and our sympathy. They are entitled to our aid. Let us not forget the noble dead — the thousands who during the past year have sacrificed their lives upon the altar of our country; who have said, give me ray country, my whole country, or give me death. They need not our prayers, they ask not for our sympathy, they look nut for human support. But their names should be em- balmed in the recollections of the liviog. We should erect a mon- ument of praise to their memories. Sorrowing over their untimely end, we should devote ourselves anew to the welfare of that country for which they laid down their lives. Lee us also remember those hjin^s that have been sadlened and desolated by the ravages of ^ar, the vvirlo.v, the orphan, the afflict- ed household. Let them h ive the beueSt of our prayers and sym- pathies. Let us end savor to alleviate the deep sorrow that has come upon them, and where necessary, let us give them that material as- sistance which will place them beyond the reach of want. Let us not forget on this thanksgiving day the poor, the needy, the suffering everywh'^re. " If thou draw out thy soul to the hun- gry, and satisfy the afflicted soul ; then shalt thy light rise in obscu- rity and thy darkness be as the noonday." We cannot refrain, before concluding, from alluding to the fact that there will be iu our community many families who will keep this thanksgiving with sad emotions. As they gather around the family board, they will be re uinded of absent ones. To such in this assembly I would speak a word of cheer. Is there not comfort in the thought that your f lends, your loved ones have followed their convictions of duty — that they are in the army not by constraint, bat by choice. They saw their country's peril. They were moved by its dangers. They felt that their services were needed on the tented field. They girded on their armor. Cheerfully they went forth to batttle Some of them have already fallen ; others may yet fall ; but they fa'l in a righteous cause, and ultimate triumph must be theirs Than'c God that you have had friends ready and willing to con.'ecrate themselves to the glorious work of preserving: the American Union and the American Government. And may Heav- en's richest bl-'ssiog rest upon you — may you ever be cheered by the ','onsciousness, that they are in the keeping of Ilim whose care is over all, and who can sustain them as well on the tented field as at the home-fireside. 54 W • ... ,0'*' ^^ '<»•''* .v^ "C* * .. •'