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 NARRATIVE 
 
 LATE RIOTOUS PROCEEDINGS AGAINST 
 
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 LIBERTY OF THE PRESS, S 
 
 IIV CINCIiinYATI. 
 
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 WITH REMARKS AND HISTORICAL NOTICES, ® 
 
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 RELATING TO 
 
 EMANCIPATION. § 
 
 55 
 
 ^ Addressed to the people of Ohio, by the Executive Committee of the j^, 
 
 I OHIO ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. ®l 
 
 :! CINCINNATI: | 
 
 :: 1836 - 5 
 
 : ;-; : 
 
From the Cincinnati Republican of August 9, 183G. 
 
 OUR CITY IMPROVEMENTS. 
 
 We took occasion a few days since, to advert to the present state 
 of Cincinnati and its prospects; since which we have heard of seve- 
 ral sales of property and contemplated improvements, which indicate 
 most clearly that the march of this city is still onward. 
 
 The extensive property known as the Commercial Exchange, ex- 
 tending from Front street to Columbia street, has been purchased by a 
 on or a company in New York, at a price something over $100- 
 000 as an investynent. A more judicious purchase could not have 
 I- en made. Property on Front street, between Proadway and Main 
 it, being unquestionably more valuable than in any other situation 
 city. 
 
 We have also observed extensive improvements going on in the 
 .11 part of the city. The bill side, east of the canal, is alive with 
 . and horses, and carts, employed in bringing the earth across 
 into the valley of Deer Creek; thus rendering it the most eligible sit- 
 uation in town for commercial and manufacturing purposes. Harri- 
 son, Sixth, Seventh, and Eighth streets, are to be extended across 
 the canal, and a street on each side of the canal is to be opened from 
 Eighth to Front street. These improvements, and the water power 
 extending through them, will cause that hitherto barren valley to 
 resound with the hum of business ami the noise of machinery. 
 
 No city in the United States is placed upon a surer basis for con- 
 tinued prosperity and growing importance than Cincinnati. Already 
 ttie principal point of attraction and interest in the great valley, rank- 
 ing as the sixth city in the Union, and withal one of the most beauti- 
 ful in location and plan, in the midst of one of the most fertile regions 
 in the world, with facilities of access already great, and constantly 
 increasing, she may well challenge competition with any other town 
 in the Wei 
 
NARRATIVE 
 
 LATE RIOTOUS PROCEEDINGS AGAINST 
 
 THE 
 
 LIBERTY OF THE PRESS, 
 
 IjY CINCINNATI. 
 
 WITH REMARKS AND HISTORICAL NOTICES, 
 
 ~j O RELATING TO 
 
 EMANCIPATION. 
 
 Addressed to^tlSe people of Ohio, by the Executive Committee of the 
 ' I OHIO ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 
 
 CINCINNATI: 
 
 1836. 
 
NARRATIVE 
 
 Of the late riotous proceedings against the Liberty of the 
 Press, in Cincinnati. 
 
 Fellow Citizens: 
 
 The Executive Committee of the Ohio Anti-Slavery Society 
 owe, not only to themselves and those whom they represent, 
 but also to you, generally, an impartial exposition of the late 
 proceedings in this city, with which they have been connec- 
 ted, and which have ended in undisguised outrages on private 
 property, and in a public assault on constitutional right. In 
 order to make this statement as intelligible as possible — to 
 place in a clear point of view the object of our association — 
 and to enable you to comprehend the whole extent of pre- 
 sent danger to our free institutions, it will be necessary to re- 
 cur to facts in the early history of our country: — Facts, 
 which from their ancientness, it might, at first view, seem un- 
 necessary to introduce, but which will be found, when well 
 considered, to have an intimate connexion with the state of 
 things now before us. 
 
 During oui colonial dependence, the states were all slave- 
 holding states. They did not, as colonies, possess the power 
 of legislation independently of the control of the mother coun- 
 try, exerted either directly or indirectly. Had they desired, 
 ever so much, to abolish slavery, they could not have done 
 so, by their own independent legislative act. But, it is be- 
 lieved, that prior to the enlightened discussion, and the full 
 establishment of the great principles which led to the Ameri- 
 can Revolution — principles which are embodied in the Declara- 
 tion of Independence — the desire was but feeble, in most of 
 the colonies, to see slavery extinguished. It is true, that Pe- 
 titions were presented to the competent authorities of the 
 mother country to restrain the further importation into the 
 colonies of slaves from Africa — but none, to abolish, or to 
 mitigate slavery, as it already existed among the petitioners 
 themselves. The history of the times will show, that it was 
 not repugnance to slave-holding, as a violation of the great 
 principles of natural justice or of revealed religion, which 
 constituted the true grounds for urging the petitions; — but, 
 rather, that the few, who held in their hands the political power 
 of the country, and who had already become possessed of a 
 large amount of slave-labor, might secure to themselves and 
 their families and connexions, in perpetuity, a monopoly of 
 
(4) 
 
 such labor.* The continued importation of slaves from Af' 
 rica would put it in the power of such citizens as owned none? 
 to become purchasers, and thus interfere with the present and 
 prospective benefits of the monopoly. The criminality in a 
 moral and religious point of view, of slave-holding, exerted 
 but a feeble influence,a century ago, on the public mind of the 
 civilized world. What is so often alleged now, as "fanaticism" 
 against the abolitionists, would have been more remarkable 
 then. The friends, were the only sect to whom the criminality 
 of oppression, in the form of slave-holding appeared, even 
 sixty or seventy years ago, as it is now beginning to be seen 
 by others. By treating it as a violation of religious duty, they 
 succeeded in banishing it entirely from their connexion. 
 
 The able moral and political discussion to which the disa- 
 greements of the colonies with the mother country gave rise, 
 for many years previous to the declaration of independence, 
 brought into general recognition throughout this country, the 
 doctrines of inalienable rights, as they have been distinctively 
 termed. Their influence on the most intelligent and patri- 
 otic minds, is shown in the fact, that the first Congress, held 
 in 1774, Resolved, That they would neither import, nor pur- 
 chase any slave imported a f ter the \st day of the next Dceem- 
 l>er ; after which time they would discontinue the slave trade, 
 and neither be concerned, in it themselves, nor hire their vessels, 
 nor sell their commodities to such as should be concerned in it. 
 
 In the Congress of 1776, the Declaration of Independence 
 was published — commending itself to the liberal minded ev- 
 ery where, by asserting, in opposition to the theory and prac- 
 tice of all existing governments, that all men were created free, 
 and entitled to life, liberty, and /he pursuit of happiness. 
 
 And afterwards, when forming the articles of confederation, 
 1778, they refused to insert any provision for protecting the 
 power of masters over their slaves, or authorizing a master to 
 follow a runaway slave into another state. In the debates, it 
 was said, that " the slaves ought to be dismissed, that freemen 
 might fill their places." 
 
 As soon as the colonies had thrown off the British }"oke. 
 their legislative assemblies began their efforts to remove this 
 odious institution. In the northern states, general acts of 
 emancipation were passed — in the southern, acts authorizing 
 
 *The temporary government of Texas condemns, in the most point- 
 ed terms, the immorality of the African slave trade. This will not 
 prove that it is opposed to slavery — when it is known, that, by her 
 Constitution, slavery is attempted to be made perpetual, and that the 
 greatest encouragement is given to the American slave trade. If the 
 principal adventurers, who control the political affairs of Texas, had 
 as many slaves a? the// wanted, it is not at all unlikely that the Ameri- 
 can slave trade would be put on terms of disgraceful equality with 
 the African. 
 
( 5 ) 
 
 individuals to manumit. Massachusetts had asserted in her 
 declaration of rights, that, all men were created, free and 
 equal. This was construed by her courts as putting an end — 
 and it did, in fact, put an immediate end to slavery within 
 her limits. The other New England states with New York. 
 New Jersey and Pennsylvania pursued more gradual measures 
 for its extinction. 
 
 So strong and rapid had been the influence of the doctrine 
 of "inalienable rights," as set forth in the Declaration of In- 
 dependence, that Pennsylvania and all the states north of it — 
 making more than half of the whole number — prior to 1787. 
 when the present constitution was formed, had entered on 
 measures leading to the entire extermination of slavery from 
 among themselves. It was this state of things that (it was 
 erroneously supposed) rendered it expedient to adopt the pro- 
 vision, that has been construed to authorize the slave-holder to 
 recapture his slave who has escaped into a free state. Whilst 
 this provision was admitted, shame prevented the framers of 
 the constitution from expressing the odious grant of power 
 in direct terms. It is conveyed under an ambiguous form of 
 expression, whilst the word slave, is not to be found in that 
 instrument. Neither is slavery, the subject matter of the 
 guarantee, by which it is so often, yet so erroneously asserted, 
 that the "system 1 ' of the south is secured to her, to be found 
 in the constitution. No "guarantee" by the general gov- 
 ernment could have been thought necessary to the slave-hol- 
 ders — because the validity of the tenure by which they held 
 their slaves had never been drawn in question, and they them- 
 selves looked on it as equally strong, and as unassailable, as 
 the title by which they held any other property. Besides the 
 southern politicians, who, especially, have regarded the gen- 
 eral government as secondary to the state-governments, and 
 derivative from them, would not, on this account, have asked 
 from the former a guarantee which the latter were more com- 
 petent to give. From these considerations, it is believed, that 
 at the formation of the present government, no guarantee of 
 southern 'slavery' either constitutional, or implied, was once 
 seriously thought of — none was demanded — none was offered. 
 And it is not at all improbable, had any such guarantee been 
 offered, in the structure of the general government, it would 
 have been looked upon by the south as,not only in efficacious, 
 but insulting, and calling for the haughtiest rejection. 
 
 Soon after the adoption of the present national union, abo- 
 lition societies were formed in several of the states. Their 
 avowed object was the total extinction of slavery in the Uni- 
 ted states. The leaders in those societies were the same men 
 whose hands had just laid the foundations of our national in- 
 stitutions. Their principles coincided entirelv with the prin- 
 1* 
 
(6) 
 
 ciples adopted by the abolitionists of the present day. They 
 denounced slavery as an unjust and wicked system — one that 
 all good men should endeavor to overturn. Their acts agreed 
 with their principles. They wrote tracts against slavery — 
 they petitioned Congress to go to the very "verge" of its con- 
 stitutional powers fur its final extinction. On these petitions, 
 Congress, in the first session, held under the present constitu- 
 tion^ acted, and a series of resolutions was adopted, in 
 which the constitutional powers of Congress in relation to 
 slavery were accurately, defined. The doctrines contained 
 in these resolutions are the doctrines of the abolitionists of the 
 present day. namely: — That until 1808, the importation of 
 sla res could not be prohibited by Congress. That the States 
 possess individually the sole power to emancipate their slaves 
 — That congress possesses the authority to regulate the slave 
 trade, and the authority to prohibit it, even prior to 1808, in 
 regard to the supply of foreign nations; — and during the dis- 
 ion of these resolutions, the right and the duty of Con- 
 s to use all means for the abolition of slavery, not ex- 
 sly prohibited by the constitution, was strongly urged by 
 the leading members of Congress, (particularly by Messrs. 
 i and Gerry), who had taken part in the formation of 
 the constitution. 
 
 . if the institution of slavery was. by mutual comprom- 
 ise, to remain inviolate and immoveable, w r ould these illustri- 
 ous men, such as Jay, Franklin, Rush, Madison, and Gerry, 
 have conducted in this manner? Could a compact like the 
 one in question have been formed, without John Jay being in- 
 formed of it? Had such been the understanding of a comprom- 
 ise between the different states, is it possible, that the sagacious 
 Franklin, who assisted in making the compromise, should ne- 
 ver have understood it? Yet, Jay and Franklin, in their day. 
 were as undoubted abolitionists, and as active in the formation 
 of abolition societies, as any that can be found in modern 
 times; and it was not owing to any lack of zeal on their part. 
 that their labors were not equally as efficacious as those of 
 abolitionists now, in awakening public attention to this mo- 
 mentous subject. John Jay, during the war of the Revolu- 
 tion, held this memorable language — "Till America comes in- 
 to 'his measure, (the abolition of slavery) her prayers to hea- 
 ven for liberty will be impious. "When addressing the Leg- 
 islature of New York, then a slave state, he told them, that 
 the slaves, though held in bondage by the laws of man were 
 free by the laws of God." Franklin and Jay and Rush in 
 1787 united in an abolition society, "to extend the blessings 
 of freedom to every part of our race." The writings pub- 
 lished by this society and which contain the identical doctrines 
 of "modern abolitionism "are still circulated by the Anti-Sla- 
 
(7) 
 
 very Societies, and form a prominent part of the publications 
 now proscribed as "incendiary. " Through their influence T 
 slavery was abolished in many of the present non-slave-hold- 
 ing states. The foreign slave trade was prospectively abolish- 
 ed. Washington, previous to his manumission of his own 
 slaves, expressed his conviction that slavery ought to be abo- 
 lished by legislative power — a sentiment, the expression of 
 which is now thought a sufficient provocation for dissolving 
 the Union. William Pinkney of Maryland, in the House of 
 Delegates of that State, forty-seven years ago, predicted the 
 very crisis to which we are now arrived. If slavery was to 
 be continued, the principles of liberty, he said, would be cor- 
 rupted and undermined. " The resistance of freemen against 
 oppression " said he " will become a struggle of r pride and 
 selfishness, not of principle." — "The stream of general liber- 
 ty will have flown so long through the mire of partial bon- 
 dage, that it will have become polluted." "The habit of 
 thinking that the great rights of human nature, are not so sa- 
 cred, but that they may with impunity be trampled upon, will 
 have prepared men for usurpation ; and those who have been 
 habituated to lord it over others, will become base enough to let 
 others lord it over them.' 1 '' 
 
 From these facts, and from all the examination we have 
 had it in our power to make, we have no hesitation in pro- 
 nouncing the supposed "compact," or "compromise," to be a 
 groundless fiction, and one, too, of no ordinary malignity. It 
 is nothing less than a libel on the illustrious dead, invented to 
 deprive the living of their dearest and most invaluable rights. 
 It represents the founders of our republican empire, but re- 
 cently engaged in?a most severe conflict for the preservation of 
 those rights which they claimed under the laws of God and 
 nature, in common with all mankind, in assuming their rank 
 among nations, forming a government for a free people, ac- 
 cording to the principles of freedom, and for the preservation of 
 those principles, as solemnly contracting that the institution 
 of slavery, every where odious and detestable, should forever 
 remain sacred and inviolable. For the honor of these great^and 
 good men — for the honor of human nature itself — we are happy 
 in believing, that a charge, involving such gross inconsistency, 
 is utterly groundless. On the contrary, if there is any reli- 
 ance to be placed on past history, it is certain, at the com- 
 mencement of our present political system, there was a gene- 
 ral belief and expectation, that Slavery in these United 
 States would be abolished, and that speedily. 
 
 Forbearing to advert more particularly at this time, to the 
 opinions of many of the most distinguished and patriotic of the 
 Fathers of our country, we will content ourselves with the 
 general remark, that they considered slavery a great evil in 
 
( 8) 
 
 our country, and that time has only added confirmation to this 
 sentiment. Entertaining on this subject the same opinions, 
 and adopting the same measures that they did, a number of 
 our fellow-citizens, from various States of the Union, assem- 
 bled at Philadelphia in December, 1833, and formed what is 
 now known as the American Anti-Slavery Society. The 
 foundation principles of this Association are — that slave-hold- 
 ing, as it exists among us, is a violation of the plainest dictates 
 of right and justice — that it contradicts all our professions as 
 a people — that it is opposed to the spirit of our government — 
 that it is a sin, and ought, therefore, to be immediately and 
 forever abandoned. In order to succeed in convincing their 
 fellow-citizens of the justness of these views — deemedby them 
 the only proper mode of attaining their object (emancipation), 
 they have used, and continue to use, the natural and consti- 
 tutional right, secured to every citizen, of freely discussing 
 and exposing the false foundations on which slavery has been, 
 heretofore, supported, and the multiplying and fast-hastening ills 
 with which it threatens to overwhelm us as a people. Although 
 the American Anti-Slavery Society has been in existence so 
 short a time, and has had arrayed against its peaceful operations, 
 a fierce and unrelenting hostility, yet there have been formed 
 on its model, and in nearly all the instances auxiliary to it, 
 between five and six hundred anti-slavery societies, pursuing 
 the same objects, by the same means. The Ohio Anti-Slave- 
 ry Society is one of them. It was organized in April, 1835, 
 by more than one hundred delegates, assembled at the village 
 of Putnam, from all parts of the State. The objects of the 
 association are thus stated in the second article of the Consti- 
 tution : — 
 
 "The object of this Society, shall be the entire abolition of Slavery 
 throughout the United States, and the elevation of our colored breth- 
 ren to their proper rank as men. While it admits that the several 
 States and Congress have, by our Federal Constitution, the exclusive 
 right to legislate for the abolition of slavery in their respective 
 limits, it maintains that it is our imperative duty, to collect and diffuse 
 information on the subject of Slavery, and by all lawful means to con- 
 vince our fellow-citizens throughout the Union, that Slavery is, in 
 all circumstances, a sin against God and His revealed law, — at war 
 with the fundamental principles of our own liberty, and ruinous to our 
 national morals and prosperity; and that, therefore, the duty, safety, 
 and interest of all concerned, require its utter and immediate abolition." 
 
 At the time it was formed, there were in this State, it was 
 thought, noi more than fifteen or twenty minor societies. In 
 one rward their number had multiplied to more than 
 
 one hundred and twentt, including of our citizens not less 
 than from ten to twelve thousand. The neighborhood so- 
 cieties continue rapidly to grow in number. The Ohio Anti- 
 
(9) 
 
 Slavery Society conducts its business through an Executive 
 Committee, of which, at present, the undersigned are members. 
 It is thought necessary to recur to circumstances, which, in 
 the order of time, preceded our appointment as members of the 
 Executive Committee. When the Reign of Terror was in- 
 troduced into the South, last summer, by the sudden and pub- 
 lic execution, without trial, of five American citizens, charged 
 with being "professional" gamblers — whilst it was kept up by 
 the open plundering of the National Mail — by the pretence of 
 slave-insurrections — by the most degrading inflictions — by 
 numberless cruel and unauthorized scourgings of such as had 
 either removed from the free States to the South, or were tem- 
 porarily called thither on business — by the offering of Re- 
 wards for the forcible abduction of peaceable and inoffensive 
 citizens, with the avowed purpose of handing them over to the 
 tender mercies of infuriated slaveholders — by the unconceal- 
 ed, the open and illegal hangings of many of our countrymen 
 in the South, on whom popular suspicion had fastened the ob- 
 noxious sentiment, that they were opposed to the system of 
 slavery as it existed there; — whilst, we say, this thirst for 
 blood, and for the demolition of every safeguard heretofore 
 established for the protection of individual right, was raging 
 among our Southern neighbors, the city of Cincinnati was not 
 altogether exempt from the disgraceful infection. Our princi- 
 pal daily newspapers, with, it is believed, but a single excep- 
 tion, sympathised with the flagellators and tormenters, and 
 murderers of the South, and by their loud shouts cheered them 
 on to further deeds of cruelty and blood. Whilst one of them 
 was bestowing unqualified applause on the public scourging of 
 our fellow-citizen, young Mr. Dresser, although the perpetra- 
 tors of the outrage themselves, acknowledged he had violated 
 no law of the state where he suffered* — another, as if to ren- 
 der forever unnecessary any further proof of plenary consecra- 
 tion to the interests of slaveholders, exultingly advised, that 
 the Reign of Terror — more technically known as " Lynch 
 Law" — be set up here in Cincinnati.! 
 
 One of our number, who, before the explosion of Southern 
 violence, had projected the establishment of a journal in Ken- 
 tucky, his native state, to be devoted to a full and impartial 
 discussion of the whole subject of slavery, as connected with 
 emancipation, was thwarted in his object by the devices ot me 
 neighboring slave-holders, and ultimately compelled, by their 
 persecutions, to remove with his family from the state. Look- 
 ing at the Constitution of Ohio, he there saw the fullest, the 
 most honorable, and at the same time, the most solemn con- 
 demnation that men who love liberty could pass upon slave- 
 
 * See Appendix A. t See Appendix B. 
 
( io) 
 
 ry — and that to every one was secured the right — pronounced 
 ■• indisputable'''' — of speaking, writing, or printing on any sub- 
 ject, to the investigation of which he might choose to apply 
 the powers of his mind. With this view of rights intended to 
 be secured to him. in common with every other citizen, by you, 
 the PEOPLE OF OHIO; and this, too, by the solemn sanc- 
 tion of the highest, the very organic, law, which constitutes 
 you a people, it. was not to be supposed that any one — espe- 
 cially such as were using the same rights in their most wanton 
 latitude — would be found of a temper so unjust, so treasonable, 
 as to deny him also the enjoyment of them. In this he was 
 mistaken: for before he had himself come to the conclusion to 
 transfer the publication of his paper to this city, the newspa- 
 pers before alluded to, were roused to opposition— were en- 
 couraged in their outrageous menaces, and animated to their 
 work of villification and abuse; and this, too, as it was said. 
 and as subsequent events have proved, by persons who are 
 reckoned as of "the most respectable class in society," — own- 
 ing large real estate in the city — speculators in property, 
 stocks, &c. — merchants, who have commercial connexions 
 with Southern slave-holders — and artizans. who are mostly 
 employed in manufacturing household furniture, or steam boat. 
 sugar house, or other heavy machinery, for the South. So 
 highly excited had the several descriptions of people just men- ' 
 t.ioned become against the proposed publication, z, nd so effec- 
 tually had they plied their efforts to alarm the great mass of 
 peaceable and law-abiding citizens, who, otherwise, would 
 have felt but little concern on the subject; and so desirous 
 was the intended editor to remove even the occasion of any 
 disgraceful popularexplosion, that he determined to commence 
 the publication out of the city, and to continue it there till a 
 fair, and impartial, and generous character could be establish- 
 ed for the paper. 
 
 To establish such a character was considered desirable, not 
 only because it is right in itself — but because it would tend 
 to allay an objection often made to the discussion of the slave- 
 ry question — that it was conducted in a fierce and nncliarilablc 
 spirit. With this object in view — and further, that all occa- 
 sion of exciting the disorderly of whatever standing and con- 
 dition, to any illegal out-burst might be taken away, the Phi- 
 lanthropist (the paper alluded to) was commenced at the vil- 
 ' ige of New Richmond, twenty miles above Cincinnati. But 
 this concession, made at no small sacrifice of convenience and 
 
 ciliary means, to the spirit of misrule, was followed by but 
 <n\n\\ mitigation of its fury. Although the Editor, in the tem- 
 per of conciliation that he felt, and in the most respectful lan- 
 
 ge he could use. offered to slave-holders the use of his col- 
 unins for the defence of slavery, and gave, in his own manner 
 
( 11 ) 
 
 of treating the subject, satisfactory proof of moderation and 
 fairness — still, this did not shield him from a deliberately con- 
 certed attempt, set on foot and prosecuted cbielly by the de- 
 scription of persons before mentioned, to put down his press. 
 On the first appearance of the Philanthropist, the editor, and 
 those who concurred with him in sentiment, were assailed in 
 terms signally abusive, through two of the business papers of 
 this place, (the Republican and Whig) although they differed 
 widely in their views as political partisans. These journals 
 were, on that occasion, as they have been on a more recent 
 and more remarkable one, the instruments, busily set to work 
 by the "wealthy and respectable," to excite the ignorant and 
 disorderly to such deeds of mischief as the supposed necessi- 
 ties of the case might call for. 
 
 The Philanthropist had not reached its fourth No. when more 
 than fifty persons, answering mainly the description above 
 given, called, through the daily papers, a meeting, on the 22d 
 January last, of the citizens opposed to abolition, &c. The 
 Mayor of the city presided, assisted by four Vice Presidents — 
 Judge Burke, a minister of the Gospel, and Postmaster of Cin- 
 cinnati — Judge Burnet, late a Senator of the United States, 
 as well as member of the Supreme Court of Ohio — Mr. Nev- 
 ille, Receiver of the Land Office in this District — and the Rev. 
 Oliver M. Spencer, a wealthy minister of the Gospel residing 
 here Several of the resolutions were intended to convince 
 the South of the high regard in which the meeting held their 
 peculiar " rights." One, expressed the opinion of the meeting 
 as adverse to emancipation in the District of Columbia. But 
 the resolution which was calculated to evince the purest de- 
 votion to the South, was that, by which, in effect, it was re- 
 solved to suppress, either in the city or in the neighborhood, 
 any paper which might be established for the purpose of dis- 
 cussing the slavery question. 
 
 After this formal proclamation of fealty by the aristocracy of 
 this city to the paramount aristocracy of slave-holders in the 
 South,* and an assurance of no equivocal character given, that 
 a sacrifice of the rights of freemen here should be made, when- 
 ever called for, to secure the perpetuation of the wrongs of 
 slaves there, a delusive calm succeeded. The Philanthropist, 
 un&wed by the menaces which had been directed against it. 
 proceeded without interruption, The character to which it 
 aspired \vas thought to have been so fully earned during the 
 first three months of its existence, and the pro-slavery fury so 
 
 * We do not call a man an Aristocrat, because he enjoys station and 
 wealth; nor because he is accomplished and refined; nor because he 
 is honored and esteemed. The Aristocrat is he whose " proud look 
 is an abomination to God;" he who "reproacheth his maker" by 
 " despising the poor." 
 
( 12) 
 
 greatly to have passed off, that it was deemed advisable, about 
 the middle of April, to remove the office, Press, &c. to Cincin- 
 nati. This was accordingly done, and its publication was con- 
 tinued without concealment, and without molestation. 
 
 At the first anniversary of the Ohio Anti-Slavery Society, 
 held near Granville, in April, it was determined that the Ex- 
 ecutive Committee should be located in Cincinnati, and that 
 the Philanthropist, with the consent of the Editor, should be 
 placed under their control. Its subscription list, at the com- 
 mencement, did not exceed 700; at the recent destruction of 
 the office, it amounted to about 1700, and was rapidly in- 
 creasing. Testimony was given, almost daily, of the fair, and 
 manly, and respectful conduct of it. From the time of its re- 
 moval to Cincinnati, there was not the least show of molesta- 
 tion till the 1 2th of July. At midnight a band of men, amount- 
 ing to thirty or forty in number, including those who stood as 
 sentries at different points on the street, made an assault on 
 the premises of Mr. Pugh, the printer, scaled a high wall by 
 which the lot was enclosed, and with the aid of a ladder and 
 plank mounted the roof of the press-office. They then made 
 their way through a window on the roof into the room below — 
 intimidated into silence, by threats of bodily violence, a boy 
 who was asleep there — covered his head with the bed-clothes 
 to prevent him from seeing who were the perpetrators — tore 
 up the paper that was prepared for that week's No. of the 
 Philanthropist, as well as a large part of the impression of an 
 omitted No. that had not yet been mailed — destroyed the ink 
 — dismantled the press, and carried away many of its prin- 
 cipal parts. Whilst the depredation was going on within 
 doors, a watch of the confederates was stationed in the street, 
 near the door of Mr. Pugh's dwelling house, to prevent him 
 from giving the alarm. A remarkable feature in the transac- 
 tion is this — notwithstanding so long time (nearly or quite two 
 hours) was occupied in doing the mischief, and that Mr. Pugh's 
 premises lie on one of the principal streets of the city, and 
 that the noise and confusion made by the rioters were loud 
 enough to wake many of Mr. P's neighbors (who were myste- 
 riously admonished to be quiet) — still, no interference was of- 
 fered by ihe night-watch of the city, to prevent the outrage. 
 Whilst this circumstance must strike every one as remarkable, 
 it. has been said in explanation of it, that the watchmen gene- 
 rally were paying particular attention to another quarter of 
 the city where it was expected a disturbance would take place. 
 Although the names of the actors in this scene have not been 
 sufficiently ascertained to authorize their publication — yet, 
 there is reason to believe, that some of the leaders were per- 
 sons of wealth and reputed respectability, who would never,, 
 before this, have been suspected of having been engaged in 
 
( 13) 
 
 such a transaction. The work was done, as it is supposed, by 
 their dependants and hirelings. Three of the operatives came 
 from Covington, on the Kentucky side of the river. Inform- 
 ation given to Mr. Pugh by a gentleman residing in Coving- 
 ton, and a note written apparently with friendly intentions to 
 one of the Executive Committee, by a person also professing 
 to reside in that place, confirm the accuracy of the last state- 
 ment. 
 
 Next morning, as soon as the damages could be repaired, 
 the business of the office went on as usual. Various reports 
 as to the number, character, designs, &c. &c. of the persons 
 concerned in committing the trespass were put in circulation. 
 In the midst of the conflicting accounts and opinions, it was 
 not difficult to be discerned, that there was a plan concerted 
 to produce intimidation in those concerned in the press. 
 
 What was the immediate cause — if it was single — that ex- 
 cited to the violence, it is by no means easy to fix upon. The 
 following incident is related as probably exercising some in- 
 fluence. Whilst that part of the colored people of the city, 
 who celebrate the anniversary of American Independence on 
 the fifth of July, were making ready for marching in proces- 
 sion, one of our white citizens of " standing" approached a 
 knot of four or five of them conversing together in the street, 
 and commenced abusing the colored people, as a class, in 
 terms of unmeasured severity — opposing their walking in pro- 
 cession — charging them with subsisting by pilfering and plun- 
 dering — and with enticing away the slaves of southern visit- 
 ers. It happened that among the number thus accosted, there 
 was one whose spirit had not been subdued into full submis- 
 sion to insult. He retorted with a firmness and fierceness of 
 tone and language — inspired somewhat, perhaps, by the enthu- 
 siasm of the day — altogether unexpected by the assailant. 
 The latter retired from the spot, galled, it may well be suppo- 
 sed — at the insult to which his imprudence had exposed him. 
 This incident may have been but slightly, if at all, connected 
 with the transaction of the twelfth. It is mentioned, because 
 of the well known hostility of the person concerned to anti- 
 slavery measures — because of their generally received con- 
 nexion with the colored people — and because of his intimacy 
 with many other influential citizens, who sympathise with him 
 in his sentiments and feelings on these subjects. 
 
 A more efficient cause however may be found in the pres- 
 ence of slave-holding visitors from the planting South. Ma- 
 ny of the southern planters and merchants, for purposes of 
 business or pleasure, and to escape the unhealthiness of their 
 own climate, spend much of the summer and the early part 
 of autumn in the free states. It is a fact deserving remark, 
 in passing, that nearly all, if not all, the larger mobocratic as- 
 2 
 
( 14 ) 
 
 saults that have been made, of late, on the constitutional rights 
 of the free states, with a view of serving and conciliating the 
 slave-holders, have occurred during those seasons. Judging 
 from the crowded state of our principal fashionable Hotels 
 and boarding houses, it was supposed, that Cincinnati had re- 
 ceived at the usual time, this summer, her usual influx of south- 
 ern visiters. It will be seen, in the progress of this exposi- 
 tion, that too much influence in producing the recent disorders, 
 has not been attributed to this cause, in conjunction with that 
 exercised by requests, or rather, orders from the South, re- 
 quiring that the Anti-Slavery discussion should receive no en- 
 tertainment here. In the mass of persons who, whilst they 
 have their citizenship in the free states, are desirous of aiding 
 in the perpetuation of slavery in the South, there is an alacri- 
 ty of subservience, that is altogether astonishing. The pres- 
 ence of the slave-holder — especially if he work his one or two 
 hundred slaves — kindles their zeal, and animates to acts of 
 sycophancy and servility almost incredible. In the excess 
 of their fidelity to the interests of the South, they forget that 
 there are any interests of the North. Thus, they are liable, 
 not only to overstep their orders, but frequently outrun the 
 most sanguine expectations, the warmest hopes, of the slave- 
 holders themselves. 
 
 We shall now endeavor, as faithfully as we can, to exhibit 
 the machinery, and the manner in which it was worked, to 
 bring about the catastrophe which almost every one now be- 
 gins to feel has injuriously affected the character of our city. 
 We would preface it with this remark, — that from the time the 
 Philanthropist was brought to Cincinnati, up to the first onset 
 of the 12th July, there had not a single paragraph appeared 
 against it in any of the City newspapers. Its influence as 
 well as its list of subscribers, in the city, was small, though 
 gradually on the advance. 
 
 The night succeeding that on which the invasion of Mr. 
 Pugh's premises amis macfe, the following placard was stuck 
 up on the corners of the streets. It is said to have been pre- 
 pared by a Mr. Graham and a Mr. Wood, (the former some- 
 what conspicuous in the scenes of the recent drama, the latter 
 the Editor of the People's Echo.) and to have been printedin 
 Covington. 
 
 ABOLITIONISTS BEWARE. 
 The Citizens of Cincinnati, embracing every class, interested in 
 the prosperity of the City, satisfied that the business of the place is 
 receiving a vital stab from the wicked and misguided operations of 
 ih<' abolitionists, are resolved to arrest their course. The destruction 
 ot' their Press on the night of the 12th instant, may be taken as a 
 warning. As there are some worthy citizens engaged in the unholy 
 cause of annoying our southern neighbors, they are appealed to, to 
 
( 15 ) 
 
 pause before they bring things to a crisis. If an attempt is made to 
 re-establish their press, it will be viewed as an act of defiance to an 
 already outraged community, and on their own heads be the results 
 which follow. 
 
 Every kind of expostulation and remonstrance has been resorted to 
 in vain — longer patience would be criminal. The plan is matured to 
 eradicate an evil which every citizen feels is undermining his busi- 
 ness and property. 
 
 The following prophetic comment was made on it, the next 
 day, by the Evening Post, one of our most decided pro-slave- 
 ry papers. 
 
 ABOLITIONISM. 
 
 A considerable excitement against the Abolitionists has existed in 
 our city for some time past. Murmurs of discontent at their proc 
 ings have been heard on all sides, and there is reason to believe that 
 there is something like a systematized plan on foot to prevent the 
 publication of their Journal in this city. We had entertained ahopf' 
 that there would be order and quiet after the proceedings of the night 
 of the 12 — that the Abolitionists would desist from publishing their 
 paper here, and that those who had undertaken to prevent them, 
 would be satisfied with what had already been done, and the peace 
 of the city be preserved. But this morning we noticed the following 
 handbill stuck up in all directions, and there is cause to fear that unless 
 the arm of the law is strong enough to protect the Abolitionists, some 
 act disgraceful to our city will be performed, if they attempt the re- 
 establishrnent of their press. 
 
 The following note was privately deposited in the scales of 
 a respectable and industrious tradesman of Cincinnati, on the 
 morning of the 15th inst. 
 
 "Cincinnati, July 14, 1836. 
 Sir, — It is said that you profess friendship to the cause of abolition. 
 We wish you immediately upon the reception of this to put your an- 
 swer in your window so that one of many may see it, and report the 
 .same. The simple word Yes or JVb, will suffice. Be sure you com- 
 ply immediately. ANTI-ABOLITION. 
 
 Mr. ■ 
 
 Present. 
 
 The next afternoon, Mr. Pugh, accompanied by tw r o of the 
 Executive Committee, had an interview with the Mayor. It 
 was suggested, that for the latter, to offer in his official char- 
 acter a reward for the detection of the rioters — and to call on 
 the citizens in the usual form of a Proclamation, to be vigilant 
 in the preservation of the peace, would contribute to allay the 
 spirit that was at work. One hundred dollars were deposited 
 with him, next day, as the reward to be offered, and it was ex- 
 pected that the Proclamation would have appeared in the af- 
 ternoon. It did not however — and its postponement was 
 apologized for, on the ground of other pressing business. It 
 
( 16 ) 
 
 did appear however, on the morning of the 1 6th. and here it is — 
 
 an insult to those who claimed lor their constitutional rights 
 
 the protection of the laws, and an invitation, in effect, to those 
 
 were aiming at their overthrow, to advance to their work 
 
 out fear. It need scarcely be said, that, had it been sub- 
 
 before publication to Mr. Pugh, or the Executive Com- 
 
 ee, it would have been utterly repudiated. 
 
 MAYOR'S OFFICE, CINCINNATI, July 15th.— One Hundred 
 Dollars have been placed in my hands with a request that it may be 
 offered as a reward for the apprehension and conviction of the person 
 or persons who broke into the Printing Office of A. Pugh, on Walnut 
 et, tore the press to pieces, and destroyed a quantity of ink, pa- 
 per &c. in the morning of the 13th inst. 
 
 I do therefore, hereby offer the sum of ONE HUNDRED DOL- 
 EtS, for the apprehension and conviction of the person or persons 
 concerned in the transaction described above. — Audi do hereby for- 
 warn all persons from engaging in acts of a similar nature, and call 
 upon them as good citizens, anxious to preserve and maintain the su- 
 premacy of the laws, to prevent as far as in their power, all others 
 i engaging therein; and it is especially enjoined upon the officers 
 of the police to be active and vigilant in their endeavors to maintain 
 the good order and peace of the city. 
 
 m1 I do earnestly entreat those persons whose proceedings, it is 
 alledged, have prompted to the commission of the riot complained of, 
 sy value the quiet of the city, to'abstain from the further prosecu- 
 tion of such measures as may have a tendency to inflame the public 
 mind, and lead to acts of violence and disorder, in contempt of the 
 ■ graceful to the city. 
 en under my hand, this 15th day of July, 1836. 
 
 S. W. DAVIES, Mayor. 
 
 To what extent this singular manifesto of the Mayor may 
 e excited the disorderly elements among us to greater 
 boldness, may be seen with tolerable clearness by recurring 
 to the tone and spirit of the slavery-paxt of the public press in 
 city. Simultaneously with the issuing of the Proclama- 
 . the Cincinnati Whig, in opposition to its usual course, 
 published a sensible and well written communication, signed 
 S. condemning the recent assault on the press, and insisting 
 on the reasonableness of meeting the abolitionists with argu- 
 ments, rather than with brute-force. The tenor of the com- 
 munication was extolled by the gentleman, to whom, during a 
 few days absence of the regular editor, the conduct of that 
 paper had been entrusted. Although the slavery-press here had 
 not rebuked, with any severity, the violence already perpe- 
 trated, yet, it is not remembered that it published any article, 
 stimulating the mob to further assault, prior to the publication 
 by the Mayor. On Sunday the 17th July the following hand- 
 bill was posted up at the corners of the streets. 
 
( 17 ) 
 
 "A FUGITIVE FROM JUSTICE," 
 $100 REWARD. 
 "The above sum will be paid for the delivery of one James G. Bir- 
 ney, a fugitive from justice, now abiding in the city of Cincinnati. 
 Said Birney in all his associations and feelings is black; although his 
 external appearance is white. The above reward will be paid and 
 no questions asked by OLD KENTUCKY. 
 
 The next clay the Whig contained the following editorial 
 article, — 
 
 "PUBLIC SENTIMENT." 
 
 "We have been informed on indisputable authority that a large 
 number of the boarders at the Franklin House in this city have left 
 their quarters on account of the reception of Mr. Birney, editor of 
 the Philanthropist, as a boarder. 
 
 "There is, no doubt an overwhelming majority in the city opposed 
 to the wild schemes of the abolitionists." 
 
 The same day the Executive Committee published the fol- 
 lowing address to the people of Cincinnati. 
 
 Fellow Citizens: 
 
 The undersigned beg leave to address you. The occurrences of 
 the last week authorize them to do so, and solemnly persuade you to 
 hear. There is no longer any reason to doubt, that there exists among 
 us a secret confederacy, whose bond of union is a covenent to put 
 clown the liberty of the press and the freedom of speech. These, the 
 gifts of God to every man, no matter what his condition; at his birth — 
 intended to be secured to him beyond the power of interruption, by 
 the firmest and most sacred guards of Constitutional law; these, with- 
 out which all abuses, and tyrannies, and usurpations, may riot without 
 shame or restraint, and the weak continue, without hope, to be the 
 prey of the powerful; these, which have been provided as the means 
 of reforming every vice in our political and social organization, are 
 the special object of assault and violence on the part of this secret as- 
 sociation. 
 
 On Tuesday last at the hour of midnight, the premises of a peacea- 
 ble and unsuspecting citizen were invaded; a guard was placed at 
 his door, of sufficient strength to subdue all resistance, and to repress 
 every attempt on his part to call on his neighbors or the city-watch 
 for aid; — in this duress his office was entered, his press dismantled, 
 and other private property connected with the press wantonly abus- 
 ed and destroyed. 
 
 Nor did they stop here. The next day was used to diffuse through- 
 out the city every means of intimidation — the association was spoken 
 of as large in number, and respectable and wealthy gentlemen were 
 said to be associated with it. 
 
 Nor was this all. On Wednesday night, placards were posted up 
 in the most public places, threatening renewed outrage — openly de- 
 claring that a re-establishment of the Press would be viewed as aw act 
 of defiance, and that a plan was matured utterly to eradicate it as an 
 "evil." 
 
 Nor is this all. Threats of personal violence have been made 
 against several of the undersigned, peaceable and law-abiding citi- 
 2* 
 
( 18 ) 
 
 zens, because they think, and have dared to say, that slavery, as it ex- 
 ists in our government, is an evil which is fast eating away the pure 
 republicanism on which our institutions were intended to be based — 
 which brings into contempt the great and everlasting truths of God's 
 word, asset forth in our memorable Declaration of Independence, that 
 all men are created equal — entitled to their liberty, and to the pursuit of 
 happiness; that it tends to rear up — nay, that it has already reared up 
 — iierce and domineering aristocracy in this Republic, and that it 
 will, if not early abandoned, certainly bring upon the country terror, 
 and carnage, and consternation and disolution. 
 
 Nor is this all. A handbill has been posted up in the streets and 
 other public places in Cincinnati, offering a reward for the abduction 
 of one of the undersigned, because of his opposition to slavery, des- 
 cribing him as a fugitive from justice: thus insulting the People of 
 Ohio, who have in their most solemn state paper — their Constitution 
 — passed their ever memorable reprobation of the political iniquity of 
 slavery. 
 
 The Press that was assailed, was used for printing the Philanthro- 
 pist, a journal established with the view of proving, by facts and ar- 
 guments, not only the practicability of abolishing slavery by peacea- 
 ble measures, but the pressing necessity of doing so, if we wish to 
 preserve our own liberties. More than one hundred of the citizens 
 of Cincinnati, and more than one thousand of the freemen of Ohio, 
 are subscribers to it. 
 
 The people of Ohio have said through their Constitution, that the 
 Press "shall be open and free to every citizen" — "That every citizen 
 has an indisputable right to speak, write or print upon any subject as 
 he thinks proper, being liable for the abuse of that liberty." A band 
 of lawless men arrray themselves against the Constitution, declaring 
 that their will and not that of the People is paramount. "What, Fel- 
 low Citizens, ought we to do in such a case! Ought we to yield to 
 fear] Ought Ave basely to surrender a right pronounced by the high- 
 w of the land to be " indisputable, " to a band of men who have 
 entered into a treasonable combination to overthrow all law! No: we 
 feel that your answer is responsive to our determination; and that we 
 are exhorted by every man who feels the preciousness of the great 
 principles that have been attacked, and that are still menaced, to go 
 on, till the entire supremacy of law, and the entire contempt of its 
 adversaries shall be fully established in this community. — We fa 
 now, in some degree, from the force of circumstances, committed to 
 our custody, the rights of every freeman in Ohio — of ilu ir offspring — 
 of our own. Shall we, as cravens, voluntarily offer them up, sacrifi- 
 ces to the spirit of misrule and oppression — or as American citizens, 
 contend for them, till a force which we cannot withstand, shall wrest 
 them from our hands? The latter part of the alternative we have em- 
 braced, with a full determination, by the help of God to maintain un- 
 impaired the freedom of speech and the liberty of the press — the pal- 
 ladium OF OUR RIGHTS. 
 
 JAMES C. LUDLOW, ^ 
 EtEES E. PRICE, 
 JAMES G. E1RNEY, 
 ISAAC COLBY, 
 WM. DONALDSON, } 
 JOHN MELENDY, 
 G. BAILEY, 
 THOMAS MAYLIN, 
 C. DONALDSON. 
 July 18th, 1836. 
 
 Executive Committee of the Ohio 
 Anti-Slavery Society. 
 
( 19 ) 
 
 This was quickly succeeded by the two following articles — 
 the first from the Whig — the other from the Republican of 
 July 21st.* 
 
 Mr. Editok: — Allow me to ask the people of Cincinnati (I mean 
 those really interested in her prosperity,] — through the medium of 
 your paper, if they do not intend at this time, now, to give so deci- 
 ded an expression of their sentiments as regards abolition, that those 
 who are injuring the character and prospects of this city, may know 
 and feel that this is not the place for them. 
 
 Will they permit a band of fanatics, led on by an English emissary, 
 to make this city the theatre of their operations, from whence thev 
 may throw lire-brands in the slave States, that will kindle a fire, that 
 will not be quenched till this glorious Union shall be dissolved, and 
 the blood of the innocent — of women and children — cry for ven- 
 geance? 
 
 A word of advice to .Messrs. Ludlow, Price, Donaldson, 6,-c. — Pub- 
 lish no more cards or addresses about midnight invasions. Eschew 
 the society of James G. Birney. Avoid him as you would a viper. 
 Mind your affairs. Consult your own interests and the interests of 
 the community from whom you are deriving asupport, and from whom 
 some of you have acquired fortunes. If any of you are foreigners 
 we would advise you, most especially to be silent on the subject of 
 slavery. A large majority of our citizens, have taken the foolish no- 
 tion into their heads that they understand their own institutions and 
 their own interest quite as well as certain foreign dictators. — Verbum 
 sat. 
 
 July 19. The Whig had the following article, purporting 
 to be an answer to the communication before mentioned, sign- 
 ed S. The Editor makes this remark concerning it. 
 
 ••In relation to the remarks of our correspondent, Public 
 Sentiment, we have only to reiterate, that we are alike oppo- 
 sed to abolitionists and mobs." 
 
 To the Editor of the Whig. 
 Sir: — It is in reply to a certain article under the signature of S., in 
 your paper of this date (July 1G) and which is favorably noticed by you, 
 upon the subject of recent occurrences in this city, that I now address you. 
 As to the general proposition therein embraced upon the subject of gov- 
 ernment and law, there is no doubt, and no one would be more unwilling 
 to see them infringed than myself — but occasions may arise in which 
 these principles, however correct and Irue, must be set aside, they must 
 give place to higher considerations, (n a country such as ours, the pub- 
 lic good is, and must be, paramount to all else ; upon this principle it was 
 founded, in and through it can it only be sustained. Did our fathers stop 
 to talk about subserviency to the established institutions of the land when 
 rebellion fust raised her standard against the tyranny of Great Britain? 
 Did they thus reason when the lories were to be taught that there were 
 other powers in existence than their legitimate king and his laws? I trow 
 they did not, as the destruction of the Tea in Boston harbor* and many a 
 tory dangling from a bough, cr garnished in his right loyal and 
 eourtly dress of tar and feathers can at'.est. No Sir — they were men who 
 revered and respected the laws so long as they were productive of the 
 
 *Both had previously published our advertisements for the sale of 
 Anti-Slavery publications at the Depository. 
 
( 20 ) 
 
 public good, and in unison with the public sentiment, but they did not 
 deem themselves the slaves of the law — they were not such worshippers 
 of the idol, of their own or other men's creation as not to know that 
 when through their means they were theatened with destruction they 
 must set them aside. In the language of one of the eloquent sons of 
 New England, they looked upon such a state of their affairs as a most 
 serious calamity — yet when the crisis did come they felt bound to meet 
 it like men, to summon all the energies of the soul, rise above ordinary 
 maxims and to hold themselves responsible only to their God. Such was 
 the reasoning of our revolutionary fathers — may we not thus reason now? 
 Are not the lives of thousands and thousands of our citizens threatened'? 
 The Government menaced and the union, tottering upon the verge of a 
 dissolution, through the machinations of a few individuals amongst us? 
 And is there not reason to suppose that many of those who are engaged 
 in this unholy warfare upon all we hold dear arG in the pay, and doing the 
 work of the Autocrats and lordlings of Europe? — The minions of power 
 and legitimacy, who would gladly see us destroyed and the "world's last 
 hope" go down in blood? Is not such I say, the case? And have we not 
 come to a state and condition which no American lawgiver could have an- 
 ticipated, and by consequence, which no law can meet? And are not the 
 American people from North to South, from East to West, now acting in 
 accordance with this emergency. 
 
 Every where the deep execration and anathema of the people havegone 
 up against the Abolitionists. Wherever they have dared to appear ,deri- 
 sion, and scorn, and punishment has awaited them, for in them the people 
 beheld their enemies, and the would-be-destroyers of their country. A 
 Garrison, the Missionary of Britain, and probably the hired stipendiary of 
 the Autocrat himself, was led through the streets of Boston, the cradle 
 of Liberty, with a halter about his neck, which was only not used in a 
 more effectual manner by his promising never again to disgrace the shores 
 of the Republic by his presence. In other places their reception has 
 been similar to this. In Cincinnati alone have they received even the 
 least countenance. To what this may be attributed, whether to apathy, 
 indifference, or a mistaken magnanimity, it is unnecessary now to en- 
 quire; let it suffice to say, that here too the day is past — that *he people 
 of Cincinnati love their country and its institutions, and in the words of 
 our present Chief Magistrate, will say 01 the Union, "it must be preser- 
 ved." A demonstration of their feeling has already gone forth, they have 
 thown that they were alive to their own interest, and the general welfare. 
 To this demonstration it appears that S. objects, but let me tell him that 
 his objections are vain. This is not the time nor the occasion tor such ar- 
 guments as he advanced — the times call for other principles of action, and 
 public sentiment will not be satisfied by any thing short of submission to 
 its just demands. In the name of that public sentiment I would say to 
 S. to all abolitionists and amalgamation! sts, emancipationists, or by what- 
 ever otbt_ j r name they may call themselves, who are here interfering with 
 the laws and institutions of our neighboring slavcholding states, and 
 serving either through blind zeal and fanaticism, or as hireling tools for 
 pay, the enemies of America, that this city is no longer an abiding place 
 for them. And to Mr. S. in particular I would say, far better would it be 
 for him. to counsel those who, driven out from their native homes, as out- 
 casts, seek to make this city the den of their iniquities, to depart in peace 
 now while they may, than attempt in any way to screen them from the 
 just vengeance of an injured people. 
 
 PUBLIC SENTIMENT. 
 
( 21 ) 
 
 On the morning of the 21st this card appeared in the Cin- 
 cinnati Gazette. 
 
 PUBLIC MEETING. 
 
 A meeting of the citizens is requested on Saturday evening next, at G 
 o'clock, at the Lower Market House, in Cincinnati, to decide whether 
 they will permit the publication or distribution of Abolition papers in this 
 cit}\ It is requested that Nicholas _LpjT^WQrJh, Jacob Burnet, Morgan 
 Neville, David Loring, John L. Wright, John P. Foote, Charles Tatem, 
 Anthony Harkness, David T. Disney, Charles Ross, David Griffin, A. L. 
 Vorhees, Wm. Phillips, Hamilton Lyon, Thomas VV. Bakewell, Archi- 
 bald Irwin, John H. Groesbeck, Josiah Lawrence, Robert Buchanan, Ja- 
 bez Reynolds, Sanders Hartshorne, Geo. W: Nelf, William Burke, Ben- 
 jamin Urner, Win. Greene, Samuel Perry, Geo. P. Torrence, Joseph Gest, 
 Wright Smith, Lewis Shoveley, Joseph Talbot, Dr. Whitman, Allen 
 Wilson, Archibald Gordon, John Leatherbury, John Wicks, James Good- 
 Joe, Willis Tatem, Jacob Strader, Sam'l Talbot, Jacob Resor, and R. F. 
 L'Hommedieu be a committee to prepare resolutions and submit the same 
 to the meeting, that shall fairly and decisively be a test of the people, it 
 being alleged that there is a settled determination existing- in an over- 
 whelming majority of the citizens to put down the alleged evil by force 
 if admonitions are found insufficient. The peace of our city requires that 
 the voice of the community be kuown. 
 
 The Whig followed this on the 23d with the second No. of 
 Public Sentiment, as follows: — 
 
 Mr. EoiTOR: Sin — I see by your paper of this morning, (July 22,) 
 that "Hamilton" is in the field in defence of his friend S. it is well, for 
 we know the old adage, "two heads," &c. But it appears that Hamilton's 
 knight errantry stops not here; for, while with one hand, he flourishes his 
 trenchant blade in behalf o( S., the other is extended in defence of the 
 city. "Brave heart and soul of chivalry!" would that some field worthy 
 of thy prowess might present itself. But, alas! for thy renown, as "har- 
 vest knight," the "queen city will protect herself; and if in so doing, 
 she meet not the approbation of her would-be-gallant defender, we can 
 only say, that "such things are and will be." Ladies and their knights 
 have, ere this, had their quarrels ; and some will say, have loved the bet- 
 ter for them — so may it be in this case. Yes, the city will protect herself; 
 and in so doing, will sustain a nation's first great laiv, self preservation. — 
 Her citizens have not yet attained to that elevation of reason and thought, 
 by which it is made to appear, as Hamilton would inform us, that her char- 
 acter may be attacked, her commerce and business injured, the govern- 
 ment threatened, and the domestic peace and quiet of her neighbors dis- 
 turbed, by a few hirelings of the despots of Europe, or fanatical refugees, 
 who have taken shelter in her bosom, and yet her citizens, her artizans, 
 merchants, and working men, upon whom the enquir3 r falls, cannot and 
 dare not seek a remedy. The/eu> in violation of the first principles, upon 
 which this government is founded — compromise and forbearance — setting 
 aside the rights of the sovereign States to the regulation and adjustment 
 of their own internal concerns, may inflict an injury which would soon 
 blast the fair prospects of our country, and destroy the hopes of republic- 
 anism throughout rhe land ; yet the many cannot, must not resist it. See 
 other days, when Ameiica was in danger, our fathers did not thus reason 
 or practice. Public sentiment then spoke a different language. It does so 
 now. And in its name, will I S3y to those whom it may concern — to 
 
( 22) 
 
 Ihose enemies of the Union, who are now here, by printing and publica- 
 tion, whether from treasonable or mistaken views, doing the work of those 
 who would destroy us and our institutions — desist. 
 
 Thus far, the peaceful and law abiding citizens of Cincinnati, have re- 
 frained from violence towards you. Heretofore, they have remonstrated 
 — they have argued — they have represented to you that the internal laws 
 and institutions of other States were nothing to them, that your interfer- 
 ence with them was destructive of the best interests of their beloved 
 and beautiful city — injurious to the reputation of her merchants and tra- 
 ders in the South, producing non-intercourse, and an alienation of feeling 
 on the part of the slave-holding States highly prejudicial to her mechanics 
 and artisans, and by consequence to every part of her population. They 
 have also told you that the course you were pursuing must lead to a diso- 
 lution of the Union — to the destruction of that government which found- 
 ed through the blood and toil of their fathers, it is their choice and boast 
 to maintain. This they have done in public and in private, by speaking 
 and writing — through the press, and public meetings, you have known 
 that such was the public sentiment. Yet you have defied it, and still per- 
 sist in your course. Strangers among us as most of you are, citizens of 
 other states and governments, fugitive amalgamationists from your native 
 homes, here you have found an asylum and protection, but adder like, 
 } T ou have turned upon your benefactors, and to gratify a blind and mista- 
 ken zeal, or a desire for gain or notoriety, are now inflicting upon them the 
 deepest injuries. To all this they have offered nothing but expostula- 
 tion, hoping that it might prevail, and the peace and quiet of the city be 
 preserved. In this reasonable expectation they have been disappointed; 
 and now, feeling that they have forborne till forbearance has ceased to be 
 a virtue, they conceive themselves called upon by an imperative sense of 
 duty to their country, their families and themselves, to act. What has 
 already occurred is "not a beginning." Once more then hear the warning 
 voice of one that will not willingly injure you, but who will be obeyed — 
 desist — or sure there will be a beginning, and when that beginning comes 
 the eliding is also at hand. Remember. 
 
 PUBLIC SENTIMENT. 
 
 In the same paper was the following editorial : 
 
 Far be it from us to tolerate that murderous and despicable doctrine 
 ■[abolition] in the slightest degree. We loathe, we utterly abhor it, 
 Ls lovers of order, however, and as enthusiastic advocates for the 
 supremacy of the law, we feel bound to express our belief in the per- 
 nicious tendency^of mobs — and it is alone this.conviction that induces 
 us to publish the remarks of "Hamilton." We nevertheless cannot 
 but admit that there may be ex necessitate rei exception to every gen- 
 eral rule. We have not now the leisure nor the space to show by 
 arguments, in what cases these exceptions may exist. There is, 
 however, such a thing as " self preservation," which every one ad- 
 mits to be paramount to all law, and which it is perfectly justifiable 
 to adhere to at at all hazards, no matter what the consequences. If a 
 man stand in a threatening attitude with a knife at our throat, nei- 
 ther the law of God nor man require us to wait patiently until the 
 fatal stall is given, but we are perfectly justifiable in arresting the 
 hand of the assassin even though in doing so we find it necessary to 
 proceed to the severest extremities. If, then, the Abolitionists place 
 ihemselvee in the position of the assassin, what can they expect 1 ? 
 
 The Republican republished the call for a public meeting, 
 
[ 23] 
 
 that had first appeared in the Gazette, and on Saturday morn- 
 ing, 23d, (the day the meeting was to be held) followed it with 
 these remarks: 
 
 The foregoing call is copied from the Cincinnati Gazette. The 
 views of the Editor of this paper upon the subject of abolition and 
 abolitionists are too well known to require from him an expression of 
 opinion with regard to the propriety or impropriety — the expediency 
 or inexpediency of the call. We believe some action is required 
 upon the subject by our citizens. We believe that the course pursued 
 by the abolitionists very reprehensible, and we believe also that their 
 influence has operated injuriously to the interests and character of 
 our city. [Compare this with what the same Editor says in his paper 
 ten days after — " The prospects of Cincinnati were never, probably, 
 more promising than at the present time."] Cincinnati is intimately 
 identified with the slave states, in business and social intercourse. 
 There is no class of individuals in our community whose interests are 
 not more or less affected by the proceedings of these misguided men. 
 The very men who are most officious in behalf of abolition, are those 
 who are most dependant upon the slave states for support and coun- 
 tenance — Men who but for the " villainous dealers in human flesh''' 
 would either starve or be compelled to return to whence they came, 
 and sink into their former insignificance. Who are the loud and 
 noisy abolitionists in Cincinnati! Adventurers! Men who, with the 
 exception of Mr. Birney, and a few other reckless and unprincipled 
 fanatics, are as ignorant of the character of our slave institutions, as 
 many who are most, zealous in the cause of abolition, are ignorant of 
 the nature of the institutions of their adopted country. We have no 
 patience with the abolitionists. Yet we would not hang them, tar 
 and feather them, quarter or drown them. We would put them un- 
 der the ban of public sentiment. We would publish them to the 
 
 world. We would say to our southern brethren — here is Mr. . 
 
 an extensive Merchant on street. He is an enemy to your in- 
 stitutions. He would persuade your slaves to cut your throats. If 
 you visit our city do not trade with that man. This is the only true 
 method of of reaching these incendiaries. Touch their interest. Re- 
 fuse to trade with them. Shun them as you would a rattlesnake. 
 Leave them to their backers, the Birney?, the Tappans, and the Gar- 
 risons, and in a very short time there would be little left of them. 
 
 Saturday, 6 o'clock, P. M. The meeting was held in the 
 open Market House, (where we believe no other meeting, for 
 a deliberative purpose, was ever held before) on Saturday eve- 
 ning. It consisted of not more than 1000 persons — from 200 
 to 300 of these belonging to the mob-party. We here give 
 the account of it as taken from the Whig. 
 
 GREAT ANTI-ABOLITION MEETING. 
 In accordance with previous notice, an immense meeting of the 
 citizens of this place was held in the Lower Market House, at 6 o'clock 
 on Saturday evening last, to take into consideration the propriety of 
 permitting James G. Birney and his deluded associates, to publish 
 their abolition paper in this city; and to express the feelings of the 
 people of Cincinnati upon the course pursued by the abolitionists in 
 this quarter. The proceedings of the meeting will be found below. 
 
 f 
 
[ 24] 
 
 The resolutions were all adopted unanimously, and with enthusias- 
 tic acclamation. Three thousand persons are supposed to have been 
 present. 
 
 ANTI-ABOLITION MEETING. 
 
 At a very large and respectable meeting of the citizens of Cincin- 
 nati, convened at the Lower Market House, in pursuance of a public 
 call, on the 23d day of July, 1836, the following proceedings took 
 place — 
 
 WILLIAM BURKE was elected President, MORGAN NEVILLE 
 Vice President, and TIMOTHY WALKER Secretary. 
 
 The following preamble and resolutions were then unanimously 
 adopted: 
 
 Whereas, The citizens of Cincinnati are now laboring under a se- 
 rious excitement, in consequence of the existence of an Abolition 
 Press in this city, from the influence of which, the most deplorable 
 results may be justly apprehended. And, whereas, although we dep- 
 recate the existence of slavery as a great evil, yet we hold it to be 
 one for which the present generation is not responsible; and disclaim- 
 ing all right to interfere with the regulations of our sister states on 
 this subject, we regard the conduct of the abolitionists as justly calcu- 
 lated to excite unfriendly dispositions on their part, and thus to effect 
 injuriously our own business and prosperity. And whereas, While 
 we recognize the constitutional right of liberty of speech and of the 
 press, in its utmost extent; yet, being anxious to preserve the peace 
 and tranquility of our city, and continue those amicable relations 
 which have hitherto existed between the States, we deem it our du- 
 ty to utter a warning voice to those concerned in the promulgation 
 of abolition doctrines, through the aforesaid press, because we believe 
 their course calculated to influence to passions of one portion of our 
 yet happy country against the other, and to lessen that moral influence 
 upon which the perpetuity of our Union mainly depend. Be it there- 
 fore 
 
 Resolved, That the spirit exhibited by the immediate supporters 
 of the abolition press in this city, is entirely at variance with the feel- 
 ings and opinions of the great mass of our population, is as unjust to 
 our sister states, as it is prejudicial to our own quiet and prosperity. 
 
 Resolved, That the establishment of the said abolition press in this 
 city is in direct violation of the solemn pledge heretofore given by its 
 conductor at a public meeting on this subject. 
 
 Resolved, That in the opinion of this meeting nothing short of the 
 absolute discontinuance of the publication of the said abolition paper 
 in this city, can prevent a resort to violence, which may be as dis- 
 astrous to its publisher and supporters, as it must be to the good order 
 and fair fame of our city. 
 
 Resolved, That we will use all awful means to discountenance and 
 suppress every publication in this city which advocates the modern 
 doctrines of abolitionism. 
 
 Resolved, That a committee consisting of twelve persons be appoint- 
 ed by the Chair to wait upon James G. Birney and his associates in 
 the publication of the said paper, to remonstrate with them upon the 
 dangerous tendency of the course they are pursuing, to communicate 
 to them the actual tone of public feeling in the city, to request them 
 by every motive of patriotism and philanthropy to desist from the pub- 
 lication of their paper; and to warn them that if they persist, we 
 cannot hold ourselves responsible for the consequences. 
 
 The Chair then appointed the following persons as the above com- 
 
( 25) 
 
 tnitte£, viz : Jacob Burnet, Josiah Lawrence, Robert Buchanan, Njcji^ 
 «Mas y .nn g worth. John C. Wright, Oliver M. Spencer, David Loring7 
 David T. Disney, Thomas W. Bakewell, Stephen Eurrows, John P. 
 Fpote, and William Greene. 
 
 To whom on motion the officers of this meeting were afterwards 
 added. 
 
 It was then resolved that the committee publish the result of their 
 interview, and that these proceedings be published in all the papers 
 in the city. 
 
 The following resoluion was then offered by Wilson N. Brown, 
 and adopted. 
 
 Resolved, That we entertain the most profound respect for the 
 memories of the venerated Patriots of more than "sixty years since'' 
 who in the harbor of Boston, without the sanction of law, but in the 
 plenitude of the justness of their cause took the responsibility of re- 
 shippmg the Tea Cargo, and for which illegal act they were entitled 
 to and did receive the warmest thanks and gratitude of every lover of 
 good order and well-wisher of his country — and that we in imita- 
 tion of the noble and fearless example set us by those true-hearted 
 Americans, declare that whenever we shall find an existing evil — 
 wicked and mischievous in its conceptions — warring against "the best, 
 interests and happiness of our common country by its effects — aiming 
 at the destruction and disunion of our happy government; and onlv 
 prompted and sustained by those untiring engines of human ambition 
 hope of gain and love of notoriety — but shielded from legal enact- 
 ment according to the usual practice of our laws so as to leave us but 
 one channel through which we can rid our fair land from its wither- 
 ing influence, that in seizing that one tangible point our exertions 
 -hall be firm, united, and decided. 
 
 WILLIAM BURKE, President. 
 
 Morgan Neville, Vice President. 
 Timothy Walker, Secretary. 
 
 From the foregoing extracts it would appear, that from th< 
 period of the first assault, when by no means all the mischiei 
 that was intended was perpetrated — there was a continued 
 effort to excite the profligate, and to bring them into the usual 
 mobocratic combination — and that to this purpose the slavery 
 press of this city prodigally lent its aid, after the publication 
 bi) the Mayor. If there was ever an occasion when those who 
 • are called "leading and influential" men might, with honor to 
 themselves and signal benefit to the country, have made a 
 stand, on principle, for the integrity of the laws, for the invio- 
 lableness of constitutional right, that occasion was now pre- 
 sented. 
 
 The fatal error was committed when such men consented in 
 any way — even by silence — to participate in the acts of those 
 who were setting the laws at open defiance. The call was for an 
 illegal object; to decide whether we, as citizens, should be 
 "permitted" to enjoy a right secured to us by the constitution 
 of tJhe state — to have it wrested from us by violence, or tame- 
 ly surrender it. The object was clearly illegal, and the as- 
 sembling together for the prosecution of that obj&ct constitutes 
 3 
 
( 26 ) 
 
 an offence punishable as a misdemeanor by our laws. To 
 suppose that the many legal gentlemen who shared in the pro- 
 ceedings from the first, were ignorant of the nature of the acts 
 they were forwarding, would be to suppose they have never 
 read the "hom-book" of their profession. 
 
 If the persons constituting the list nominated in the call to 
 act as a committee to prepare resolutions for the meeting on 
 Saturday, had, publicly and at once, refused to have any con- 
 nexion with a proceeding undisguisedly and avowedly in op- 
 position to the laws, there would have been no meeting, and 
 if there had been no meeting there would have been ho mob; 
 for, notwithstanding the auxiliaries of "wealth and respectabili- 
 ty,' 1 '' it was, at last, a hard matter to strain it up to the point of 
 action. For this purpose, not only the usual stimulant of ar- 
 dent spirits was resorted to, but the sons of some of the com- 
 mittee-men entered the ranks as operatives in the work of 
 demolition. But in this long list of names, the weight of whose 
 influence we do not at all question, there was not found one 
 who came out publicly as the advocate of good order, and the 
 upholder of the laws — although, we believe many of them are 
 truly such — notwithstanding two ichole days and more interve- 
 ned between the call and the meeting. In order that you may 
 the better appreciate the influence which this list of names 
 might have exerted had they chosen to make the effort, we 
 subjoin a sketch of the occupations and standing of the com- 
 mittee-men afterwards appointed, taken from the Cincinnati 
 Gazette of the 2d August. In addition to what the Gazette 
 says, we add, that eight of the thirteen who acted on the 
 committee are members of the Episcopal, Methodist Episco- 
 pal, Wesley an Methodist, New Jerusalem, and Unitarian 
 churches. Here is the extract : 
 
 Jacob Burnet — He is known as a man of wealth, a lawyer of the 
 first eminence, a Supreme Judge, a Senator in Congress, a citizen oi 
 extensive influence. 
 
 Josiah Lawrence — A merchant of high character, and President of ' 
 the Lafayette Bank. 
 
 Robert Buchanan — Also a merchant of high reputation — late Presi- 
 dent of the Commercial Bank of Cincinnati. 
 
 Nicholas kongworth — A lawyer, retired from practice — the most 
 extensive property holder in the city. 
 
 Oliver JK. Spencer — A Minister of the Methodist Episcopal Church, 
 a man of wealth, and highly esteemed in the city. 
 
 David Loring — A large property holder, one of the most enterpris- 
 ing and active business men of the city. 
 
 David T. Disney — Has been a member of both Houses of the Ohio 
 
 Legislature, and Speaker of both; an influential politician, conversant 
 
 with the interests of the city, and extensively engaged in business. 
 
 Thomas W. Bakewell — A wealthy and highly respectable merchant. 
 
 John P. Foole and William Green — Gentlemen of Intelligence and 
 
( 27 ) 
 
 wealth, and proprietors of a large stock in the Cincinnati Water 
 Works. No men stand better in society. 
 
 William Burke — Postmaster of the city, and a Minister of the 
 Gospel. 
 
 Morgan Neville — Known throughout the country, and esteemed 
 wherever he is known. 
 
 Timothy Walker — A respectable lawyer; one of the law lecturers in 
 the Cincinnati College. 
 
 The same print, in giving an account of the getting up of the 
 meeting, has these remarks: 
 
 This it must be noted is rather a new mode of calling a town meet- 
 ing. Here is the explanation: Nicholas Longworth, Morgan Nev- I 
 ille, and some others of the committee named, came to a determina- , 
 tion, that the abolition paper should be put down, peaceably if it could, * 
 forcibly if it must.' 1 They devised the plan of this meeting. With- 
 out consulting them, the names of some of the most respectable men 
 of the city were set down on the Committee. The meeting was ap- 
 pointed at the hour when most of those who labor in the foundries 
 and ship-yards, and elsewhere, would be discharged from labor for 
 the week, and at a place convenient for their assembling. It was 
 anticipated that most of the gentlemen named, would commit them- 
 selves to the object of the meeting by remaining silent, either from 
 real apprehension, or from repugnance to controversy. The antici- 
 pation was verified: and thus two principal objects were attained: it 
 was expected the array of names would weigh with the abolitionists 
 to give up their publication: and, on the other hand, should this fail, 
 it was conceived that the same array would operate to intimidate the 
 citizens from the ultimate design to employ violent means if necessa- 
 ry to effect the object. 
 
 A set of resolutions were prepared for the meeting, by N. Long- 
 worth and M. Neville, perhaps others had an agency in them, by con- 
 sultation or suggestion. 
 
 Ordinary courtesy, it seems to us, would now have deman- 
 ded that — as a committee had been appointed to confer with 
 the»editor of the Philanthropist "and his associates" — open 
 hostilities on the part of our opponents should have ceased, 
 at least, till the negotiation had been closed. This was far 
 from" being the case. The slavery-press remitted none of its 
 violence — every effort was put in requisition to keep the mobo- 
 cratic effervescence ready for explosion, as soon as the report 
 of the Town-Committee should publish, what before they all 
 ought to have known, that we would lay down our rights at 
 the bidding of no set of men — and, least of all, when they back- 
 ed their demands of absolute surrender, by menaces of force 
 and, extermination. 
 
 On Monday succeeding the meeting, Judge Burnet address- 
 ed the following note to Mr. Birney. 
 
 Cincinnati, July 25th, 1836. 
 J. G. Birney, Esq. 
 Sir: — You have probably seen, in the proceedings of a meeting, 
 
* 
 
 (28) 
 
 held in this city, on the 23d inst., that we were appointed a Commit- 
 tee to confer with you, and those who may be associated with you, in 
 the publishing of an abolition paper, in this place. 
 
 The object of this note, is, to ascertain at what time and place, ft 
 will be convenient for you, and your associates in that publication, to 
 meet us, for the purpose of having a free conversation, on the subject 
 matter of the resolution by which we were appointed. 
 We are, very respectfully, 
 
 J. BURNET. 
 Chairman of the Committee. 
 
 To this the following reply was made. 
 
 Cincinnati, July 25th, 1836. 
 J. Burnet, Esq. 
 
 Sir: — Your note of to-day, has just been received: — and I hasten 
 to answer it. 
 
 By 'an abolition paper,' it is presumed, the Philanthropist is inten- 
 ded. Of this Journal I am the editor. Whilst it would give me 
 much pleasure to have 'a free conversation' with you and any other 
 gentlemen who might think proper to call on me, on any subject in 
 which you might feel interested, and on which I could give any infor- 
 mation, yet, I apprehend, my want of power, singly, to act in refer- 
 ence to any matter effecting the Philanthropist — except, as to the mere 
 conduct of the editorial department — would render such a conversa- 
 tion ineffectual, so far as your immediate object is concerned. 
 
 The Philanthropist is the organ of the 'Ohio Anti-Slavery Society," 
 which numbers at this time, perhaps, not less than twelve thousand 
 of our citizens, in different parts of the State. The business of the 
 .^ocioty is conducted by an Executive Committee, whose names you 
 ill find in a pamphlet which I do myself the pleasure to transmit to 
 you, with this reply to your note. Any communication it may please 
 you to make to that body, through its Corresponding Secretary, will 
 meet, I doubt not, with the earliest and most respectful attention. 
 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 JAMES G. BIRNEY. 
 
 The next day, July 26th, the following articles appeared, 
 the first in the Whig, the last in the Republican. 
 
 Will Birney and his Abolition associates still persist in the publica- 
 tion of their villainously misnamed Philanthropist, in despite of the 
 public voice so significantly expressed at the immense meeting on Sat- 
 urday? If they do, they are to all "intents and purposes" mobocrals. 
 and we move that they be arrested by the Police officers as rioters and 
 disturbers of the public peace. If a mob, however, be excited by their 
 pugnacity and violence, let them not after this have the effrontery to 
 say that they were not the offenders and did'nt commence it. They 
 can't expect to be permitted to turn the people of Cincinnati, and 
 their neighbors out of their houses, destroy their trade, pull down the 
 law and Union which protect them, and then call themselves peacea- 
 ble citizens. 
 
 The Anti Abolition Meeting which took place in this city on Sat- 
 urday last, was one of the largest, most orderly, and unanimous as. 
 semblages we have ever seen in Cincinnati, notwithstanding it was 
 
( 29 ) 
 
 held in a public market house, in a public part of the city, and in the 
 open day. The proceedings were characterized by great moderation. 
 There were no outbreakings; no violations of the public peace or 
 tranquility; which, considering the vastness of the multitude, is as re- 
 markable as it is creditable to our city. 
 
 The abolitionists and their croaking friends were industrious dur- 
 ing the day and for several days previous, in creating the belief, that 
 the meeting would result in disturbance and riot — that those who call- 
 ed it and gave it countenance, where actuated by a desire to excite a 
 mob, and outrage upon the peace and property of our citizens. In 
 other words, that they in calling for an expression of public sentiment 
 on the subject of abolition, and the doings of abolitionists in our city, 
 were invoking the spirit of licentiousness, and inciting tumult and 
 commotion. This was done to prevent an expression of public opin- 
 ion. The abolitionists knew that they had nothing to hope, and eve- 
 ry thing to fear, from public sentiment; so they thought to prevent 
 its expression. Vain effort! They might as well attempt to turn the 
 current' of the Ohio, or arrest the progress of the electric bolt, as to 
 attempt either to stifle public opinion in Cincinnati, or stem it, suc- 
 cessfully or with impunity. The "raw head and bloody bone" stories 
 of disturbance, riot, and disgrace were laughed at by the major por- 
 tion of our citizens. The meeting was held in spite of their re- 
 monstrances. With regard to the spirit which pervaded those who 
 participated in the proceedings of the meeting; we cannot better il- 
 lustrate it than by referring to the resolutions which were adopted 
 upon the occasion. These resolutions, though temperate, are never- 
 theless strong and conclusive. They speak a language that cannot 
 be misunderstood o rmisrepresented. They declare in so many words 
 that the doctrine of abolition as preached in this city by a few fanat- 
 ics, will not receive the countenance of Cincinnatians, and that the 
 open and unblushing advocacy of principles so repugnant to the feel- 
 ings of more than nine tenths of the community, will not be tolera- 
 ted. The abolitionists in Cincinnati, the Birneys, the Donaldsons, 
 tS-c. have doubtless received their last warning. If their infatuation 
 has not rendered them both blind and deaf, or if they are not perfect- 
 ly reckless of consequences, they will now come to a halt in their 
 mad career, adopt the advice and heed the warning which we gave 
 them long since. 
 
 There are points beyond which public sentiment, even in a free 
 government, may not be trifled with, with impunity. That the aboli- 
 tionists have arrived at that point in this city, is plainly indicated in 
 the proceedings of the Saturday's anti-abolition meeting. The pro- 
 ceedings of that meeting show a determination to prohibit — -'peacea- 
 bly if they can, but forcibly if they must," — the distribution of aboli- 
 tion papers in this city, and if needs be, the publication of them too. 
 
 The following note, although dated 27th July was not re- 
 ceived by Mr. Birney till late in the afternoon of the next 
 day. 
 
 Cincinnati; July 27th, 1836. 
 Dear Sir: — I have received your letter in answer to my note of the 
 25th inst., which was written on behalf of the Committee appointed 
 by the citizens assembled at the Market House; on the 23d inst. I 
 regret that the interview which was solicited, has been declined. 
 If you will advert to my note again, you wilt see that we do not ask 
 3* 
 
( 30 ) 
 
 for a conference with yourself singly, but request the presence of 
 those who are associated with you in supporting the publication com- 
 plained of. The object at which we aim, is to convince you, and all 
 those who are connected with you, that the course you are now pur- 
 suing, is not calculated to obtain what you professedly, and, no doubt 
 sincerely, have in view. Such being our aim, the request was formal. 
 The names of your associates were not mentioned, because we did 
 not know them, but taking it for granted, that they were known to 
 you, the request was made in the form in which you received it, un- 
 der a belief that you would communicate to them the design of the 
 committee, and inform us whether it would be conceded, or not. As 
 you are the editor of the offensive publication, it was natural for 
 the committee to address themselves to you, taking it for granted, that 
 you would see your associates, or give them notice of the proposed in- 
 terview. The committee yet hope it will take place, and that it may 
 terminate auspiciously. It is in vain to disguise the fact, that nine- 
 teen twentieths of the population of this city are opposed to the cause 
 you are pursuing, and believe it has a direct tendency to injure both 
 its reputation and its business. It must also be apparent to the most 
 careless observer, that a high degree of excitement exists in the minds 
 of a large portion of our population, which the most prudent and 
 discreet among us, find it difficult to restrain. It is to be feared, that 
 this excitement cannot be kept down much longer, unless some ar- 
 rangement be made for removing the cause which has produced it. 
 The individuals who compose the committee entertain no other than 
 friendly feelings towards you, and those who act in connection with 
 you; they have reasons to believe that you and they may repose confi- 
 dence in the purity of the motives by which they are governed. 
 They will not recommend a course to you which they would not pur- 
 sue, and approve, were they placed in similar circumstances. Tak- 
 ing it for granted, that you are open to conviction, the committee are 
 ;nduced to hope, that it will be in their power to convince you, that 
 you ought to yield your opinions and preferences to the opinions of 
 so large a majority of those with whom you are connected in society, 
 and particularly so, as it is evident from the state of the public feeling, 
 that no other course will be likely to pacify the minds of your fellow 
 citizens. 
 
 The committee have no idea of engaging in a protracted correspon- 
 dence in performing the duty which has been assigned them, their 
 private business renders this mode of proceeding impracticable. They 
 therefore renew their request, that you will confer with persons who 
 <ire engaged with you, and if it be concluded to grant our request, 
 that you inform us, when and where the interview may take place. 
 
 I am very respectfully, 
 
 J. BURNET, 
 Chairman of the Committee. 
 . G. Birney, Esq. 
 
 The same day on which this letter was dated, the Whig 
 published the following communication. 
 
 Mr. Editor, 
 
 The following resolutions, I find in the daily papers of this morn- 
 ing, adopted at an Anti-Abolition meeting, held in this city on Satur- 
 day last. 
 
 Resolved, That the establishment of the said abolition press, in this 
 
(31 ) 
 
 city, is a direct violation of the solemn pledge, heretofore given by 
 its conductors, at a public meeting on this subject. 
 
 Now Mr. Editor, it would seem from the above, that Mr. Birney 
 pledged himself not to publish his paper in the city. If such is the 
 case, I would not give a straw for the cause he is advocating. It is 
 plain to the mind of every man of sense, that he who would pledge, 
 himself to do a thing, and violate that pledge, is an enemy to his coun- 
 try; and instead of advocating a just and righteous cause, he is doing 
 more injury to our beloved country, in throwing dissensions through 
 the columns of his paper, of an inflammatory character, in the slave 
 states, than the acts of the notorious Burr; which will, inevitably, be 
 the means of destroying our republican institutions. The editor of 
 the Philanthropist, (Birney) is doing more to overthrow our govern- 
 ment, and cast a stain upon her character, than any abolition editor 
 in the United States. That paper is a disgrace to Cincinnati; and I 
 hope the meeting held on Saturday, will have a salutary effect. The 
 interest of Cincinnati demands that he should desist from publishing his 
 paper. * HAMILTON. 
 
 [It may be well to state here that no such pledge as that 
 mentioned, was ever given. Mr. Birney has publicly denied 
 it, and no one has yet been found on his individual responsi- 
 bility, to come forward and deny his assertion.] 
 
 July 28. The following note addressed to the Correspond- 
 ing Secretary was received, and submitted to the Executive 
 Committee. 
 
 Cincinnati, July 28, 1836. 
 Sir : — The Committee appointed by the citizens on the 23d inst., have 
 directed me to request, that the Executive Committee of the Ohio Anti- 
 Slavery Society, will have a conference with them, on the subject matter 
 of the resolution by which they were appointed. Will you, sir, have the 
 goodness to communicate this request to the members of the executive 
 committee, and, if it be acceded to, to inform me when and where the in- 
 terview shall take place. 
 
 The committee which I represent, will meet this afternoon at 5 o'clock, 
 at the office of Morgan Neville, on Front street, where, if it be conveni- 
 ent, they will be pleased to see the executive committee. 
 I am, very respectfully, 
 
 J. BURNET, 
 Chairman of the Committee. 
 Augustus Wattles, Esq. Cor. Sec'y, &c. 
 
 The note of the day before, addressed to James G. Birney, 
 was not received until an answer had been almost prepared 
 to be sent to that addressed to the Corresponding Secretary. 
 It was then concluded, as the time had nearly arrived, for the 
 afternoon meeting of the Market House Committee, to send 
 by Christian Donaldson, a message, that we would hold the 
 desired "conference" with them that evening, at the house of 
 Dr. Colby. At the time appointed all the members of the 
 Executive Committee who lived in the city, with the excep- 
 tion of Dr. Colby who was called off by a professional emer- 
 gency, met, it is believed, twelve out of thirteen who composed 
 
( 32) 
 
 the Market House Committee. Judge Burnet, the chairman 
 commenced by giving a long explanation of the manner in 
 which he had been brought into the position he, at present 
 occupied. This being disposed of, he spoke of the high degree 
 of excitement which pe\*vaded a large portion — nineteen twen- 
 tieths we believe — of the inhabitants of the city. In proof 
 of it he related a conversation he had held with a man appa- 
 rently of low condition in life, who had accosted him in the 
 street — though altogether unknown to the judge — in tone and 
 phrase dark and mysterious. We will not undertake to give 
 it in the graphic manner in which it was related by the chair- 
 man who seemed still to feel the impression, that the mysteri- 
 ous stranger had made on him. We will give only the 
 result — which was that the stranger on parting with the judge 
 said in reference to the destruction of the Philanthropist press, 
 as it w r as understood, make haste — (we) — or I am ready to help 
 you. Judge Burnet professed himself alarmed at the excite- 
 ment which he believed was in the city — and we do not in the 
 least call in question the sincerity of the declaration, for his 
 whole manner and language gave proof of it. He further 
 stated, that by report, the excitement pervaded not only the 
 city, but that it had gone some distance into the neighbor- 
 hood; that there were, between Cincinnati and Columbia (6 
 miles above on the river) 160 men who were banded together, 
 to destroy the Philanthropist establishment — who had their 
 officers appointed — were fully drilled, and ready, at the first 
 signal, to make the onset. He also stated that for four or five 
 miles the excitement had passed into Kentucky, and that the 
 three towns (Covington, Newport, and Cincinnati) were ready, 
 at any moment, to rise for the same purpose. He further 
 represented, that the mob were becoming impatient, — were 
 beginning, from what they supposed was the dilatory conduct 
 of the Committee, to lose confidence in that body, and to sus- 
 pect them, of rather a favorable leaning towards the object of 
 their hate. Other gentlemen of the Market House Committee 
 were called on to give their views as to the state of the public 
 mind. There was no material difference among them. One, 
 or more of them spoke of the excitement, already nearly irrepres- 
 sible, that prevailed, among the workmen employed in the iron 
 foundries and boat yards situated generally near the river — 
 of one of which, with a large number of hands, he himself was 
 the. proprietor. Judge Burke said the abolitionists were be- 
 ginning to be regarded as intending to effect their object by 
 revolution and in no other way — all other ways being set down 
 as utterly impracticable. — Rev. Mr. Spencer rose from his 
 seat, when he made his speech — apparently a set one : — He 
 commenced by saying, there were those present in whose 
 veins flowed the blood of our revolutionary patriots, and who 
 
( 33) 
 
 were as desirous as any other men, to see no longer in our 
 country the track of a slave. He then recited a stanza of 
 poetry condemning slavery, — winding up with taunting the 
 abolitionists for not going to the south, and preaching their 
 doctrines where they might have an opportunity of closing 
 the scene with a glorious martyrdom. Much more was said, 
 in relation to the excitement than we can take room to 
 narrate. 
 
 The next point mooted was the business of the city. It 
 was on this ground — and on this solely — that the merits of the 
 question seemed to be placed. It was asked by us, if rents 
 were not high — houses to rent scarce, real property on the 
 advance — commercial business brisk for the season of the 
 year, and every body— artizan or common laborer— who would 
 work, employed at high Wages? All this was admitted — and 
 it did appear to our plain judgments to be evidence of at least 
 as much prosperity as ought to satisfy reasonable men. But 
 it was insisted on the other hand, that this state of things (in 
 which all were employed at good wages,) was not the true cri- 
 terion of prosperity. All this might be tiue — yet if abolition- 
 ism in Cincinnati had prevented the south from sending her 
 orders for even more work than could be executed by the 
 mechanics now here, it had injured the city, — because these 
 very orders would be the means of introducing among us more 
 artizans from other places. In the solidity of this reasoning 
 the gentlemen on the other side, no doubt had entire confi- 
 dence — but it seemed to us not more conclusive, than that of 
 the Kentucky farmer who undertook to prove to a neighbor 
 that he had lost ahundred calves that spring, by not having, as 
 lie might have had, a hundred cows to produce them. 
 
 It was asked by us, what evidence there was, that the sou?!; 
 was withdrawing her business from us because of the existence 
 of abolitionism here? To this it was replied, that it was to be 
 found in various communications and letters from the south. 
 One of the Market House Committee, (Mr Buchanan) an ex- 
 tensive and prosperous merchant, who has large connections, 
 in the way 'of business with the south, said the subject had 
 been frequently mentioned to him by his southern correspon- 
 dents, and that they were now beginning to present the al- 
 ternative to this city, either to suppress the abolition discus- 
 sion, or to be content to lose their southern business. He 
 was asked if the Philanthropist or its editor had ever been 
 specified, as items in the complaint. Mr. B. said they had 
 not — he did not know that either of them was particularly 
 known at the south — but the complaint was one of general 
 character, that the anti-slavery discussion was eutertained in 
 Cincinnati. 
 On Judge Burnet's remarking, that abolitionists were inju* 
 
( 34) 
 
 ring the property-holders of Cincinnati, he was asked to spe- 
 cify how he was injured. He stated, in reply, that four or five 
 years ago — [this ivas between two and three years before the 
 commencement of the abolition question in this place~\ it was 
 customary for thirty or forty families from the south, attended 
 by their servants who were indispensable to them in their ex- 
 cursions, to spend a great part of the summer in Cincinnati.— 
 That, since the abolitionists had commenced their operations, 
 the people of color had become so bold in enticing away the 
 servants of the southern visiters that they would no longer 
 venture among us; [Compare this with the following from the 
 Cincinnati Republican of August 2. "Our hotels and board- 
 ing houses are always crowded, and hundreds of southern 
 families wh© contemplate a sojournment of some weeks in 
 the queen city of the west, have been compelled to relinguish 
 their intentions for want of accommodations,"] and that the 
 abolitionists had contributed to make the people of color 
 much more impudent to the ichites than formerly. Noiv, if a 
 man was wise, when he saw four or five of them on the pave- 
 ment, he would diverge into the street to pass around them 
 to avoid their insolence in not giving the way — and that lie 
 had been jostled by them on the side walks. This was 
 the account, the chairman gave of the injury, he was suf- 
 fering from abolitionists. 
 
 The chairman having professed satisfactory knowledge of 
 the measures and objects of the anti-slavery societies — 
 and stated that there was no one who was more a friend of 
 emancipation than he was, and after alleging that African col- 
 onization was the only feasible way of accomplishing the ex- 
 tirpation of slavery amongst us, and having uttered sentiments 
 in reference to the principles and results of abolitionism that 
 seemed unusually crude for one of his station in society — and 
 being seconded in his opinion by another of the Market House 
 Committee, — it was remarked by one of our number, that the 
 entertainment of such sentiments by such men convinced him 
 more forcibly than he had yet been, of the necessity of hav- 
 ing the whole subject discussed. He then proposed, that, if 
 the members of the Market house Committee would give the 
 influence of their recommendation to a meeting, to be held in 
 some church of the city for that purpose, he [the member allu- 
 ded to] would give an exposition of anti-slavery principles, 
 And be willing to hear any arguments that might be offered 
 against them. It was at once replied, that such a meeting 
 could not be held in the city, that the people would hear no 
 public discussion on slavery, and that the speaker would lose 
 his life in attempting to discuss it. No change was produced 
 on the Market House Committee by the assurance of the 
 member that with their sanction for the call of such 
 
( 35 ) 
 
 a meeting, he was willing to hazard all personal peril to 
 himself. ^ 
 
 The conversation was at length turned to the main obiect 
 of the meeting— the discontinuance of the Philanthropist*— 
 Ihe first suggestions were, that it should be "postponed » or 
 "suspended for a time." All such modified propositions, how- 
 ever, were at length, put aside as useless--and the demand 
 made, ot an absolute discontinuance, with the certain alterna- 
 tive in case of refusal, of a mob unusual in its numbers, deter- 
 mined in its purpose, and desolating in its ravages. The 
 chairman expressed it as his opinion, that it would be one of 
 unprecedented character—that it would consist of four or five. 
 thousand persons, bent on the wide destruction of property 
 and that two-thirds of the property holders of the city would 
 join it. That it would be utterly vain for any man or set of 
 men to attempt to restrain it — it would destroy any one who 
 would set himself in opposition to it. 
 
 In order to ascertain, what was the temper of the Market 
 House Committee gentlemen, themselves, they were asked 
 whether if a mob could be averted they icould be content that 
 tJie publication of the Philanthropist should be continued?— 
 Ihe question was scarcely uttered, when the chairman and 
 several of the other members replied unhesitatingly, they icould 
 not. One of them qualified what he said, bv saying he would 
 be content, if he could he satisfied that it "would produce no 
 injury to the city in any way. It was next asked, if they had 
 read the Philanthropist, and if they had, whether the objection 
 to its continuance was made on the ground of there beiU any- 
 thing exceptionable in the manner and spirit of conducting it. 
 I he answer on the part of one of the Committee was, that he 
 had read several of the latter numbers--another said that he 
 had read portions of the last three or four numbers—another, 
 that he had read a column or two, or an article or two, in some 
 one of the first numbers. This was the whole amount of 
 knowledge on the part of the Committee, as to the manner in 
 which the Philanthropist conducted the slavery discussion.— 
 But it was further added on their part-that the manner and 
 spirit of 'the paper had nothing to do with the question-~it 
 was the discussion of slavery here, that was thought to be in- 
 .juring the business of the city. That the paper was believed 
 to be a prominent instruments carrying on this discussion.-- 
 that therefore, its absolute discontinuance was called for— -that, 
 the public sentiment would be satisfied with nothing short of 
 this, and that it was in such a condition that it could not be 
 reasoned with. No definite answer from the Executive Com- 
 mittee was expected to be given at the conference— which 
 
( 36 ) 
 
 'was dissolved after the following resolution was adopted by 
 the market House committee. 
 
 "Resolved, that the Executive Committee of the Ohio Anti-Slavery 
 Society, be requested to communicate to the committee in writing, by 12 
 o'clock on Friday, to-morrow noon, an explicit answer to the question, 
 whether they will discontinue or not the publication of an abolition paper 
 in this city called the Philanthropist." 
 
 The next morning our Committee assembled, and agreed 
 on the following reply to the request of the Market House 
 Committee. It was handed in at the time mentioned in their 
 resolution. 
 
 Cincinnati, July 29, 183G. 
 J. Burnet, Ch. Com. 
 
 Sir: — Whilst We feel ourselves constrained altogether to decline 
 complying with your request, as submitted last evening, to discontinue 
 the Philanthropist, we think it but just to ourselves, and respectful to 
 our fellow citizens generally, to offer a brief exposition of the rea^om' 
 that persuade us to this course. 
 
 1 . We decline complying — not so much from the fear that the 
 particular cause in which our press is employed may be injured — but 
 because compliance involves a tame surrender of the Freedom of the 
 Press — the Right to Discuss. 
 
 2. The Philanthropist is the acknowledged organ of some twelve 
 thousand, or more, of our fellow citizens of Ohio, wha believe that 
 slavery, as it exists in our country, is altogether incompatible with the 
 permanency of her institutions; who believe that the Slavery of tin 
 South or the Liberty of the North must case to exist; and who intend 
 to do, what in them lies, to bring about a happy and a peaceful termi- 
 nation of the former — and this as speedily as facts, and argument-. 
 and appeals to the consciences and understandings of the slave-hold- 
 ers can be made instrumental to effect it. 
 
 3. The Philanthropist is the only journal in this city or neighbor- 
 hood, through which these facts, and arguments, and appeals can be 
 fully addressed to the community. It has been conducted with fair- 
 ness and moderation, as may lie abundantly proved by the acknow- 
 ledgements <3f those who are opposed to its objects. It has invited 
 the slaveholders themselves to the use of its columns for the defence 
 of slavery, and has given up to a republication of their arguments a 
 large share of its space. 
 
 To discontinue such a paper under existing circumstances, would 
 in" 1 a tacit submission to the exhorbitant demand of the South, that 
 Slavery shall never more be mentioned among us. 
 
 4. AVe decline complying with your request — because if it has 
 originated among our own citizens, it is an officious and unasked 
 for intrusion on the business of others — If among the citizens of other 
 States, it is an attempt at dictation as insolent and high-handed on 
 their part, as a tame submission to it would be base and unmanly on 
 ours. 
 
 5. We decline complying with your request — because we would 
 not preclude ourselves, and others, from discussing in the most ad- 
 vantageous manner a subject, which, by the acknowledgement of all 
 is of momentous consequence, and which is now occupying the minds 
 of the whole nation. 
 
[ 37 ] 
 
 6. We decline complying — because the, demand i.s virtually the de- 
 mand of slave-holders, who, having broken down all the safe-guards 
 of liberty in their own States, in order that slavery may be perpetua- 
 ted, are now, for the fuller attainment of the same object, making the 
 demand of us to follow their example. 
 
 [The two remaining reasons were omitted — unintentionally, we 
 have no doubt — in the published report of the Market House Commit- 
 tee. They were part of the letter sent to the Market House commit- 
 tee, and are here supplied.] 
 
 We decline complying — because the attempt is now first ms 
 our case, formally and deliberately to put down the freedom of speech 
 and of the press. Wc are, to be sure, the object of the attack — bur, 
 there is not a freeman in the State .hose rights are not invaded, in 
 any assault which may be made on us, for refusing to succumb to an 
 imperious demand to surrender our rights. 
 
 ;;. We believe, that a large portion of i he people of Cincinnati are 
 utterly opposed to the prostration of the liberty of the press-— and that 
 there is among us— whatever may be said to the contrary— enough 
 of correct and sober feeling to uphold the laws, if our public officers 
 faithfully discharge their duty. 
 
 With these reasons — to which many more might be added, did time 
 permit — we leave the case with you: — expressing, however, our firm 
 conviction, should any disturbance of the peace occur, that you, gen- 
 tlemen, must be deeply, if not almost entirely, responsible for it, before 
 iar of sober and enlightened public opinion. 
 
 JAMES C. LUDLOW, ^ 
 
 ISAAC COLBY, I 
 
 WM. DONALDSON, 
 
 JAMES G. EIRNEY, [Executive Committee of the Ohio 
 
 THOS. MAYLIN, Anti-Slavery Society. 
 
 JOHN MELENDY, 
 
 C. DONALDSON, 
 
 G-AMAL. BAILEY. J 
 
 J. Burnet, Chairman, &c. Cincinnati. 
 
 Thereupon, the following resolution was unanimously 
 adopted by the Committee : 
 
 Resolved, That the members of this Committee reluctantly accept- 
 ed the responsible trust committed to them, with no other motive than 
 the hope of being able to allay the excitement which they believed to 
 exist, and to prevent the violence which they feared might be its re- 
 sult. That, in discharging their duties, they have used all the mea- 
 sures of persuasion and conciliation in their power. That their ex- 
 ertions have not been successful, the above correspondence will show, 
 it only remains, then, in pursuance of their instructions, to pub- 
 lish their proceedings and adjourn without day. But ere they do 
 this, they owe it to themselves and those whom they represent, to 
 express their utmost abhorrence of every thing like violence; and 
 earnestly to implore their fellow citizens to abstain therefrom. 
 JACOB BURNET, DAVID T. DISNEY, 
 
 JOSIAII LAWRENCE, THOS. W. BAKEWELL, 
 
 ROB'T BUCHANAN. JOHN P. FOOTE, 
 
 NIC HES LONGWOR TH. WILLTAM GREENE, 
 
 "ITLTvTR M. SPENCER, WILLIAM BURKE, 
 
 DAVID LORING, MORGAN NEVILLE, 
 
 TIMOTHY WALKER. 
 4 
 
[ 38 ] 
 
 Note. — John C. Wright, one of the Committee, has been absent du- 
 ring all its proceedings, and Stephen Burrows, another member, de- 
 clined acting. 
 
 Thus terminated one of the most singular negotiations — 
 whether we regard the subject matter — the causes leading to it — 
 or the parties — that has yet been recorded in the annals of our 
 country. 1. The subject matter was, the right to investigate 
 and discuss Truth — a right bestowed by the Creator on Man 
 as his intelligent creature, to use as freely as he walks the 
 earth, or breathes the air — the exercise of which is required of 
 him as a duty — a right which, as an accountable being, he has 
 no power voluntarily to relinquish, any more than he has vol- 
 untarily to sell his liberty, or to part with his life — a right so 
 clear that the people of Ohio have, in their constitution, pro- 
 nounced it ''indisputable" — so inestimable, they have adopt- 
 ed it as one of the elements of their government, and so liable 
 to be invaded by power, that they have attempted to secure its 
 freest exercise by the most stable, the most solemn sanctions. 
 2. The reasons for demanding its surrender — slave-houie s 
 called for it — oppression in the South having prostrated 
 there, all legal barriers of individual right and persona! safety: 
 having overthrown within her own limits the freedom of the 
 press and of speech — the right to discuss — in order that her reign 
 might be perpetuated, demanded it ; a mob of three or four 
 hundred — a mere fragment of our population — the very fecu- 
 lence of the city, countenanced and encouraged to the deed by 
 leading and influential men among us, to whom the exercise 
 of the right of discussion was displeasing, demanded it. 3. 
 The parties to it — on the one hand, ten thousand of our fel- 
 low-citizens, not, to be sure [with but few exceptions] leading 
 and influential, but yet of the freemen, the plain and honest 
 yeomanry of Ohio, who. within the limits of the Constitution 
 are contending for its very citadel — who are fighting, only 
 with the weapons of truth, for that liberty which becomes the 
 more precious the more it is endangered by the assi ults of its 
 enemies. On the other — there are merchants and manufac- 
 turers, closely united with the slave-holder — lawyers and 
 judges — officers of the government, and ministers of the Gos- 
 pel—there are wealth and influence, slave-holding servility 
 and aristocratic pride — all, marshaling into their service for 
 the work, a band fearless of God and regardless of man'. Sure- 
 ly, such an attempt to trample under foot the liberties of our 
 people — so deliberate — so carefully matured, and backed by 
 such an amount \oi moral, intellectual, and pecuniary power, 
 has rarely been made in this country! However to resume 
 < >ur narrative. 
 
 The Market House Committee, on their dissolution, forth- 
 with despatched their report, as given in a foregoing part of 
 
[ 39] 
 
 this statement, to the city papers for publication next morn- 
 ing. I he Cincinnati Gazette refused to publish it tillMonday 
 knowing that Saturday, of all the days of the week, is the raosl 
 favorable for a popular disturbance, h was heralded forth in 
 the Republican on Saturday morning. The same morning 
 the \Vhi ? , as it a knowledge of the preliminaries to an attack 
 had not been sufficiently disseminated, and there was need of 
 a signal to begin, sounded the charge in the following strain: 
 
 m M'DutT, and d d be he 
 
 Who first cries hold, enough!" 
 
 The editor and publish,.- - f the " Philanthropist," the abolition pa- 
 per m this city, seem to have fully adopted the above aphorism and 
 W be determine : to put the great mas, of the people of this city at 
 utter and contemptuous defiance. 
 
 We observe that the offensive paper appeared yesterday, a* usual, 
 hearing upon its front the name of James G. Birnej as editor, and A 
 Pugh as printer. Publishing office corner of Main and Seventh 
 street^. 
 
 What has become of Pugh's recent pledge to the public to have 
 nothing to do with the Philanthropist! 
 
 Are the abolitionists in this city mad! Will they not take counsel 
 ot what has occurred! Or will they persist in contemning public sen- 
 tient until they bring upon themselves the excited vengeance of 
 the multitude! Once more we say to them, pause! ■ 
 
 _ Nor was even this sufficient. For at G o'clock in the eve- 
 ning a preparatory meeting was held at the Exchange, at 
 which Joseph Graham presided, and J. A. D. Burrows^acted 
 as Secretary— where it was resolved, 1. That the Press should 
 be destroyed, and the types thrown into the street; and 2. 
 lhat Air. Birney should be notified to leave the city in 24 
 hours. This meeting, composed mostly of well-dressed young 
 men, having the appearance of clerks, store-boys, &c. adiourn- 
 4S ^/Texas meeting held in the Court House, at 3 o'clock, 
 xhe iollowing account of the subsequent disturbances is ta- 
 ken from the Cincinnati Gazette, and is, we believe in the 
 mam. more correct than any other we have seen. 
 
 DESTRUCTION OF PROPERTY. 
 
 c^f^^ff^?^ 3 °' Ver >' soon a ^ dark, a concourse of 
 citizens assembled at the corner of Main and Seventh streets, in tin, 
 city and upon a short consultation, broke open the printing office of 
 the Phi anthropist, the abolition paper, scattered the type into the 
 greets, tore down the presses, and completely dismantled the office. 
 
 li-br^.r P. , y t PU5 '".' a P eaceablp and orderly printer, who pub- 
 lished the Philanthropist lor the Anti-Slavery Society of Ohio. From 
 the printing office the crowd went to the house of A. Pueh, where 
 m y J iP1 T le 'T were other printing materials, but found none, 
 o ottered any violence. Then to the Messrs. Donaldsons', where 
 ladies only were at home. The residence of Mr. Birney, the editor. 
 «ras then visaed, no person was at home but a youth, upon whose 
 
[ 40 ] 
 
 explanations, the house was left undisturbed. A shout was raised for 
 d/ Colby's and the concourse returned to Main street, proposing to 
 nile up the 'contents of the office in the street, and make a bonfire oi 
 them Joseph Graham mounted the pile, and advised against burn- 
 ; ne it lest the houses near might take fire. A portion oi the press 
 was then dragged down Main street, broken up and thrown into the 
 river The Exchange was then visited and refreshments taken. 
 After which the concourse again went up Main street to about oppo- 
 site the Gazette Office. Some suggestions were hinted that it snould 
 be demolished, but the hint was overruled. An attack was then 
 
 o-i the residence of some blacks, in Church alley; two gu 
 fired upon the assailants. j recoiled. It was supposed that 
 
 one man was wounded, but that was not the case. It was some time 
 
 e a rally could be again made, several voices declaring they did 
 
 not wish to endanger themselves. A attack was made, the 
 
 houses W ere found empty, and their interior contents destroyed—It 
 
 was now about midnight, when the party parading down Mam street. 
 
 [ayor.whohad been a silent spectator of the 
 
 ruction of the printing office. He told them they might as wed 
 now disperse. i to a considerable extent followed: 
 
 various other disturbances took place through the night, oi the mag- 
 
 de and particulars of which we are not advised. 
 
 The following, taken down by a gentleman who was pre- 
 sent, has been furnished as an accurate report oi the Mayors 
 
 speech. . , , . 
 
 '^Gentlemen.— It is now late at night, and time we were 
 
 .,;! i n bed— by continuing longer, you will disturb the citizens, 
 Leprivethem of their rest, besides robbing yourselves of 
 rest No doubt, it is your intention to punish the guilty, ana 
 leave die innocent. But if you continue longer, you are in 
 danger of punishing the innocent with the guilty, which 1 am 
 tvinced no one in Cincinnati would wish to do. We have 
 done enough for one night, ["three cheers for the Mayor j 
 
 ves, must be convinced themselves 
 hv this time, what public sentiment is, and that it will no1 i 
 r; rd,<Jf set it at naught, [three cheers 
 in! & you cannot punish the guilty without endangei 
 the innocent,! advise you all to go home, [cries ot home 
 rom the ci ' >wmed the balance oi his harangue.] 
 
 From the Cincinnati Gazette of August 4th. 
 On Sunday evening, there was another collection of our 
 izens onMaiirstteel i geflgjte the Franklm boarding house. 
 in search ofW. Birney, alleging he was harbored there. 
 The Mayor with one or twocitizens, officiated as a domiahary 
 committer to examine the house, and having performed the ser- 
 vice, reported that the object oi search was not there. Altei 
 this the residence of the blacks were again disturbed, but no 
 actual violence perpetrated. Through the forepart oi Mon- 
 h the eity was much agitated as is evinced by the subjoin- 
 ed document. 
 
[ 41 ] 
 
 PROCLAMATION. 
 
 Mayor's Office, } 
 
 City of Cincinnati. $ 
 Whekeas, a most violent excitemen exists in every class of the in- 
 habftS 'of the city, demanding every effort to prevent its breaking 
 nut in further acts of violence and disorder. . 
 
 I do therefore, call upon the citizens, disposed to aid in he ore- 
 
 oiJrtotiofthe'Mace aid restoring the city to that state o quiet- 
 
 ^^Sldt^lhehnvs.ior which it has been heretofore^ 
 
 ,; J nnrl frnm which, it is to be regretted, it has lately depar- 
 
 STandrtqSst.heml^e'mble a. A. layers Offlce, this even.ng- 
 
 at half past seven o'clock. 
 
 Uive? under my hand, this *$«£fft^ , Iayor . 
 
 Another of the city papers says that "on Monday several 
 volunteer companies were organized, which, with others who 
 carT forward at the call of the Mayor, acted ior the defence 
 of the city on Monday night. Several mobs collected on 
 Monday night, but were prevented from violence and .dispers- 
 ed by the volunteers acting under tbe authorities. A mob oi 
 J two hundred came down Elm street to make an attack 
 on the negro houses, but were kept at bay by a volunteei com 
 p n of fifteen, till an additional force of some two hundred 
 i-ame to ttir aid, when the mob dispersed. No violence was 
 committed on Monday night.'' rinninnati 
 
 -This state of things "says the editor of the Cincinnati 
 Gazette, speaking of the transaction of Monday. 
 
 This state of things, being thus upon us, ^^J^g?^ 
 dertakin-s of the Maiket House meeting to prevent it here were 
 nnec fzens who conceived it time to look to themselves. The) 
 we e s ckened aud exhausted with the alarm and apprehension of 
 uvo davs andtvvo nights, and the threatening aspects of he third 
 2 lv -Thev nought enongh had been done to assure our fellow c.ti- 
 
 l- Jihl South that the citizens of Cincinnati were earnestly de- 
 void los^u^nt L safe enjoyment of their slave property 
 Thee wee some of us, who conceived we had at least unequal 
 ^ t ; make an effort to restore the quiet ^^^J^Z 
 
 to speak our opinions and ieehngs. 
 
 In order that something might be ^^^tjVfy^ 
 lion of order and the reign of law, the following call ioi a 
 public meeting appeared in the Gazette ol Tuesday the 2nd 
 August. 
 
 4* 
 
[ 42] 
 
 'PUBLIC MEETING.' 
 
 'The friends of order, of Law, and the Constitution, having no 
 connection with the Anti-Slavery Society, and who are opposed to 
 the action of a mob, under any possible circumstances, are requested 
 to meet THIS AFTERNOON, "(TUESDAY,) at 3 o'clock, at the Court 
 House. 
 
 E. Hulse, M. Lyon, E. W. Chester, James Calhoun, Thos. H. 
 Shreve, C. P. Barnes, J. Weatherby, S. P. Chase, H. M. Eeecher . 
 A. D. Coombs, W. F. Barnes, Geo. H. King, Wm. Hart. George 
 Guilford, James Eshelby, Osgood Fifield. 11. Ayres, C. Hammond, 
 W. G. Webster, D. L. Talbott, Jno. Garrison, J. W. Yost, R. M. 
 Hawkins, T. Surguy, J. H. Woodruff, W. D. Gallagher, H. K. Walls, 
 J. W. Kendall, Edmund Gage, Thos. McGechin, Joseph Clavpool, 
 J. M. McCullough, William B. Squire, B. F. Coates, Hiram P.' Ran- 
 dall, E. Whipple, James D. Taylor, William Wood, John H. Lay- 
 man, N. G. Burgess. 
 
 The editor of the Gazette, who was one that signed the call, 
 gives this account of what was intended to be done : — 
 
 Preliminary to the hour of meeting, a few put their heads together, as 
 is usual on such occasion, and prepared a declaration of views, in the 
 usual form. We contemplated asserting- the general principles upon 
 which our institutions were founded, and avowing the sentiments, in which 
 we had been instructed by our fa/hers, and which, hitherto through life, 
 we had seen and heard received as of unquestionable truth, and undoubt- 
 ed obligation. In this spirit and feeling what follows was prepared. 
 
 "This meeting has witnessed, with mingled sentiments of pain, moiti- 
 fication and indignation, the repeated disturbances of the public peace, 
 and the repeated aggressions upon private property, and personal security 
 which have >■ ithin a few days, tarnished the fair fame of our city, hitherto 
 proudly distinguished as being exempt from mobs. We have deplored 
 the efforts of a portion of fellow citizens, who have aimed to bring about 
 a premature abolition of slavery, as calculated by their tone and spirit, to 
 excite hostile feelings between different sections of our common country. 
 
 We regard slavery as a domestic institution of the States in which it 
 exists, with which the other States have no right to interfere. But while 
 we respect the rights of our fellow citizens of the slave-holding States, and 
 would, by no means, break through, or suffer any others to break through, 
 the sacred barriers of the law, for the purpose of invading those rights: 
 we also respect the rights of our fellow citizens of the non-slave-holding 
 States, and will never suffer the law and constitution to be trampled in the 
 dust for the purpose of destroying those rights. Among ihese rights— *- 
 and of all the dearest because it is the bulwark of all the rest — is the right 
 of free discussion — the right of every citizen to write, speak, and print, 
 upon every subject, as he may think proper, being responsible to the laws 
 and the laws only, for the abuse of that liberty. If this right shall perish 
 through the violence of a mob, the grave that entombs it must be the sep- 
 ulchre of American freed. >in. True-hearted Americans, therefore, must 
 detend this right, at all times, in all places, under all circumstances, by 
 whomsoever assailed. When this right is abused, the remedy is at hand. 
 The Courts are open. If the existing laws do not provide an efficient re- 
 medy, let new laws, adapted to the object, be enacted. The annual ses- 
 sions of our Legislature are held for that purpose. But let not the hand 
 of violence be raised against the exercise of this precious right. However 
 obnoxious the exercise may be, let the right itself be acknowledged and 
 
[43] 
 
 respected. Let us not, for the sake of removing some unsightly blemish, 
 pull out the very corner-stone of the great temple of constitutional liberty. 
 
 Resolved, therefore, That it is with deep legret and shame, that we have 
 to acknowledge that our city, heretofore so distinguished for its public 
 OTder, has recently presented a scene of unlicensed violence; and that pri- 
 vate property has been destroyed, and personal secuiity endangered, and 
 domestic peace invaded, by an unrestrained mob. 
 
 Resolved, That the direct tendency of resorts to violence and unlawful 
 assemblages for the suppression of any public evil, is, to invite among us 
 strangers to our laws, and dissolute persons of every description to take 
 upon themselves the regulation of our city, and to commit every species 
 ot aggression upon the property, life, and liberty of our citizen*,. 
 
 Resolved, That the right of free discussion, the freedom of the press, 
 the safety of person and property from unlawful seizure, are principles 
 yet dear to our hearts. These rights constitute the very basis of our po- 
 litical institutions, and must be preserved. 
 
 Resolved, That we are fully determined to observe the constitutional com- 
 pact with our brethren of the slave-holding States, and so far as in us lies, 
 by argument and all other lawful means to cause it to be repected by 
 others; but we cannot consent to surrender any one of the blood-houo-ht 
 rights, which our fathers bequeathed to us, for the purpose of securing a 
 southern trade; nor do we believe that such an offering to the spirit of gain, 
 would be accptable to any American freeman, whether of the South or the 
 iNorth. 
 
 Resolved , That we are fully of opinion, that while a considerable num- 
 ber oi our fellow citizens have been led to approve, or acquiesce in the 
 action of a mob, the greater majority of the voters in the city, and the al- 
 most unanimous voice of the fre.-men of the county, concur in the senti- 
 ment, that there are no times and no circumstances, in this land of uni- 
 versal suffrage, of equal right, and equal laws, which can justify or excuse 
 a resort to the violence of mob force, or a submission to the employment 
 ot such force, while the power of resistance remains. 
 
 Resolved, That we regard the recent outrages upon our peace, and upon 
 our laws, as another example, added to the thousands of past experience 
 that an attempt to conciliate a threatened mobbish violence, by conces- 
 sions of any kind, is but an invitation to the oompletion of its purposes. 
 
 Resolved, That in a city of the extent and location of Cincinnati, it is 
 the imperious duty of eveiy peace officer, and of every good citizen, upon 
 the first hint or threat of mobbish violence, to assume astern and undaunt- 
 ed front in support of a due observation of the laws, and for the mainte- 
 nance of th e public peace; and we take to ourselves the shame and reproach 
 
 I ' av, "-J al r led t0 ndo P l this course in the case that has just occurred. 
 
 Resolved, That we pledge ourselves, one to another, forthwith to organ- 
 ize an efficient Committee of safety, so to act in concert, and in sufficient 
 numbers, to crush any future attempt by mobbish violence, in nioht time 
 or in day time, to subvert the laws, and jeopardize the security'of life 
 liberty, or property." J 
 
 At the appointed hour, with the foregoing in our pockets, we repaired to 
 the Court House, when, ' h> and behold r there was a meeting organized ' 
 Our friends of the Lower Market House meeting had anticipated us.— 
 iNever were men more completely discomfited^han we were. Nothing 
 remained for us, but to witness what took place, and hold our peace— 
 or be the occasion of noise and turbulence, of anger and strife. With com- 
 mon consent, and without concert, those who called the meetin-r forbore to 
 take any part in its proceedings. The results are before the pub.ic. The 
 emper ot those of our citizens who thus organised a meeting upon a call 
 by others, cannot be mistaken by dispassionate men, nor can there be a 
 doubt of the estimate most of themselves will hold of this transaction at a 
 
[44] 
 
 The ''friends of the Lower Market House" had organized 
 a meeting on the aforesaid notice — had placed in the chair 
 judge Burke, [the same who presided at the meeting in the 
 Market House] had appointed Judge Burnet, the chairman of 
 the Market House Committee, and Mr. Levi James, distin- 
 guished for his uncompromising hostility to the discussion of 
 the subject of slavery, their Vice-Presidents — and Joseph 
 Graham, who presided at the preparatory meeting at the Ex- 
 change on Saturday evening, their Secretary* Tht following 
 resolutions were passed by the meeting: — 
 
 Whereas the peace and order of the city lias been lately disturbed — 
 
 Resolved, That this meeting deeply regret the cause of the recent occur- 
 rences, and entirely disapprove of Mobs or other untawful assemblages. 
 
 Resolved, that we will cordially support the city authorities in their ef- 
 forts to preserve the public peace, and will heartily co-operate with each 
 other in all exertions to effect that object. 
 
 On motion of Joseph Graham it was then unanimously 
 
 Resolved, That this meeting are of the opinion that the establishment 
 of the Abolition Press in this city has been the cause of all our recent 
 difficulties. 
 
 On motion of Mr. vVhitcomb, it was 
 
 Resolved, That the discretion, prudence, and energy of our worthy 
 Mayor, and the city authorities generally, during the late excitement, are 
 worthy of all praise. 
 
 Resolved, Thafthe Committee appointed on the 23d ult., though unsuc- 
 cessful in their efforts, justly merit the entire confidence of this commu- 
 nity, and that they receive the thanks of this meeting. 
 
 On motion of M. N. McLean, Esq., it was 
 
 Resolved, That this meeting approve of the course of the Colonization 
 Society, and that they are decidedly of opinion that it is the only method 
 of getting clear of the evils of slavery. 
 
 On motion, Rcsolvrd, That the proceedings of this meeting be publish- 
 ed in the different papers in this city. 
 
 Resolved, That this meeting now adjourn. 
 
 WM. BUKKE, President. 
 Jacob Burnet, ) v p , 
 Levi James, y 
 Joseph Graham, Secretary. 
 
 Cincinnati, August 2, 1836. 
 
 A very unexpected influence was brought to bear upon us, 
 in the proceedings of the Cincinnati Union Society of colored 
 persons. The resolutions are said to have been prepared, if 
 not the whole project set on loot, by one of the actors in the 
 Court House Meeting on just mentioned. Here are the 
 proceedings:- — 
 
 UNION MEETING. 
 
 At a meeting of the Cincinnati Union Society of colored persons, held 
 on Monday, August 1st, at 12 o'clock, at noon. 
 
 The Society having met on the call of the President, to take into consid- 
 eration, the situation of the colored inhabitants of this city. 
 
 The President having taken the Chair, and called the society to order, 
 
[ 45 ] 
 the following preamble and resolutions were introduced, and unanimously 
 
 '^Whfbeas: We have, for the last ten months, witnessed the efforts 
 , J inTbv a few misguided and fanatical men amongst us, styled aboli- 
 making oy a raw „ Birnev, and whereas, we have become convin- 
 
 2%tL^ir«^Zi have a direct tendency to injure the 
 inte're s of the 3 ed population of the tree states by exciting the pas- 
 Son of the white inhabitants, and we believe, to rivet more hrmly, the 
 
 Ch Therefore e be a It e mo/,ed, That we disdain,, in the most positive man- 
 , J nU connection with the abolitionists, and bold in horror and contempt, 
 S^Xa^non doctrine in principle, as degrading, both to the white 
 
 -D Sto2£ Subpublication of the Philanthropist and other abolition 
 Resohed, ilia we believe, will continue to 
 
 lat » n " /,« 7 That if Mr Birnev and his associates have, as they pretend, 
 •he we 1 eiJJ o L c lored rice at bear,, they will cease their misgna- 
 ded efforts Kand leave us as they found us, to work out our own sal- 
 ™ Relived That we will consider the future publication of abolition 
 paSrs t this citv, as an attempt to excite against us, angry feelings and 
 
 *X^t1^i^ 
 
 "fiStf, That the proceedings of this meeting be signed by the , Presi- 
 dentfand Secretary, and the Members of this Society, and published in 
 
 the Cincinnati Papers. DENNIS HILL, President, 
 
 George Tospot, Secretary. 
 
 This is followed with thirty-five signatures^ names. 
 A few days afterward, the following disclaimer oi all parti- 
 cipation in the foregoing, signed by tweVty-e.ght names, was 
 published in the Cincinnati Gazette: 
 
 "We, the undersigned, members of the Cincinnati Union Society ■* co- 
 
 lellwe do hereby declare that our names were used (by Dennis Hill, 
 Z ! President of our Society,) without our knowledge or consent. 
 
 bod v in their appropriate functions-a ml the BXeTClse oi i , = 
 
 ever to be, free f.om all foreign contro , save tut wh ic m akes us e po 
 sible for the abuse of it in invading- others £<* ts no less ™£%££ 
 own-yet have we been, again and again, held up by tW slave) p 
 of this city as obstinate, eontumac ,ous or not a •«£g^Jl a s0 C011 . 
 demanu ot the Market House Committee II US cha rgfe * as ion 
 
 fidently preferred, and so often reiterated, that, we believe, \ 
 
[46 ] 
 
 is made on many, that our conduct has been actuated by the spirit to which 
 it it ascribed. They have been led to judge of our course, rather by the 
 fury of the onset to which we have been exposed, than by the calm sted- 
 fastness with which it has been met. We ask, if any property can be 
 more rightfully ours, than that which the Market House Committee de- 
 manded of us to lay down] The right to discuss is granted to us by God, 
 and secured to us by the highest law of the land. Had the Market House 
 Committee seen proper to demand, in the name of their constituents, the 
 absolute surrender of our houses and our goods — backing their demand by 
 the menace, that if they were not voluntarily yielded, they would be forci- 
 bly taken — would their demand have been less unreasonable] Have we any 
 higher title to these subjects of property, than the gift of God and the secu- 
 rity of the constitution'? Ought we, then, to have rendered a servile com- 
 pliance'? Or ought we not rather (as we did) have firmly repelled the un- 
 just demand, choosing to suffer the consequences, however disastrous to 
 ourselves, in order that you, the proper correctors, by legal modes, of all 
 public wrongs, might be made fully acquainted with the dishonor in which 
 the majesty of the law was held, and the dangers with which our most 
 precious rights were threatened, by a lawless and fierce aristocracy. 
 
 These same organs of the south charge the undersigned with answering 
 the Market House Committee in terms of "insult and defiance.''' Whilst 
 we fully believe that no committee ever came on an errand more surcharged 
 with wrong, and one which furnished on its very face stronger grounds of 
 palliation for the treatment complained of, yet, are we persuaded, on are- 
 mew of our communications addressed to them, that they contain nothing 
 but a firm and respectful expression of a lawful and patriotic determination. 
 The controversy to which we were called was too high — the principles for 
 Avhich we contended were of a dignity too lofty, to be stained by any re- 
 sort to insult or abuse. And that our plainness of speech should be con- 
 strued into " insult and defiance'''' shows that our editorial upholders of 
 slavery begin already to demand from us that servility to their aristocratic 
 instigators which, as republicans yet free, we can render to no man or.set 
 of men, however influential, and which ought no where in this country to 
 be looked for, except it be in the south, and under that " system," to the 
 support of which they would seem so entirely to have consecrated their 
 labors. 
 
 Notwithstanding the unusual outburst of lawless aristocratic violence 
 to which our peaceful, yet decided support of the freedom of the press — of 
 liberty of speeih — of the right to discuss — has exposed us, we have lost no 
 confidence in the rectitude of our principles, nor in the judgment which you, 
 and those which may succeed us, will pass on our conduct. Unconvin- 
 ced by the force with which our arguments have been replied to, we shall 
 still continue fearlessly to maintain, and publicly to inculcate, the great 
 principles of liberty incorporated in the constitutions of our state and 
 general governments — believing, that if ever there was a time, it is now 
 come, when our republic, and with her the cause of universal freedom, is 
 in a strait, where every thing that ought to be periled by the patriot should 
 be freely hazarded for her relief. 
 
 JAMES C. LUDLOW, -\ 
 REES E. PRICE, 
 ISAAC COLBY, 
 WM. DONALDSON, 
 JAMES G. BIRNEY, 
 THOS. MAYL1N, 
 JOHN MELENDY. 
 C. DONALDSON, 
 GAMAL. BAILEY. 
 AUGUSTUS WATTLES 
 WM. YOLYOKE. J 
 
 Executive Committee of the Ohio 
 Anti-slavery Society. 
 
[ 47 ] 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 A 
 
 From the Cincinnati Whig of August 15, 1835. 
 ABOLITIONISTS AND INCENDIARISM. 
 
 The account we published yesterday of a Mr. Dresser's 
 being well dresseW'm Nashville, lor his incendiary interference 
 with the Slave population of Tennessee, has excited a good 
 deal of attention among our citizens. The punishment he 
 received seems to give universal satisfaction; and the injury 
 likely to arise from the fanatical measures of the Abolition 
 gentry, is apparent to every one with whom we converse. — 
 The people of Cincinnati are exceedingly indignant, that Ohio 
 should have been disgraced by having her name identified 
 with any such contemptible enthusiasts. Our citizens, with 
 unanimous accord, and in the strongest terms, condemn the 
 conduct of Dresser and his miserable and misguided associates. 
 
 Many are talking of calling a public meeting for the pur- 
 pose of expressing to our southern friends, the abhorrence en- 
 tertained in this community towards the individuals and 
 schemes that so manifestly tend to disturb their domestic rela- 
 tions, and endanger their lives. 
 
 B 
 
 From the Cincinnati Daily Evening Post. 
 INCENDIARY TRACTS. 
 
 Lots of the same vile incendiary publications that have been 
 sent in such numbers, to the south lately, were receivedhere yes- 
 .>;'!.'!} by mail, (liivcird 1o many of our most respectable citi- 
 zens. What ought to be done with them? We would say, send 
 them back to the place from whence they came, and if any of their 
 authors, or the agents of them should be found here, Lijnch them. 
 What is gambling in its most disgusting form, compared to 
 the circulating of these fire-brands? Yet gambling produced 
 the Vicksburg tragedy! What is swindling, such for instance, 
 as gave rise to the Baltimore tragedy, the particulars of which 
 we publish to-day, in comparison with this stirring up of a 
 -ervile war? which, when fully commenced, can only termin- 
 ate with the extinct ion of one or the other party! In a word, 
 what crime is there that man can commit, that in its results 
 is pregnant with so much ruin? None! A million of lives, 
 and hundreds of millions of property depend upon the result! 
 
[ 48 ] 
 
 Let the incendiaries beware ; be they located where they may, 
 means will be found to reach them, and bring them to the bar 
 of public justice. 
 
 C 
 
 From the Cincinnati Republican of August 2. 
 Our City. — The prospects of Cincinnati were never, prob- 
 ably, more promising, than at the present moment. It is true 
 we don't hear of extraordinary sales of real estate, or wit- 
 ness vast and extensive improvements; but we see a steady, 
 enterprising and industrious population, advancing in wealth, 
 intelligence and refinement. We see also solid and substan- 
 tial improvements going on in various parts of the city. We 
 see property gradually but intrinsically increasing in value. 
 We see old and unsightly buildings disappear one by one and 
 comfortable and elegant ones rise in their place. We, can- 
 not boast of our "-live or six hundred new buildings."* in pro- 
 gress of erection, though we believe there are not less than 
 two hundred houses being built in the city and suburbs at 
 this moment; but we can boast an increase of population 
 beyond the increase of accommodations. We do not believe 
 there is a city in the Union where the difficulty of procuring 
 dwellings is so great. Our hotels and boarding houses are 
 always crowded, and hundreds of southern families, who con- 
 templated a sojournment of some weeks in the queen city of 
 the West, have been compelled to relinquish their intentions, 
 for want of accommodations. 
 
 ,J> // 
 
ard for the pennant r republican institution! ■ thousands 
 
 and tens of thousands of our fellow-citizens, even in the free states, sank in ahjeit 
 poverty, and who, on account of their complexion, are virtually kept in ignorance, 
 and whose instruction in certain cases actually prohibited bj law! We are anx- 
 ious to protect the rights, and to promote the \ irtue and happiness of (lie colored 
 portion of our population, and on this account we have been charged with a . 
 to encourage intermarriage between the whites and blacks. This charge has been 
 repeatedly, and is ndw again denied; while we repeal that the tendency of our 
 sentiments is to put an criminal amalgamation that prevails wherever 
 
 slaver) exists. 
 
 12th. We are accus< d of arts that tend to a dissolution of the Union, and even 
 of Wishing to dissolve it, We have never "calculated the value of the Union," 
 because we believe it to be inestimable; and that the abolition of slavery will re- 
 move the chief danger of its dissolution; and one of the many reasons why we 
 cherish and will endeavor to preserve the constitution, is, that it restrains Congress 
 from making any law "abridging the freedom ofspe^ch or of the press." 
 
 Such, fellow-citizi Are they unworthy of republicans 
 
 and of christians ? Or are they in truth so atrocious, that, in order to prevent their 
 diffusion, you are yourselves w tiling to surrender at the dictation of others, the in- 
 valuable privilege of free discussion, the very birth-right of Americans.' Will 
 you, in order thai the abominations of slavery may be concealed from public view, ec 
 that the capital of your republic may continue to be, as it now is, under the sanc- 
 tion of Congress the great slave mart of the American continent, consent that the 
 general government, in acknowledged defiance of the Constitution and laws, shall 
 appoint throughout the length and breadth of your land, ten thousand censors of 
 the press, each of whom shall have the right to inspect every document you may 
 commit to the post-office, and suppi i mphiet and newspaper, whether re- 
 
 ligious or political, which in his sovereign pleasure he may adjudge to contain an 
 incendiary article.' Surely we need not remind you, that if you submit to such an 
 encroachment on your liberties, the days of our republic are numbered, and that, 
 although abolitionists may be the first, they will not be the last victims offered at 
 the shrine of arbitrary power. 
 
 ARTHUR TAPPAN, President. 
 JOHN RANKIN, Treasurer. 
 WILLIAM JAY, Sec! For. Cor. 
 ELIZUR WRIGHT, Jr. Sec. Do. Cor. 
 ABRAHAM L. COX, M. D. Pec. Sec. 
 
 Members of the Executive Committee. 
 LEWIS TAPRAN. 
 JOSHUA LEAVITT. 
 SAMUEL E. CORNIJ 
 SIMEON S. JOCELYN, 
 THEODORE S. \\ 
 
EXPOSITION 
 
 OF AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 
 
 TO THE PUBLIC. 
 
 In behalf of the American Anti-Slavery Society, we solicit the candid atten- 
 tion of the public to the following declaration of our principles and objects. 
 Wert: the charges which are brought against us, made only by individuals who are 
 interested in the continuance of wayery, and by such as are influenced solely by 
 unworthy motives, this address would be unnecessary ; but there are those who 
 merit and possess our esteem, who would not voluntarily do us injustice, and who 
 have been led by gross misrepresentations to believe that we are pursuing mea- 
 sures at variance not only with the constitutional rights oi the south, but with the 
 precepts of humanity and religion. To such we offer the following explanations 
 and assuranc 
 
 1st. We hold that Congress has no more right to abolish slavery in the south- 
 ern states than in the French West India islands. Of course we desire no national 
 legislation on the subject. 
 
 2d. We hold that slavery ran only be lawfully abolished by the h gislaturesof 
 the several Stales ill which it prevails, and that the exercise of any other than moral 
 influence to induce such abolition, is unconstitutional. 
 
 3d. We believe that Congress has the same right to abolish slavery in the Dis- 
 trict of Columbia, that the state governments have within their respective jurisdic- 
 tions, and that it is their duty to efface so foul a blot from the national escutcheon. 
 
 4th. We believe that American citizens have the right to express and publish 
 their opinions of the Constitutions, Laws and Institutions of any and every state 
 and nation under heaven; and we mean never to surrender the liberty ofspeech, of 
 the press, or of conscience — blessings we have inherited from our fathers, and which 
 we intend as far as we are able, to transmit unimpaired to our children. 
 
 5th. We have uniformly deprecated all forcible attempts on the part of the 
 slaves to recover their liberty. And were it in our power to address them, we would 
 exhort them to observe a quietand peaceful demeanor, and would assure them that 
 no insurrectionary movement on their part would receive from us the slightest aid 
 or countenance. 
 
 6th. We would deplore any servile insurrection, both on account of the calam- 
 ities which would attend it, and on account of the occasion which it might furnish 
 of increased severity of oppression. 
 
 7th. We are charged with sending incendiary publications to the south. If by 
 the term incendiary is meant publications containing arguments and facts to prove 
 slavery to be amoral and political evil, and that duty and policy require its imme- 
 diate abolition, the charge is true. But if this term is used to imply publications 
 encouraging insurrection, and designed to excite the slaves to break their fetters, 
 the charge is utterly and unequivocally false. We begour fellow-citizens to notice 
 that this charge is made without proof, and by many who confess that they have 
 never read our publications, and that those who make it offer to the public no evi- 
 dence from our writings in support of it. 
 
 8th. We are accused of sending our publications to the slaves, and it is assert- 
 ed that their tendency is to excite insurrection. Both the charges are false. These 
 publications are not intended for tl:. i were they able to read them, they 
 
 would find in them no encouragement to insurrection. 
 
 9th. We are accused of employing agents iu the slave states to distribute oui 
 publications. We have never hud one such agent. We have sent no packages of 
 o»b papers to any person in those states for distribution, except to five respectable 
 resident citizens, at their own request. But we have sent by mail, single papers ad- 
 dressed to public officers, editors of newspapers, clergymen, and others. It, there- 
 fore, our object is to excite the sla\ rtion, the masters are our agents! 
 
 10th. We believe slavery to be sinful, injurious to this and to every other 
 country in which it prevails: we believe immediate emancipation to be the duty of 
 every slave-holder, and that the immediate abolition of slavery, by those who have 
 the right to abolish it. would be sale and wise. These opinions we have freely ex- 
 pressed, and we certainly have no intention to refrain from expressing them in fu- 
 ture, and urging them upon the conscience and hearts of-our fellow-citizens, who 
 hold slaves or apologise lor slavery. 
 
 1,1th. We believe that the education of the poor is required by duty, anu by 
 
 Sl.k Page ;l of Ctn i 
 
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