V X w 'vf*V A7 ^ « v ***** <^ a? »iii> ^ v •!••* ^ ^ • *31ra ♦ a? %a »> v J§Ar * «? *Q> • ClIS * at *bK «bv* C v .^SvJL'. "o ^ .C^. >„ 0° ^•o 1 V««* .A ^°^ 0* k ^ o « o * • °* ^ V< •• ^ * # ^ *»»«° &] •tjf^yriv abasia President People's Commissioners, Moscow, Kremlin 5/11/1918- To All Councils of Deputies and Other Soviet Organizations: I beg you to give every kind of assistance to Colonel Robins and other members of the American Red Cross Mission for an unhindered and speediest journey from Moscow to Vladi- vostok President C. P. C, vosroK ' V. Ulianov (Lenin). 160 LENIN In 19 1 7, when Robins came into Russia through Siberia, the Red Cross Mission with which he traveled was stopped at Chita by a local government, and had to run by stealth through Krasnoyarsk in order to avoid being stopped by a local government there. In 1 9 1 8, when Robins came out of Russia, his Red Cross car was stopped nowhere. Nowhere did any local government interrupt it. Nowhere did any local government, after Robins had shown his credentials from Moscow, even at- tempt to examine it. Between Moscow and Vladivostok Robins passed through fifteen different successive Soviet jurisdictions. At the first town within each jurisdiction there would be a commis- sioner and a platoon of soldiers. They would start going through the train to which Robins' car was attached. They would arrest persons whom they called rebels — counter-revolution- aries. They would confiscate property — vodka, for instance, and rifles — which they RAYMOND ROBINS 161 called contraband. Robins had no vodka, but he had rifles. Moreover, he was a bourgeois. According to the boulevards he was entitled to be shot at sight by any true Soviet any- where. Nevertheless, he would venture to show the Commissioner a certain paper. The Commissioner would sit in Robins' car, with his soldiers outside, and read this paper. Hav- ing read it, he would rise and bow, and say, "Please, thank you, good-day." And that would be the last Robins ever saw of him; and the soldiers never came into the car, and noth- ing in the car was ever examined or censored or in any way subjected to any local stoppage, interference or scrutiny. The paper was a wish by Lenin. He could not physically enforce it; because at that time his Red Army was not large enough to reach so far; but it was a wish by Lenin. It said in effect that courtesy to Colonel Robins of the American Red Cross was desired by Lenin. It bore the words Vladimir I. Ulianov, and then 162 LENIN in parentheses the word Lenin. It was enough. It was enough on the Volga, and it was enough on the Amur. On the Amur, at Kha- barovsk, Robins came to a Soviet farther away from Moscow than any other Soviet on Rus- sian soil. It was "The Soviet of the Far Eastern District," bordering the Arctic, bor- dering the Pacific. Its President Commis- sioner, A. M. Krasnoschchekov, read Lenin's letter, and at once, in due form, gave Colonel Robins of the American Red Cross the official freedom of the city of Khabarovsk and took him to attend a conference of the local Coun- cil, of People's Commissioners, since Lenin wished him to have courtesy. On the Amur, four thousand five hundred miles beyond the farthest line then reached by any soldier in Lenin's Guard, Lenin's name was enough. It was the name of the Revolution, of the Soviet idea, of the Soviet system. At Vladivostok Robins took his rifles and his cartridges and surrendered them to the RAYMOND ROBINS 163 Vladivostok Soviet. He had not fired one shot. He had not read one shot fired by any- body else. That was Siberia of the Bolsheviks. To- day in Siberia the anti-Bolshevik ruler Kol- chak cannot get obedience from the Siberian population and cannot keep the Siberian Rail- way for one day free from raiders and ma- rauders without the help of scores of thou- sands of foreign Allied and Associated troops. In May of 191 8 a letter from Lenin, without even a headquarters policeman behind it, could send a car across all Siberia from Cheliabinsk to Vladivostok unmolested and unsearched, and could get from every local governmental capital an immediate response of loyal fellow- ship. LENIN IN 1919 LENIN IN 1919 By Arthur Ransome /. Lenin's Views of George Bernard Shaw and the Revolution in England WHATEVER else they may think of him, not even his enemies deny that Vladimir Ilyich Ulianov (Lenin) is one of the greatest per- sonalities of his time. I therefore make no apology for writing down such scraps of his conversation as seem to me to illustrate his manner of mind. He was talking of the lack of thinkers in the English labor movement and said he re- membered hearing Shaw speak at some meet- ing. Shaw, he said, was "a good man fallen 167 168 LENIN among Fabians" and a great deal further Left than his company. He had not heard of "The Perfect Wagnerite," but was interested when I told him the general idea of the book, and turned fiercely on an interpreter who said that Shaw was a clown. "He may be a clown for the bourgeoisie in a bourgeois state, but they would not think him a clown in a revolution." He asked whether Sydney Webb was con- sciously working in the interests of the capi- talists, and when I said I was quite sure that he was not, he said: "Then he has more in- dustry than brains. He certainly has great knowledge." He was entirely convinced that England was on the eve of revolution and pooh-poohed my objections. "Three months ago I thought it would end in all the world having to fight the center of reaction in England. I do not think so now. Things have gone further there than in France, if the news as to the extent of the strikes is true." ARTHUR RANSOME 169 I pointed out some of the circumstances, geographical and economical, which would make the success of a violent revolution in England problematical in the extreme, and put to him the same suggestion that I put to Bukharin, namely, that a suppressed move- ment in England would be worse for Russia than our traditional method of compromise. He agreed at once, but said: "That is quite true, but you cannot stop a revolution . . . although Ramsay Macdonald will try to at the last minute. Strikes and Soviets. If these two habits once get hold, nothing will keep the workmen from them. And Soviets, once started, must sooner or later come to supreme power." Then: "But certainly it would be much more difficult in England. Your big clerk and shopkeeping class would oppose it, until the workmen broke them. Russia was indeed the only country in which the revolu- tion could start. And we are not yet through our troubles with the peasantry." i 7 o LENIN I suggested that one reason why it had been possible in Russia was that they had room to retreat. "Yes," he said. "The distances saved us. The Germans were frightened of them, at the time when they could have eaten us up, and won peace, which the Allies would have given them in gratitude for our destruction. A revo- lution in England would have nowhere whither to retire." Of the Soviets he said : "In the beginning I thought they were and would remain a purely Russian form; but it is now quite clear that under various names they must be the instru- ments of revolution everywhere." 2. Lenin's Opinion of Colonel Raymond Robins, De Leon and Others He expressed the opinion that in England they would not allow me to tell the truth about Russia, and gave as an example the way in ARTHUR RANSOME 171 which Colonel Robins had been kept silent in America. He asked about Robins, "Had he really been as friendly to the Soviet govern- ment as he made out?" I said: "Yes, if only as a sportsman admiring its pluck and cour- age in difficulties." I quoted Robins' saying: "I can't go against a baby I have sat up with for six months. But if there were a Bolshevik movement in America I'd be out with my rifle to fight it every time." "Now that," said Lenin, "is an honest man and more far-seeing than most. I always liked that man." He shook with laughter at the image of the baby, and said, "That baby had several million other folk sitting up with it, too." He said he had read in an English Socialist paper a comparison of his own theories with those of an American, Danel De Leon. He had then borrowed some of De Leon's pamph- lets from Reinstein (who belongs to the party which De Leon founded in America), read them for the first time, and was amazed to see i 7 2 LENIN how far and how early De Leon had pursued the same train of thought as the Russians. His theory that representation should be by indus- tries, not by areas, was already the germ of the Soviet system. He remembered seeing De Leon at an International Conference. De Leon made no impression at all, a gray old man, quite unable to speak to such an audi- ence, but evidently a much bigger man than he looked, since his pamphlets were written be- fore the experience of the Russian Revolution of 1905. Some days afterwards I noticed that Lenin had introduced a few phrases of De Leon, as if to do honor to his memory, into the draft of the new programme of the Commu- nist Party. Talking of the lies that are told about Rus- sia, he said it was interesting to notice that they were mostly perversions of the truth and not pure inventions, and gave as an example the recent story that he had recanted. "Do you know the origin of that?" he said. "I was ARTHUR RANSOME 173 wishing a happy New Year to a friend over the telephone, and said, 'And may we commit fewer stupidities this year than last!' Some- one overheard it and told someone else. A newspaper announced, 'Lenin says we are committing stupidities,' and so the story started." 3. Sources of Lenin's Poise and Happiness More than ever, Lenin struck me as a happy man. Walking home from the Kremlin, I tried to think of any other man of his caliber who had a similar joyous temperament. I could think of none. This little, bald-headed, wrinkled man, who tilts his chair this way and that, laughing over one thing or another, ready any minute to give serious advice to anyone who interrupts him to ask for it, advice so well reasoned that it is to his followers far more compelling than any command — every one of his wrinkles is a wrinkle of laughter, not of L. i 7 4 LENIN worry. I think the reason must be that he is the first great leader who utterly discounts the value of his own personality. He is quite without personal ambition. More than that, he believes, as a Marxist, in the movement of the masses which, with or without him, would still move. His whole faith is in the elemental forces that move people; his faith in himself is merely his belief that he justly estimates the direction of these forces. Lenin does not believe that any man could make or stop the Revolution which he thinks inevitable. If the Russian Revolution fails, according to him, it fails only temporarily, and because of forces beyond any man's control. He is consequently free with a freedom no other great man has ever had. It is not so much what he says that inspires confidence in him. It is this sensible freedom, this obvious detachment. With his philosophy he cannot for a moment believe that one man's mistake might ruin all. He is, for himself at any rate, ARTHUR RANSOME 175 the exponent, not the cause, of the events that will be forever linked with this name. 4- Lenin's Popularity at the Third International The meeting March 3d was in a smallish room in the Kremlin, with a dais at one end, in the old Courts of Justice built in the time of Catherine the Second, who would certainly have turned in her grave if she had known the use to which it was being put. Two very smart soldiers of the Red Army were guarding the doors. The whole room, including the floor, was decorated in red. There were ban- ners with "Long Live the Third Internation- al" inscribed upon them in many languages. The Praesidium was on the raised dais at the end of the room, Lenin sitting in the middle behind a long red-covered table, with Al- brecht, a young German Spartacist, on the right, and Platten, the Swiss, on the left. The 176 LENIN auditorium sloped down to the foot of the dais Chairs were arranged on each side of an al- leyway down the middle, and the four or five front rows had little tables for convenience in writing. Everybody of importance was there. Trotzky, in a leather coat, military breeches and gaiters, with a fur hat with the sign of the Red Army in front, was looking very well, but a strange figure for those who had known him as one of the greatest anti-militarists in Eu- rope. Lenin sat quietly listening, speaking when necessary in almost every European language with astonishing ease. Balabanova talked about Italy and seemed happy at last, even in Soviet Russia, to be once more in a "secret meeting." It was really an extraordi- nary affair, and, in spite of some childishness, I could not help realizing that I was present at something that will go down in the histories of Socialism, much like that other strange meeting convened in London in 1848. ARTHUR RANSOME 177 March 6th. — The conference in the Krem- lin ended with the usual singing and a photo- graph. Some time before the end, when Trotzky had just finished speaking and had left the tribune, there was a squeal of protest from the photographer who had just trained his apparatus. Someone remarked, "The dic- tatorship of the photographer," and, amid gen- eral laughter, Trotzky had to return to the tribune and stand silent while the unabashed photographer took two pictures. The found- ing of the Third International had been pro- claimed in the morning papers, and an extraor- dinary meeting in the Great Theater an- nounced for the evening. I got to the theater at about five, and had difficulty in getting in, though I had a special ticket as a correspondent. There were queues outside all the doors. The Moscow Soviet was there, the Executive Committee, representa- tives of the trade unions and the factory com- mittees, etc. The huge theater and the plat- 178 LENIN form were crammed, people standing in the aisles, and even packed close together in the wings of the stage. Kamenev opened the meet- ing by a solemn announcement of the founding of the Third International in the Kremlin. There was a roar of applause from the audi- ence, which rose and sang the "International" in a way that I have never heard it sung since the All-Russian Assembly when the news came of the strikes in Germany during the Brest negotiations. Kamenev then spoke of those who had died on the way, mentioning Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg, and the whole theater stood again while the orchestra played "You Fell as Vic- tims." Then Lenin spoke. If I had ever thought that Lenin was losing his personal popularity, I got my answer now. It was a long time before he could speak at all, every- body standing and drowning his attempts to speak with roar after roar of applause. It was an extraordinary, overwhelming scene, tier ARTHUR RANSOME 179 after tier crammed with workmen, the parterre filled, the whole platform and the wings. A knot of workwomen were close to me, and they almost fought to see him, and shouted as if each one were determined that he should hear her in particular. He spoke as usual, in the simplest way, emphasizing the fact that the revolutionary struggle everywhere was forced to use the Soviet forms. "We declare our solidarity with the aims of the Soviets," he read from an Italian paper, and added, "and that was when they did not know what our aims were, and before we had an estab- lished programme ourselves." Albrecht made a very long reasoned speech for the Sparta- cans, which was translated by Trotzky. Guil- beau, seemingly a mere child, spoke of the So- cialist movement in France. Steklov was translating him when I left. You must re- member that I had nearly two years of such meetings and am not a Russian. When I got outside the theater I found at each door a dis- 180 LENIN appointed crowd that had been unable to get in. The proceedings finished up next day with a review in the Red Square and a general holi- day. 5. Revolution Caused by Economic Con- ditions, not by Propaganda I went to see Lenin the day after the Review in the Red Square and the general holiday in honor of the Third International. The first thing he said was: "I am afraid that the jin- goes in England and France will make use of yesterday's doings as an excuse for further ac- tion against us. They will say, 'How can we leave them in peace when they set about set- ting the world on fire?' To that I would an- swer: We are at war, messieurs! And just as during your war you tried to make revolution in Germany, and Germany did her best to make trouble in Ireland and India, so we, ARTHUR RANSOME 181 while we are at war with you, adopt the meas- ures that are open to us. We have told you we are willing to make peace." He spoke of Chicherin's last note, and said they based all their hopes on it. Balfour had said somewhere, "Let the fire burn itself out." That would not do. But the quickest way of restoring good conditions in Russia was, of course, peace and agreement with the Allies. "I am sure we could come to terms, if they want to come to terms at all. England and America would be willing, perhaps, if their hands were not tied by France. But interven- tion in the large sense can now hardly be. They must have learned that Russia could never be governed as India is governed, and that send- ing troops here is the same thing as sending them to a Communist university." I said something about the general hostility to their propaganda noticeable in foreign countries. Lenin : "Let them build a Chinese wall round 182 LENIN each of their countries. They have their cus- toms officers, their frontiers, their coast guards. They can expel any Bolsheviks they wish. Revolution does not depend on propaganda. If the conditions of revolution are not there no sort of propaganda will either hasten or im- pede it. The war has brought about those con- ditions in all countries, and I am convinced that if Russia were to be swallowed up by the sea, were to cease to exist altogether, the Revo- lution in the rest of Europe would go on. Put Russia under water for twenty years, and you would not affect by a shilling or an hour a week the demands of the shop-stewards in England." I told him, what I have told most of them many times, that I did not believe there would be a revolution in England. Lenin: "We have a saying that a man may have typhoid while still on his legs. Twenty, maybe thirty, years ago I had abortive ty- phoid, and was going about with it, had had ARTHUR RANSOME 183 it some days before it knocked me over. Well, England and France and Italy have caught the disease already. England may seem to you to be untouched, but the microbe is already there." I said that just as his typhoid was abortive typhoid, so the disturbances in England to which he alluded might well be abortive revo- lution and come to nothing. I told him the vague, disconnected character of the strikes and the generally Liberal as opposed to Social- ist character of the movement, so far as it was political at all, reminded me of what I had heard of 1905 in Russia and not at all of 1917, and that I was sure it would settle down. Lenin: "Yes, that is possible. It is, per- haps, an educative period, in which the Eng- lish workmen will come to realize their politi- cal needs and turn from Liberalism to Social- ism. Socialism is certainly weak in England. Your Socialist movements, your Socialist par- ties . . . when I was in England I zealously 184 LENIN attended everything I could, and for a country with so large an industrial population they were pitiable, pitiable ... a handful at a street corner ... a meeting in a drawing- room ... a school class . . . pitiable. But you must remember one great difference be- tween Russia of 1905 and England to-day. Our first Soviet in Russia was made during the Revolution. Your shop-stewards' committees have been in existence long before. They are without programme, without direction, but the opposition they will meet will force a pro- gramme upon them." Speaking of the expected visit of the Berne delegation, he asked me if I knew Macdonald, whose name had been substituted for that of Henderson in later telegrams announcing their coming. He said: "I am very glad Mac- donald is coming instead of Henderson. Of course, Macdonald is not a Marxist in any sense of the word, but he is at least interested in theory, and can therefore be trusted to do ARTHUR RANSOME 185 his best to understand what is happening here. More than that we do not ask." 6. Lenin's Views on Property and Class Struggle He then talked a little on a subject that in- terests me very much, namely, the way in which insensibly, quite apart from war, the Communist theories are being modified in the difficult process of their translation into prac- tice. We talked of the changes in "workers' control," which is now a very different thing from the wild committee business that at first made work almost impossible. We talked then of the antipathy of the peasants to com- pulsory communism, and how that idea also had been considerably whittled away. I asked him what were going to be the relations be- tween the Communists of the towns and the property-loving peasants, and whether there was not great danger of antipathy between 1 86 LENIN them, and said I regretted leaving too soon to see the elasticity of the Communist theories tested by the inevitable pressure of the peas- antry. Lenin said that in Russia there was a pretty sharp distinction between the rich peasants and the poor. "The only opposition we have here in Russia is directly or indirectly due to the rich peasants. The poor, as soon as they are liberated from the political domination of the rich, are on our side and are in an enor- mous majority." I said that would not be so in the Ukraine, where property among the peasants is much more equally distributed. Lenin: "No. And there, in the Ukraine, you will certainly see our policy modified. Civil war, whatever happens, is likely to be more bitter in the Ukraine than elsewhere, be- cause there the instinct of property has been further developed in the peasantry, and the minority and majority will be more equal." ARTHUR RANSOME 187 He asked me if I meant to return, saying that I could go down to Kiev to watch the Revolution there as I had watched it in Mos- cow. I said I should be very sorry to think that this was my last visit to the country which I love only second to my own. He laughed, and paid me the compliment of saying that "although English," I had more or less suc- ceeded in understanding what they were at, and that he should be pleased to see me again. CONSERVATIVE OPINIONS ON LENIN CONSERVATIVE OPINIONS . ON LENIN /. "New York Times" upon the Report of Lenin's Death, Sept. 2, IQl8 "Lenin was the most remarkable of the personalities brought by the world-war into prominence from obscurity. By many he has been regarded as the mere paid agent of Ger- many. Of this no proof has ever been forth- coming. An American, more or less in sym- pathy with his doctrines, who had rare oppor- tunities of studying Lenin at close range, de- scribed him as 'the greatest living statesman in Europe.' It was a striking tribute to the personality of the man. ". . . He endeavored to put into practice theories which he had been preaching for many years before the Russian Revolution 191 i 9 2 LENIN came to pass. In those years he conceived and worked out in his mind a principle of so- cial revolution which distinguished him from other Socialist thinkers by his uncompromis- ing appeal to the spirit of class revolt. "This spirit as an indispensable weapon in the construction of an ideal Socialist state he preached with increasing fervor as years went by, supplementing it . . . with something that was essentially lacking in the Marxian doctrine, namely, a political design under which the economic aims of a thorough- going Socialism might be put in effect. This political design found its expression, so far as it has gone, in the present Soviet govern- ment." 2. Frank Vanderlip "The personal picture of Lenin, with whicK I have found no disagreement in speaking with a number of people who are well in- CONSERVATIVE OPINIONS 193 formed, is that he is a man of most extraordi- nary ability, and with some truly fine charac- teristics. He was a Russian idealistic noble and came to be a man of only one idea. He believed that the regime of capitalism meant slavery and that the world would find free- dom in a communistic state of society. In his mind every motive was fine, every act moved by patriotic love and sympathy for the peo- ple." J. London "Times" "Is Lenin a genius? Many Russians have denied it and certainly there is nothing in his personal appearance to suggest even faintly a resemblance to the super-man. And yet on second thoughts there is something in those steel gray eyes that arrests the attention, something in that quizzing, half-contemptu- ous, half-smiling look which speaks of bound- less self-confidence and conscious superiority. i 9 4 LENIN He is certainly by far the greatest intellectual force which the Russian Revolution has yet brought to light "The almost fanatical respect with which he is regarded by the men who are his col- leagues and who are at least as jealous as poli- ticians in other countries is due to other quali- ties than mere intellectual capacity. To qualities other than mere intellectual force he owes his predominating position in his own party. Chief of these are his iron courage, his grim, relentless determination and his complete lack of all self-interest. "He has made use of the demagogue's arts, but behind all the inconsistencies of his policy, the tactics, the maneuvering, there lies a deep-rooted plan which he has been turning over in his mind for years and which he now thinks is ripe for execution. Demagogues have no constructive programme. Lenin at least knows exactly what he wishes to achieve and how he means to achieve it. CONSERVATIVE OPINIONS 195 "In the many attacks that have been made against him no breath of scandal has ever touched his private life. He is married — according to all accounts, singularly happily married." 4. General Von Hoffmann, Who Imposed the Brest-Litovsk Treaty on the Soviet "It was a little upstart named Lenin that defeated Germany. Germany did not play with Bolshevism. Bolshevism played with Germany. Immediately after conquering the Bolsheviks we were conquered by them. Our victorious army on the Eastern front became rotten with Bolshevism. We got to the point where we did not dare to transfer certain of our Eastern divisions to the West. Our mili- tary machine became the printing-press for the Bolsheviks. It was Lenin and the Bol- sheviks that broke our morale and gave us de- feat and the revolution you now see ruining us." TWO ADVERSE OPINIONS John Spargo in "How Lenin Intrigued with Germany" "Coldly cynical, crassly materialistic, ut- terly unscrupulous, repudiating moral codes and sanctions as bourgeois sentimentality, Lenin has for many years surrounded himself with desperate and shady characters, many of them having criminal records. Burtzev tells an interesting story which throws a strong light upon the unholy alliance between Lenin and Malinovsky, the police tool, and almost compels one to believe that Lenin was delib- erately conniving at the betrayal of his com- rades." 196 II Princess Radziwill in "The Firebrand of Bolshevism" "There were some who said that Lenin is an idealist and that he is honest, too. Lenin is neither an idealist nor an honest man. He is only an opportunist and an ambitious crea- ture. He understands well a certain class of Russians, who like empty words and eloquent speeches and who never look ahead and never care to do so. What he aimed at was to be- come the absolute master in a land which he believed to be doomed and out of which he only hoped to save sufficient wreckage to be able to live not only in comfort but also in affluence the rest of his natural life. He was an exciter of the passions of the mob; he was no more of a ruler than Kerensky, and he could not even be called a leader of men, though he knew how to launch them on a ca- reer of crime and plunder." 197 LENIN By Anise LENIN By Anise In a little room * * * In the Kremlin * * * Just off the high court * * * Of the old CZAR, * * * In a chair still bearing * * * The old czar's crest, * * * Sat LENIN, * * # A little bald-headed man * * * Of forty-eight years, * * * Patient, deliberate, * * * No lover of WORDS, * * * But a quiet, shrewd executive * * * Into whose eyes * * * The swift, sharp flash * * * Of a GREAT VISION * * ■ * Comes for a moment $ ♦ * And is gone. * * * Lenin who saw in his youth His brother's corpse swing out * * * From the czar's gibbet, * * * Who saw the PRIEST * * * Hold up the holy IKON * * * Blessing the Cossack's rule * * * Of WHIP and SWORD, * * * Lenin, the noble * * * Who swore in that hour * * * ETERNAL ENMITY * * * Against the ancient order » ♦ * And went forth, suspect * * * To danger and prison * * * And long, long years of toil * * ♦ And final TRIUMPH! * * v * He sat there, calm and sure, * * * And said: "Colonel Robins, * * * The REVOLUTION * * * May FAIL in Russia, 201 202 LENIN For we are a primitive land * * * Forced forward * * * BEYOND * * * Our natural pace! * * * But we will keep alive * * * The FLAME of revolution * * * Till the WORLD is alight! * * * It will come first * * * In- Bulgaria * * * And the Bulgars * * * Will cease fighting. * * * It will come next . * * * In Austria * * * And the Austrians * * * Will cease fighting, * * * And THEN it will come * * * In Germany, * * * And the power of the kaiser * * * Will crumble inward. * * * When the day comes * * * That a Workers' Council Rules in BERLIN * * * REMEMBER * * * The little man in the Kremlin, * * ♦ Who said: "That day * * * Marks the beginning * * * Of the NEW WORLD! * * * Yes, even though the powers * * * Of ALL the EARTH * * * Combine to crush us * * * A* once they joined to crush * * * The Revolution in France. * * * Yet as the IDEA * * * 01 the French Revolution * * * Overthrew at last * * * The feudal lords of earth, * * * All its own CONQUERORS, * * * So shall the IDEA Of OUR revolution * * * Overthrow in the end * * * OUR CONQUERORS!" 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