JUNIUS UNMASKED. 
 
 K WELL KNOWN, 
 
 AND 
 
 MOST EMINENT LITERARY CHARACTER 
 
 Cfie iaat arwturg* 
 
 NOT EREBUS ITSELF WERE DIM ENOUGH 
 TO HIDE THEE." SHAKESP. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PUBLISHED BY EFFINGHAM WILSON, 
 ROYAL EXCHANGE. 
 
 Printed by J. Johnson, Apollo Press, Brook Street, Hclbcrn. 
 
 1819. 
 
4 
 
 •98 
 
JUNIUS UNMASKED. 
 
 The extraordinary man whose Letters have drawn on 
 them the admiration of the political and literary world, 
 and whose personal concealment has raised curiosity to 
 the highest pitch, is still pursued, in order to be dragged, 
 dead or alive, before the inquisition of the Press. Many 
 have already been seized on by literary alguazils, who 
 have tortured their prisoners by ransacking their bio- 
 graphy ; or who, in producing the remains of departed 
 genius, have only raised up new feelings and comments, 
 without convincing the public that the object of their 
 search was in their possession. 
 
 Another name is now added to the list of victims to 
 curiosity ; and it is presented with all the confidence the 
 peculiar circumstances of the case demand. 
 
 Junius has declared that he was the sole depository 
 of his own secret, and that it should perish with him, and 
 no instance has, hitherto, been laid open to the public, 
 of a weak vanity having induced him to break through 
 this resolution, nor of an act of carelessness that might 
 lead to his identification. But there does exist sources 
 of detection, which have not been explored with a view 
 to identify the celebrated man, now brought forward, 
 with the far-famed Letter-writer. 
 
 An inquiry of the present nature cannot properly be 
 deemed an idle one. It merits some attention. In the 
 course of affording proofs of Who Junius was, there is 
 a field opened for the exercise of the mind: whilst a 
 new light may be thrown on the conduct of a distin- 
 guished character, and the motives of human action re- 
 ceive some additional illustration. 
 
 B 
 
2 JUNIUS UNMASKED. 
 
 It is quite unnecessary to notice particularly the 
 several publications which have appeared, each claim- 
 ing for its respective hero the honours of the Letters. 
 One of these, however, is deserving of some remark, 
 from the dexterity shewn in compiling to support, 
 through all obstacles, a favourite idea. Its Author, in 
 fixing on the late Sir Philip Francis, as the writer 
 of the Letters of Junius, conferred no obligation on 
 that respected gentleman, or the public. Without duly 
 weighing the comparative literary talents of Sir Philip 
 and Junius, he has been drawn away by circumstances 
 which are very inadequate testimony, without the proof 
 of ability equal to the character to be sustained. That 
 Sir Philip Francis's original publications are greatly 
 below the standard of Junius, every unbiassed and 
 judicious person must acknowledge. The Reports of 
 Lord Chatham's Speeches, if from Sir Philip's pen, 
 contain no proofs of his being Junius. The Letters 
 followed the Speeches, and their writer, whoever he was, 
 might, as well as Sir Philip, have heard the Noble 
 Lord, and with a strong memory, notes, and an im- 
 mediate use of the impressions, have transfused them 
 through his writings. In regard to petty verbal resem- 
 blances, they are of too little weight to become solid 
 foundations for an opinion, without higher corrobora- 
 tions. Any two persons who speak or write much on a 
 similar subject are likely, from the limitations of lan- 
 guage, and, perhaps, the correspondence of opinions, to 
 have in common many particular combinations of words. 
 Equally futile is it to rely on a comparison of hand- 
 writing. Can it be for an instant supposed that Junius, 
 who declared he could not survive detection three days, 
 would not take the utmost precaution to conceal what 
 would, above all things, have most endangered him ? He 
 must have been a man of extensive acquaintance ; there- 
 fore, his hand-writing must have been widely known ; 
 and it would be his first, most anxious care to com- 
 pletely disguise it, or to procure the aid of a person 
 
JUNIUS UNMASKED. ;5 
 
 sufficiently obscure and faithful. The best testimony, in 
 this investigation, is drawn from the known acquire- 
 ments, character, and talents ; the station, sentiments, 
 style, and circumstances, of the person endeavoured to 
 be identified, previous to, or contemporary with the dates 
 of the Letters. Of this description of evidence, nothing 
 is produced in regard to Sir Philip Francis, except 
 the circumstance of his being* a clerk in the War-office, 
 who was found worthy of recommendation to an am- 
 bassador as a secretary. In ignorance, then, of what 
 were the principles, and qualities of mind and disposi- 
 tion, displayed by Sir Philip in his early days, we must 
 refuse to admit him to have been the author of the 
 Letters of Junius; and more particularly, since the 
 productions of his pen, brought forward to countenance 
 such an opinion, are decidely adverse to it. Could the 
 elegant Junius have written such a sentence as the 
 following ? — u Not long ago an opportunity came of itself 
 of stating some new opinions of my own on the subject 
 of a. Reform of the House of Commons, to a Member of 
 Parliament, of whose integrity no man can be better 
 satisfied than I am."* And also the following, which 
 certainly proves Sir Philip to have been what Junius 
 was not — an Irishman — "If they will not listen to the 
 voice of truth and reason, they shall hear it."f Sir 
 Philip Francis, notwithstanding, was a gentleman of 
 high attainments; and for comparisons such as these, 
 his friends have to blame the ingenuity and industry of 
 his antagonist; for antagonist that man must be deemed 
 who perseveres in fixing on another what is viewed as 
 " a silly and malignant" charge. 
 
 Before the declaration is made of who Junius was, 
 let us first take a view of the Letters, abstracted from 
 the idea of any particular person being indicated as 
 their Author. 
 
 * Francis on Paper Currency. 
 t Francis on The Regency. 
 
 b i 
 
4 JUNIUS UNMASKED. 
 
 It is very necessary, before we enter on the imme- 
 diate subject to be treated of, to remove any doubt of the 
 truth of Junius's declaration that he was the sole deposi- 
 tory of his secret. This he states in the Preface to the 
 collected Letters, which were published on the 3rd. of 
 March 1772; There is, however, a passage in one of the 
 private Letters to Woodf all,* which would seem to con- 
 vey the idea of his having' divulged it to several persons. 
 He says, " The last letter you printed f was idle and impro- 
 per, and I assure you printed against my own opinion . The 
 truth is, there are people about me whom I would wish not 
 to contradict, and who had rather see Junius in the papers 
 cxcr so improperly than not at all" It is plain this was a 
 constrained apology for a slip; the impropriety of which 
 was forced on by him by the remarks of the public, 
 and not repented of until two days after its publication. 
 If at the time the letter alluded to was transmitted to the 
 Printer, a feeling existed of its being " idle and impro- 
 per," but that it must appear to gratify the bad taste of 
 others, why did he not, at least, save his credit with 
 Mr. Woodfall, and mention its being contrary to his 
 own taste ? In another private letter to the Printer, it 
 has been conceived he alludes to a Coadjutor. " The 
 gentleman who transacts the conveyancing part of our cor- 
 respondence tells mc there was much difficulty last night.''' 
 That Junius derived some aid in his intercouse with 
 Mr. Woodfall is highly probable, but it by no means 
 follows that the person or persons employed should have 
 had any knowledge, or even suspicion, of the nature of 
 the communications. The few letters for Junius were 
 addressed to a common name, and deposited at a Coffee- 
 house, a common center for correspondence* The nu- 
 merous letters/rom him there was little difficulty or risk 
 in forwarding — a chairman, or the Post-office, could 
 safely effect that part of the business. The gentleman, 
 therefore, who conducted the conveyancing department 
 
 * No. 8. + M To Junia." 
 
JUNIUS UNMASKED. O 
 
 was probably some humble friend, or a valet, who might 
 have conceived himself an agent in an intrigue. The 
 fears of Junius seem to have increased on him. Every 
 step, every word, this extraordinary man adopted, appear 
 to have been designed and put forth with the utmost 
 caution, down to the closing moments of his labours, when 
 he declared his well-preserved secret to be deposited only 
 in his own breast, there to be for ever locked up. At 
 that time all further art and contrivance for his effectual 
 concealment were about to cease ; and if he was at any 
 period to speak with sincerity of any thing relative to 
 his intentions, it was likely to be when the danger of 
 being traced through his communications was on the eve 
 of terminating. We must conceive, therefore, that, like 
 a death-bed declaration, the parting words of Junius 
 in his Preface expressed the truth, and that the secret 
 was, and, as far as he could controul it, would continue 
 his alone. The only chance, then, that would seem to 
 remain, of discovering who Junius was, exists in such 
 evidence as qualities of mind, and peculiarity of opinion, 
 situation, and circumstances can afford. 
 
 Evidence of this nature may have assisted to form 
 complete proof to some one, who may have had exclusive 
 opportunities, afforded by a close friendship, for combi- 
 ning therewith events and remarks connected with a 
 general idea of the identity. A living witness, there- 
 fore, may be found, who, whilst uncalled for, withholds 
 his testimony from public disclosure, on the sacred prin- 
 ciple of not offering a voluntary effort to remove the 
 veil which the privileges of a friend had, no doubt, acci- 
 dentally bestowed a power of with-drawing. 
 
 Every one who has read the brilliant and profound 
 Letters of Junius with attention, as contained in 
 Mr. Woodfall's Edition, will admit that the TEST, 
 presented in its Preliminary Essay, of the character* 
 istics of Junius, and the circumstances attending his 
 productions, is in a great degree correct. With some 
 few differences, it points out that — 
 
6 
 
 JUNIUS UNMASKED. 
 
 JUNIUS MUST HAVE BEEN— 
 
 1 . An Englishman. 
 
 2. Of highly cultivated education. 
 
 3. Deeply versed in the language, the laws, the 
 
 constitution, and history of his native country. 
 
 4. Of easy, if not of affluent circumstances. 
 
 5. Of unsullied honour, and generosity. 
 
 6. In habits of confidential intercourse, if not with 
 
 different members of the cabinet, at least with 
 politicians, who were most familiar with the 
 court, and entrusted with many of its affairs, 
 or acquainted with most of its proceedings. 
 
 7. Of an age that would allow him without vanity, 
 
 to boast of an ample knowledge and experience 
 of the world. 
 
 8. In temper, irritable and imperious; subject to 
 
 political prejudices, strong personal animosi- 
 ties and disgusts, and possessed of an inde- 
 pendent spirit. Honestly attached to the con- 
 stitution, and indefatigable in maintaining it. 
 
 9. An avowed christian of the Protestant faith. 
 
 Although not free from a charge of disres- 
 pectful allusion to the ceremonies and ministers 
 of public worship. 
 10. A constant resident in London, or its vicinity, 
 during the years 1767, 1768/ 1769, 1770, 
 1771, and part of 1772. 
 
 That Junius was an Englishman, is undoubted. 
 The tone and structure of his Letters prove that they 
 did not proceed from a mimic in British feeling-, any 
 more than that the language they contained was not his 
 native tongue. Scotland could not boast of his birth it 
 is clear, from the dislike, which he took a pleasure in 
 
JUNIUS UNMASKED. / 
 
 expressing at all North Britons. And Ireland, certainly 
 possessed no claim to him : for what Irishman would 
 have published such a sneer at the virtue of his country- 
 men, as the following-, "I beg you will convey to your 
 gracious master, my humble congratulations upon the 
 glorious success of peerages and pensions, so lavishly 
 distributed as the rewards of I?ish Virtue." 
 
 That he was of highly cultivated education is as evi- 
 dent as the genius which is every where conspicuous in 
 his compositions. His knowledge of ancient and modern 
 literature, the dead languages, the French language, 
 political economy, law, civil and military affairs, has to 
 be added to the perfect acquaintance with Human Na- 
 ture which enabled him to direct against its failings the 
 over-powering force of his talents and acquirements. 
 
 His honour and generosity are evinced on many occa- 
 sions. In suddenly dropping the discussion of Gansell's 
 aifair, he gave up a strong-hold against Ministers, least 
 they should be driven to punish the officers who had in- 
 terfered. In exercising that freedom of pen which he felt 
 necessary in prosecuting the subjects he selected, he was 
 ever alive to the situation he might place his Printer in by 
 any excess of warmth. He says to Wilkes — u Feeling, 
 as I really do, for others, where my own safety is pro- 
 vided for, the danger to which I expose a simple Prin- 
 ter, afflicts and distresses me. It lowers me to myself to 
 draw another into a hazardous situation which I can- 
 not partake of with him." In confirmation of this feeling, 
 he frequently, in his private letters to Woodfall, puts 
 him in recollection of his responsibility, and submits to 
 any alterations that the Printer may deem necessary to 
 his safety. As far as he was capable of commanding 
 means to shelter him from any injurious consequences, 
 he proferred his assistance "some way or other," which 
 shows him to have been a man of some, but not very 
 considerable fortune. Indeed, who, without some inde- 
 pendence, could have devoted so considerable a portion 
 of his time, as he did, during five years, to the gratuitous 
 
8 JUNIUS UNMASKED. 
 
 offerings of his pen? His information, reaching as it 
 did, to the early knowledge of Court affairs, proves 
 that he was a gentleman in the constant habit of asso- 
 ciating with persons of distinction. But there is nothing 
 that countenances the supposition that he was of noble 
 family. On the contrary, the following passage, amongst 
 others, rather tends to show that he did not feel such 
 an interest in the character of the English nobility, as 
 one of their body would naturally have displayed : — 
 "The example of the English nobility may, for aught I 
 know, sufficiently justify the Duke of Grafton, when 
 he indulges his genius in all the fashionable excesses of 
 the age." He has told us, distinctly, that he was not a 
 Lawyer ; and it may be inferred, from his expressions, 
 that he was not of the Church. He says, alluding to 
 Horne Tooke, whom he had just described "as in- 
 capable of the liberal resentment of a gentleman," with 
 the u vindictive maliceof a monk :" — " Now, let him go 
 back to his cloister. The Church is a proper retreat for 
 him. In his principles he is already a Bishop." And, 
 elsewhere he adds, in reference to the same person, 
 a The resentment of a priest is implacable." That he 
 was not a physician, a merchant, or otherwise engaged 
 in any of the common pursuits of life, we learn from 
 himself. He says to Wilkes — U I offer you the sincere 
 advice of a man, who, perhaps, has more leisure to make 
 reflections than you have, and who, though he stands 
 clear of all business and intrigue, mixes sufficiently for 
 the purposes of intelligence in the conversation of the 
 world." The Reader of his Letters must have ob- 
 served the frequency of military terms and allusions, 
 besides the acquaintance with, and attention he bestowed 
 on the affairs of the army. Was he an officer ? If so, 
 how did it happen that he was resident in and about the 
 Metropolis for such a length of time, -as jive years? He 
 could not have belonged to the Guards, for he ex- 
 presses an objection to the preference shewn them. He 
 could not have belonged to a marching regiment, with- 
 
JUNIUS UNMASKED. V 
 
 out having had occasion to join it during so long a period. 
 He might, however, have been on half-pay; or he might 
 have been the commanding-officer of a corps of militia; 
 where a short duty in the Spring, or Summer of each 
 year, was all that was required. It is clear that he was 
 not a general officer; as, in that case, he has libelled 
 himself: he says, "Our gracious Sovereign cannot pos- 
 sibly have a meaner opinion of his General Officers than 
 I have." From his remarks on military affairs, it can- 
 not be supposed that, if he was connected with the 
 army, he had any reason to be pleased with its manage- 
 ment from personal advantages and favours; bit must 
 be considered either a disappointed officer, or one inde- 
 pendent of military views. 
 
 In the Preliminary Essay to Wo odf all's Edition 
 of the Letters, it is conceived that Junius must have been 
 about fifty years of age, from the matured mind he 
 possessed, and his taking on him to give grave advice to 
 a man upwards of thirty. This, however, may be re- 
 ceived as conjecture, but not as reasoning. A know- 
 ledge of the world depends on the aptitude of the 
 faculties, and the opportunities of exerting them. Some 
 mix in busy scenes till the evening of existence, with- 
 out the reflection necessary to benefit by experience; 
 whilst others, with minds better adapted to derive ad- 
 vantages from active life, although their period of ac- 
 quaintance with it be shorter, may have accumulated a 
 greater stock of useful lessons. Thus, the man of thirty, 
 for instance, may equal, or out-strip, him of fifty years 
 of age, in gathering together the treasures of practical 
 wisdom — and thirty is an age that it will be admitted 
 is as much the season of energy, as it is capable of being 
 that of matured knowledge. 
 
 The lofty, violent, ironical, and vain qualities which 
 Junius gives many examples of possessing, would seem 
 to indicate a man who had been accustomed to admira- 
 tion and flattery in his family ; to independence, and 
 command. But his mind was amiably disposed; and 
 
10 JUNIUS UNMASKED. 
 
 generally directed the operation of his warm and satirical 
 invective against the eminently bad ; reserving his style 
 of calm superiority, and moderated contempt, for the 
 humble tools, and the associates in office, of those state 
 delinquents whom he had marked out for the chas- 
 tisement of his pen. His presumption and self-applause, 
 although certainly in a great degree derived from a 
 natural failing, was in some measure to be attributed 
 to his disguised character. Junius, whose fame reached 
 from the Thames to the Ganges, might be permitted to 
 give proofs of a conciousness of his particular merits, 
 since the usual disgust which vanity occasions, was 
 averted by the obscurity he was enveloped in, that left 
 him no expression of his feelings but through his letters, 
 and no enjoyment of their fame but in the silence of his 
 retirement. He is, however, blameable for his freedoms 
 towards the King; although there is every reason to 
 believe, in using them, he acted on a public principle ; 
 mistaken, as it certainly was, in point of propriety and 
 effect. He appears to have considered the public con- 
 duct of the Sovereign too much in connection with 
 private character ; and to have believed that to wound 
 his Majesty's feelings on a personal point was the best 
 means of stimulating him to act in a manner correspond- 
 ing with his own views of national benefit. It must be 
 a glaring moral or intellectual fault operating directly 
 in an important degree to the public injury, that can 
 at any time justify a subject in holding up the sovereign 
 in an objectionable point of view. Junius had no such 
 plea. The King, however he might be influenced by a 
 preponderating party, never conducted himself but in a 
 manner consistent with the best motives. Junius, not- 
 withstanding, deemed it wise to cast a doubt around 
 those motives, and to endeavour to make the King feel 
 that to render his true character generally apparent, he 
 must select ministers, and adopt measures, of a more 
 popular description. But the virulence of Junius's 
 attacks had no power to move the royal breast, fortified 
 
JUNIUS UNMASKED. 11 
 
 as it was by the consciousness of correct intentions, and 
 the belief that no misrule was attributable to the 
 Crown. 
 
 The political opinions of Junius were not governed 
 by the interests of any party. They evidently origi- 
 nated with himself; and he only favoured, or coincided 
 with those public men, whom he imagined most likely 
 to promote the great work of forming an administration 
 congenial to his wishes, and to those principles which 
 led him to support the British Constitution and Laws 
 in their utmost purity. He was decidedly in favour of 
 the right of the British Parliament to tax the American 
 Colonies. He supported the necessity of pressing sea- 
 men for the Navy. He gave his voice in favour of 
 triennial, against the idea of annual Parliaments ; but, 
 he was far from wishing to effect this measure, by pro- 
 ceeding to any extremities. He was even timid as to 
 alterations in the Representative System. He says — 
 "That the people are not equally and fully represented, 
 is unquestionable. But, let us take care what we at- 
 tempt. We may demolish the venerable fabric we in- 
 tend to repair ; and where is the strength and virtue 
 to erect a better in its stead?" and also — "As to 
 cutting away the rotten boroughs, I am as much 
 offended as any man at seeing so many of them under 
 the direct influence of the Crown, or at the disposal of 
 private persons; yet, I own, I have both doubts and 
 apprehensions in regard to the remedy you propose. I 
 shall be charged, perhaps, with an unusual want of 
 political intrepidity, when I honestly confess to you, 
 that I am startled at the idea of so extensive an ampu- 
 tation." Junius was no theorist: he loved rather 
 tried systems, and established principles : and his elo- 
 quent and argumentative powers were chiefly called 
 forth when any thing was done, or attempted, contrary 
 to what was good in practice, or just and regular in 
 conception. He had the views of a constitutional and 
 honest Statesman, who thoroughly understood how to 
 
12 JUNIUS UNMASKED. 
 
 discriminate between, and guard against the encroach- 
 ments of the Crown, or the People, on the rights of 
 each other. 
 
 There is sufficient proof that Junius was of the 
 Protestant faith ; but there is room to doubt his having 
 any high opinion of the Established Church, or indeed 
 of any sect. He rather appears to have been one of 
 those Christians who . admire the worship of a sincere 
 heart in its own retirement, in preference to any public 
 display of religious feelings. He was unjustly accused 
 of disrespectful allusions to Religion. He seems, in- 
 deed, to have had a tendency to ridicule some of its 
 ceremonies, particularly those of the Roman Catholic 
 Church; but for the best, and only valuable part of di- 
 vine worship, he testifies his ardent regard. 
 
 It appears that Junius was almost in constant cor- 
 respondence with the Printer of The Public Advertiser, 
 from the 28th of April, 1767, to the 12th of May, 1772, 
 a space of about five years. An inspection of the Table 
 at the end of this Book, will show the respective dates 
 and signatures of each communication, and the interval 
 between them. From this we may perceive that he 
 must have either resided in London, or about a day's 
 journey from it ; for it is not at all unlikely that many of 
 his Letters might have been post-dated in the country, 
 in order to meet the time of their delivery to the news- 
 paper. Several letters, however, must, from their nature, 
 have been written in London : and, on some occasions, 
 his being in the Metropolis after an absence in the 
 country, is intimated in his correspondence with Wood- 
 fall. In the first year, 1767, the communications are 
 but few in number, at about three weeks to a month 
 between each. In 1768, they were more numerous ; 
 and the longest interval is between May and July. 
 The first Letter, signed " Junius," is dated the 21st 
 of November in this year. In 1769, the Letters increase 
 in number, chiefly under the signature of Junius; and 
 the longest interval is in May, of above three weeks. 
 
JUNIUS UNMASKED. 13 
 
 In 1770, there is a falling off in the correspondence ; 
 there being only five public letters of the signature 
 Junius; fifteen under other signatures, and a few 
 private Letters to Woodfall. It will be remarked, 
 that long intervals occur, particularly in the Summer 
 and Autumn of this year. 
 
 In 1771, the correspondence revives in frequency 
 and vigour, with occasionally a break of two or three 
 weeks at the utmost. In 1772, the letters extend only 
 to the middle of May, when terminate the public ones. 
 And January 19, 1773, is the date of the last commu- 
 nication from Junius to Woodfall. Since that time, 
 all has been conjecture respecting his silence. Death 
 did not, about that period, carry off any distinguished 
 man who might be suspected to have been this attrac- 
 tive writer. Surviving, then, the sudden termination 
 of his political labours in The Public Advertiser, he 
 must be supposed to have desisted, from the hopeless- 
 ness of rendering further service, either to his own per- 
 sonal views, or to the cause of his country. 
 
 With respect to the motives that led to the appear- 
 ance of the Letters, there is, besides the evidence which 
 their obvious tendency affords, the declaration of Junius 
 himself, that in writing, he did not disclaim some views to 
 future honour and advantage. The early Miscella- 
 neous Letters, under various signatures, had no con- 
 sistency of design, except they were intended as a trial 
 of literary strength or public opinion. They frequently 
 differed extremely in style, and particularly from those 
 signed Junius, which were more elaborate, and were 
 pointed to the grand purpose of bringing the existing 
 Administration into contempt and odium, and thus to 
 excite the people, and their leaders, to resort to every 
 constitutional means to effect their overthrow and ex- 
 pulsion from office; towards which object, Junius at- 
 tempted to derive aid from whatever timidity or shame 
 he could raise in the breast of the King, whose firmness 
 and sincerity of conduct he appears to have doubted. 
 
14 JUNIUS UNMASKED. 
 
 This scheme to write down the ministers, was, plainly, 
 as much connected with private purposes and feelings 
 as with public ones. It was undoubtedly an object of 
 extraordinary importance, that could have induced 
 Junius to run the risk of detection for years — a de- 
 tection that he is, in his private letters to Woodfall, 
 continually dreading, as he says, a discovery would be 
 his ruin, and that he could not survive it three days. 
 No trivial views, nor those of solitary patriotism, 
 could have urged him to brave this perpetual danger. 
 It is evident, therefore, that, with a certain love of 
 country, he had united a great personal object, for the 
 attainment of which he advanced his masked battery, 
 and defended its approaches with every precaution. 
 
 As, then, Junius was bent on the destruction of a 
 Ministry, he naturally singled out for attack the most 
 assailable of its characters, and the least defensible of 
 its measures; whilst, on the other haul, he favoured 
 those great men in opposition, who were most likely to 
 fill the posts that might be thrown open, and endea- 
 voured to keep inferior agents in the same cause em- 
 bodied, till their joint efforts should succeed; and, there 
 is no reason to doubt that he hoped to rise by the fall 
 of his victims. Unknown as the Author of these dar- 
 ing Letters , he might, in his proper person, have so 
 formed his political connections, as to have been in a 
 condition to benefit instantly by the victory his anony- 
 mous pen might have assisted to achieve. Junius 
 could not have been devoid of ambition, eminently 
 qualified as he was to render its gratification respect- 
 able : the path lay before him — he boldly entered it — and 
 had the highest attainments, and most powerful mind, 
 been capable of clearing the way, his success would have 
 been decisive ; but he had elements to contend against 
 which he could not controul — and he failed. 
 
JUNIUS UNMASKED. 15 
 
 Thus far have we fairly considered this fictitious name 
 merely in connection with his epistles, and unbiassed by 
 a superior knowledge on the subject. 
 
 It is now proper to turn to that real character, 
 whose qualities and attendant circumstances are to be 
 brought into comparison with those of Junius. Be- 
 sides the complete accordance of character, talent, sen- 
 timent, style, station, residence, and motive, to be ex- 
 hibited A SECRET SPRING OF THE MASK shall be 
 
 touched, which, as it falls, will discover the celebrated 
 historian of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire — 
 Edward Gibbon. 
 
 It is known that this distinguished man wrote Me- 
 moirs of himself, and it is to be regretted they were not 
 given to the world mixed up with the observations and 
 information of an intimate and judicious friend, instead 
 of solely proceeding from his own pen. Certainly Mr. 
 Gibbon has occasionally spoken of himself with consi- 
 derable freedom, but self-drawn biography can never 
 command a perfect belief in all its parts. The world is 
 too fully aware of the defective nature of such vain 
 attempts at impartiality. We seldom know ourselves 
 thoroughly : and even were that knowledge complete, 
 there is a rarely failing sentiment in the human breast 
 of leniency, or extenuation, for faults or errors, that, if 
 ever to be exerted, will be most strongly so when re- 
 cording, not merely for the present, but for future ages, 
 whatever might in less partial hands tend, in the slightest 
 degree, to tarnish the character. Mr. Gibbon, it ap- 
 pears, could scarcely satisfy himself in the composition 
 of these Memoirs. Six times did he draw them out in 
 different forms; and Lord Sheffield, his bosom friend, 
 and Editor of his Miscellaneous Works, from these vari- 
 ous sources has compiled that account which has been 
 presented to the public. His Lordship has also added a 
 few extracts from a Journal which Mr. Gibbon kept of 
 his principal actions, thoughts, and studies. Interesting 
 as these are, they cause us to regret that a larger portion 
 
16 JUNIUS UNMASKED. 
 
 of so original, and most probably so faithful an ex- 
 position of the conduct and mind of a great man was not 
 afforded us. 
 
 Mr. Gibbon was born at Putney, in Surrey, on the 
 27th April, O. S. or 8th May, N. S., 1737. He makes 
 this remark on his station. " My lot might have been 
 that of a slave, a savage, or a peasant, nor can I reflect 
 without pleasure on the bounty of Nature, which cast my 
 birth in a free and civilized country, in an age of science 
 and philosophy, in a family of honourable rank, and 
 decently endowed with the gifts of Fortune." He de- 
 rived the common rudiments of education from private 
 instruction. Subsequently, he was placed at Westminster 
 School, from whence he was soon taken on account of 
 his health, and afterwards put under Dr. Francis, (the 
 translator of Horace, and father of the late Sir Philip 
 Francis,) who conducted a school at Esher, in Surrey. 
 But there he continued only three months, and was then 
 sent very prematurely to Oxford, where he was entered 
 as a Gentleman-commoner of Magdalen-college, before 
 lie accomplished his fifteenth year. " I arrived there," he 
 says, "with a stock of erudition that might have puzzled 
 a Doctor, and a degree of ignorance of which a school- 
 boy would have been ashamed." Of his acquirements 
 there he does not boast. " To the University of Oxford," 
 says he, " / acknowledge no obligation ; and she will as 
 cheerfully renounce me as a son, as, / am willing to 
 disclaim her for a mother." He blames the discipline 
 of his college and the negligence of his tutor, for his de- 
 ficiency at the University, where, however, he was suffi- 
 ciently studious on the subject of Religion, to enter, as he 
 says, without armour, into the dangerous mazes of con- 
 troversy, and, at the age of sixteen, to bewilder himself 
 in the errors of the Church of Rome. His Father's ac- 
 quaintance with this conversion shortened the term of 
 his residence at Oxford, whence he was immediately taken, 
 and sent to Lausanne, in Switzerland, where he was 
 settled under the roof and tuition of Mr. Pavilliard, a 
 Calvinist minister. With this person he remained nearly 
 
JUNIUS UNMASKED. 17 
 
 five years, and was not only brought back to the Pro- 
 testant faith, when he says, he " suspended his religious 
 enquiries;" but rapidly acquired a deep knowledge of 
 History ', Geography ', and Chronology ; of the French, 
 Greek, and Latin languages, and their best authors; 
 of Logic, Rhetoric, Philosophy, and the Belles Letters, 
 together with a tolerable acquaintance with Mathema- 
 tics, which, he congratulates himself in having desisted 
 from pursuing before his mind was gardened by the ha- 
 bit of rigid demonstration.* He studied with more plea- 
 sure the Law of Nature and Nations; and in Grotius 
 and Puffendorf, he says, he learnt, "the duties of a 
 man, the rights of a citizen, the theory of justice, (it is, 
 alas ! a theory) and the laws of peace and war, which 
 have had some influence on the practice of modern 
 Europe." — "Locke's Treatise of Government," adds he, 
 " instructed me in the knowledge of Whig principles, 
 which are rather founded in reason than experience ; but 
 my delight was in the frequent perusal of Montes- 
 quieu, whose energy of style, and boldness of hypothesis, 
 were powerful to awaken and stimulate the genius of the 
 age" Cicero was another favourite author ; in reading 
 whom, says he. " I tasted the beauties of language, I 
 breathed the spirit of freedom, and I imbibed from his 
 precepts and examples the public and private sense of a 
 man." 
 
 With his mind thus cultivated, he returned to Eng- 
 land, and arrived at his father's house in Hampshire, in 
 the Spring of 1758. There he employed much of his 
 time, in acquiring a thorough knowledge of, and just 
 taste in the English language. The best English writers 
 since the Revolution, were the favourite companions of 
 his leisure. " They breathe," says he, u the spirit of 
 reason and liberty ; and they most seasonably contributed 
 to restore the purity of my own language, which had 
 been corrupted by the long use of a foreign idiom." In 
 
 * Dr. Johnson remarks the want of demonstration in the 
 Letters of Junius. 
 
 € 
 
18 JUNIUS UNAMSKED. 
 
 1759, on the establishment of the militia, his father be- 
 came Major, and himself Captain, in the South Hamp- 
 shire Militia ; during his continuance in which, he " im- 
 bibed the rudiments of the language and science of 
 tactics ." Every moment he could snatch from his military 
 duties, were devoted to study. He wrote his Essai sur 
 V Etude de la Litter atur e ; acquired a knowledge of 
 Pagan and Christian Theology ', and of the Laws of his 
 country. He then ; on the disembodying of the militia, 
 travelled on the Continent for two years and a half, and 
 returned to England in June, 1765, at .which ». time he 
 was in his twenty-ninth year. The militia having been 
 restored, he became Lieutenant Colonel Commandant 
 of the South Hampshire, but only joined it once a year, 
 for a few days. His friendships and acquaintance were 
 by this time formed with persons of rank, fortune, and 
 celebrity; and when in London, he frequented Boodle's, 
 the Cocoa Tree, and other fashionable places of resort. 
 In his Journal, under date of November 24, 1762, he 
 says — " I dined at the Cocoa Tree with Holt. We went 
 thence to the play (The Spanish Friar,) and when it 
 was over, returned to the Cocoa Tree. That respectable 
 body, of which I have the honour to be a member, af- 
 fords every evening a sight truly English. Twenty or 
 thirty, perhaps, of the first men in the kingdom, in point 
 of fashion and fortune, supping at little tables covered 
 with a napkin, in the middle of a coffee-room, upon a 
 bit of cold meat or a sandwich, and drinking a glass of 
 punch. At present we are full of King's counsellors, 
 and lords of the bed-chamber; who, having jumped into 
 the ministry, make a very singular mediy of their old 
 principles and language with their modern ones." The 
 militia was of considerable use to him in other respects 
 than the extention of his acquaintance. It led him, 
 from a long-continued dispute with the Lord Lieu- 
 tenant of Hampshire, and from other events, to become 
 familiar with " The general system. of our government, 
 the methods of our several offices, the departments and 
 
JUNIUS UNMASKED. , 19 
 
 powers of their respective officers, our provincial and 
 municipal administration, the views of our several par- 
 ties, the character, connections, and influence of our 
 principal people," which, he adds, " have been impres- 
 sed on my mind, hot by vain theory, but by the indelible 
 lessons of action and experience." From June 1765 to 
 July 1777, he never quitted England. His father allowed 
 him a genteel income, and a partiality for the busy scenes 
 of London, caused him to take up his residence there, 
 during the greater part of each year, rather than at his 
 father's estate of Buriton, in Hampshire, fifty eight 
 miles from the Metropolis, and one from the Portsmouth 
 road. An easy distance, that enabled him, in eight or 
 ten hours, to reach either spot, on " the slightest call of 
 business or of pleasure." It appears, however, that he 
 had other reasons for passing so much of his time in 
 London, instead of Buriton. First, he was not perfectly 
 happy in his father's house. He says, u As I approached, 
 as I gradually passed my thirtieth year, (the very period 
 Junius's Letters commenced,) I began to feel the desire 
 of being master in my own house. The most gentle 
 authority will sometimes frown without reason; the 
 most cheerful submission will sometimes murmur without 
 cause." — Secondly, he could more conveniently prose- 
 cute his political views in London, than in the country. 
 He was there at the very source of intelligence, and 
 could personally ascertain the effect his Essays in The 
 Public Advertiser, had on public opinion. 
 
 The re,ader, on referring to the Test, which has been 
 produced, will find, on comparing it with this sketch of 
 Mr. Gibbon's life, up to the period when Junius's 
 Letters commenced, (April 1767,) that the proofs of the 
 accordance are complete, as regards all the articles, ex- 
 cepting the 5th, 8th and 9th, which will be more satis- 
 factorily proved in the course of the subsequent obser- 
 vations. 
 
 In the meantime it has been shown, that Mr. Gibbon, 
 in another word Junius, was an Englishman. Of highly 
 
 cs 
 
20 JUNIUS UNMASKED. 
 
 cultivated education. — Deeply versed in the language, 
 the laws, the constitution, and history of his native 
 country. — Of easy, if not of affluent circumstances. — In 
 habits of confidential intercourse, if not with different 
 members of the Cabinet, at least with politicians who 
 were most familiar with the Court, and entrusted with 
 many of its affairs, and acquainted with most of its pro- 
 ceedings. Of an age (thirty to thirty-five,) that would 
 allow him, without vanity, to boast of an ample knowledge 
 and experience of the world. — And a constant resident 
 in London or its vicinity, during the years 1767, 1768, 
 1769, 1770, 1771, and part of 1772. 
 
 The other articles of the test, relative to — his honour 
 and generosity — his temper — attachment to the consti- 
 tution — and liability to a charge of disrespectful allusion 
 to the ceremonies and ministers of public worship — will 
 be laid open in the various topics to be touched on. 
 
 Mr. Gibbon was in his fifty-second year, when he 
 wrote the Me7noirs jointed together by Lord Sheffield. 
 At this time, about seventeen years had elapsed since 
 the conclusion of the communications of Junius with 
 Mr. Woodfall, the Printer of The Public Advertiser. 
 And if there is no acknowledgment or hint, by Mr. Gib- 
 bon, in his account of himself and his works, of his 
 being the Author of the celebrated Letters, there is not, 
 on the other hand, any thing to destroy the belief, but 
 much to add to it, that he, Edward Gibbon, was the 
 man. 
 
 He has declared that a criticism on the sixth book of 
 the JEneid, in opposition to that of Warburton, and 
 some articles in a French Periodical Review of English 
 Works, edited by his old school-fellow and friend Dey- 
 terdun, were his only publications from 1761 to 1776, 
 w r hen the first volume of The Decline and Fall ap- 
 peared. His words are — "In the fifteen years, between 
 my Essay on the Study of Literature, and the first vo- 
 lume of The Decline and Fall, (1761, 1776,) this criti- 
 cism on Warburton, and some articles in the Journal, 
 
JUNIUS UNMASKED. 21 
 
 were MY SOLE PUBLICATIONS." Does this deny 
 the Letters of Junius ? Undoubtedly not. The Let- 
 ters of Junius were published by and for Woodfall; 
 the manuscripts were the gift of Junius to him. In no 
 instance has Mr. Gibbon declared to the public, what 
 were HIS SOLE PRODUCTIONS. This is studying 
 terms, and who did so more than Junius, who says to 
 Woodfall, in private letter, No. 46, "I weigh every 
 word." 
 
 The wary Junius had declared himself the sole 
 depositor y of his own secret, and that it should perish with 
 Mm, Would he, after this, record its avowal ? Would 
 he not rather state in cautious terms his occupations 
 during the momentuous period of his correspondence 
 with Woodfall ? Certainly — and he has done so. 
 He has given us, however, such an account of his en- 
 gagements at this time, as leaves no doubt of his having 
 perfect leisure for political pursuits. " My literary 
 leisure," says he, " was much less complete than it 
 might appear to the eye of a stranger. In the hurry of 
 London, I was destitute of books ; in the solitude of 
 Hampshire, I was not master of my time." It seems, 
 that, between these evils, he chose that of passing his 
 time chiefly in the Metropolis, "destitute of books" 
 
 From study, then, he was cut off for the greater 
 part of the year. How did he fill up his time ? He 
 could not have been idle, absolutely inert, for the larger 
 portion of at least five years, after the habits of close 
 application he had ever previously been accustomed to. 
 He had a mind too active and warm, an ambition too 
 elevated, to admit of a stagnation of his powers for a mo- 
 ment, during the most tempestuous political season of the 
 present reign. He was at an age, and in circumstances, 
 that rendered an effort to raise himself in the world 
 highly natural and desirable. "While," says he, "so 
 many of my acquaintance were married, or in Parlia- 
 ment, or advancing with a rapid step in the various roads 
 of honour and fortune; I stood alone, immovable and 
 
22 JUNIUS UNMASKED. 
 
 insignificant; for, after the monthly Meeting of 1770, I 
 had withdrawn myself from the militia, by the resigna- 
 tion of an empty and barren commission." Did he not 
 take any steps to remedy this immobility, this insignifi- 
 cancy? Undoubtedly he did. But he has not sought to 
 unfold the means he then pursued to ascertain the mea- 
 sure of his talents, and remove the obstacles to his ob- 
 taining some public employment. 
 
 Already had he, in his twenty-fourth year, 1761, 
 made an attempt to draw on himself the notice and 
 favour of men in power. He had written in the French 
 language, An Essay on the Study of Literature, which 
 he hesitated, however, to publish, till at length, as he 
 informs us, "My private resolves were influenced by 
 the state of Europe. About this time, the Belligerent 
 Powers had made, and accepted overtures of peace ; our 
 English Plenipotentiaries were named to assist at the 
 Congress of Augsbourg, which never met. I wished to 
 attend them as a genleman, or a secretary ; and my 
 father fondly believed, that the proof of some literary 
 talents might introduce me to public notice, and second the 
 recommendations of my friends ." 
 
 The book, accordingly, was published, and copies 
 sent to Lord Bute, and many other distinguished per- 
 sons; but he mentions it was received with indiffer- 
 ence, little read, and speedily forgotten." No advan- 
 tage accrued to him from it, except some Parisian 
 flattery and attentions. 
 
 Those who are inclined to seek for the motives of 
 action amidst the impulses of wounded pride, operating 
 on a temper subject to "violence," and united with a 
 mind of extraordinary vigour ; with a high spirit of inde- 
 pendence, and a full feeling of self-importance, can at 
 once trace from the indifference of Lord Bute to this 
 literary attempt, one grand cause of the origin of the 
 phillipics of Junius ; who, in his third Letter to the 
 Printer of The Public Advertiser, signed Anti-Sej anus, 
 
JUNIUS UNMASKED. 23 
 
 Junr.* speaks of his Lordship as "a notorious coward, 
 skulking under a petticoat, to make a great nation the 
 prey of his avarice and ambition." And Mr. Gibbon 
 in his Memoirs, as well as in the Letters of Junius, takes 
 notice of the first exertion of Lord Bute's undue in- 
 fluence, which took place in a contested Election for 
 Southampton, in the immediate vicinity of Mr. Gibbon's 
 Estate, and marks the censure it drew forth on his Lord- 
 ship. However, beyond a personal disgust, there existed 
 sufficient motives for Mr. Gibbon commencing the Poli- 
 tical Epistles, in his genuine love of the British Constitu- 
 tion; in the detestation generally entertained for the 
 Court favourite; in the impolitic measures of government; 
 and, in a desire to ascertain public opinion on his writings, 
 as well as in the hope of contributing by the efforts of 
 his pen to add strength to the party opposed to ministers, 
 accelerating their downfal, and opening the way to 
 power for friends of his own who might promote his 
 -fortunes. 
 
 Mr. Gibbon felt a strong necessity for devotins* 
 himself to some honourable and lucrative object. A 
 military life he had already experienced with some 
 disgust. It was too late to devote himself to the law 
 in his thirtieth year, and the "fat slumbers of the church" 
 did not correspond with his habits and feelings. Poli- 
 tical engagements presented to his mind's eye the fairest 
 prospect of solid advantage, and literary pursuits of 
 grateful fame. 
 
 On attaining his thirtieth year, in 1767, he had as- 
 certained the hopelessness of expecting any favours 
 from the existing administration, and had tasted a 
 limited applause of the powers of his pen in the use of a 
 foreign language. To assault, through the press, and 
 disperse that administration, if possible, and at the 
 same time to prove the profundity of his knowledge, 
 the force of his genius, a ^d to ascertain his skill in 
 
 e>- 
 
 * Mr. Gibbon, at this time, signed his name — Edward Gibbon, 
 Jcxior. 
 
24 JUNIUS UNMASKED. 
 
 composing in his native tongue^ were objects that at 
 such a time, most naturally arose. To do this with 
 safety to his person and political views, and with 
 thorough conviction to himself of the genuine effects of 
 his Essays, it was necessary to be utterly unknown as 
 their Author. Already he had tried at Lausanne, in his 
 boyish days, the efficacy of Anonymous Writing, in 
 drawing forth an unbiassed opinion of his merit, by a 
 letter on a literary subject, addressed to Professor 
 Breitenger. And, subsequently, he composed a spe- 
 cimen of a History, in the French language, of which, 
 he tells us, " the first book was read the following 
 Winter, in a literary society of foreigners in London ; 
 and, as the Author was unkown, I listened, without ob- 
 servation, to the free strictures, and unfavourable sentence 
 of my judges" His criticism, " aimed at the person and 
 hypothesis o/Warburton," was also given to the world 
 without his name, which the consciousness of considerable 
 acrimony rendered more necessary than a mere literary 
 difference. We might trace, besides, in the examples of 
 two persons of Mr. Gibbon's acquaintance, sufficient 
 reasons for the system he adopted, in respect to the 
 Letters of Junius. Mr. Mallet and Me. Wilkes, 
 as political writers, whilst they, unconsciously, might 
 have afforded the hint of public writing to Mr. Gibbon, 
 very likely also enabled him to perceive more distinctly, 
 the course he should pursue. Although for many years 
 most intimate with Mallet's family, he could not have 
 approved in his heart the hireling of the Court, who, to 
 serve a ministerial purpose, could employ his pen in 
 inflaming the nation against the unfortunate Byng. 
 And, on the other hand, the furious Wilkes, by his 
 open and daring attacks on the government, having 
 brought his person and circumstances into difficulty, was 
 not to be imitated by one who looked to his safety, and 
 guarded by every means the credit of his name. 
 
 A course then, of constitutional opposition to Mi- 
 nisters, of bold satire, and warm invective, directed from 
 
JUNIUS UNMASKED. 25 
 
 an " impenetrable recess " seemed best calculated to 
 satisfy his political views and personal dislikes, whilst 
 his security was provided for. 
 
 Mr. Gibbon became acquainted with Wilkes so 
 early as 1762, and he makes mention of him in his Journal 
 in the following terms : — 
 
 " September 23, 1762.)— Colonel Wilkes, of the 
 Buckinghamshire Militia, dined with us, and renewed 
 the acquaintance Sir Thomas (Worsley) and myself 
 had begun with him at Reading. I scarcely ever met 
 with a better companion ; he has inexhaustible spirits, 
 infinite wit and humour, and a great deal of knowledge ; 
 but a thorough profligate in principle, as in practice, his 
 his life stained with every vice, and his conversation full of 
 blasphemy and indecency. These morals he glories in — 
 for shame is a weakness he has long since surmounted. 
 He told us himself, that in this time of public dissention, 
 he was resolved to make his fortune. Upon this noble 
 principle, he has connected himself closely with Lord 
 Temple and Mr. Pitt, commenced a public adversary 
 to Lord Bute, whom he abuses weekly in the North 
 Briton, and other political papers, in which he is con- 
 cerned." — The character here given of Wilkes, per- 
 fectly accords with the opinion of Junius, who, in his 
 Letter, 5th April, 1768, signed C, calls him " A man 
 of most infamous character in private life" And through- 
 out the course of his Epistles, plainly views him only as 
 a necessary tool in his hands, to work the destruction 
 of the Ministers, As Junius, therefore, he endeavoured 
 to maintain appearances with him. In the Private Let' 
 ters from Junius, to this man of the people, the former 
 opens up more of his condition, and of his motives and 
 views in writing, than elsewhere. He tells Wilkes 
 that he has more leisure than he has to make reflections 
 — that he stands clear of all business and intrigue — that 
 he mixes sufficiently for the purposes of intelligence, in 
 the conversation of the world — that he does not " dis- 
 claim the idea of some personal views to future honour and 
 
26 JUNIUS UNMASKED. 
 
 advantage." Mr. Gibbon was devoted to reflection — 
 stood clear of all business and intrigue — mixed in the 
 most polished society, where men of the highest stations 
 were to be found, and has given proofs in the numerous 
 letters from him to Lord Sheffield, subsequent to 
 the close of Junius's labours, of an unremitting atten- 
 tion to the political intelligence obtained in the desultory 
 conversation of public and private company — and it is 
 certain, was not in a condition to disclaim personal mews 
 to honour and advantage. 
 
 As he then had the acquirements , the facilities, the 
 motives of Junius, so, likewise, will it be found, that 
 he had the feelings, the temper, the spirit, the talents, 
 and the principles, moral, religious, and politlitical, dis- 
 played in the Letters. 
 
 In his Journal, he has spoken thus freely of his charac- 
 ter, under date, " May 8, 1762.] This was my birth-day, 
 on which I entered into the twenty-sixth year of my age. 
 This gave me occasion to look a little into myself, and 
 consider impartially my good and bad qualities. It ap- 
 peared to me, upon this enquiry, that my character was 
 virtuous, incapable of a base action, and formed for 
 generous * ones ; but that it was proud, violent and disagree^ 
 ablei in society. These qualities, I must endeavour to 
 cultivate, extirpate, and restrain, according to their dif- 
 ferent tendency. Wit I have none. My imagination is 
 rather strong than pleasing. My memory both capacious 
 and retentive. The shining qualities of my understand- 
 ing are extensiveness and penetration ; but I want both 
 quickness and exactness." 
 
 He might have added here, that he possessed a high 
 ambition for literary, as well as personal distinction, 
 regulated, however, by the greatest caution; that he 
 was reserved, satirical, and very susceptible of personal 
 disgust. His correspondence with Lord Sheffield has 
 exhibited the first quality, the second and third he has 
 acknowledged, and the last is displayed on several 
 * See Test, Art. 5. t Ibid. 8. 
 
JUNIUS UNMASKED. 2? 
 
 occasions in his Letters and his Memoirs, and testified by 
 the " usual sneer;" which Bos well, in his Life of Doc- 
 tor Johnson, takes notice of. 
 
 A high regard for Civil Liberty was cherished in the 
 heart of Gibbon in early life. About the time of his first 
 leaving Lausanne, (in his 21st year), he wrote part of a 
 letter, under the assumed character of a Swedish traveller, 
 writing to a Swiss friend, delineating the defects he dis- 
 covered in the government of Berne. In this paper, he 
 says, "No, my dear friend, I will not be a citizen of the 
 world; I reject with scorn that proud title, under which 
 our philosophers conceal an equal indifference for the 
 whole human race. / will love my country; and to love 
 it above all others, there must be reasons for my pre- 
 ference." After pointing out the advantages of the Pays 
 de Vaud, he enquires "What then is wanting? — Li- 
 berty ; and deprived of it, you have lost your all.'''' Sub- 
 sequently, (in his 25th year), he thought of composing 
 a History of the Liberty of the Swiss, and thus notices 
 it in his Journal — "There is one (subject) which I 
 should prefer to all others — The History of the Liberty 
 of the Swiss, of that independence which a brave people 
 rescued from the House of Austria, defended against 
 a Dauphin of France, and finally sealed with the 
 blood of Charles of Burgundy. From such a 
 theme, so full of public spirit, of military glory, of ex- 
 amples of virtue, of lessons of government, the dullest 
 stranger would catch fire: what might not / hope, 
 whose talents, whatsoever they may be, would be in- 
 flamed with the zeal of patriotism" 
 
 Here is the very spirit of Junius. — Again, in early 
 life, it shines forth in the concluding words of an Essay, 
 which Mr. Gibbon wrote on the character of Brutus. 
 " Such are the reflections which an accurate examina- 
 tion of the character of Brutus, has suggested to an 
 enemy of tyranny under every shape ; who will neither be 
 awed by the frown of power, nor silenced by the hoarse voice 
 of popular applause. The Monarch and the Patriot, 
 
28 JUNIUS UNMASKED. 
 
 are alike amenable to the severe, but candid inquisition 
 o/truth." 
 
 These were the feelings, Mr. Gibbon, as Junius, 
 brought into action, when the secret influence of a 
 Bute, was supposed to affect the measures of Govern- 
 ment; when the just tenure of a landed proprietor was 
 invaded, to promote the arbitrary designs of the Minis- 
 ters; when, through an attack on an individual, the 
 elective right was wounded by the undue exertion of 
 the power and privileges of Parliament; when the throne 
 was surrounded by many unworthy servants, whose 
 vices, public and private, cast a doubt on the virtues of 
 our Monarch, and rendered him amenable to the severe, 
 and apparently candid inquisition o/truth ; — when justice 
 was perverted for political purposes; and when the be- 
 nefits of trial by jury were endangered by an at- 
 tempted limitation of its necessary powers. 
 
 In love with the liberty which the British Constitution, 
 duly maintained, bestows — full of public spirit, of exam- 
 ples of virtue, of lessons of government, imbibed from 
 the deep study of History, he could not but catch fire 
 amidst the political collisions of his day. He disdained 
 to entirely waste his time in the idle amusements of 
 London ; but, in its busy Winters, and even amongst its 
 " Summer dust," and comparative loneliness, found oc- 
 casion to occupy the attention and admiration of the 
 public, whilst he gratified his solitary vanity, and 
 strengthened his ambitious hopes. 
 
 It is surprising that the readers of The Decline and 
 Fall of the Roman Empire, did not, on a perusal of the 
 Letters of Junius, detect the Historian to have been 
 the Author, in the very first Epistle, signed Poplicola, 
 dated the 28th of April, 1767. After a motto from Livy, 
 it commences in the following manner : — " The bravest 
 and freest nations have sometimes submitted to a tem- 
 porary surrender of their liberties, in order to establish 
 them for ever. At a crisis of public calamity, or danger, 
 the prudence of the state placed a confidence in the 
 
JUNIUS UNMASKED. 29 
 
 virtue of some distinguished citizen, and gave him power 
 sufficient to preserve, or to oppress his country. Such 
 was the Roman Dictator; and while his office was con- 
 fined to a short period, and only applied as a remedy to 
 the disasters of an unsuccessful war, it was usually at- 
 tended with the most important advantages, and left no 
 dangerous precedent behind. The Dictator, finding em- 
 ployment for all his activity, in repulsing foreign inva- 
 sion, had but little time to contrive the ruin of his own 
 country; and his ambition was nobly satisfied by the 
 honour of a triumph, and the applause of his fellow- 
 citizens. But as soon as this wise institution was 
 corrupted ; when the unlimited trust of power, which 
 should have been reserved for conjunctures of more 
 than ordinary difficulty and hazard, was without neces- 
 sity committed to one man's uncertain moderation, what 
 consequence could be expected, but that the people 
 should pay the dearest price for their simplicity ; nor 
 ever resume those rights, which they could vainly ima- 
 gine were more secure in the hands of a single man, 
 than where the laws had placed them." 
 
 Here may be discovered the foundation of that struc- 
 ture, the breathings of that harmonious style, which 
 gratifies the taste of the reader of The Decline and Fall: 
 a work that has conferred on its Author a place in the 
 foremost rank of literary men: in his own words, u it 
 has given me a name, a rank, a character in the world, 
 to which I should not otherwise have been entitled. 1 ' 
 Beyond its fame he could, indeed, have no expectations 
 from any exercise of his pen. Its lustre was not to be 
 trifled with, for it eclipsed by a more steady and tem- 
 perate brightness, the meteor-light of the Letters of 
 Junius. Great political truths, clothed in splendid and 
 powerful language, but blended with personal invective, 
 much as they could enlighten, deeply as they might 
 wound, bestowed too dubious a character to be avowed 
 by one who felt the power of commanding public admi- 
 ration through a more pure and honourable channel. 
 
30 JUNIUS UNMASKED. 
 
 u It was at Rome," says Mr. Gibbon, "on the 15th 
 of October, 1764, as I sat musing amidst the ruins of the 
 Capitol, while the bare-footed friars were singing vespers 
 in the Temple of Jupiter, that the idea of writing the 
 decline and fall of the City, first started to my mind. But 
 my original plan was circumscribed to the decay of the 
 City, rather than of the Empire ; and though my ready- 
 ing ana 1 reflection began to point towards that object, 
 some years elapsed, and several avocations intervened, be- 
 fore I was seriously engaged in the execution of that 
 laborious work." In fact, it was not until the Letters 
 of Junius ceased, in the Spring of 1772, that he removed 
 his library from the country to his house in Bentinck 
 Street, and then began seriously to engage in the com- 
 position of the History ; although the materials had 
 long before begun gradually to accumulate in his hands, 
 and its idea was never wholly out of his thoughts; but 
 was viewed at an u awful distance" 
 
 With the impression of this great design on his mind; 
 often turning over the Roman Authors, and already re- 
 solved on the limits of the mighty narrative ; namely, 
 from the Decline of the Empire to its Fall: is it to be 
 wondered at that the history of those times should affect 
 his language and his thoughts, delivered in the Letters 
 of Junius? Look towards the conclusion of his letter 
 to Lord Mansfield, (14 Nov. 1770,) for an illustra- 
 tion of this, and a proof the identity, in the following 
 words, " Yet it is confessed that, under Justinian, you 
 might have made an incomparable JPrcetor. It is re- 
 markable enough, but I hope not ominous, that the 
 laws you understand best, and the judges you affect to 
 admire most, flourished in the DECLINE of a great 
 Empire, and are supposed to have contributed to its 
 FALL! ! !" — Here is developed, not merely the title of 
 his History, (published six years after this period) but 
 the same opinion, as therein contained, of the effect of 
 the Roman Laws on the falling Empire! Mr. Gibbon 
 there says, "But the government of Justinian united 
 
JUNIUS UNMASKED. 31 
 
 the evils of liberty and servitude; and the Romans 
 were oppressed at the same time by the multiplicity 
 of their laws, and the arbitrary will of their master."* 
 The instances are most numerous, in which he alludes 
 to the Roman History, in his Jun jus's. In one, the 
 three branches of the Legislature are compared with 
 the Roman Triumvirs, in their mode of treating their 
 respective adherents. In another, the wish of Cali- 
 gula, that all the Romans had but one neck, that he 
 might sever it at a blow, is made to bear on the con- 
 duct of the Ministry striking at the freedom of Elec- 
 tion, in order to destroy the liberty, laws, and property 
 of the people. Elsewhere he calls the Guards, Prae- 
 torian Rands : and, in another place, gives a character 
 of Valentinian the Third, with an obvious appli- 
 cation. In short, these Historical touches were drawn 
 from the preparatory reading for his great work, their 
 use was ready and efficacious, and, therefore, freely 
 adopted. 
 
 In regard to the Moral principles of Mr. Gibbon, 
 he allowed himself some latitude in fashionable foibles 
 in early life, and there is a letter from his pen, as Ju- 
 nius, to a supposed female, that is worthy of the gross 
 age of Charles the Second. He was, however, a man 
 of strict probity, in general of regular habits, and an 
 avowed friend of decorum. 
 
 His Religion was that of a Christian Free-thinker. 
 A Protestant up to his fifteenth year ; he became, as has 
 been mentioned, a Roman Catholic; which persuasion he 
 renounced in his eighteenth year, and declared his new- 
 formed opinions to the Presbyterian ministers of Lau- 
 sanne, who admitted him to their communion. It appears, 
 that in the course of this re-conversion he was drawn 
 to take a genuine view of the intrinsic qualities of divine 
 worship ; and thence was led to form the most pure ideas 
 respecting the insufficiency of external devotion. Freed 
 
 * Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, Vol. viii. chap. 44. 
 p. 111. 
 
32 JUNIUS UNMASKED. 
 
 from an admiration of the miracles and gorgeous ap- 
 pendages of the Romish Church, the beauties of an 
 unostentatious adoration of the Supreme Being, seem to 
 have been deeply impressed on his mind, and to have 
 produced a too indiscriminating contempt for the cere- 
 monies, and frequently for the ministers of public wor- 
 ship. He has laid himself open in his History, as well 
 as in his Letters of Junius, to reflections on these points 
 on many occasions, nor does his friend Lord Shef- 
 field attempt his defence.* 
 
 His Political opinions were the same as those appa- 
 rent in the Letters of Junius. He admired the British 
 Constitution, and in, or, out of Parliament,! he was, 
 without being bound to a party, ranked with the oppo- 
 sition, as long as its leaders considered any real benefit 
 could be derived to the country from attacks on minis- 
 ters. He supported the right of the British Parliament 
 to legislate for the American colonies, as he also did 
 in the Letters of Junius. He was but a doubtful Re- 
 formist, and retained to the last the timidity of Junius 
 with respect to any alterations in the representative 
 system, and his fears of adding any thing to the elective 
 powers of the people were countenanced and confirmed 
 by the horrors of the French Revolution. 
 
 Lord Sheffield states, respecting that convulsion, 
 that, "Mr. Gibbon saw the wild and mischievous tenden- 
 cy of those pretended reformers, which, while they pro- 
 fessed nothing but amendment, really meant destruction 
 to all social order; and so strongly was his opinion fixed, 
 as to the danger of hasty innovation, that he became a warm 
 and zealous advocate for every sort of old establishment." 
 Mr. Gibbon himself says, "Had the French improved 
 their glorious opportunity to erect a free constitutional 
 monarchy on the ruins of arbitrary power and the 
 Bastile, I should applaud their generous effort ; but 
 this total subversion of all rank, order, and govern- 
 ment, conld be productive only of a popular monster, 
 * See Test, Art. 9. t Mr. G. became a Member in 1774. 
 
JUNIUS UNMASKED. 33 
 
 which, after devouring- every thing else, must finally 
 
 devour itself I am happy to find that the most 
 
 respectable part of opposition has cordially joined in the 
 support of 'things as they are.'' " After this, we cannot 
 be surprised at Mr. Gibbon's alarm at an English Re- 
 form Club, causing him to address his friendLoRD Shef- 
 field from Lausanne, in May, 1792, in the following 
 animated manner, as much resembling the style, as 
 worthy of the patriotic pen of Junius : — " Inform me 
 of the professions , the principles , the plans, the resources 
 of these Reformers. Will they heat the minds of the 
 people ? Does the French democracy gain no ground ? 
 Will the bulk of your party stand firm to their own interest, 
 and that Gf their country $ Will you not take some active 
 measures to declare your sound opinions, and separate 
 yourselves from your rotten members ? If you allow them 
 to perplex government, if you trifle with this solemn busi- 
 ness, if you do not resist the spirit of innovation in the 
 first attempt, if you admit the smallest and most specious 
 change in our parliamentary system, you are lost. You 
 will be driven from one step to another ; from principles 
 just in theory, to consequences most pernicious in practice; 
 and your first concessions will be productive of every sub- 
 sequent mischief for which you will be answerable to your 
 country and to posterity. Do not suffer yourselves to be 
 lulled into a false security ; remember the proud fabric of 
 the French monarchy. Not four years ago it stood 
 founded, as it might seem, on the rock of time, force, and 
 opinion, supported by the triple aristocracy of the Church, 
 the Nobility, and the Parliaments. They are crumbled 
 into dust; they are vanished from the earth. If this tre- 
 mendous warning has no effect on the men of property in 
 England ; if it does not open every eye, and raise every 
 arm, you will deserve your fate." 
 
 Here Mr. Gibbon acknowledges that there are prin- 
 ciples just in theory in respect to a parliamentary change, 
 but dreads their application in practice, from the demo- 
 cratic feeling of the times. We have alreadv remarked 
 
84 JUNIUS UNMASKED. 
 
 011 his cautious and doubtful feeling on this subject. 
 "That the people," says he, "are not equally and fully 
 represented is unquestionable. But let us take care what 
 we attempt. We may demolish the venerable fabric we 
 intend to repair, and where is the strength and virtue 
 to erect abetter in its stead?" He was for triennial 
 Parliaments only in opposition to the idea of annual 
 Parliaments. He considered his the safest mode of the 
 two, of keeping the representative more " under the rod 
 of the Constituent." But he desired to see a greater 
 number of those constituents freeholders ; for, says 
 he, " you will find the interruption of business in those 
 towns, (the great trading towns unrepresented), by the 
 triennial riot and cabals of an election, too dear a price 
 for the nugatory privilege of sending members to Par- 
 liament." 
 
 The man who dreaded the effects of riots and cabals 
 in common times, would naturally not wish to see op- 
 portunities for them increased at a period when the ig- 
 norance and the passions of the multitude were worked 
 on by false doctrines that tended to level all distinctions 
 of station and property, and to bring anarchy and 
 bloodshed on his country. Mr. Gibbon's sentiments, 
 then, on Parliamentary Reform, in 1792, consist with 
 those he avowed as Junius in 1771. 
 
 Whatever might be said on the subject of Junius's 
 personalities, it is needless to show on any but general 
 grounds, the causes for the hostility displayed in the 
 Letters, against several distinguished men. If there 
 were vices to add to misrule, there existed in Mr. Gib- 
 bon's character a virtuous abhorrence of the former, 
 sufficient to account for and justify the unsparing terms 
 Junius has used against the persons, as well as the prin- 
 ciples and politics of most of his selected victims. Hi? 
 disgusts once taken were strong. His partialites were 
 equally fixed on men of distinguished virtue and abi- 
 lity. However, he was too just not to be open to new 
 convictions in regard to character, and to acknowledge 
 
JUNIUS UNMASKED. 35 
 
 his error where he had not fully and correctly esti- 
 mated it. Alluding to the praise of Lord Chatham 
 by a Correspondent of The Public Advertiser, lie says, 
 " I neither admire the writer, nor his Idol" At a sub- 
 sequent period he, again alluding to that Nobleman, 
 says, "I am called upon to deliver my opinion, and 
 surely it is not in the little censure of Mr. Horne, to 
 deter me from doing signal justice to a man, who, I con- 
 fess, has grown upon my esteem." Of Lord Camden 
 too, at an early period, he gives a mixed character, for 
 his Lordship was then of the hateful cabinet; but, four 
 years afterwards, he saw him in another point of view, 
 and turns to him as a character fertile, as he willingly^ 
 believes, in every great and good quality. Lord North 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer in the same Ministry, is 
 considered by him as a moderate man of no higher merit, 
 than that of an humble assistant in office — an honest man 
 of no consequence, who Jills a post he is utterly unft for. 
 Mr. Gibbon, some years after the Letters were dropt, 
 became intimate with Lord North, and speaks of him 
 with high respect. Weighing the circumstances that pro- 
 duced the change of opinion as to Lord Chatham and 
 Lord Camden — we find an equal reason for the altera- 
 tion respecting Lord North, in a closer and more un- 
 biassed view of his qualities. There is, indeed, the 
 evidence of Mr. Whitaker, that Mr. Gibbon was not 
 at one period, inclined to be the encomiast of Lord 
 North. — Mr. W. says, he was at one time in a state of 
 " savage hostility" towards his Lordship. This, Lord 
 Sheffield denies; but, as he admi ts that Mr. Gibbon 
 may have used strong expressions in repect to some or 
 all* parties; and, as Lord North was at the head of 
 one party, it necessarily follows that Mr. Gibbon may 
 have uttered what might have justified, if not maintained 
 Mr. Whitaker's assertion. 
 
 It has been matter of surprise that Junius should so 
 speedily have learnt that Swinney had the impudence 
 
 * Junius was of no party. 
 
 D2 
 
36 JUNIUS UNMASKED. 
 
 to wait upon Lord George Sackville,* whom be 
 had never spoken to, and to ask him whether or no he 
 was the Author ofJuNius's Letters. The explana- 
 tion is simple — Mr. Gibbon was intimate with his Lord- 
 ship. Junius's early knowledge that Garrick "had 
 informed the King that he would write no more, can be 
 accounted for in the same easy manner — Mr. Gibbon's 
 intimacy with the busy Roscius. In his Journal, he 
 mentions breakfasting with Garrick in the year 1762: 
 and afterwards we find compliments from David to the 
 Historian, on the appearance of The Decline and Fall; 
 and, at another time, the gratuity of a turtle-feast, for 
 the honour of his company. To all who have known or 
 heard of Garrick's character, it will not be a matter 
 of wonder, how a person on such a footing with him might 
 arrive at a participation in the knowledge conveyed to 
 the Royal ear, of which he was so full. Mr. Gibbon, 
 however, resolved, a little maliciously, to spoil the in- 
 telligence, and check and humble its propagator, fey 
 writing again. 
 
 The dislike Junius had to the Guards for the airs 
 they gave themselves, and the contempt they showed for 
 the other parts of the army, was particularly strong. 
 Mr. Gibbon, Lieutenant-colonel of the South Hamp- 
 shire Militia, a frequenter of the fashionable Club and 
 Coffee Houses, had, undoubtedly, felt his share of the in- 
 solence of these haughty, foppish gentlemen; and possess- 
 ing a considerable knowledge of the theory of military 
 affairs, a liberal mind, and a high notion of his own 
 consequence, could little brook the impertinence of these 
 military sprigs of fashion. He took, therefore, every 
 opportunity for a slap at them — "You know," says he 
 to Lord Sheffield, " that a large draught of the 
 Guards are just going to America — poor dear creatures V 
 Pretty contemptuous. It has been justly observed, 
 that in the earlier Letters of Junius, there is displayed 
 a minute commissarial knowledge of petty military mat- 
 
 * Afterwards Lord George Germaine. 
 
JUNIUS UNMASKED. 37 
 
 ters. The fact is, Mr. Gibbon for a time devoted him- 
 self to the acquirement of military details, and prided 
 himself on his acquaintance with them. " Their conver- 
 sation at Almack's/' he observes to his friend, "is 
 about tents, drill Serjeants, sub-divisions, firings, &c. 
 and I am revered as a veteran." His military habits 
 also introduced into his language many peculiar phrases, 
 and allusions to warfare, as both the Letters of Junius, 
 and his other Works, evince. Equally do these several 
 writings exhibit an unguarded use of scriptural expres- 
 sions — the result of much theological investigation, un- 
 affected by a sufficient reverence for the subject. Be- 
 sides these resemblances, we find some trifling inaccu- 
 racies of grammar, and peculiarities of spelling some 
 few words, derivable from Mr. Gibbon's copious use 
 of the French language, of which he was so perfect a 
 master, that the Memoire Justicatif, which he drew up 
 at the instance of Government, in French, was admired 
 at every Court in Europe for its elegance and correct- 
 ness, and generally attributed to the pen of a native of 
 France. Well, therefore, might Junius, in the note to 
 his Letter of January SO, 1771, remark on the "bar- 
 barous French" of Lord Rochford, and correct his 
 blunders. Mr. Gibbon, it has been mentioned, had paid 
 considerable attention to the study of the laws of his 
 country, and particularly to Blackstone's Commentaries, 
 having read them no less than three times, and made 
 from them a copious and critical abstract. With truth, 
 then, does Junius say in his Letter of July 29, 1769, 
 to their Author, Sir William, "Your Commentaries 
 had taught me, that, although the instance in which 
 a venal law is exerted be particular, the laws themselves 
 are general:" and in a private note to Woodfall, he 
 says, "quoting from Blackstone by memory, I find I 
 have made a mistake." With facility, therefore, does he 
 apply quotation on quotation from the Commentaries, to 
 the legal questions he raised. 
 
 The style of Junius's Letters is much varied; and 
 if it had not been for the proof of their coming from 
 
o8 JUNIUS UNMASKED. 
 
 the same hand which the Private Letters and Private 
 Signature afford, there might have been great doubts 
 entertained of their all being by one Author. There is 
 a mixture of historical, declamatory, and argumentative 
 writing. The first will be found to occur most fre- 
 quently in the early Miscellaneous Letters, and the 
 two latter species of composition in the Letters signed 
 Junius. 
 
 Mr. Gibbon had, from childhood, a predilection for 
 History, and had made, in early life, many abortive at- 
 tempts in that department of literature. He, therefore, 
 had a habit of writing in the narrative style. This 
 appeared in his first Letter in The Public Advertiser, 
 signed Poplicola, (which has been given here in part) 
 and also in several others; but, gradually, he broke 
 into a new and more popular style. His Decline 
 and Fall, and several of his Political Paragraphs to Lord 
 Sheffield, contain many passages for the comparison 
 of the curious, who will find the most perfect similarity, 
 either in the long, but polished periods of the one, or 
 the nervous, abrupt, commanding sentences of the other. 
 And here it may be mentioned, that Mr. Gibbon con- 
 structed his thoughts in so perfect a manner before he 
 committed them to paper — that he never had occasion, 
 in the whole course of his voluminous history, to make 
 a fair copy for the press; and hence was it, that the 
 Letters of Junius were found very slightly altered, as is 
 stated in the Preface to Woodfall's Edition. 
 
 Mr. Gibbon corresponded freely with his friend 
 Mr. Holroyd, (Lord Sheffield), who resided 
 chiefly at his seat, Sheffield Place, Sussex ; and pre- 
 sently we shall have to consider some extraordinary 
 circumstances relative to this epistolary communication ; 
 but our immediate attention is required to the light the 
 few published letters from Mr. Gibbon, (of dates within 
 the period of Junius's Letters) afford, relative to the 
 identity. To exhibit this in the most distinct manner, 
 a List is given (at the end of this Book, page 45,) of 
 
JUNIUS UNMASKED. 39 
 
 all these letters, accompanied with the nesessary observa- 
 tions ; and the following is a summary of their evidence — 
 
 Junius is in the country, the day after his first Let- 
 ter appeared. He is to be in London on the 28th of 
 May, the very date of his second Letter. He is in the coun- 
 try refreshing- a little on the 19th of October, 1767. On 
 the 16th of October, 1769, he says he is to be in town 
 about the 6th of November, (from Oct. 16 to Nov. 6, is 
 twenty-one days.) — Mark: On the 8th of Nov. he is in 
 town, and says, he has been absent for three weeks! He 
 is at his post, Christmas, 1769, listening to the observa- 
 tions on his Letter to the King. He is again relaxing 
 at Beriton, Oct. 6, 1771. On Nov. 15, 1771, he wants 
 rest, and is going to find it in the country for a few days: 
 accordingly on the 18th of Nov. 1771, he is found at 
 Beriton, intending to be in London very soon. He is in 
 town in January, 1772, and continues there till at least 
 the 16th of May, four days after the entire conclusion 
 of his labours. 
 
 Then he has an idea of going out of town. — Accord- 
 ingly, by his subsequent letters, we next find him at 
 Beriton, on the 17th, and 30th July, 1772, at Sheffield 
 Place, Sussex, on the 7th August, and about to go on 
 a tour with Mr. Holroyd. Then we have him at 
 Beriton on the 18th October ; and at length at Pall 
 Mall, on the 11th December, when he mentions having 
 sprained his foot, and being attacked by the gout. On 
 the 12th of January, 1773, he still is in London; and 
 it was seven days after, on the 19th of January, that 
 Woodfall received from Junius the last lines, ex- 
 pressing his determination not to write any longer. 
 Woodfall, however, was little inclined to lose the 
 gratuitous and highly beneficial services of his unknown 
 friend ; and therefore, did not fail to endeavour to in- 
 duce him to continue his communications. He fre- 
 quently sought to draw his attention, in The Public 
 Advertiser* by the private signals ; and addressed letters 
 to him at the old rendezvous, so late as the spring of 
 
40 
 
 JUNIUS UNM ASKED. 
 
 1773; and on the 11th of May, 1773, we find Ma. 
 Gibbon complaining to his friend, Lord Sheffield, 
 that he is " plagued with The Public Advertiser!! !" * 
 
 This statement scarcely requires any comment. If 
 there were Letters from Junius at a time Mr. Gibbon 
 might be supposed to be in the country, let it be recol- 
 lected, how easily he could arrange their transmission 
 from thence; and how inconsiderable the journey, from 
 Buriton to London appeared to him, as he says, in his 
 Memoirs, that, when in the country, he was ready at 
 any time to visit the Metropolis, (i on the slightest call 
 of business or of pleasure ." 
 
 Mr. Gibbon never was married ; and passing the 
 life of an independent batchelor, who was master of his 
 own house, at least in London, he had the best oppor- 
 tunities for conducting the mystery of Junius. 
 
 The receiving communications from Woodfall, 
 wherein lay difficulty, was most likely performed by 
 honest Caplin, hisvalet-de-chambre, whom he declared 
 he considered as much his friend as his servant ; being 
 brought up in his father's family, and faithfully attend- 
 ing him for upwards of thirty years. To him he very 
 likely imparted as much of the secret as concerned the 
 danger of any discovery. And as the affectionate Cap- 
 lin was found worthy to be intrusted with another se- 
 cret, this one might so far be committed to him with 
 safety. The other secret was, strange to say ! a mere 
 bodily disorder, which none but Caplin, not even his 
 dear friend Lord Sheffield, knew of, till it made itself 
 apparent, after thirty years existence ; and, finally, de- 
 prived him of life, on the 16th of January 1794, in the 
 fifty-seventh year of his age. 
 
 It was two years after he entered Parliament, that 
 he was made a Lord of Trade. * He accepted this 
 office entirely for the convenience of his finances, which 
 
 * Such an intimation betokening Lord Sheffield's acquaint- 
 with the secret will be accounted for presently. 
 
 t Junius says to Wilkes, "I do not disclaim the idea of some 
 personal views to future honour and advantage." 
 
JUNIUS UN MASKED. 41 
 
 from the burthens on his paternal estate, were not then 
 in a flourishing condition. He felt ashamed, however, 
 of this dependance, which he declared " unworthy of 
 him" — unworthy of Junius. After resolving to shake 
 it off, he retired to Lausanne, to await the improvement 
 of his fortune, and finish his History. From this spot 
 he corresponded with Lord Sheffield and his family, 
 as he had been accustomed to do from London and the 
 country ; and these letters highly interesting for what 
 they unfold of his character in the latter years of his life, 
 are in some parts almost as much so from what is with' 
 held either by his own caution, or the care of his friend, 
 on publishing them amongst his miscellaneous works. 
 
 But there are not merely extraordinary blanks in 
 some of these letters to cause surprise. There is a sup- 
 pression of almost the whole correspondence of Mr. 
 Gibbon to Lord Sheffield, (then Mr. Holroyd), 
 during the very period of the appearance of Junius' s 
 letters ! 
 
 Mr. Gibbon became acquainted with Lord Shef- 
 field, whilst on the continent in the year 1764 ; and 
 a close and lasting friendship was formed between them. 
 Both were in England in 1767 and downwards. From 
 April in that year to May, 1772, (thefve years during 
 which the letters of Junius were in the course of pub- 
 lication), only twelve letters of the correspondence of 
 Mr. Gibbon with his friend are given to the public, 
 namely, one in 1767, none in 1768, three in 1769, none 
 in 1770, two in 1771, and six in 1772, up to May. It 
 must be considered singular, that between bosom- 
 friends, who were much apart in residence, there should 
 be such a meagre correspondence, as that in some years 
 not one epistle should pass between them ! But this 
 was not the case. Their communications were fre- 
 quent, and undoubtedly deeply interesting for their po- 
 litical remarks. It is not asserted that any of the sup- 
 pressed letters contained an absolute acknowledgment 
 of the secret of Junius. - But it is declared that Lord 
 
42 JUNIUS UNMASKED. 
 
 Sheffield eventually, from these letters, and other cir- 
 cumstances, had sufficient evidence to confirm him in the 
 idea of his friend being the author of the political phillipics 
 — that he charged him with their honors, which 
 were received in A manner, not only to confirm his con- 
 ception, but to prevent his voluntary public acknow- 
 ledgment of the opinion. The sacredness of friendship, 
 induced him to meet the wishes of Mr. Gibbon, by an 
 avoidance of any thing that might connect his name with 
 that of Junius, in a way at all likely to lead to their 
 identification. 
 
 Mr. Gibbon, whilst at Lausanne, reflecting on the 
 lasting fame his growing history was gradually acquiring 
 for him, evidently felt an increased desire to deprive the 
 world of any chance of discovering in the historian the 
 politician Junius.* Accordingly he wrote to Lord Shef- 
 field, to transmit to Lausanne, the letters he had 
 addressed to him at the period in question. They were 
 sent by a Mrs. Moss. — Would those Epistles, that 
 carried obvious danger with them, be allowed to exist? 
 No. However, caution will sometimes blunder. Twelve, 
 have survived. But only five of these, it seems, were 
 written during the time the Letters, under the signature 
 " Junius" were appearing in The Public Advertiser. — 
 Lord Sheffield, in the first edition of the Miscella- 
 neous Works, has given these five letters, in part or 
 whole ; but in the second edition there is only one of them 
 inserted, and that has been dated, we already mentioned, 
 by some mistake, December, 1772, (subsequent to 
 Junius's Letters), instead of December, 1769 ; which 
 error very probably had deceived Lord Sheffield 
 into its publication, or, perhaps, he considered its sub- 
 ject calculated to avert the opinion that might be formed 
 at some time, of Mr. Gibbon being Junius. And yet 
 it is capable of adding to the conception. 
 
 * Mr. Gibbon mentions his having made a general clearance 
 of Papers, in November, 1772. The very time Junius had resolved 
 to desist from writing. 
 
JUNIUS UNMASKED. 43 
 
 Mr. Gibbon says to Mr. Holroyd, full of the 
 noise this famous Epistle to the King made in the politi- 
 cal world, and eager to hear every whisper of public 
 and private opinion. — "What are the trees and waters 
 of Sheffield Place, compared with the comfortable 
 smoke, lazy dinners, and inflammatory Junius's, which 
 we can every day enjoy in Town? You have seen 
 the last Junius? He calls on the, distant legions to 
 march to the Capitol, and free us from the tyranny of 
 the Praetorian Guards." Here he invites his friend's 
 opinion. Nothing more natural. But this Letter carries 
 no peculiar weight with it, beyond the certainty that in 
 the destroyed correspondence, he who thus enjoyed 
 Junius — who had a craving for opinions on his merits, 
 did often make the political incognito the subject of his 
 pen, as on this occasion, in the early part of his career. 
 
 In regard to the blanks and curtailments in many of 
 the Letters from Mr. Gibbon to his friend, whatever 
 was of a family, or other such private nature, might cer- 
 tainly be kept from the public eye with propriety ; but, 
 to withhold sentiments on public men- and public mea- 
 sures, as is evidently often the case, is not the best way 
 of exhibiting a character in its full light. Lord Shef- 
 field can explain the cause of some of the dashes that 
 obliterate political matter : he can tell us of the conver- 
 sation that caused him to endeavour to keep from public 
 disclosure the secret of his friend, not communicated by 
 Mr, Gibbon ) but obtained by obvious circumstances. 
 
 It was, thenceforward, in common between them: and 
 the subsequent correspondence is not without allusions to 
 its subject. We have noticed Mr. Gibbon's complaint to 
 his friend, that he is " plagued with The Public Ad- 
 vertiser" From Lausanne, in later years he intreats 
 for news, and selects "Woodf all's Paper" — and, 
 again, he begs for the u faithful narrative of Woo df all" 
 From the same quarter, in a light mood, he enquires 
 of his friend if Lady Sheffield is satisfied with her 
 silence to one of the prettiest, most obliging, most enter- 
 
44 JUNIUS UNMASKED. 
 
 taining, most, &c. Epistles that ever was penned since 
 the Epistles of ****** ?" Six Stars,— are they six 
 by accident or design ? The word Junius, just makes 
 a letter for a star \ — This is not a new way of throwing 
 light on a dark subject, faint as it may seem. If there 
 had been but one or two solitary twinklers, not a ray 
 of conjecture might have reached us, but six ! — six form 
 a galaxy, that could not but attract and enlighten. 
 Many other blanks occur that might, connectedly, be 
 filled up with reference to the Letters of Junius, and 
 the life of their author ; and it would be easy to extend 
 our pages by extracts and remarks on this point, at the 
 cost of the Reader. 
 
 But, here let us pause, and check the progress of 
 an otherwise endless research, and comparison between 
 two names that represent in fact but one person. — 
 What is the sum of our evidence ? 1st. That in Birth, 
 Education, and Talent; in Character and Station; in 
 Sentiment and Style ; in Motives, Design, and Exe- 
 cution ; as well as in many adventitious circumstances, 
 there is an absolute conformity. — 2dly, That all clue to 
 this discovery of the real Junius has been endeavoured 
 to be cut-off. — First, by a defective account of Mr. 
 Gibbon's avocations at the period of the Letters. — 
 Secondly, by a formal statement of his sole publi- 
 cations, instead of his sole productions at that same 
 period. — Thirdly, by the destruction of all papers con- 
 nected with Junius at the close of the year 1772, after 
 Junius had ceased to write — and Fourthly, by the 
 destruction of almost the whole of those Letters which 
 Mr. Gibbon wrote to Lord Sheffield during the 
 correspondence of Junius, the dates, the facts, the sen- 
 timents contained in which, would have confirmed sus- 
 picion. To these proofs, let there be added, that at 
 least one individual exists, who can support the decla- 
 ration which has been made, relative to the extracted 
 seeret, and who thus exhibits in Mr. Gibbon — 
 JUNIUS UNMASKED! 
 
List refer ed to at Page 38. 
 
 LETTERS FROM MR. GIBBON. 
 
 OBSERVATIONS. 
 
 1. To Mr. Hoiroyd, dated Be- 
 
 riton, April 29, 1767. 
 
 He says, " I stay at Southampton from 
 
 the first to the twenty-eighth of May, and 
 
 then propose makinga short visttoTown." 
 
 2. To Mr. Scott, wishing him to 
 join withhim and his friend Mr. 
 Deyverdun, in a French Re- 
 view of English Works. Dated 
 Beriton, Oct 19, 1767. 
 
 The first Letter of Junius to 
 The Public Advertiser, signed Pop- 
 licola, is dated April 28, 1767. 
 
 The second Letter of ditto, un- 
 der the same signature, is dated 
 May 28, 1767! 
 
 No communication from Juni- 
 us, between Oct. 12, and Oct. 22, 
 1767. 
 
 To Mr. Holroyd, dated Be- 
 riton, Oct. 16, 1769. 
 
 On the 8th of November, 1769, 
 Junius in his Private Letter to 
 Woodfall, says, 
 Says) very particular business obliged « j have been oxd of town for three 
 him to go to Town about the 6th of No- weeks." 
 
 v<anber. There were three Letters from Junius 
 
 between the 13, Oct. and Nov. 8, 1769 ; 
 and there is no doubt of these having 
 been written in the Country. 
 
 To Mr. Holroyd, 
 Mall, Dec. 25, 1 
 
 dated Pall 
 769. 
 
 There is a Private Letter from 
 Junius to Woodfall on the 26, 
 Dec. 1769. 
 
 5. To Mr. Holroyd, dated 
 London Dec. 1769. 
 
 By a mistake of the Editor, or an 
 error of the Press, this Letter is dated 
 Dec, 1772 — but that it should be 1769, 
 is evident from the following passage — 
 " 1 ou have seen the last Junius? He 
 calls on the distant Legions to march to 
 the Capitol, and free us from the tyranny 
 of the Prcstorian Guards." As this re- 
 lates to the remarkable Letter of Junius 
 to the King, dated Dec. 19, 1769, there 
 is no doubt of the wrong date. 
 
 The passage in Junius to which 
 this refers, is as follows. 
 
 " The Prcetorian Bands, enervated and 
 debauched as they were, had still strength 
 enough to awe the Roman populace ; but 
 when the distant legions took the alarm, 
 they marched to Rome, and gave away tlie 
 Empire.** 
 
 6. To Mr. Holroyd, dated 
 Beriton, Oct. 6, 1771. 
 
 There is no communication 
 from Junius to Woodfall be- 
 tween the 5, and the 1 5, Oct. 1771. 
 
 7. To Mr. Holroyd, rfaW Nov. 15, 1771 — Junius, in a 
 
 Beriton, Nov. 18, 1771. private note to Woodfall, says, 
 
 Mentions his intention of going to " I want rest most severely, and am 
 
 London very soon. going to find it in the Country for a few 
 
 days." 
 
 S. To Mr. Holroyd, dated 
 London, 1772. 
 
 The 21, Jan. 1772. was the date 
 of the last Letter of the series 
 signed "Junius." 
 
Mr. Gibbon's Letters continued. 
 
 9. To Mr. PIolroyd, dated at 
 London, (from Boodle's,) Feb. 
 3, 1772. 
 
 10. To Do. dated from Boodle's, 
 Feb. 8, 1772. 
 
 11. To Do. dated from Boodle's, 
 Feb. 13, 1772. 
 
 12. To Do. dat edfrom Boodle's, 
 Feb. 21, 1772. 
 
 13. To Mrs. Gibbon, (his step 
 mother,) dated London, March 
 21, 1772. 
 
 A reference to the Table of 
 the Letters of Junius helow, 
 will show the engagements of 
 Junius with The Public Adver- 
 tiserfromthe close of the Letters 
 Proper, down to May 12, 1772, 
 when his labours entirely ceased. 
 
 14. To Mr. Holroyd, dated Pall 
 Mall, May 16, 1772. 
 Has an idea of going out of town. " 
 
 A TABLE OF THE DATES AND SIGNATURES 
 
 OF 
 
 THE LETTERS OF JUNIUS, 
 
 AND THE INTERVALS BETWEEN EACH. 
 
 Date. 
 
 Interval of days 
 
 28 April.. Poplicola. 
 
 28 May ...Do 30 
 
 24 June . . Anti-Seganus, jun. .27 
 
 25 Aug. . . A Faithful Monitor.62 
 
 16 Sept. ..Correggio 24 
 
 12 Oct. ..Moderator 26 
 
 22 No Signature 10 
 
 31 Do 9 
 
 5 Dec. ..Y. Z 35 
 
 19 No Signature 14 
 
 22 Downright 3 
 
 1768. 
 
 16 Feb. ..No Signature 56 
 
 24 Mnemon 8 
 
 4 Mar. ..Do 8 
 
 11 Anti Van Teague. . . 7 
 
 24 Anti-Stuart 13 
 
 5 Apr. ..C. 12 
 
 5 0, in the Corner .... — 
 
 12 C 7 
 
 23 Bifrons 11 
 
 6May...C 13 
 
 12 Valerius 6 
 
 Date. Signature. Interval of d. j*. 
 
 19 May. ..Fiat Justitia 7 
 
 1 July. . . Pomona 43 
 
 19 C 18 
 
 23 C 4 
 
 30 No Signature 7 
 
 5 Aug. . . L. L 6 
 
 6 No Signature 1 
 
 10 Lucius 4 
 
 19 Atticus 9 
 
 23 Valerius 4 
 
 29 Lucius 6 
 
 1 Sept. . . Lucius 3 
 
 6 L. L 5 
 
 7 Lucius 1 
 
 9 Do 2 
 
 10 Do 1 
 
 15 Do 5 
 
 20 Do 5 
 
 6 Oct. ..Atticus 16 
 
 15 Brutus ,. 9 
 
 19 Atticus 4 
 
 26 Why? 7 
 
 27 Brutus 1 
 
 14 Nov. . . A titcus 18 
 
Dates and Signatures of the Letters of Junius. 
 
 Date Signature. Interval of days. 
 
 2 1 Nov. . . Junius 7 
 
 1769. 
 21 Jan. . . Junius 37 
 
 7 Feb. ..Do 17 
 
 21 Do 14 
 
 3 Mar. ..Do 10 
 
 18 Do 15 
 
 10 April... Do 23 
 
 12 Do 2 
 
 on i Junius (Private to / 
 
 20 I Woodfall).... 5 8 
 
 21 Do 1 
 
 24 Do 3 
 
 5 May. . .Do. (Pri.toWoodf.)ll 
 
 6 Your Real Friend. . 1 
 
 30 Junius 24 
 
 6 June. . . Simplex 6 
 
 10 Amicus Curse 4 
 
 12 Junius 2 
 
 22 Do 10 
 
 8 July. ..Do 16 
 
 15 Do. (pri. to Woodf.) 7 
 
 17 Do. (do.) 2 
 
 19 Do 2 
 
 21 Do. (priv.to Woodf) 2 
 
 29 Do 8 
 
 1 Aug Philo-Junius 3 
 
 6 Junius(pri.toWood) 5 
 
 8 Do. (do.) 2 
 
 14 Philo-Junius 6 
 
 16 Junius(pri.toWood) 2 
 
 22 Do : 6 
 
 4 Sept.... Do 13 
 
 7 ..... ..Do 3 
 
 8 Augur 1 
 
 10 Junius(pri.to Wood) 2 
 
 15 Do. (do.) 5 
 
 19 Do 4 
 
 25 Do 6 
 
 5 Oct.. ..Do. (pri. to Woodf.) 10 
 
 13 Do 8 
 
 17 Do 2 
 
 19 Philo-Junius 4 
 
 20 Junius 1 
 
 8 Nov. . . . Do. (pri. to Wood.)19 
 
 .. ..Do. (do.) 4 
 
 14 Philo-Junius 2 
 
 15 Junius 1 
 
 16 Do. (pri. to Wood.) 1 
 
 17 X.X 1 
 
 20 X.X 3 
 
 25 X.X 5 
 
 29 Junius 4 
 
 2Dec....X.X 3 
 
 Date. Signature. Interval of days 
 
 10 Dec Junius pr. to Woodf. 8 
 
 12 Do 2 
 
 12 ...... Do. (pri. to Woodf.) - 
 
 19 Do. (do.) 7 
 
 19 Do - 
 
 26 Do. (prvi. to Woodf) 7 
 
 1770. 
 12 Jan. ..Junius(pr.to Woodf.) 17 
 
 Feb. ..Do. (do.) 19 
 
 14 Do. (do.) 13 
 
 - Do - 
 
 5 March .Domitian 19 
 
 10 Moderatus 5 
 
 17 Junius (pr.toWood.) 7 
 
 18 Do. do.) 1 
 
 19 Do 1 
 
 3 April.. Do 15 
 
 28 May. ..Do 55 
 
 26 June. . . Q,. in the corner. . . 29 
 
 27 A labourer in the ) 
 
 same Cause . . $ 
 
 30 Q. in the Corner. . . 3 
 
 7 July. ..Do 7 
 
 - A labourer in the } 
 
 same Cause. . . $ 
 
 22 Aug. . . Junius 46 
 
 19 Oct Do. (pri. to Wood.)5S 
 
 12 Nov. . . . Do.(do.) 24 
 
 14 Do 2 
 
 19 Testis 5 
 
 21 Junius(pr.toWood.) 2 
 
 24 Testiculus 3 
 
 7 Dec Junius(pr.toWood.)13 
 
 - Domitian 
 
 13 Chapter of Facts -v 
 
 or materials of / fi 
 History. (No r 
 Signature.) . . } 
 
 14 2nd. Chapter of } , 
 
 Facts, &c . . . . S 
 
 17 Phalaris 3 
 
 20 Do , 3 
 
 24 Domitian 4 
 
 12 
 
 1771 
 2 Jan. . . . Junius(pr.toWood.) 9 
 
 9 Headed— Intelli- ^ 
 
 gence Extra- > 7 
 
 ordinary J 
 
 11 Anti-W 2 
 
 16 Junius(pr.toWood.) 5 
 
 17 Domitian. 1 
 
 30 Junius 13 
 
 31 Do. (pri. toWood.) 1 
 
Dates and Signatures of the Letters of Junius, 
 
 Date. Signature. Interval of day*. 
 
 5 Feb Do. (do ' 5 
 
 6 Philo Junius 1 
 
 11 Junius (pri. to Woodf) 5 
 
 IS A member of one ^ 
 
 House of Parli- f 
 ament in mourn- ) 
 ingfor the honor \ 
 of his King and C 
 
 Country ) 
 
 16 A. B 3 
 
 18 Junius (pr. to Wood. 2 
 
 21 Do (do.) 3 
 
 22 Vindex 2 
 
 6 Mar.. ..Do .12 
 
 25 Au Englishman, -v 
 
 and enemy to / 
 the Cabinet, / 9 
 
 therefore J 
 
 29 G.W 4 
 
 8Apr....G.W 10 
 
 9 A Whig 1 
 
 15 Henricus 6 
 
 19 Junius(pr.toWood.) 4 
 
 22 Do 3 
 
 1 May Philo Junius 9 
 
 21 Henricus 20 
 
 22 Philo Junius 1 
 
 25 Do 3 
 
 28 Do 3 
 
 16 June. .. Junius(pr.toWood.)19 
 
 20 Do. (do.) 4 
 
 22 Do 2 
 
 28 From Domitian. . . 6 
 
 5 July An Innocent Rea- } 7 
 
 der s 
 
 9 Junius 4 
 
 24 do 15 
 
 13 Aug. . . Junius(pri.toWood.)20 
 
 — Do — 
 
 25 Aug.. . . Do. (pri. to Wilkes. )12 
 26 Do 13 
 
 7 Sept. ... Do. (pri. toWilkes.)12 
 
 10 Do. do 3 
 
 18 Do. do 8 
 
 21 Do. do 3 
 
 23 MondayDo. Do 2 
 
 25 Do. (priv to Woodf) 2 
 
 28 Do 3 
 
 30 Do- 2 
 
 5 Oct.... Do 5 
 
 15 Philo Junius 10 
 
 16 Junius pri .toWilkes 1 
 
 16 Anti-Fox 1 
 
 Date. Signature. Interval of days. 
 
 17 Oct.. ..Philo- Junius. ... . 1 
 
 18 Do 1 
 
 2 1 Juniuspri.toWilkesS 
 
 22 A Friend of Junius. 1 
 
 2 Nov Junius f . . . . 1 1 
 
 5 Dc (pri. to Woodf.) 3 
 
 6 Do. (pri. to Wilkes) 1 
 
 8 Junius (pri. Woodf) 2 
 
 9 D o. (priv to Wilkes) 1 
 
 9 Notice from Junius. 1 
 
 10 Junius (pr.toWood.) 1 
 
 11 Do Do l 
 
 13 Cumbriensis 2 
 
 15 Junius (pr.toWood.) 2 
 
 27 Do do 12 
 
 28 Do 1 
 
 4 Dec . . . Juniper 6 
 
 5 Junius (pr.toWood.) 1 
 
 10 Do. (do.) 5 
 
 17 Do. (do.) 7 
 
 1772. 
 
 6 Jan Junius(pr.toWood.)20 
 
 11 Do. (do.) 5 
 
 16 Do. do 5 
 
 18 Do. do 2 
 
 21 Do 3 
 
 21 Do - 
 
 25 Do. (pri. to Woodf.) 4 
 
 28 Veteran 3 
 
 3 Feb. .. Junius (pr.toW T ood.) 5 
 
 10 Do. (do.) 7 
 
 17 Do. do 7 
 
 — Veteran - 
 
 22 Junius (pr.toWood.) 5 
 
 27 Veteran 5 
 
 29 Junius (pr.toWood.) 2 
 
 3 Mar. . . Do. do 3 
 
 5 Do. do 2 
 
 10 Veteran 5 
 
 23 Do 13 
 
 3 May . . Junius (pr. to Wood.) 40 
 
 4 Do. do 1 
 
 - Scotus - 
 
 8 Authur tell-truth -) 
 
 (dated from S 4 
 Pall-Mail) .... ) 
 
 10 Junius(pr.toWood.) 2 
 
 12 Nemesis 2 
 
 1773. 
 
 19 Jan Junius (pr.toWoodf.) 
 
 8 months and 7 days. 
 
 FINIS, 
 
 Johnson, Typ. Apollo Press, Brook Street, lloiborn. 
 
 'ZJLS*1>