Class Book. A. ADDRESS cifi THE WASHINGTON SOCIETY TO THE m^eopijE or novTM'CAnoM,i^y¥. ^sS^^*!** faiiJTED STf J. ff. Bt7HGES, \\ f^Z^-^%t>^- TO THE PEOPLE OF SOUTH-CAHOLINA Fellow Citizens: The intentions of the leaders of the Nullification Party are now disclosed. The veil is rent asunder; the mask is thrown off: the monster is shown in all its naked defoi'uiit} : and the remedy of Nullification which was presented to the people clothed ill the rohes of peace, stands forth openly in ail the panoply of War. None hut the deluded ever douhted, that this contest nnist terminate in hloodshed and civil war — none else ever helievcd. that by placing this State in hostile array against the General Cfovcrnment, Congress will be so exceedingly alarmed, as to yield to all our demands and at once abandon the protective system; that the Represcntati^•es of twelve niillions of freemen will be frightened into a compliance v*ith the demands of the State of South-Carolina. — Who else can imagine., that they Vvill suffer us to nullify the revenue laws and to remain in the I'nion until a Convention of all the States can be called to take into Consideration our right so to act: that it is even probalile Congress will adopt so dilatory a proceeding, and permit the State of South-Carolina to enjoy for an indefinite period the advantages she would derive from so direct, flagrant and pal- pable a violation of the Constitution of the United States as is contained in the Ordinance just passed by the Convention--an Ordinance which gives --a ])reference to the ports of one State over another/' contrary to an express prov ision of the Consti- tution, which they have sworn to protect and defend. — Who hut those who have been grossly deluded can believe, that Congress will permit the State "of South-Carolina to secede from the Union. Congress has sacred duties to ])erform. and h callel upon to fidfil them. It is well ll Government. It is believed that their hope is placed Oil British fleets and British arms, and our waters are to run red with American blo«d to gratify the pas.siQns and interest^ H p I of the leaders of the Niillificatioii Party. Every one acquainl- ed with the poiitics of Europe is aware that siicli hopes must prove f;illacious so long as the quarrel is entirely a domestic one. Until South-Carolina does secede and with the consent of all tiie States becomes an independent nation, no power of EuroT>e will take part in the contest. She will be left to fight her battles single-handed against the power of the United States. But if she is permitted to secede, Great Britain would have it in her power to form intimate commercial and political rela- tions with her — and in case of another war between the two countries. Great Britain would have an ally in the centre of the American line — ondsuch a war is rendered more probable from the certainty, that South-Carolina would become a great mart whence the rest of America would be inundated with British goods, to the injury of the revenue and the ruin of the commerce aud manufactures of the I'nited States. South- Carolina could not then be checked in this course without a long, a bloody and an expejisive war with Great Britain. This State would he to the coiitiucnt of America what Portugal is to that of Europe — an intimate alliance would exist between it and Great Britain, and if South-Carolina were to be attacked the castes foederis might arise, and her forts would be garrison- ed, lier soil defended and her harbors fdled with British troop.s and British fleets. No precaution could prevent this catas- trophe. A coimtry like this must seek an intimate connexion with some great maritime power, and if that power is at the same time a great manufacturing nation, she would necessarily strive to profit by tlie connexion and to pour her maniifactures into the other States. That it would be utterly impracticable to put a stop to smuggling tlirough Carolina must be ar.parent to every one vlio is a.t all acquainted with what is going on in Europe. The preventive service in England consists of more than 25,000 men, and yet with all their vigilance, stimulated as it is by interest, they cannot prevent goods being smug2,ied into the country from Fiance. Traders in Paris will undertake to deliver goods in London free of duty for 4 per cent, pre- mium. In France the army of custom-house odicers is stili more numerous; but the insurance on smuggling is lower theie; it does not exceed from 2^ to 3 per cent. With a frontier like ours it might be done at 2 per cent, and the insurers would grow rich. It is apparent, therefore, that the safety and the vital interests of the rest of the Union are concerned in pre^ serving: it ciitii'e. But let us suppoec, that Congress does yield to tfit- mcasuiiCs of the Convention and to the threats of his Excellency the Governor and suffers South-Carolina to secede from the Union — What would be our condition — How could we maintain an ar- my, a navy, an executive with all the various departnient:: which the machinery of government requires, with a popula- tion of 250,000 white inhabitants and a productive property incapable of sustaining a tax of more than v500.000 dollars? We will be told, that the imposts on imported goods v, ill be sufficient to defray all these expenses: but do you not perceive, that if such is the dcpendance of the NuUifiers, that our bur- thens from that source will be increased instead of being di- minished. The army of the United States consisting only oi' 5,000 ejiective men — there are never more actually in ser- vice—with an admirable organization, costs the government of the United States two millions and a half of dollars; — ^aud it would be deceitful and erroneous to calculate, that every man raised and armed and clothed and fed and paid by the State will cost less than at the rate of 500 dollars per annum. Are we prepared, are we able to pay either directly or indirectly the enormous amount of taxation which such a state of things would require. Suppose the whole amount of the exports of this State to be brought back in foreign articles, a sup])Osition. which makes every practical man smile, even then we would be compelled to pay more than 40 per cent, on the imports to defray the expenses of the independent State of S. Carolina. The ordinary expenses of the executive with its various de- partments and diplomatic intercourse, the judiciary, the navy and the army would swallow up all the productive capital of the country in a few short years. Tellow Citizens, it has been truly said, that South-Carolina could not dispense with a standing army to defend her from a danger at once so imminent and appalling, that it becomes us. no longer to shrink from its examination. The British West Indies are about to become an Archipelago of IVcc blacks. — That nation which is to be the ally of South-Carolina is streiui- ously engaged in emancipating the slaves iti her colonies, and the moment we ])lacc oui'selves under her protectioti, as we will and must do if we secede from the Union, the ])hilauthroj)ir projects of that people will be extended to us, aud we shall find it no easy matter with the aid of the small army, which we can afTord to pay, fo preserve our property and maintain dmne^stic traaquillity. Look at what is going on in ]"'nglan(U wlicre pledges ape exacted from tlie candidates for Parliament to make a commencement in the great work of emancipation. Look at what is passing near ns in t!ie British West-India colo- nies, where servile war and desolation h.a\ e been let loose npoii those once peaceful and ilonrishing Islands. We would ask our fellow-citizens of the opposite party, if ihev contemplated all theSe dangers when they first commen ced this struggle with their countrymen. If whoi they voted for delegates to the Convention, they intended to clothe them with power to violate the Constitution of the United States, to exact test oaths, to destroy the purity of the Judiciary by ex- acting an oath from the Judges in direct violation of that Con- stitution, which they are engaged by a previous oath to pro- tect and defend^ and by which they are bound, anij thing in the constitution or laws of unij State to the contranj notti'ith- standing — to deprive us of the right of trial by Jirry — for to Siiy, that this privilege is preserved to us, when a test oath is to be proffered, which no conscientious man tan take, is a so- lemn mockery — to suspend the writ of habeas corpiiSy — to pass bills of pains and penalties and to define treason to the State, laws which will be written in blood and which will fill the jails with victims and cover the country with mourning — Did they, could they have contemplated the passage of an Or- dinance more oppressive than thase of CJiarles the Tenth and his cruel and infatuated ministers, which roused the citizens of France to take up arms and hurl that tyrant from his throne: and laws more tyrannical than those, which contpelled the no- ble Poles to appeal to the laws of nature and to contend against fearfid odds rather than su1)mit to them. Laws whicli will <:!ompel us to be traitors to the Federal Government or to the State— for altliough we are still citizens of both, they render our duties to both incompatible. We would ask them if they would not have rejected with indignation all thoughts of war or secession if the question had been fairly })ut to them; and to recall to mind the means by which they have been led to the brink of that precipice, where they now stand and look down upon, war and devastation, disgrace and death. We would ask them if when they enrolled themselves as members of the Association, they believed that they pledged themselves, to declare war against the rest of the States and to sever tlic U- nu))j: to bring ruin upon their coinitry, disgrace u}>on them- j selves, and misery upon tlieii- families." Did' you contemplate I the unjust and cruel disfranchisement of vour fellow -citizens l)-y cxacliii^^ Irom liieiri a test aath, such as the [>to[)ie of Great Britaiii after years of constant struggle liavc but lately succced- td in freeing themselves from, and which will pollute the pu- rity of tlie trial by jury^ the palladiuiri of civil liberty? Did vou co^iteniplatc leaving li) tlie General Government no alter- native but war or sribnrission; the raising an army of 12.000 men to be ofiicercd by tlic Executive, and the publicatioiiof an OrUJiiance wliicli embodies the spirit of tyranny and oppres- sion. Were yo!i not assured by your leaders, that tlieir reiue- dy was peaceful, and notvvithsiauding that assurance arc you not called upon to abandon your h.onies and your occupations and to take up arrsis against your fellow-countrymen? And now that your eyes are opened to all tlie danger and difficul- ties of the situulioii ijito which they have brought you, are you bound to follow such^lcaders to the death? Ikcause Gov- ernor Hamilton in a lilgh chivalrous tone tells you, that eve- ry gallant Carolinia?! v/i!i die in the last ditch, are you to go hliivdly on and ])erish there? Are you to peril your souls, to bring ruin and disgrace upon your counlry, to expose your families to the misciics of civil war and to sacrifice your lives to p-ratilV the caprice or the ambition of a few men. Your lead- ors'look forward to gain imperishable renown in the Held of ]>attle if they iall there, as if true glory could be gained in anv but a righteous cause: but v.ill your name go to posterity with theirs if vou do perish in tiie last ditch. Who talks or writes of the thousands of bra%e men who fell in the btittles Marengo and Austerlitz, to elevate the fame of Napoleon: or of those, who perished in the fatal held of Wa.terloo, where he lost his crown and was forced to abandon his counti-y to all the horror of being overrun by an invading and coiuiuerjug ar- my The sympatiiy of millions followed the hero in his exile, while the thousands of l)rave men. who perished in that con- flict, are remembered only bv moui'ning widows and bereaved or])hans. But they were not Republicans as you are--tJiey were subjects and were compelled to fight the battles of their Sovereign. You are freemen, you are thinking beings— re- sponsible to Gwl and your country for your actions. \ on ought notto sufieryourselvesto be diive-n to violate your most sol- emn obligations to both. rellow-Citi/ens, if grievances did exist, there were peace- able and constitutiojial means of redress— Patriots would re- sort to none olhcr.— "These means had been to a certain ex f'^nt successfully u^^fd. T!n> '.rarill'has been modified— the bur- iheiis under which you laboured have been lightened — no rea- sonable doubt remained, that they \vo\ild be removed altogeth- er — wlierefore then, these violent, rash and precipitate measures which close the door to all accoinniodation and lead ot once to war and disunion. The remedy of Nullification is in every respect the opposite of what it has been represented to yov.. The Exposition of Mr. Calhoun, Vvhich has ]>een truly desig- nated as an ingenious, but insidious preparation for war and disunion, would persuade you that the Constitution has giveii power to each and every State to S'.jspend the execution of any law of the (iencral Government until three-fourths of the States shall declare it to be Constitutional. According to tliis doc- trine, the Hartford Convention was holy in its purpose. Any State may suspend an embargo law on t!ie -eve of a foreign war: may declare that war itself unconstitutional although un- dertaken to vindicate the honor and to preser\ c ihe dearcsi rights and interests of tlie country, and may secede and join the enemy if any attempt be made to compel its acOjUiescenc^ in the general will. Does not every plain and sensible man at once perceive the utter im practicability of carrying on a Fed- eral Government with snch a principle engrafted on tlie Con- stitution. Be assured the able and intelligent men who framed tliat instrument never committed so egregious and palpable an error. A principle so monstrous is to be found neither in the letter or i!i the spirit of the Constitution. Nullirication wa^ presented to you as a peaceful remedy, and no sooiier have you granted the power to adopt it, than a call is made upon yoii te raise 12,000 men, to make appropriations for military store^s• and munitions of war, mounting cannon and all the means and appliances of carrying on a canipaign.— Still the same insidi- ous language is used. The remedy is of right peaceful— the truth will not be told or the war notes be fully sounded until your blood is shed as a sacrifice on the altar of ambition. The Constitution of the United States guarantees to each State a republican form of government, the Convention has in fact deprived us of this inestimable blessing and the reign ot despotism is begun. It guarantees the trial by jury, and the Ordinance of the Convention deprives us of that ri-ht It guarantees the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus which the same Ordinance tears from us.— It guarantees that the citi- zens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileQ;es cmd vmmumties of citizens of the several States. The mem- bers of the Union Party. 17,000 freemen, are deprived m 8 SoutU-CavoHua^ hy tins Ordinance, ol* tlie^'pTiviltgcs .and m^ nmi)ities wiiich thty would enjoy in imy othei' State? Tht<^ Constitution guarantees that the obligation of GontraKrts shall nx)t he impaired, and the Ordiiwince yioktes that guarantee. The Constitution of the State of South-Carolina provides most emphatically for the preservation of our dearest rights and privileges, a provision which is set at naught l>y the Con- vention. It says, the trial by jury as heretofore used in this State, and the liberty of the press shall be forever inviolably preserv^ed. This provision framed in wisdom and conceived in the spirit of liberty has been uidiesitatingly violated. We have great respect for the sovereign will of the people, but we camioi believe, that the people of South-Carolina sanctioned these rash, inconsiderate and unconstitutional measures — wC know that they were deceived — we know that they were as- ;>ured even at the last moment, that Nullification was a peace- able remedy and that their fears of-^ar and secession were groundless and devices of the Union .Party. After these assu- rances given by tjie leaders of the Party, if that assembly had fntertained a proper I'espect for the people in wdiose name they have dared to speak, they would have submitted the pro- ceedings of the Convention to thvm for their approvaL This measure was the more necessary from the character of the Con- vention which was not a fair representation of the people of the State. The basis of the free white popvdation was rejected and that of property adopted, so that-a small Parish in the low coiuitry containing not more than forty voters sent as many delegates as one of the populous districts of the upper; and e- ven they were elected under a solemn pledge ^'that Nullifica- tion was a peaceable remedy and one calculated to preserve tlu; TTnion."' Tlie members of the Washington Society repose the utmost confidence in the people of South-Carolina. They believe that when the people see the fatal consecpiences of the measures which hax e been adopted bv the Convention without their consent or concurrence, they will turn with indignation upon those, who have thus unwo.-thily transcended their powers and abused their fonfidence. In the mean time they venture to express their hope, that no member of the Union Party will submit to this monstrous usurpation of power; or take an oath contrary to oatliS already taken and obligations already incurred to preserve^ pro- tect and defend the ConstiUitjiou of X\\h St;ate a^id ot the Uw tt-d States. TO THE FRIENDS OF PEACE, GOOD ORDER, AXD THE UNIOIV OF THE STATES, " THE PALLADIUM OF OUR LIBERTIES." " It is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your coUedive and individual happiness,- that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immo%'able attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as the palladium of*your political safety and prosperity,- watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety,- discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned,- and INDIGNANTLY FROWNING UPON THE FIRST DAWNING OF EVKRY ATTEMPT TO ALIENATE ANY PORTION OF OUR COUNTRY FROM THE REST, OR TO ENFEEBLE THE SACRED TIES WHICH NOW LINK TOGETHER THE VARIOUS PARTS."— General Washington's Farewell Address. The friends of nullification in Charleston, have formed an asso- ciation of five hundred members, for the purpose of circulating tracts of an inflammatoiy tendency; the basis of which is the insurrectionary doctrine, that assumes the right of any one member of a confederation of twenty-four members, to annul any and every law which it deems unconstitutional, without any umpire to decide between the refractory member, and its compeers — a doctrine, which, had it been acted upon in the early stages of our existence as a nation, would have " resolved the United States into their original elements," before the constitution had arrived at the age of five years; and would be destruc- tive of all associations of individuals, or of states, by which it was countenanced. The spread of this doctrine has gradually pre- pared many of the most influential citizens of South Carolina, for a secession from the confederacy, by which the union would be neces- sarily dissolved — an union, the proudest triumph of reason and philan- thropy over brute force, under which we have for forty years enjoyed a degree of happiness, and security of liberty and property, rarely known in other quarters of the globe — an union, in a word, without which, we would probably have long since exhibited similar scenes to those acted in South America ; which render it doubtful, whether she has derived any material advantage from her bloody revolutions. Therefore, taking these subjects into consideration, the Central Committee of the late Tariff" Convention, have judged it expedient to follow the example of the nuUifiers in the dissemination of tracts ; with this essential differ- Tract No. 1. 2 UNION ANLI PROTECTION TRACT NO. I. ence, however, that while the latter are studiously employed in fanning the flame of deadly hostility between different portions of the nation, and disaffection to, and secession from, the union, with all their attend- ant horrors ; our more benignant employment will be " to preach peace and good will," among the various sections of the union. We shall carefully avoid all appeals to the passions — all frothy declama- tion — all begging the question, to which the advocates of a bad cause alone can require to recur. Our appeals shall be made to the reason and common sense of an enlightened people. We propose, while the present efterv^escence to the south continues, to issue tracts occasionally, in which we shall endeavour by irrefragable facts and fair arguments to dispel the delusion created by passion, preju- dice, and misrepresentation; to defend "the sacred ark of the union;" and to prove the salutary effects of the protection of American industry, even to those portions of the union most opposed to the system. This is not the place to enter into much detail on the subject; but we may be allowed to observe, e?i passcmt, that the protection of the culture of sugar, has withdrawn thousands of acres from the culture of cotton, in Louisiana and other quarters of the southern country, in a comparatively virgin soil, with which the older cotton countries could not enter into competition, but at a great disadvantage; and that the protection of the manufacture of cotton goods, has created a domestic market for millions of pounds annually of the great southern staple of this country; which, if exported, would probably reduce the price in the European markets, a penny or two per pound. The solid benefits resulting from these circumstances, far outweigh all the dis- advantages (admitting them to be real, which we are very far from doing,) that have been charged to the account of the tariff. These are positions level to the most humble capacity, and ought to have overwhelming influence, in deciding the question of the policy of the protecting; system. A calm view o"f this subject will satisfy any man, not heated by passion or prejudice, that the repeal of the tariff would be nearly, if not altogether, as pernicious to the cotton growing as to the manufacturing states. We commence with the magnificent, luminous, and unanswerable arguments of Dr. Cooper (now president of Columbia College), which, in a very short compass, completely exhaust ihe subject. No public- ation extant, on the protecting system, can compare for cogency with this publication; yet, the gentleman is much belied, if he has not been the prime mover of the disaffection which is so widely spread in South Carolina. We have heard it asserted, that he has been the \yriter of the chief part of the inflammatory and insurrectionary resolutions and manifestoes against the tariff, which have appeared in that state dunng the last seven years. Be this as it may, lie has, at all events, announced himself as one of the leaders of the nuilifiers. It is not for us to account for the wonderful dilfcrence between bis doctrines in Pennsylvania, in 1813, and those he has broached in South Carolina, from 1823 to the present time. It is for the public to determine, whether the sober emanations of his intellect, when arrived at maturity, at fifty years, are not more to be relied on, than his present inflammatmy suggestions ; UNIOV AND PROTECTION TRACT NO. I. O promulgated in a time, and under the influence, of extraordinary ex- citement, when passion and prejudice lead reason and common sense captive 1 . . r^ , ^, ,. i Should any of the friends of the union in South Carohna, or else- where, be disposed to co-operate with us, in this crusade against dis- organization and dissolution of the union, they may either reprint such of our tracts as they approve of, or we will furnish them with som*^ hundreds of copies for gratuitous distribution. And we fondly hope, that the friends of order, and peace, and union, will be as zealous in Iheir support of the existing order of things, as the advocates oi measures, which, we are explicitly told, will require to have the bloody " sce/ies of the revolution acted over again.'''' * Note. — The following reflections from the National Intelligencer, of November 3, throw great light on this subject, and seem to prove, that the friends of the union in this quarter greatly underrate the danger of the present crisis: — " Some of the personal friends of the leaders of the nullification party In South Caro- lina have flattered themselves that their doctrine was in so far harmless, that it would never be reduced to practice, and that in fact, if such a design was ever entertained, it has been abandoned. We have ourselves entertained hopes of that nature, though not so sanguine as others on the subject. But we fear we must give them up. We see that Governor Hamilton is on a tour of inspection through the State, in the course of which, at public entertainments, he delivers discourses of considerable lengtli on nulUfication. 8ic. and the toasts on the occasion are responsive to them. We have before us a parti- cular account of the dinner given to him at Pendleton; at which were present the Vice President of tlie United States, and Major James Hamilton, Sen. the father of the Go- vernor, (a veteran who fought at Bunker's Hill, and through the war.) By the latter of these gentlemen was given the following toast: "NcLLiFicATiox. — If South Carolina is a colony, this may be a dangerous heresy; but if she is a sovereign. State, it is a rightfid remedy, or the battles of the Revolution were fought in vain." The following also were among the toasts di-ank on this occasion : By Gen. Earle. — " Union — of sentiments, of feeling, and of interest, and no other Bort of Union." By Mr. C. C. Pinckney — " The Southern Nullifier, who venerates the Constitution too highly to submit to its infractions." By William Copdand, Esq.—^" The citizens of Pendleton, all of one party. We know the difference between State Hights and Federal usurpation. We will defend the first, and oppose the latter — peaceably if we can, forcibly if we must. The sub- missionists of Charleston, to the contrary riotwlthstanding " By C. C. Pinckney, Jan. — "The principles of '76 — they were evinced in humble petitions, in strong memorials, and unflinching resistance. We have petitioned and we have memorialized." By Major Whiteficld. — " Convention, Nullification. May South Carolina nail tliem to her colours, and never desei-t them imtil her wrongs are redressed." By Bnclor Symmes. — " State Rights. Without a remedy for wrongs inflicted, wliat are they? *A sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal.' " By (Japt. Warley. — " The Tariff. Tliere is but one effectual cure, an honest reduc- tion of the duties to a fair system of revenue adapted to the just and constitutional wants of the Government." "7%e memorable scenes of our revolution have again to he acted over." — MilledgeviUe Journal. " Southern ambition — smoNOEST at the point of the BAxeNET." — Toast drank at the dumer given to Col. Hayne. PRINCIPLES OF POLITICAL ECONOMY. Extracted from the prospectus of the Philadelphia Emporium, edited in 1813 by Thomas Cooper, jM. D. theti Judge of the Supreme Court of the State of Pemisyhania, ?wiv President of Columbia College, S. C. 1st. Our population is becoming scattered over such an extent of territory, that the nation is really weakened by it. Defence is more difficult and ex- pensive. Active hostility, almost impossible. The commun'lration of society, and of course of knoAvledge, is greatly retarded. Many of our citizens are tempted to live in a half savage state. And even the administration of law, and the maintenance of order and necessary subordination, is rendered im- perfect, tardy, and expensive. 2dly. OUR AGRICULTURISTS WANT A HOME MARKET. MANUFACTURES WOULD SUPPLY IT. AGRICULTURE, AT GREAT DISTANCES FROM SEAPORTS, LANGUISHES FOR WANT OF THIS. Great Britain exhibits an instance of unexampled power and wealth by means of an agriculture greatly dependent on a system of manufactures — and her agriculture, thus situated, is the best in the world, though still capable of great improvement. 3diy. AVe are too much dependent upon Great Britain for articles that habit has converted into necessaries. A state of war demands privations that a large portion of our citizens reluctantly submit to. HOME MANU- FACTURES WOULD GREATLY LESSEN THE EVIL. 4thly. By means of debts incurred for foreig)i manifactures, we are al- most again become colonists — we are too much under the influence, indirect- ly, of British merchants and British agents. We aie not an independent people. — Mamfactures among its would tend to correct this, and give a stronger tone of nationality at home. I greatly value the intercourse with that country of pre-eminent knowledge and energy; but our dependence upon it is often so great, as to be oppressive to ourselves. 5thly. The state of agriculture zvould improve loith the improvement of mamfactures, by means of the general spirit of energy and exertion, whicn nowhere exists in so high a degree as in a manifacturing country; and by the genei-al improvement of macliinery, and the demand for raw materials. Gthly. The introduction of manufactures would extend knowledge of all kinds, particularly scientiftcal. The elements of natural philosophy and of chemistry, now form an indispensable branch of education among the manu- facturers of England. They cannot get on without it. They cannot under- stand or keep pace with the daily improvements in manufactures without scientific knowledge; and scientific knowledge is not insulated; it must rest upon previous learning. The tiadesmcn of Great Britain at this day, can furnish more profound thinkers on pliilosopliical subjects, more acute and accurate experimenters, more real ])])ilosophers, tluice told, than all Europe could furnlsii a century ago. I wish that were the case here; but it is not so. I fear it is not true, that we are the most enlightened people upon the face of tlie earth; unless the facility of political declamation be tlie sole criterion of decision, and tlie universal test of talent. We should greatly improve, in my opinion, by a little more attention to mathematical anil physical science; 1 would therefore encourage whatever W'ould introduce a general taste for such jnirsuits. rthly. litcause the home trade, consisting in the exchangeof agricidtural surjilusses for articles of mt/nufuclure, produced in our oivn country, ivill, for along time to come, furnish the safest and the least dangerous— the hast UNION AND PROTECTION TRACT NO. 1. 5 expensive and the least immoral — the most productive and the 77iosf patriotic employment of surplus capital, hotoever raised and accumulated. The safest, because it requires no navies exclusively for its protection; the least clanger- ouSi because it furnishes no excitement to the prevailing madness of com- niercial wars; the least expensive, for the same reason that it is the safest and the least dangerous; the least immoral, because it furnishes no tempta- tion to the breach or evasion of the laws; to the multiplication of oaths and perjuries; and to the consequent prostration of all religious feeling, and all social duty: the most productive, because the capital admits of quicker re- turns; because the ivhole of the capital is permanently invested and employed at home; because it contributes, directly, immediately, andivholly, to the in- ternal ivealth and resources of the nation; because the credits given, are more easily watched, and more effectually protected by our own laws, well known, easily resorted to, and speedily executed, than if exposed in distant and in foreign countries, controlled by foreign laws and foreign customs, and at the mercy of foreign agents; the most patriotic, because it binds the "persons employed in it, bii all the ties of habit and of interest to their oivn country; while FOREIGN TRADE TENDS TO DENATIONALIZE THE AFFECTIONS OF THOSE WHOSE PROPERTY IS DISPERS- ED IN FOREIGN COUNTRIES; ivhose interests are connected ivith fo- reign interests; ivhose capital is but particdly invested at the place of their domicil, and who can remove with comparative facility from one country to another. The wise man observed of old, tliat "where the treasure is, there will the heart be also." And time has not detracted from the truth of the remark. Nor can there be any fear that for a century to come, there tvill not be full demand produced by a system of ho^ne manifacture for every particle of surplus produce that agriculture can supply. Consider for a moment what are the articles that may fairly be regarded as of the first necesity, that an agricultural capitalist will require either to conduct his business or for his reasonable comforts. 1st. The iron manufacture m a\\ its branches, from the ore to the boiling pans, the grate, the stove, the tire, the ploughshare, the spade, the scythe, the knife and fork, the sword and the gun; the copper manifacture^ for his distilling vessels; for the bolts and slieathing of ships, the lead manufacture, for his paints and his shot: the tin manufacture, for his kitchen utensils; the manufacturing of powder for blasting and for fire- arms^ he cannot dispense with the wheel-wright, the mill-wright, the carpen- ter, the joiner, the tanner, the currier, tlie saddler, the potter, the glass- maker, the spinner^ the weaver, the fuller, the dyer, the shoemaker, the hatter, the maker of machines and tools, and very man}^ trades and handicrafts not emimei'ated. Of all these occupations, every one of which may be em- ployed in furnishing articles either of immediate necessity, of reasonable want, or of direct connexion witli agriculture, we liave in abundance the raw materials of manufacture; and the raw material, uninstructed man, to manufacture them. Is it to be pretended that these occupations, Avhen fully under way at home, will not furnish a market for the superfluous produce of agriculture, provided that produce be, as it necessarily will be, suited to the demand! Or ought this variety of occupation, and above all, the mass of real knowledge it implies, to be renounced and neglected for the sake of foreign commerce — that we may not interfere with the profits and connex- ions of the merchants who reside among us; and tiiat we may be taxed, and tolerated, and licensed to fetch from abroad, what we can, with moderate exertion, supply at home! And yet this is the doctrine, not merely advocated »nd recommended among us, but likely to become the fashionable creed of 6 UXIOy AND PROTECTION TRACT NO. I. political economy, wherever mercantile interests and connexions prevail. It appears to me of national importance to counteract these notions. * * As a means of national defence and national independence — as a means of f>ropagating among our citizens the most useful and practical kinds of know- edge — as a means of giving that energetic, frugal, calculating, and foresee- ing character to every branch of our national industry, that does not exist but among a manufacturing people'— as a means of multiplying our social en- joyments by condensing our population — and as a means of fixing the consu- mers and the producers in the immediate neighbourhood of each other— I would encourage the commencement, at least, of home manufacture. Not the manufacture of gold and silver — not the velvets of Lyons or the silks of Spitalfields — the laces of Brussels, and the lawns of Cambray — not the clinquaillerie and bijouterie of Paris and Birmingham; but such as we feel the want of in time of war; such as may fairly be regarded as of prime ne- cessity, or immediately connected with agricultural wants and pursuits. 8thly. I would remark, that nature seems to have furnished the materials of manufacture more abundantly in Pennsylvania in particular, than in any country I know of. The very basis of all profitable manufacture, isplerity of fuel, easily, cheaply, and permanently procurable: the next desirable object is plenty of iron ore; iron being the article iipon zvhich every other manufac- ture depends. It is to the plentiful distribution of these two commodities, that Great Britain is chiefly indebted for the pre-eminence of her manufac- tures and her commerce. [ have not a doubt on my mind, but both pit coal and iron ore are more plentifully distributed in Pennsylvania than in Great Britain: and that both the one and the other can be gotten at more easily and <;heaplv in this country than in that. Moreover we have a decided superi- ority in tlie raw materials of cotton, hemp, and flax; in our alkalies for glass works; in tlie hides and the tanning materials of the leather manufactory: and we can easily procure that advantage, so far at least, as our own con- sumption requires it, in the woollen manufactory. Other branches might be enumerated wherein our advantages of internal resource are undeniable; but I cannot see why we should neglect or despise these. Notlmxg but a stimulus is ivanted to induce and enable us to mcthe a proper use of our domestic riches. But men of skill and men of capital fear to begin: lest, ON THE RETURN OF PEACE, THEY SHOULD BE EXPOSED, IN THE WEAKNESS AND INFANCY OF THEIR UNDERTAKING, TO CONTEND WITH THE OVERWHELMING CAPITAL AND SKILL OF THE EUROPEAN POWERS, PARTICULARLY OF GREAT BRITAIN.* For these reasons, I think it would be expedient so far to aid the introduc- tion of manufactures in tliis country, by protecting duties, as to afford a reasonable prospect of safety to the prudent investment of capital, and the industrious pursuit of business; but no bounty to wild speculation, to negli- gent workmanship, or to smuggling. ^ ' THOMAS COOPER. Carlisle, Feb. 1813. • These ploomv predictions were fully verified. Four-fifths of all the great manu- facturing- est:il)lislimonts of the country were ruined "on the return of peace," by be- ing "exposed in the weakness and infancy of their undertakings to contend with the overwiitlming capiUd and skill of Knropean powers, particularly of Great Britain." 'l"he ruin was not confined to the manufacturers. It soon extended to agriculture and commerce. 'I'iie national loss has Iieen estimated at $300,000,000, which is not proba- bly half the amount. Well might Mr. Cr."iwford, secretary of the treasun-, say in 1820, " Few examples have oc.mrred of a distress so c^cneral and so severe as that which has been exldbitediti tfic United Stales. UNION AND PROTECTION TRACT NO. I. 7 Report of the Committee on ^i^riculture of the House of Representatives of the United States, composed of Messrs. Van Rensselaer, Baylies, Garnet, Harris, Pa., Rose, Patterson, Pa., and Whitman.* In the House of Representatives, March 19, 1824. The committee on agriculture to whom was referred the resolution of the House of Representatives, instructing them to inquire if an increase of the duty now established by law on any article of foreign growth or manufac- ture, will be for the interest of the agriculturist^ and, if there be any such article, to name the same, together with the additional amount of duty which they deem beneficial to the agricultural interest, respectfully submit the following report: That, in the apprehension of your committee^ whatever increases the consumption of its products, ivhethcr at home or abroad, necessarily ad- vances the interest ofagricidture. He who cultivates the soil, looks beyond the supply of his own wants for the profits of his labour. He looks to a market for the surplus products of his industry. THE HOME MARKET IN THE OPINION OF THE COMMITTEE IS AT ALL TIMES TO BE PREFERRED TO THE FOREIGN MARKET, Avhen the reward of agricultural pursuits is equal; the former is less precarious than the latter; it is, also, more permanent and cert ai)^, and above the reacli of restraining and prohibitory duties of foreign hostility; and when the home market can be increased in its demands, without diminishing in a greater degree the foreign consumption, it would seem wise and prudent to promote its exten- sion by every rational means within the sphere of legislation. Your committee consider the increase of duties on many foreign articles now imported into the United States, would joromo/e the agriculturcd pros- perity of the nation. A portion of population engaged in manufactures would necessarily depend on the farmer for subsistence, and create a more perfect and profitable division of labour than noiv exists. A NEW MAR- KET WOULD BE OPENED, AND A NEW DEMAND CREATED FOR ALL THE RAW MATERIALS WHICH NEW MANUFAC- TURES WOULD CONSUME. It cannot be denied, that if all the man- ufactured articles now consumed by the people of tlie United States, were manufactured within the bounds of our country, from the raw materials fur- nished by ourselves, THE VALUE OF OUR LANDS WOULD BE INCREASED, AND THE PROFITS OF AGRICULTURAL LA- BOUR CONSIDERABLY AUGMENTED. Demand and consumption would be directly extended — a great extent of soil devoted to the growino- of products that now aiFord no sufficient stimulus to cultivation. The soil and climate of the United States are capable of producing the various arti- cles necessary for such manufacturing establishments as will most naturally flourish in this country, and of such as would inevitably be consumed, pro- vided manufacturing labour should be extended. By a' comprehensive and rigorous system of policy, calculated to unfold our agricultural resources, a spirit of emulation and industry would be diffused over the land: a vast and active system of interned exchange would rise up; the expense of transporta- tion in heavy articles ivoidd be, in a great measure, saved; and in fact, that which should be ardently wished for, in every agricultural country, a home market would appear; this, too, would prove a market at once various, • This committee embraced some of the most enlightened agriculturists in the United States. 8 UiMON^ AND PROTECTION TRACT NO. I. in point of demand, but sure, steady and unchanging. THE POLICY THE CAPRICE, THE SELFISHNESS, AND THE HOSTILITY OF OTHER NATIONS COULD NOT AFFECT IT. On this point, therefore, the committee cannot entertain any doubt. The extension of do- mestic manufactures, depending on the production of such raw materials as can be found in tliis country, must increase the demand and consumption of those materials, and of course, secure a neio and ready market. As to the articles of foreign growth, to wliich an increase of duty should apply, in order to promote the prosperity of our agriculture, the committee need only remark, that if the principles which they advance be sound, the duty should embrace every raw material found or procured ivith ease and cheapnes, and in abundance in the United States. The committee have confined themselves to the home maiket, in the brief view which they have presented. The question how far the increase of this home market, by an increase of duty on foreign articles, would affect the demand of our agricul- tural products abroad, leads to a new train of considerations. The first in- quiry wliich naturally occurs on this point is, what are the inducements with foreign nations to purchase the productions of our soil? what their mo- tives? what the moving causes of the market which they extend? Is their policy founded on favour, reciprocity, self-interest, or necessity? On this subject, there is little ground for difference of opinion. Foreign nations ACT NOT FOR US, BUT FOR THEMSELVES. FaVOUR, AND EVEN RECIPRO- CITY, FORM NO BASIS FOR THEIR MEASURES TOWARDS US BEYOND THE COMPASS OF BARE EXPEDIENCY. ThEY AVILL CONSUME OUR RAW MATE- RIALS WHEN THEY CANNOT DO BETTER; WHEN THEY CAN, THEY WILL NOT CONSUME THEM. When the consumption of our agricultural products comes in contact with any principle of political economy applicable to their own condition, a hostile tariff" meets us at their shores. Hence, the fo- reign market, for the fruits of our soil depends but little on the sale tvhich foreign manufactures find in this country: and, whether we purchase more or less, foreign nations will graduate their policy towards us, by a standaril independent of any general system of duties which we may adopt j at least, so it appears to your committee. How long would Great Britain purchase our cotton, if her own colonies could supply her demands? How many nations would consume any article that is cultivated by the American agriculturist, if tliey could find their demand supplied on better and more advantageous conditions, by home in- dustry? Tl>ese([uestlons are answered by their proposition; it is, therefore, the opinion of the committee, that the foreign market for our agricultu- ral products, and for the staple articles of our exports, in the shape of raw materials, ivill not be essentially affected by any increase of duty on those foriegn manufactures ichich are composed of similar materials. As to the amount of duty which should be'imposed, it must always depend upon a variety of considerations, which need not be detailed: it should be sufficient to secure the exclusive and constant demand of our raw materials^ and to siistain the .American manufacturer in his j)ursuits; it must be com- petent to build up and protect those manufacturing establishments at present in the country, anerceive the iiecessitv of selecting any articles, or of imposing any duties, beyond those embraced by that bill. U]%10N AND PROTECTION TRACT, No. ir. " To aim at separating- the interest of manufactures from agriculture, is like endea- vouring to separate the shadow from the substance ; and every attempt to do this, as it is at the same time foohsli and unjust, must end in the disappointment of its projector, and prove detrimental to the interests of those very persons it was most intended to serve." Anderson on National Industry, page 204. Extracts from the Rejwrt of Alexander Hamilton, Esquire, Secre- tary of the Treasury, Dec. 5, 1791. The expediency of encouraging manufactures in the United States, which was, not long since, deemed very questionable, appears at this time to be pretty generally admitted. The embarrassments, which have obstructed the progress of our external trade, have led to serious reflections on the necessity of enlarging the sphere of our domestic commerce : the restrictive regulations, ivhich in foreign markets abridge the vent of the increasing surplus of our agricultural pro- duce, serve to beget an earnest desire, that a tnore extensive demand for that surplus may he created at home. And the complete success which has rewarded manufacturing enterprise, in some valuable branch- es, conspiring with the promising symptoms which attend some less mature essays in others, justify a hope, that the obstacles to the growth of this species of industry, are less formidable than they were appre- hended to be; and that it is not difficult to find in its further extension, a full indemnification for any external disadvantages, which are, or may be experienced, as well as an accession of resources favourable to na- tional independence and safety. It is proper to enumerate the principal circumstances, from which it may be inferred — that manufacttiri7ig establishments not only oc- casion a positive augmentation of the produce and revenue of the society, but that they contribute essentially to rendering tliem greater than they could p)ossihly be, without such establishments. These circumstances are, 1. The division of labour. 2. An extension of the use of machinery, 3. Additional employment to classes of the community not ordina- rily engaged in the business. 4. The promoting of emigration from foreign countries. 5. The furnishing greater scope for the diversity of talents and dis- positions which discriminate men from each other. 6. The aflbrding a more ample and various field for enterprise. Tract No. 2. 10 UNION AND PROTECTION TRACT — NO. II. 7. The creating, in some instances, a new, and securing, in all, a more certain and steady demand for the surplus produce of the soil. Each of these circumstances has a considerable influence upon the total mass of industrious effort in a communit)^ : together, they add to it a degree of energy and effect, which are not easily conceived. Some comments upon each of them, in the order in which they have been stated, may serve to explain their importance. I. As to the division of labour. It has been justly observed, that there is scarcely any thing of greater moment in the economy of a nation, than the proper division of labour. The separation of occupations causes each to be carried to a much greater perfection than it could possibly acquire, if they were blended. This arises principally from three circumstances: — 1st. The greater skill and dexterity naturally resulting from a con- stant and undivided application to a single object. It is evident that these properties must increase, in proportion to the separation and sim- plification of objects, and the steadiness of the attention devoted to each ; and must be less, in proportion to the complication of objects, and the number among which the attention is distracted. 2d. The economy of time, by avoiding the loss of it, incident to a frequent transition from one operation to another, of a different nature. This depends on various circumstances ; the transition itself — the order- ly disposition of the implements, machines, and materials employed in the operation to be relinquished — the preparatory steps to the com- mencement of a new one — the interruption of the impulse, which the mind of the workman acquires, from being engaged in a particular ope- ration — the distractions, hesitations, and reluctances, which attend the passage from one kind of business to another. 3d. An extension of the use of machinery. A man occupied on a single object, will have it more in his power, and will be more natu- rally led to exert his imagination in devising methods to facilitate and abrido-e labour, than if he were perplexed by a variety of independent and dissimilar operations. Besides this, the fabrication of machines, in numerous instances, becoming itself a distinct trade, the artist, ^yho follows it, has all the advantages which have been enumerated, for im- provement in his particular art; and in both ways the invention and application of machinery are extended. And from these causes united, the mere separation of the occupation of the cultivator, from that of the artificer, has the effect of augmenting the productive powers of labour, and with them, the total mass of the produce or revenue of a country.— In this single view of the subject, therefore, the utility of artificers or manufacturers, towards promoting an increase of productive industry, is apparent. II As to an extension of the use of machinery, a pomt which, though partly anticipated, requires to be placed in one or two addi- tional lights. . . The employment of machinery forms an item of great importance m the general mass of national industry. 'Tis an artificial force brought in aid of the natural force of man ; and to all the purposes of labour, is an increase of hands j an accession of strength, unincumbered too EXTRACTS FROM HAMILTON'S REPORT. II by tlie expense of maintaining the labourer. May it not therefore be fairly inferred that those occupations which give greater scope to the use of this auxiliary, contribute most to the general stock of indus- trious effort, and, in consequence, to the general product of industry? It shall be taken for granted, and the truth of the position referred to observation, that manufacturing pursuits are susceptible in a greater deo-ree of the application of machinery than those of agriculture. If so,*' all the difference is lost to a community, which, instead of manu- facturing for itself, procures the fabrics requisite to its supply from other countries. The suhslitut'wn of foreign for domestic manu- factures is a transfer to foreign nations of the advafitages accru- ing from the emx)loyment of machinery in the modes in ivhich it is capable of being employed, with most utility and to the greatest extent. The cotton-mill invented in England, within the last twenty years, is a signal illustration of the general proposition, which has been just advanced. In consequence of it, all the different processes for spinning cotton are performed by means of machines, which are put in motion by water, and attended chiefly by ivomen and children; and by a smaller number of persons in the Vv'hole, than are requisite in the or- dinary mode of spinning. And it is an advantage of great moment, that the operations of the mill continue with convenience, during the night, as well as through the day. The prodigious effect of such a machine is easily conceived. To this invention is to be attributed es- sentially the immense progress which has been so suddenly made in Great Britain, in the various fabrics of cotton. III. As to the additional employment of classes of the community, not ordinarily engaged in the particular business. This is not among the least valuable of the means by which manu- facturing institutions contribute to augment the general stock of indus- try and production. In places where those institutions prevail, besides the persons regularly engaged in them, they afford occasional and extra employment to industrious individuals and families, who are willing to devote the leisure resulting from the intermissions of their ordinary pursuits to collateral labours, as a resource for multiplying their acqui- sitions or their enjoyments. The husbandman himself experiences a new source of projit and support from the increased industry of his wife and daughters; invited and stimulated by the demands of the neighbouring manufactories. Besides this advantage of occasional employment lo classes having different occupations, there is another of a nature allied to it, and of a similar tendency. This is, the" employment of persons who would otherwise be idle, (and, in many cases, a burden on the community) either irom the bias of temper, habit, infirmity of bod}^, or some other cause, indisposing or disqualifying them for the toils of the country. It is worthy of particular remark, that, in general, women and children are rendered more useful, and the latter more early useful, by manu- facturing establishments, than they would otherwise be. Of the num- ber of persons employed in the cotton manufactories of Great Britain, it is computed 'Cix^X four-sevenths nearly arc vjomeii and children ; 12 UNION AND PROTECTION THACT NO. II. oftvhom the greatest proportion are children, and many of them of a very tender age. And thus it appears to be one of the attributes of manufactures, and one of no small consequence, to give occasion to the exertion of a greater quantity of industry, even by the same number of persons, where they happen to prevail, than would exist, if there were no such establish- ments. IV. As to the promoting of emigration from foreign countries. Men reluctantly quit one course of occupation and livelihood for another, unless invited to it by very apparent and proximate advantages. Many who would go from one country to another, if they had a pros- pect of continuing with more benefit, the callings to which they have been educated, will not often be tempted to change their situation by the hope of doing better in some other way. Manufacturers, who (lis- tening to the powerful invitation of a better price for their fabrics, or for their labour ; of greater cheapness of provisions and raw materials ; of an exemption from the chief part of the taxes, burdens, and restraints which they endure, in the old world ; of greater personal independence and consequence, under the operation of a more equal government; and of, what is far more precious than mere religious toleration, a perfect equality of religious privileges) would probably flock from Europe to the United States to pursue their trades, or professions, if they were once made sensible of the advantages they would enjoy, and were in- spired with an assurance of encouragement and employment; will, with difficulty, be induced to transplant themselves, with a view of be- coming cultivators of land. If it be true, then, that it is the interest of the United States to open every possible avenue to emigration from abroad, it atfords a weighty argument for the encouragement of manufactures ; which, for the reason just assigned, will have the strongest tendency to multiply the induce- ments to it. Here is perceived an important resource, not only for extending the population, and with it tlie useful and productive labour of the country, but likewise for the prosecution of manufactures, without deducting from the number of hands which might otlierwise be drawn to tillage; and even for the indemnification of agriculture for such as might hap- pen to be diverted from it. Many, whom manufacturing views would induce to emigrate, would afterwards yield to the temptations, which the particular situation of this country holds out to agricultural pursuits. And while agriculture would in other respects derive many signal and unminglcd advantages, from the growth of manufactures, it is a pro- blem, whctlicr it would gain or lose, as to the article of the number of persons employed in carrying it on. V. As to the furnishing greater scope for tlic diversity of talents and dispositions, which discriminate men from each other. This is a much more powerful mean of augmenting the fund of na- tional industry than may at first sight appear. It is a just observation, that minds, of the strongest and most active powers for their proper ob- jects, fall below mediocrity, and labour without effect, if confined to uncongenial pursuits. And it is thence to be inferred, that the result of EXTRACTS PROM HAMILTON'S REPORT. 13 human exertion may be immensely increased by diversifying its objects. When all the different kinds of industry obtain in a community, each individual can find his proper element, and call into activity the whole vio-our of his nature. And the community is benefited by the services of'^its respective members, in the manner, in which each can serve it with most effect. If there beany thing in a remark often to be met with, namely, that there is, in the genius of the people of this country, a peculiar aptitude for mechanical improvements, it would operate as a forcible reason for giving opportunities to the exercise of that species of talent, by the pro- pagation of manufatures. VI. As to the affording a more ample and various field for enterprise. This also is of greater consequence in the general scale of national exertion, than might perhaps on a superficial view be supposed, and has efiects not altogether dissimilar from those of the circumstance last noticed. To cherish and stimulate the activity of the human mind by multiplying the objects of enterprise, is not among the least considera- ble of the expedients, by which the wealth of a nation may be promot- ed. Even things, in tliemselves not positively advantageous, some- times become so, by their tendency to provoke exertion. Every new scene which is opened to the busy nature of man to rouse and exert itself, is the addition of a new energy to the general stock of effort. The spirit of enterprise, useful and prolific as it is, must necessarily be contracted or expanded in proportion to the simplicity or variety of the occupations and productions which are to be found in a society. It must be less in a nation of mere cultivators, than in a nation of cultiva- tors and merchants; less in a nation of cultivators and merchants, than in a nation of cultivators, artificers and merchants. VII. As to the creating, in some instances, a new, and securing in all a more certain and steady demand for the surplus produce of the soil. This is among the most important of the circumstances which have been indicated. It is a principal mean, by which the establishment of manufactures contributes to an augmentation of the produce or revenue of a country, and has an immediate and direct relation to the prosperity of agriculture. It is evident, that the exertions of the husbandman will be steady or fluctuating, vigorous or feeble, in proportion to the steadiness or fluc- tuation, adequateness or inadequateness, of the markets on which he must depend, for the vent of the surplus, which may be produced by his labour ; and that such surplus, in the ordinary course of things, will be greater or less in the same proportion. For the purpose of this vent, a domestic market is greatly to he preferred to a foreign one; because it is, in the nature of things, far more to be relied on. It is a primary object of the policy of nations, to be able to supply themselves with subsistence from their own soils ; and manufacturing nations, as far as circumstances permit, endeavour to procure from the same source, the raw materials necessary for their own fabrics. This disposition, urged by the spirit of monopoly, is sometimes even carried 14 UNION AND PROTECTION TRACT — NO. II. to an injudicious extreme. It seems not always to be recollected, that nations which have neither mines nor manufactures, can only obtain the manufactured articles of which they stand in need, by an exchano-e of the products of their soils; and that if those who can best furnish them with such articles, are unwilling to give a due course to this ex- change, they must of necessity make every possible effort to manufac- ture for themselves; the effect of which is, that the manufacturing- 7iations abridge the natural advantages of their situation throiio-h an umoillingness to permit the agricultural countries to enjoy the advantages of theirs ; and sacrifice the interest of a mutually beneficial intercourse to the vain project of selling every thing and buying nothing. But it is also a consequence of the policy, which has been noted, that the foreign demand for the products of agricultural countries, is in a great degree rather casual and occasional, than certain or constant. To what extent injurious interruptions of the demand for some of the staple commodities of the United States, may have been experienced, from that cause, must be referred to the judgment of those who are en- gaged in carrying on the commerce of the country ; but it may be safely affirmed, that such interruptions are at times very inconveniently felt; and that cases not unfrequently occur, in which markets are so confined and restricted, as to render the demand very unequal to the supply. Independently likewise of the artificial impediments, which are cre- ated by the policy in question, there are natural causes tending to render the external demand for the surplus of agricultural nations a 2)recarious reliance. The differences of seasons in the countries which are the consumers, make immense differences in the produce of their own soils, in different years, and consequently in the degrees of their necessity for foreign supply. Plentiful harvests with them, especially if similar ones occur at the same time in the countries which are the furnishers, occasion of course a glut in the markets of the latter. Considering how fast and how much the progress of new settlements in the United States must increase the surplus produce of the soil, and weighing seriously the tendency of the system, which prevails among most of the commercial nations of Europe, whatever dependence may be placed on the force of natural circumstances to counteract the effects of an artificial policy; there appear strong reasons to regard 'VW^ FOREIGN DEMAND FOR THAT SURPLUS,AS TOO UNCER- TAIN A RELIANCE, AND TO DESIRE A SUBSTITUTE FOR IT IN AN EXTENSIVE DOMESTIC MARKET. To secure such a market, there is no other expedient, than to pro- mote manufacturing establishments. Manufacturers, who constitute the most numerous class, after the cultivators of land, are for that rea- son the principal consumers of the surplus of their labour. This idea of an extensive domestic market for the surplus produce of the soil, is of the first consequence. It is, of all things, that which most effectually conduces to a flourishing state of agriculture. If the effect of manufactories should be to detach a portion of the hands, which would otherwise be engaged in tillage, it might possibly cause a smaller quantity of lands to be under cultivation ; but by their tendency fiXTRACTS FROM HAMILTON'S REPORT^ 16 to procure a more certain demand for the surplus produce of the soil, they would, at the same time, cause the lands, whicli were in cultiva- tion, to be better improved and more productive. And while, by theif influence, the condition of each individual farmer would be meliorated, tlie total mass of agricultural production would probably he increased. For this must evidently depend as much, if not more, upon the degree of improvement, than upon the number of acres under culture. It merits particular observation, that the midiiplication of munU' factories not only furnishes a market for those articles which have been accustomed to he produced in abundance, in a country ; but it likewise creates a demand for such as ivere either unknown or pro- duced in inconsiderable quantities. The bowels, as well as the sur- face of the earth, are ransacked for articles which were before neglect- ed. Animals, plants, and minerals, acquire a utility and value, which were before unexplored. Tlie foregoing considerations seem sufficient to establish, as general propositions, that it is the interest of nations to diversify the industri- ous pursuits of the individuals who compose them — and that the esta- blishment of manufactures is calculated not only to inc7^ease the ge- neral stock of useful and productive labour, but even to improve the state of agriculture in particular, certainly to advance the interests of those who are engaged in it. There are other views, that will be here- after taken of the subject, which, it is conceived, will serve to confirm these inferences. 1. If the system of perfect liberty to industry and commerce were the prevailing system of nations, the arguments which dissuade a coun- try in the predicament of the United States, from the zealous pursuit of manufactures, would doubtless have great force. It will not be af- firmed, that they might not be permitted, with few exceptions, to serve as a rule of national conduct. In such a state of things, each country would have the full benefit of its peculiar advantages to compensate for its deficiences or disadvantages. If one nation were in a condition to supply manufactured articles on better terms than another, that other might find an abundant indemnification in a superior capacity to furnish the produce of the soil. And a free exchange, mutually beneficial, of the commodities which each was able to supply, on the best terms, might be carried on between them, supporting in full vigour the indus- try ol each. And though the circumstances which have'bcen mention- ed, and others which will be unfolded hereafter, render it probable, that nations merely agricultural, would not enjoy the same degree of opu- ence, in proportion to their numbers, as those which united manuf'ac- tures with agriculture ; yet the progressive improvement of the lands 01 the lormer, might, in the end, atone for an inferior degree of opu- lence in the meantime ; and in a case in which opposite considerations are pretty equally balanced, the option ought perhaps always to be in tavour ol leaving industry to its own direction. But the system, which has been mentioned, is far from characterizing the general policy of nations. The prevalent one has been regulated by an opposite spirit, ihe consequence of it is, that the United States are to a certain ex- tent, 111 the situation of a country preclicdcd from foreign com- 16 UNION AND PROTECTION TRACT NO. II. Tnerce! They can, indeed, without difficulty, obtain from abroad the manufactured supplies, of which they arc in want ; but they experience numerous and very injurious impediinents to the emission and vent of their own commodities ! Nor is this the case in reference to a sin- gle foreign nation only. The regulations of several countries, with which we have the most extensive intercourse, throw serious obstruc- tions in the way of the principal staples of the United States. In such a position of things, the United States cannot exchange tvith Eu- rope on equal terms; and the zoant of reciprocity loould render them the victim of a system, ivhich should induce them to confine their views to agriculture, aiid refrain from manufactures. A con- stant and increasing necessity, on their part, for the commodities of Europe, and only a partial and occasional demand for their own, in re- turn, could not but expose them to a state of impoverishment, compar- ed with the opulence to which their political and natural advantages authorize them to aspire. Remarks of this kind are not made in the spirit of complaint. It is for the nations, whose regulations are alluded to, to judge for themselves, whether, by aiming at too much, they do not lose more than they gain. It is for the United States to consider by what means they can render themselves least dependent, on the combinations, right or wrong, of foreign policy. It is no small conso- lation, that already the measures which have embarrassed our trade, have accelerated internal improvements, which upon the whole have bettered our affairs. iff To diversify and extend these improvements, is the surest and saiest method of indemnifying ourselves for any inconveniences, which those or similar measures have a tendency to beget. If Europe will not TAKE FROM US THE PRODUCTS OF OUR SOIL, UPON TERMS CONSISTENT WITH OUR INTEREST, THE NATURAL REMEDY IS TO CONTRACT AS FAST AS POSSIBLE, OUR W^ANTS OF HER." . , • ,„^ 2 The conversion of their waste into cultivated lands, is certainly a point of great moment in the political calculations of the United States. But the degree in which this may possibly be retarded by the encou- ragement of manufactories, does not appear to countervail the powerful indurements to affording that encouragement. AnTse vation made'in another pbce, is of a nature to have grea influence upon this question-lf it cannot be denied, that the interes s her munuracUM-cs,) rice, (sul^jccl o a duty «t i^^'i' J'" ';V':Vv horcas, wc couUl have sup- duUcsiVom 12U0 to 2U00 per cent.) was only Jl •^;^f '^J'; ;^'^ „.dom' writers unci ora- plicd with case i 25,000,000. And yet, l'*-'/''^^ . . \'>\^, "'^^ ^nj bi.ti c policy lowunls tors, zeulovisly pleading her cause, •cpioach us w.lh hauh ana P Great Brilain ! ! [—Editor— JSovanbcr 10,1 Sol. i I EXTRACTS FROM ALEXANDER HAMILTON'S REPORT. 17 tendency to promote a more steady and vigorous cultivation of the lands occupied, than would happen without tliem, it will follow, that they are capable of indemnifying a country for a diminution of the pro- gress of new settlements ; and may serve to increase both the capital value and the income of its lands, even though they should abridge the number of acres under tillage. But it does by no means follow, that the progress of new settlements would be retarded by the extension of manufactures. The desire of being an independent proprietor of land, is founded on such strong principles in the human breast, that where the opportunity of becoming so is as great as it is in the United States, the proportion will be small of those, whose situations would otherwise lead to it, who would be diverted from it towards manufactures. And it is highly probable, as already intimated, that the accession of foreign- ers, who, originally drawn over by manufacturing views, would after- wards abandon them for agricultural, would be more than an equiva- lent for those of our own citizens who might happen to be detached from them. The remaining objections to a particular encouragement of manufac- tures in the United States, now require to be examined. One of these turns on the proposition, that industry, if left to itself, will naturally find its way to the most useful and profitable emplo}'^- ment. Whence it is inferred, that manufactures, without the aid of government, will grow up as soon, and as fast, as the natural state of things, and the interest of the community, ma}'^ require. Against the solidity of this hj'pothesis, in the full latitude of the terms, very cogent reasoning may be offered. These have relation to the strong influence of habit, and the spirit of imitation ; the fear of want of success in untried enterprises ; the intrinsic diflicultics incident to first essays towards a competition with those who have previously attained a perfection in the business to be attempted ; the bounties, pre- miums, and other artificial encouragements, with which foreign nations second the exertions of their citizens, in the branches in which they are to be rivalled. Experience teaches, that men are often so much governed by what they are accustomed to see and practise, that the simplest and most ob- vious improvements, in the most ordinary occupations, are adopted with hesitation, reluctance, and by slow gradations. The superiority antecedently enjoyed by nations, who have pre-occupied and perfected a branch of industr}^, constitutes a more formidable obstacle, than either of those which have been mentioned, to the introduction of the same branch into a country, in which it did not before exist. To maintain between the recent establishments of one country, and the long-ma- tured establishments of another coimtry, a competition upon equal terms, both as to quality and price, is in m^ost cases impracticable. The disparity, in the one, or in the other, or in both, must necessarily be so considerable as to forbid a successful rivalship, ivi thou t the extra- ordinary aid and protection of government. But the greatest obstacle of all to the successful prosecution of a new branch of industry in a country in which it was before unknown, con- sists, as far as the instances apply, in the bounties, premiums, and other Tract No. 2. 18 UNION AND PROTECTION TRACT NO, II. aids, which are granted in a variety of cases, by the nations in which the establishments to be imitated are previously introduced. It is well known, that certain nations grant bounties on the exportation of parti- cular commodities, to enable their own workmen to undersell and sup- plant all competitors, in the countries to which those commodities are sent. HENCE THE UNDERTAKERS OF A NEW MANU- FACTURE HAVE TO CONTEND, NOT ONLY WITH THE NATURAL DISADVANTAGES OF A NEW UNDERTAKING BUT WITH THE GRATUITIES AND REMUNERATIONS WHICH OTHER GOVERNMENTS BESTOW. TO BE ENA- BLED TO CONTEND WITH SUCCESS, IT IS EVIDENT THAT THE INTERFERENCE AND AID OF THEIR OWN GOVERNMENT ARE INDISPENSABLE. Combinations by those engaged in a particular branch of business in one country, to frustrate the first efforts to introduce it in another, by temporary sacrifices, re- compensed perhaps by extraordinary indemnifications of the govern- ment of such country, are believed to have existed, and are not to be regarded as destitute of probability. The existence Or assurance of aid from the government of the countr^^, in which the business is to be in- troduced, may be essential to fortify adventurers against the dread of such combinations — to defeat their effects, if formed — and to prevent their being formed, by demonstrating that they must in the end prove fruitless. Whatever room there may be for an expectation that the in- dustry of a people, under the direction of private interest, will, upon equal terms, find out the most beneficial employment for itself; there is none for a reliance, that it will struggle against the force of unequal terms, or will of itself surmount all the adventitious barriers to a suc- cessful competition, which may have been erected either by the advan- tages naturally acquired from practice and previous possession of the ground, or by those which may have sprung from positive regulations, and an artificial policy. This general reflection might alone sufiice as an answer to the objection under examination ; exclusively of the weighty considerations which have been particularly urged. To all the arguments which are brought to evince the Impracticabili- ty of success in manufacturing establishments in the United States, it might have been a sufficient answer to have referred to the experience of what has been already done ; it is certain that several important branches have grownup and flourished with a rapidity which surprises ; affording an encouraging assurance of success in future attempts ; of these it may not be improper to enumerate the most considerable — I. Of Skins. Tanned and tawed leather; dressed skins, shoes, boots and slippers, harness and saddlery of all kinds, portmanteaus and trunks, leather breeches, gloves, mufl's and tippets, parclimcnt and glue. II. Of Iron. Bar and sheet iron, steel, nail rods and nails, imple- ments of husbandry, stoves, pots and other household utensils, the steel and iron work of carriages, and for shij) building ; ancliors, scale beams, and weights, and various tools of artificers ; arms of diflerent kinds ; though the manufacture of these last has of late diminished for want of demand. EXTRACTS FROM ALEXANDER HAMILTON'S REPORT. 19 III. Of Wood. Ships, cabinet wares and turnery, wool and cotton cards, and other machinery for manufactures and husbandry, mathema- tical instruments, coopers' wares of every kind. IV. Of Flax and Hemj). Cables, sail-cloth, cordage, twine and packthread. V. Bricks and coarse tiles, and potters' wares. VI. Ardent spirits, and malt liquors. VII. Writing and printing paper, sheathing and wrapping paper, pasteboards, fullers' or press papers, paper hangings. VIII. Hats of fur and wool, and of mixtures of both. Women's stuff and silk shoes. IX. Refined sugars. X. Oils of animals and seeds, soap, spermaceti and tallow candles. XI. Copper and brass wares, particularly utensils for distillers, sugar refiners, and brewers ; andirons and other articles for household use — philosophical apparatus. XII. Tin wares for most purposes of ordinary use. XIII. Carriages of all kinds. XIV. Snuff, chewing and smoking tobacco. XV. Starch and hair powder. XVI. Lampblack and other painters' colours. XVII. Gunpowder. Besides manufactories of these articles which are carried on as regu- lar trades, and have attained to a considerable degree of maturity, there is a vast scene of household manufacturing, which contributes more largely to the supply of the community, than could be imagined, with- out having made it an object of particular inquiry. This observation is the pleasing result of the investigation, to which the subject of this re- port has led ; and is applicable as well to the southern as to the middle and northern states. Great quantities of coarse cloths, coatings, serges and flannels, linsey woolseys, hosiery of wool, cotton, and thread, coarse fustians, jeans, and muslins, checked and striped cotton and linen goods, bedticks, coverlets and counterpanes, tow linens, coarse sliirtings, sheetings, towelling and table linen, and various mixtures of wool and cotton, and of cotton and flax, are made \\\ the household way ; and in many instances to an extent not only sufficient for the supply of the families in which they arc made, but for sale ; and even in some cases for exportation. It is computed in a number of districts, that two-thii'ds, three-fourths, and even four-fifths of all the clothing of the inhabitants are made by themselves. The importance of so great a progress, as appears to have been made in family manufactures, within a few years, both in a moral and political view, renders the fact highly interesting. Neither does the above enumeration comprcliend all the articles that are manufactured as regular trades. Many others occur, whicli are equally well established, but which, not being of equal Importance, have been omitted. And there arc many attempts still in their infancy, .which, though attended with very favourable appearances, could not have been properly comprised In an enumeration of manufactories already established. There arc other articles, also, of great Importance, which, though, strictly speaking, manufactures, are omitted; as being 20 UNION AND PROTECTION TRACT — NO. II. immediately connected with husbandry; such are flour, pot and pearl ash, pitch, tar, turpentine, and the hke. There remains to be noticed an objection to the encouragement of manufactures, of a nature different from those which question the pro- bability of success — this is derived from its supposed tendency to give a mo7iopoly of advantages to particular classes, at the expense of the rest of the community, luho, it is affirmed, loould be able to jyro- cure the requisite supjjlies of mamifactured articles, on better terms from foreigners, than from our oivn citizens ; and who, it is alleged, are reduced to the necessity of paying an enhanced price for whatever they want, by every measure, which obstructs the free competition of foreign commodities. It is not an unreasonable supposition, that measures which serve to abridge the free competition of foreign articles, have a tendency to oc- casion an enhancement of prices : and it is not to be denied, that such is the eflfect in a number of cases ; bat the fact does not uniformly cor- respond with the theory. — */l reduction of prices has, in several in- stances, im.mcdiately succeeded to the establishment of a domestic manufacture. Whether it be that foreign manufacturers endeavour to supplant by underselling our own, or whatever else be the cause, the effect has been such as is stated, and the reverse of what might have been expected. But though it were true, that the immediate and certain effect of re- gulations controlling the competition of foreign with domestic fabrics, was an increase of price, it is universally true, that the contrary is the ultimate effect with every successful manufacture. When a domestic MANUFACTURE HAS ATTAINED TO PERFECTION, AND HAS ENGAGED IN THE PROSECUTION OF IT A COMPETENT NUMBER OF PERSONS, IT INVA- RIABLY BECOMES CHEAPER. Being free from the heavy charges which attend the importation of foreign commodities, it can be afforded, AND ACCORDINGLY SELDOM OR NEVER FAILS TO BE SOLD CHEAPER, IH PROCESS OP TIME, THAN WAS THE FOREIGN ARTICLE FOR WHICH IT IS A SUBSTITUTE. ThE INTERNAL COMPETITION WHICH TAKES PLACE, SOON DOES AWAY EVERY THING LIKE MONOPOLY; and by degrccs re- duces the price of the article to the minimum of a reasonable profit on the capital employed. This accords with the reason of the thing, and with experience. Whence it follows, that it is the interest op the community, WITH A VIEW TO EVENTUAL AND PERMANENT ECONOMY, TO ENCOUR- AGE THE GROWTH OF MANUFACTURES. In a national view, a temporary enhancement of price must always be well compensated by a permanent reduction of it. It is a reflection, which may with propriety be indulged here, that this eventual diminution of the prices of manufictured articles, which is the result of internal manufacturing establishments, has a direct and very important tendency to benefit agriculture. It enables the farmer 1o procure, with a smaller quantity of his labour, the manufactured pro- duce of which he stands in need, and consequently increases the value of liis income and property. The objections which are commonly made to the expediency of en- EXTRACTS FROM ALEXANDER HAMILTON'S REPORT, 21 couraging, and to the probability of succeeding in, manufacturing pur- suits, in the United States, having now been discussed, the considera- tions, which have appeared in the course of the discussion, recommend-' ing tliat species of industry to the patronage of the government, will be materially strengthened by a few general and some particular topics, which have been naturally reserved for subsequent notice. 1. There seems to be a moral certainty that the trade of a country, ivhich is both 7nanufacturi7ig and agricultural, luill he more lucra- tive and prosjjerous, than that of a country iDhicli is merely agricul- tural. One reason for this is found in that general effort of nations, (which has been already mentioned) to procure from their own ssoils, the arti- cles of prime necessity requisite to their own consumption and use ; and which serves to render their demand for a foreign supply of such arti- cles in a great degree occasional and contingent. Hence, lohile the necessities of nations exclusively devoted to agriculture, for the fa- brics of manufacturing states are constant and regular, the ivants of the latter for the products of the former, are liable to very consi- derable fluctuations and interruj)tions. The great inequalities result- ing from difference of seasons, have been elsewhere remarked ; this uniformity of demand, on one side, and unsteadiness of it on the other, must necessarily have a tendenc}^ to cause the general course of the exchange of commodities between the parties, to turn to the disadvan- tage of the merely agricultural states. Peculiarity of situation, a cli- mate and soil adapted to the production of peculiar commodities, may, sometimes, contradict the rule ; but there is every reason to believe, that it will be found, in the main, a just one. Another circumstance whicii gives a superiority of commercial ad- vantages to states that manufacture, as well as cultivate, consists in the more numerous attractions, which a more diversified market offers to foreign customers, and in the greater scope which it affords to mercan- tile enterprise. It is a position of indisputable truth in commerce, de- pending too on very obvious reasons, that the greatest resort will ever be to those marts where commodities, while equally abundant, are most various. Each difference of kind holds out an additional inducement; and it is a position not less clear, that the field of enterprise must be en- larged to the merchants of a country, in proportion to the variety as well as the abundance of commodities, which they find at home for exporta- tion to foreign markets. A third circumstance, perhaps not inferior to cither of the other two, conferring the superiority which has been stated, has relation to the stagnations of demand for certain commodities, which, at some time or other, interfere more or less with the sale of all. The nation which can bring to market but few articles, is likely to be more quickly and sensibly afiected by such stagnation, than one which is always possessed of a great variety of commodities; the former frequently finds too great a portion of its stock of materials, for sale or exchange, lying on hand — or is obliged to make injurious sacrifices to supply its wants of foreign articles, which are numerous and urgent, in proportion to the smallness and the number of its own. The latter commonly finds itself indemni^ 23 tJNION AND PROTECTION TRACT — NO. II. fied, by the high prices of some articles, for the low prices of others: ,-;a"nd the prompt and advantageous sale of those articles which are in demand, enables its merchants the better to wait for a favourable change, in respect to those which are not. There is ground to believe, that a difference of situation, in this particular, has immensely different effects upon the wealth and prosperity of nations. From these circumstances, collectively, two important inferences are to be drawn ; one, that there is always a higher probability of a favourable balance of trade, in regard to countries, in which manufac- tures, founded on the basis of a thriving agriculture, flourish, than in re- gard to those, which are confined wholly or almost wholly to agricul- ture; the other (which is also a consequence of the first) that countries of the former description are likely to possess more pecuniary wealth or money, than those of the latter. The uniform appearance of an abundance ofsjiecie, as the con- comitant of a flourishing state of manufactures, and of the re- verse^ lohere they do not prevail, afford a strong presuviption of their favourable o'peration ujion the icealth of a country. Not only the wealth, but the independence and security of a country, appear to be materially connected with the PROSPERITY OF MANUFACTURES. Evcry nation, with a view to those great objects, ought to endeavour to possess within itself all the essen- tials of national supply. These comprise the means of subsistence, habitation, clothing and. defence. The possession of these is necessary to the perfection of the body politic, to the safety as well as to the welfare of the society ; the want of either is the want of an important organ of political life and motion ; and in the various crises which await a state, it must severely feel the effects of any such deficiency. The extreme embarrassments of the United States, during the late war, from an incapacity ofsupjjlying themselves, are still matter of keen recollection: a future war Tnight ke expected again to exemplify the mischiefs and daiigers of a situ- ation, to ivhich that incapacity is still in too great a degree appli- cable, unless changed by timely and vigorous exertions.* The want of a navy to protect our external commerce, as long as it shall continue, must render it a peculiarly precarious reliance, for the supply of essential articles ; and must serve to strengthen prodigiously the arguments in favour of manufactures. To these general considerations are added some of a more particular nature. Our distance from Europe, the great fountain of manufactured sup- ply, subjects us, in the existing state of things, to inconvenience and loss in two ways. The bulkiness of those commodities which are the chief productions of the soil, necessarily imposes very heavy charges on their transporta- tion to distant markets. These charges, in the cases, in which the nations, to whom our products arc sent, maintain a competition in the • What an awfully pvoplictic view is here given ! To what horrible sufTcrings the culpable neglect of those; ndnionitions exposed onr brave soldiers on the frontiers dur- ing the late war, at one period of which, more of them were swept away for want of pro- per cowring, than by the sword of the enemy ! — Editor, November 1I» 1831. EXTRACTS FROM ALEXANDER HAMILTON S REPORT. 23 supply of their own markets, principally fall upon us, and form mate- rial deductions, from the primitive value of the articles furnished?' The charges on manufactured supplies brought from Europe, are greatly enhanced by the same circumstance of distance. These charges, again, in the cases in which our own industry maintains no competition, in our own markets, also principally fall upon us; and are an additional cause of extraordinary deduction from the primitive value of our own products; these being the materials of exchange for the foreign fa- brics which we consume. The equality and moderation of individual property, and the grow- ino- settlements of new districts, occasion, in this country, an unusual demand for coarse manufactures ; the charges of which being greater in proportion to their greater bulk, augment the disadvantage, which has just been described. As in most countries domestic supplies maintain a very considerable competition with such foreign productions of the soil, as are imported for sale ; if the extensive establishment of manufactories in the United States does not create a similar competition in respect to manufactured articles, it appears to be clearly deducible, from the considerations which have been mentioned, that they must sustain a double loss in their exchanges with foreign nations ; strongly conducive to an unfa- vourable balance of trade, and ver}^ prejudicial to their interests. These disadvantages press with no small weight, on the landed in- terest of the country. I71 seasons of peace, they cause a se?'ioi(S de- duction from the intrinsic value of the j^voducts of the soil. In the time of a war, which should either involve ourselves, or another nation, possessing a considerable share of our carrying trade, the charges on the transportation of our commodities, bulky as most of them are, could hardly fail to prove a grievous burden to the farmer, while obliged to depend in so great a degree as he now does, upon foreign markets for the vent of the surplus of his labour. It is not uncommon to meet with an opinion, that though the pro- moting of manufactures may be the interest of a part of the Union, it is contrary to that of another part. The northern and southern regions are sometimes represented as having adverse interests in this respect. Those are called manufacturing, these agricultural states ; and a species of opposition is imagined to subsist between the manufacturing and agri- cultural interest. This idea of an opjiosition between those two interests is the com- mon error of the early periods of every country; but experience gra- dually dissipates it. Indeed they are perceived so often to succour and to befriend each other, that they come at length to be considered as one; a supposition which has been frequently abused, and is not universally true. Particular encouragements of particular manufactures may be of a nature to sacrifice the interests of land-holders to those of manufac- turers ; but it is nevertheless a maxim well established by experience, and generally acknowledged where there has been sufficient experience, that the aggregate prosperity of manufactures, and the aggregate prosperity of agriculture , are intimately connected. In the course of 24 UNION AND PROTECTION TRACT — NO. II. the discussion which has had place, various weighty considerations have '- been adduced, operating in support of tliis maxim. Perhaps the superior steadiness of tlie demand of a domestic market for the surt)lus iiroducc of tiie soil, is alone a convincing argument of its truth. Ideas of a contrariety of interests between the northern and soutliern regions of the Union, are in the main as unfounded as they are mis- chievous. The diversity of circumstances, on which such contrariety is usually predicated, authorizes a directly contrarv conclusion. Mutual wants constitute one of the strongest links of political connexion ; and the extent of tliese bears a natural proportion to the diversity in the means of mutual supply. Suggestions of an opposite complexion are ever to be deplored, as unfriendly to the steady pursuit of one great common cause, and to the perfect harmony of all the parts. In proportion as the mind is accustomed to trace the intimate con- nexion of interests, which subsists between all the parts of society, united under the same government — the infinite variety of channels which serve to circulate the prosperity of each to and through the rest — in that proportion it will be little apt to be disturbed by solicitudes and apprehensions, which originate in local discriminations. It is a truth as important as it is agreeable, and one to which it is not easy to ima- gine exceptions, that every thing tending to establish substantial and permanent order, in the affairs of a country, to increase the total mass of industry and opulence, is ultimately beneficial to every part of it. On the credit of this great truth, an acquiescence may safely be accord- ed, from every quarter, to all institutions, and arrangements, which promise a confirmation of public order, and an augmentation of national resource. But there are more particular considerations, which serve to fortify the idea, that the encouragement of manufactures is the interest of all parts of the Union. If the northern and middle states should be the principal scenes of such establishments, they would immediately benefit the more southern, by creating a demand for productions, sjime of which they have in common witli the other states, and others wliich are either peculiar to them, or more abundant, or of better quality than elsewherQ. These productions, principally, are timber, flax, hemp, cotton, wool, raw silk, indigo, iron, lead, furs, hides, skins and coals ; of these arti- cles, cotton and indigo are peculiar to the southern states : as are, hitherto, lead and coals ; flax and hemp are or may be raised in greater abundance there, than in the more nortliern states ; and the wool of Virginia is said to be of better quality than that of any other state ; a cir- cumstance rendered the more probable by the reflection, that Virginia embraces the same latitudes with the finest wool countries of Europe. The climate of the south is also better adapted to the production of silk. Considerimr a monopoly of the domestic market to its own manu- facturers as the reiqnin,i; policij of viamtf act uring nations, a similar policy on the ]Htrt\)f the United Slates, in every proper instance, is dictated, it rni'.rht almost he said, by the principles of distributive justice; certainly by the duty of endeavouring to secure to their own citizens a reciprocity of advantages.