F291 .H64 ! A • ' ■ °a g> ■ ..... V"" o*°..». V *♦* .-. V" « :^K •X v ' V ••' o - • , > ' oils* mB - . o_ iV-* LETTER Hon. Jos a Hil i / ( »N THE ELE( I . Fz9/ Reply of Hon. Joshua Hill To the Sixty-nin Islative Friends of Eon. A. II. Ste- phens : Gentlemen — I have read your review of me and my r< h on tin' Senatorial election. I have never had a newspaper controversy, nor Lave [ th ri desire for one. In your case, I would naturally seek to uv<»id "the war of the many with one," if for no other reason than the great disparity of numbers. Ton havi into an elaborate argument to prove that 1 . rong in saying of Mr. Stephens that, under the circumstan- ces, he oonld :. suspicion of having encouraged his election to the Senate, i after presenting your array of ■Mr. Hill must fail back upon his judgment as being 1 by hifl attitude." 1 admit I am not infallible. I may ho obtuse. V. ; of your reasoning and facts, 1 oannot help thinking that some, more incredulous than the rest, will attribute to Mr. Stephens the amiable wei ofbeii ily "over-persuaded." He did not refuse the high . 1 the "kingly crown," and yet I is ambition. But there was but one Anthony im- portuning < ': sir. "in all th.ii . . aper- ncd that I bad been warned — and that, not in a dream, bul with my • week that a shrewd and knowing politici n of Alexander H. phens and Qcrschel V. J< . i propb it at fa!!, and, I mm end me ke less of it than a cu- lling had been comtuunii nuted ke of irfmon of a gallantly contested four mile race, with wd, as the u '1 neok, thundering down the last rld, and but little known beyond the small circle of friends surrounding me. And if a single one of you imagine thi t my eh • tion ' ■ ate would, in my own opinion; u add a cubit to my stature/' or for an hour increase my vanity, you know little of me, No; I have weighed "the glittering bauble," Fame, and for long years have been accustomed to say of it, that anything less than the reputation of day or Webster is not worth seeking. Such reflections as these, aided, perhaps, by the severe teach- ings of misfortune, have enabled me to bear up under the frowns of former friends, and — u To suffer The stings and arrows of outrageous fortune," without repining. Forme to undertake to convince you that I loathed and abhor red disunion or secession, ami that I never failed to rebuke it, when I came to speak or write of it, would be to make myself ridiculous; and to acknowledge that your estimate of the value of tny opinions is the universal one. As highly as I respect you I oi consent to abide your judgment of my insignificance. t. i for my recogni >:t to the Union, it was a fact fixed in the minds pf.such men as John J. Oil tephen A. Doug- i 1 Henry Winter Davis, all of whom, "had they but served their God with half the zeal" they served their country, would now be, as I hope they are. bright angels in abet- ter world. And of the living, let me name John Sherman, of Ohio, (\q\\. John A. Logan, Charles F. Adams, Dawes, Thayer, Mr. Seward, and Morrill, and, I mi all who knew me or observed my political com In the midst of the bloodiest scenes of the wicked and causeless war through which we have passed, it was a source of heartfelt comfort and consolation, ''when my household-gods lay shivered around me," to know thai ! irai still oherisbi the Onion by my old associates throaghont th nation. thai settled oonviotion u to my character and ly indebted for marked courtesy and kindness. Every man in Georgia, of ordinary int bare been looked upon with distrust and nnkiodm i'« > r my attachment to the Union. How many i f nounced me for my national principles? Which of yoxi I Bared Mr. Stephens for his abandonment of bin <■ cession, and for consenting to serve in th Montgomery, or for acoepting Confederate States! Which of yon blamed hii counsel and personal influence to the i> that yon complained of him for enconragiug the p< itionality and inde] ns be candid with each other, gentlemen. I'" j ■ bim more for bis identification with i 1 an 1 his consequent Bufferings and imprisonment, than for his "early disrelish" of secession 2 I bad come nei ilfctr iseion. I am nol aware tli . at any time, denied the ri though '"»'!i have oendemi anse. I would not knowingly do eitherof then iy still bold thai you c them tor maintaining the opinion : I have never sought todepre he Legislature in 1860^ to pre 1 rious. But I did complain at the time,* and have continu* complain, that he did not refuse the Ordin sion, then move to refer it to t lie people, and, upo lojority, to Buhmit it to the popular vote, a the friends of the people to withdraw with him I ■ d to Hon. 15. II. Hill my r did not take that course. Jt is not pleaaanl to advert to it. even at ;' but the truth nf history demands it. What public a was publioly burned in • sion wasadoptedl Think youit wai Was thai then r> garded a crime 1 What -• like m H Tt> which <>f you am I under indictive displays of F< eling I yon : my indebti ' for my inertness in the thus contemned and d< ipised friends of true libert are qoiel and thoughtful. And :-> thai is this count rj or the hlightio was not numbers, but the cone and the Tabid spirit of intolerance, thai iiad the honest, laboring US d a calm expressioi 8 propriety of disunion, and that he who voted for the Union was to be regarded as the equal in courage, devotion to the State, and every element of manliness of him that favored disunion, I feel confident the unwise step would never have been taken. Pardon me if I show some anxiety to refute the prevailing idea of your letter, to wit : that I, at best, was a mere passive friend of the Union, of doubtful character, while Mr. Stephens was enthu- siastic and devoted. I did not begin to make Unioh speeches in 1860. I began five years before that, in denunciation of that unfortunate measure, known as the Kansas bill — the greatest blunder, except, perhaps, the defeat of the Clayton Compromise, ever made in American politics. I made no other but Union speeches from that time to this day. I made many very thorough Union speeches in 1S50 and 1SG0; several in the autumn of 1800, in Georgia, all of which appealed to the people to submit quietly and peaceably, as good citizens, to the probable election of Mr. Lincoln. I answered Mr. Wm. L. Yancey, who was regarded pretty generally as a respectable advo- cate of disunion. We both spoke in the State House of Maryland about, the last of September, I860. The next evening I spoke to many thousands in Baltimore, from the same stand with Governor Swan, Senator Kennedy and Representative Webster. The press said it was a Union speech, and complimented it very highly. Two days afterwards I addressed a large meeting in Washington city, as many can testify. But, of course, you never heard any- thing of all this, and refused to listen to anything I said. I received some substantial testimonials of regard from a Boston gentleman, for my reply to Mr. Yancey. You may not know it, but I can assure you that the great orator of Alabama, was quite as earnest in his declamation, as was Mr. Toombs, and altogether as power- ful. I never claimed auy more credit for " measuring arms with the great orator on that occasion," than I have for discussing with Mr. Toombs, or Mr. Stephens. I never heard any one compliment lion. B. II. Hill on his exhibition of nerve for "raising his voice in favor of the then despised Union. 1 believe no one was killed or hurt for doing it. On the contrary I have heard that such was the courtesy of the excited period that Mr. Toombs himself, at the close of Mr. Stephens' speech, called for three cheers for the gifted orator, which were freely given. I wrote a letter in December, 18G0, over my own name, pub- lished in the Southern Recorder, first urging the people to require pledges of their delegates, in writing, before electing them, to sub- mit the action of the Convention to the popular vote, in which I was severe on secession. But it escaped your attention — like all my labors. Some of you are aware that 1 am a member of the still existing St:: to Convention. I committed a grave error in that body in consenting to abandon my announced intention to insist on a re- consideration of the vote adopting the ordinance r< pealing the ordinance of secession, for the purpose of declaring said ordinance " absolutely null and void." I gave, at the time, my reasons, abating nothing of my principles and opinions, but reluctantly yielding to the solicitations of friends of the Union, and being 9 anxious to moid discussion calculated to produce discord and bitter Had I reflected properly on ihesnstainii _• • ' the word "repeal," nponthe dootrin a— the right of secede from the Union — and, a- a <■• ditj of all indebtedness incurred by bbcL State for the prosecution of a war in defence of the right of secession, I could not bave been induced to forego my purpose. 1 o mid not have obtained a majority for the support <>t' my views. If was manifest thai a majority were opposed t<> tin- repudiation of the war debt, and that it was only to yielding to the requirements of the President, and a greater number remaining silent. i'<> yield the willing assent of the mind, unreservedly, to the absolute nullity of every act of every reprasentative body, intended -:ain, in any manner, the rebellion, is to reject the whole doc- trine of secession. Until this is done, there is no repudial the abominable heresy. It is a question of the highest importance to the people of the entire Union, that a distinot and emphatic renunciation of the doctrine ol - that bav< ! to it to destroy the I nion, should precede the return of such States to a position of equality in the Union, with unoffend- ing States, The folly of restoring a State to the Union, with the - --ion unimpaired, and still maintained ami defended by its prominei :ity of th of a Convention of the people, and by a majority of the I.> . tare, can only he equalled by an amendment of the Federa Btitution, expressly admitting the irighl ol ise, in ra judgment sufficient to withdraw from the I nion. This doctrine of i m, despite the mischiefs and miseri has p -. 1 his day generally tolerated, if not entertained, by the peopli i than it was, when it redur Tiio mass of mankind, have neither !■ nor patience to in. principle of government They are oftener influenced by ar feelings and interests than to their i right favon lieved their action ' •• has ..dure up to this time, but mo lieve I had it m>: been crushed l>y numbers, ■. ould ha> promised. ( m th.' • -ion. who have fered deeply by loss of fortune, and were made v. retched by the • relaxed in tie . -. and are. . .-, pertinacious in maintainii . gacity, fond of the adulation of their fellows, and ambi- . .ce. know well ol public feeling, and either sympathise with it or allow it to exist without attempti reot it. To he sure, there are prominent individual exceptions to this rule, hut not sufficient to effeel " limit their political vision to the boundaries of the S peits d polity — without - rard for its Federal It is refreshing, in this dear! r reasoning, to find - of the foremost Intelle its that contributed all their powers t.> aid disunion, m>w openly proolaimii g their opposition to th< 10 that would assert the right of the State to he represented in Con- gress by just such individuals as the people, or their representa- tives might prefer, wholly regardless of theirpast history. These gentlemen perceive plainly that they themselves, though heretofore often honored by the people with the highest trusts, are, by reason of their identification with seeess on and war.no longer proper instruments to be chosen to restore cordial relations between the State and national authorities. Recognising secession as a failure, and a principle to be forever rebuked, they now express a willing- ness to be considered as no longer available public men, and to retire from the political arena, yielding to such as may be more agreeable on account of their political action to the Federal gov- ernment, and consequently more useful to the State. This is the beginning of wisdom. Do you agree with me in my estimate of such conduct? What think you of such modesty and self denial ? These gentlemen found no difficulty in restraining their friends from wantonly voting for them. What though you insist that all differences of opinion as to past political events should be consigned to oblivion, never to be re vived! Can you compel Congress to adopt your suggestion : It is not your will, but theirs that must govern. Are you quite cer- tain that your practice agrees with your teachings.' It may interest some who will take the pains to read what I write, to learn a few political incident;', known to myself and others, which I relate merely to increase the evidence of my good standing as a Union man, with eminent Unionists, at a time when there was some merit in being a Union man. True love of the Union is like genuine, heartfelt piety. It is serene, uniform; forbearing; exhibiting itself in every act, and, without effort, con- vincing all men of its deep sincerity. And, what is more, it is independent of the frowns or blandishments of men. Washing* ton was its impersonation. How 1'ew were capable of apprecia- ting his grand patriotism; his exalted love of country; I first saw and heard read the celebrated Crittenden Compro- mise resolutions in December, 1860. I was invited to a room in Brown's Hotel, Washington, and there met some half dozen mod- erate, but prominent' members of the Republican party, 1 being the only Southern man present. Our host, a distinguished sts man and accomplished lawyer of Indiana, then in attendance en the Supreme Court, produced the famous ''peace offering," in his own elegant hand, and submitted it to the gentlemen present fer their consideration and criticism. This noble man still lives, pledged never to accept political office. Should this chance to meet his eye, he will not fail to recall the scene. I mention this to show the esteem in which I was held by these national men, and the interest I felt for the preservation of the Union. I recall, with melancholy interest, my last interview with my Indiana friend. It was by own fireside in Washington. Georgia had seceded, and I, against the advice of true and sagacious friends, was preparing to return to my home. Both of us were mourning the folly and madness that menaced the peace of the country. He drew a vivid picture of the inevitable conflict ho saw approaching, and feelingly suggested that his son and mine might meet in deadly strife, strangers to each other, and one of u theno might t';ill by tl I'. .. know what 1 haue lost, and fewer still will care. Many think I waa bu life. I appeal not to nw i '.;. , and ye • rs. It (•;. of unfi eling politii (>h. - bruise \s , and thy I ; : 1 1 1 r>, as follow is, and the ott I oor pub may well bo paid of irbons, — 'they bave learned nothing, and forget a revolution.' One would thin!. intrary." 1 >'i,- ol I be ta after I ■ in them. 11 Do ;• • The almost unrivalh knew i)f brul i iin.-n in all the South, v. led. •■ the i not remember !. e him for I tr neo I ever • . dina. < Inr foth< aboul i ■!. i never kn. I in the wh< 12 secessionists, and rail against Yankees, as the meanest and wick- edest of the human race, for disagreeing -with them in the destruc- tion of the Union. In this rebellion against the Union, women and parsons are conspicuous for their zeal and acclamations. The most ferocious feelings are not only avowed, but boasted of, and nothing is respectable but desperation. Why, a member of the Legislature declared exultingly in the House that he was thankful for the fire, as it would make it easier to burn the rest of the town if the Yankees were likely to become masters of it." "These tilings savour of madness more than passion. If they are to be believed they would rather that South Carolina share the fate of Sodom, than that secession should suffer a defeat, or even a temporary reverse. The detestation expressed for our late countrymen finds a parallel only in the contempt which the Chi- nese feel for the English and Frendh barbarians. I am satisfied that this madness must, in time, give way to depression and lassi- tude, but how long it will last no one can tell." "The Northern mind seems to be almost as deeply stirred as that of the South ; and though the South as natural fighters are more than a match for equal numbers — the preponderance of the North will encourage them to keep up the contest along time, and in the end they may learn to fight, in which, at present they are sadly at fault. So were the Russians when the Swedes gave them their first lessons." There is a good deal more of conjecture as. to the prcbable future, much of which has become history. He concludes with these sadly prophetic words : "The future is doubly dark. The most probable issue for both sides is, that instead of the military being subordinate to the civil authority, the. revolution will end in the military having it all their own way. My hopes are sub- dued, but so are my fears. I don't expect to live to see the end, and am glad of it." He had hi* wish, and James Louis Petigru, no great while afterward, slept with his fathers. Would he have held such converse, at such a time, with any but a trusted friend of the Union? His whole life was one of consistent devotion to the government of his country 1 have great respect for candor, even when coupled with fa- naticism; hence my high regard for my friends, Milledge L. Bon- ham and James L. kail, borli ultra disunionists and ardent in the of rebellion — both scorning to hide away in bomb-proof po- sitions, and not content to display their valor by clamoring for war, testified their sincerity by exposing themselves on "well stricken fields." You charge that 1 became a candidate for Governor, and "tried to get an office, the obtaining of which must have made it impos- sible for him (me) to take the oath," &c. I was no more a can- didate for Governor than was Mr. Stephens a candidate for Sena- tor. I deny trying to be elected. I refused to review the admin- istration of Governor Brown, and to condemn it, when assured thai by doing so I could concentrate upon myself the opposition to him, and thereby keep down a third candidate. "Solitary and alone,"' on the floor of Congress, I had censured his unlawful sei- zure of the I'. S. Arsenal at Augusta, and Fort Pulaski, near Sa- vannah. The Secession Convention afterwards approved his ac- 13 tion, and thoroby rebuked me. With whioh ©f US did vou lynV pathise I In permitting my nnme to be voted fur, I only hoped t<» form the nucleus of a Boatbero conservative party, opposed < and war, and favoring peace I called four or five of my most trusted friends living in this town and vicinity, ell of whoi live, to bear me witness that, under no possible circumstances, would I ever take an oath to support the Constitution of the federate States, or the government or laws the;.- W< ined the official oath of the Governor, and concluded that. t.. him as the civil and military head of the State, the oath for civil < ffi- cers only, did not apply. And if it had, and I could hare been elected, I would have spurned it. In doing so, J should have i more character than I could by tilling the office. The g< m to whom I refer are men of high character, and "ha\. State some service." lam proud to claim them as my friends, and they are proud of my principles and my course, whioh : well understand. Tho secession and war press denounced mv letter and its author. How many of you defended the letter, end vindi< The lovera of peace, and the honest haters of disunion, r me, when not driven from the polls by secession bullii if you are late in discovering my strong anti-reconbtruotion sentii How many of you denounced me as a [Jnionist-reoonstructi and every thing objectionable, politically J Which of 8 I"' ,t -' -•me.' Did Union men complain of me S No rejoiced at the opportunity of voting for a man in whom they trusted, Four course has made them only more I >me. They constantly testify their regard for me, " They remember fond- ly that I labored to prevent disunion, and that , the knee to liaal." Bui be consoled, gentlemen; yon have the majority with you. \\ it. i hut a tew exceptions, secessionists and war-men sustain your action, and openly exult at the overthrow of Jan. my -elf. 1 declined all invitations to visit the armies, or to >p,ak at any point I made no defence to the assaults upon me, chargii with loveof the Union and opposition to the war. in mv i. declared the utter impossibility of restoring the lost Dnioi I do QOtsee that i- returned ton, ,.■,,,->,, . .-, /. |; • Dialed to endear it to the' ; where, that have been sadly altered by war. I rejoice tnat u cannot he -aid of me that J, Ln any manner. in produ- cing these innovation* Bow many of »ou admire mv . ■ rote for any officer of the Oonfe il think that it would have been more praise wort have even sought place under it .' How many, and which ol made speeches and argument- to BOldiers to deter them ting for me ? In a gallant Begiment, to wl of you be] . . d of wluch six or seven oompanies went from my old I District— one of them from my own oounty, com, ot my neighbors and friends, and of my on n ion- 1 d one single vote. That was oast by an independent, bigh-souled pri 14 rate, who dared to do what lie conceived to be his duty. Many of these brave soldiers had been accustomed to vote for me for Congress, even against the advice of Mr. Stephens and Mr. Toombs, but, on this trying occasion, they could not incur the odium. They liked me personally, as I believe some of you do, but thought I loved the Union "not wisely, but too well." I lost the support of the only very influential paper that advo- cated for a time my election, by promptly refusing, when required, to say tii at I would not consent to live under the same Govern- ment with the people of the free States. The election went by, and though only second in the race, as in the recent one, I pre- served the respect of my friends and of myself. Success is not the true test of merit. "The rank is but the guinea's stamp, The man's the gowd for a 1 that." Lest the President should be imposed on, some patriotic Geor- gians furnished him with a copy of my letter, lie understands it — he understands us all. lie knows what suspended loyalty means, and knows how to appreciate new-born devotion to the Union. He knows as well as you do, that Mr. Davis voted in the Senate Committee for the Crittenden Compromise, and of course that he was opposed to disunion. This, you contend, makes a good Union record. Do you doubt, gentlemen, that the President or the Senate would have approved the election of Mr. Davis to the Senate by the Legislature of Mississippi ( What objection could be urged against it? Does any occur to you? Has he not talents and a large experience to commend him? And was not he, too, one of the Prophets? It occurs to me to inquire of yon, what apology you propose to make for the very inconsiderable vote you gave the President's Provisional Governor, James Johnson, for Senator? In your zeal for the Union, how could you forget his record '. What had lie done to shake your confidence in his loyclty ? Was it his excess of kindness in recommending applicants for pardon to the Presi- dent, that you intended to rebuke? His fine talents and personal worth were not unknown to you. Can it be that you intended to reprimand him for accepting the appointment of Governor? You are all satisfied that I am powerless in Georgia, but you are not so well assured that your condemnation of me is destruc- tive of my influence at Washington. It becomes necessary, now, to insure that. You may succeed in convincing those who con- trol the Government that the Organization of a stupendous rebel- lion to overthrow the Constitutional Government of your country, the sacrifice of hundreds of thousands of valuable lives lost in try- ing to maintain the supreme authority, together with the slaugh- tered thousands cruelly seduced or driven to take arms as insur- gents, is a light affair. You may, by ingenious argumentation, prove that the men most to be trusted by the Government are those most prominently and conspicuously identified with the rebel government ; the men whose names must live in history, more on account of the high places they occupied in the rebel government than for anything they ever did in the service of their lawful government. But when you succeed in all this, then cover over Avith a thick veil the niches in your capitol that may contain the 15 stai Iks of Washington, Jackson, Webster and clay, and forbid your oountrymen to look upon then again. Then will tlio rero- lotion prove :i triumph, ami the Union become a phantom. !:■ spectrally, JOSHUA IIII.L Madison, 6a., February 10th, 1866. TO TMK fl h of you as have published the letter of Mr. Stephens' fri will do an act of justice, andol politeness also, by publishing tli« J. II. C, 1, i 8 9i| / .0 V. "^ «° A " 'bV* ^ Jo ' v ^ 5.* '"W .o ,0 % , o^ .*>■ ^ ^ *<> ^^ *° "V of HECKMAN BINDERY INC. | = AUG 89 N. MANCHESTER, INDIANA 46962 us* ^/ .V .