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Cheapest and Best Edition, 
 
 JAMES BUCHANAN 
 
 JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE. 
 
 H. W. DERBY & Co., PUBLISHERS, CINCINNATI. 
 
 Price, Twenty-Five Cents, 
 
BUCHANAN AND BRECKINRIDGE. 
 
 o 
 
 LIVES OF" 
 
 JAMES BUCHANAN, 
 
 AND 
 
 JOHN C. BRECKIIRIDGE. 
 
 DEMOCKATIO CANDIDATES 
 
 FOE THE 
 
 Presidency and Vice-Presidency of the United States, 
 
 WITH THE 
 
 PLATFORMS OF THE THREE POLITICAL PARTIES m THE 
 PRESIDENTIAL CANVASS OF 1856. 
 
 CINCINNATI : 
 
 H. W. DERBY & CO., PUBLISHERS. 
 
 1866. 
 

 Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1856, by 
 » H. W.DERBY&CO., 
 
 In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Southern District of Ohio. 
 
LIFE OF JAMES BUCHAMI. 
 
 WHEATLAND, 
 
 In the suburbs of the neat, handsome, and prosperou 
 town of Lancaster, the county seat of the rich garde: 
 county of that name, in the good old State of Pennsyl 
 vania, may be seen a very pleasantly situated, tastefull 
 ornamented, and substantially comfortable farm-house 
 which peeps so modestly and cheerily through the intei 
 stices of a grove of venerable elms, that the stranger feel 
 an irresistible desire to dismount and take a closer vicA 
 of so agreeable a habitation, and, if possible, make th 
 acquaintance of its occupant. Broad, fertile fields, cai 
 peted with luxuriant verdure, or with the waving crops o 
 golden grain, and a neatly arranged garden, surround th 
 house, which is nearly embowered in the foliage of thos 
 veterans of the forest that cast their solemn shades arounc 
 and give an air of pensive seclusion to the scene. Such 
 scene bespeaks the presence of one, who, by taste, by 
 virtuous and pure life, by habits of thoughtfulness an 
 study, and by the exercise of a genial and refined hosp: 
 tality, has acquired a keen relish for those rural x^leasuret 
 which none but the good, the pure-minded, and elevatec 
 can fully appreciate and enjoy. 
 
 Led by these reflections and suggestions, the intelliger 
 6ti-anger presents himself at the door of this habitation 
 
 (3^ 
 
4 • LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 
 
 it is wide open, indicative of an ever-welcoming hospi- 
 tality. Before he is asked for, the tenant of that pleasant 
 villa presents himself, not with a stately how and chilling 
 formality, but with a prompt courtesy, which dissipates all 
 embarrassment, and a cordial shake of the hand, that gives 
 assurance of the presence of the 
 
 PHILOSOPHER AND STATESMAN. 
 
 He is a man of noble port and bearing, such as those 
 familiar with his life and sentiments would expect to find. 
 A tall, portly, and erect figure, a head large, and of reg- 
 ular conformation, with a clear, smooth, lofty forehead, 
 and symmetrical features, indicating a deep and subtle 
 intelligence happily blended with warm and philanthropic 
 impulses ; with eyes full of thoughtfulness, pleasantly re- 
 lieved by a sparkle of joviality and humor; and all the 
 other features of a handsome face, corresponding, and 
 aiding in the general expression of intelligence, amiabil- 
 ity, truthfulness, fidelity, and patriotism, indicate and an- 
 nounce a man of no common order. And these features 
 and personal characteristics are well set ofi" by a tasteful 
 suit of black, with stainless white vest and cravat ; and 
 by such manners, so cordial, warm, and graceful, as we 
 should expect in one who had mingled alike in the so- 
 ciety of the most pretentious and aristocratic, as in that of 
 the humble, industrious, and unassuming ; who had stood 
 among magnates and nobles as their peer, and with the 
 hardy sons of toil as their friend and companion. Even 
 a peculiarity which alone varies the uniform regularity of 
 his physical organization, a slight inclination of his head 
 to one side, favors the general expression of amiability and 
 kindness of his manner, as expressive of a kind welcome, 
 and a natural inclination to all who claim his hospitality 
 and regard. In such a presence, and beneath that roof, 
 
LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 5 
 
 the stranger is soon at home. No matter what may be his 
 nationality, his condition in life, his political or religious 
 opinions or prejudices, he is welcome to the hospitable 
 board, the genial society, the instructive conversation, the 
 abounding charity, and overflowing liberality of that sage 
 and statesman, who now, at the ripe age of sixty-five, en- 
 joys the rich fruits of a well-spent life — a life passed amid 
 such shoals and eddies, and through such tempests and 
 perils, as few indeed have ever compassed with unstained 
 characters and unbroken fortunes. The secret of such a 
 success is worth knowing. It may be found by a close 
 study of the life of . - 
 
 JAMES BUCHANAN. 
 
 His life ought to be read by every American. It is the 
 life of the sole survivor of an illustrious baud of American 
 statesman and orators, who have given brilliant renown to 
 our Republic for the last thirty years. All the others have 
 been gathered unto their fathers, and their statues occupy 
 lofty niches in our national temple. Their works, their 
 principles, their sentiments, their eloquence, still live ; but 
 he alone, the subject of this narrative, who was worthy to 
 stand shoulder to shoulder, or face to face, in the struggles 
 for the prizes of statesmanship and political renown, with 
 Clay, Calhoun, Webster, Wright, and their peers — James 
 Buchanan alone lives and embodies, for the instruction and 
 admiration of the present generation, the high qualities 
 that were demanded for political championship in " those 
 days when there were giants upon the earth." It is granted 
 to but few men to have passed through such scenes, and 
 encountered such rivalries, and lived such a life, without 
 impairing his physical energies and faculties, spoiling his 
 temper, untuning the native harmony of his mind, or sour- 
 ing a disposition which is feminine in its delicacy, its 
 
^ LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 
 
 gentle courtesy, and patient kindliness. Such shocks have 
 only served to strengthen the virtue, enlarge the philan- 
 thropy, and mature ? the wisdom of the veteran statesman, 
 whose well preserved faculties, intellectual and physical, 
 give promise of many remaining years of active exertion 
 and patriotic service. 
 
 Much of this remarkable success of James Buchanan is 
 due to his early training. 
 
 HIS BIRTH AND PARENTAGE. 
 
 He was born amid the wild scenery of Franklin county, 
 Pennsylvania, near the Maryland line, where the spurs of 
 the Alleghanies begin to swell into mountains, in just 
 such a region as that in which Jefferson and Madison first 
 saw the light. He was born, like Jackson, in a log cabin, 
 and of Irish parentage, from the north of Ireland. The 
 remains of the house of his hardy father, who with his 
 own hand erected the humble tenement and cleared the 
 forest for cultivation, still remains, and is frequently vis- 
 ited by the now distinguished statesman, who here, in this 
 humble home and amid these wild scenes, first learned the 
 lessons of self-control and of persevering virtue and indus- 
 try. His mother was a native of Pennsylvania, of uncom- 
 mon natural vigor of mind and some literary attainments. 
 Removing to Mercersburg, the young Buchanan was sent 
 to school, and rapidly acquired a knowledge of English, 
 Latin, and Greek. His mind, from the very beginning of 
 his scholarship, displayed its remarkable gifts of quick 
 perception, good memory, and admirable faculty of com- 
 prehending the most abstruse subjects. That smooth, easy 
 style which distinguished his speeches in after life, wherein 
 every subject touched is made as clear and lucid as 
 objects encased in amber, indicates the character of his 
 •mind, which mastered all subjects without labor, with 
 
LIFE OF JAMES BLCHANAN. 7 
 
 scarcely an eiibrt. At the age of fourteen he entered 
 Dickinson College, Carlisle, where he soon took the lead- 
 ing position as a scholar, and in the Union P Society 
 
 attached to the College, gave proofs of his ability as a 
 speaker and logician. His success at college in every 
 department of science, did not, with James Buchanan, 
 involve any sacrifice of the natural enthusiasm and tastes 
 of youth. He was no less a jovial, sportive, and genial 
 good fellow, than an attentive and faithful student. Nor 
 did he neglect to cherish and preserve his physical health 
 and vigor by healthful exercise in the fields and woods. 
 Thus, he acquired that wonderful stamina which has sus- 
 tained him so long under the pressure of immense labors 
 and duties. With a keen relish for the agreeable excite- 
 ments of the sportsman, much of his spare time was spent 
 in the forests of Pennsylvania. The crack of his rifle was 
 ever heard with pleasure by the poor of the neighborhood, 
 whose tables were frequently supplied with the trophies of 
 his skill, as a Nimrod. Leaving college with the highest 
 honors, Mr. Buchanan commenced "^the study of law in the 
 office of James Hopkins, of Lancaster, and on the seven- 
 teenth of November, 1812, was admitted to 
 
 THE BAR. 
 
 Here, as at college, Mr. Buchanan almost immediately 
 after his admission, assumed a leading position. His 
 rivals were men of national reputation as jurisconsults. 
 He held his own with them, and by his skill, eloquence, 
 rapid perception, great facility of mastering details and 
 making the most tangled subject clear, attained a high dis- 
 tinction at the bar, and gained a large and profitable prac- 
 tice. The history of the bar of the United States does not 
 afibrd a like instance of such rapid progress. Ere he had 
 reached the age of thirty, he had become a veteran in the 
 
S LIFE OF JAMES BCCHANAX. 
 
 profession, being retained in the most important cases in 
 his circuit, his name appearing oftener in the reports than 
 that of any other member of the bar of his own and the 
 neighboring counties. He soon realized a competence, 
 with which, not desiring wealth, he purchased a comfort- 
 able country seat, and in the very maturity of his intellect, 
 abandoned a profession in which eminence is rarely reached 
 before an age bordering on the venerable. Save in cases 
 which appealed to his heart and -charity, such as that of a 
 poor widow whose title to her only property was imper- 
 iled by a legal prosecution, and like cases, he rarely 
 appeared at the bar after his formal retirement. Hence- 
 forward Mr. Buchanan's life was a public and political one. 
 Pirst, as 
 
 A LEGISLATOR. 
 
 Mr. Buchanan's career as a public man commenced with 
 his election to the Legislature of Pennsylvania in 1814. 
 He had been educated under the influence of Pederalism — 
 not the Federalism which sought disunion and was willing 
 to sacrifice the honor of the country and deliver it over to 
 a foreign foe — not that Pederalism which burned blue lights 
 to guide the enemy's ships, and which convened at Hart- 
 ford to plot treason and disunion — ^but the Federalism of a 
 high-toned, but misguided party, which, misconstruing 
 some of the principles and views of the early Republicans, 
 believed their course rash and precipitate. Mr. Buchanan, 
 when a youth, shared some of the apprehensions of the 
 party, though he did not embrace all its principles, that 
 regarded the war as unnecessary in its inception and feeble 
 in its conduct. This was the sentiment, too, of John lian- 
 dolph, a true Republican of the ultra, strict construction. 
 States' rights school. But even these views found no 
 expression from the lipe of Mr. Buchanan, while the enemy 
 
f UFR OF JAMES BrCIIAKAN. V 
 
 was on our soil, and grim-visaged war raised its horrid 
 front in our midst. The sentiment that he proclaimed in 
 his first speech in the Legislature of Pennsylvania in favor 
 of furnishing means for the vigorous prosecution of the 
 war, was that "the invader must be driven ti-om our 
 shore." His acts conformed to his words ; for when the 
 audacious enemy, having burned our capital, returned to 
 their fleet laden vtath spoils and infamy, and being re-in- 
 forced, advanced against the city of Baltimore full of con- 
 fidence and exultation, James Buchanan enrolled him- 
 self as 
 
 A VOLUNTEER IN THE LATE WAR. 
 
 Mr. Buchanan promptly attached himself to a company 
 raised in his neighborhood, which joined the battalion of 
 Major Charles Sterrett Ridgely, a force that did good 
 service in the memorable and glorious defense of Balti- 
 more. It was only after the war was over, when the 
 enemy had been driven from our soil by the glorious deeds 
 of Jackson, which at one blow annihilated both British 
 power and Federal treason within our borders — it was only 
 in 1815 that Mr. Buchanan expressed those sentiments in 
 regard to the cause and conduct of the war, upon which 
 his enemies rely, forty years afterward, to prove his Feder- 
 alism, though he himself very soon after recalled and 
 expressed his regret at the utterance of such ideas. It 
 must be a life of extraordinary wisdom, prudence, and 
 propriety, in which no greater evidence of inconsistency 
 than this can be found. All the measures — some of them 
 very severe ones — introduced into the Legislature of 
 Pennsylvania, in aid of the vigorous prosecution of the 
 war, received from Mr. Buchanan an earnest and cordial 
 support. 
 
10 LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 
 
 HIS FRIENDSHIP TO NATURALIZED CITIZENS, 
 
 There was another proof that Mr. Buchanan was far 
 from the prejudice and narrow-minded views of the Feder- 
 alists. Those partizans had always been hostile to for- 
 eigners. Their alien and sedition laws, so happily and 
 gloriously resisted in 1798 by Jefferson and Madison, em- 
 bodied leading ideas of that organization. Massachusetts 
 and Connecticut attempted the same objects in 1814, by 
 proposing an amendment of the Constitution, excluding 
 naturalized citizens from all civil offices. This proposition 
 was referred to a Committee of which Mr. Buchanan was 
 Chairman. His report embodies all the arguments which 
 are now urged against this narrow-minded idea, and pre- 
 sents the true Democratic doctrine. He shows the value 
 to the nation of the talents and energies of foreigners, how 
 their real interests in and attachment to our country can 
 only be secured by extending to them the rights of free- 
 men. K any danger should threaten from the too great and 
 sudden influx of foreigners, Mr. Buchanan recommended 
 that they should extend the probation, as it had been ex- 
 tended from two years, in Washington's administration, to 
 five years in 1814, and was subsequently extended to seven 
 years. 
 
 The following years of Mr. Buchanan's legislative career 
 were all marked by the same patriotic sentiments and 
 enlarged views. He warmly sustained the bill to lend 
 the General Government three hundred thousand dollars 
 from the treasury of Pennsylvania, to pay the militia and 
 volunteers employed in the war. Whilst in the Legisla- 
 ture, Mr. Buchanan's eyes were opened to the evils, the 
 danger and corruption of that monster, the Bank of the 
 United States, which he afterward, on a more conspicuous 
 arena, contributed so greatly to expose and extirpate. 
 There is no part of his life more brilliant and successful 
 
LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 11 
 
 and which exhibits his astonishing sagacity, foresight, and 
 quickness of perception, than his course on the bank and 
 currency questions. 
 
 BUCHANAN IN CONGRESS. 
 
 In 1820 Mr. Buchanan was elected to, and in 1821 took 
 his seat in Congress from the Lancaster district. It was 
 a period of great financial embarrassment. The United 
 States Bank had produced its natural, and, by Mr. Bu- 
 chanan, foreseen and foretold effects, the expansion fol- 
 lowing its charter in 1815 having just been succeeded 
 by universal distress, want, bankruptcy, the depression of 
 trade, and the prostration of all the great interests of the 
 country. The nation had just passed through a great po- 
 litical convulsion to plunge into a financial one. Mr. Bu- 
 chanan found in the new arena which he had entered the 
 master minds of the country. Such rivals as the splen- 
 didly eloquent, bold, and impetuous McDuffie, the keen, 
 logical, and exact Philip P. Barbour, the ever ready, 
 wise, and fearless John Randolph, the accomplished and 
 laborious Poinsett, with Louis McLane, Andrew Stevenson, 
 and others of equal weight, were calculated to arouse to 
 their highest effort the energies of the young and inex- 
 peienced representative from old Lancaster. 
 
 Mr. Buchanan, however, soon proved himself the peer 
 of these able orators and statesmen. His delut was in 
 the debate on the conduct of Mr. Crawford, the Secretaiy 
 of the Treasury, and was an elaborate and exceedingly 
 able defense of that gentleman. This was one of the few 
 speeches which were reported in those days verhatim. It 
 is a remarkable speech in a young man of twenty-nine, 
 being devoid of all declamation and verbosity, clear, sim- 
 ple, learned, and straightforward, displaying throughout an 
 intimate familiarity with the workings of the Government, 
 
12 I.IFR OF JAMKS nrCUANAN. 
 
 The topic discussed possesses no interest now, and the only 
 object in referring to it, is to grutify that general and nat- 
 ural desire to peruse the first efforts of those who reach 
 eminence. Throughout this session Mr. Buchanan was 
 engaged in the discussion of nearly every question before 
 the House, and took a leading part in preparing several 
 measures of great importance. 
 
 He defended all the pension acts, and those, for the re- 
 lief of disabled soldiers, insisting "upon a scanty pittance, 
 from an overflowing treasury, for the war-worn soldier." 
 With equal ardor and characteristic honesty he opposed the 
 Bankrupt Bill. His speech on that subject constitutes one 
 of his many titles to eminence as a statesman and patriot. 
 In it he pictures the demoralizing influences of a Bank- 
 rupt law, extending to all classes of society, in the most 
 vivid st}de, and after a masterly argument on the consti- 
 tutionality and policy of the bill, concludes with the fol- 
 lowing striking and eloquent peroration, every sentence of 
 which is a maxim of wisdom and sound political economy : 
 
 " Under our glorious Constitution the human mind is unrestrained in the 
 pursuit of happiness; the calm of despotism does not rest upon us. Neither 
 the institutions of the countiy, nor the liabits of society, have established 
 any castes within the limits of whicli man shall be confined. The human 
 intellect walks abroad in its majesty. This admirable system of govern- 
 ment, which incorporates the rights of man into the Constitution of the 
 country, develops the latent resources of the intellect, and brings them into 
 active energy. The road to wealth and to honor is not closed against the 
 humblest citizen — and Heaven forbid that it ever should be! It is, how- 
 ever, the destiny of man to learn that evil often treads closely upon the 
 footsteps of good. The veiy liberty we enjoy, unless restrained by the 
 dictates of morality and of prudence, has a tendency to make us discon- 
 tented with our condition. It often produces a restless temper, and a dis- 
 position to be perpetually changing our pursuits, for the purpose of be- 
 coming more wealthy and more distinguished. The frame of mind produced 
 by freedom, if kept within proper bound, is a source of the greatest advan- 
 tages to society and to individuals ; if unrestrained, and suffered to run 
 wild, it leads to every species of extravagance and folly. 
 
LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN, 13 
 
 "A few merchants, both in the cities and in the country, have amassed 
 splendid and princely fortunes. These have glittered in the fancy of the 
 thoughtless and unsuspecting countryman, and have moved his ambition or 
 his avarice. He never calculated that it requires a man of considerable 
 parts, with great experience, to make an accomplished merchant ; and that, 
 with all these advantages, but few comparatively are successful. His son 
 is taught book-keeping at a country school, and then he abandons the pur- 
 suit of his fathers. He leaves the business of agriculture, which is the 
 most peaceful, the most happy, the most independent, and, I might add, 
 the most respectable, in society, to become a merchant. He spurns the idea 
 of treading in the path of his ancestors, and acquiring his living by the 
 sweat of his brow. "Wealth and distinction have become his idols, and 
 turned his brain. Is not this the history of thousands in our country within 
 the last twenty years ? It was not difficult to predict what would be the 
 melancholy catastrophe. Bankruptcy and ruin have fallen upon the 
 thoughtless adventurers. 
 
 " Happy would it have been for the countiy had this spirit of speculation 
 confined itself to the farmers who turned merchants. We have witnessed 
 it spreading over eveiy class of the community. We have, in innumerable 
 instances, seen the plain, sober, industrious, and inexperienced farmer, 
 converted into a speculator in bonds and stocks. We have lived in a time 
 when the foundations of society appeared to be shaken, and when the love 
 of gain seemed to swallow up every other passion of the heart. This dis- 
 position gave birth to hundreds and thousands of banks, which have spread 
 themselves over the countiy. Their reaction upon the people doubled the 
 force of the original cause which produced them. They deluged the country 
 with bank paper. The price of land rose far above its real value; it com- 
 manded from $200 to $400 per acre in many parts of the district which I 
 have the honor, in part, to represent; and I know one instance in which a 
 man agreed to give $1,500 per acre for a tract of land, which he afterward 
 laid out in town lots. He sold the lots at so large a profit, that he would 
 have accumulated an independent fortune by the speculation had not the 
 times changed, and the lot-holders in consequence been unable to pay tlie 
 purchase money. 
 
 "The universal delusion has vanished, the enchantment is at an end; 
 the people have been restored to their sober senses. In the change, which 
 was rapid, many honest and respectable citizens have been ruined. Among 
 many, misery and want have usurped the abodes of happiness and plenty. 
 I most sincerely deplore their situation; but as legislators, we should have 
 some compassion upon the community. Experience has taught us a lesson 
 which, I trust, we shall never forget — that a wild and extravagant spirit of 
 speculation is one of the greatest curses that can pervade our country. Do 
 you wish again to raise it? Do you wish again to witness the desolation 
 
14 LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 
 
 which it has spread over the land, and which we are now slowly repairing? 
 Then pass this Bankrupt bill ! Infonn the farmer, who is now contented 
 and happy, and whom experience has taught the danger of entering into 
 trade, that he may become a merchant or a land-jobber ; that he may pro- 
 ceed to any excess he thinks proper ; that he need confine the extravagance 
 of his speculations within no otlier limit but tlie extent of his credit ; that 
 if, at last, he should be successful, unbounded Avealth will be his portion ; 
 if not, the law will discharge him from all his debts, and enable him to 
 begin a new career. Hold out a lure to the industrious classes in society to 
 abandon their useful and honorable pursuits, and enter into speculation of 
 some kind or other, by proclaiming it as the law that, if they should prove 
 unsuccessful, their debts shall be canceled, and they shall be restored to 
 their former situation. Such a law would present the strongest temptations 
 to every man in society to become indolent and extravagant, because eveiy 
 man in society is embraced in its provisions. In these respects it is as 
 novel as it is dangerous. Rest assured, Mr. Speaker, that our population 
 require the curb more than the rein. If you hold out such encouragement 
 to unbounded speculation as this bill presents, we shall, before many years, 
 see all the occurrences again presented before us which have involved the 
 countiy in unexampled distress. The time may come, in ages hence, when 
 a Bankrupt law may become necessary for the encouragement of commerce. 
 Histoiy has instructed us, that nations, like men, rise, and flourish, and 
 decay. At present our population possess all the vigor and enteqirise of 
 youth. The stimulus of such a bill would drive us on to madness. It 
 would be putting into the hands of Phajton the reins of the chariot of the sun. 
 The day will come, but I trust it is now far distant, wlien old age shall fall 
 upon us as a nation, when wealth shall beget luxury and corruption, and 
 when we shall be enfeebled in all our exertions. Then it may be necessaiy 
 to hold out extraordinary inducements to commercial enterprise. When 
 that day shall arrive, when our country shall be sinking into decline, when 
 her energies shall be paralyzed, and when, perhaps, a new republic as vig- 
 orous as ours at present, may be her competitor in commerce, then, and not 
 till then, will it be necessary that Congress should exercise the power 
 vested in them by the Constitution, and pass uniform law's on the subject 
 of bankruptcies." 
 
 DEFENDS GENERAL JACKSON. 
 
 When charges of exceeding his military authority in 
 the control of the Seminole war were made against Gen- 
 eral Jackson, Mr. Buchanan prom]3tly met them, and as a 
 friend of the General, challenged and invited a scrutiny. 
 
LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 15 
 
 SUSTAINS PRESIDENT MONROE. 
 
 Next, he took decided grounds ou internal improvements 
 against the bill in aid of the Cumberland road, which 
 involved the question of the constitutionality of internal 
 improvements by the federal Government. He gave an 
 earnest support to Mr. Monroe's memorable veto of that 
 measure. 
 
 In 1823 the tariff discussion came up. Mr. Bu- 
 chanan supported a bill laying duties for a revenue to 
 supply a deficiency, but expressly disclaimed any approval 
 of the protective principle. It was on this occasion he 
 uttered those memorable words, which are so applicable to 
 his present position before the American people : 
 
 " I confess I never did expect to hear inflammatory speeches of this kind 
 within these walls, -which ought to be sacred to union; I never did expect 
 to hear the East counselling the South to resistance, that we might thus be 
 deterred from prosecuting a measure of policy, urged upon us by tlie neces- 
 sities of tlie country. If I knoio myself, I am a politician neither of the East 
 nor of the West, of the North nor of the South: I therefore shall forever avoid 
 any expressions, the direct tendency of which must he to create sectional jealousies, 
 sectional divisions, and at length disunion, that worst and last of all political 
 calamities. " 
 
 The session terminated in the successful and glorious 
 resistance of the gallant Republican leaders, among whom 
 Buchanan was prominent, to those measures which the 
 new party, that had organized itself on the ruins of the 
 Federal party, was striving to fix upon the country — meas- 
 ures tending to aristocracy, to monopoly, to grants of 
 special privileges, and to wide-spread corruption. 
 
 ENCOUNTERS CLAY AND WEBSTER. 
 
 Re-elected, Mr. Buchanan found himself in a new Con- 
 gress, that of 1823, in which the defeated measm-es of the 
 preceding session presented themselves with new strength 
 and new champions. Among the latter were Henry Clay 
 
1Q LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 
 
 and Daniel Webster. The former had just embarked, with 
 all his gallant enthusiasm, on his grand idea of the Amer- 
 ican system, the chief basis of which was a protective 
 tariff. He advocated the rates of duties proposed, on the 
 ground that, to build up a manufacturing interest, we must 
 tax foreign products that come into competition with our 
 own. Others, disclaiming this principle, voted for his bill 
 as a revenue measure, to pay off the public debt as rapidly 
 as possible. Among these were General Jackson in the 
 Senate, and Mr. Buchanan in the House. It was in the 
 debate on this subject that Mr. Buchanan first measured 
 his powers with Mr. "Webster, and sustained himself in a 
 manner to satisfy his friends and excite the admiration of 
 his opponents. 
 
 THE CHAMPION" OF JACKSON" FOR THE 
 PRESIDENCY. 
 
 The second session of the eighteenth Congress, which 
 met, December 6, 1824, found Mr. Buchanan in his seat, 
 the ardent supporter of Andrew Jackson for the Presi- 
 dency. He had, in the previous session, defended his mil- 
 itary conduct in Florida, and now, with sleepless vigi- 
 lance, hearty enthusiasm, and ready eloquence, he stood 
 prepared to maintain the old hero's superior qualifications 
 for the highest office in the gift of the people. His services 
 in this behalf were understood and appreciated by Jack- 
 son. Before, however, this contest came on, Mr. Bu- 
 chanan added to his high reputation as a debating patriot 
 and enlightened legislator, by a speech on the question of 
 compensating the losses sustained by some of our citizens 
 on the Niagara frontier, from the devastation of the British ; 
 in which he maintained that, by indemnifying their losses, 
 we should stand before the world as justifying Great Brit- 
 ain in her lawless and inhuman conduct. 
 
LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 17 
 
 But the great question of this session was the election 
 of a President, the people having failed to make a choice. 
 The principal debate arose upon the rules to govern this 
 proceeding. It was proposed that the election should be 
 held in secret. True to his never-faltering confidence in, 
 and his duty to, the people, before whose eyes he desired all 
 his acts to pass in review, Mr. Buchanan earnestly opposed 
 this proposition. 
 
 "What," he exclaimed, "will be the consequences which will result 
 from closing the doors of the galleries ? We should impart to the election 
 an air of mystery. We should give exercise to the imaginations of the mul- 
 titude, in conjecturing what scenes are enacted within this hall. Busy 
 rumor, with her hundred tongues, will circulate reports of wicked combina- 
 tions and corruptions, which have no existence. Let the people see what 
 we are doing. Let them know that it is neither more nor less than putting 
 our ballots into the boxes, and they will soon become satisfied witli the 
 spectacle and retire." 
 
 The result of that contest is known to the world. Before 
 the people in an electoral college of 261 votes, Jackson re- 
 ceived 99, Adams 84, Crawford 41, Clay 37. The latter 
 was dropped in the House, and from the other three the 
 Constitution made it the duty of the House to select the 
 President. There were twenty-four States. 
 
 At the final vote, Adams received 13, Jackson 7, Craw- 
 ford 4. Mr. Clay of Kentucky, which State preferred Jack- 
 son, threw his vote and influence in favor of Adams, 
 prompted thereto by a frequently expressed hostility to the 
 elevation of a military chieftain to the Presidency, fi'om 
 which he apprehended many serious evils to the country. 
 Mr. Clay was appointed Secretary of State by Adams. 
 
 BARGAIN AND CORRUPTION STORY. 
 
 Out of these circumstances sprung the celebrated bar- 
 gain and corruption story, with which reckless partizans 
 have attempted to connect the name of James Buchanan, 
 
18 LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 
 
 The truth is, that Mr. Buchauau loved ami admired Henry 
 Clay. He doubtless sought to enlist him in the support of 
 the old hero, whose cause he so warmly espoused ; and as 
 Mr. Clay's only objection to Jackson was founded on the 
 fact that his life had been a conspicuous military one, a like 
 objection might have been made to Washington. In pur- 
 suance of this desire and feeling, Mr. Buchanan, no doubt, 
 gave expression to the thought which occupied his mind, 
 that the combination of so able a statesman, so popular and 
 accomplished an orator, as Mr. Clay, with a patriot of the 
 strong will and dauntless character of Jackson, would prove 
 a great blessing to the country, and secure an administra- 
 tion of unparalleled brilliancy and efficiency. But to at- 
 tempt to torture conduct and language indicating this feel- 
 ing and desire of his heart into a purpose, on the part of 
 Buchanan, to connect the name of Henry Clay with a dis- 
 honorable bargain, is as absurd and improbable as that Henry 
 Clay, who had been a Senator, and Speaker of the United 
 States House of Kepresentatives, could be bought at all, much 
 less at the cheap rate indicated. He had filled, and could 
 always have filled, higher offices than those for which it was 
 pretended he sold his honor. This question is, however 
 settled ; the slander is met and refuted by Clay himself, who 
 bore the following honorable and conclusive testimony to 
 Mr. Buchahan's conduct in this affiiir, in his letter to Judge 
 Brooke, contained in Colton's Private Correspondence of 
 Henry Clay ; in which, referring to Mr. Buchanan's testi- 
 mony on the charge of bargain and corruption, Mr. Clay 
 says: "I could not desire a sti-onger statement." Again 
 in public, upon the occasion of a dinner given him in Wasli- 
 ington, on his retirement from the office of Secretary of 
 State, he says : 
 
 " That citizen (General Jackson) has done me great injustice. It was in- 
 flicted, as I must ever believe, for the double purpose of gratifying private 
 
LIFE OF JAjyiES BUCHANAN. 19 
 
 resentment and promoting personal ambition. When, during the late can- 
 vass, he came foi-ward in the public prints, under his proper name, with 
 this charge against me, and summoned before the public tribunal his friend 
 and only witness (Mr. Buchanan) to establish it, the anxious attention of the 
 whole American people was directed to the testimony which that witness 
 might render. He promptly obeyed the call, and testified to what lie knew. 
 He could say nothing, and he said nothing which cast the slightest shade 
 upon my honor or integrity. What he did say was the reverse of any im- 
 plication of me." 
 
 On these proofs, James B, Clay, the son and long the 
 Secretary of Henry Clay, his constant and confidential 
 companion, in a speech delivered in Mason, Kentucky, on 
 the 25th of July, 1856, in favor of James Buchanan for 
 the Presidency, bases the following manly and honorable 
 judgment : 
 
 " Thus, fellow-citizens, we have the private and public opinion of my 
 father respecting the testimony of Mr. Buchanan upon the charge of bargain 
 and intrigue. I know tliat my father would not have expressed such 
 opinions unless he believed them to be true. He was satisfied with Mr. 
 Buchanan, and so expressed himself privately and publicly; that is enough 
 for me, and so far as I am concerned, it is of the smallest possible conse- 
 quence what maybe the opinion of those partisans who are now endeav- 
 oring to strike down their political opponent with weapons dragged from 
 the tomb." 
 
 So much for this bargain and corruption story. Bu- 
 chanan loved and admired Clay. Throughout their long 
 careers in the same arena — always opposed politically — • 
 they were ever warm personal friends. It was with real 
 anguish and prophetic inspiration, that, referring to Mr. 
 Clay's union with Adams, Buchanan exclaimed in one of 
 his speeches, "What brilliant prospects has he not sac- 
 rificed !" 
 
 JACKSON AND THE PEOPLE. 
 
 Jackson, beaten before the Representatives, who failed 
 to express the will of their constituents, was returned to 
 the people with additional claims to their support. The 
 profoundest political excitements began to possess and 
 
20 LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 
 
 agitate the whole country. Buchanan, like a prudent pilot, 
 watched the storm, and determined to direct it to a glorious 
 triumph for the Democracy. He was untiring in his la- 
 bors to extend to other States the organization and the 
 feeling he had succeeded in establishing in his own, the 
 first and greatest of the Jackson States — the old Keystone 
 State I 
 
 THE PANAMA MISSION. 
 
 For the third time he returned to Congress. It was the 
 XlXth Congress. The great subjects which engaged his 
 attention were the new Judiciary, which he discussed with 
 masterly ability, and the Mission to Panama. The latter 
 proposition, emanating from the enthusiastic nature of Mr. 
 Clay, he opposed, as contrary to the policy of our Re- 
 public, and as calculated to involve us in entangling alli- 
 ances. "We had gone far enough in declaring in such 
 strong terms our sympathy in the struggles of the South 
 American States, and in recognizing their independence. 
 It was on this occasion that Mr. Buchanan referred to the 
 great value of the island of Cuba, and its important rela- 
 tions to our Republic. 
 
 "What he then said may be repeated now with greater 
 force and truth. 
 
 BUCHANAN ON CUBA. 
 
 " The vast importance of the island of Cuba to the people of the United 
 States, may not be generally known. The commerce of this island is of 
 immense value, particularly to the agricultural and navigating interests of 
 the country. Its importance has been rapidly increasing for a number of 
 years. To the middle, or grain-growing States, this commerce is almost 
 indispensable. The aggregate value of goods, -wares, merchandise, the 
 growth, produce, and manufacture of the United States, exported annually 
 to that island, now exceeeds three million and a half of dollars. Of this 
 amount, more than one-third consists of two articles — of pork and flour. 
 The chief of the other products of domestic origin, are fish, fish-oil, sper- 
 maceti candles, timber, beef, butter and cheese, rice, tallow candles, and 
 
LIFK OF JAMES BLTCIIANAN. 21 
 
 soap. Our principal imports from that island are, coffee, sugar, and mo- 
 lasses, articles wliicli njay almost be considered necessaries of life. The 
 whole amount of our exports to it, foreign and domestic, is nearly six mil- 
 lion, and our imports nearly eight million of dollars. The articles which 
 constitute the medium of this commerce, are both bulky and ponderous, 
 and their transportation employs a large portion of our foreign, tonnage. 
 More than one-seventh of the whole tonnage engaged in foreign trade, 
 which entered the ports of the United States during the year ending the 
 last day of September, 1824, came from Cuba; and but little less than that 
 proportion of the tonnage employed in our export trade sailed for that 
 island. Its commerce is at present more valuable to the United States than 
 that of all the southern republics united. 
 
 " Important as the island may be to us in a commercial, it is still more 
 important in a political view. From its position it commands the entrance 
 to the Gulfs both of Mexico and Florida. The report of your Committee of 
 Foreign Relations, truly says, ' that the More may be regarded as a fortress 
 at the mouth of the Mississippi.' Any power in possession of this island, 
 even with a small naval force, could hermetically seal the mouth of the 
 Mississippi. Thus the vast agricultural productions of that valley, which 
 is drained by the father of rivers, may be deprived of the channel which 
 nature intended for their passage. A large poition of the people of the 
 State, one of whose representatives I am, find their way to the market by 
 the Mississippi. For this reason I feel particularly interested in this part 
 of the subject. The great law of self-preservation, which is equally bind- 
 ing on individuals and nations, commands us, if we can not obtain pos- 
 session of this island ourselves, not to suffer it to pass from Spain, under 
 whose dominion it will be harndess; and yet our Government have never 
 even protested against its invasion by Mexico and Columbia." 
 
 I 
 
 These sentiments were generally entertained then by our 
 wisest statesmen. Now they are styled piratical and fili- 
 bustering. The Panama Mission prevailed, but its great 
 aim was not achieved. • It brought no strength to the 
 declining fortunes of the Adams dynasty. 
 
 HIS RELIEF TO THE SOLDIERS OF THE 
 REVOLUTION. 
 
 It was in that same Congress, at the second session, that 
 Buchanan made his eloquent appeal in favor of the fed- 
 eral Government extendino; relief to the surviving officers 
 
22 I^II^'K OF JAMKS BUCFIANAN. 
 
 and soldiers of the Revolution, which he concluded in these 
 eloquent words : 
 
 " "Who are before you asking for relief? They are the remnants of the 
 baud who achieved your independence. They are now suffering the evils 
 both of age and poverty. They have lived so long as to be forgotleii it 
 would seem that they had become pilgrims and sojourners in the land. 
 The beautiful and bountiful feast which they have purchased for the Amer- 
 ican people, with their sufferings and with their blood, is open to all but to 
 them. The few veterans who survive their generation again ask — what 
 they have hitherto asked in vain — relief from their countiy. This has 
 never been hitherto granted; nay, more, we have refused to make any direct 
 decision on their claims. Let us not shrink from meeting the case fairly; 
 let them know their fate." 
 
 The bill passed; and the hundreds of widows and 
 orphans, whose hearts were made glad, and whose homes 
 were made comfortable by this timely bounty of the Govern- 
 ment, may thank and praise that benevolent, patriotic, and 
 charitable gentleman, whose heart and hand in public, as 
 in private, have been ever open to the appeals of the 
 meritorious and suflering, 
 
 BUCHANAN FOR THE REDUCTION OF THE 
 WAGES OF CONGRESSMEN. 
 
 The twentieth Congress opened under better auspices for 
 the rising Democracy, Buchanan was delighted to find 
 that the small, Spartan band of Jackson men which he had 
 so gallantly led in the previous sessions, had swelled into a 
 powerful phalanx that threatened to carry every thing be- 
 fore it. Its first victory was the election of Andrew Steven- 
 son, Speaker. The fii-st question that came up, in this 
 Congress, was a proposition to reduce the pay of members 
 of Congress. Mr. Buchanan favored it. lie thought their 
 compensation more than sufiicient to defray the expenses 
 of the members. He denied the right of members to dis- 
 tribute their surplus, even in acts of charity, constituting 
 themselves almoners of a bounty, which it would be quite 
 
LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN, 23 
 
 as well if it were allowed to remain in the treasury for the 
 benefit of the nation. Then Mr, Buclianan was in favor 
 of the reduction of the wages of labor, "the wages," not 
 of industrial artisans and workmen, of those who eat their 
 bread in the sweat of their brows, but of Congressmen — of 
 those to whom these remarks were addressed : 
 
 " Why has not more business been done ? If he had asked himself these 
 questions, he would probably have discovered the true origin of my re- 
 marks. I wisli to speak with all due deference to the members of this house, 
 when I say it is ray desire, by reducing our wages, to make it our interest 
 as well as our duty, to do the business of the countiy as it arises, and go 
 home as soon as possible. I do not wish to be in a hurry ; I do not wish to 
 act without due deliberation ; and yet, I firmly believe that the public busi- 
 ness might be better transacted than it is at present, in little more than half 
 the period of our long sessions. I do not profess to be ' an aged gentle- 
 man,' but yet, upon this subject, I can speak in the language of experience, 
 and am glad that there are many gentlemen around me who can coi-rect me 
 if I should fall into error. I would ask, What has been the course of legisla- 
 tion which we have heretofore pursued ? What have we done through the 
 first half of eveiy long session ? I answer, comparatively nothing." 
 
 It was in the debate on this bill, that Buchanan reviewed 
 the administration of Adams and uttered that remarkable 
 response to Clay's taunt upon Jackson as a mere military 
 chieftain. It was then he delivered himself of the follow- 
 ing strikingly beautiful 
 
 PROPHECY OF JACKSON'S GREATNESS AS A 
 CIVILIAN: 
 
 " I trust and believe," said Mr Buchanan, " that the people of the United 
 States will elevate ' the citizen soldier ' to the supreme magistracy of the 
 Union. In that event, and after he shall have been tried by them, I venture 
 to predict, that their award will entwine the civic wreath with the laurel 
 crown, and that Jackson will live in the history of his country as the man 
 of the present age, ' first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his 
 countrymen.' " 
 
 It is unnecessary to remark how abundantly this predic- 
 tion has been verified. 
 
24' LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN . 
 
 NATURALIZATION LAWS AMENDED BY BUCHANAN. 
 
 It was in this session tliat Mr. Buchanan succeeded in 
 havino; the naturalization laws amended, so as to substitute, 
 for a registry of the foreigner, the present mode of requir- 
 ing him to make a declaration of his intention ; dispensing, 
 however, those foreigners who had arrived previous to 1812, 
 and who had served in any of the wars of the country. 
 
 ELECTION OF JACKSON. 
 
 This event, so confidently predicted by Buchanan, oc- 
 curred in the fall of 1828. It filled the whole nation with 
 joy. No one was more delighted, no one had a better right 
 to be proud of this result than James Buchanan, who had 
 so largely contributed to it, by his constant and powerful 
 efibrts in behalf of the old hero. 
 
 Little interest was felt in the remainder of the session of 
 Congress of 1828. It did not pass, however, without 
 adding to the already high reputation of Mr. Buchanan. 
 It was at this session that he opposed the proposition to 
 limit the eligibility of the Presidency to one term of four 
 years, uttering another memorable prophecy. He said 
 
 "he would leave to the people of the United States, 
 
 without incorporating it in the Constitution, to decide whether a President 
 should serve more than one term. The day may come when dangers shall 
 lower over us, and when we may have a President at the helm of State who 
 possesses the confidence of the country, and is better able to weather the 
 storm than any other pilot ; shall we then, under such circumstances, de- 
 prive the people of the United States of the power of obtaining his services 
 for a second term? Sliall we pass a decree, as fixed as fate, to bind the 
 American people, and prevent them from ever re-electing such a man ? I 
 am not afraid to trust them with this power." 
 
 In the same session, he delivered an exceedingly able 
 argument, in support of the strict construction views of Mr. 
 Monroe, in reference to internal improvements by the Fed- 
 eral Government. 
 
LIFE OF JAilES BUCHANAN. 25 
 
 JACKSON'S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 The new Congress of 1829, the first under Jackson's ad- 
 ministration, embraced an unusual array of talent. In the 
 Senate there were Webster, Woodbury, Clayton, Tyler, 
 Hayne, Troup, Forsyth, Livingston, and King. In the 
 House, Edward Everett, Tristram Burgess, Cambreling 
 Spencer, Yerplanck, Barbour, R. M. Johnson, Polk, Bell, 
 and a host of other new and vigorous intellects, partici- 
 pated in the high debates of that session. Mr. Buchanan 
 was placed at the head of the Judiciary Committee, as 
 successor to Daniel Webster, In this position his first 
 duty was to conduct the prosecution against Judge Peck, 
 before the Senate, sitting as a high Court of Impeachment. 
 The charges against this ofiicial were based on his impris- 
 onment of Mr. Lawless, a member of the bar of St. Louis, 
 for the alleged contempt of publishing in a newspaper, a 
 caustic review of a decision of the Judge. Mr. Bu- 
 chanan was Chairman of the Committee appointed by the 
 House to conduct the prosecution, which consisted of Mc- 
 Duffie, of South Carolina ; Ambrose Spencer, Xew York ; 
 Henry R. Storrs, New York ; Charles Wicklifie, Kentucky. 
 The accused was defended by William Wirt and Jonathan 
 Meredith. The speeches were surpassingly able and bril- 
 liant, particularly the efibrt of Mr. Wirt. Mr. Buchanan 
 closed the case in an argument of masterly force, learning, 
 and logic, reviewing the facts, and presenting the points of 
 constitutional law — especially the clauses relative to free- 
 dom of speech and of the press, and gave an exposition of 
 the duty of lawyers, and of the power of Courts and 
 Judges which has never been surpassed. Judge Peck 
 escaped conviction by one vote; but the principles in 
 volved in the prosecution were established ever after- 
 ward as law. At the close of the session of 1831, Mr. 
 
§§ LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 
 
 Buchanan retired from Congress, and was appointed by 
 General Jackson 
 
 MINISTER TO RUSSIA. 
 
 In his new position, as representative of the greatest and 
 freest republic in the world, at the court of the most abso- 
 lute monarch, Mr. Buchanan displayed the same high 
 qualities of profound sagacity, immovable firmness, and 
 dignified courtesy, which had marked his whole career. 
 
 He had not been long at his post before he was called on 
 to manifest his firmness ; to show that he was as manly 
 and decided, as he was urbane and amiable. A newly- 
 arrived British Minister, of very haughty manners, had 
 put some slight on the other foreign Ministers in St. 
 Petersburg, by refusing to comply with some of the estab- 
 lished punctilios of the diplomatic intercourse. In conse- 
 quence of this, the other members held a meeting, and re- 
 solved to withdraw from all intercourse with the conse- 
 quential Briton. Mr. Buchanan attended this meeting, 
 and approved its resolutions. The British Minister, as 
 soon as he learned the action taken by the other Ministers, 
 complained, in bitter terms, to his own Government, which 
 adopted his quarrel, and dispatched to the Governments of 
 all the other Ministers, very bitter and severe remonstran- 
 ces against their representatives. Immediately all these 
 powers transmitted orders to their Ministers to recede from 
 their position, and comply with the demands of the Briton. 
 They promptly obeyed- but Mr. Buchanan, who had 
 been reluctantly drawn into the controversy, " being in, 
 bore up," so that the British Minister wisely concluded, 
 that, as to Mr. B., he had better conform to the customs 
 he had attempted to evade, and thenceforth demeaned him- 
 self to that gentleman with the greatest courtesy and re- 
 spect. Well might the venerable Judge Wilkins, his 
 
LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 27 
 
 successor, say of Mr. Buchanan, "St. Petersburg was full 
 of admiration for the American statesman ; and so effec- 
 tually did he perform his duties there, and so effectiTally 
 did he endear this government to Kussia, and so efiectually 
 did he aiTange the commercial and diplomatic concerns of 
 the two nations, that he left nothing in the world for him 
 (Mr. Wilkius) to do, but to state that he was his humble suc- 
 cessor. He had pre-occupied the ground, and filled the 
 demands of his government." 
 
 Among other valuable services rendered by Mr. Bu- 
 chanan, while Minister to Russia, was the negotiation, with 
 the Count Nesselrode, of the first commercial treaty be- 
 tween Russia and the United States ; by which valuable 
 advantages were secured fur our commerce in the Black 
 and Baltic seas. Great efforts had been unsuccessfully 
 made by previous Ministers and Administrations, to form 
 such a treaty. It was left to Mr. Buchanan, by his mild 
 and impressive manners, his great tact and sagacity, to ac- 
 complish this important end. 
 
 IN THE SENATE. 
 On his return to the United States, to-wit, in 1833, Mr. 
 Buchanan was elected to the United States Senate, in place 
 of Judge Wilkins, and took his seat in that body in 
 December, 1834, when John C. Calhoun, having quarreled 
 with General Jackson, sat in the same body, acting in co-op- 
 eration with Clay and Webster, then the great Whig leaders. 
 The first question which came up was the resolution of 
 Mr. Clay against the proposition, authorizing the President 
 to make reprisals on the French Government for their con- 
 temptuous refusal to pay the just and acknowledged claims 
 of our people. Mr. Buchanan opposed Mr. Clay's propo- 
 sition, insisting upon the right and justice of the course 
 recommended by Jackson. 
 
..'i^ LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 
 
 "We next find him sturdily defending the right of removal 
 from office by the President, the exercise of which had 
 excited against Jackson the savage hostility of his old 
 foes, and the whole Whig party. His speech is so clear a 
 demonstration of this power and right, that the question 
 has never been raised since. 
 
 EXPUlS"GI]SrG RESOLUTIONS. 
 
 It was in this session, Colonel Benton ofiered his resolu- 
 tions to expunge the resolution of censure of Jackson for 
 the removal of the deposits, from the record of the Senate. 
 Mr. Buchanan was an earnest supporter of that measure. 
 
 THE SLAVERY QUESTION. 
 
 The XXrVth Congress opened with an exciting dis- 
 cussion on the subject of slavery. It originated in a 
 reference by General Jackson, in one of his messages, to 
 the circulation of abolition documents through the mail, 
 and on the disposition of memorials for the abolition of 
 slavery in the District of Columbia. On the first of these 
 subjects Mr. Buchanan took the ground that 
 
 " if the inflammatory publications and pictorial illustrations referred 
 
 to were calculated to excite insurrection, the United States ought not to 
 allow its agents to knowingly be guilty of circulating them ; othenvise, the 
 Constitution, formed for the purpose of insuring domestic tranquillity, 
 Decomes an agent for fomenting discord — in fact, was in effect, by its opera- 
 tion, destroying itself, and instead of being a protection for the common 
 defense, was actually the worst enemy the States where slavery existed 
 could have." 
 
 On the memorials to abolish slavery in the District of 
 Columbia, he took decided grounds. 
 
 " Is there any reasonable man," he exclaimed, " who can for one moment 
 suppose that Virginia and Maryland would have ceded the District of Co- 
 lumbia to the United States, if they had entertained the slightest idea that 
 Congress would ever use it for any such purpose. They ceded it for your 
 use, for your convenience, and not for their destraction. When slavery 
 
LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 29 
 
 ceases to exist under the laws of Virginia and Maiyland, then, and not till 
 then, ought it to be abolished in tlie District of Columbia. 
 
 On the hm-tfiil effects of abolition agitation, Mr. Bu- 
 chanan spoke thus truly and forcibly : 
 
 " It is necessary that we should use every constitutional effort to suppress 
 the agitation whicli now disturbs the land. This is necessary, as much for 
 the happiness and future prospects of the slave as for the security of the 
 master. Before this storm began to rage, the laws in regard to slaves had 
 been really ameliorated by the slaveholding States ; they enjoyed many 
 privileges which were unknown in former times. In some of the slave 
 States prospective and gradual emancipation was publicly and seriously dis- 
 cussed. But now, thanks to the efforts of the Abolitionists, the slaves have 
 been deprived of these privileges, and, while the integrity of the Union is 
 endangered, their prospect of emancipation is delayed to an indefinite 
 period. To leave this question where the Constitution has left it, to the 
 slaveholding States themselves, is equally dictated by a humane regard for 
 the slaves as well as for their masters." 
 
 THE TEXAS QUESTION. 
 
 The struggle of Texas had commenced this year, and 
 the Union was greatly excited by the alternate victories 
 and disasters of that brief and bloody effort. Mr. Bu- 
 chanan gave all his sympathies to the cause of the Amer- 
 ican revolutionists. He denounced Santa Anna as a usurper, 
 and regarded the cause of the Texans as one of patriotism 
 and civilization against tyranny and semi-barbarism. It 
 was at this session that Mr. Buchanan so generously and 
 eloquently supported the bill to remit the duties due by the 
 merchants in the city of New York, who had suffered 
 from the great fire of 1835. 
 
 THE FRENCH QUESTION. 
 
 This exciting topic again came before the Senate in Feb- 
 ruary, IS 36. In view of the attitude assumed by him, 
 General Jackson asked for appropriations to increase the 
 naval force and strengthen our forts. It was ardently 
 
Mm LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 
 
 resisted by Clay and "Webster, and as gallantly supported 
 by Mr. Buchanan, in a speech of great ability. He 
 insisted that the justice of our claim on France was ad- 
 mitted by all mankind. Our generosity had been equal to 
 the justice of our claim : 
 
 " When France was crushed to the dust by European arms, when her 
 cities were garrisoned by a foreign foe, when her independence was tram- 
 pled under foot, we refused to urge our claims. This was due to our 
 ancient ally. It was due to our grateful remembrance of other days." 
 
 But now, he proceeded, 
 
 "With such acknowledged just claims, if, after having compelled the 
 weaker nations of the world to pay us indemnities tor captures made from 
 our citizens, we should cower before the power of France, and abandon our 
 rights against her, when they had been secured by a solemn treaty, we 
 should be regarded as a mere hector among the nations. The same course 
 ■which you have pursued toward tlie weak, you must pursue toward the 
 powerful. If you do not, your name will become a by-word and a proverb." 
 
 Firing up at the idea that Jackson should submit to the 
 haughty pretensions of the French, Mr. Buchanan spoke 
 in the following patriotic and beautiful terms : 
 
 " Is there any American so utterly lost to those generous feelings which 
 love of country should inspire, as to purchase five millions with the loss of 
 national honor ? Who for these or any number of millions, would see the 
 venerable man now at the head of our Government bowing at the footstool 
 of the throne of Louis Pliilippe, and like a child prepared to say its lesson, 
 repeating this degrading apology ? First perish the five millions — perish a 
 thousand times the amount ! The man whose bosom has been so often 
 bared in the defense of his country will never submit to such degrading 
 terms. His motto has always been. Death before dishonor." 
 
 The gallant attitude of Jackson, in which he was so 
 effectively sustained by Buchauan and others, brought the 
 French Government to its senses, and resulted in a very 
 satisfactory settlement of the difficulty. 
 
LIFE OF JAMES BCCHANAN. 31 
 
 THE SPECIE BASIS. 
 
 From the beginning of the currency agitation, Mr. Bu- 
 chanan took strong grounds in favor of a specie medium, 
 and for requiring all dues to be paid in specie. Always a 
 friend of the laboring man, and representing a State where 
 labor, the destiny and duty of man, has ever been regarded 
 with honor and respect, as the source of wealth, Mr. 
 Buchanan's mind was ever alive to the baneful effects 
 of the banking system on the industry of the country : 
 
 " Banks," he said, "could make money plenty at one time and scarce at 
 another ; at one moment nominally raise the price of all property beyond its 
 real value, and the next moment reduce it below that standard, and thus 
 prove most ruinous to the best interests of the people. The increase of 
 banking capital was calculated to transfer the wealth and property of the 
 country from the honest, industrious, and unsuspecting classes of society, 
 into the hands of speculators, who knew when to purchase and when 
 to sell." 
 
 ADMISSION OF ARKANSAS AND MICHIGAN. 
 
 It was at this session of Congress that Mr. Buchanan 
 introduced the bill for the admission of Arkansas. At the 
 same time, a bill for the admission of Michigan, was 
 proposed. To the latter, it was objected that unnaturalized 
 residents had been permitted to vote on the formation of the 
 Constitution. Mr. Buchanan show^ed that this was in 
 consonance with the provision in the ordinance of 1787. 
 It was on this occasion that he declared, in the following 
 striking terms, his increased confidence in the truth of 
 the doctrine of States' rights : ^ 
 
 " The older I grow, the more I am inclined to be what is called ' a State rights 
 man.' The peace and security of this Union depend upon giving to the 
 Constitution a liberal and fair construction, such as would be placed upon 
 it by a plain and intelligent man, and not by ingenious constnictions, 1o 
 increase the powers of this Government, and thereby diminish those of the 
 
mS LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 
 
 States. The rights of the States, reserved to them by that instrument, ought 
 ever to be held sacred. If, then, the Constitution leaves to them to decide 
 according to their own discretion, unrestricted and unlimited, who shall be 
 electors, it follows as a necessary consequence that they may, if they think 
 proper, confer upon resident aliens the right of voting." 
 
 SPECIE CIRCULAR. 
 
 At the second session of the XXIYth Congress, Mr. 
 Buchanan was chosen Chairman of the Committee on 
 Foreign AiSairs, The specie circular came up at this 
 session for discussion, on the motion of Mr. Ewing to re- 
 scind the order issued by the Secretary of the Treasury, 
 requiring public dues to be paid in specie. The expunging 
 resolutions also came up, and elicited from Mr. Buchanan a 
 speech of surpassing eloquence, acumen, logical force, and 
 richness of illustration. The following is a portion of the 
 peroration of this noble speech. It illustrates the kind and 
 amiable heart, as well as the courage and manly decision 
 and firmness, of this admirable model statesman and Senator: 
 
 " No man feels 'with more sensibility the necessity which compels him to 
 perform an unkind act toward his brother senators than myself ; but we 
 have now arrived at that point when imperious duty demands that we 
 should either adopt this expunging resolution, or abandon it forever. Al- 
 ready much precious time has been employed in its discussion. The 
 moment has arrived when we must act. Senators in the opposition con- 
 sole themselves with the belief that posterity will do them justice, should 
 it be denied to them by the present generation. They place their own 
 names in the one scale and ours in the other, and flatter themselves with 
 the hope, that before that tribunal, at least, their weight will prepon- 
 derate. For my own part, I am willing to abide the issue. I am willing to 
 be judged for the vote which I sliall give to-day, not only by the present, but 
 by the future generation, should my obscure name ever be mentioned in after 
 times. After the passions and prejudices of the present moment shall have 
 subsided, and the impartial historian shall record the proceeding of this day, 
 he will say that the distinguished men who passed the resolution condemn- 
 ing the President, were urged on to the act by a desire to occupy the high 
 places in the Government; that an ambition, noble in itself, but not wisely 
 regulated, had obscured their judgment, and impelled them to the adoption 
 of a measure, unjust, illegal, and unconstitutional; that, in order to vindicate 
 
LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 33 
 
 both the Constitution and the President, we were justified in passing thig 
 expunging resolution, and thus stamping the former proceeding with our 
 stiongest disapprobation." 
 
 The expunging resolutions passed by a vote of twenty- 
 four to seventeen. 
 
 THE SUB-TREASURY BILL. 
 
 The administration of Martin Van Buren commenced at 
 a period of financial embarrassment and commercial dis- 
 tress greater even than that of 1820-21. It is wonderful 
 now to think what a tumult and excitement arose tln-ough- 
 out the country when Mr. Yan Buren proposed that neces- 
 Bary and wise measure, so essential to the completion of 
 General Jackson's design of the entire separation of the 
 Government fi-om all banks, the Sub-Treasury. Twenty 
 years have not elapsed since that discussion occurred, and 
 now the man that would propose to abolish the principle 
 it established would be regarded a madman. It is calcu- 
 lated to weaken our confidence in our great men, to reflect 
 on the bitterness and violence with which so simple, wise, 
 and efficient a measure was opposed by such men as Clay, 
 Webster, Kives, and the other brilliant leaders of the Whig 
 party. But there was one of our great Senators, who, from 
 the beginning, with his usual quickness of perception, and 
 vigorous comprehensiveness, did not err on this subject. 
 He was James Buchanan. Though importuned by some 
 of his old party friends to withdraw from the support of 
 the administration, and attach himself to a new organiza- 
 tion, to be called the Conservatives, which hoped to succeed 
 in overthrowing Mr. Van Buren, by the aid of the State 
 banks, Mr. Buchanan did not hesitate a moment, but took 
 his position by the side of John C. Calhoun, in support of 
 the Independent Treasury. His speeches on this subject 
 
Sf LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 
 
 are the ablest and most instructive he ever delivered. 
 They constitute mines of knowledge on the topics handled. 
 It was a favorite theme of Mr. Buchanan, to illustrate the 
 evils of excessive banking and over-trading, the too great 
 haste to get rich, etc. His argument against a National 
 Bank is masterly and complete. The constitutional ques- 
 tion was never more clearly discussed, nor the arguments 
 of Webster in its favor more successfully met and over- 
 come. 
 
 In the XXVth Congress, 1837, Mr. Buchanan was conspic- 
 uous for his activity and zealous agency in the many import- 
 ant transactions of that session. An attempt to expunge the 
 Expunging resolutions was ineffectually made, and resisted 
 by Mr. Buchanan in a speech, in which, referring to the 
 remark of the mover, that he would live to see his object, 
 Mr. Buchanan replied with humorous satire, " that the 
 honorable member from Delaware must desire a very long 
 existence in this vale of tears if he expected to live until 
 what was asked by the resolution was adopted. The 
 Senator has been pleased to say he would not be willing to 
 die so soon. He certainly Mashed the Senator long life and 
 prosperity ; but to remain until his aim were accomplished, 
 would be to render him miserable, unless he feasted on the 
 Medean herb to renovate his youth." 
 
 RELATIONS WITH MEXICO. 
 
 The questions of our relations with Mexico — Mr. Clay's 
 new scheme of a National Bank, to be located in New 
 York, with ninety millions of capital — the Pre-emption Act 
 — elicited characteristic speeches from Mr. Buchanan. He 
 was for exacting from Mexico prompt satisfaction for the 
 injuries done to our citizens ; earnestly and vigorously 
 opposed Mr. Clay's Bank Scheme, and warmly supported 
 
LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 35 
 
 the Pre-emption Bill, and the clause admitting nimatnral- 
 ized citizens t«.) the rights under that liberal disposition of 
 our public lands. On this subject he said : 
 
 " He had observed ■u-ith regret that attempts were now extensively mating 
 throughout the country, to excite what was called a native American feeling 
 against those who had come from a foreign land to participate in the bless- 
 ings of our free Constitution. Such a feeling wa.s unjust — it was uiignite- 
 ful. In the darkest days of the Revolution, who had assisted us in fighting 
 our battles and achieving our independence ? Foreigners ; yes sir, foreign- 
 ers. He would not say, for he did not believe that our independence could 
 not have been established without their aid ; but he would say the struggle 
 would have been longer and more doubtful. After the Revolution, immi- 
 gration liad been encouraged by our policy. Throughout the long and 
 bloody wars of Europe which had followed the French Revolution, this 
 country had ever been an asylum for the oppressed of all nations. He 
 trusted that at this late day, the Congress of the United States were not 
 about to establish, for the first time, such an odious distinction as tliat pro- 
 posed between one of our citizens, who had settled upon the public lands, 
 and his neighbor who had pursued the same course under the faith of your 
 previous policy, merely because that neighbor had not resided long enough 
 within the United States to have become a naturalized citizen. He was 
 himself the son of a naturalized foreigner, and, perhaps, might feel this dis- 
 tinction the more sensibly on that account. He was glad the yeas and nays 
 had been demanded, that he might record his vote against the principle pro- 
 posed by the an:endnient." 
 
 MR. BUCHANAN ON THE GERMAN SETTLERS. 
 
 It was on this occasion that Mr. Buchanan, referring to 
 many useful classes of emigrants, to all of which ho was 
 willing to extend this boon of gratuitous settlement on our 
 vast public lands, thus spoke of the Germans : 
 
 "Let me tell Senators from the West, that the best settlers they can have 
 among them are the Germans. Industrious, honest, and persevering, they 
 make the best farmers of our countiy, while their firmness of character qual- 
 ifies them for defending it against any hostile attack, which may be made 
 by the Indians along our western frontier." 
 
 He added : 
 
 "As to the hordes of foreigners of which we had heard, they did not 
 alarm him. Any foreigner from any country under the sun, who, after 
 
36 LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 
 
 landing -with his family on our Atlantic coast, will make his long and weary 
 way into the foi'ests or pi-airies west of the Mississippi, and there, by patient 
 toil, establish a settlement upon the public lands, while he thus manifests 
 his attachment to our institutions, shows that he is worthy of becoming an 
 American citizen. He furnishes us, by his conduct, the surest pledge that he 
 will become a citizen the moment the laws of the country permit. In the 
 meantime, so far as my vote is concerned, he shall continue to stand upon 
 the same footing with citizens, and have his quarter section of land at the 
 minimum price." 
 
 THE SLAVERY QUESTION". 
 
 The exciting question of slavery again came up at the 
 present session upon some resolutions ofiered by Mr. Cal- 
 houn. Mr. Buchanan again stated his position, and de- 
 clared his determination, no matter what were the conse- 
 quences, to give the South their constitutional right on this 
 question, and to resist the aggression which was coming 
 from the North. On this occasion Mr. Buchanan uttered 
 these memorable words: "I have long since taken my 
 stand, and from it I shall not be driven. I do not desire to 
 maintain myself at home, unless I can do it with a due re- 
 gard to the rights and safety of the South." In the same 
 speech he said : 
 
 "And, if the Union should be dissolved upon the question of slavery, 
 what will be the consequences ? An entire non-interco«rse between its dif- 
 ferent parts, mutual jealousies, and imjdaeable wars. The hopes of the 
 friends of liberty, in every clime, would be blasted; and despotism might 
 regain her empire over the world. I might present in detail the evils which 
 can never be construed into a power to abolish this commerce. Regulation 
 is one thing, destruction another. As long as slaves continue to be property 
 under the Constitution, Congress might as well undertake to ]>rohibit the 
 people of Massachusetts from selling tlieir domestic manufactures in South 
 Carolina, as to prohibit the master of a slave in Virginia from disposing of 
 him to his neighbor in North Carolina. Botli cases rest upon the same 
 principle of constitutional law. The power to regulate does not imply the 
 power <x) destroy. I believe that such a resolution would encounter no 
 serious opposition in the Senate 
 
 " Again, a third resolution might be adopted in regard to to the abolition 
 
LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 37 
 
 of slavery in the District of Columbia, which would unite nearly every 
 suffrage in the Senate. This District was ceded to the United States by 
 Virginia and Maryland. At the date of the cession they were both slave- 
 holding States, and they continue to be so at tliis day. Does any man sup- 
 pose for a single moment, that they would have ever made this cession, if 
 they had supposed that Congress would abolish slavery in this District of 
 ten miles square, while it existed in their surroimding territories ? So long 
 as it continues in these two States, it would be a violation of tlie implied 
 faith which we pledged to them by the acceptance of the cession, to convei-t 
 this very cession into the means of injuring and destroying their peace and 
 security." 
 
 THE LAST EFFECT OF THE MONSTER. 
 
 The attempt of the extinguished United States Bank to 
 revive its circulation, by assigning its rights and interests 
 to a new corporation, having a charter from the State of 
 Pennsylvania, called forth a powerful speech from Mr. 
 Buchanan at this session, in which he illustrated the whole 
 rottenness and corruption of the Banking system, with 
 masterly abilit}^ 
 
 The Independent Treasury system again came up for 
 discussion, and was ardently supported by Mr. Buchanan 
 in speeches that never have been and never will be an- 
 swered. His propositions have now become axioms, and 
 the Independent Treasury stands a monument of the wis- 
 dom and patriotism of the Jacksonian Democracy. It has 
 not now an enemy. 
 
 ON THE RIGHTS OFFEDERAL OFFICERS. 
 
 It was in the latter part of the XXYth session that the 
 bill, so strongly savoring of the worst features of old Fed- 
 eralism, to prevent the interference of Federal officers in 
 elections drew from Mr. Buchanan an eloquent and pow- 
 erful speech. This bill inflicted a fine or disability to 
 hold office on all persons who, while holding a Federal 
 office, should attempt to influence the voters. It was 
 
S8 LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 
 
 worse than the Sedition law. Mr. Buchanan's speech 
 against it, left its friends not an inch of ground to stand 
 upon. He showed that it was a palpable violation of the 
 constitutional right of freedom of speech and of opinion ; 
 that its effects would be to degrade every American who 
 held an office to the condition of a serf. The measure 
 was defeated. In this long and stormy session Mr. Bu- 
 chanan won some of his brightest laurels. 
 
 INDEPENDENT T R E A SU R Y — TH E EFFECT OF 
 BANKS ON LABOR. 
 
 The XXth Congress witnessed the final sti-uggle and tri- 
 umph of the Independent Treasury, Silas Wright and 
 James Buchanan championed it to its glorious result. It 
 was bitterly opposed by the "Whig leaders, as a measure 
 "to reduce the value of property, the products of the 
 farmer, and the wages of the laborer ; to desti'oy the in- 
 debted portions of the community, and to place the treas- 
 ury of the nation in the hands of the President. Mr. Clay 
 declared that "its certain tendency would be to reduce 
 prices." This fallacy became very general. It grew 
 almost into a proverb, that the Democrats — those who rep- 
 resented the labor of the country — were so reckless of the 
 interests confided to them, as to seek the prostration and 
 degradation of our laboring classes. This gross misrepre- 
 sentation has been continued to the present day ; and Mr. 
 Buchanan is calumniated as the enemy of the laboring 
 man. Fortunately, however, his speeches live, and they 
 show that on this, as on all other subjects, he was the true 
 friend of the laboring man. His speech at this session 
 was the greatest ti-iumph of his logic and his eloquence. 
 It will stand as an eternal monument of his wisdom, his 
 republicanism, and his profound knowledge of financial 
 and politico-economical questions. His illustration of the 
 
LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAif. 39 
 
 depressiug effects of a constantly fluctuating paper currency, 
 and the delusion of the nominal value thus given to prop- 
 erty, on the industry of the country, are must lucid and 
 convincing. He demonsti-ated that the effect of our inter- 
 changes with the hard money countries of Europe, was to 
 render the foreign products so much the higher, as our cur- 
 rency was inflated beyond the hard money basis. The 
 prices here were regulated by our currency, while the cost 
 of producing the article abroad, was regulated by a specie 
 basis. This was the chief cause why we, with all our ad- 
 vantages, could not manufacture cheaper in our country 
 than in the Old World. 
 
 THE WAGES OF L ABO R— SLAN D E R. 
 
 To the charge which is even now harped on, of being in 
 favor of reducing the wages of the poor man's labor, Mr. 
 Buchanan replied with great effect. He said : 
 
 "From my soul I respect the laboring man. Labor is the foundation of 
 the wealth of every country, and tlie free laborers of the north deserve re- 
 spect both for their prosperity and intelligence. Heaven forbid that I should 
 do them wrong ! Of all the countries of the earth, we ought to have the 
 most consideration for the laboring man. From the very nature of our in- 
 stitutions the wheel of fortune is constantly revolving and producing such 
 revolutions in property, that the wealthy man of to-day may become the 
 poor laborer of to-morrow. Truly, wealth often takes to itself wings and 
 flies away. A large fortune rarely lasts beyond the third generation, even 
 if it endure so long. We must all know instances of individuals obliged to 
 labor for their daily bread, whose grandfathers were men of fortune. The 
 regular process of society would seem to consist of the efforts of one class 
 to dissipate the fortunes which they have inherited, while another class, by 
 their industry and economy, are regularly rising to wealth. We have all, 
 therefore, a common interest, as it is a common duty, to protect the rights of 
 the laboring man; and if I believed for a moment that this bill would prove 
 injurious to him, it should meet my unqualified opposition. Although the 
 bill will not have as gi-eat an influence as I could desire, yet, as far as it 
 goes, it will benefit the laboring man as much, and probably more, than any 
 other class of society. What is it he ought most to desire? Constant em- 
 ployment, regular wages, and imiform, reasonable prices for the necessaries 
 
40 LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 
 
 and comforts of life which he requires. Now, sir, what has been his condi- 
 tion under our system of expansions and contractions? He has suffered 
 more by them than any other class of society. The rate of his wages is 
 fixed and known; and they are the last to rise with the increasing expan- 
 sion, and the first to fall when the corresponding revulsion occui-s. He still 
 continues to receive his dollar per day, while the price of every article 
 which he consumes is rapidly rising. He is at length made to feel, although 
 he nominally earns as much, or even more than he did formerly, yet, from 
 the increased pi-ice of all the necessaries of life, he can not support his 
 family. Hence the strikes for higher wages, and the uneasy and excited 
 feelings which have at different periods existed among the laboring classes. 
 But the expansion at lengtli reaches the exploding point, and what does the 
 laboring man now suffer? He is for a season thrown oiit of employment 
 altogether. Our manufactories are suspended; our public works are stopped; 
 om- private enterprises are abandoned; and while others are able to weather 
 the storm, he can scarcely procure the means of bare subsistence. 
 
 " Again, sir, who do you suppose held the greatest part of the worthless 
 paper of the one hundred and sixty-five broken banks to which I have re- 
 ferred? Certainly it was not the keen and wary speculator, who snufFa 
 danger from afar. If you were to make the search, you will find more 
 broken bank notes in the cottages of the laboring poor than any where else. 
 And these miserable shinplasters, where are they? After the revolution of 
 1837 laborers were glad to obtain employment on any terms; and they often 
 received it upon the express condition that they should accept this worthless 
 trasli in payment. Sir, an entire suppression of all bank notes of a lower 
 denomination than the value of one week's wages of the laboring man, is 
 absolutely necessary for his protection. He ought always to receive his 
 wages in gold and silver. Of all men on the earth, the laborer is most in- 
 terested in having a sound and stable currency. 
 
 " The sound state of the currency will have another most happy effect 
 upon the laboring man. He will receive his wages in gold and silver; and 
 this will induce him to lay up, for future use, such a portion of them as he 
 can spare after satisfying his immediate wants. This he will not do at 
 present, because he knows not whether the trasli which he is now com- 
 pelled to receive as money, will continue to be of any value a week or a 
 month hereafter." 
 
 It will appear strange that, after such lucid and obvi- 
 ously just views as these, Mr. Buchanan should be repre- 
 sented as an enemy of the laboring man, desiring to see 
 his wages reduced. But John Davis, of Massachusetts, 
 did so represent him, and drew from Mr. Buchanan a 
 
LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 41 
 
 speech, which left his calumniator in a very awkward pre- 
 dicament. 
 
 DAVIS OF MASSACHUSETTS DEMOLISHED. 
 
 Davis's misrepresentation rested first upon an assump- 
 tion that Mr. Buchanan, while advocating the Independent 
 Treasury, admitted that it would produce the disasti-ous 
 consequences which its opposers predicted would flow fi'om 
 it. This Mr. Buchanan, of course, pronounced untrue. 
 But Davis assumed that the efiect of the bill, as advocated 
 by its supporters, was to reduce to one-half, the value of 
 the wages and property of the country. This Mr. B. pro- 
 nounced a "flagitious misrepresentation." He believed 
 that the Independent Treasury would have a slight efiect in 
 restraining the excesses of the banking system, but that 
 more efiectual measures to that end must be applied by the 
 States. These remedies are stated by him. They are such 
 as are now rigidly applied in all States, where a good cur- 
 rency exists, to-wit : the rigid enforcement of a requirement 
 that all banks should keep in their vaults a certain propor- 
 tion of specie, to meet demands ; that small notes should 
 be prohibited ; dividends should be limited ; and that when 
 a suspension occurred, the bank should be closed, and its 
 afiairs placed in the hands of Commissioners. 
 
 " Such a reform in the banking system as I have indicated would benefit 
 every class of society, but above all others, the man who makes his living 
 by the sweat of his brow. The object at which I aimed by tliese reforms 
 was not a pure metallic currency, but a currency of a mixed character; the 
 paper portion of it always convertible into gold and silver, and subject to as 
 little fluctuation in amount as the regular business of tlie country would 
 admit. Of all reforms, this is what the mechanic and the laboring man 
 ought to desire. It would produce steady prices and steady employment, 
 and, under its influence, the coimtry would march steadily on in its career 
 of prosperity, without suffering from the rainous expansions, and contrac- 
 tions, and explosions which we have endm-ed during the last twenty years. 
 What is most essential to the prosperity of the mechanic and laboring man? 
 Constant employment, steady and fair wages, with uniform prices for the 
 
42 LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 
 
 necessaries and comforts of life wliich lie must pm-chase, and payment for 
 his labor in a sound currency. 
 
 " Let us, in these particulars, compare the present condition of the labor- 
 ing man under tlie banking system which now exists, with what it would 
 be under such reforms as I have indicated. And first, in regard to constant 
 employment. What is tlae effect of the present system of bank expansions, 
 and contractions, and revidsions, in this particular? Is it not absolutely 
 certain, has not experience demonsti-atcd, that xmder such a system constant 
 employment is rendered impossible? It is true, tliat during the short period 
 whilst the bubble is expanding, and tlie banks are increasing their loans 
 and theu' issues, labor of every kind finds employment. Then buildings 
 of all sorts are erected, manufactures are estabUshed, and the mason and 
 other mechanics are in demand. Public works are prosecuted, and afford 
 employment to an immense number of laborers. The tradesman of every 
 description then finds customers, because the amount of paper in circulation 
 produces a delusive appearance of prosperity, and promotes a spirit of ex- 
 travagance. But, sir, under tliis system the storm is sure to succeed the 
 eunshine, the explosion is certain to follow the exi'>ansion — and when it 
 comes, and we are now suffering under it — wliat is then the condition of 
 the mechanic and the laboring man? Buildings of every kind cease, manu- 
 factories are closed, public works are suspended, and the laboring classes 
 are thrown out of employment altogether. It is enough to make one's heart 
 bleed to reflect upon their sufferings, particularly in om- large cities, during 
 the past winter. In many instances the question with them has not been 
 what amount of wages they could earn, but whether tliey could procure any 
 employment which would save them and their famiUes from starvation. If 
 our State Legislatiires, which alone possess the power, would but regulate 
 our bloated credit system wisely, by restraining the banks within safe 
 limits, our country would then be permitted to proceed with regular strides, 
 end the laboi-ing man would suffer none of these evils because he would 
 receive constant employment. 
 
 " In the second place, what is the effect of the present system upon the 
 wages of labor, and upon the price of the necessaries and comforts of life? 
 It can not be denied that that country is the most prosperous where labor 
 commands the greatest reward; but tliis is not for one year merely, not for 
 that short period of time when our bloated credit system is most expanded, 
 but for a succession of years, for all time. Permanence in the rate of wages 
 is indispensable to the prosperity of the laboring man. He ought to be 
 able to look forward with confidence to the future, to calculate upon being 
 able to rear and educate his family by the sweat of his brow, and to make 
 them respectable and useful citizens. In this respect, what is the condition 
 of the laboring man under our present system? Whilst he suffers more 
 under it than any other member of society, he derives from it the fewest 
 
LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 43 
 
 advantages. It is a principle of political economy confirmed by experience, 
 that while the paper currency is expanding, the price of every thing else 
 increases more rapidly than the wages of labor. They are the last to rise 
 with the expansion, and the first to fall witli the contraction of the cur- 
 rency. The price of a day's or of a month's labor of any kind, the price of 
 a bat, of a pair of boots, of a pound of leather, of all articles of furniture — 
 in short, of manual and mechanical labor generally — is fixed and known to 
 the whole community. The purchaser complains when these fixed prices 
 are enhanced, and the mechanic or laborer, in order to retain his customers, 
 can not and does not raise his price until he is compelled to do so by ab- 
 somte necessity. His meat, his flour, his potatoes, clothing for himself tuid 
 fftiiuly, mount up to an extravagant price long before his compensation is 
 increased. It was formerly supposed that Uie productions of meat and 
 flour were so vast in our extended and highly favored land, tliat a monopoly 
 of them would be impossible. The experience of the last two or three years 
 has proved the contrary. The banks, instead of giving credit in small sums 
 to honest men, who would have used the money wisely in promoting their 
 own welfare, and, as a necessary consequence, that of the community, have 
 loaned it to monojjolists, to enable them to raise tlie price of the necessaries 
 of life to the consimier. Have we not all learned that a milhon of dollars 
 have been advanced by them to an individual for the purpose of enabling 
 him to monopolize the sale of all the beef consumed in our eastern cities? 
 Do we not all know that this effort proved successful during the last year in 
 raising the price of this necessary of life to twelve and sixteen cents, and 
 even higher, per pound. Now, sir, although the wages of the laboring man 
 were then nominally high, what was his condition? He could not afford to 
 go into the market and purchase beef for his family. If his wages in- 
 creased with the increasing expansion of our credit system, aggravated in 
 its effects by the immense sales of State bonds of Europe, still the prices of 
 all the necessaries of life rose in a greater proportion, and he was not 
 benefited. I might mention also the vast monopoly of pork, produced by 
 a combination of individuals, extending from Boston to Cincinnati, which, 
 by means of bank facilities, succeeded in raising the price of that necessary 
 of life to an enormous pitch. Wliat then did the laborer gain, even at the 
 time of the greatest expansion? Nothing — literally nothing. The laborers 
 were a suffering class even in the midst of all this delusive prosperity. In- 
 stead of being able to lay by any thing for the present day of adversity, 
 which was a necessary consequence of the system, the laborer was even 
 then scarcely able to maintain himself and his family. His condition has 
 been terrible during the past winter. In view of these facts I said: 
 
 " 'AH other circumstances being equal, I agree with the Senator from Ken- 
 tucky that that country is most prosperous where labor commands tlie highest 
 wages. I do not, however, mean by the terms " highest wages " the greatest 
 
44 LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 
 
 nominal amount. During the revolutionary wai-, one day's work com- 
 manded a hundred dollars of continental paper ; but this would scarcely 
 have purchased a breakfast. The more proper expression would be to say, 
 that tliat country is most prosperous where labor commands the greatest 
 reward — where one day's labor will procure, not the greatest nominal 
 amount of a depreciated currency, but most of the necessaries and comforts 
 of life. If, therefore, you should, in some degree, reduce the nominal price 
 paid for labor, by reducing the amount of your bank issues within reason- 
 able and safe limits, and establish a metallic basis for your paper circula- 
 tion, would this injure the laborer? Cetainly not; because the price of 
 all the necessaries and comforts of life are reduced in the same proportion, 
 and he will be able to purchase more of them for one dollar in a sound state 
 of tlie currency, than he could have done in the day of extravagant expan- 
 sion for a dollar and a quarter. So far from injuring, it will greatly benefit 
 the laboring man. It will insure to him constant employment, and regular 
 prices, paid in sound currency, which of all things he ought most to desire; 
 and it will save him from being involved in ruin by a recurrence of those 
 periodical expansions and contractions of the currency, which have hitherto 
 convulsed the country.' 
 
 "Now, sir, is not my meaning clearly expressed in this paragraph? 1 
 contended that it would not injure, but greatly benefit the laboring man, to 
 prevent the violent and ruinous expansions and contractions to which our 
 currency was incident, and by judicious bank reform, to place it on a set- 
 tled basis. If this were done, what would be the consequence ? That, if 
 the laboring man could not receive as great a nominal amount for his labor 
 as he did ' in the days of extravagant expansion,' which must always, under 
 our present system, be of short duration, he would be indemnified, and far 
 more than indemnified, by the constant employment, the regular wages, and 
 the uniform and more moderate prices of the necessaries and comforts of life 
 which a more stable currency would produce. Can this proposition be con- 
 troverted ? I think not ; it is too plain for argument. Mark me, sir ; I 
 desire to produce this happy result, not by establishing a pure metallic cur- 
 rency, but by reducing the amount of your bank issues within reasonable 
 and safe limits, and establishing a metallic basis for your paper circulation. 
 This idea plainly expressed is, that it is better, much better, for the laboring 
 man, as well as for every other class of society, except the speculator, that 
 the business of the country should be placed upon tliat fixed and permanent 
 fomidation, which would be laid by establishing such a bank reform as 
 would render it certain that bank notes should be always convertible into 
 gold and silver. 
 
 " And yet this plain and simple exposition of my views has been seized 
 upon by those who desired to make political capital out of their perversion ; 
 Slid it has been represented fai- and wide, that it was my desire to reduce 
 
LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 45 
 
 wages down to the prices received by the miserable serfs and laborers of 
 European despotisms. I shall most cliecrfuUy leave the public to decide 
 between me and my traducers. The Senator from Massachusetts, after hav- 
 ing attributed to me the intention of reducing the wages of laborers to the 
 hard money standard, through the agency of the Independent Treasuiy 
 bill, has added, as an appendix to his speech, a statement made by the Sen- 
 ator from Maryland, (Mr. Merrick) of the prices of labor in these hard 
 money despotisms ; and it is thus left to be inferred that I am in favor of 
 reducing the honest and independent laborer of this glorious and free 
 country to the same degraded condition. The Senator ought to know that 
 there is too much intelligence among the laboring classes in this highly 
 favored land, to be led astray by such representations. 
 
 " Payment of wages in a sound currency. Under the present unrestricted 
 banking system this is entirely out of the question. Nothing can ever pro- 
 duce this effect, except the absolute prohibition of the issue and circulation 
 of small notes. As long as bank notes exist of denominations so low as to 
 render it possible to make them the medium of payment for a day's or a 
 week's labor, so long will the laboring man be compelled to accept the very 
 worst of these notes for his wages. Unless it may be at periods of the 
 highest expansion, when labor is at the very greatest demand, notes of 
 doubtful credit will always be forced upon him. This was emphatically the 
 case after the explosion of the banks in 1837. He could then procure 
 nothing for his work but the miserable shinjilaster currency with which the 
 country was inundated. This he would not lay by for a rainy day, because 
 he did not know at what moment it might become altogether wortldess on his 
 hands. The effect of it> was to destroy all habits of economy. Besides, as 
 a- class, laborers suffer more from counterfeit and broken bank notes than 
 any other class of society. In order to afford the laborer the necessary pro- 
 tection against these evils, he ought always to be paid, and would from 
 necessity always be paid, in gold and silver, if the issue and circulation of 
 small notes were entirely prohibited. 
 
 "Thus, it will be perceived, that without the imposition of wholesome 
 restrictions upon the banks, the laboring man can never expect to receive 
 either constant employment or steady and fair wages, paid in a sound cur- 
 rency, or to pay uniform prices for the necessaries and comforts of life, which 
 he is obliged to pm-chase. Under our present system, every thing is in a 
 state of constant fluctuation and change. Prices are high to-day, low to- 
 morrow. Labor is in demand to-day, there is no employment to-morrow. 
 There is no stability, no uniformity under om- present system. Of all men, 
 laborers are the most interested in such a wise i-egulation of the banking 
 system by the States, as would prevent the violent expansions and contrac- 
 tions in the currency, and the consequent suspensions of specie payments, 
 under which we have been suffering." 
 
46 LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 
 
 Davis was annihilated by this reply, and exhibited his 
 mortification by an insolent rejoinder, to which the spirited 
 but dignified Senator from Pennsylvania replied, that he 
 "hurled back his defiance, and he might make the most of 
 it." He added that the Senator was unworthy of the cour- 
 tesy which one gentleman owes to another ; and then, with 
 admirable taste and dignity, asked "the pardon of every 
 other member of the Senate for using such an expression." 
 
 It was this gross mirepresentation, which is now laughed 
 over by the parties who used it, that contributed largely to 
 the delusion under which General Harrison was elected in 
 1840. Mr. Buchanan was, however, not dismayed by this 
 disaster of his party, but with great philosophy awaited 
 that "sober second thought" which would soon again 
 restore the Government and the people to the right track. 
 
 TYLER'S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 The Harrison triumph proved for the Whig party a short 
 one. The great Whig leaders had hardly matured their 
 plans for the overthrow of the Democratic measures, which 
 they had so bitterly but unsuccessfully resisted, and the 
 substitution of the "American system "of banks, paper cur- 
 rency, etc., to which Mr. Clay had devoted his life, when 
 they were arrested by the death of President Harrison. 
 
 His successor, John Tyler, defeated all these schemes. 
 At the extra session of 18-il, which had been convened by 
 General Jackson, the "Fiscal Bank" was brought before 
 the Senate by Mr. Clay. Mr. Buchanan had not partici- 
 pated in the old Bank agitation in Jackson's days, being 
 then absent from the country. He eagerly embraced the 
 present occasion of declaring his views on the subject. 
 They were those of unconquerable opposition and hostility. 
 
 His speech on Mr. Clay's Fiscality exhausted the sub- 
 ject. The debate was conducted with great courtesy and 
 
I.IFK OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 4!t 
 
 gallantry, and was characterized by many happy retorts 
 and humorons passages, in which Mr. Bnchauan sustained 
 himself very happily, not only as a logician and statesman, 
 but also as a ready and witty polemic. 
 
 McLEOD CASE. 
 
 The demand of Great Britain for the person of McLeod, 
 who had boasted in New York that he was concerned in 
 the burning of the steamer Caroline, lying on the Ameri- 
 can side, during the Canadian disturbances of 1837, pro- 
 duced a discussion in Congress, in which Mr. Buchanan 
 took a part, against complying with the demand, and 
 asserting the right of the State of New York to tiy and 
 punish the man who had violated her laws. Mr. Bu- 
 chanan's speech on this subject is an admirable compend 
 of the laws of nations relative to the questions of jurisdic- 
 diction involved. 
 
 The difficulty was settled by the acquittal of McLeod by 
 a New York Court. 
 
 THE VETO POWER. 
 
 The contest between the Whig and Democratic parties 
 in the twenty-seventh Congress, was renewed upon a prop- 
 osition of Mr. Clay to abolish the veto power. Mr. Bu- 
 chanan opposed it in a very elaborate and instructive 
 speech, developing the whole theory and workings of our 
 political system. This speech should be placed in the 
 hands of the youth of our country, as far preferable to the 
 commentaries of the old Federal lawyers, whose works 
 produce such a hurtful influence on the politics of our 
 country, by misdirecting the minds of our youth. In illus- 
 ti-ating the necessity and value of the veto power, Mr. Bu- 
 chanan presented the following case: 
 
 " But lot ine suppose another case of a much more dangerous character. 
 In the southern States, which compose the weaker poi-tion of the Union, a 
 
im LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 
 
 Bpecies of property exists ■which is now attmcting the attention of the whole 
 civilized world. These States never would have become parties to the 
 Union, had not their rights in this property been secured by the federal 
 Constitution. Foreign and domestic fanatics — some from the belief tliat they 
 are doing God's service, and others from a desire to divide and destroy this 
 gloi-ious Republic — have conspired to emancipate the southern slaves. On 
 this question, the people of the South, beyond the limits of their own States, 
 stand alone and unsupported by any power on earth, except that of the 
 northern Democracy. These fanatical philanthropists are now conducting a 
 crusade over the whole world, and are endeavoring to concentrate the public 
 opinion of all mankind against the right of property. Suppose they should 
 ever influence a majority in both Houses of Congress to pass a law, not to 
 abolish this property — for that would be too palpable a violation of the Con- 
 stitution — but to render it of no value, under the letter, but against the 
 spirit, of some of the powers granted ; will any lover of his country say that 
 the President ought not to possess the power of arresting such an act by his 
 veto, until the solemn decision of the people should be known on this ques- 
 tion, involving the life or death of the Union ? We, sir, of the non-slave- 
 holding States, entered the Union upon the express condition that this 
 property should be protected. Whatever may be our own private opinions 
 in regard to slavery in the abstract, ought we to hazard all tlie blessings of 
 om- free institutions — our union and our strength — in such a crusade 
 against our brethren of the South ? Ought we to jeopardize every political 
 right we hold dear for the sake of enabling these fanatics to invade southern 
 rights, and render that fair portion of our common inheritance a scene of 
 servile war, rapine, and murder ? Shall we apply the torch to that magnifi- 
 cent temple of human liberty which our forefathers reared at the price of 
 their blood and treasure, and to permit all we hold dear to perish in the con- 
 flagration ? 1 trust not. 
 
 " It is possible, that at some future day, the majority in Congress may 
 attempt, by indirect means, to emancipate the slaves of the South. There is 
 no knowing through what channel the ever-active spirit of fanaticism may 
 seek to accomplish its object. The attempt may be made through the taxing 
 power, or some other express power granted by the Constitution. God only 
 knows how it may be made. It is hard to say what means fanaticism may 
 not adopt to accomplish its purpose. Do we feel so secure, in this hour of 
 peril from abroad and peril at home, as to be willing to prostrate any of the 
 barriers which the Constitution has reared against hasty and dangerous 
 legislation ? No, sir; never was the value of the veto more manifest tlian at 
 the present moment. For the weaker portion of the Union, whose constitu- 
 tional rights are now assailed with such violence, to think of abandoning 
 this safeguard, would be almost suicidal. It is my solemn conviction, that 
 there never was a wiser or more beautiful adaptation of theoiy to practice in 
 
LIFE OF JAMES HUCHANAN. 49' 
 
 any government than that which requires a majority of two-thirds in both 
 houses of Congress to pass an act returned by the President with his objec- 
 tions, under all the high responsibilities which he owes to his country. 
 
 " Sir, ours is a glorious Constitution. Let us venerate it ; let us stand by 
 it as the work of great and good men, unsurpassed in the history of any age 
 or nation." 
 
 The attempt thus to deface our admirable Constitution 
 was defeated, and no one aided more effectively in obtaining 
 this victory than Mr. Buchanan, It was toward the close 
 of the XXYIIth Congress that Mr. Buchanan made his 
 able speech against Mr. Webster's Ashburton Treaty, as 
 granting too large concessions to Great Britain, 
 
 TEXAS AND OREGON. 
 
 The admission of Texas into the Union, and the organi- 
 zation of the territorial Government of Oregon came up 
 for discussion in the XXVIIIth Congress, the last during 
 Mr. Tyler's administration. 
 
 Mr. Buchanan took high ground on this subject; his 
 views of the mission, progress, and expansion of our 
 country were of the most hopeful and patriotic character. 
 
 " Providence," he said, " had given to the American people a great and 
 glorious mission to perform, even that of extending the blessings of Chris- 
 tianity and civil and religious liberty over the whole North American con- 
 tinent. Within less than fifty years from this moment there will exist one 
 hundred millions of free Americans between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. 
 This will be a glorious spectacle to behold ; the distant contemplation of it 
 warms and expands the bosom. The honorable Senator seems to suppose 
 that it is impossible to love our country with the same ardor when its limits 
 are so widely extended. I can not agree with him in this opinion. I believe 
 an American citizen will, if possible, more ardently love his countiy, and be 
 more proud of its power and gloiy, when it shall be stretched from sea to 
 sea, than when it was confined to a narrow strip between the Atlantic and 
 the AUeghanies. The Almighty has implanted in the very nature of our 
 people that spirit of progress, and that desire to roam abroad, and seek new 
 homes, and new fields of enterprise, which characterizes them above all 
 other nations, ancient or modern, which have ever existed. This spirit can 
 
ml LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 
 
 not be repressed. It is idle to talk of it. You might as well attempt to 
 arrest the stars in their courses through heaven. The same Divine power 
 has given impulse to both. What, sir ! prevent the American people from 
 crossing the Rocky mountains ! You might as well command Niagara not 
 to flow. We must fulfill our destiny. The question presented by the 
 Senator from New Jersey is, whether we shall vainly attempt to intei-pose 
 obstacles to our own progress, and passively yield up the exercise of our 
 rights beyond the mountains, on the consideration that it is impolitic for us 
 ever to colonize Oregon. To such a question I shall give no answer. But 
 says he, it would be expensive to the treasury to extend to Oregon a territo- 
 rial government. No matter wliat may be the expense, the thing will 
 eventually be done ; and it can not be prevented, though it may be delayed 
 for a season." 
 
 The annexation of Texas was supported by Mr. Buchanan 
 with matchless ability and more than characteristic ardor. 
 In showing its advantages to every part of the Union, he 
 referred to the opposition of New England to the acquisi- 
 tion of Louisiana — and asked, What would these States have 
 been at this day without that territory? But the annexation 
 was not destined to be accomplished at this session. Mr. 
 Buchanan, on the Committee of Foreign Relations in the 
 Senate, stood alone in its favor. An appeal was made to 
 the people, who quickly repaired the error of their repre- 
 sentatives, and James K. Polk was elected, chiefly on the 
 wave of popular excitement raised by this agitation. Con- 
 gress, however, made a virtue of necessity, and gave Mr. 
 Tyler the honor of anticipating the action of the new Ad- 
 ministration on this subject. 
 
 " SECRETARY OF STATE. 
 
 President Polk, on organizing his Cabinet, tendered to 
 Mr. Buchanan the office of Secretary of State, the third 
 office in honor and dignity in the Republic, and the second 
 in importance. 
 
 It is fresh in the recollection of all our readers, how 
 wisely and efficiently Mr. Buchanan filled this high post, 
 
LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN, 51 
 
 and what an important part he phiyed in the brilliant Ad- 
 ministration of James K. Polk. His duties were unusually 
 onerous, responsible, and difficult. The great transactions 
 of the Administration, and the most important events, which 
 have occurred under our Government had to be initiated 
 and directed by him. First came the vexed question of 
 the Oregon boundary : Mr. Buchanan held with President 
 Polk, that our title was good and indisputable up to the 
 parallel 54 deg. 40 min. But Mr. Tyler had proposed to 
 accept the parallel of 49 deg. It was an offer of our Gov- 
 ernment, which could not be abruptly withdrawn, with- 
 out endangering the relations of the two countries, Mr. 
 Buchanan, though declaring that the proposition never 
 would have been authorized by the President as a new 
 question, proposed to abide by it. A similar offer had been 
 made by Presidents Monroe and Adams. It was hastily 
 rejected by the British Minister, and as promptly with- 
 drawn by President Polk. This firm and decided course 
 brought the English Government to terms, and it agreed 
 to accept the original offer as its ultimatum. This propo- 
 sition was sul)mitted to the Senate by Mr. Polk, and that 
 body, as a part of the treaty making power, advised its 
 acceptance. It was accordingly accepted. 
 
 THE MEXICAN WAR. 
 
 But the great difficulty of the Administration was that 
 with Mexico, which hatl originated in the Texan boundary 
 controversy. For a loug time the conduct of Mexico had 
 been insolent, overbearing, and insulting to our Govern- 
 ment and people. The letters of Mr. Buchanan, as Secre- 
 tary of State, relative to the affair, are some of the ablest 
 from his pen. In this correspondence he asserted, as the 
 true doctrine of our Republic, our right and duty to resist 
 
PL> life of JAMES BUCHANAN. 
 
 all attempts of foreign Governments to interfere in the polit- 
 ical affairs of the States of this continent. 
 
 In one of his letters to Mr, Slidel, our Minister in Mex- 
 ico, he thus eloquently expounds the true American doc- 
 trine : 
 
 " The United States will never afford, by their conduct, the slightest pre- 
 text for any interference in that quarter in American concerns. Separated 
 as we are from the Old World by a vast ocean, and still farther removed 
 from it by the nature of our Republican institutions, the march of free Gov- 
 ernments on this continent must not be trammeled by the intrigues and 
 selfish interests of European powers. Liberty here must be allowed to work 
 out its natural results ; and these, ere long, will astonish the world. Neither 
 is it for the interest of those powers to plant colonies on this continent. No 
 settlement of the kind can exist long. The expansive energy of our free in- 
 stitutions must soon spread over them. The colonists themselves will break 
 from the nwther country to become free and independent States. Any Eu- 
 ropean nation which should plant a new colony on this continent, would 
 thereby sow the seeds of troubles and uproars, the injury from which, even 
 to her own interests, would far outweigh all the advantages which she could 
 possibly promise herself from any such establishment." 
 
 A constant correspondence, involving a prolonged and 
 intricate discussion of questions of international rights and 
 etiquette, grew out of this question, in which Mr. Buchanan 
 sustained himself with his usual firmness and ability. But 
 in vain : Mexico was inaccessible to argument and peace. 
 "War was the result — a war, the glories of which are too fresh 
 in the recoUectioi;, and the enormous trophies of which are 
 too familiar to our readers to justify our dwelling on them 
 in this place. 
 
 INTERPOSITION FOR THE YOUNG IRE- 
 LANDERS. 
 
 After the failure of the Young Ireland effort to revolution- 
 ize their country, and throw off the yoke of Great Britain, 
 severe measures against the young patriots were adopted 
 by the English Government. Among them was the arrest 
 of two persons who had become citizens of the United 
 
LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. S3 
 
 States, who had expressed their sympathy in favor of 
 the movement, during a visit to England. Mr. Buchanan 
 promptly called attention to the illegality of this act, and 
 by his lucid exposition of its wi'ongfulness, and decided 
 maintenance of the American doctrine against perpetual 
 allegiance, and for the right of expatriation, obtained their 
 release. 
 
 Thus did Mr. Buchanan aid so efficiently in the conduct 
 of that splendid Administration of President Polk, which 
 in future ages of the Republic, will be looked back to as the 
 most glorious in our annals — an Administi-ation, which, 
 after enlarging the ten-itory and extending the commerce 
 of the Republic beyond all parallel or example in the his- 
 tory of nations, left the United States at peace with all the 
 world. 
 
 RETIREMENT. 
 
 The election of General Taylor afforded Mr. Buchanan 
 the opportimity he had long desired, of retiring from the 
 cares and burdens of public, to the ease and solace of pri- 
 vate life. He had been over thirty years in the harness, in 
 the constant, active, laborious exercise of his high talents 
 in important public trusts. 
 
 He could not, however, even in the agreeable seclusion 
 of Wheatland, lose sight of the interests of his country, and 
 be indifferent to his duty. The Wilmot Proviso proposition 
 aroused his patriotism, and drew from him the expression 
 of his indignant opposition to all such unjust and unequal 
 schemes. This was the theme of his " Harvest Home " let- 
 ter, in which he suggested the extension of the Missouri 
 Compromise line, as a good basis for a final settlement of 
 the agitation. It was, however, opposed by the anti-slavery 
 fanatics, and, when offered in the House of Representa- 
 tives, was voted down by the very persons who now profess 
 
®4 LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 
 
 Buch indignation at the so-called repeal of the Missouri 
 adjustment, by the Kansas and Nebraska acts. Thanks to 
 the efforts of Clay, Cass, and other patriots, this agitation 
 was calmed by the passage of 
 
 THE COMPROMISE BILL OF 1850. 
 
 Mr. Buchanan warmly approved this measure. The 
 noble spectacle was presented of those veteran statesmen, 
 Clay, Cass, Webster, and Buchanan, standing on one and 
 the same platform, united in the same great measure to 
 preserve the Union. In a letter written by Mr. Buchanan, in 
 1850, to a meeting in Philadelphia, he gives his opinion on 
 this subject, freely and frankly. In this letter, he pro- 
 nounces the following beautiful eulogium on the Union — 
 portions of which are strikingly applicable to the present 
 state of aifairs in the Republic : 
 
 " I now say that the platform of our blessed Union is strong enough and 
 broad enough to sustain all true-hearted Americans. It is an elevated — it 
 is a glorious platform, on which the down-trodden nations of the earth gaze 
 with hope and desire, with admiration and astonishment. Our Union is the 
 star of the west, wliose genial and steadily increasing influence will at last, 
 should we remain a united people, dispel the gloom of despotism from the 
 ancient nations of the world. Its moral power will prove to be more potent 
 than millions of armed mercenaries. And shall this glorious star set in 
 darkness before it has accomplished half its mission ? Heaven forbid ! Let 
 us all exclaim with the heroic Jackson, ' The Union must and shall be pre- 
 served.' 
 
 " And what a Union has this been ! The history of the human race pre- 
 sents no parallel to it. The bit of striped bunting which was to be swept 
 from the ocean by a British navy, according to the predictions of a British 
 statesman, previous to the war of 1812, is now displayed on every sea, and 
 in every port of the habitable globe. Our glorious stars and stripes, the flag 
 of our country, now protects Americans in every clime. ' I am a Roman citi- 
 zen !' was once the proud exclamation which every where shielded an ancient 
 Roman from insult and injustice. ' I am an American citizen !' is now an ex- 
 clamation of almost equal potency throughout the civilized world. This is a 
 tribute due to the power and resources of these thirty-one United States. In a 
 just cause, we may defy the world in arms. We have lately presented a spec- 
 
LIFE OF JAMES BrCIIANAN. 65 
 
 tacle which has astonished the greatest captain of the age. At the call of 
 their country, an irresistable host of men— and men, too, skilled in the use 
 
 of arms sprung up like the soldiers of Cadmus, from the mountains and 
 
 valleys of our confederacy. The struggle among them was not who should 
 remain at home, but who should enjoy the privilege of enduring the dangers 
 and privations of a foreign war in defense of their country's rights. Heaven 
 forbid that the question of slaveiy should ever prove to be the stone thrown 
 into their midst by Cadmus, to make them turn their arms against each 
 other, and die in mutual conflict. 
 
 " The common sufferings and common glories of the past, the prosperity 
 of the present, and the brilliant hopes of the future, must impress every pat- 
 riotic heart with deep love and devotion for the Union. Who that is now a 
 citizen of this vast Republic, extendihg from the St. Lawrence to the Rio 
 Grande, and from the Atlantic to the Pacific, does not shudder at the idea of 
 being transformed into a citizen of one of its broken, jealous, and hostile 
 fragments? What patriot had not rather shed the last drop of his blood 
 than see the thirty-one brilliant stars, which now float proudly upon her 
 country's flag, rudely torn from the national banner, and scattered in con- 
 fusion over the face of the earth ? 
 
 " Rest assured that all the patriotic emotions of every true-hearted Penn- 
 sylvanian, in favor of the Union and Constitution, are shared by the southern 
 people. What battle field has not been illustrated by their gallant deeds ? 
 and when, in our history, have they ever shrunk from sacrifices and sufferings 
 in the cause of their country ? What, then, means the muttering thunder 
 which we hear from the South ? The signs of the times are truly porten- 
 tous. While many in the South openly advocate the cause of secession and 
 disunion, a large majority, I firmly believe, still fondly cling to the Union, 
 awaiting with deep anxiety the action of the North on the couipromise lately 
 effected in Congress. Should this be disregarded and nullified by the citi- 
 zens of the North, ths southern people may become united, and then farewell, 
 a long farewell, to our blessed Union." 
 
 He then proceeds to show the necessity of rebuking and 
 putting down agitation in the North, on the subject of 
 slavery, of enforcing the Fugitive Slave law, and gives 
 a clear and forcible history of the anti-slavery excitement. 
 He concludes with the following just and noble sentiments: 
 
 " The Union, it can not long endure if it be bound together only by 
 paper bonds. It can be firmly cemented alone by the affections of the peo- 
 ple of the different States for each other. Would to Heaven that the spirit 
 
Pi LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 
 
 of mutual forbearance and brotherly love which presided at its birth, 
 could once more be restored to bless the land ! Upon opening a vol- 
 ume a few days since, my eyes caught a resolution of a Convention 
 of the counties of Maryland, assembled at Annapolis, in June, 1774, 
 in consequence of the passage, by the British Parliament, of the Boston 
 Port bill, which provided for opening a subscription ' in the several 
 counties of the province, for an immediate collection for the relief of the 
 distressed inhabitants of Boston, now cruelly deprived of the means of procur- 
 ing subsistence for themselves and families by the operation of the said act of 
 blocking up their harbor.' Would that the spirit of fraternal affection which 
 dictated this noble resolution, and which actuated all the conduct of our 
 Revolutionary fathers, might return to bless and reanimate the bosoms of 
 their descendants !" 
 
 THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF '52. 
 
 In the Democratic Convention which sat in Baltimore in 
 the spring of 1853, Mr. Buchanan was warmly supported 
 for the nomination, Virginia leading oflf in his belialf. 
 Franklin Pierce was, however, selected, and Mr. Bu- 
 chanan gave him his warm support. It was in this can- 
 vass that Mr. Buchanan made, at Greensburg, Pennsyl- 
 vania, a strong speech, in which he scored very severely 
 the Native American doctrine, and the attempt to mingle 
 religion with politics ; showing that on this subject, the 
 Democratic party and all the patriot fathers of the Bepublic 
 had recognized and acted upon the liberal principles 
 towards emigrants, which were then and are now main- 
 tained by the Democratic party. 
 
 One of the first and most popular of President Pierce's 
 appointments was that of James Buchanan to 
 
 THE MISSION TO ENGLAND. 
 
 He was received in London with profound respect, and 
 no little awe on the part of the Ministers, who had to 
 conduct certain difiicult negotiations with him. The fame 
 of his skill, his discretion, piercing logic, and firm bear- 
 ing had preceded him. President Pierce had committed to 
 
LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 51 
 
 him the whole control of the negotiations relative to Cen- 
 tral America, and the settlement of the true meaning and 
 intent of that complex aftair known as the Clayton-Bnlwer 
 Treaty. A correspondence was commenced on this subject, 
 between Lord Clarendon and Mr. Buchanan, which was 
 suddenly interrupted by the breaking out of the Russian 
 war, as our Minister, from a feeling of delicacy, did not con- 
 sider it proper to push the English Government for a prompt 
 i-eply, pending such serious embarrassments. Before the 
 discussion could be resumed, Mr. Buchanan intimated to 
 om- Government a desire to be relieved from the onerous 
 duties of his mission; but Mr. Marcy begged him to 
 remain longer at his post as, he added, " the negotiation 
 can not be committed to any one who so well understands 
 the subject in all its bearings, as you do, or who can so 
 ably sustain and carry out the views of the United States." 
 Thus persuaded, Mr. Buchanan continued at the court 
 of St. James, and addressed a note to the British Minister, 
 requesting a statement of its position in regard to the Bay- 
 Islands, and the territory on the coast, which Great Britain 
 had occupied in the teeth of the American interpretation of 
 the treaty. A long correspondence ensued, which was con- 
 ducted with ability on both sides. But in clearness, force, and 
 logic, the American was far the superior of his British antag- 
 onist. Mr. Buchanan, in his letter, vindicated the Monroe 
 doctrine, which was sneered at, by Lord Clarendon, as an 
 " American dictum," and showed most clearly the falsity 
 and hollowness of the British pretension to occupy, under 
 the Clayton and Bulwer Treaty, the Bay Islands, and the 
 coast of Honduras, which they had seized since the ti-eaty 
 was concluded. The positions of Mr. Buchanan have been 
 maintained by the Administi-ation and by all our enlight- 
 ened statesmen. His mission closed before the question 
 was settled. 
 
9^ LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 
 
 THE CUBAN QUESTION. 
 
 The Black Warrior and other questions had embroiled 
 the United States with Spain. To this was added, the fear 
 of revolution and of the intervention of France and Great 
 Britain in the affairs of that island. President Pierce 
 deemed it his duty to watch events in that quarter, and if 
 there was any danger of a change being effected in the 
 position of the island, to regard policy and the safety of 
 our nation, which demanded that we should possess it. 
 This was precisely the position taken by Mr. Buchanan in 
 1824, when the South American and Central American 
 States threatened to capture the island from Spain, with 
 which power they were then at war. To protect our inter- 
 ests and carry out this policy, the President directed our 
 three Ministers at London, Paris, and Madrid, to meet at 
 some convenient place, and consult on the best course to be 
 pursued in the matter. This was the Ostend Conference. 
 The result was a report, in which the Ministers united in 
 favor of making an earnest effort, by the United States, to 
 purchase Cuba, as a measure, as vital to Spain as to the 
 United States. This report bears marks of Mr. Buchanan's 
 clear, vigorous, and logical intellect. It urges the consid- 
 eration of the nearness of the locality of the island to the 
 United States, and its command of the mouth of the Gulf 
 of Mexico, through which so large an amount of our com- 
 merce passes ; the agitation which this vicinity must ever 
 keep up in both the island and our States; the constant 
 danger of insurrection in the island ; the bad government, 
 which oppresses the people and retards the progress and 
 development of the country ; concluding by presenting the 
 grand results to the commerce of all nations from such a 
 change. It shows, with great force, the benefit to Spain 
 which would accrue from the large sums it would get for 
 
LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 69 
 
 the island, if expended in the improvement of the kinj^- 
 dom, whereas it was then a burden to her treasury; 
 the danger of losing the island by revolution, the legit- 
 imate result of its tyrannical government and laws, and 
 the impossibility of the President, with all his desire to 
 enforce the neutrality laws, restraining our people from 
 rushing to the aid of the Cubans whenever they shuuld rise 
 in rebellion ; the determination of our Government to pre- 
 vent all other foreign powers from coming to the aid of the 
 Spanish Government in the attempt to suppress such I'esist- 
 ance to its oppression. Finally, it urged, that if Spain, 
 deaf to her own interests, and under the influence of other 
 powers, should stubbornly refuse to consider such appeals, 
 the law of self-defense might impel, as it would justify, our 
 Government in considering whether our internal peace, or 
 the existence of our cherished Union, were endangered by 
 its retention of the island. 
 
 "Should this question be answered in the affirmative, then by every law, 
 human and divine, we shall be justified in wresting it from Spain, if we 
 possess tlie power. And this upon the very same principle that would 
 justify an individual in tearing down the burning house of his neighbor, if 
 there were no other means of preventing the flames from destroying his 
 own home. Under such circumstances we ought neither to count the cost 
 nor regard the odds which Spain might enlist against us. We forbear to 
 enter into the question wliether the present co-edition of the island would 
 justify such a measure. We should, however, be recreant to our duty, be 
 unworthy of our gallant forefathers, and commit base ti-eason against our 
 posterity, should we permit Cuba to be Africanized and become a second 
 St. Domingo, with all its attendant horrors to the white race, and suffer the 
 flames to extend to our neighboring shores, sei'iously to endanger, or actu- 
 ally to consume the fair fabric of our Union. We fear that the course and 
 current of events are rapidlj' tending toward such a catastrophe. We, 
 however, hope for the best, though we ought certainly to be prepared for 
 the worst." 
 
 Such views and sentiments will accord with those of 
 every true patriot, and wise and practical Btatesmen. 
 
rW LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 
 
 BUCHANAN AT HOME. 
 
 Having at last been relieved from his severe duties, Mr. 
 Buchanan returned to the United States in April, 1856. 
 His reception was exceedingly cordial and enthusiastic in 
 New York, and other cities which he visited on his way to 
 his residence. In reply to a great popular demonstration 
 in his honor in New York, he delivered the following neat 
 and characteristic little speech : 
 
 "Friends and fellow-citizens: I can scarcely describe the emotions I feel 
 at the present moment, in view of the vast crowd of my fellow citizens of 
 the great conimercial emporium of the Union. I have been for years 
 abroad in a foreign land, and I like the noise of the Democi*acy ! My heart 
 responds to the acclamations of the noble citizens of this favored country. 
 I have been abroad in other lands; I have witnessed arbitraiy power; I 
 have contemplated tlie people of other countries; but there is no country 
 under God's heavens where a man feels to his fellow man, except in the 
 United States. If you could feel how depotism looks on; liow jealous the 
 despotic powers of the world are of our glorious institutions, you would 
 cherish the Constitution and Union to your hearts, next to your belief in 
 the Christian religion — the Bible for heaven, and the Constitution of your 
 country for eartli." 
 
 Ever since the election of General Pierce, Mr. Buchanan 
 had been the favorite, openly and declaredly, of a large 
 portion of his fellow-citizens, and particularly of his own 
 State, for the succession. Carefally abstaining from all 
 discussion, or even correspondence on the subject, Mr. 
 Buchanan placed himself in the hands of his friends and 
 of the great Democratic party, which he had so ably served 
 for forty years. 
 
 PENSYLVANIA STATE CONVENTION. 
 
 The old Keystone State Urst led off in behalf of her 
 favorite son. The Convention met at Harrisburg; it de- 
 clared unanimously for Mr. Buchanan. At the same time, 
 it passed the most thoroughly national resolutions on the 
 great issues of the day, declaring that our patriotc fi-amers 
 
LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 61 
 
 of the Constitutiou liad left the whole " question of slavery 
 to the States iu their sovereign capacities ; and that in the 
 provision for the re-delivery of fugitives escaped from 
 labor or service, they demonstrated a sense of justice, an 
 appreciation of the value of the Union, an attachment to 
 its preservation, an avoidance of one-sided philanthropy, 
 and impracticable theories of Government, which present 
 a proper example for the guidance and imitation of their 
 descendants." They also assert the equality of the States 
 as the vital element of the Constitution itself, and that an 
 interference with the rights of the States by those who seek 
 to disregard the sacred guarantees of the past, and by all 
 others, should be rebuked with the same spirit that would 
 denounce and repudiate all attempts to create odious dis- 
 tinctions between those who are entitled to share the bless- 
 ings and benefits of our free institutions. 
 
 All attempts to direct the power of the Government, by 
 anti-slavery agitation, is pointedly condemned, as well as 
 all consideration of religion, and all distinctions as to place 
 of birth, and all secret oath-bound political societies as 
 opposed to the letter and spirit of the Constitution. 
 
 Also approving the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, 
 and recognizing the Kansas and Nebraska bill as a work 
 of patriotic sacrifice "in meeting the demands of sectional 
 excitement by unshaken adherence to the fundamental law ; 
 that such legislation was necessary and timely, and that it 
 establishes a rule, as to the admission of territories, of equal 
 and exact justice to all men, of all sections of the Union ;" 
 that they had, in 1848, offered to extend the Missouri Com- 
 promise line, and that being rejected by the anti-slavery 
 faction, the only safety now was in referring the whole 
 question of slavery in the territories to the people thereof; 
 and that, therefore, they extended their hearty support to 
 the policy of the Government, as recognized in the com- 
 
62 LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 
 
 promise measures of 1850, and embodied in the laws 
 organizing the territories of Kansas and Nebraska. 
 
 Nominated on these resolutions, Mr. Buchanan declared 
 that they ably and clearly indicated the duties of the Presi- 
 dent, whomsoever he might be : 
 
 "AH of which, without reference to those merely personal to myself, I 
 heartily adopt. Indeed they meet my cordial approbation from the moment 
 when I first perused them on the other side of tlie Atlantic. They consti- 
 tute a platform, broad, national, and conservative, and one eminently worthy 
 of the Democracy of our great and good old State." 
 
 " These resolutions, carried into execution with an inflexibility and perse- 
 verance precluding all hope of change, and yet in a kindly spirit, will, era 
 long, allay the dangerous excitement which has for some years prevailed on 
 the subject of domestic slavery, and again unite all portions of our common 
 country in the ancient bonds of brotlierly affection, under the flag of the 
 Constitution and the Union." 
 
 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION. 
 
 Mr. Buchanan presented by his own and other States, 
 and by a host of warm supporters, as the man for the 
 Presidency, came before this great National Convention, 
 which met at Cincinnati on 2d June, 1866, with a strength 
 and popularity eliciting an enthusiasm and devotion on the 
 part of his friends, that have not been witnessed in the 
 Democratic party since the days of Jackson, These indi- 
 cations were rendered sti'onger, by the facts, that his rivals 
 for the nomination had gathered around them hosts of 
 zealous and devoted friends — and presented the advantage 
 of being more recently out of the fierce conflicts which the 
 Democracy had waged against a dangerous and powerful 
 faction. Still the old and established claims of Mr. Bu- 
 chanan had sunk so deep in the hearts and memories of all 
 true Democrats — that when, by the graceful and patriotic 
 retirement of those rivals he succeeded, on the 17th ballot 
 of that glorious assemblage of delegates from every State 
 Congi'essional Distiict in the Union, in attracting to him 
 
LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 68 
 
 the votes of all the delegates, there was not a feeling of 
 discontent, mortification, or dissatisfaction in the whole 
 body, but all with one voice cried out, " James Buchanan 
 IS THE MAN FOB THE TIMES." And then, whcu the ticket 
 was completed, by associating with the sage of Lancaster 
 the gallant, accomplished, and ever true son of Kentucky, 
 John C. Breckinridge, the heart of the great Democracy 
 swelled with pride and patriotic confidence, to behold such 
 names blazoned on the glorious Democratic States Eights 
 Union banner they had unfiuied — that banner which 
 embraced the following 
 
 DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM. 
 
 " Resolved, That the American Democracy place their trust in the intelli- 
 gence, the patriotism, and the discriminating justice of the American people. 
 
 " Resolved, That we regard this as a distinctive feature of our political 
 creed, wliich we are proud to maintain before the world as the great moral 
 element m a form of government springing from, and upheld by, the pop- 
 ular will ; and we contrast it with the creed and practice of Federalism, 
 under whatever name or form, which seeks to palsy the will of the constit- 
 uent, and which conceives no inposture too monstrous for the popular 
 credulity. 
 
 '• Resolved, therefore. That, entertaining these views, the Democratic party 
 of this Union, through their delegates assembled in a general Convention, 
 coming together in a spirit of concord, of devotion to the doctrines and faith 
 of a free represented Government, and appealing to their fellow-citizens for 
 the rectitude of their intentions, renew and re-assert before the American 
 people, the declarations of the principles avowed by them when, on former 
 occasions, in general Convention, they have presented their candidate for the 
 popular suffrages. 
 
 " 1. That the federal Government is one of limited power, derived solely 
 from the Constitution ; and the grants of power made therein ought to be 
 strictly construed by all the departments and agents of the Government; 
 and that it is inexpedient and dangerous to exercise doubiful constitutional 
 powers. 
 
 "2. That the Constitution does not confer upon the General Government 
 the power to commence and carry on a general system of internal improve- 
 ment. 
 
 •' 3. That the Constitution does not confer authority upon the federal 
 
^ LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN, 
 
 Government, directly or indirectly, to assume tlie debts of the several States, 
 contracted for local and internal improvements, or other State purposes ; nor 
 ■would such assumption be just or expedient. 
 
 " 4. That justice and sound policy forbid the federal Government to 
 foster one branch of industry to the detriment of any other, or to cherish the 
 interests of one portion to the injury of another portion of our common 
 country ; that every citizen and every section of the country has a right to 
 demand and insist upon an equality of rights and privileges, and to com- 
 plete and ample protection of persons and property from domestic violence 
 or foreign aggression. 
 
 " 5. That it is the duty of every branch of the Government to enforce and 
 practice the most rigid economy in conducting our public affairs, and that 
 no more revenue ought to be raised than is required to defray the necessary 
 expenses of the Government, and for the gradual, but certain extinction of 
 the public debt. 
 
 " 6. Tliat the proceeds of the public lands ought to be sacredly applied to 
 the national objects specified in the Constitution ; and that we are opposed 
 to any law for the distribution of such proceeds among the States, as alike 
 inexpedient in policy and repugnant to the Constitution. 
 
 " 7. That Congress has no power to charter a National Bank ; that we 
 believe such an institution one of deadly hostility to the best interests of the 
 country, dangerous to our Republican institutions and the liberties of the 
 people, and calculated to place the business of the country within the con- 
 trol of a concentrated money power, and above the laws and the will of tht 
 people ; and that the results of Democratic legislation in this and all othei 
 financial measures, upon which issues have been made between the two 
 political parties of the country, have demonstrated, to candid and practical 
 men of all parties, their soundness, safety, and utility, in all business 
 pui'suits. 
 
 "8. That the separation of the moneys of the Government from banking 
 institutions, is indispensable for the safety of the funds of the Government 
 and the rights of the people. 
 
 " 9. That we are decidedly opposed to taking from the President the 
 qualified veto power, by wliich he is enabled, under restrictions and respon- 
 sibilities, amply sufficient to guard the public interests, to suspend the pas- 
 sage of a bill whose merits can not secure the approval of two-thirds of the 
 Senate and House of Representatives, until the judgment of the people can 
 be obtained thereon, and which saved the American people from the coiTupt 
 and tyrannical domination of the Bank of the United States, and from a 
 corrupting system of general internal improvements. 
 
 "10. That the liberal principles embodied by Jefferson in the Declaration 
 of Independence, and sanctioned in the Constitution, which makes ours the 
 land of liberty, and the asylum of the oppressed of every nation, have ever 
 
LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 65 
 
 been cardinal principles of the Democratic faith, and every attempt to 
 abridge the privilege of becoming citizens and the owners of tlie soil among 
 us, ouglit to be resisted with the same spirit which swept the alien and 
 sedition laws from our statute books. 
 
 " And whereas, Since the foregoing declaration was uniformly adopted by 
 our predecessors in national conventions, an adverse political and religious 
 test has been secretly organized by a party claiming to be exclusively 
 American, it is proper that the American Democracy should clearly define 
 its relatious thereto, and declare its determined opposition to all secret polit- 
 ical societies, by whatever name they may be called. 
 
 "Resolved, That the foundation of this union of States having been laid 
 in, and its prospsrity, expansion, and pre-eminent example in free govern- 
 ment, built upon entire freedom in matters of religious concernment, and no 
 respect of person in regai-d to rank or place of birth, no party can justly be 
 deemed national, constitutional, or in accordance with American principles, 
 which bases its exclusive organization upon religious opinions and acci- 
 dental birth-place. And hence, a political crusade in the nineteenth cen- 
 tury, and in the United States of America, against Catholics and foreign-born 
 citizens, is neither justified by the past liistory or the future prospects of the 
 country, nor in unison with the spirit of toleration and enlarged freedom 
 which peculiarly distinguislies the American system of popular government. 
 
 " Resohed, That we reiterate with renewed energy of jiurpose, the well- 
 considered declarations of former Conventions upon the sectional issue of 
 domestic slavery, and concerning the reserved rights of the States. 
 
 " 1. That Congress has no power, under the Constitution, to interfere 
 with or control the domestic institutions of the several States, and that such 
 States are the sole and proper judges of every thing appertaining to their 
 own affairs, not prohibited by the Constitution; that the efforts of the Abo- 
 litionists, or others, made to induce Congress to interfere with questions of 
 slavery, or to take incipient steps in relation thereto, are calculated to lead 
 Co the most alarming and dangerous consequences; and that all such efforts 
 fiave an inevitable tendency to diminish the happiness of the people, and 
 endanger the stability and permanency of the Union, and ought not to be 
 countenanced by any friend of our political institutions. 
 
 "2. That the foregoing proposition covers, and was intended to embrace, 
 the whole subject of slavery agitation in Congress; and, therefore, the Dem- 
 ocratic party of the Union, standing on this national platform, will abide by 
 and adhere to a faithful execution of the acts known as the Compromise 
 Measures, settled by the Congress of 1850, ' the act of reclaiming fugitives 
 from service or labor,' included; which act being "designed to cany out an 
 express provision of the Constitution, can not, with fidelity thereto, be 
 repealed or so changed as to destroy or impair its eflSciency. 
 
 " 3. That the Democratic party will resist all attempts at I'enewing, iiji 
 
®$ LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 
 
 Congress, or out of it, the agitation of the slavery question, under -whatever 
 Bhape or color the attem])t may be made. 
 
 "4. That the Democratic party will faithfully abide by and uphold the 
 principles laid down in the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of 1798, and 
 in the report of Mr. Madison to the Virginia Legislature in 1799; that it 
 adopts those principles as constituting one of the main foundations of its 
 political creed, and is resolved to carry them out in their obvious meaning 
 and import. 
 
 " And that we may more distinctly meet the issues on which a sectional 
 party, subsisting exclusivelj' on slavery agitation, now relies to test the 
 fidelity of the people. North and South, to the Constitution and tlie Union: 
 
 " Resolved, That claiming fellowship with, and desiring the co-operation 
 of all who regard the presei-vation of the Union under the Constitution as 
 the paramount issue — and repudiating all sectional parties and platforms 
 concerning domestic slavery, which seek to embroil the States and incite to 
 treason and armed resistance to law in the territories; and whose avowed 
 purposes, if consummated, must end in civil war and disunion — the Ameri- 
 can Democracy recognize and adopt the principles contained in the organic 
 laws, establishing the territories of Kansas and Nebraska, as embodying 
 the only sound and safe solution of the ' slavery question ' upon which the 
 great national idea of the people of this whole country can repose in ita 
 determined conservatism of the Union — non-interference by Congress tcith 
 slavery in State and territory, or in the District of Columbia. 
 
 "2. That this was the basis of the compromises of 1850 — confirmed by 
 both the Democratic and WHiig parties in National Conventions — ^i-atified by 
 the people in the election of 1852 — and rightly applied to the organization 
 of territories in 1854. 
 
 "3. That by the uniform application of tliis Democratic principle to the 
 organization of territories, and the admission of new States, with or without 
 domestic slavery, as they may elect, the equal rights of all the States will be 
 preserved intact, the original compacts of the Constitution maintained invio- 
 late, and the perpetuity and expansion of this Union insured to its utmost 
 capacity of embracing, in peace and harmony, every future American State 
 that may be constituted or annexed with a Republican form of government. 
 
 " Resolved, That we recognize the right of the ])eople of all the territories, 
 including Kansas and Nebraska, acting through the legally and fairly ex- 
 pressed will of a majority of actual residents; and whenever the number of 
 their inhabitants justifies it, to form a Constitution, with or without domestic 
 slavery, and be admitted into the Union upon terms of perfect equality with 
 the other States. 
 
 " Resolved, &na\\j, That in view of the condition of popular institutions in 
 the old world, (and the dangerous tendencies of sectional agitation, com- 
 bined with the attempt to enforce civil and religious disabilities against the 
 
LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 67 
 
 rights of ncquli-ing and' enjoying citizenshij) in our own land,) a high and 
 sacred duty is dovolved^ with increased responsibilitj', upon tlic Ueniocratic 
 party of this country, as the party of the Union, to uphold and maintain the 
 i-ights of every State, and thereby the Union of the States, and to sustain 
 and advance among us constitutional liberty, by continuing to resist all 
 monopolies and exclusive legislation for the benefit of the few at the expense 
 of the many, and by a vigilant and constant adherence to those principles 
 and compromises of the Constitution, which are broad enough and strong 
 enough to embrace and uphold the Union as it was, the Union as it is, and 
 the Union as it shall be, in the full expansion of the energies and capacity 
 of this great and progressive people. 
 
 '•[AH of the above was adopted unanimously by the Convention.] 
 
 " 1. Resolved, That there are questions connected with the foreign policy of 
 this country, which are inferior to no domestic question whatever. The time 
 has come for the peojile of the United States to declare themselves in favor 
 of free seas and progressive free trade throughout the world, and, by solemn 
 manifestations, to place their moral influence at the side of their successful 
 example. 
 
 ' " [Adopted, 234 to 26. Georgia, Maryland, Delaware, and North Carolina 
 voted no.] 
 
 "2. Resolved, That our geographical and political position with reference 
 to the other States of this continent, no less than the interests of our com- 
 merce and the development of our growing power, requires that we should 
 hold as sacred the principles involved in the Monroe doctrine; their bearing 
 and import admit of no misconstruction; they should be applied with un- 
 bending rigidity. 
 
 "[Adopted, 239 to 23.] 
 
 " 3. Resolved, That the great highway which nature, as well as the assent 
 of the States most immediately interested in its maintenance, has marked 
 out for a free communication between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, con- 
 stitutes one of the most important achievements realized by the spirit of 
 modern times, and the unconquerable energy of our people. That result 
 should be seeui-ed by a timely and efiicient exertion of the control which we 
 have the right to claim over it, and no power on earth should be suffered to 
 impede or clog its progress by any interference with the relations it may 
 suit our policy to establish between our Government and the Governments 
 of the States within whose dominions it lies. We can, under no circum- 
 stances, surrender om* preponderance in the adjustment of all questions 
 arising out of it. 
 
 "[Adopted, 199 to 56. Maine, 1; Connecticut, 2; Virginia, Maryland, and 
 Rhode Island formed the principal nays.] 
 
 "4. That in view of so commanding an interest, the people of the United 
 States can not but sympathize with the efforts which are being made by the 
 
^ LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 
 
 people of Central America to regenerate that portion of the continent which 
 covers the passage across the inter-occanic isthmus. 
 
 " [Adopted, 221 to 38. Rhode Island, Delaware, Maryland, South Caro- 
 lina, and Kentucky voted nay.] 
 
 " 5. Resolved, That the Democratic party will expect of the next Adminis- 
 tr.ntion that every proper effort be made to insure our ascendency in the 
 Gulf of Mexico, and to maintain a permanent protection in the great outlets 
 through which are emptied into its waters the products raised out of the 
 soil, and the commodities created by the industry of the people of our 
 western valleys, and of the Union at large. 
 
 "[Adopted, 229 to 30 — last nearly as on previous one.] 
 
 " A resolution was introduced and passed, though not adopted as a part 
 of the platform, declaring it to be the duty of the General Government, so 
 far as the Constitution will permit, to aid in the construction of a safe over- 
 land route between the Atlantic and the Pacific coasts." 
 
 Contrast with this the Platform of the party which met 
 at Philadelphia a few weeks after, in a Convention com- 
 posed of delegates from sixteen States : 
 
 THE REPUBLICAN" PLATFORM. 
 
 " This Convention of delegates, assembled in pursuance of a call ad- 
 dressed to the people of the United States without regard to past political 
 differences or divisions ; who are opposed to the repeal of the Missouri 
 Compromise; to the policy of the present Administration; to the extension 
 of slavery into free territory; in favor of the admission of Kansas as a free 
 State; of restoring the action of the federal Government to the principles of 
 Washington and Jefferson, and for the pui-pose of presenting candidates for 
 President and Vice-President, do resolve : 
 
 "Resohed, That the maintenance of the principles promulgated in the 
 Declaration of Independence, and embodied in the federal Constitution, are 
 essential to the preservation of our Republican interests, and that the fed- 
 eral Constitution, the rights of the States, and the union of the States, must 
 and should be preserved. 
 
 " Resolved, That, with our Republican fathers, we hold it to be a self-evi- 
 dent truth that all men are endowed with the inalienable right of liberty 
 and the pursuit of happiness, and that the primary object and ulterior 
 design of our federal Government, went to secure tliese rights to all persons 
 under its exclusive jurisdiction; that as our Republican fatliers, when they 
 had abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordered tliat no person 
 should be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law, 
 it becomes our duty to maintain this provision of their Constitution against 
 
LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 69 
 
 all attempts to violate it for tlie purpose of establishing slavery in the terri- 
 tories of the United States, by positive legislation prohibiting its existence 
 or extension therein. 
 
 " /?esoZocrf, That the Constitution confers upon Congress sovereign power 
 over the territores of the United States for tlieir government, and that in the 
 exercise of this power, it is the right and the imperative duty of Congress 
 to prohibit in the territories those twin relics of barbarism, polygamy and 
 slavery. 
 
 " Resolved, That while the Constitution of the United States was ordained 
 by the people in order to form a more perfect union, establisli ju.stice, insure 
 domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defen.sc, promote the general 
 welfare and secure the blessings of liberty, it contains ample provisions for 
 the protection of the life, liberty, and property of every citizen, the dearest 
 constitutional rights of the people of Kansas have been fraudulently taken 
 from them; their territory has been invaded by an armed force, spurious 
 and pretending legislative, judicial, and executive officers have been set over 
 them, by whose usurped authority, sustained by the military power of the 
 Government, tyrannical and unconstitutional laws have been enacted and 
 enforced, the rights of the people to keep and bear arms have been infringed, 
 test oaths of an extroardinary and entangling nature have been imposed as 
 a condition of exercising the right of suffrage and holding office; the right 
 of an accused person to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury has 
 been denied; the right of the people to be secure in their own houses, 
 papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, lias been 
 violated, they have been dejn-ived of life, liberty, and property, without 
 due process of law; that the freedom of speech and of the press has been 
 abridged; the will to choose their representatives has been made of no effect; 
 murders, robberies, and arsons have been instigated and encouraged, and 
 the offenders have been allowed to go unpunished; that all these things 
 have been done with the knowledge, sanction, and procurement of the 
 present Administration, and that, for this liigher crime against the Constitu- 
 tion, the Union and humanity, we arraign the Administration, the President, 
 his advisers, agents, supporters, apologists and accessories, either before or 
 after the facts, before the countiy and before the world, and that it is our 
 fixed purpose to bring the actual perpetrators of these atrocious outrages, 
 and their accomplices, to a sure and condign punishment liereafter. 
 
 "Resolved, That the highwayman's plea that " might makes right," em- 
 bodied in the Ostend circular, was, in every respect, unworthy of American 
 diplomac\% and would bring shame and dishonor on any Government or 
 peoj)letliat gave it their sanction. 
 
 " Resolved, That a railroad to the Pacific ocean, by the most central and 
 practical route, is imperatively demanded by the interests of the whole 
 countiy, and that the federal Government ought to render immediate and 
 
1;'^ LIFK OF JAMKS lU'CHAxN'AN. 
 
 efficient aid in its construction, and, as an auxiliary thereto, the ininiediiita 
 construction of an emigrant route on the line of the railroad. 
 
 " Resolved, That appropriations by Congress for the improvement of 
 rivers and harbors, of a national character, required for the accommodation 
 and security of our existing commerce, are authorized by the Constitution, 
 and justified by the obligation of Government, to protect the lives and prop- 
 erty of its citizens." 
 
 Contrast it witli the other creed of another Convention, 
 which met in Philadelphia in the spring of IS 56, and from 
 which nearly a majority of the members withdrew before 
 the objects for which it had assembled were attained. Con- 
 trast it : 
 
 AMERICAN PLATFORM. 
 
 " 1. A humble acknowledgement to the supreme Being who rules the uni 
 verse for his protecting care, voiichsafod to om* fathers in their successful 
 Revolutionary struggle, and hitherto manifested to us, their descendants, in 
 the preservation of the liberties, the independence, and the union of the 
 States. 
 
 "2. The perpetuation of the federal Union as tlie palladium of our civil 
 and religious liberties, and the only sure bulwark of 'American Inde- 
 pendence.' 
 
 "3. Americans viust rule America; and to this end, native-horn citizens 
 should be selected for all State, federal, and municipal offices or Government 
 employment in preference to naturalized citizens; nevertheless, 
 
 "4. Pei'sons born of American parents residing temporarily abroad, 
 should be entitled to all the rights of native-born citizens; but 
 
 " 5. No person should be selected for political station, (whether of native 
 or foreign birth,) who recognizes any allegiance or obligation of any descrip- 
 tion to any foreign prince, potentate, or power, or who refuses to recognize 
 the federal and State Constitutions, (each within its sphere,) as paramount 
 to all other laws, as rules of political action. 
 
 " 6. The unqualified recognition and maintenance of the reserved rights 
 of the several States, and cultivation of harmony and fraternal good will 
 between the citizens of the several States, and to this end, non-interference 
 by Congress with questions appertaining solely to the individual States, and 
 non-intervention by each State with the afi"airs of another State. 
 
 " 7. The recognition of the right of the native-born and naturalized citi- 
 zens of the United States, permanently residing in any territory thereof, to 
 frame their constitutions and laws, and to regulate their domestic and social 
 aflfaii's in their own mode, subject only to the provisions of the federal 
 
LIFE OK JAMK:S BUCHANAN. 71 
 
 Constitution, witli the rights of admission into the Union whenever they 
 have the requisite population for one representative in Congress: Provided 
 always, that none but those who are citizens of the United States, under tlie 
 Constitution and laws thereof, and who have a fixed residence in any such 
 territory, ought to participate in the formation of the Constitution, or in the 
 enactment of laws for said territory or State. 
 
 " 8. An enforcement of the principle that no State or territtny can admit 
 others than native-born citizens to the right of suffrage, or of holding politi- 
 cal ofiice, unless such persons shall have been naturalized according to the 
 laws of the United States. 
 
 " 9. A change in the laws of naturalization, making a continued residence 
 of twenty-one years, of all not heretofore provided for, an indispensable 
 requisite for citizensliip hereafter, and excluding all paupers and persons 
 convicted of crime, from landing upon our shores; but no interference witli 
 the vested rights of foreigners. 
 
 "10. Opposition to anj' imion between Church and State; no interference 
 ■with religious faith or worship, and no test oaths for .oiRee, except those 
 indicated in the fifth section of this Platform. 
 
 "11. Free and thoroiigh investigation into any and all alleged abuses of 
 public functionaries, and a strict economy in public expenditures. 
 
 " 12. The maintenance and enforcement of all laws until said laws shall be 
 repealed, or shall be declared null and void by competent jiidicial authority. 
 
 " 13. Opposition to tlie reckless and unwise policy of the present Adminis- 
 tration in the general management of our national affairs, and more espe- 
 cially as shown in removing 'Americans' (by designation,) and conserv- 
 atives in principle, froin office, and placing foreigners and ultraists in their 
 places; as shown in a truckling subserviency to the stronger, and an inso- 
 lent and cowardly bravado toward the weaker powers; as shown in re-open- 
 ing agitation, by the repeal of the Missouri Compromise; as shown in 
 granting to unnaturalized foreigners the right of suffi-age in Kansas and 
 Nebi'aska; as shown in its vaeilating. course on the Kansas and Nebraska 
 question; as shown in the removal of Judge Bronson from the Collector- 
 ship of New York upon false and untenable grounds; as shown in dis- 
 gracing meritorious naval pfficers through prejudice or caprice; and as 
 shown in the blundering mismanagement of our foreign relations. 
 
 " 14. Therefore, to remedy existing evils, and prevent the disastrous con- 
 sequences otherwise resulting therefrom, we would build up the 'American 
 party' upon the principles herein before stated, eschewing all sectional 
 questions, and uniting those purely national, and admitting into said party 
 all American citizens, (referred to in the third, fourth, and fifth sections.) 
 who openly avow the principles and opinions heretofore expressed, and who 
 •will subscribe their names to this Platform: Provided, veyorihc'lcss, that li. 
 majority of those members present at any meeting of a local council where 
 
f% LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 
 
 an applicant applies for membership in the American parly may, for any 
 reason by them deemed sufficient, deny admission to such applicant. 
 
 " 15. A free and open discussion of all political principles embraced in 
 our Platform." 
 
 ACCEPTANCE. 
 
 On the 18th of Jnne, Mr. Buchanan was waited on at 
 "Wheatland by the Committee of the N'ational Convention, 
 and notified, in an ek")quent letter, of liis nomination. He 
 replied in the following letter, which, as it is the last docu- 
 ment that will emanate from him before the delivery of his 
 Inaugural Address, we give entire : 
 
 "Wheatland, (near Lancaster,) June 16, 1856. 
 
 " Gentlemen: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your com- 
 munication of the 13th instant, informing me officially of my nomination by 
 the Democratic National Convention, recently held at Cincinnati, as the Demo- 
 cratic candidate for the office of President of the United 3(ates. I shall not 
 attempt to express the grateful feelings which I entertain toward my Demo- 
 cratic fellow-citizens for having deemed me worthy of this, the highest 
 political honor on earth — an honor such as the people of no other country 
 have the power to bestow. Deeply sensible of the vast and varied responsi- 
 bility attached to the station, especially at the present crisis of our affairs, I 
 have carefully refrained from seeking the nomination either by word or 
 deed. Now, that it has been offered by the Democratic party, I accept it 
 with, diffidence in my own abilities, but with a humble trust that, in the 
 event of ray election, I may be enabled to discharge my duty in such a man- 
 ner as to allay domestic strife, preserve peace and fiiendship with foreign 
 nations, and pi'omote the best interests of the Republic. 
 
 "In accepting the nomination, I need scarcely say that I accept in the 
 same spirit the resolutions constituting the platform of principles erected by 
 the Convention. To this platform I intend to confine myself throughout the 
 canvass, believing that I have no right, as the candidate of the Democratic 
 party, by answering interrogatories, to present new and different issues be- 
 fore the people. 
 
 " It will not be expected that, in this answer, I should specially refer to the 
 subject of each of the resolutions, and I shall, therefore, confine myself to 
 the two topics now most prominently before the people. 
 
 "And, in the first place, I cordially concur in the sentiments expressed by 
 tlie Convention on the subject of civil and religious liberty. No party 
 founded on religious or political intolerance toward one class of American 
 
LIFE OF JAMES BrCHANAN. 73 
 
 citizens, whether born in our own or in a foreign Li.nd, can long contiinie to 
 exist in this country. We are all equal before God and the Constitution ; 
 and the dark spirit of despotism and bigotry which would create odious dis- 
 tinctions among our fellow-citizens will be speedily rebuked by a free and 
 enlightened public opinion. 
 
 " The agitation of the question of domestic slavery lias too long distracted 
 and divided the people of this Union, and alienated their affections from each 
 other. This agitalion has assumed many forms since its commencement, 
 but it now seems to he directed chiefly to the territories ; and, judging from 
 its present character, I think we may safely anticipate that it is rapidly ap- 
 proaching a 'finality.' The recent legislation of Congress respecting do- 
 mestic slavery, derived, as it has been, from the original and pure fountain 
 of legitimate political power, the will of the majority, promises ere long to 
 allay the dangerous excitement. This legislation is founded upon princi- 
 ples as ancient as free government itself, and, in accordance with them, has 
 simply declared that the people of a territory, like those of a State, shall 
 decide for themselves whether slavery shall or shall not exist within their 
 limits. 
 
 " The Nebraska-Kansas act does no more than give the force of law to this 
 elementary principle of self-government, declaring it to be ' the true intent 
 and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any territory or State, 
 nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free 
 to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject 
 only to the Constitution of the United States.' This principle will surely 
 not be controverted by any individual of any party professing devotion to 
 popular government. Besides, how vain and illusoiy would any other 
 principle prove in practice in regard to the territories ! This is apparent 
 from the fact admitted by all, that, after a territory shall have entered the 
 Union and become a State, no constitutional power would then exist which 
 could prevent it from abolishing or establishing slavery, as the case may be, 
 according to its sovereign will and pleasure. 
 
 " Most happy would it be for the country if this long agitation were at an 
 end. During its whole progress it has produced no practical good to any 
 human being, while it has been the source of great and dangerous evils. 
 It has alienated and estranged one portion of the Union from the other, and 
 has even seriously threatened its very existence. To my own personal knowl- 
 edge, it has produced the impression among foreign nations that our great 
 and glorious confederacy is in constant danger of dissolution. This does 
 us serious injury, because acknowledged power and stability always com- 
 mand respect among nations, and are among the best securities against 
 unjust aggression, and in favor of the maintenance of honorable peace. 
 
 " May" we not hope that it is the mission of the Democratic party, now 
 the only surviving conseiTative party of the country ere long to overthrow 
 
T*i? LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 
 
 all sectional parties, and restore the peace, friendship, and mutual confi- 
 dence which prevailed in the good old time among the ditTerent members of 
 the confederacy ? Its character is strictly national, and it therefore asserts 
 no principle for the guidance of the federal Government which is not 
 adopted and sustained by its members in each and every State. For this 
 reason, it is the same dettjrmined foe of all geographical parties, so much 
 and so justly dreaded by the Father of his Country. From its very nature 
 it must continue to exist so long as there is a Constitution and a Union to 
 preserve. A conviction of these truths has induced many of the purest, the 
 ablest, and most independent of our former opponents, who have differed 
 from us in times gone by, upon old and extinct party issues, to come into 
 onr ranks and devote themselves with us to the cause of the Constitution and 
 the Union. Under these circumstances, I most cheerfully pledge myself, 
 should the nomination of the Convention be ratified by the people, that all 
 the power and influence constitutionally possessed by the Executive shall 
 be exerted, in a firm but conciliatory spirit, during the single term I shall 
 remain in office, to restore the same harmony among the sister States which 
 prevailed before the apple of discord, in the form of slavery agitation, had 
 been cast into their midst. Let the members of the family abstain from 
 inteiTneddling with the exclusively domestic concerns of each other, and 
 cordially unite on the basis of perfect equality among themselves, in pro- 
 moting the great national objects of common interest to all, and the good 
 work will be instantly accomplished. 
 
 " In regard to our foreign policy, to which you have referred in your com- 
 munication, it is quite impossible for any human foreknowledge to prescribe 
 positive rules in advance, to regulate the conduct of a future Administration 
 in all tlie exigencies which may arise in our various and ever-changing rela 
 tions with foreign powers. The federal Government must, of necessity, exer- 
 cise a sound discretion in dealing with international questions as they may 
 occur; but this under the strict responsibility which the Executive must 
 always feel to the people of the United States, and the judgment of posterity. 
 You will, therefore, excuse me for not entering into particulars, while I heart- 
 ily concur with you in the general sentiment, that our foreign affairs ought to 
 be conducted with such wisdom and firmness, as to assure the prosperity of 
 the people at liome, while the interests and honor of our country are wisely, 
 but inflexibly maintained abroad. Our foreign policy ought ever to be based 
 upon the principle of doing justice to all nations, and requiring justice 
 from them in return; and from this principle I shall never depart. 
 
 " Should I be placed in the Executive chair, I shall use my best exertions 
 to cultivate peace and friendship with all nations, believing this to be our 
 highest policy, as well as our most imperative duty; but, at the same time, I 
 shall never forget that, in case a necessity .should arise, which I do not now 
 
LTFK <»F .JAMKS lU'CIIANAN. 75 
 
 apprehend, our national lii^lils ;uul national honor nuist be preserved at all 
 hazards and at any saoriticc. 
 
 "Firmly convinced that a s])ccial Providence ir<jverns the aifairs of 
 nations, let us humbly inij)lore iiis continne<l blessings upon our country, and 
 that he may avert from us tlie punishment we justly deserve for being dis- 
 contented and ungrateful, while enjoying privileges above all nations, under 
 such a Constitution and such a Union as has never been vouchsafed to any 
 other people. 
 
 " Yours, very respectfully, 
 
 "James Buchanan-. 
 
 "Hon. John E. Ward, W. A. Richardson, Harry Hibbard, W. B. Lawrence, 
 A. G. Brown, John L. Manning, John Forsyth, W. Prkston, J. Ran- 
 dolph Tucker, and Horatio Sey.mouu, Committee, etc." 
 
 THE CHARACTER OF BUCHANAN. 
 
 The object of this book is attained by presenting, in a 
 brief compass, the chief incidents of Mr. Buchanan's 
 public life. We have not the space, nor is it at all neces- 
 sary, to attempt, in this place, any elaborate portraiture of 
 liis private character and life. The man may be judged by 
 his recorded sentiments. These proclaim, more strongly 
 than pen or pencil can, the warm patriotism, the faithful 
 devotion, the enlarged views, the sagacious and thoughtful 
 intellect, the stern fidelity to principle and party, and the 
 untiring industry of James Buchanan. They indicate, fur- 
 tlier, the amiability, kindness, sincerity and philanthropy 
 of his nature. To appreciate these, however, it is neces- 
 sary to know him in the private, social circle, to hear from 
 his neighbors of his "daily walk and conversation" among 
 men, of his acts of goodness and charity, his hospitality, 
 benevolence, and piety. No claim of the poor and af- 
 flicted was ever presented to him in vain. His political 
 foes — for he has no personal ones — all bear testimony to his 
 private virtues. 
 
 We can not rolVain froiii quoting one of these extracts 
 from a pa})er published in the neighborhood of Wheatland, 
 
76 LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 
 
 which is strongly enlisted against the party of which Mr. 
 Buchanan is the Presidential candidate: 
 
 " We knew Mr. Buchanan as one of our most respected fellow-citizens — • 
 a gentleman of unbleraislied personal integrity, and unusually agreeable 
 manners, in his social intercourse with all classes. We know him as a 
 friend of the poor — as a perpetual benefactor of the poor widows of this 
 city, who, wlien the piercing blast of each .successive winter brought shrieks 
 of cold, and hunger, and want, in the frail tenements of poverty, could 
 ap])ly to the 'Buchanan Relief Donation ' for their annual sujiply of wood, 
 and sitting down with their orphaned children, in tlie cheerful warmth of a 
 blazing fire, lift their hearts in silent gratitude to God, and teach their little 
 ones to bless the name of James Buchanan. As a citizen, a neighbor, a 
 friend — in a word, as simply James Buchanan — we yielded to no man in the 
 measure of our respect and esteem." 
 
 We can not enumerate his acts of charity. Though by 
 no means wealthy, he has shamed our millionaires by the 
 liberality of his donations to the poor and needy. When 
 the people of Pittsburgh were prostrated by the terrible 
 calamity of a desolating conflagration, and thousands of 
 the poor were left without shelter, clothing, or food, Mr. 
 Buchanan was the first to contribute the sum of five hun- 
 dred dollars to a fund for their relief. But why speak of 
 the benevolence of a man of whose private life hi& political 
 enemies can say nothing worse than that he has chosen, 
 for reasons that no gentleman would dare to pry into, a life 
 of celibacy. Were these reasons known, they would tend 
 to elevate Mr. Buchanan in public esteem, and to illustrate 
 what his whole life and conduct have otherwise proved, his 
 devotion and fidelity to that sex, which ever commands the 
 homao;e of all men of heart and virtue. 
 
Ar/,^ C/Ax.^^^-^^^ 
 
 ^ 
 
JOHN CABELL BRECiaNlUDCIE. 
 
 BoKN January 21, 1821, in one of the most lovely 
 spots of tlie garden of Kentucky, John Cabell Breckin- 
 ridge grew to manhood, amid scenes, and among a people, 
 where at every step of his progress in life, he was sure to 
 meet earnest and ardent competitors, prompt and ready to 
 contest with him the palm of success in whatever avoca- 
 tion he might select. Deprived at an early age of the 
 guiding and directing care of his father, (himself a man of 
 no ordinary intellectual supremacy,) with a patrimony 
 barely sufficient for his necessities, young Breckinridge felt, 
 as he girded up his loins to fight for himself the great bat- 
 tle of life, that upon his own high courage and unfaltering 
 will, must he lean alone for success ; and yet there clus- 
 tered around him the crowding memories of ancestral glo- 
 ries and a hereditary name; recollections which, while 
 they might deter a timid nature from efibrt, were to him 
 the stimulants most potent to rouse his energies, and excite 
 his ambition. 
 
 Men were yet living who were familiar with the great 
 fame, and the lofty character of his grandfather, John 
 Breckinridge. The records of Kentucky bear, still fresli 
 and bright, the impress of that mighty intellect which had 
 exerted, perhaps, a greater influence than any other single 
 mind upon the institutions of her government, and the tone 
 of her lefflslation. To be worthy of this heritage of 
 
 D 77 
 
78 JOHN CABELL BRECKINRIDGE. 
 
 renown, was young Breckinridge's aim ; and with this hope 
 as the guiding star of his life, he sprang into the arena. 
 
 Graduating with credit at Center College, Danville, Ken- 
 tucky, he entered the law class of the Transylvania In- 
 stitute, Lexington, Kentucky, where, under the instructions 
 of such able jurists and lawyers as Chief Justice George 
 Eobison, Judge A. K. Walley, and Thomas F. Marshall, he 
 laid deep and sure the foundations of that legal informa- 
 tion which was at so early an age, to place him in the fore- 
 most rank of the bar of his native State. 
 
 Immediately after receiving his license to practice law, 
 he was attracted by the glowing descriptions given of the 
 rapidly increasing north-west, and emigrated to Burlington, 
 Iowa, where, in connection with a relative, he commenced 
 the practice of his profession. 
 
 But his heart yearned for the State and the people of his 
 birth. Success would be to him deprived of half its value, 
 if not won upon his native heath, and if not witnessed by 
 the friends of his childhood. Returning to Kentucky, he 
 connected himself in marriage with an amiable and gifted 
 lady, and settling himself soberly and steadily down to the 
 great conflict before him, with the ablest and most celebrated 
 members of the bar of his native State, he soon attained 
 an enviable position as a lawy^er and an eloquent advocate. 
 The war with the Republic of Mexico found him on the 
 high road to wealth and ftime as a lawyer ; yet, abandon- 
 ing his practice, he volunteered his services, wherever they 
 might be useful to his country, and was elected Major of 
 the 3d Kentucky Regiment. No opportunity offered itself 
 in which the regiment could acquire distinction, yet Major 
 Breckinridge gained for himself the admiration and enco- 
 miums of all who witnessed his able and skillful defense of 
 Miijor General Pillow, before the Court Martial, convened 
 by order of General Scott for his trial. 
 
JOHN CABELL BKECKINRIDGE. 
 
 79 
 
 The third regiment was filled with the youno; and warm- 
 hearted men of Kentucky, who became ardently attached 
 to Major Breckinridge, and were proud of his rising fame. 
 Upon his return to Lexington he was, as a testimonial of 
 the respect felt for him by his fellow-citizens, elected to the 
 State Legislature. Even upon this limited field of action, 
 those abiHties were displayed which gave his friends confi- 
 dence in his future, and encouraged them to predict for him 
 a brilliant destiny. 
 
 In 1851 the Whig party in Major Breckinridge's dis- 
 trict nominated as their candidate for Congress General 
 Leslie Coombs, a gentleman who had achieved distinction as 
 a soldier in the Indian wars of the frontier, a sure title to 
 the afiections of a western people ; a man of brilliant wit, 
 popular manners, and stirring eloquence. For more than 
 a quarter of a century Kentucky had been the patrimony 
 of the Whig party ; it was the home of the great embodi- 
 ment of Whig principles, the mighty "Harry o*' the 
 West ;" the heart of the Whig party, its pulsations were 
 felt throughout the Union. Its offices had been held and its 
 honors enjoyed for so long a period by the chieftains of the 
 Whig party, that a feeling had been engendered nearly akin 
 to the claim of divine right. They felt that not only were 
 the high places of Kentucky theirs during life, but that 
 they had a right to appoiiit their successors by an instru- 
 ment of writing, without seal, or, in case of necessity, by 
 parol bequest and nuncupative will. In the Ashland dis- 
 trict there had been no contest for twenty years, save among 
 the Whigs— a contest decided in his favor who was the 
 most acceptable to Mr. Clay. General Coombs was under- 
 stoo^l to be Mr. Clay's bosom friend, his neighbor during a 
 whole lifetime, standing in as near a relation to him as 
 any living man ; against such a party, and under such a 
 leader, it seemed the rashnsss of folly to contend. But 
 
80 
 
 JOHN CABELL BRECKINKIDGE. 
 
 Mr. Breckinridge remembered that the "battle was iw»t 
 always to the strong, or the race to the swdft ;" he remem- 
 bered that there were hundreds of the young and impas- 
 sioned youths around him who were Whigs only by asso- 
 ciation and inheritance, who had attained manhood long 
 after the issues which divided the Whig and Democratic 
 parties had become obsolete ; he remembered that these 
 men had shared the long vigils of the lonely night-watch, 
 and the fatigues of the toilsome march with him in a 
 foreign land; he felt that between him and them was 
 a bond whose strength was known only to those who, in 
 distant climes, have remembered a common home and a 
 common country — he entered the lists. Few, even of his 
 political friends, ventured to hope for him a victoiy ; but 
 as he planted blow after blow full upon the crest of his 
 veteran antagonist ; as men saw how manfully and bravely 
 he bore himself through the struggle, the hopes of the De- 
 mocracy rose ; the prospects of success stimulated them to 
 exertion, the sympathies of the young and enthusiastic 
 were enlisted for him, and the night of the first Monday in 
 August, 1851, found him the choice of the Ashland district 
 as their representative in the Congress of the United 
 States. 
 
 The day of the election had passed over him, anxious, 
 doubting, uncertain of his fate ; the next, his name was 
 upon every tongue, from the shores of the great Father of 
 Waters, on the western confines of the State, to the mount- 
 ains of Virginia, on the east. In city and in hamlet, in 
 forest and in field, the Whig party wonderingly asked, 
 What manner of man is this who has stricken down one 
 of our tallest chieftains in the heart of our camp, and in 
 sight of the groves of Ashland ? To represent tlie district 
 which Mr. Clay had made famous, was no ordinary task ; 
 to represent it as the advocate of antagouistical principles 
 
JOHN OABKLL BKECKINKIDCiE. 81- 
 
 and policy, was harder still ; and every eye was u{»on him 
 as he took his seat. How he acquitted himself, let the 
 records of his country answer. During the session of 18,51 
 Mr. Clay died, and then was witnessed a scene honorable 
 alike to the living and the dead. The panorama of po- 
 litical history presents no spectacle more touchingly beau- 
 tiful than that presented to the Union, when the youthful 
 Representative of the Ashland district rose, and to the 
 memory of him who had given that district its world-wide 
 renown, pronounced a eulogium which, as long as the 
 language in which it was uttered is read, will move the 
 depths of every heart, and excite the admiration of every 
 scholar. 
 
 The Congress of 1851-52 adjourned, and the prize of a 
 Congressional seat was again to be contended for. Now 
 came the crisis of Major Breckinridge's fate. K defeated, 
 his previous success would be regarded only as one of those 
 accidents constantly occurring in politics ; if successful, his 
 fame and his future were secm-e. And yet, dark as had 
 been his prospects in the race with General Coombs, the 
 present was a darker hour. Stung to madness by their 
 defeat in 1851, the Whig party throughout the State de- 
 manded that the Ashland district should wipe out the 
 stigma resting upon it at any sacrifice and at every cost. 
 After long and earnest deliberation, Governor Letcher was 
 nominated by the Whigs — a gentleman who had filled a 
 position second only to Mr. Clay in the Whig leadership 
 of Kentucky ; who had been repeatedly a member of Con- 
 gress, Governor of the State, Minister to the Republic of 
 Mexico ; a man of infinite humor, tact, and shrewdness as a 
 politician ; a veteran in all those arts essential to success 
 upon the stump and the hustings in the West, his past 
 history marked him as worthy of the ti-ust committed to 
 him of restoring the fallen fortunes of his party. 
 
82 JOHN CABELL BRECKINEIDGE. 
 
 And now commenced a contest, the like of which had 
 not shaken Kentucky for years, the like of which none 
 save the gray-haired warriors of the State could remember. 
 In its interest, the other State elections were absorbed 
 and swallowed up. The Ashland district was the battle- 
 ground of the Whig and Democratic parties. Men 
 felt that the result was to decide the ftite of the State for 
 years to come. Letcher proved himself worthy of the trust 
 reposed in him, for he showed that the fire of his soul was 
 undimmed, and the force of his intellect unabated. Relying 
 upon the certain majority of his party, he drew the party 
 lines with a master hand, now invoking the Whigs by the 
 memory of former glories to nev/ triumphs ; again, with 
 sarcasm and ridicule, terrible in its scathing bitterness, 
 denouncing the renegades and the deserters, he sought 
 to make the battle one in which victory to him was 
 certain — a death-grapple between the Whig and Demo- 
 cratic parties. 
 
 The iwsition of Mr. Breckinridge was a trying one. 
 Compelled to rely upon Whig votes for success, and that, 
 while a leader whom, time and again, the Whigs had 
 followed to battle, and always to victory, thundered the 
 slogan of the old Whig battle-cry in their ears, recalled the 
 memory of bitter feuds in the past, and reminded them of 
 the proud deeds which had made them famous throughout 
 the Union, yet his heart never failed and his soul was un- 
 dismayed. Pointing to the record of his votes, he boldly 
 challenged his competitor to show one which was ob- 
 jectionable, or a step he had taken which was false. 
 Speaking to day in the wealthy and fertile portion of his 
 district, where were concentrated, in great part, the talent, 
 the cultivation, the elegance, of his State, to audiences com- 
 posed of men who had led armies, administered govern- 
 ments, negotiated treaties, and fascinated Senates — men 
 
JOHN CA15ELL BRECKINKIDGE. 83 
 
 who were severely measuring his capacity and his intellect, 
 whose standard of excellence was high, and who rigidly 
 scrutinized his ability to reach it ; on the next, perhaps, in the 
 wild mountain counties, on the borders of his district, ad- 
 dressing with impassioned earnestness the unpolished but 
 warm-hearted men of the hills, in tones which thrilled their 
 hearts, and drew shont after shout of delirious admiration 
 from them. No expression of exultation or of fear escaped 
 him. He refused to express any opinion which might mislead 
 friends. It was only on the night preceding the election 
 that, as he dismounted from his horse, he exclaimed, " I 
 have beaten him." In forty-eight hours the prophecy was 
 verified, and Kentucky and the Union knew who John C. 
 Breckinridge was. 
 
 During the session of the Congress of '53-54 Mr. Breck- 
 inridge took a prominent and active part in the legislation 
 in regard to the organization of the new territorial govern- 
 ment, and to the entire satisfaction of his constituency. It 
 was during the exciting debates growing out of these 
 measures that he gave utterance to that memorable sen- 
 tence pregnant with eloquence and lofty feeling : "I repre- 
 sent here a people who are the peers of Presidents and 
 Cabinets." The resignation of Mr. Soule having created a 
 vacancy in the mission to Spain, it was tendered by Presi- 
 dent Pierce to Mr. Breckinridge. His domestic affairs, how- 
 ever, and the claims of his children, required his presence 
 at home, and gracefully declining the honor, he resumed 
 the practice of his. profession in Lexington. ISTot even 
 private duties, how^ever, would have been deemed a satis- 
 factor}' reason for declining the nomination of the Demo- 
 cratic party for the gubernatorial contest in Kentucky ; but 
 his age presented an unanswerable objection. 
 
 Accepting the appointment of Elector for the State at 
 large, from the State Convention, Mr. Breckinridge prepared 
 
S4 JOHN CABELL BRECKINRIDGE. 
 
 to enter vigorously into the Presidential canvass of 1856. 
 Appointed a delegate to the Convention to be held in 
 Cincinnati, Ohio, on the 2d day of June, he was found at 
 his post, seeking nothing for himself, anxious only for the 
 weltare of the democracy. His course was manly, frank, 
 and open. The action of that Convention has become part 
 of the history of the country. After a warm and vigorous 
 discussion and ballot of a day and a-half, the Hon. James 
 Buchanan was nominated. Doubtless there were disap- 
 pointed hopes and deep regrets that favorites had been put 
 aside, yet all acquiesced with cheerfulness in the selection. 
 JSTow came the question, Who was to be placed with 
 him on the ticket as the Democratic candidate for the 
 Yice-Presidency. It seemed to be the universal senti- 
 ment, that the choice of the South should be the choice of 
 the Convention. The names of several of the talented and 
 distinguished sons of the South were presented. Louisiana 
 presented the name of John C. Breckinridge, and in an 
 instant every eye in that crowded hall was upon him. The 
 prize was a dazzling one. Kentucky had nominated a 
 tried and true statesman, the Hon. Lynn Boyd, one of her 
 own children. In this nomination Mr. Breckinridge had 
 of course concurred. Would he be tempted from his 
 integrity ? Would friendship yield to ambition ? On every 
 face the question was incribed. Mr. Breckinridge rose 
 and said : 
 
 "Mr. President : How can I adequately express ray gratitude to the noble 
 State of Louisiana, for this flattering manifestation of their good will ? But, 
 sir, I liave always held that promotion should follow seniority. Besides, I 
 am already a candidate for the votes of the people, having been designated 
 by the Democracy as the elector in my district, and expect soon to enter 
 upon an active campaign— to traverse the valleys and climb the mountains 
 of my native State in behalf of the distinguished and noble candidate we 
 have already selected for the Presidency, and, in advocacy of the glorious 
 State Rights Platform, which we have adopted with such signal unanimity. 
 
JOHN CABKLL BRECKINIIIDOE. 85 
 
 There is still another reason why my name should not bo pressed for this 
 high post. The delegation of my own State, wilh wliioh I cordially concur^ 
 have already presented the name of one of her sons — a tried and able cham- 
 pion of Democracy — for this very office. I can never consent that my name 
 should be placed in opposition to, or my merits in competition with his. I 
 beg, therefore, with grateful acknowledgments for the high compliment 
 ofifered me by the delegation from Louisiana, that my name may be with- 
 drawn. [Great applause.'"] 
 
 The ordeal was triumphantly passed ; all who heard liim 
 felt he was worthy of his high tame, worthy of the trust, 
 worthy of the honor tendered him. The first ballot was 
 taken, in which Mr. Breckinridge received fiftj^-one votes. 
 On the second ballot, State after State cast her entire vote 
 for him, until he had received the whole two hundred and 
 ninet}'-six votes. And then there rose a wild, tempestuous 
 shout, until the massive walls of the building seemed to 
 quiver. Caught up by the assembled thousands without, it 
 swept through the thronged streets of that great city, rolled 
 across the placid waters of the beautiful Ohio, and was re- 
 verberated and echoed back from the shores of his own 
 proud and gratified Kentucky. Upon the lightning's wings, 
 it sped over hill-top and valley, until the thunder of cannon, 
 the glare of countless bonfires and the li-antic huzzas of her 
 people testified their joy and their gratification. The biog- 
 rapher or the historian can add nothing to the pictm-e in 
 the simple grandeur of its uprightness and virtue ; his brief 
 yet brilliant career is before the country. This sketch can 
 be closed by no more appropriate language than his own. 
 Rising amid .the death-like stillness which succeeded, he 
 thanked the Convention, as follows: 
 
 "Mr. President, and gentlemen of the Democratic National Convention: 
 The result just announced is quite as unexpected to me as it could be to any 
 gentleman on this floor. In the inferior and personal aspect of the matter, 
 I beg you to consider all said that ought to be said on such an occasion. I 
 am truly and sincerely without words to convey to you my profound grati- 
 tude for such an unexpected and signal testimonial of your confidence and 
 
86 JOHN CABELL BRECKINRIDGE. 
 
 favor. I may say sincerely, and call upon my associates in this body to bear 
 witness to its truth, that in my course as a member of this body, I have 
 made no concealments of my preferences, nor used any art or taken one 
 step toward bringing about this result. 
 
 " But it is not my purpose to make a speech. I merely arose to express to 
 you the thanks of a true heai't. I may add, too, the declaration of my high 
 appreciation of the association of my humble name with that of the distin- 
 guished and tried statesman of Pennsylvania. I have always regarded Mr. 
 Buchanan as the last survivor of that noble band of American statesmen 
 and orators, whose names are associated with the brightest glories of our 
 country, and whose deeds constitute its most cherished memorials. He has 
 come down from that generation to transmit and guide us of the present. 
 He has lived doAvn calumny and detraction, and now stands forth the peer- 
 less champion of Democracy, honored and beloved by all his countrymen 
 and only waiting a few months to be clothed with the highest dignity the 
 nation and the people can confer. 
 
 " The Platform you have so unanimously adopted, I need not, as a State 
 Rights man, say I cordially approve and indorse. With these true Jeffer- 
 Bonian principles, and with the temper of Jackson to enforce and maintivin 
 them. Democracy will enter the contest witli the determination to add 
 another to the brilliant victories which have so often crowned their efforts. 
 It would not be appropriate to discuss any general principle or enter further 
 upon the issues which will be involved in this contest. I will therefore con- 
 clude by expressing my purpose to devote all my heart and mind to the 
 great duty which has been so unexpectedly conferred upon me, and to strive 
 to justify the confidence which you have manifested. [Immense applause. 
 Loud cheers within and without the hall."] 
 
 On being formally notified of his nomination, Mr. Breck- 
 inridge accepted the high honor, in the following elegant 
 and manly letter: 
 
 "Lexington, Ky., June 28, 1856. 
 
 " Gentlkmen : I have received your letter of the l^th inst., giving me offi- 
 cial information of my nomination by the Democratic National Convention 
 for the office of Vice-President of the United States. I feel profoundly 
 grateful to the Democracy for this distinction, so far above my merits and 
 expectations, and accept the nomination, with the pledge that if it should 
 result in imposing on me any public duties I shall exert whatever power I 
 possess to discharge them with fidelity. 
 
 " The Convention wisely selected for the first place in the Government an 
 eminent statesman, whose character and public services furnish a guarantee 
 that his administration will command confidence at home and respect 
 abroad . 
 
JOHN CABKLL UKKCKINRIDGE. 8T 
 
 " The Platform adoptod by tlio Convention has my cordial approval. I 
 regard it as tlie only basis on which the Union can be preserved in its 
 original spirit. Adopted as it was by the unanimous vote of the delegates 
 from all the States, it show.s that amid the distractions of the times there 
 remains one united and powerful orjj^anization, whose common principles 
 extend over every foot of territory covered by the federal Constitution. After 
 the recent repeated and deplorable failures of other parties to present to the 
 country a national organization, we may justly congratulate the States upon 
 the unanimity which marked the proceedings of the Democratic Conven- 
 tion — and the patriot may point to the fact as a pledge of constitutional 
 union, that the delegates from Maine and Texas — from South Carolina and 
 California — were as thoroughly united upon every question of principle as 
 those from the neghboring southern States of Tennessee and Kentucky, or 
 those from the neighboring northern States of Wisconsin and Michigan. 
 
 " This community of sentiment, this feeling of brotherhood, gives hope of 
 perpetual union. It has been the happy fortune of the Democratic party, by 
 adhering to the Constitution which was made to protect us all, to avoid the 
 geographical and sectional issues against which Washington solemnly 
 warned his countrymen ; and we have every reason to believe that it is yet 
 equal to the high duty which now devolves on it of preserving the Constitu- 
 tion and maintaining the rights of every portion of the confederacy. If the 
 unsound elements which troubled it for a time have sought congenial asso- 
 ciations elsewhere, tlie loss has been more than supplied by accessions from 
 the flower of the old Whig party — and thus reinforced, it will be the destiny 
 of the Democracy, under the lead of their distinguished chief, to maintain 
 the high position of our country before the world — to preserve the equality 
 of every class of citizens — to protect the perfect liberty of conscience — and 
 to secure the peace of the Union by rendering equal justice to every part. 
 
 With sincere acknowledgments for the friendly personal sentiments con- 
 tained in your letter, 
 
 I am, respectfully. 
 
 Your friend and obedient servant. 
 
 John C. Breckinridge. 
 
 "Messrs. Ward, Richardson, Hibbard, Lawrence, Brown, Manning, For- 
 syth, Tucker,' Seymour, and Preston. 
 
 Mr. Breckinridge is thirty-four years old. In his person 
 he is one of the most stately and elegant specimens of 
 American manhood tlie rich region of the West has ever 
 produced. Of tall, graceful, and well-proportioned, majestic 
 figure, easy and dignified manners, with a face of strikingly 
 
88 JOHN CABELL BRECKINRIDGE. 
 
 expressive intelligence, spirit, and kindliness, and with an 
 address so frank, easy and self-poised, as to win the respect 
 and confidence of all associates and beholders ; he is just 
 the man to preside over the august assembly of the con- 
 script Fathers of the Union, and in the contingency con- 
 templated in the Constitution — but from which every good 
 man and patriot will fervently pray that the country may 
 be saved — to fill with energy, firmness and ability, the 
 highest ofiice in the Republic. 
 
BOOK ESTABLISHMENT 
 
 OF 
 
 EC. ^V. DERBY & CO. 
 
 145 Main Street, Cincinnati. 
 
 The Establishment of the undersigned comprises the largest, and most 
 miscellaneous assortment of Books : 
 
 LAW, MEDICAL. STANDARD & EDUCATIONAL, 
 
 Suitable for College, Acadamy, School, Village, Associate and Private 
 Libraries, to be found in the Country. 
 
 THEIR CATALOGUE, 
 
 Which can be had on application, though presenting but a portion of 
 their stock, is prepared to aid Library Directors, in their work of selection. 
 In addition to the books named and described in the Catalogue, their 
 shelves are supplied "vvith many Rare and f\ilU€lble If 'or*«. 
 
 Together with all the New Books of current literature, which are re- 
 ceived as soon as issued. Any desired work, not found in their collection, 
 will be obtained in the shortest time possible, at the lowest rates. 
 
 To Librarians and Associations ordering largely, liberal and satisfac- 
 tory discounts will be made. 
 
 LAW BOOKS. 
 
 Besides many of their own Publications, in their Law List, which is 
 prepared especially for the Profession, will be found a full and compre- 
 hensive collection of the Publications of all the Law Publishers in the 
 Country. 
 
 MEDICAL BOOKS. 
 
 Of these they have a varied and ample assortment, to which they are 
 constantly adding ; and of which they have also prepared a separate cat- 
 alogue. 
 
 School^ Coltege and ^Icadcmic Text-Boohs 
 
 of every grade and variety, constantly for sale at Publisher's rates. 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS LITERATURE. 
 
 In this department their collection is unlimited, and is kept up by daily 
 accessions from the constantly increasing lists of Eastern Publishing 
 Houses, with all the regular issues of which, they are promptly and con- 
 tinuallv supplied. 
 
 The "Catalogues referred to will be sent by mail to any direction on ap- 
 plication. 
 
 H. W. DERBY & CO. 
 
Price, Twenty-Five Cents. 
 
 . <? 
 
 c/V/m' C^A^^y^^^^t^<7^^^ 
 
 Cheapest and Best Edition. 
 
 H 
 
 [9hr. '11