E 680 .P76 CopV l x olitical Literature AND LITEBARY POLITICS OF 1876 AND 1877 RED BANK, N. J. PRINTED AT THE NEW JERSEY STANDARD OFFICE. 18T7. • o ROBERT ALLEN, Jr., Commissioner of Bceds, COUNSELLOR-AT-LAW, RED BANK, MOMMOUTH CO., > From the Red Bank (N. J.) Standard. NEW JERSEY'S NOMINEE. It is worthy of remark, that while the Republican newspapers in city and country were for many months past urging sharply the nomination of Blaine, Bristow, Conkling, Morton and Washburue for the Presidency, our paper — TnE New Jersey Standard, — of April 28th, 1876, by an editorial article therein, was the first newspaper in city or country to nominate and advocate earnestly Mr. Hayes, the gentleman whom the Cincinnati Con- vention has lately made the nominee over all others. Monmouth county, the decisive battle-ground of the R '-volution of XT T 6, made Washington the first President of the United States. Our county of Monmouth would therefore appear to be entitled to the credit of having named in the next President of the United States. We therefore republish this week in connection herewith the nom- inating article above referred to as an incident of this Centennial year. From the New Jersey Standard, April 28, 1876.— Written March, 1876. WHERE ARE WE DRIFTING? Congress seems to employ its time more in the efforts of partizan inge- nuity, than in devising heathful correction of real evils, or in judicious reirul.itions to imbue the public mind with a proper confidence in national affairs; except such confidence as produces the assurance, that the main object in view on the part of the leaders of either branch, both in the Senate and in the House, is to make as much capital as possible for the success of their respective parties in the Presidential election of next Fall. During the many weeks Congress has been in session, nothing, com- paratively speaking, has been done for the well being of the people; nothing to inspire an abiding assuranee for improvement in the financial operations of the country; nothing to impart a higher tone of morality in business life through the country; or in the status of appointees or candidates for office; nothing to allay the wide-spread apprehension existing in the minds of right-feeling men of all parties among the people. The "Outs" are wrangling with the "Ins." Individuals not in the immediate enjoyment of some office, continually seek to foment some prejudice or specious charge against one or another person who may be temporarily appointed or elected to place — hoping that some point may be made to gratify individual ambition, and prepare the way by calumny and artifice, for the success of some favorite candidate, irrespective of tlie public good — regardless of the greatest welfare to the largest numbers of society. The Democratic majority in one branch of the Government has evidently protractpd the session of Congress, in efforts pregnant with their party desire for the success of their peculiar leaders in the coming convention; instead ot manfully performing their duty, which the Constitution expected from them in return for the dignity and inde- pendence of their station. Intoxicated with the pleasure of suddenly beimr in temporary power, they have wasted their prospects of preferment in the pursuit of it, and in their zeal for party devotion, came well nigh disregarding the force of the writ of habeas corpus — and thereby settingthe dangerous precedent of attempting to place itself paramount to the Con- stitution, the courts, and the well established laws of the land. And also the Republican politicians in the majority in other branches of the departments, have as studiously and ingeniously striven to do what they fancied would best advance the success of their favorite:; in the next Presidential election. But the honest masses, the rank and file of the people, are thoughtfully and severely looking beyond the theatrical actions and scenes of mere party leaders and political intriguers for place and preferment. They are steadily looking beyond the platforms whereon political power is monopo- lized by a few and for selfish ends; and whereon also the patriotic impulses of the people are sacrificed for the preferment of partisan leaders, to the defeat of a genuine reform in the prevailing abuses of the times. The hopeful candidates of either party, privately, though anxiously, peruse the daily and weekly editioas of the press in quest of the evidence and the means of the final success of the one. and of the final defeat of the other. In the meantime, a few active operators on both sides, impelled by an inordinate party spirit, seek in advance, to centralize in their own hands the controlling influences of the conventions. Three or four persons by mutual arrangement meet together in the various neighborhoods in the respective counties, constitute a so-called primary meeting, and nominate and appoint each other delegates to the convention. By such machineiy, the controlling numbers in the St. Louis and Cin- cinnati conventions may represent the present thirsty aspirants lor place and office., but they will not answer the purpose of that other controlling element, which, in the hands of thousands of right-minded voters, means, at the next election, with a silent but sure persistence and honest purpose to rule the ballot box to suit their own views — regardless of political caucus or of party discipline. They intend their votes shall not elect to office such candidates as may banish the staple virtues of the country, or who may introduce vice and folly triumphantly into the departments of government. In the results of the lerrible ordeal through which this nation and gov- ernment has heretofore passed; in the patriotic impulses of the people, refreshed and re-enlivened throughout the entire Union by the reminis- cences recalled in this Centennial year, the Republicans as Republicans, have yet a large majority throughout the country. They can yet preserve and hold it, to their own success in the future, if they will open their hearts to new connections and their minds to better information. This is not a time to trifle with the stern determination of the thinking portion of communities. The people of this country are in generous sympathy with the Republican party as such — not from a fancied preference of one family to another, but from a sincere conviction that the establishment of that party was necessary to the support of their civil and religious liberties. They can not be de- ceived by nominal distinctions. The names of some of the members of ■the party may be disagreeable and contemptible, but its principles ahe FORMIDABLE. The operators of party machinery must remember, and their candidate who imitates their conduct, and is tlieir intimate associate, should be warned by their example — and whilst he may pride himself upon the security of the means of their titlp to position — he should also recollect that, as it was acquired by one election, it may easily be lost by another. No person who is at present the recipient of any ff.vor either as a Cabinet Officer or a Senator now in Washington, no matter how good may be his intentions, or how adroitly he may have operated his official record — no matter how heartily he may receive the approbation of the coming convention — will or can be able either to satisfy or control those elements of popular voice which at the next election will ensure success to the proper Presidential candidate. Of those Republicans whose long healthy absence from Washington has removed him from the prejudice incident to fuch associations, and whose life, ability and character, both public and private, appear to stand pre-eminent to answer the popular demand, or satisfy the exigencies of our present situation and protect the American name, is >!!*. HAYES OJP OHIO, as a candidate for Presidential honors. This popular Governor of Ohio, that numerous and enterprising people, has always proved himself ready and capable, and equal to the emergency in whatever situation the de- mands of right and honor have placed him. With him appears to lay in a great degree the power to harmonize and control the proper strength of the great Western and Southern sections. With him as candidate for President, and a candidate for Vice-President from the Eastern or Middle States— the Republicans will guarantee to the public a platform of purity, integrity and ability. And will thereby again rally to the front, all the elements of their former prestige under the flag of the Union, and most probably secure to themselves a successful result in the final election of this Centennial year. HURRAH FOR HAYES & WHEELER ! Air _ "WAIT FOR THE WAGON." Come, brothers, all join with us; come join us one and all, United, we must conquer — divided, we shall fall. Our flag is for the Union — we have a gallant crew, Who raised it, and who love it — the Red, White and Bluel Choeus. Hurrah for Hayes and Wheeler! Hurrah for Hayes and Wheeler! Hurrah for Hayes and Wheeler, and the Red, White and Blue! Our ship's the Constitution — good patriots at the helm Will bring us into action— our foes we'll overwhelm. They'll find that we are wide awake: and we will put them thro', Our watchword is the Union, the Red, White and Blue! Chorus. Hurrah for Hayes and Wheeler! Hurrah for Hayes and Wheeler! Hurrah for Hayes and Wheeler, and the Red, White and blue! Our flag must be respected, —not trampled in the dust! The Stars and Stripes shall not come down, though Tilden does his worst. Thank God! we have a Captain, to his country ever true; We'll vote for honest Rutliy, and the Red, White and Blue! Chorus. Hurrah for Hayes and Wheeler! Hurrah for Mayes and Wheeler! Hurrah for Hayes and Wheeler, and the Red, White and Blue! Come, then, all good and true men, and let us all unite; With such a gallant leader we're sure to win the fight. Political distinction all to the wind we threw, To stand by the Old Union, the Red, White and Blue! Chorus. Hurrah for Hayes and Wheeler! Hurrah for Hayes and Wheeler! Hurrah for Hayes and Wheeler, and the Red, White and Blue! We vote to save the Union, and Right is on our side; We vote to crush usurpers, who the Union would divide. And millions rally 'round our flag, no power can them subdue They'll die for tin- dear old Flag, the Bed, White and Blue! Chorus. Hurrah for Hayes and Wheeler! Hurrah for Hayes and Wheeler! Hurrah for Hayes and Wheeler, and the Red, White and Blue! Rkd Bank, N. J., July, 1876. From the New Jersey Standard of August 25, 1876. DEATH OF MR. KERR. The following is the message from President Grant relative to the death of Hon. Michael C. Kerr, late presiding officer of the United States Con- gress: It is with extreme pain that the President announces to the people of the United States the death of the Speaker of the House of Representatives. The Hon. Michael C. Kerr, of Indiana, a man of great intellectual endow- ments, large culture, great probity and earnestness in his devotion to the public interests, has passed from the position of power and usefulness to which he had been recently called. The body over which he had been selected to preside not being in session to render its tribute of affection and respect to the memory of the deceased, the President invites the people of the United States to a solemn recognition of the public and private worth and the services ^f a pure and eminent character. U. S. GRANT. By the President: JOHN L. CADWALADER, Acting Secretary of State. Washington, D. C, Aug. 21, 1876. —The above are noble words, very appropriately uttered, and very eminently applied by the President. They, as also his letter formerly to the Sunday-schools, show that he truly appreciates the dignity of his position, as the Chief Magistrate of the nation, independent of political prejudice, and that he is on all occasions alive to all the emotions of ten- derness and honor, as also to the attachments and decorums of life and all the distinctions of national pride. September 1, 1876. RESULTS The election draweth nigh. Let the people of this country think and look well to the duty they owe to themselves and to all others. The present majority of the Democratss (so called) in the United States Congress last in session at Washington, of course represents the Demo- cratic party which nominated Mr. Tilden at St. Louis for the Presidency. There is a partial list of some of the principal persons now elected in Congress, and many of whom held military and civil offices in the Con- federate Government with and under Jeff. Davis, whilst he with his con- federates was in blood and violence, using every exertion desperately to destroy the American Union. Immediately preceding the Rebellion the Democrats were in a large majority of our offices— in Congress, in the Senate, and in various departments— with a Democratic President dis- pensing, controlling and distributing the appointments and patronage of the United States Government in its civil, military and naval arrangements. The history of their acts shows that the measures and system which the Tilden party most adores flounsheu and prevailed with the Democrats during the four years next preceding the Rebellion, and are supposed to have engendered and contributed to its inception and lamentable results. The result was, that the operators of the Confederate Government (so called) were enabled more easily to foment sectional dissensions— to ac- quire and get possession of the material and means to raise and operate their armed resistance. The result was, that Decoration Day witnessed the graves of buried husbands and brothers and sons mourned over by the orphans, widows and mothers of soldiers killed in war. The result was, the millions of money expended, and public debt in curred yet to be redeemed and yet to be satisfied. The result was, that the so called Confederate Government, when it ceased to exist, had incurred debts of millions of dollars, represented by Confederate States bonds or scrips, and innumerable damage claims, now in the hands of their operators, waiting with the hope that thr political Democratic machinery may be so regulated, that they may be reaeenied und made good by a responsible and legal authority. The St. Louis Convention did not discourage nor declare against huch hope — does not dispel any such in any way. The movements and conduct of tnose in the last Congress who were formerly officers — civil or military in the Confederate Government — now interfering with the proper appropriations under the specious cloak of Reform— Reform! — the Tilden ignia-fatuut — evinces the same old principle 9 to hamper and disorganize the arrangements of Government to their own personal schemes. How much greater would be the results of their influences again to the detriment of good order and the security of people and property if by the inertness and apathy of voters the Tilden Democracy should succeed and all the departments should thereby become rilled and controlled by the same elements and material which operated the St. Louis Convention, and are now represented by the majority branch of the present United States Congress ? It behooves the Republicans and their friends to look WELL AND CONSTANTLY AND VIGILANTLY TO TOE WORK NOW SET BEFORE THEM. The nomination of Wade Hampton, ex-Confederate, by the Democratic Convention for next Governor of South Carolina; the nomination of Horatio Seymour by the Tilden Democracy lately at Saratoga for the next Governor of Xew York; the numerous nominations of candidates for Congress and Stale officers, selected from persons who were Confederates in South Carolina. Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, Texas, Tennessee and other StaH-; i he zeal and devotion with which they all unite in their adulation an 1 worship of Mr. Tilden and his coadjutors, show clearly the perfect accord with which he and they seek to gratify the prejudice and passions of sectional partizans. Their situation and persistent efforts to replace in office and power the 9MQG persons and their sympathizers, who encouraged and zealously urged the dismemberment of the American Union, is sufficiently alarming to arrest the attention of every well disposed person to a lively anxiety for the public good, and recall afresh the memory of the scenes of JSiew York city in lNi;:i, when life and property were at the mercy of the mob, and the streets of Richmond had fre»- transport only for what was then deemed beneficial to the so called Confederate Government. Let no one delude himself with the false notion that he has no influence. The safety and perpetuity of the Government and Constitution depend soiely on the pride and honor of each person realizing and appreciating the position secured to and enjoyed by an American citizen of the entire Union. You and others in your daily work, in your wheelwright, blacksmith ami carpenter shops, and in your adjoining farms, each have an influence for good or for evil far greater in the control of the ballot-box than what the millionaire or wealthy operator of railroad monopolies can ever exert in the control of currency or finances, stocks or bond". Each little ripple, on the lake chasing and overtaking its predecessor, rolls up the wave which sweeps with resistless sway. Each little snow- flake, falling noiselessly and nestling with its companions from the clouds, creates the mighty glacier which commands the admiration and astonish- ment of the spectator, as well as affords a sure protection and shelter against the tempest and the storm. Each little drop of water, congregated with the others, forms the mighty ocean which upholds the commerce and the navies of the world, and bears them each to their respective ports;— even so the Republican elements may be collected in the political sea and gather up a tidal wave that will waft i lie Havksand Wheelek Ship of State on its bosom into her appropriate place — the White House of the United States, and thereby the glory and honor, virtue and patriotism, union and liberty of the American people continue to he re-enlivend and re-animated in the histories and lives of our Jackson and Grant, and at the shrines of our Washington, Marshall and Lincoln. From the New Jersey Standard, Dec. 6, 1876. CONTESTED ELECTIONS. The important question relative to Presidential electors and other officers having become and continuing to be a matter of public interest, we present a few extracts of decisions and opinions with comments showing that the bona fide intention of majorities and not technical points of law rule and guide results as to elections and choice of candidates. Kennedy vs. Pyle. 1 Oregon, page 149, A. D. 1854. In case of con- tested election the office will be given to him who has the right by the votes of the electors. The inquest is only prima facie, and may be over- come by the party who claims the right. The People et. rel., Henry A. Furman et. al., Respondent, vs. Harrison Clute, Appellant, 50 New York Reports, page 451. This action was brought to oust defendant from the office of the Super- intendent of the Poor of the countv of Schenectady, and to put relator in possession. At a city election held in April, 1871, said Clute was duly elected Supervisor of "the Fifth Ward, accepted the office, and discharged its duties until the 12th day of December, 1871, when he resigned. At the general election in 1871, the office of Superintendent of the Poor was to be tilled by the electors of the county of Schenectady. The relator, Furman, and the defendant, Clute, were both candidates for said office, and were voted for bv the electors. The whole number of votes was 4,076, of which Clute received 2,448 votes and Furman 2.228. Of the votes uiven for Clute 205 were given in the Fifth Ward, which then con stituted one election district. Clute was declared elected, and, having filed his official bond and taken the oath of office, he, on the first day of January, 1872, entered into said office, and still continues therein. Previous to January 1, 1872, the said Furman took the oath of office and tendered and deposited with the County Clerk a bond in due form and sufficiency as Superintendent of the Poor of said county, and claimed the said office. There was no proof of actual notice of ('Ink's ineligibility to any of the electors of said county, nor proof of any facts from which notice could be implied other than his holding the office of Supervisor of tin- Fifth Ward. The Special Term decided ilial defendant was disqualified from holding the office— that his election was void; and conferred upon him no title to the office, there being no proof of notice to the electors of such disqualifi- cation nor of facts from which knowledge or notice could be presumed, neither of the candidates acquired title to the office, and the election was a failure. It thereupon ordered judgment ousting the defendant from the office without costs to either party. Judgment was entered accordingly. 11 The General Term affirmed the judgment so far as that defendant be ousted from the office, hut reversed it so far as it adjudged that the relator was not entitled to the office, and directed judgment that he is so entitled and gave him his costs. Clute appealed. Court of Appeals reversed judgment of General Term and affirmed judgment of Special Term, December, 1872. It is the theory and general practice of our Government that the candi- date who has but a minority of the legal votes does not become a duly elected officer. But it is also the theory and practice of our Government that a minority of the whole body of qualified electors may elect to an office when a majority of that body refuses or declines to vote for any one for that office. And when he who receives the highest number of earnest valid ballots is the one chosen to the office. But when shall it be said that an elector so known of a disqualification rendering ineligible the person, and knowing, persistently casts for him his ballot? There may be notice of the disqualifying fact, and of the legal effect of it, given so directly to the voter as that he shall be charged with actual knowledge of the disqualification. There may be a disqualifying fact so patent or notorious, as that knowl- edge in the elector of the ineligibility may be presumed as a matter of law. in modern tunes, Denmon, C. J., thus puts a case: "No one can doubt that if an elector would nominate and vote only for a woman to fill the office of mayor or burgess in Parliament, his vote would be thrown away. There flic effect would be notorious, and every man would be presumed to know the law upon the fact. But in such case are the eleetors who voted for him deprived of their vote, if the fact becomes known and is declared while the election is still incompleted. They may instantly proceed to another nomination and vote for another candidate. If it be disclosed afterwards, the party elected maybe ousted, and the election declared void, but the candidate in the minority will not be deemed ipso facto elected.' But where an elector, before voting, receives due notice that a particular candidate is disqualified, and yet will do nothing but tender his vote for him, he must be taken voluntarily to abstain from exercising his franchises." To which we add, that not only must the fact which disqualifies be known, but also the rule or enactment of law whieh makes the fact thus effectual. The maxim itself concedes that there may be a lack of actual knowledge of the law. Thus actual notice of law and fact was brought directly to each elector before voting. And there are American authorities which hold that if a majority of those voting by mistake of law or fact happen to cast their votes upon an ineligible candidate, it by no means follows that the next to him in poll shall receive the office. • We think that the rule is this: The existence of the fact which dis- qualifies, and of the law which makes that fact operate to disqualify, must be brought home so closely and so clearly to the knowledge or notice of the elector as that to give his vote therewith indicates an intent to waste it. "The knowledge must be such, or the knowledge brought so home as to imply a wilfulness in acting, when action is in opposition to the natural impulse to save the vote and make it effectual. He must act so in defiance of both the law and the fact; and so in opposition to his own better knowl- edge that he has no right to complain of the loss of his franchise, — the exercise of which he has wantonly misapplied." "It is the will of the electors, and not the certificate, which gives the right to the office." "The People vs. Cook. 8 Cowan, N. Y., Page 68." 12 In the elections for town officers and overseers of roads, -md whichoccur in small territorial limits, anil often viva voce, the voters and candidates are personally known to each oilier, and the disability of a candidate easily perceptible before vote rs 'Begin \o make a choice. ( >r notice, and informa- tion of the ineligibility of any particular candidate arc quickly and readily given to voters personally. In such instances, a voter deliberately giving his vote for a candidate known to be ineligible, may be presumed to have so voted as to in' end to throw his vote away, or not vote; and thereby give his previous consent to the election of the candidate receiving a minority of the voles at such election, and thus indirectly vote for the latter candidate. Such conduct on the part of voters, and the result of an election so conducted, do no) establish the fact that the minority ruled that election -but rather the contrary. Each election must necessarily be governed by the peculiar facts and circumstances attending it. The spirit of our Constitution and laws, and the best interests of humanity, require that the fair, honest, and peaceful expression of the will of the majorities of the legal voters shall determine the result, and declare who, as our officers, shall administer the affairs of the Government, to the besl interests of the whole people. In elections for Presidential electors and State officers, the candidates are usually selected by conventions, composed of delegates chosen by a small number at the primary meetings. Hence, such candidates are, as a. general rule, known intimately only to a few persons The masses of the voters have not any acquaintance with the persons nominated — and for whom they arc expected to cast their ballots. The candidates are. to a great extent, retired from their constituents. From the vevy nature of the extent of State boundaries Mid the remoteness of voters from candidate-, the people can not have full knowledge of every item of ability or dis- ability of candidates for Stale ollicers or officers relating to territory of extensive boundaries. The voters, in a great measure, take such candi- dates upon (rust. They rely upon the authority of other persons. They presume the candidates are eligible. They attend to their private business until the day of election. They do not spend their time in searching for peculiar phrases in the Constitution or laws, which only lawyers they think are qualified to explain. Hence, the great majority of voters do not each and all have and possess at the election the full, positive knowledge of the law and the fact that may render a candidate ineligible to the proposed office sought to be filled. They cast their ballots for htm, presuming and feeling that he is clearly and fully eligible and qualified. They do not pause to hold a de- bating society over every ballot ami search lor the discovery of some Haw or new meaning in the construction of the statutes. Their intentions and object are to elect the person for whom they willingly casl their ballots. They shrink from being perplexed b\ sophistry, and appeal to the integrity of their legally appointed civil ollicers to dec, are their honest will, an I they do not willingly for a moment in such important elections harbor the thought ol throwing their voles away. They in good faith expect the candidate so receiving the majority to be elected, and to peacefully and fairly exercise the functions of the office to which they so elected him. The masses Ol the people are naturally frank and honest in their in- tentions. Political gamblers resort to artifices and forms to further their own purposes and views, and to support the intrigues of factions. From the Monmouth Inquirer, Jan. 18, 1877. LET US KEEP COOL. The little printed circular purporting to be signed by Robert Gilchrist Ashbel Green, Oershom Mott, William W. Shippen, John P. Stockton' Jacob Vanatta and G. W. D. Vroom, and being distributed through the Stale ol New Jersey, is very plausible in its phraseology, but bj r no means particular as to the truthfulness of matters. It is very literary as far as its sentences and periods relate to each other; but without consistent theories or ordinary good argument in. its reasons advanced for its positions. It is extremely emphatic in the choice of its words, but very inappropriate in its application of them. The writer of it either through age or want of time, has apparently lost the memory of fundamental law, and forgotten the more recent historical events of our times. The circular calls on men of all parties to co-operate in its sentiments and purposes, and does not confine itself even to the limits of New Jersev yet it bears the name of onty seven persons, and the whole seven very severe apostles of the severe Democracy — and they not simply citizens in the common acceptance of that term, but some of them present holders of office by Democratic appointment; and the others very thirsty applicants for the United States Senatorial seat and other places in power' when and as soon as any vacancy occurs. They are all lawyers, or all sufficiently familiar with law, or ought to be, to calmly put in print what was and is the true meaning and spirit of the Constitution and laws in their unbiased and unprejudiced opinion and judgment — if it were possible for them to have such, without at the same time the effort therein to inflame the passions or the unguided prejudices of the honest people of the country; and appropriate them to their own partizan purposes. The main burthen of the effort of the essay alluded to appears to be to denounce the office of the President of the United States Senate, by characterizing it with the epithet of the One Man Power; and with other epithets calculated to instill in the public mind a feeling of prejudice and political partisanship, and thereby plausibly cultivate a system of sectional bitterness and jealousy, which the light-minded of all parties should use all their religious, moral and intellectual energies at the present ttme to dis- courage and suppress — rather than directly or indirectly to encourage or countenance. Pamphlets and speeches of the spirit and sentiment similar to what are contained in the circular alluded to, and disseminated in former years in the South, sowed the seeds and inflamed the thirst there for secession, the effects of which efforts the North and South now so deeply deplore. And now, in the face of all past and present experience, personal ambition appears to impel some persons to operate similar efforts with the risk of similar if not eventually worse results. But their efforts will be futile. 14 The Bchonl-bouses in our country have been open for proper purposes, and fora long period of time, and have always had free and full attendance. The masses of the people possess t auch intelligence and c ion sense not to understand and comprehend the true meaning of the One Man Power alluded to by the persons referred to. Two of the gentlemen whose names appear to the document, as well as many others, know by experience that the office oi A.ttorney-General is a One "Man Power; that the office of Speaker of the Eouse i- a One Man Power; thai the office of a Judge of the Supreme Court is a One Man Power; that there are many other offices in this State, and in the United States, each of which in its Beveral functions is a < >ne Man Power— all of which offices have been and are filled each by onlj one incumbent at a lime, by election or by appointment, to execute the duties thereof. ])<> these gentlemen now wish to have such offices filled by more than one incumbent al the same time, and the duties of each office administered by more than one officer at the same timer If sue!: is really their desire, and if such a system should prevail, will they Lhen please inform us how long it will be before the property and security of all will cease to We exempt from the effects oi anarchy and disorder? When will persons of admitted intelligence, seeking as statesmen to influence public opinion, drop the politician and the partisan, and seek to imbue the public mind with a healthy and pacific course of conduct in our political affairs, with an eye single to tlve common good of all, untinctured by the selfish motive- 'of personal advancement:' Let us patiently await the result, which may be determined by the properly constituted department and authority of our Government, with- out even the appearance of an effort at intimidation. And he whoever the President of the Senate declare- by the. result of the count of the Electoral vote, to he the defeated candidate for the Presidency— may have ample ami full remedy by proceedings in the nature of quo warranto, before the Supreme Court of the Tidied States, to whose final determina- tion therein every citizen of our land will cheerfully render his hearty accord, and thereby the prosperity, power and dignity of our Government he matured and sustained to the best interest of a contented and united people. From the New Jersey Standard, March 9, 1877 GRANT'S SUCCESSOR. The cheerfulness with which the American people acquiesce in the declaration of the Presidential result, and the general kindly feeling exhibited from all points of the country toward Mr. Hayes, the newly elected President, is most gratifying evidence to him and to all others, that his fellow citizens accord to him personally the best of intentions on his part for the advancement of the public good, and the best interests of the people. His inaugural address, and the choice of Cabinet Officers made by the President himself, conclusively show that in the official dis- charge of the duties of his office, he is actuated by an inflexible firmness against the influences of partisan prejudice or passion. The principles he asserts in his address, and the character of the persons Le has selected to assist him in the departments of the Government, evidenty springs from a continued anxiety and solicitude for the public welfare, and not for suc- cess of party, nor capricious partiality. The public character and reputa- tion of the men from the different sections of the country who he named to be his advisers and co-operators in the beginning of a new administra- tion, ought to be a sufficient guarantee to all, that Mr. Hayes is anxious to administer the entire departments of Government with purity, integrity and ability. Politicians who conclude to open their hearts to new con- nections and their minds to better information, will the earlier feel more comfortable and complasiant. " 'Tis the last Key stone That makes the arch, — the rest that there were put, Are nothing till that comes to bind and shut. Then stands it a triumphal mark. Then men Observe the strength, the height; the why and when It was erected ; — and still walking under Meet some new matter to look up and wonder." LIBRARY OF CONGRESS I III II III 013 789 632 1 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 013 789 632 1