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AN 
 
 
 ADDRESSED TO THE 
 
 CITIZENS OF UTICA, N. Y., 
 
 JULY 4, 1848. 
 
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 BY J. SIDNEY HENSHAW. 
 
 U. S. N. 
 
 UTICA: ^ 
 
 PRINTED BY D. BENNETT, FRANKLIN SQUABE. 
 1848. 
 
"US3 
 
Utica. July G, 1848. 
 Sis — In accordance with the vote passed on the 4th inst., in Chancellor 
 Square, by the mass of citizens who listened to your instructive address, we 
 here present to you our united thanks, and, as the appointed Commiltee of 
 Arangements, we respectfully request a copy of your address for publication. 
 
 Michael McQcade, 
 John Kellet, 
 Richard H. Morehouse, 
 John Bryan. 
 To J. Sidney Henshaw, Esq. 
 
 Utica, July 15, 1848. 
 Gentlemen — I have hesitated much about complying with your complimen. 
 tary request, because my address, as you are aware, was hastily prepared, and 
 therefore, in a crude, unpolished state ; but if you think it may serve any use- 
 ful purpose, it is at your disposal. 
 
 With great respect, Gentlemen, 
 
 Your friend and servant, 
 
 J. Sidney Henshaw. 
 To Messrs. Michael McQuaue, 
 John Kellett, 
 Richard H. Morehouse, 
 John Bryan. 
 
ORATION. 
 
 This is the paschal day of the second chosen people of Heaven, 
 which commemorates the passage of our fathers through the Red 
 Sea, the sea of blood, by which they separated forever from the 
 Pharaohs of the old world, and triumphantly marched under the 
 sceptre of the King of kings, unto the full possession of this pro- 
 mised land. 
 
 On such an occasion, it well becomes the rightful heirs and oc- 
 cupants of this new Canaan to assemble in unison — from all the 
 varied vocations in mental and material fields, without distinction 
 of parties or creeds, of age or of sex, of high or of low condition — 
 and, amid their physical demonstrations of joy, their long proces- 
 sions of the representatives of republican valor, arts and sciences, 
 the inspiring harmonies of martial music, the roar of cannon, the 
 rumble of musketry, the pealing of many bells, and the huzzas of 
 joyous hearts, to devote at least one hour to the mental celebra- 
 tion of the day, to render united thanks to the great Giver of gifts 
 for their common blessings, to revive in their hearts the grateful 
 remembrances of their fathers, and to unite in new resolves of 
 fidelity to Freedom. 
 
 For this purpose is the present hour assigned, and, in obedience 
 to your call, although inadequately prepared, I am here to ad- 
 dress you upon a few of the many associations suggested, and 
 effects produced, by our national Declaration of Independence. 
 
 The history and happy influences of our civil institutions are 
 always exciting topics, rejuvenating to the veteran, inspiring to 
 the rising race, glorious to all our countrymen, and encouraging 
 to the world ; but the fresh associations of freedom which now 
 gladden the hearts of our people, the great events, heroic deeds, 
 and noble efforts in the cause of human liberty which have re- 
 cently transpired, render the discussion of these topics or any of 
 their kindred themes, upon the present occasion, unusually impor- 
 tant and interesting. 
 
The harsh voice of our national vengeance is once more hushed, 
 the camp fires of our enemies have been quenched, the banner of 
 tlie stars and stripes is everywhere hailed with gladness and re. 
 spect, and our people are again applying their versatible powers 
 solely to the productive arts and sciences, or to the pursuit and 
 diffusion of happiness. 
 
 War when rightly used, is a terrible scourge, proportionably in 
 mortal hands, like lightning in the hands of the Almighty, a flam- 
 ing sword of death and destruction ; but, at the same time, it is 
 the most effectual means of dispelling the noxious elements which 
 sometimes rise and accumulate in baleful forms, obscuring the 
 rays of truth and justice, to poison and suffocate mankind. 
 
 Whether the war in which we have just been engaged was 
 originally waged by us offensively or defensively, with good or 
 evil intent, it is not for us now to inquire ; but, with propriety, we 
 all can, and as patriots, we ought to exult in the brilliancy, power 
 and forbearance of its execution, against the guerilla hosts of our 
 unprincipled foes, and in the glories and acquisitions thence de- 
 rived, which are jewels of our country in common. 
 
 Our brothers in arms have fought bravely, and have nobly 
 evinced their ability to vindicate our rights. They have effec- 
 tually taught the arrogant princes of the world and their myrmi- 
 dons that free institutions need no standing armies to protect them. 
 They have proven to all doubting governors and statesmen, that 
 republican citizens, with stout hearts and strong arms, will spring 
 with alacrity at any call of their country, from the various walks 
 of private life, and, by a conversion as rapid and magical as the 
 fabled growth of grenadiers from dragon teeth, acquire at once the 
 bearing and power of the bravest veterans of royalty, and defy the 
 most formidable forces which may be arrayed against them. 
 Moreover, in giving these new assurances of our power on land, 
 as we have often done at sea, we have dispersed the clouds of 
 prejudice which partially obscured the records celestial of our 
 illustrious deeds and men, and have revealed to astonished mil- 
 lions in the bright galaxy of the most distinguished champions of 
 the world, the radiant glories of Taylor, Scott, Butler and Worth, 
 and other stars of our national constellations little less brilliant. 
 
 In consequence of the late war, and chiefly by the achievements 
 of such men and their gallant followers, we have added to our 
 
dominion nearly as large a portion as the original garden in which 
 our tree of liberty was planted, and have greatly extended the 
 area of our asylum for the oppressed of all nations and tongues.* 
 
 This accretion to our glories, and immense annexation to our 
 soil have not been effected without large drafts upon the public 
 treasury ; but, through Providential favor, a rare combination of 
 circumstances has so enhanced our prosperity and w^ealth as to 
 supply, in a great degree, unusual means for these extra demands. 
 The lives of distinguished officers and of many brave volunteei-s 
 contributed also largely to the purchase of these acquisitions to our 
 heritage ; but they exulted in the sacrifice, and on each return of 
 this anniversary, they and their kindred shall be glorified for it. 
 They were patriots, and, like heroes, 
 
 " In their country's cause. 
 Bled nobly, and their deeds, as they deserve, 
 Receive proud recompense. We give in charge 
 Their names to the sweet lyre. Th' historic muse, 
 Proud of the treasure, marches with it down 
 To latest times." 
 
 But not exclusively in feats of arms, or in the acquisition of ter- 
 ritory, should we triumphantly rejoice at this time. Peace hath 
 her trophies as well as war, and the praiseworthy attributes of 
 bravery, perseverance, usefulness and honor, are embodied and 
 manifested as often by those who labor in the peaceful retreats of 
 science, or in fields of husbandry and the arts, and even by " the 
 ministering angels" who keep watch in the chambers of anguish 
 and of death, as they are by the devoted heroes who wield the 
 avenging sword of their country. 
 
 Within the brief period of a few years, our accomplishments in 
 the various departments of the arts and sciences, have, at least, 
 
 * Th« following table shows the successive annexations to the United States, 
 the immense area embraced in its present dominion, and illustrates the above 
 statement : 
 
 Extent. Sq. Ms. 
 
 Area of the old States 329,012 
 
 " " old State Territories, 478,512 
 
 Aggregate of original area, 807,524 
 
 Aggregate of acquisitions, 2,033,170 
 
 Total area 2,840,694 
 
 Acquisitions. Sq.Ma. 
 
 Louisiana purchase in 1803, now in- 
 cluding 4 States and 2 Territories, 930,920 
 
 Florida purchase in 1820 57,750 
 
 Oregon by late treaty in 1846, 226,500 
 
 Te.\asinl845 318,000 
 
 California and New Mexico by treaty 
 of 1848 500,000 
 
 Total 2,033,170 
 
kept even pace with those of the most intelligent communities of 
 Europe, and in some cases have taken the lead. 
 
 In literature and science, we have still living and advancing 
 among us, our Prescott, Irving, Cooper, and Longfellow, Silliman 
 and Henry, Walker and Loomis,* and prominent leaders in the 
 other departments, too numerous to be mentioned on such an oc- 
 casion, whose enviable distinction we all share. 
 
 A few of our most luminous intellects who have enlightened the 
 world, in the adjustment of the conflict of laws and of Internation- 
 al Rights, are borne to higher spheres. Our Story, Kent and 
 Wheaton are no more with us, to add new lustre to our fame, and 
 our "old man eloquent," the revered John Quincy Adams, than 
 whom no one was more honored, and justly so, as a scholar, a leg- 
 islator, a diplomatist and ruler, has gone from the paths of his use- 
 fulness, and has "seen the last of eaith." But in the departments 
 of law and statesmanship, the American people can never be in 
 the dark. These subjects are often discussed among them, are better 
 known and observed by them than by the people of most other na- 
 tions, and to such a degree that the majority are too apt to think, 
 they are by nature judges, if not individually possessed of legal 
 acuteness and statesmanship, so that the requisite talents and pro- 
 found learning, which really distinguish some of them in those de- 
 partments, are not always appreciated. 
 
 In the useful arts, passing by many who excel in the minor 
 branches, we have in Surgery, our Mott and Pancoast ; in the 
 construction of locomotives, our Norris,still unrivalled in the world ; 
 and in the new, the magic art of taming the lightnings, as steeds 
 more fleet than the tricksy spirit Ariel, and bridling them to serve 
 as the docile messengers of man, we have our Morse, standing 
 alone triumphant. 
 
 In a brief space of history, we have extended ana'i mproved our 
 manufactures as much as our territory, new mines of wealth have 
 been opened, forests subdued, additional comforts and labor-saving 
 facilities introduced, and such a net-work of rail roads and tele- 
 graphs spread throughout the land, that our people, from one ex- 
 treme to the other, are enabled to interchange commodities and ci- 
 
 * These names are not familiarly associated in this country with distin- 
 guished astronomers, but among the learned of Europe, are better known as 
 such than any of our countrymen. 
 
vilities, with the convenience of near neighbors. The inventions 
 of our people, of all descriptions, which are eagerly copied by the 
 busy agents of other countries, seem to be limited only by impos- 
 sibilities, and the enterprising, skillful and industrious of other 
 lands flock to our shores, to aid us by their practical experience in 
 the completion of our designs. 
 
 "Here Genius has vent, here the mind's free to roam. 
 And the soil of the stranger is turned to a home." 
 
 Our commerce p.lso, by wind and steam, is extended almost to 
 the degree of the greatest maritime power in the world. By this 
 medium, our products are interchanged everywhere, our thoughts 
 and principles widely diffused, and every pulsation of freedom, in 
 this great centre, is sympathetically felt by the remotest members 
 of the human family. 
 
 Even a more general survey of the vast measure of our com- 
 mon country, and the peculiar blessings which we enjoy as a peo- 
 ple, cannot fail to swell our hearts with devout gratitude, with hon- 
 est, exultant pride, and with increasing affection for our free in- 
 stitutions. 
 
 Behold the majestic spread of our domain, from the granite hills 
 of New England and the long sweep of the Atlantic and Gulf 
 shores, over the alluvial plains and rich undulations interior, 
 around the everglades of Florida and the savannahs of Georgia, 
 along the bases and sides of the Alleglianies, through the fertile 
 vallies of the Shenandoah and Susquehanna, the Connecticut, the 
 Mohawk and Genesee, the Ohio, the Missisippi and Missouri, 
 along the great inland seas and bays of the middle and northwest- 
 ern states, and over the prairies of the far west, across the Chippe- 
 wayan chain of mountains to the broad Pacific, and thence down 
 to the spreading plains and aspiring mountains of California and 
 New Mexico ! All, all this is our dominion, inhabited and enjoyed 
 by nearly twenty millions of happy countrymen, united in one 
 grand republic, with no oppressive national debts, incurred by the 
 follies and extravagance of past generations, with none of the in- 
 extricable entanglements of feudal impositions, no privileged he- 
 reditary classes of monopolists, nor to any considerable degree, or 
 continuance, the extremes either of poverty or riches. 
 
 With this ample national heritage, with an escutcheon yet un- 
 
 B 
 
10 
 
 stained and unbroken, and in robes of ermine unspotted, have n& 
 not great reason to rejoice ? If the Romans could boast of their 
 citizenship, with the odious distinction among them of patrician 
 and plebian classes, and with less of power, glory or extent than 
 we enjoy, how much more reason have we to boast of being cit- 
 izens of these United States? We have great cause to rejoice 
 and be thankful this day ; and no one can doubt that we do re- 
 joice, who has ability to perceive, as mentally we may, the glori- 
 fications and pageantry which are this day exhibited throughout 
 the length and breath of our land. The shouts of our freemen, 
 and the roar of their "peace-makers," echo along, as the sun 
 successively kisses their hill tops, and announces to each locality 
 the return of this anniversary. And still beyond our territorial 
 limits on cither side, the gallant vessels from our' ports, which 
 whiten every sea, and, beneath a canopy of streamers and ban- 
 ners, with the stars and stripes aloft, almost bridge the great oceans, 
 are this day repeating, almost from one to the other, around the 
 world, the signal lights, the thunder of batteries, and the choral 
 anthems of the free. Long may this happy state of our union 
 continue, and never may any anniversary of our Independence 
 dawn upon the American people when they shall have less occa- 
 sion to rejoice or less enthusiasm and gratitude in its celebra- 
 tion ! 
 
 Here let us pause in our exultation, and cast a passing thought 
 upon some of the cfftcts of our social and political prosperity. A 
 potent and increasing influence is emanating and extending from 
 us beyond our shores. Within the past year, nay, within a few 
 months, in several of the European states, the people, animated 
 by the success of this young republic, have risen in their might 
 and majesty, and hurled the chains of their allegiance and ser- 
 vitude in the very faces of their tyrants. 
 
 We cannot be unmindful, especially on this day, of the struggles 
 of those brave hearts, who would emulate our example, who pray 
 and strive for like privileges, and yearn for our sympathies, friend- 
 ship and counsel. We are men, and there is nothing which af- 
 fects our species in which we are not concerned ; or we may 
 rather say, after the manner of Antoninus, as citizens we boast of 
 being Americans, but as men we are of the icorld. We must 
 rejoice then as sincere believers in the superiority of our political 
 
n 
 
 institutions, in the approval and adoption of them by any people, 
 and especially by the people of the several states of Europe and 
 Great Britain, to whom we are naturally allied by decent or mi- 
 gration, and in whose welfare, commercially and otherwise, we 
 are interested. 
 
 The royal masters and nobility of Europe have long refused to 
 believe that their people could summarily overthrow them, and 
 peacefully maintain their freedom ; but they have recently been 
 compelled "to believe and tremble." 
 
 They have seen within a brief interval, their empires shaken 
 as by an earthquake, and one of the most famous of all the thrones, 
 which were ever reared and sustained by " the sweat of the poor 
 and the blood of the brave," twice cast down and trampled under 
 the feet of an indignant people, and the proud kings, who sat in 
 fancied security upon it, driven into beggariy exile, " with none 
 so poor to do them reverence." 
 
 As it is related that William Penn, while governor of Pennsyl- 
 vania, and Thomas Story replied to a certain justice of the peace, 
 who, being ignorant of their official character, refused them a tem- 
 porary shelter, in his tobacco house, from a violent shower, and ask- 
 ed them if they knew who he was, or his office, so the people of 
 Europe say to each of their kings : « Yes, we know thee well. 
 We make and unmake such as thee, and unless we can have 
 those who are humane to serve us, we will have none." 
 
 " Nations waken from their trance, 
 While the giant voice of France 
 
 Speaks of freedom coming. 
 Tyrant kings now bite the dust. 
 
 Young Liberty grows stronger. 
 The people shall yet sovereign be, 
 And patriots wait no longer." 
 
 Already, the fires of freedon), rekindled from the vestal lights 
 which the people have seen burning brighter and brighter upon 
 our altars, now blaze, in full effiilgence, in new fanes, thickly 
 reared over the land of Lafayette, throughout the vales and islets 
 of sunny Italy, along ihe plains of Prussia, among the relics of 
 Kosciusko's nativity, and around the walks hallowed by the Irish 
 martyrs to freedom— Emmet and Mitchell. And before these 
 new altars of liberty, are crowds of devotees, hitherto estranged, 
 
12 
 
 now hand in hand, turning toward this country, as to the Mecca 
 of their faith, and together pledging their lives, their means, and 
 their sacred honor, as our fathers did, to be free, and not only free, 
 but as Americans are free. 
 
 This is not, however, the first time that the people of the promi- 
 nent powers of Europe have been encouraged, by our example, lo 
 struggle for liberty. You will remember, that immediately after 
 our revolution, the people of France made a desperate effort to be 
 free, and that the Irish and the Poles followed them, while the op- 
 pressed of all other parts of Europe anxiously awaited the result, 
 upon which their actions and fate were depending. But, alas, in 
 that terrific overthrow of tyranny and all its implements in France, 
 the leaders and instigators were infidels, and tempted the people, 
 blinded and maddened as ihey were,sacrilegiously to seize with their 
 supernatural strength, the pillars of truth and righteousness, and, 
 like Samson, to pull down upon their own heads, every thing that 
 was good, whh the' temple upon which their enemies were sheltered. 
 
 The righteous and wise of other lands stood aghast. The cler- 
 gy and patriots of Ireland not only opposed any alliance of their 
 countrymen with a people so desperate and reckless, but refrained 
 from acting with, or encouraging their people in the adoption of a 
 policy which seem.ed to be inevitably tending to anarchy, and to 
 the casting down into the same trench with all forms of tyranny, 
 the body and defences of Christianity — the very soul of Liberty. 
 They rather chose 
 
 " To bear the ills they had," 
 
 and even to be chained to the chariot wheels of the English crown, 
 than to suffer a ruthless infidelity to stalk through their land, un- 
 der the guise of Liberty, and stealthily to poison their countrymen. 
 
 To this cause mainly may be attributed the complete failure of 
 all the bloody contests for freedom, at that time, in Europe and 
 Ireland ; but there is evidently a better spirit predominant among 
 the cool, yet resolute revolutionists of this epoch. 
 
 In the present crusade for freedom, in Europe, the revered 
 head of the greatest body of christians in the world, commands in 
 person, with his temporal followers as a body guard. In Ireland, 
 mstead of the religious and civil discords of former times, the pa- 
 iriots of all Christian sects are united in behalf of the whole peo- 
 
13 
 
 pie, for the liberty of conscience and religious indtpendence, as 
 well as for their enjoyment of civil rights. In France, although 
 a distressed portion of the populace, sadly infected by the Utopian 
 sentiments of German and French theorists, seem to be actuated 
 by ideas closely bordering upon infidelity in the Revealed Word, 
 and a practical agragrianism in politics, little better than the Jac- 
 querie spirit of 1348, which make them liable to be the tools of the 
 factious or ambitious, still there is a conservative influence among 
 the French, sufficiently predominant to counteract such ultra ten- 
 dencies. In fact, there is a greater proportion of conscientious and 
 enlightened Christians in France, than at any previous period ; and 
 the most influential of the clergy, being no longer dependent upon 
 the state authority to protect and aid them, now freely rely upon 
 the good sense and feelings of the people, for whose prosperity and 
 freedom they willingly act in concert with their civil guides and 
 benefactors. Even the catholic Archbishop of Paris sanctions 
 the modern assumption, that the people are themselves sovereign 
 by divine right, and, in this view, in a qualified acceptation, ad- 
 mits the motto : Vox populi, vox Dei. With this predominant un- 
 ion of religious and social interests for the civil freedom and ele- 
 vation of the French people, while the sage, prudent and brave 
 Lamartine, whom many regard as the Washington of France, 
 though for a time deposed from official distinction, virtually guides 
 the helm of state, there is reason to expect that their conflicting po- 
 litical theories will be finally pacified or subdued, and some prac- 
 ticable form of free government established.* 
 
 The final issues of the present political convulsions of other Eu- 
 ropean states, and of the deep volcanic rumblings of freedom in 
 Ireland, are known only to Him who rules the destinies of nations, 
 but if the French manifest an ability to govern themselves, and 
 succeed in establishing and maintaining a free government, 
 
 * The above was written and delivered before the arrival of the news of the 
 terrible four days of insurrection in Paris, beginning on the 23d of June, in 
 which, of the five leaders of distinct parties, Lamartine alone, (with M. Ara- 
 go, of his own party,) was found bravely aiding Cavaignac, in suppressing the 
 insurgents, and in which also the devoted archbishop of Paris before mention- 
 ed, while approaching one of the barricadesof the insurgents, unguarded and with 
 an olive branch in his hand, to conciliate them and to restore order, waa shot 
 down and died. 
 
14 
 
 noighboring nations will be speedily reformed upon the same prin- 
 ciples. Success of one party always inspires emulation and per- 
 severance in others fertile same attainment. Any failure in like 
 manner, disheartens and disables nearly all who are engaged in a 
 similar pursuit. The success of the Americans in the capture of 
 Burgoyne and his army, secured the timely alliance and aid of 
 France for the United States, and the surrender of Charleston cut 
 off their chance of an early and active alliance with Ireland. — 
 The ultimate success of our Revolution innnediately induced sim- 
 ilar attempts in France, in Ireland, and other countries, and, as La- 
 martine says, in his History of the Girondists, if the French 
 had then succeeded, (as the Americans did,) without a Reign of 
 Terror, all Europe would have been now free. So likewise, 
 Sir Robert Peel, the Premier of England, voluntarily declared 
 to the American consul at Paris, a few years ago, that the French 
 Revolution of 1830 cost the British government their Reform Bill, 
 and, he added, " God only knows what the effect of a second revo- 
 lution may be." 
 
 We believe that eventually free governments will supplant all 
 others throughout Europe, that a Congress of nations for the peace- 
 ful adjustment of all international dissensions, which is one of the 
 favorite objects of Lamartine, though often proposed in vain, will 
 at some future time be affected, but whether the late revolution in 
 France is the opening of this great drama is not yet certain. This 
 is the third time France has attempted to follow our example, and 
 each time has succeeded in expelling her hereditary tyrants, but 
 without being able to enjoy the fruits of liberty in peace. We hope 
 and trust that this time she may complete the work. All the Eu- 
 ropean states now look to her for the type of their destinies, and 
 she naturally relies upon our success and example for her 
 guidance. 
 
 Under these circumstances, is there not a great responsibility 
 resting upon us ? The fate of many nations, for years to come seems 
 to depend upon us. Are we not then morally bound to scrutinize 
 our own conduct, and declare anew the fundamental principle or 
 source of our political prosperity and freedom, if indeed it is to 
 any diffusible political source that we may attribute our singular 
 enjoyment of these blessings ? 
 
 What is the basis, the essence or object of our political institu- 
 
15 
 
 tions ? Is it not evident, as our Declaration of Independence, out 
 general and state Constitutions, and other Govermental instruments 
 indicate, that they rest entirely upon certain principles involved in 
 our ideas of equality and freedom, or of equality and either of the 
 synonymes, freedom, independence, or liberty ? 
 
 These are magic words, often echoed about the world and charm- 
 ing all hearts, the supposed embodiments of which thousands wild- 
 ly chase after, and find to be only counterfeit presentments, which^ 
 like ignes fatui, mislead and swamp them. 
 
 Can we pretend to believe that the true form of Liberty, was 
 aboriginal with our nation, or that our Revolutionary fathers first 
 became acquainted with its attributes and habits, and the manner 
 of securing its friendships and blessings ? The Greeks, the Ro- 
 mans, and many other people harped upon her virtues as sweetly, 
 and discoursed about them as sagely, as any of our bards or states- 
 men. Demosthenes and Plato, Longinus and Cicero, and a host of 
 modern philosophers devoted their writings chiefly to the praise of 
 her charms and blessings. Longinus, for example, says : " Lib- 
 erty is the nurse of genius, it animates the spirit and invigorates 
 the hopes of men, it excites honorable emulation, and a desire of 
 excelling in every thing that is laudable and praiseworthy." 
 
 What, in fact, do we mean when we talk of liberty ? What is 
 its spirit, and whence does it come ? Is it supposable that the 
 ancient and modern writers, or our fathers, in extolling liberty 
 meant to commend to every one a perfectly unqualified licentious- 
 ness ? This can not be, yet we shall find that pure liberty, un- 
 trammelled, is near akin to this, if not identical. The spirit of 
 liberty is, in fact, nothing more nor less than the common dispo- 
 sition to defy and strive against every restraint upon the will. This 
 is inherent in man, and was granted by the Almighty, to every 
 reasonable creature, in the gift of free agency. It was manifested 
 by the archangel who first rebelled against God. It was exhibited 
 on earth by our first parents, in the wilful disobedience of Eve, and 
 in the participation of her consort in the same guilt. It has burst 
 forth from individuals and nations, often in terrific and destructive 
 modes, in all the conflicts of society, against every form of gov- 
 ernment, and in violation of all laws, regulations and decrees. 
 Every one who ever heard the sentiment — almost the last ever 
 uttered by the departing spirit of John Adams — feels that it his own, 
 
16 
 
 and that he would commend the same : " Independence ! indepen- 
 dence forever !" And, to this day, every infant boy in his mother's 
 lap, will struggle against the first restraint upon his will, in 
 order to show and declare his natural sense of independence. 
 
 Any reasonable being must perceive that the right and exercise 
 of this absolute sort of liberty or independence in each individual, 
 is totally incompatible with social order or the enjoyment of so- 
 ciety in any degree. Yet individuals and communities, being 
 partially blinded by self-interest, or forgetful that the world was 
 not made for them alone, often assume for the time being, that 
 absolute individual freedom is practicable; and, if they chance to 
 have an opportunity to exercise it, or any advantage over their 
 companions or neiglibors, they are apt to think it is quite right to 
 serve their own interest freely, without regard to others. So 
 thought, probably, the simple minded emigrant, who commenced 
 as soon as he landed, to appropriate whatever he liked to himself. 
 He was astonished that he was arrested and called to account for 
 such conduct ; for he thought he had come to a free country and 
 could do as he liked. It is said that Erskine, upon meeting a 
 fellow in the road, who was beating his horse unmercifully, be- 
 cause as he thought he had a right to do as he chose at least with 
 his own, began to beat the fellow with his stick, because, as he told 
 him, for his own reason, that the stick was his and he had a right 
 to do with it as he chose. 
 
 It is indeed totally impossible for the most absolute despot to be 
 perfectly independent. He must be dependent upon other beings 
 for service, or at least for victims to his tyranny, nay, he must be 
 dependent upon others for companionship and some degree of 
 sympathy, without which man can not exist rationally, usefully or 
 contentedly. " Nothing," says Cicero, " is more true than what 
 the philosopher Archytas said: 'If a man were transported into 
 heaven, and could see the beauties of universal nature displayed 
 before him, he would receive little pleasure from the wonderful 
 scenes unless there was some person to whom he could say, how 
 wonderful, how beautiful !' " Man is dependent upon man in all 
 the social relations which arise out of the desires, necessities and 
 affections of his nature. Each is dependent upon every other, 
 more or less, for the happiness, welfare, and safety of himself and 
 
17 
 
 tlie community in which he lives, and no one can flee from sucri 
 dependence upon his fellows in one form or another. 
 
 " Man, like the generous vine, supported lives. 
 The strength he gains is from th' embrace he gives." 
 
 Without nmtual dependencies in society, and the relations thence- 
 arising, there could be no affection nor sympathy, no benevolence 
 nor gratitude, no command nor obedience, no glory, no honor, no 
 justice and no virtue. Would such an existence be worth en- 
 during ? No. Even a life of servitude, with the mere chance of 
 a human smile, or occasional expression of pity, or approval, were 
 
 better. 
 
 " Heaven forming each on others to depend, 
 
 Bids each on others for assistance call. 
 
 Till one man's weakness grows the strength of all. 
 
 Wants, frailties, passions, closer still ally 
 
 The common interest, or endear the tie : 
 
 To these we owe true friendship, love sincere. 
 
 Each home-felt joy, that each inherits here."* 
 
 Out of this natural and necessary dependence of man on man,, 
 it is evident that there must arise very important qualifications or 
 limitations of the absolute independence which man, uninfluenced 
 by reason or habit, naturally desires. It has been the constant 
 study of statesmen and the sleepless hope of philanthropists to de- 
 termine what is the least degree of limitation to man's natural 
 desire of independence that is consistent with the peace of society, 
 and by what agencies it should be enforced upon the arrogant and 
 refractory. 
 
 This can only be effected by some form of government, having 
 power to enforce the requisite restraints, until all men become 
 just and good, each a law unto himself, and anxious to respect 
 the rights and comfort of others. Experience assures us that 
 anarchy or a state of society without government, wherein each 
 one does as he wills without regard to others, is far worse than a 
 state of despotism. For this reason, or the want of a properly 
 organized government, the Israelites in the time of Samuel cried 
 out for a king to rule over them ; and the Medes, after revolting 
 and separating from Assyria, tried in vain for some time to live 
 
 * Pope's Ess. 2. p. 249. 
 
 
18 
 
 without an organized government, but were compelled to call 
 Dejoces to be their king. In modern history, there are numerous 
 instances, among which in particular, is that of the Venetians, 
 when led by the fishermen of the Lagunes, Tomasa Niello, who 
 drove out the Doge and a despotic oligarchy, from the favor and 
 guard of the winged lion of St. Mark's, and after six months of 
 anarchy recalled them. 
 
 Now we maintain, and it is generally conceded, that our form 
 of government admits of the largest liberty, or the greatest degree 
 of individual independence, consistent with the security of peace 
 and the general welfare. It is based upon the declaration of the 
 natural rights of equality and independence in man, with the ad- 
 mission that the only just purpose of government is to secure these 
 rights to every citizen, and that such security can only be effected 
 by the consent of the governed to every restriction imposed upon 
 their equality and independence. But neither our Declaration 
 nor our Constitution precisely indicates the qualifications of either 
 the liberty or the equality which our government was organized to 
 secure to us. Many of our domestic and political difficulties arise 
 from the vague and diverse understanding of these terms by our 
 own people; and certainly foreigners just disenthralled from tyr- 
 rany, must be much more liable to err in the unqualified appli- 
 cation of them to their political and social intercourse. 
 
 Our Declaration says that " all men are created equal," that 
 they are endowed with liberty as an inalienable right, and that to 
 secure these rights, governments are instituted. I have already 
 shown that the term liberty or independence can not be allowed an 
 unqualified application, and that in fact, paradoxical as it appears, 
 the greatest practical independence, common to a community, 
 arises from the general concession of mutual dependence, that is, 
 I have no right to do as I choose, but only so to use my right of inde- 
 pendence that I infringe not the same independence in others. 
 
 The term of equality in our Declaration is in a like manner 
 limited. It can not be otherwise, for who would pretend to apply 
 it in its broadest sense ? Who would attempt to convince intelli- 
 gent persons against the evidence of their senses and hourly ex- 
 perience, that men are equal in size, in health, in vigor, in sym- 
 metry ? Who would insult civilization with the assertion, that 
 the intellectual perceptions of the Hottentot are equal to those of 
 the Anglo-saxon race ? or that the intellectual faculties of any two 
 
19 
 
 individuals are equal ? Who would pretend to balance the intel- 
 ligence, refinements, arts, powers and glory of the great nations of 
 Europe and the United States, by those of the petty, half civilized 
 and insignificant nations of Asia and Polynesia ? No ! 
 
 " There is a gradation in the scale of being," 
 and, as one star differeth from another, so do men. It always 
 has been thus, is now, and probably will continue to be so until 
 men and nations are no more. For example, competition is said 
 to be the life of business, but for what end could it be practiced 
 if there were no distinction, no inequality of credit, influence or 
 property to be obtained by it ? 
 
 The term equal is applied to men only as men, and simply signi- 
 fies that they are of one kind, having a common heavenly Father, 
 a common destiny and accountability, and an equality in political 
 rights. In fact, the term equal, in our Declaration of Indepen- 
 dence, belongs to, and is there inseparable from the word liberty 
 which it qualifies, and together they express the idea intended, 
 that is, that all men are created with, and are entitled to, equal 
 liberty, freedom or independence : all have the same, equal inde- 
 pendence, severally to use whatever abilities or opportunities they 
 have, for their advancement and welfare, so that they do not im- 
 pair or interfere with the like liberty in others. This great prin- 
 ciple was by no means original in our national Declaration, nor in 
 the Mecklenburg Resolves,* the Virginia Declaration,^ or the Mai- 
 den Instructions to their Representatives,:]: which were its Ameri- 
 can prototypes. The same principle of human rights was fore- 
 shadowed in the manifesto of Cromwell, in the Magna Charta ex- 
 torted from king John of England, and almost in the very words 
 of the beginning of our Declaration, in the decree of the Athenean 
 people against Philip, as it is reported by Demosthenes. It was 
 still earlier and more authoritatively declared, with ample specifi- 
 cations in the decalogue of Mount Sinai ; but in the most com- 
 prehensive and best form of all, it was promulgated to man, in the 
 command of our Saviour, to love our neighbors as ourselves, or, 
 in other words, to do unto others as we would have others do to us. 
 
 The general amplifications of this great truth or principle, which 
 were confessedly established and unquestionable at the time, several 
 
 » May 20, 1775. t May 15, 1775. t May 27, 177G. 
 
20 
 
 of which were derived from the English Constitution, such as the 
 right of trial by jury, the writ of habeas-corpus, the right of pe- 
 tition, and of representation by the people in any legislation over 
 them, were expressed in our Constitution, as a grand bulwark or 
 palladium of fixed facts and rights. But there are still remaining 
 a great many of the applications of the great principle of equal 
 independence, or, of doing to others as we would have them do to 
 us, which are not settled, and must be from time to time, referred to 
 and decided by the majority of the people. Here arises the diffi- 
 culty, if there is any to be apprehended, in the adoption of our 
 form of government by a people not habituated to its workings, 
 and trained to appreciate its pure spirit. 
 
 The successful operation of our institutions depends upon two 
 essential conditions : first, that at least a majority of the people 
 understand the rights secured to all by the constitution, together 
 with such general principles of relative right and political econo- 
 my, that they may comprehend the bearing of political arguments 
 addressed to them for tJieir decision at the polls; and second, it is 
 requisite that at least a majority have sufficient virtue always to 
 respect the judgments of others who may honestly differ from them, 
 and never wilfully nor heedlessly, in their elective franchise, to 
 trespass upon the e(jual Uhcrties of any other. Hitherto our people 
 have had sufficieni knowledge to avoid sanctioning any permanent 
 evil, or any perversion of their Constitution ; and they have thus 
 far generally had virtue enough to act together each with good will 
 to every other. 
 
 Tt is especially gratifying and conunendable as an example, that 
 after every one of our great periodic revolutions in political affairs, 
 through which to a foreign observer the total subversion of our in- 
 stitutions seemed to be inevitable, when each freeman had given 
 full vent to his independent will and feelings, through that safety- 
 valve of our institutions — the ballot box — immediately, although 
 the party agitations apparently may have been lashed into the 
 greatest violence, the disturbed elements of prejudice, passion and 
 selfishness in the community, have as speedily subsided into a hap- 
 py state of acquiescence, and become as unruffled and placid as 
 the bosom of a sunny lake after a storm. 
 
 This conciliatory character and unanimity in the final result of 
 •every independent exercise, by our people, of their sovereign will, 
 
21 
 
 are matters of wonder and praise throughout the civilized world, 
 hut to incredulous foreigners, vvl>o look only backward for their 
 lessons of humanity, like the oarsman who faces sternward of the 
 course he is steered, these results appear as mere incidents pass- 
 ed, which may not be seen again ; and they who wish to believe, 
 ask hojiefuUy if they can be the effects of practicable means which 
 they may adopt and apply. Let us not forget, in the approaching 
 great political contest, that the minds of millions in other lands, 
 will be anxiously watching us, and noting every movement in this 
 recurring test of our political engine, one portion of them to ac- 
 quire and adopt our principles of action, for their more conflicting 
 interests, and another portion to detect, if possible, defects in the 
 machinery itself, or a visible decline and corruption of the spirit 
 with which it is propelled. 
 
 There are grave responsibilities devolving upon us, and public 
 duties before us, in which we are bound to act well our part in the 
 preservation of our civil liberties and blessings, for ourselves, for 
 other nations and for posterity. The fathers and guardians of our 
 community, who have borne the heat and burden of the day, should 
 not allow the just deductions of their wisdom and exj>erience to be 
 lost to their successors. The young men to whom are committed 
 the chief care and active culture of our tree of liberty, ought to 
 be vigilant, intellicrent and honest in the discharge of their sacred 
 trust. And it is incumbant upon the gentler sex, the mothers and 
 sisters, who have the higher and holier duty ot giving the primary 
 inclinations and habits to the rising sovereigns of this happy land, 
 to inure them to the control of their passions, to the subjection of 
 their will to principles, and to devote them to the love and practice 
 of Christianity. 
 
 Finally, Fellow Citizens, let me urge upon you all, and let us 
 this day resolve, henceforth to commune and act together, as one 
 people, conceding Equal Liberty for the basis of our rights, main- 
 taining Equal Justice in our laws, adhering to Truth as our stan- 
 dard, and throughout every vicissitude, manifesting a strict fidelity 
 to our only sovereign, Jehovah.