D 639 .R4 L8 Copy 1 HE CHRISTIAN IN WAR TIME FREDERICK LYNCH Class Book Ti^htN^ COF/RIGHT DEPOSIT. The Christian in War Time The Christian in War Time BY FREDERICK LYNCH, D.D. WITH FOUR ADDITIONAL CHAPTERS BY Charles E. Jefferson, D.D., Robert E. Speer, D.D., William I. Hull, Ph.D., and Francis E. Clark, D.D. New York Chicago Toronto Fleming H. Revell Company London and Edinburgh Copyright, 1917, by FLEMING H. REVELL COMPANY Prmted in the United States of America DEC -6 1917 New York : 158 Fifth Avenue Chicago: 17 North Wabash Ave. Toronto: 25 Richmond Street, W. London : 21 Paternoster Square Edinburgh : 100 Princes Street ©CI.A479425 THE United States is gradually beginning to realize tiiat it really is at war. Prices are soaring, conscription has passed and when it becomes operative we shall realize as we have not yet done that war is upon ns. Commis- sions have been here from England, France, Italy and Russia conferring with the government on methods of warfare, and on the part the United States is to take in the conflict. There are a great many good Christians in the United States who do not like war but who feel that this war was inevitable and that the country was dragged into it by no fault of its own. They have found it difficult to reconcile themselves to it, and probably would not have been able to do so for the excuses given for entering upon the war. !N'ow that they have discovered that the real rea- son for President Wilson taking the step he did was the fear expressed to him by the Allies that the outcome was extremely dubious unless they had immediate help, these people have become more resigned to it. They see that we are faced with two alternatives, Prussianism or democracy ruling the future, and that democracy and all it stands for is in danger of being lost both to the old world and to the new. It was this that pressed 5 6 THE CHRISTIAN" II^" WAR TIME us into the war, and not simply a desire to protect American property and American lives. The President, of course, intimated this in his proc- lamation, but it would have been better if the ad- ministration had frankly told the real facts at that time instead of waiting until now. It may be a long war, it may be a short one. Nobody knows anything about it, and all prophesyings are valueless. Of this, however, we may be cer- /• tain: that it will not stop immediately, and that ., J we are soon going to be involved in it on the seas, and a little later on the land. \^ % , The Christian in war time! How strange it ^-> ^ / sounds ! But it is a fact. Being a fact, Christian people have got to adjust themselves to the new situation. Especially is this true since the Chris- tian is by profession a believer in goodwill and '^ peace. He has got to face the fact that, much as *v5>' he regrets it, he is at war with another group of people which also calls itself Christian and ac- knowledges the same Lord, and he has got to take part in the maiming and destruction of these peo- ple, although doing so, as he sincerely believes, to save civilization and Christianity to the world. The Christian in war time; how shall he conduct himself ? In the first place he should see to it that never is the war degraded into a desire for aggrandise- ment, or for territory, or for revenge or retalia- tion; not even in order to protect American <" THE CHRISTIAN^ IK WAR TIME 1 property. The preacher in tlie pulpit, the Chris- tian editor in his paper, the layman in all his conversation must see that the war is waged only with those high ends in view which were pro- claimed by the President of the United States at the beginning, and were given as the motive of our nation in entering upon this road of terrible suffering and sacrifice. Let us recall his words to our minds. He said "Our object now, as then, is to vindicate the principles of peace and justice in the life of the world as against selfish and auto- cratic power, and to set up among the really free and self-governed peoples of the world such a con- cert of purpose and of action as will henceforth ensure the observance of these principles. . . . It is a fearful thing to lead this peaceful people into war, into the most terrible and disastrous of all wars, civilization itself seeming to be in the balance. But the right is more precious than peace, and we shaU fight for the things which we have always carried nearest our hearts — for democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their governments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a universal dominion of right by such a concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all nations and make the world itself at last free." This is the noblest proclamation of war that has ever been written. If war were ever per- missible in the Christian ethic it would be only. 8 THE CHRISTIAlSr m WAR TIME with such a purpose or for the immediate de- fense of an attacked nation. If we must enter upon this war, then, let every Christian man see that this purpose never be lost sight of in its course. Churches might well print on cards the section of the President's proclamation quoted and give it to every man enlisting in their parishes. There will be many who will try as time goes on to turn it into a war of conquest. Many will be- gin to insist that the United States have a part in the spoils. If American ships are sunk many will begin to cry for revenge. The Christians, the churches, must resist all clamor of this baser sort and insist that the war be waged only for uni- versal democracy, the rights of the smaller nations and the future peace of the world. The Christian must insist that no element of hatred be allowed to enter this war. He is the follower of Him who said, "Love your enemies." He loved them himself, and he who hates is no follower of Jesus Christ. Here again the Presi- dent has spoken in Christian terms. He said: "We have no quarrel with the German people, we have no feeling towards them but one of sym- pathy and friendship. It was not upon their im- pulse that their government acted in entering this war. It was not with their previous knowledge or approval. . . . The world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of political liberty. THE CHKISTIAIT IK WAK TIME 9 We have no seMsli ends to serve. We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material compensation for tlie sacrifices we shall freely make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind. We shall be satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the faith and the freedom of the nations can make them. Just because we fight without rancor and without selfish object, seeking nothing for ourselves hut what we shall wish to share with all free peoples, we shall, I feel con- fident, conduct our operations as belligerents with- out passion and ourselves observe with proud punctilio the prvnciples of right and fair play we profess to be fighting for." (The italics are mine.) Here is a great opportunity for the Christian. Germany has expressed toward England words of hatred of which even she herself is now ashamed. She has performed acts of inhumanity of which her children will be ashamed in the future. There has been little of this on the part of England so far, but there have been some unchristian utter- ances and some reprisals. Would that every Englishman might have uttered during the course of this war only such sentiments as those which fell from the lips of Edith Cavell as she was being executed. "Standing as I do in view of God and eternity, I realize that patriotism is not enough. I must have no hatred or bitterness to- ward anyone." France has been noblest of them 10 THE CHRISTIAE" m WAR TIME all, but she, too, has descended once or twice to reprisals, provoked by terrible barbarities enacted on her territories. But here is the opportunity of America to set a new ideal to the world. Let every Christian see that no words of hatred escape his lips, no cry for revenge, whatever happens. Let every Christian pastor impress upon the boys going from his parish their duty to keep unsullied the fair name of America and to keep it true to the high utterances of the President in this re- gard, and never by word or deed to show bestial hatred toward the enemy. Let our army, if by and by it enters upon fields occupied by the enemy, show to the enemy that it fights not in hatred but in knightly crusade for right and peace. Let every Christian in America insist that this nation vio- late no slightest iota of international law or tradi- tion in its warfare on sea and land, that it permit no act of ruthlessness, of wanton destruction or of lust. Let it be shown to all the world that American soldiers are above atrocities of any kind. Let the Christians of America insist that there be no reprisals in kind for atrocities perpetrated by the enemy. We believe that after this war is over all high-minded Christian Englishmen will regret that they ever stooped to German methods in reprisal for inhumanities practiced upon English subjects. Let all American Christians insist at the beginning that America shall not stoop to anything in her warfare that is not knightly. II THESE are going to be trying days for many sincere Christians. Christians are not going to be able to see eye to eye. The experience in England has shown that there is going to be much more difference of opinion on the righteousness of war for Christians than there has ever been in any previous time. Eifty years ago, and even less, objection to war under any conditions was confined almost entirely to the Society of Friends. But the general pacifist movement has made great progress since those days and many converts to this point of view have been gained from all religious communions, and many of the labor and Socialist groups hold the same belief. Thus England, much closer to the war than we and with vital interest much more threatened, has witnessed the formation of a Fel- lowship of Eeconciliation of some four thousand members, mostly young men and women, not pre- dominantly Quakers, who have taken a radical stand against war as being in its essence un- christian under any conditions. Furthermore, many of the thousands who have come into prom- inence as conscientious objectors in England, have had no connection with the Society of Friends. 11 12 THE CHRISTIAN IN WAE TIME All this is referred to simply because it indi- cates what will surely be the experience of Amer- ica. The peace movement has made much greater progress here than in England. There are thou- sands of people in America whose consciences will not let them kill their fellow men in settlement of international disputes. Some of these might feel that were this country invaded they might then be justified in resisting attack, but under present conditions they cannot go forth to kill. They are all the more strengthened in this position because of the great number of people who were opposed to entering the war at all. One of the leading Congressmen, just after the vote had been taken in Congress, said that had they voted according to their own convictions or according to the con- victions of the country at large, fully half of Congress and half of the nation would have voted not to enter the war. It was unnecessary to say this, for the utter failure of men to volunteer shows how little enthusiasm there is for the war. Many Christians who are standing by the war now because they have heard that there was dan- ger of the allies, and with them of democracy, being crushed under foot, have reconciled their consciences to participation in it. On the other hand, many men who have conscientious objec- tions to making war are strengthened in their position because of the great numbers who do not feel that the United States was justified in going THE CHEISTIAiT IN WAR TIME 13 into this war. We shall, therefore, find, in light of all the ahove facts, that there is going to be an infinitely greater number of conscientious ob- jectors than there would have been twenty-five years ago, and that they are going to come from every rank of life. Here is the chance for the Christian in war \^ time, even though he himself believes in the in- evitability of this war, and in its righteousness, to render a great service to his country, to real and lasting democracy, to freedom of conscience, which is Protestantism in its very essence, and to Christianity itself. He could insist that no man be forced to act against his lifelong, or deep-rooted convictions, his religious principles, or his conscience. ITothing is more fatal to de- mocracy, and nothing is more un-Christian, than to make a man break what is his allegiance to Jesus Christ, or to God, or to his own conscience. Let us not make the terrible mistake England had made in this regard. The one thing in this war of which many of the finest Englishmen are ashamed, the only thing that has approached Prussian war methods, has been her harsh and un- Christian treatment of conscientious objectors. She has seen her mistake and has relaxed her severe treatment of these men. When our con- scription law begins to operate we shall have many more conscientious objectors than had England. Our colleges and our labor organizations are full /'■-^'^^^ 14 THE CHEISTIAJS" IN WAR TIME of them, and there are a few in our churches. Every Christian should take the part of these men, for it is because of what they believe about Christ and his teaching that all men are brothers, that they object. There is no democracy left in the nation, no Protestantism in the church, when men are forced to do what they believe Jesus Christ absolutely forbids. There is no gain in winning a war if men have been forced to sell their souls before they will fight. To imprison them as England has done, when they refused to fight, is simply to say publicly that Christian consistency is a crime. Let us be Christian toward these men. Let us appoint commissions in each community for examining them as to their sin- cerity, and let us see that these commissions are composed of the best men of the community, always including some clergymen, and not of men, as was often the case in England, who have no sympathy either with Christian conviction or with democracy. AU army ojficials should be kept off the commissions. With the exception of the labor and Socialist groups, it will almost always be found that the conscientious objector is identified with some church. His case, in this regard, might well be left by the government to his pastor and church officers. The pastor ought easily to be able to determine the sincerity of the objector, and report to the authorities. If the objection is sin- cere any Christian ought to stand by the men to \^ THE CHKISTIAK IK WAE TIME 15 the end. Eor they are only doing what, accord- ing to their thought, Christ did. And now just a word about the Christian and the "pacifist." I put quotation marks about the ^' word, simply because it has now come to have a different content from that which it has usually carried. Previous to the outbreak of the war, the i pacifist was anyone who believed that judicial processes ought to be substituted for war in the settlement of international disputes, and he worked for World Courts, Leagues of Peace, Arbitration Treaties, Commissions of Inquiry, and in general for the bringing of nations up to that ethical plane on which individuals live. A great many felt '^ honored in being numbered in this list. It was led ^ by great statesmen, renowned ministers of the gos- pel, and the presidents of universities. But just '^' at present the pacifist is an object of scorn and ridicule, and he is in many places left to bear his witness to the truth as he sees it, alone and un- heeded. It is just at this time that his Christian brother who differs from him should recognize that it may take more real courage to be a pacifist than to be a soldier in the war. After all he is only trying to apply to a concrete case the princi- ples which many who now conscientiously be- lieve in the war have been preaching heretofore. Anyone who at this time says evil things about him or accuses him of lack of patriotism does not show a Christian spirit, for it is just because of 16 THE CHRISTIAN IN WAR TIME his allegiance to the Christ principles that he perseveres in his belief that the methods of love overcome evil in the long run more effectively than do the methods of war, and it is just because he loves his country that he wishes to keep her true to what he believes to be the principles of democ- racy. I happen to know a good many pacifists intimately and all this talk about their being pro- German is pure nonsense. Most of them condemn the methods of Germany in most unsparing tierms. It is simply that they believe that there is a better way of overcoming evil than by force. And they have very strong probabilities on their side, for no matter what may be the attitude of twentieth century Christianity toward war — and I am not arguing here that it is the wrong attitude — it can- not be denied that the great teacher, Jesus, both taught and practised the principles followed by the pacifist. And anyone who knows the Church Fathers knows that almost without exception they taught that a Christian must not kill under any circumstances. You who read this should also remember that the pacifist is only trying to apply to this particular crisis the general peace princi- ples you have been advocating until recently. You may be right in believing that they will not work at just this moment; but at least be patient with him if he believes they will work on all occasions. He is no more a traitor than are you. He is after the same ends, but he advocates different weapons. THE CHRISTIAIT I:N' WAR TIME 17 Thomas Mott Osborne believes just as tborougliiy as does the average prison warden that society must be protected from the criminal, but he be- lieves there is a better way of achieving this uni- versal aim than the way of force advocated by the wardens of yesterday. Some day we may all be glad that the pacifist kept alive these principles which now bid fair to be swallowed up in the world weltering in blood. Let us as Christians at least recognize in him the same sincerity and grant to him the same privileges of free speech that we claim for ourselves. Ill THERE are many good Christians who can enlist in the army or the navy at this time and go straight to the front in France or engage in battle with submarines. They believe that civilization is at stake and that it is the duty of the United States to save it. They will enter this war with a clean conscience, believing with the President that the only way to make the world of the future safe for democracy is to exterminate Prussianism once and forever. Or they consider the acts of Germany against American ships and lives equal to a direct invasion of the United States. Many believe that they are going forth to protect humanity against a ruthless and savage foe. As one who has long been among our most enthusiastic pacifiists expressed it: "Submarine warfare against neutrals is in no wise different from piracy and you can not reason with pirates. You can only capture them." Many of these men also believe that they are going to win a lasting and enduring peace for the world by conquering those who willfully break the peace and do not believe in peace. They are following their own conscience and believe they are pursuing the Chris- tian course. 18 1 THE CHKISTIAIT IN WAE TIME 19 On the other hand there are many Christians — a much larger number than there ever was be- fore and a growing number — ^who do not believe in the resort to arms except to repel an enemy who actually lands on our shores and attacks our homes, and whose conscience will not let them take human life. What can they do fit this time ? How can they serve humanity and their country while the nation is at war ? It is to these I would address a few words, for they are sorely per- plexed. \ ' 'I First, they can serve their country by offering their services in ambulance corps and as nurses of the wounded. The Friends in England present an interesting instance of this very thing. When the war broke out there was a large group of stu- dents in Cambridge and Oxford who believed that their discipleship to Jesus Christ forbade them to take human life. IFnder the leadership of Philip Baker, son of J. Allen Baker, M.P., Chairman of The World Alliance for Promoting International Friendship through the Churches, who is well known to Americans, they organized an ambulance corps consisting of fifty or sixty splendid young men. They collected several thousand dollars from their sympathizers, purchased motors, and went straight to the front in France. Here they did splendid service that attracted the attention of the whole world. Their bravery was a matter of com- ment everywhere. Daily they went into the very 20 THE CHEISTIAK IK WAE TIME thick of the fighting, exposing themselves equally with the soldiers, rushed the wounded back to the hospitals in their ambulances and then returned for other wounded men. Thus they went back and forth on their work of mercy and they even re- fused to carry the revolvers given to Red Cross workers in all the armies. Already groups of Eriends here have offered themselves for such service. Secondly, they can enlist under the Red Cross Society and go to the front to assist on the battle- fields, in the hospitals, and in the camps. The Red Cross physicians and nurses will need many aids of this class. Thirdly, they can offer themselves for work in prison camps. Many Christians in all the Eu- ropean countries have rendered beautiful service in this way. One of the most conspicuous in- stances is that of a young German of Berlin, Dr. F. Siegmund-Schultze, another peace worker well known in America. He has been untiring in his efforts to lighten the miseries of English prisoners in Germany, increasing their comforts, seeing that they had religious services in their own tongue, sending news to their relatives, and in every way trying to practice real Christianity in the midst of this terrible catastrophe. Fourthly, they can offer their services to the Young Men's Christian Association. This organi- zation, cooperating with the Federal Council of THE CHKISTIAISr IN WAK TIME 21 Churches, has already put in operation extensive plans for work in the camps where our soldiers are to be trained. They will open halls where writing and reading can be engaged in, and where healthy amusement will be provided. They will do every- thing in their power to keep the zones about the camps clean, and to keep the men out of vicious resorts and saloons. With the regular chaplains to be provided by the government in cooperation with the Federal Council, they will carry on re- ligious work among the soldiers and will hold meetings in the halls to be provided. Fifthly, they can establish intimate connection with every young man leaving their, own village or parish and can see that he has a Bible, and that books and literature are sent to him regularly. They can write to him at the camp or at the front, and can see that others write, for the young man away from home hungers for letters. They can see that boxes containing comforts of all kinds are sent to him. Christians living near camps can render most salutary Christian service by inviting the young men to their homes. Sixthly, they can take it upon themselves to care for the families of those who have enlisted. These families will need money and other kinds of help. They will need companionship in their loneliness and in their anxiety for those who have gone. As news of the death or capture of father, husband and brother comes back, they will need 22 THE CHKISTIA]!^ IN WAE TIME consolation. The children, with the father away and perhaps lost, will need a father's care and guidance. Here is an opportunity for the Chris- tian to render beautiful service. In these and in many other ways the Christian who cannot kill but who wants to serve his coun- try and the cause of democracy and humanity, can do his part. Here let me quote the suggestive questionnaire recently issued by the Friends' Committee on JSTational Service, with headquarters at Philadel- phia. The questionnaire has been sent out solely for the purpose of learning the sentiment of young men Friends, and it is specifically set forth that the answers are not to be considered binding in any way. The first three questions are designed for those who desire to offer themselves for service in the present emergency, for those who do not de- sire to enter for service until drafted, and for those who feel that they cannot accept compulsory service of any kind. The second section of the document reads: "According to the situation as I see it to-day, if I should undertake service as fi. result of the war situation, I should prefer to do so in the following manner : "(1) By going abroad to assist in the relief work carried on by English Friends. "(2) By engaging in relief work under the American Red Cross. (An organization which in THE CHKISTIAN IN WAE TIME 23 time of war will become subject to the military authorities. ) "(3) By engaging in relief work under an am- bulance unit maintained by American Eriends, if it should be found practicable to organize such a unit. "(4) By relieving suffering among alien en- emies. "(5) By engaging in agriculture to conserve the food supply. "(6) By accepting 'alternative service' in the noncombatant branches of the military or naval service. "(Y) By enlisting in the military naval service. "(8) By entering the Y. M. 0. A. work at training camps. "(9) By engaging in social welfare work." IV WASTE is a sin under even normal con- ditions. It becomes almost a heinous sin in times of great stress like these. It is the duty of every Christian now to guard against it in every form. By so doing he may render a great service to his country. The waste in the preparation of food is enor- mous. The food thrown away by the great hotels and restaurants of our country would feed hun- dreds of thousands. This has been so strikingly put in a leaflet recently issued by the ISTational Emergency Food Garden Commission called "Eood Thrift" that I quote from it here: "American kitchens waste enough food each year to feed the whole British army in France and several divisions of the French army. "It is estimated that the annual food waste in the United States amounts to $700,000,000. This is believed to be a conservative estimate. There- fore, all we need to do to make certain supplying all food required and of winning the war is to cut out that waste. "It is entirely possible and feasible to do this. It is only a question of every man, woman and 24 THE CHKISTIAIT IN WAR TIME 25 child in tlie United States becoming individually thrifty in the use of food. "The military leaders of our nation and of our allies agree that the outcome of the war is a matter of food. Thus every little food saving, trivial and unimportant as it may seem, adds to the aggregate of the food supply which can make victory certain. Without thrift at home all the outpouring of blood on foreign battlefields may be in vain. Famine may be the great conqueror and the war may end in a surrender forced by starva- tion. "While hotels and restaurants are heavy of- fenders in the matter of wasting food, yet the chief contribution to the $700,000,000 food loss is made in the kitchens of private homes. Good food is improperly handled and stored. It is carelessly cooked. It is wastefully prepared. It is over- generously provided. These are the chief causes of home food waste. "Extravagant cooks must learn how to use left- overs. Left-over cereals can be combined with meats, fruits, or vegetables to make appetizing side dishes. Even a spoonful of cereal is worth saving as a thickener for soup or gravy. Don't throw away stale bread, skim milk, sour milk, scraps of meat or fish, trimmed fats or suet. Even the water used for cooking rice and many vegetables should be kept. Stale bread can be used in many ways, skim milk contains all the nourishing qualities of 26 THE CHRISTIAlSr IN WAK TIME milk except fat ; sour milk can be used in baking ; meat and fish scraps add flavor and nourishment to made-over dishes ; fat can be tried out and used as a substitute for butter and lard in cooking; while cooking water will help to flavor soups and sauces." We all of us eat too much anyhow — eat twice as much food as we need for proper nourishment and eat many expensive foods that do not nourish us as much as cheaper kinds would. We have been living to eat, let us now eat to live. It will save millions of dollars. In the big cities thousands of people pay several dollars for a lunch or dinner in a restaurant. Enough money is spent in New York restaurants in one evening to keep the spenders healthfully alive for a week. This is wicked at such a time of crisis. Every man should spend just enough for the plain, nourishing food that he needs in order to do the best work. Thou- sands of dollars could be saved here and many more thousands of pounds of food could be pre- served for the world. Luxury in food is a sin at this time. Millions of dollars are being spent in drink. It is a waste at any time to spend money for that which does no one any good and works harm to thousands. Let every Christian labor to have these vast sums of money turned into helpful channels. If all the money put into drink this year were put into "Liberty Bonds," the two billions would be THE CHEISTIA:N' m war time 2Y floated easily — and more billions besides. In ad- dition to this millions of bushels of grain are being used to distill liquors. Every Christian should insist that this grain be used for food. Millions of dollars are being spent for tobacco. Whether a Christian should smoke or not is a mat- ter for him to settle with his own conscience. But at this time when so many are starving in the world, and our own nation is perhaps entering upon grave perils, it is criminal to waste millions of dollars upon expensive cigars and innumerable cigarettes. If we must smoke, let us as a nation reduce it to a minimum and be content with most moderate indulgence. Christian women also have a great opportunity to save millions to the nation by dressing in inex- pensive clothes and hats. I looked into a shop window not long ago where about twenty hats were upon exhibition. These hats averaged twenty dol- lars each. I saw another window where gowns costing hundreds of dollars each were on exhibi- tion. I am not an expert on either hats or gowns, but I do happen to know that some conscientious women are managing to look exceedingly attractive with hats and dresses costing only a fraction of what these hats and gowns were marked, and they are very happy in the consciousness of employing the large sums previously spent upon clothes to serve their country at this time. Einally it is the duty of every Christian to 28 THE CHRISTIAN" IN WAE TIME bend all his energies to increasing the food supply of the nation. How serious the crisis is, how nec- essary this service is, has been stated by the President himself. Remember his words : "We must supply abundant food not only for ourselves and for our armies and our seamen, but also for a large part of the nations with whom we have now made common cause, and in whose sup- port and by whose sides we shall be fighting. . . . "Let me suggest, also, that every one who creates or cultivates a garden helps, and helps greatly, to solve the problem of the feeding of the nations." Every patch of ground should be utilized. Every spare hour should be put into cultivating it, if we have it. Let us get our exercise in gardening, exchanging our golf stick for a hoe. Set the children to gardening. Many of them will be quite delighted at cultivating a little patch of ground they can call their own. Let us save all the foods nature herself provides. Every apple, every grape in the woods, every berry in the fields, should be gathered, and what is not immediately con- sumed should be canned for winter use. Let those who live by sea and lake choose fishing for a pas- time and save the meat bill and the meat for two days a week. Gather the dandelions from the lawn, the mushrooms from the pastures, the water- cress from the river. Let us make the earth yield double this year what it has ever yielded before. The following words from Mr. Charles Lathrop THE CHRISTIAl!^ IN WAR TIME 29 Pack, President of the ISTational Emergency Food Garden Commission, mentioned above, should be read and heeded by everybody: "War has now made the planting of food gar- dens an imperative obligation upon every Ameri- can citizen who has access to land, no matter how restricted the area. The man, woman, or child who allows any soil fertility or available labor to go to waste this year deserves the opprobrium that goes to the military slacker. We are perhaps approach- ing the time when we must adopt meatless days either voluntarily or by government fiat. Let us see to it that the food substitutes for meat are produced independently of the farms by a great host of home gardeners. Because it is late in the season, do not neglect to plant a garden for that reason." (l./f'^ WHEN a nation is at war the resources are so heavily taxed for the prosecution of the war itself that every form of Chris- tian activity is likely to suffer. At the same time taxes and prices become so high that those who have money begin to conserve it, fearing for the future. There are new and large demands for money, such as we have just witnessed in the call for two billion dollars for "Liberty Bonds," and one hundred million for Ked Cross work attendant upon our entering the war. The first institutions to feel these new demands, with their deflexion of funds, are home and foreign missions, various reform societies, philanthropic and charitable or- ganizations and war relief for Europe. And yet the continuation of all this work at its highest pitch of efficiency is more necessary than ever now that we are in the war, and its relaxation will work indescribable hardships upon many. Here then is a great opportunity for the Chris- tian. He must see that these various causes of Christ do not suifer. The multitudes will forget almost everything except the prosecution of the war. It will remain for the faithful few, the real Christians in the community, to see to the 30 THE CHKISTIA^.IK WAE TIME 31^ contimiation of these otlier activities. Indeed it would be a poor compensation to win this war against Germany and to let ignorance, crime, vice, poverty conquer us at home and to lose the great gains for the kingdom of God that we have made in foreign lands. Let us begin with the cause of missions. Germany has practically had to aban- don all her splendid foreign missions. England has had a great struggle and just saved the Cal- cutta mission at the last moment. The English people are rallying splendidly and missionary contributions are coming in, in spite of the tre- mendous sacrifices the English people are required to make. Our American missions are the pride of the American church. They are scattered all over Asia, South America, Africa and the islands of the Pacific. They are our imperial outposts. They are large and splendidly manned, they have colleges, technical schools, medical schools, divinity schools, boys' and girls' schools, and hospitals connected with them that measure up to the finest institutions here at home. They are the outposts of the finest civilization America knows and they are the heralds of the American type of Christian- ity. To have them crippled at this time would bring an unspeakable calamity to the kingdom of God, an irreparable loss to civilization, hardly to be offset by any gains for democracy which this war might bring, and yet it will not be long before we shall be hearing from our Foreign Missionary 32 THE CHEISTIAI^ IN WAK TIME boards that receipts are falling off because of the war. The same thing will of course apply to the Home Missions work. What a pity it would be, if the transforming work our churches are doing for the immigrants in our great cities and for the negroes throughout the South, should be curtailed by lack of funds. What superb schools and col- leges — Tuskegee, Hampton, Atlanta, Fisk, Car- lisle, Talladega, to mention only a few — would have to be closed. What a loss! We should be l^y']^, losing one war while winning another. Every pastor should at this particular time present the importance of missions with tenfold greater em- phasis than ever before. Some pastors are now saying: "Everything must give place to the win- ning of this war." This is a great mistake, as they tell us from England. There they have discovered that in order to win the war it was necessary to sustain church life and home life at the highest level, that it has not paid to take money from the Christian institutions at home, even to prosecute the war abroad. Our pastors might well show their people that, if this war is to issue in the establishment of world-wide democracy, it is of inestimable advantage to have great colleges like Roberts College and the American Girls' College at Constantinople and the Protestant College at Beirut; to have our mission stations, all of which are real protagonists of democracy, in every state in Christendom. So let us support our mission- \ v<^ THE CHEISTIAK m WAR TIME 33 ary work at all hazards. Let us not only support ^.-pf^ our own, but let us help England and France sus- ; . . .^>('^''^ tain theirs until the pressure is over. And since we cannot, I suppose, have dealings with German missionaries while the war is on, we might at least try to hold what they have achieved and minister to the people they have won until in due time they can resume their shattered work. This is already being done to some extent, I understand. But this is the one time of all others when missions should be prosecuted with renewed passion and extensive- ness. Give your liberty bonds to the missionary societies. Another sphere of activity where the stress of war is being felt with most pitiable, heart-break- ing results, is in the relief work for the starving peoples of Europe. I happen to be treasurer of one of the Relief Eunds and I am intimately con- nected with the American Committee for Ar- menian and Syrian Eelief. I suppose our friends sometimes get impatient at our importunity. But if they could see the letters and the daily cable- grams from the American Consuls and missionaries in Turkey and the Caucasus, and the telegrams from Mr. Lansing at Washington, their hearts would melt. They would see why we are con- strained to ask again and again. Before the war came to America we were doing fairly well with the Armenian and Syrian refugees, and this coun- try was doing well for Belgium and France; the 34 THE CHEISTIAI^ IK WAR TIME contributions for the Armenians are beginning to fall off since the United States entered the war, I think that American Christians do not really know what that means. If they did they would not per- mit it. It means that thousands of little children and women are literally lying on the roadsides slowly dying of starvation and cold. INot even a root can be found now, or the bark of trees ; not a rag to add to tattered garments. (Read Lord Bryce's account of conditions as he recently found them in Armenia, and the cablegrams from the American Consul at Tiflis to Secretary Lansing.) This is what it will mean to hundreds of thou- sands if we withhold our gifts. Again, let me say that I believe that, could the American people really know the conditions of these starving people, there is not one who would not send something. At least every Christian should consider it his duty during this war time to give something and by his efforts to see that these relief funds do not suffer. Other organizations that are going to suffer greatly if Christians do not rally to their support are those which have been engaged in "driving the evil thing out of the city." We refer to such bodies as the Child Labor, the Prison Reform, the Anti-Vice, the Anti-Saloon organizations; the so- cieties fighting diseases, bad housing, exploitation of girls; the various religious bodies doing such fine work for our cities, such as the Young Men's THE CHKISTIAN IN WAK TIME 35 Christian Association, and the City Federations of Churches; the Vacation Bible Schools for the summer and all the organizations sending children into the country for the summer ; the philanthropic and charitable organizations. These are only a few out of hundreds. The tendency in times of financial stringency is to cut down on these local charities. Already a warning has been sounded in ISTew York in an editorial in the Evening Post of June 2nd, where reference is made to the falling off of receipts in the Charity Organization Society and the consequent suffering of certain families. Along all these lines the Christian has a great opportunity. He can increase his own contributions, he can show to his comrades that the keeping up of the work of these various institu- tions is just as essential to the real welfare and defense of the nation as is actual military service. What a calamity to our nation, if we let vice be- come rampant through neglect of our Y. M. C. A.'s and such institutions as provide homes for the young men and women of our cities ; if we let our prisons become crime-breeding pits again; if we let the exploiters of women and children repeal all the excellent laws which, after years of con- tention, we have secured for their protection. Even now a group of selfish men, taking war as an ex- cuse, are trying to have the child-labor laws re- pealed in Albany. And this war will increase the poverty in our great cities. It will make many 36 THE CHRISTIAN IN WAR TIME dependent families. Anyone wlio at this time cuts off his subscriptions to charity, except under direct necessity, is hurting his country. Neither can any nation be at its best when vice and greed are left unrestrained. The most encouraging signs of a new ideal of home defense yet manifested by our government are the rulings forbidding anyone to serve liquor to soldiers and sailors, and the determination to provide clean and helpful sur- roundings for the camps. It is the duty of the Christian to support at this juncture every or- ganization which is striving to do this same thing for the whole city. So shall he serve his country most effectively. VI FOR two years now tlie American papers liave been full of tlie "shame" and "dis- grace" of Germany because of the way sbe treated Englisbmen wbo Happened to be living in Germany when the war broke out. It should be the duty of every Christian in America to see that no slightest stigma of this sort is ever attached to this country. There are thousands of German sub- jects here and they deserve the kindliest treatment at our hands. They had nothing to do with bring- ing on the war originally and they had nothing to do with bringing America into the war. Many of them have lived here so long that their sympathies are with America rather than with the fatherland. But they have ties with Germany that make their whole experience very sad and trying. They should receive our sympathy and help rather than our enmity. It is a splendid chance to practice the golden rule and show what real Christianity is. Even if Germany should treat Americans in Ger- many in an un-Christian manner let us still be Christians. The English people have just shown a remarkable example in this regard. Germany has been treating English sailors most barbarously, shelling and sinking row-boats after the sailors 37 38 THE CHEISTIA^ m WAK TIME have left torpedoed ships, and sinking hospital ships, dropping bombs on women and children, actions condemned by all law, humane sentiment, and practice. There have been reports of harsh treatment of prisoners. It was natural that the English should have been stirred to reprisals. Yet in a debate in Parliament, only three men in the whole British Parliament stood for . reprisals in kind. The discussion was headed by the arch- bishop, who took a most noble Christian stand. If England, smarting under the greatest outrages any war of centuries has witnessed, can take such a stand, surely we in America, with no such ir- ritations, can refrain from any ill-treatment, in either word or deed, of Germans, who are our enemies only in name. So far we have been quite exemplary in this regard. Two weeks after the war had opened a German singer was called before the curtain of the Metropolitan Opera House a dozen times at her farewell appearance. No one worried whether she was German or not. Perhaps the ovation was greater because she was, and the three thousand Americans wished to give evidence of their kindly feeling and sympathy. This was as it should be. So far as 'New York is concerned, I have noticed no ill feeling whatever toward Ger- mans who behave themselves. Only the other day a German, who has one of the most prominent stores on Fifth Avenue, told me that he had not re- ceived one insult since the war opened, or been THE CHKISTIAK IN WAK TIME 39 boycotted by a single cTistomer. Let all this go on and let us who are really Christian go still fur- ther and go out of our way to show sympathy and kindliness toward these people. We ought to do this all the more easily, since the government at Washington has publicly expressed its satisfaction that among all these thousands of Germans only a mere handful — about one hundred and forty in the whole nation — ^have been interned for doubtful conduct or for practicing machinations against this government. And some of these were spies who had been sent here by Germany long before Amer- ica entered the war. The fact that there are several millions of Ger- man Americans in this country also affords a splendid opportunity for the practice of Christian helpfulness. They are American citizens and very good ones on the whole. They are splen- didly loyal at this time. They have volunteered with others. They will let themselves be drafted without protest. But if they evince sadness in their hearts over America being dragged into the war, let us be charitable toward them. They are in a position of great hardship. Thousands of them have relatives in the German army, some even have brothers. It is not easy to go forth, perhaps to shoot one's own brother or uncle. One of these men remarked recently that he was a good American and should do his duty as an American, but that he may be called upon to kill his own 40 THE CHKISTIAN m WAK TIME brother. Such men deserve our most kindly sym- pathy and our pity. They are torn between con- flicting emotions and their loyalty to America is praiseworthy beyond characterization under the circumstances and all Christians should recog- nize it. Of one other thing I should like to speak here. There is now the greatest opportunity the Christian has had since the Civil War to show his faith in prayer. I find, from a very large correspondence, that there are many Christians who believe the United States is fighting the Lord's battle, is fight- ing to save the world to real Christianity, and they can pray for victory for American arms. I find, on the other hand, a great number whose idea of God and whose consciences will not let them ask God's blessing on the arms of the nation, nor beseech him to grant victory to our troops. Each Christian will have to decide these things for him- self. But there are some things on which all Christians can unite in fervid and unceasing prayer at this time. Some of these have been set forth in the letter to the churches issued by The Federal Council of Churches at its recent meeting in Washington; some have received emphasis in the President's letter to the Kussians ; some I will suggest at this time. But for all these things the Christian should pray unceasingly : 1. That this war may issue in some new inter- national political order that shall make wars un- THE CHKISTIAN IN WAR TIME 41 necessary and impossible forever. The President of tlie United States lias splendidly put this object of prayer in the following words : "And then the free peoples of the world must draw together in some common covenant, some genuine and practical co-operation that will in ef- fect combine their force to secure peace and justice in the dealings of nations with one another. The brotherhood of mankind must no longer be a fair but empty phrase; it must be given a structure of force and reality. The nations must realize their common life and effect a workable partner- ship to secure that life against the aggressions of autocratic and self -pleasing power." 2. That the world may be "made safe for de- mocracy" by this war. Only in the achievement of some sort of League of ISTations guaranteeing per- petual peace and of world-wide democracy can man ever be reconciled to the terrible price this war is costing the world. Was not Dr. William S. Rains- ford right when he recently said: "The gospel of Jesus Christ and democracy go together, for the gospel is that all men are God's children and all men are brothers." If all men are children of God and brothers then no one man has the right to say how all men shall live. 3. That we keep our own hearts clear of all arrogance and selfishness and that our nation "seek no material profit or aggrandizement of any kind ; that she seek no advantage or selfish object of her ,cA ^^ 42 THE CHEISTIA:N" IN WAE TIME own, but fight for the liberation of peoples every- where from the aggressions of autocratic force" ; that our own nation may be kept true to its pro- fessed aims of justice, liberty and brotherhood. 4. That we "testify to our fellow-Christians in every land, most of all to those from whom we are estranged, our consciousness of unbroken unity in Christ." 5. That "our Christian institutions and activi- ties may be maintained unimpaired, that the soul of our nation may be nourished and renewed through the worship and service of almighty God." 6. That "men everywhere may rise to new obedience to the will of our Father God, who, in Christ, has given himself in supreme self-sacrifice for the redemption of the world, and who invites us to share with him his ministry of reconcilia- tion." Y. That men and nations may learn out of the travail of this war the futility of force to accom- plish lasting good, and that self-seeking ends only in disaster, that the nation which seeks only its own life shall lose it, that "not by might but by my spirit" is true national good to be achieved." YII THEEE are some who are saying that this is no time to be talking of the world after the war; all our energies should now be applied to winning this war. After it has been won, then we will turn our thoughts to the new humanity, the new interpretation and application of Christianity, the new political and international order. There could be no greater mistake than this. It is when the disaster is upon the world that the prophets should be preaching the new era. We had an illuminating instance of this last summer. It was when infantile paralysis was working its cruel havoc among our children that the doctors and the scientists set themselves to studying methods of safeguarding the country from its re- currence in this present summer. It is now while the war is upon us that every Christian should be devoting himself to the endeavor to find other ways of settling international disputes than by war, and should be asking whether some way can not be found of extending the principles of Christianity to the nations, whether the brother- hood of man taught by Jesus and all the apostles is not a possibility, whether the spirit of Chris- 43 44 THE CHKISTIAI^r IN WAE TIME tian cooperation and goodwill might not be made to pervade tlie relationships of nations and races. I sincerely believe that if any Christian would be- gin at once to preach the two messages which the prophetic-minded people of all nations are begin- ning to see and emphasize as a result of this war, the world would soon be ready to take a step to- ward lasting peace. These two messages should be so integral a part of the faith of any Christian that, when the peace conference convenes to adjust the claims of the nations and to devise the terms of peace, their action will, to a large extent, be determined by this universal Christian conscience. One of the messages is religious and has to do with the extension of Christianity to international affairs ; the other is political and has to do with the extension of national organization to world organi- zation. It is of the first that I would say a word here. The present world war was rendered possible largely by the fact that, while the relationships of individuals to each other and of the states in the various nations to each other have become practically Christian, those of nation to nation still remain pagan. We have been living under a double standard of ethics, one for individuals, another for groups; one for persons, another for nations ; one the Christian standard, the other the pagan. This becomes painfully clear the moment one contrasts the plane on which men live in their THE CHRISTIAlSr IK WAR TIME 45 relationships one to another and that on which nations live. It is not only wrong from the point of view of the Christian ethic for one man to steal from another; it is a crime, punishable under the laws of the state. But in the past we have praised that nation most which could steal the most; we have called it imperial. Our great empires have been largely built up by stealing. It is wrong, it is a crime for one man to kill another, but whoever heard, until quite recently, of a nation being criticised or condemned for going out and ruthlessly destroying another nation? Read the contemporary lives of IlTapoleon and see the admiration of the historians for his wholesale mur- der of nations. Christians long ago ceased to settle their difficulties with pistols, knives and fists, but let a quarrel arise between two nations and they settle it with guns and battleships. The first thought of an individual in case of dispute is: "To court." The first thought of a nation is: "To arms." Christians forgive each other. Who would not laugh at the man who suggested that nations should forgive each other ? The great mdn according to Christian thinking is he who serves and gives the most. The great nation is the one that can dominate, can command the service of other nations, can get the most. Christians do not live by a doctrine of rigMs but by a doctrine of duties. E'ations know no doctrine except that based upon rights. 46 THE CHRISTIAlSr IN WAR TIME It is almost as tlioiigli there were two decalogues, two sets of commandments, in existence, one for men, one for nations. It will never be possible to get war out of the world while this double stand- ard, this contradictory ethic, remains in the world. There can be no peace until all the kingdoms of this world, all the spheres of human relationships, have become the kingdoms of our Lord and of his Christ. The one thing every Christian should now be urging unceasingly is that the Christian ethic be extended to cover the relationships of nations, as it has all the other conditions of human life. It must be driven home to the conscience of all men, everywhere, that it can not be wrong for a man to steal, and right for a nation; that it can not be wrong for a man to destroy his fellow man, and right for a nation to destroy its fellow nation ; that it can not be wrong for men to settle their disputes with guns, and right for nations to do this. It must be made a sort of universal sense in men that the same test of greatness and good- ness applies to nations as to men. There ought to be the same unwritten law of honor in the hearts of governments that exists in the hearts of Chris- tian men, namely, that duty, opportunity, is a higher law of life than is the law of rights, and that if rights must be defended this will never be at the cost of the innocent. (This would practi- cally prevent any nation waging war against another, for with the present closely knit fabric THE CHEISTIAlsT IIST WAK TIME 4Y of civilization, all tlie world is one family, and no nation can wage war against another without wag- ing war against all humanity.) Christian brother- hood must be extended beyond national bonnda- lies; otherwise it is not Christian, only national. Christianity is national now in some countries; it can never be anything but international. It is for the world or for nobody. So, too, if nations are not brought under its sway, individuals will not stay there permanently. One standard of ethics in the Kingdom of God should be on every Christian's lips at this time, night and day. Two words of encouragement should be added. The first is this, that such an advance in the ap- plication of Christianity is not as impossible as it may seem. It is but the final stage in an evolutionary process which points to this fulfill- ment. The relationships of men were once as pagan as are those of nations. Our ancestors once settled all their disputes the way nations do now, with knife, sword, gun, with tooth and claw. They once lived by stealing, and killed each other on the slightest provocation. One has only to read the romances of Scott or of Dumas to get a pic- ture of individual relationships on a war basis. But men have progressed far beyond this and now live, in general, according to the Christian rule. The other is that the states of the United States once had separate armies and were ready to go to war with one another. They established a court 48 THE CHKISTIAN" IE" WAE TIME at Washington and now live under the Christian rule. The nations had already taken great steps in this same direction, having framed arbitration treaties and held Hague Conferences and voted in favor of a World Court. Had not one revengeful nation inflicted this war on Europe the evolution would probably have gone on and we might have found the nations in a third Hague Conference at this time actually establishing this Court. But there is encouragement in all this, and it is that this truth is everywhere dawning on the world. During the last two years I have followed the ser- mons, articles and books of England and America very carefully. In all of these I find this new conception of the gospel constantly and increas- ingly appearing. I wish every minister in the United States would preach it over and over again. VIII PREVIOUSLY I referred to the new gospel or rather the enlarged, the more extended gospel in which the Christian should in- terest himself and which he should preach until it becomes the habit of men's minds to talk in terms of moral methods of the settlement of international disputes, that these might supplant the methods of war between nations as they have already elim- inated war between individuals. !N"ow I wish to impress upon the Christian the duty of devoting his time to the study of those international in- stitutions which are being carefully considered by many in Great Britain, France and America at this time, and are being proposed as substitutes for war, and especially should he acquaint himself with the proposals everywhere being discussed looking toward some form of federation of the nations, which shall make for peace, security, jus- tice and mutual cooperation. There is a very widespread feeling in both America and Europe that there has got to be a new world order after this war. ITobody, except a few war-lords, want this thing to occur again. The futility of war as a means to settle anything is coming over the world, as well as its wickedness and its cost in pain, sor- row, life and money. There is a growing feeling 49 50 THE CHRISTIAN IN WAR TIME that there is no need of it. There is a growing feeling that there must be some better way. JSTever before was this feeling so general, and never was there a more sympathetic hearing in Europe for suggestions of machinery that may serve this bet- ter way. There is not a little possibility that the institution of some form of new international or- ganization may take up a considerable part of the discussion in the final peace conference. It is very significant that the French Government, in issuing its statement recently as to terms of peace, ended it by saying that the guarantee of peace furnished by a League of Nations might be a part of the terms of peace. These new instruments of peace should be so carefully studied now, so thoroughly worked out and completed, and known to the peo- ple, that they will be ready to be offered to the peace conference the moment the war ceases, with the tremendous approval of the whole Christian world behind them. The one direction in which the minds of most thoughtful men seem to be turning, the one hope they see of establishing and maintaining peace, is through a League of Nations, the members of which shall pledge themselves to submit all justici- able disputes to a World Court, all questions that cannot be carried into a Court to a Council of Conciliation, and shall combine to prevent any nation which suddenly develops criminal tenden- cies from disturbing the peace of the world. THE CHRISTIAlSr IN WAR TIME 51 It has been very interesting to note what great strides this idea has made since the opening of the war. It is not a new idea. It was dreamed of by some in the past centuries. It was revived, but in such definite form that it was practically new, by Andrew Carnegie in his great Eectoral Ad- dress at St. Andrews, entitled, "A League of Peace." Its present great impetus so far as this country is concerned grew out of the meeting of a little group of men for a monthly dinner at the Century Club, New York City. As a result of these dinner meetings a Conference was called at Independence Hall, and the League to Enforce Peace was formed, with Mr. Taft as President. It stands for the principles enunciated above and goes somewhat further, for it plans to use economic pressure or the joint armies and navies of the nations in the League against any nations willfully breaking the peace. Some have remained outside the League to Enforce Peace because of this last article in its platform. But that does not hinder every Christian from giving it careful study, and if he cannot adopt this plank in the platform, at least let him preach the great idea of a League of Nations pledged to use a World Court for set- tlement of disputes now put to the arbitrament of war. The question of sanction will have to be decided by the League itself when it shall be formed. It is also interesting to note that at the same vi^ 52 THE CHRISTIAN I:N" WAR TIME ■ time when the Americans were studying the gen- eral idea and were trying to formulate it, a group of men in England were independently studying the same plan — such men as Lord Bryce, G. Lowes , . Dickinson, John A. Hobson, and H. IST. Brails- Tv/ ^,. '\^,f/^ ford. These men issued a pamphlet which, when compared with the results of the work of the American Committee, showed remarkable similar- ity. During the last year such men as Asquith, Lord Balfour, and Earl Grey, have urged the idea upon Europe. Indeed Mr. Asquith has recently said: "The idea of public right means or it ought to mean, perhaps, by a slow and gradual process, the substitution for force, for the clash of competing ambitions, for groupings and alliances and a pre- carious equipoise — the substitution for all of these of a real European partnership based on the recog- nition of equal rights, and established and enforced by the common will. A year ago that would have sounded like a Utopian idea. It is probably one that may not or will not be realized either to-day or to-morrow, but if and when this war is decided in favor of the allies it will at once come within the range and before long within the grasp of European statesmanship." In England a League of !N"ations Society has been started and is drawing to itself many of the leading minds of the nation. At a recent mass meeting held in London over a thousand men en- THE CHKISTIAIT IN WAE TIME 53 dorsed Lord Bryce's proposal of a League of Peace in whicli the nations should unite after this war. In France some of the best men are giving it their attention. ISTever before were so many men in all the world thinking of some such federa- tion of the world as now. Six books have already been written upon it,* and The World Alliance for Promoting International Friendship through the Churches is asking the Churches to study the proposal. Here is a wonderful opportunity for any Christian to prepare himself to help the world on toward the peaceful world of Jesus, the happy Kingdom of God. Twelve nations are now in a League for making war, the United States being one of them. Might they not, after the war ends, remain in a League for making peace, inviting Germany and Austria to join? Christians, think earnestly upon these things. * Towards International Government, by John A. Hobson, pub- lished by The Macmillan Co., N. Y.; Enforced Peace, Report of the Proceedings of the League to Enforce Peace, published by the League; A League to Enforce Peace, by Robert W. Goldsmith, published by The Macmillan Co., N. Y.; Towards an Enduring Peace, compiled by Randolph S. Bourne, published by Am. Ass'n for Internat'l Conciliation, N. Y. ; A League of Nations, by Henry Noel Brailsford, published by Headley Bros., London; The Ameri- can League to Enforce Peace, by C. R. Ashbee, published by George Allen & Unwin, Ltd., London. WHAT CAN CHRISTIANS DO IN WAR TIME? By Rev. Chaeles E. Jeffeeson, D.D., LL.D. WHAT can Christians do in time of war? Live their religion. It is wise to do this at all times, but it is doubly im- perative in the day of battle. We must now prac- tice more assiduously than ever the fundamental virtues of our faith, mercy, brotherliness and kindness toward the stranger within our gates — the German, the Austrian, the Hungarian. They are lonely and they need our sympathy. They are by some distrusted, suspected, disliked, and we must show our confidence in them and our goodwill. The great mass of our foreign popula- tion will be loyal straight through the war, and every German should be assumed to be faithful to our flag until he has given indisputable proof to the contrary. A second thing all Christians can do is to take heed to our ways that we sin not with our tongue. These are exciting times, and it is easy to say things which had best be left unsaid. We must be patient with one another. A thousand vexing and tangled questions will come up for discussion, 54 THE CHKISTIAI^ IN WAR TIME 55 and all of us cannot possibly think alike. The only sensible thing for us is to do our own thinking, and let everybody else do his, without our pouncing on him and cudgeling him because he does not happen to agree with us. Blessed is the man who gets through this war without need- lessly wounding acquaintances and friends by the cruel strokes of an unruly tongue. There will be enough wreckage at the end of the war without our adding to it a mass of ruined friendships. Let us do our utmost to maintain a cordial fellowship with our fellow Christians whose opinions are farthest from our own, and by our extraordinary self-control, refrain from saying things of which we shall be ashamed when the world is calm again. The world is torn by many demons, and we cannot afford to increase the fever and distraction by our impatient temper or our bitter tongue. Furthermore we can keep our heart from be- coming a nest filled with ugly and hateful feel- ings toward Germany. Before this war began, we Americans felt we knew the German people, and they held a warm place in our heart. We had excellent opportunities for getting acquainted with them. Some of us have lived in Germany, others have been educated there, multitudes have traveled through it from one end to the other. And our contact with the Germans caused us to love them, and to love their country also. We found them to be very rational, kind-hearted and lova- 66 THE CHKISTIAN IN WAE TIME ble. Now it is incredible that any people of 65,000,000 should overnight degenerate into a nation of imbeciles and barbarians. The Ger- mans are still what they have been ever since we came to know them. If we could travel through Germany to-day we should find the people as sensi- ble and kind-hearted as ever. They are still clothed and in their right mind. The reason they seem to some of us almost demented and demo- niacal is because for nearly three years we have been fed on the bad things which bad Germans have done, and have been kept in ignorance of the good things which good Germans have done. We have been industriously supplied with the foolish things which foolish Germans have said, and have been meagerly informed of the sensible things which sensible Germans have said. It makes a vast difference in one's estimate of a country whether he hears only good things or bad. Many of us had, before the war, an unfavorable opinion of France, and the chief reason was that the wire across the Atlantic was a sewer through which the filth of French scandal and gossip was constantly flowing. For three years we have been told daily what is good in the French people, and our estimate has been amazingly changed. Russia also was low down in our esteem, because the worst things done in Russia were constantly exploited in our papers. As soon as the war opened, another Russia was presented, and the attitude of our heart THE CHEISTIAK IK WAK TIME 57 was gradually altered. The newspapers can glorify or blacken what nation they will. There are thousands of intelligent Europeans who look upon the United States as a nation of semi-bar- barians, because the chief things reported to them about us have been our lynchings, our divorces, and the tricks of our high financiers. All that they have heard is true, but they have not heard enough. By hearing more they would revise their judgment of us. At the beginning of the war, the German cable was cut, and from that day to this we have been fed daily on stuff which has come to us through a wire which belongs to Germany's foe. Isfearly e' ' (^ :ratiaii|^v^5tie Ijgen «ti"(r . ■■. . lU, ubIv bad thiijgs as a^'ruie hav*^ been aE*^;^' I ^j s.^iue through. We have not been allowed to miss a syllable which an insolent fire- eater like Count Keventlow has said, and have been denied the privilege of hearing the things said by other Germans who dislike the surly Count as much as we dislike him ourselves. Day and night since August 1st, 1914, we have had sounded in our ears the names of three mighty Germans as though there were no others — Treit- scke and Nietzsche, and Bernhardi — one a deaf, cross-grained curmudgeon obsessed with a dislike for Great Britain, the second a lunatic, and the third a fanatic. Most of us had never heard of any one of them before the war, nor had the majority of Germans. Three fools can be picked out of any 58 THE CHRISTIAN" IN WAR TIME nation, even tke United States. Three Frencli or Russian or English books can be found containing as dangerous doctrine as anything to be found in Treitschke or Nietzsche or Bernhardi. It is absurd to hold a great people responsible for the false philosophy of a handful of radical or eccentric writers. We have been surfeited with thrilling pictures of a hideous monster called Prussian mili- tarism. German militarism has existed for many years, and it never seriously disturbed us before. We rather liked it. It was picturesque and it was even fascinating. We liked to see the great pa- rades in Berlin, and to read of the autumn ma- neuvers, and we were fond of the Kaiser, especially in his army overcoat. Some of us doted on the Prussian way of doing things, and regretted that our Republic did not enjoy the ennobling disci- pline of universal military service. But for three years Prussian militarism has been painted alto- gether black. This has made a difference in our feelings. German soldiers have no doubt done monstrous things, but they have been done for the most part by order of their superior officers. "Theirs not to make reply, theirs not to reason why, theirs but to do and die." That sentiment was written by a Britisher, and has been accepted the world over as a fine expression of a glorious principle. The German soldiers have merely obeyed their officers, and that is what soldiers in all lands are taught to THE CHEISTIAIT I^ WAE TIME 59 do. Our own soldiers are expected to do as nnich. "But German soldiers have done horrible things which they were not commanded to do." Very true. This is inseparable from war. War itself is a colossal atrocity, and minor atrocities are its legitimate offspring. Eead the story of the Boer War, or of any other war, if you want a sickening chapter of outrages and infamies. "But the Ger- man people are behind the Kaiser !" So they are, and in all lands it is counted commendable for citizens in time of war to get behind their Govern- ment. That is exactly what we Americans are all trying very hard just now to do, and we convince ourselves it is a virtuous thing to do. Why blame the Germans for doing what we do ourselves? Our Government is not making war upon the German people, but upon the German autocracy ' — chiefly the German military staff. It is this staff which has disgraced Germany. It has sanc- tioned deeds which will leave a stain on German history for a thousand years. It was this staff that ordered the invasion of Belgium. The German Army once in, other devilish things followed. A burglar once in a house in which he has no right, must maintain himself by perpetrating additional outrages. To save himself, members of the house- hold must be gagged or bound or knocked insensi- ble. So of Belgium. The German robber once in, all subsequent villainies became military necessi- ties. For none of these is there excuse. The rape 60 THE CHEISTIAIT IN WAE TIME of Belgium is an outrage which humanity will never pardon. That is the bottom reason why the United States and Germany are now at war. But the invasion of Belgium was not ordered by the German people. That diabolism is the work of the military staff. The staff is the product of the doctrine of Clausewitz. Against that staff the United States is at war. That gang of militarists must be overcome. That mailed fist must be paralyzed. But the German people are still to-day what they have always been — hospitable, peace- loving, amiable and sensible, and such we shall find them when this war is ended. In the mean- time let us think of them often as we used to think of them. Let us remember their noble traits, their shining virtues, their loveliest graces. Let us pray without ceasing along with them, that the days of our distress and theirs may be short- ened, and that by the guidance of the Eternal Spirit their rulers and our own may alike be led into courses which shall establish righteousness, and secure a just and lasting peace. One of the most important bits of work for both church and nation is the elimination of intoxicat- ing drinks during the period of the war. The liquor traffic is a curse at all times: the havoc which it works is especially apparent in time of war. It is a costly and extravagant business at all times, devouring millions of tons of grain which ought to be converted into bread, but this THE CHEISTIAIT IN" WAR TIME 61 extravagance becomes imbearable in a crisis like the present when the whole world faces the possi- bility of famine. It is a demoralizing business at all times, befuddling men's brains and leading them into vice and crime, but it is doubly demoral- izing in times when young men are massed in enormous mmibers for the purpose of carrying on war. Alcohol is the deadly foe of efficiency. Every European nation confessed this at the be- ginning of the war. If we are willing to learn from the experience of Europe, here is the place to begin. We pay an awful price for entering the war, a price which can in no way be avoided, but there are certain items in the expense bill which ought to be and can be cut out, and one of these is the traffic in drink. Every brewery and every dis- tillery in the United States ought to be closed at once and kept closed till the end of the war. Every saloon in the United States ought to be closed im- mediately and kept closed until the war is over. Stringent laws should be passed, and those who break them ought to be dealt with as traitors to their country. Give us nation-wide prohibition for the period of the war, and when peace is estab- lished the American people will consider the ques- tion whether the good of the nation and the wel- fare of mankind require that the saloons shall ever be reopened. We have had a fashion of looking down upon Eussia as a semi-civilized country, a people incapable of entertaining high ideals and 62 THE CHRISTIA:^^ IK WAE TIME committing themselves to humanitarian causes, and yet in the suppression of the liquor traffic in the present war, Russia leads the world. Why- should not the new Russian Republic be encour- aged by our Republic taking a stand by her side ? Another piece of work for christian men to at- tend to is the safeguarding of the morals of the men who make up our armies. There is a vile and nasty side of war which is not much exploited in the papers, but men who are informed know about it, and talk about it in secret. Moral con- ditions in all the European belligerent countries are appalling. The stories which men who have visited the front whisper on their return of what they have seen and heard, are alarming and dis- gusting. War is the mother of all vices. They flourish most luxuriantly when nations fight. What Robert Herrick has said of the frightful devastations of tuberculosis and alcoholism and syphilis in France can be paralleled by hideous stories from other lands. Here are facts which must not be blinked. In a world like this, every intelligent man and woman knows what is likely to happen when tens of thousands of young men are segregated and deprived of the elevating and saving influences of home. There is work here for the christian church whose importance cannot be overestimated. There is work here also for our government to do. In these days when we think nothing of spending millions and even billions for THE CHEISTIAIST IN WAR TIME 63 tlie things we deem essential, we should tolerate no parsimony in expenditures for army and navy cliaplains, and for all the things which chaplains need. What does it profit a nation to keep the routes of trade open, if in the doing of it the hearts of our young men are degraded and their ideals are forever overthrown? There is such a thing as a nation gaining the world and losing its soul. What boots it to conquer Prussian militar- ism if we pile up under our flag huge masses of wrecked manhood, men debauched in body, mind and spirit, forever incapacitated to minister to the moral life of the world ? Huge appropriations are made for ships and guns and explosives ; let huge appropriations be made also for defending our ^lation against those spiritual enemies which are able to destroy not only the body but also the soul. Still another task awaits the church — the task of consolation. The land is filled with anxious hearts. Men and women are passing through ex- periences the like of which they have never known. Young men between twenty-one and thirty are grappling with a problem altogether new. In silence they are brooding, musing, questioning, suffering, treading the wine-press alone. Fathers and mothers carry a weight upon their hearts. There is a shadow on them which does not lift. They look into the future with many fears. The whole outlook on life has been changed by the com- ing of the war. It is a day of troubled hearts, and 64 THE CHRISTIAN IN" WAR TIME the Spirit is saying to all our churches : "Comfort ye, comfort ye the people !" The church must be more and more a place of prayer. It must be more and more a seat of consolation. It must be more and more a home in which affection and good-fel- lowship and goodwill abound. When the world is fiUed with thunder, the church of Christ must minister to quietness and peace. A duty which christian people should not over- look in these distracted days is the duty of pro- tecting the good things which have been won at enormous cost. Legislation for the protection of children, and for the safeguarding of the rights of wage-earners, and for the fostering of various humanitarian interests, is secured with difficulty, and only after arduous labor and exasperating delays. As soon as war is declared, there is always a tendency to sweep away the safeguard of liberty, and to take advantage of the weak. The wage-earners are justified in resisting every encroachment on their rights, and ought to protest loudly against the imposition of laws which lose sight of the man in their professed zeal for the good of the country. Nothing is good for the country which impairs the physical and moral health of the individual man. It does not follow that when a nation declares war, the fourth commandment is immediately abro- gated. The laws of God abide, no matter what mortals think or do. Men should rest one THE CHRISTIAN m WAR TIME 65 day in seven, whether the nation is at peace or in war. In war we must have efficiency, and to be efficient human beings must work no more than six days out of seven. Overworked men can never carry through a successful war. The wage-earners have often bitterly complained at the apparent indifference of the christian church to the injustices to which they have been subjected, and to the many wrongs they have been obliged to suffer. Here is a chance for christian men to show themselves friends of labor. All through this war the wage-earner must be protected in his full rights, and he must emerge from the war no less a man than he was when the war began. Church members should keep their eye on the State Legis- lature, and immediately protest against every at- tempt on the part of the politicians to do away with regulations which are sound. WAR AND THE J^ATION'S LARGER CALL By RoBEET E. SpeeKj D.D. AT this time there must be no contraction in the great missionary undertakings of the Church. We are called now, in these days, more vividly than ever before, to aim, distinctly and unhesitatingly, at en- largement. We are called to this by the fact that the war has transferred a larger measure of the missionary obligation to America. Those of us who were present at the Edinburgh Missionary Conference in 1910 will remember the statements by both the German and British delegates who were there, in recognition of the fact that the primacy in the missionary undertaking had even then crossed the sea. That burden has been immensely increased in the years that have gone by. It may be that the European churches, barring a few of them, the Moravians and the French Evangelical churches, will not be largely dependent upon us for financial assistance, but for many a day they will need the life that America can give and that America alone will have to spare. I imagine in no sections of the world will this new duty be more distinct than among the Mohammedan nations. It is a burden resting heavily upon many a Christian conscience 66 THE CHEISTIAI^ I^ WAE TIME 6Y in Germany to-day as to how tlie Mohammedan problem is to be dealt with by German churches in the future, in view of the alliances of the present war. In more regards than there is time to speak of here, the war has passed over a heavier weight of missionary duty upon the churches of America. In the face of that larger obligation, dare we talk of standing still, still less of drawing back ? The war has brought us into new relations of understanding and of sympathy. Both southward and westward we have heavily increased our mis- sionary duty. It has been one of the saddest facts of international relationship, for the last half gen- eration at least, that there has been a growing feel- ing of alienation between the Latin- American na- tions and the United States, that men like Manuel Tlgarte, who held the devotion of many of the young men of Latin America, could go up and down those lands, like a flame of fire, preaching the doctrine of deep isolation and dislike between the Latin- American nations and their nearest neighbors, who should be their best friends, north of the Eio Grande. At the same time, Latin America's devotion has been given in unstinted measure for years to France. And it would seem to be something in the providence of God that the new relations into which we have been drawn with France might be the bridge over the chasm that has opened between us and Latin America_, and that our common kinship and association with 68 THE CHEISTIAN IIS" WAR TIME France to-day might reunite us who had been so rapidly and bitterly drifting apart here in these Western lands. Between ourselves and Japan and China also new understandings and confidences have grown up on account of the war. Our mis- sionary duty southward and westward has been multiplied twofold at least by the developments of the war abroad. The war has increased our missionary obliga- tions by more deeply revealing the world's need of the gospel to heal its sin and make it one. I had with me, in my home recently, a Japanese friend. He had been only a few days before to hear Dr. Jefferson preach, and he said: "Mr. Speer, I see clearly that if there is any solution at all to this great problem, there is only one solu- tion. That is Christ. Christ alone can meet the need of the world and unite the hearts of men." We see to-day the futility of every other device with which men have dreamed of binding the nations together. There is no peace of Dives. I^o strands of political or diplomatic understanding can relate the nations inseparably. We see now that war will be done away in Christ or it will never be done away at all, and, seeing this so clearly to-day, our duty to act upon this convic- tion is deepened and intensified, and our mission- ary obligation many-fold enlarged. It is enlarged, oh ! how mightily it is enlarged, by the visible and tragic need of the world for an THE CHKISTIAN" IN WAR TIME 69 incarnation of a universal brotherly love. It will not do to talk and emotionalize over it. It will not do to pass resolutions regarding it, nor to send communications describing its glory, from one nation to another. The thing never will be made a reality except by incarnation, by such actual functionings of the Christian church across the world as will utter visibly and tangibly to men the gpirit of a universal trust and love. To abate any of our duty of missionary activity, to call in the foreign missionaries, to reduce the work they are doing, is to stultify our declaration that we believe in a world brotherhood, or that we would penetrate mankind with a spirit of universal goodwill and friendship. Words can never make that real to the world. And if in this day we contract our acts, no expansion of our speech will ever make good our betrayal. We are called by the very facts of the world before us now to enlarge the agencies and visible functionings of the incarnation of love in flesh and blood that goes out from us, to express love and kinship to the nations. We need the missionary enterprise to-day for these great purposes more than it has ever been needed in the history of the world before. We need it as an expression in the flesh of our convic- tion that humanity is one. We need it because it alone embodies a true doctrine of race function and race relationship. We need it because it ap- pears to be about the only instrumentality of TO THE CHKISTIAIT m WAK TIME Christianity that utters a clear and uncompro- mised super-nationalistic principle. How hard is our problem to-day in all these lands in dealing with the question of the relationship of Chris- tianity and the spirit of nationalism! Has the problem been solved in any of these nations ? While we work at it let us not abandon those great ele- ments in Christianity which rise above even na- tionality. Whatever else we may surrender, let us not surrender the missionary enterprise. We can hold this fast to-day with no betrayal of our own nationalistic loyalty. And we need it. The new world that is coming needs it. Let us en- large its functionings, and expand its activities, building up increasingly the bond which we have in it, which carries love across the gulf of race and nation and seeks to make mankind genuinely one. We need it because, in these days of strife and conflict over all the world, it seems to be about the only agency of international service that we possess. We are beginning to learn in these last few months that it is competent for a nation to give money away to other nations. It has been a long, slow lesson for us to learn, and maybe we shall forget it soon again. But we learned long ago and shall not forget that we have open in mis- sionary enterprise free channels for interdenomi- national and international and inter-racial service. We need these to-day, not to be abridged, but to be extended. THE CHKISTIAI^ IIST WAE TIME 71 l!Tot only do the conditions of this present hour forbid our considering for one moment the pro- posal that we should stop our missionary task. We face conditions that issue to us, in the language of this theme, a larger call. And it is not only a larger call to world love, uttered actually and tangibly in human lives, to which we are called now. We need the missionary undertaking un- diminished because of the hope that it embodies and to which it steadfastly adheres. These are dark and doubtful days for many of us, when many a man whose Christian faith has not wavered be- gins to wonder whether after all the dream ever can come true. All around us these coming months, as the shadows darken and those come not back to us who went out from us — all the more in those days will the heavy doubts arise. We need to hold fast to an undertaking that tenaciously grasps the world hope, the confidence that the kingdom of God is to be in all the world, that can sing as some of the lads on the Espagne were singing as they sailed : "My anchor holds. It holds. My anchor holds." The function of the Christian church is a double one. The church is a witness to possibilities that lie beyond the facts. The church never was meant to be the mere guaranty of what has be- come established. That has been its shame in past days. It has been thought of only as a religious sanction of the status quo. The real business of 72 THE CHRISTIAN m WAR TIME the Christian church has been to witness to the possibilities that were not yet seen, that lay in- visible far beyond, that were themselves a contra- diction of the existing facts. The Christian church is also the power by which these possibilities are to be made facts, and all facts contradictory to them to be denied and overridden and done away. Both as witness and as power the church needs the breadth and boldness of the missionary hopes. We need to hold fast on the world plane to an under- taking that will not let go the idea of a world brotherhood, that will work for that, and even in these days when mankind is rent asunder, will ig- nore the chasm and will send out its representa- tives across the whole world, speaking its message of a world love and holding fast to its dream of a world hope. THE CHEISTIAI^ IN" WAK TIME By William C. Hull, Ph.D. WAR is a diversification, accentuation and consummation of all evil. Hence, in war-time, the Christian is trebly intent upon obedience to his Leader's divine command to overcome evil with good. War makes a direct and overwhelming appeal to patriotism. Hence in war-time the Christian is doubly concerned to apply to patriotism as to all other human virtues the test of God's will and God's summons. He believes that patriotism is genuine, and fruitful of good, only when it is based upon an earnest seeking after and implicit obedience to the will of God; and he recognizes and obeys the call of his country only when he hears in it also the call of his God. War is a violent and dramatic expression of nationalism, the challenge or disregard of world welfare by national interests. Hence in war-time the Christian is eager to preserve and to realize his Leader's ideal of the universal fatherhood of God and the universal brotherhood of men. The evil that men do in war, at home as well as against the enemy, is manifold and well-nigh overwhelming ; and it is only through divine grace 3 74 THE CHRISTIAN IN WAR TIME and courage that the Christian is enabled to con- front the evil of a world in arms by a patient and loving determination to overcome this evil by good. The men who go down to Jericho and fall among thieves, in war-time, constitute nearly the whole population of the warring nations; hence the task of the good Samaritan includes the bind- ing up of the nation's wounds, the care of the widowed and the orphaned, the multiplied increase of the world's food supply in a desperate effort to ward off world famine, a self-sacrificing devo- tion to the science and art of curing disease and checking pestilence, the defense of the weak against the strong in industry, the preservation of freedom from human tyranny over the bodies, minds and consciences of men. Christian patriotism in war as in peace is both more inclusive and more exclusive than the brand of patriotism which is flamboyant especially in war-time. It includes the higher welfare of the country as well as, or even in opposition to, its material interests; for it applies to the nation as rigidly as to individuals the test of Christ. What is a man profited, if he shall gain the whole world and lose his own soul ? It excludes the vain, the false, the shallow, which are too often epitomized in the fetish of the flag, and which make patriotism the last refuge of scoundrels ; for it acts upon the belief that righteousness alone exalteth a nation. While the Christian goes to the uttermost limit THE CHRISTIAl^ IN WAK TIME Y5 of conscience in obeying the laws of his country, and scrnpuously renders unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's, he draws a sharp line at that limit and holds infinitely more sacred the things that are God's. ITor will he permit his conscience to be lulled or swerved by the acclaims or demands of the vox populi, which is far less certain in war- time than in peace-time to be the vox Dei. Pre- cisely when the popular tide is flowing strong to- wards war, the Christian painfully strives to re- new the tenderness of his conscience and to seek the guiding light of principles which are eternal and of that Power which stands back of circum- stance and time. It is a natural and a pleasing trait of man to desire to cooperate heartily with his fellows; and the Christian especially, with his strong sense of fellowship for all men, is rejoiced when he can join hands in the pursuit of the same high ends and holy objects which his fellow countrymen are seeking. But above the tumult of the search, he listens constantly for the admonitions of the Divine and obeys implicitly when the injunction comes, Thus far, and no farther shalt thou go. With his allegiance to both the mission and the methods of Christ, he must carefully and prayer- fully test by Christ's standard both the aims and the methods of his country; and he must stead- fastly reject the wicked vow, "My Country, Eight or Wrong," whether it refer to the objects which 76 THE 0HEISTIA:N' IK WAR TIME his country seeks or to the means by which it strives to achieve them. This often requires a touch of the patience as well as of the courage of Christ, and the self-denial which forbids the break- ing of Heaven's laws even for the attainment of Heaven's ends. The Christian patriot rejoices when his service to God is consistent with service to country, and he believes that there are many kinds of service even in war-time which have this highest kind of con- sistency. Thus, he believes that home and foreign mission work, increasing and distributing the food supply, maintaining unimpaired the education of the young, and the varied moral, and religious service of men which have made the last century illustrious in time of peace, must all be prosecuted with increased vigor amidst the clash of arms. For such service is of the very essence of patriotism, since it ministers unto the soul of the nation ; and it is service which God needs to have done pre- eminently in war-time, if He is to bring good out of the evil of war and to sow the seeds of future spiritual harvests in the lives of men and nations which are to be gathered after the war is over. Finally, as the Christian must ever have before his inner eye the vision of the Celestial City as he pursues his earthly journey, so in his loyalty to the highest interests of his country he must keep ever bright within his mind his Master's ideal of the brotherhood of men. Hence, in war-time he THE CHKISTIAIT IN WAR TIME TT must strive constantly to mitigate tlie evils of war- fare wliicli the enemy is compelled to endure; lie must insist tliat the standards of humanity adopted at The Hague for the conduct of war shall be fully lived up to by his own country's armies, even though they be disregarded by their opponents. He must devote his money, and, if possible, his personal service to protecting noncombatants from the rigors of war, and to reconstructing the homes and lives of war's victims. Above all, he must look steadfastly beyond the war to the peace that is to follow it, and strive his uttermost to make tha,t peace come at the earliest possible moment and to organize it so that it will endure forever. For that purpose, he must influence his country to go into negotiations in the spirit of whole-hearted goodwill and, if need be, of self-sacrifice, and thus incline the other countries to justice and mutual regard. And he must k6ep ever foremost in the negotiations, neither the solution of the knotty problems of past diplomacy, nor the gratification of present national ambitions, — his own nation's included, — but the development of that interna- tional organization in which all forward-looking men see the chief hope of the future. That inter- national organization which prophets like Isaiah and Ladd have foreseen, which statesmen like Penn and Wilson have outlined, and which the two conferences at The Hague have inaugurated, is not only the chief hope of humanity's international 78 THE CHRISTIAI^ IN WAR TIME future, but it is by unmistakable signs the God- given task of this generation to achieve. Hand in hand with the world's forward-looking statesmen, all upward-looking Christians will strive to make this dream a reality, to create this element of the Kingdom of God here on earth and in this our time. cheistia:n' feiendship aeter war By Rev. Ekancis E. Clakk, D.D. (Reprinted from The Congregationalist) AS a source of possible comfort to tlie timor- ous souls who believe that the people of the world are permanently rent in twain by "the greatest war of history/' may I relate an incident that occurred in Cape Town at the close of the Boer War ? It was my fortune to be in South Africa shortly before the war began, and to see something of the officials of both sides who soon afterwards were engaged in one of the bitterest, if not one of the greatest, of wars. Eeeling ran high among both Boers and British. The Boers felt that they were being pushed to the wall and that there was noth- ing left for them but to fight. Old President Kruger was so incensed that though (I was told) he knew English perfectly, he would not speak it in the interview with me, but demanded an inter- preter to translate what he said into English. This was only an example of the bitterness of feeling on the part of the Boers at that time, which was not to be wondered at. Within a very few months after the war closed, 79 80 THE CHEISTIA^ IN WAE TIME I was again in South. Africa, and attended a meet- ing of the Dutch and English Christian Endeavor Unions in the Adderley Street Dutch Church in Cape Town. I was surprised and greatly pleased to see mottoes of welcome and good cheer on the wall, in both the English and Dutch languages. The President of the Dutch Union gave the ad- dress of welcome and the President of the English Union presided over the joint meeting. In the audience were many young Bo^rs who had been imprisoned in St. Helena and Ceylon, where they had formed many Christian Endeavor societies. They had been released from their is- land prisons but a few weeks before. In the same audience were many young British soldiers who had also belonged to Christian Endeavor societies, in Great Britain or in South Africa. But the ut- most good feeling prevailed. The young men of both races and of both languages took part in the meeting and they united in repeating, each in his own language, the Twenty-third Psalm and the Lord's Prayer, and in singing, before the meeting was over, the familiar hymn, "Blest be the tie that binds our hearts in Christian love." This was the first meeting of the sort which took place in South Africa after the war when both races met together, and, though the guns were hardly cool and the memories of the war still rankled in many hearts, yet reconciliation had al- ready begun, and it came about through the com- THE CHRISTIAN m WAR TIME 81 mon principles and common religious aims and methods of the young men in both armies. This experience and one or two others that are not dissimilar, have given me reason to believe that the enmities of this present war, bitter as they are, and accompanied by nameless cruelties, will not last forever. The average human heart does not cherish grudges so long as we sometimes think. There are many organizations common to the Allies and to the Teutonic forces which will make for friendship, and not the least of these will be the interdenominational religious organizations which have bound together the hearts of so many younger people and older people in the past, and whose ties are not readily broken. These organi- zations will have a great work to do when the war is over, and I believe that they are. preparing to do it to the very best of their ability. THE DUTY OF THE CHUECH m THIS HOUR OF E"ATIO]SrAL N'EED A Message from the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America, in Special Session Assembled at Washington, D. C, May 8 and 9, 1917. I. OuK Spirit and Purpose AFTER long patience, and with a solemn sense of responsibility, the government of the United States has been forced to recognize that a state of war exists between this country and Germany, and the President has called upon all the people for their loyal support and their whole-hearted allegiance. As Ameri- can citizens, members of Christian Churches gathered in Federal Council, we are here to pledge both support and allegiance in unstinted measure. We are Christians as well as citizens. Upon us therefore rests a double responsibility. We owe it to our country to maintain intact and to trans- mit unimpaired to our descendants our heritage of freedom and democracy. Above and beyond this, we must be loyal to our divine Lord, who 82 THE CHEISTIA:N" in WAE time 83 gave His life tliat the world might be redeemed, and whose loving purpose embraces every man and every nation. As citizens of a peace-loving nation, we abhor war. We have long striven to secure the judicial settlement of all international disputes. But since, in spite of every effort, war has come, we are grateful that the ends to which we are committed are such as we can approve. To vindicate the principles of righteousness and the inviolability of faith as between nation and nation; to safeguard the right of all the peoples, great and small alike, to live their life in freedom and peace; to resist and overcome the forces that would prevent the union of the nations in a commonwealth of free peoples conscious of unity in the pursuit of ideal ends — ^these are aims for which every one of us may lay down our all, even life itself. We enter the war without haste or passion, not for private or national gain, with no hatred nor bitterness against those with whom we contend. No man can foresee the issue of the struggle. It will call for all the strength and heroism of which the nation is capable. What now is the mission of the church in this hour of crisis and danger ? It is to bring all that is done or planned in the nation's name to the test of the mind of Christ. That mind upon one point we do not all in- terpret alike. With sincere conviction some of us believe that it is forbidden the disciple of Christ 84 THE CHKISTIAK IIT WAK TIME to engage in war under any circumstances. Most of us believe that the love of all men which Christ enjoins, demands that we defend with all the power given us the sacred rights of humanity. But we are all at one in loyalty to our country, and in steadfast and whole-hearted devotion to her service. As members of the church of Christ, the hour lays upon us special duties: To purge our own hearts clean of arrogance and selfishness ; To steady and inspire the nation ; To keep ever before the eyes of ourselves and of our allies the ends for which we fight; To hold our own nation true to its professed aims of justice, liberty and brotherhood ; To testify to our fellow-Christians in every land, most of all to those from whom for the time we are estranged, our consciousness of unbroken unity in Christ; To unite in the fellowship of service multitudes who love their enemies and are ready to join with them in rebuilding the waste places as soon as peace shall come; To be diligent in works of relief and mercy, not forgetting those ministries to the spirit to which, as Christians, we are especially committed ; To keep alive the spirit of prayer, that in these times of strain and sorrow men may be sustained by the consciousness of the presence and power of God; THE CHRISTIAiN' IK WAR TIME 85 To hearten those who go to the front, and to com- fort their loved ones at home ; To care for the welfare of our young men in the army and navy, that they may be fortified in character and made strong to resist temptation ; To be vigilant against every attempt to arouse the spirit of vengeance and unjust suspicion to- ward those of foreign birth or sympathies; To protect the rights of conscience against every attempt to invade them; To maintain our Christian institutions and activ- ities unimpaired, the observance of the Lord's Day and the study of the Holy Scriptures, that the soul of our nation may be nourished and renewed through the worship and service of Almighty God ; To guard the gains of education, and of social progress and economic freedom, won at so great a cost, and to make full use of the occasion to set them still further forwarcj, even by and through the war; To keep the open mind and the forward look, that the lessons learned in war may not be forgot- ten when comes that just and sacred peace for which we pray ; Above all, to call men everywhere to new obe- dience to the will of our Father God, who in Christ has given Himself in supreme self-sacrifice for the redemption of the world, and who invites us to share with Him His ministry of reconciliation. To such service we would summon our fellow- 86 THE CHRISTIAN IIlT WAR TIME Christians of every name. In this spirit we would dedicate ourselves and all that we have to the nation's cause. With this hope we would join hands with all men of goodwill of every land and race, to rebuild on this war-ridden and deso- lated earth the commonwealth of mankind, and to make of the kingdoms of the world the Kingdom of the Christ. 11. OuK Practical Duties "Army and Navy. For the moral and spiritual welfare of the army and navy the churches are in chief measure responsible. They should therefore cultivate a close relationship to the Army and Navy Chaplains who are the accredited ministers of the churches and should dignify and strengthen their service. They should cordially sustain and reinforce the work of the Young Men's Christian Association, which is an especially equipped and well-tried arm of the church for ministering to men in the camp. They should also sympathetically support the plans of the American Bible Society to make the Scriptures available for every soldier and sailor of the army and navy. "The Liquor Traffic. In this time of crisis the Federal Council urges the churches to use their utmost endeavors to secure national prohibition as a war measure, demanded alike by economic, moral and religious considerations. The liquor traffic THE CHEISTIAK m WAE TIME 87 consumed last year foodstuffs sufficient to feed 7,000,000 men for a year, required the toil of 75,- 000' farmers for six months to furnish these food- stuffs, engaged 62,920 wage-earners needed in legitimate industry and exacted a heavy toll of life. The nation cannot afford this economic and moral waste. ^'The Social Evil. War increases lust and its deadly consequences. The efforts of the govern- ment, of the Federal Council and of the Young Men's Christian Association to prevent its develop- ment in mobilization camps will not fully succeed unless the nearby churches and allied organizations see that vice and liquor are repressed in their communities and unless they assist in providing wholesome social and recreational activities for the men. All the churches will need to watch lest the excitement and strain of the hour lower the sex standards of the community. ^'Belief Work. The increased suffering of war time demands increased gifts and service. The churches should organize themselves to strengthen the American Red Cross by membership and the preparation of supplies, to care in friendship for all the needs of the families of men in national service, to increase their gifts to foreign war re- lief and to those European religious bodies which the Federal Council is already assisting. " Child Welfare. To meet the depletion of war the vitality of the rising generation needs to be 88 THE CHKISTIAK m WAE TIME conserved and developed. It is more important than ever for tlie churches to aid in removing the community conditions that make for defective lives, and in securing sound measures of health and sanitation, of housing and nourishment, of recreation and education. The mobilization oi youth for increased food production affords a starting point for permanent community provision for the recreational and vocational needs of young people. "Increased Production of Food. The world is short of food. The safety of the nation and the outcome of the war depend largely upon our ability to increase the crops. This is an urgent national duty. The suburban and rural churches may well call the people together to consider community plans to this end. ''Prevention of Waste. In face of the world need, extravagance and luxury are criminal, but productive business should be maintained at its fullest possible capacity. The simple life, which is a permanent obligation for the followers of Jesus, becomes in this emergency an imperative necessity. The women of the churches may well get together to consider and recommend sound economics in food and clothing. "Industrial Standards. The labor power of the nation must be conserved or the needed increase in production cannot be secured, as England has dis- covered. The industrial standards set up by the THE CHRISTIAN" m WAR TIME 89 Federal Council and its constituent bodies must be maintained. All cases of seven-day work, of lengthened working day, of the employment of children and young people under sixteen, or of women in the new hazardous industries, should at once be reported to local authorities or to the l^ational Council of Defense. ''Justice in Distribution. The churches should stimulate the community conscience to demand that all speculation in the necessities of life be eliminated, that all attempts to secure unjust profits be checked and that the hoarding of food- stuffs be prevented. Government action to this end should be heartily supported. "The Cost of War. The burden of war cost must be evenly distributed. The principle of uni- versal service has been applied to life in the rais- ing of troops. It should therefore be applied in the same manner to wealth and ability. "Safeguarding Democracy. If we are to ad- vance democracy throughout the earth we must first exemplify it in the nation. It must not be denied, either in industry or in government. Even in the strain of war, the abuse of free speech is not so dangerous as its suppression, and nothing should be permitted to destroy the dearly bought right of freedom of conscience. One of the patriotic duties of the Christian pulpit is contin- uously to develop in the people the determination 90 THE CHRISTIAN" IN" WAR TIME that this war shall end in nothing less than such a constructive peace as shall be the beginning of a world democracy." By order of the Council, Feank Mason IsToeth, President, Chaeles S. Macfaeland^ General Secretary. Washington, D. C, May 10, 1917. Deacidified using the Bookkeeper proc« Neutralizing agent: Magnesium Oxide Treatment Date: ijm -pnn^ Preservationlechnologi A WORLD LEADER IN PAPER PRESERVAT 111 Thomson Part( Drive