.0^ t . , •. • ^^ V « • • '^ '^ .^i:^^'^ \ v^^ ♦ «/ '5>^, »>^ €\id litsiitf €^ia\\s ^egmour feller. REMARKS BY // CHARLES BLANCHARD, OF OTTAWA, ILLIK01^^^: Published in the Ottawa Republican, April 4 c& 11, JBGo The position of Chief Justice of the State of Illinois, is enviable and of com- mauding influence when filled hy an able jivrist liiie Justice Caton. And when an opinion emanates from him in liia official capacity, its legal efficacy is un- ?!uestioned. But when the Chief Jus- tice in an unofficial capacity spreads up- on record an opinion upon any secular subject of general interest, it ia the right and inestimable privilege, of the most humble American citizen to criticise the same, and controvert, if he can, the al- leged facts therein stated, and the de- ductions therefrom. As an humble and obscure citizec I desire, in a spirit of becoming modest3% to attempt a controversion of sume of the positions taken by Chief Justice Caton in his letter to (jrov. Seymour, Decem- ber lS.lb62. First we quote so much of said letter as relates to the cause of the present re- bellion: "iJefore tlie smoke of tlie political battle of ISGO by wliicli Mr. Lincoln Avas placed in lJO^\e^, had vieared awny, a civil war was inau<;urated, which hud boon pr'jvoked and induced, thougii certainly net justified by the wild fanaticism of tlie Icadera of tiio party wiiieh had placed Mr. Lincoln in pow- er, and Deiiiocrrts were called iip<.'n to go and shed their blood and expend their sub,sist;jnce in a war whicli they believed mi^ht have been avoided by a proper conciliatory course, which they recoui- meneod; but had been treated with coutuineiy by those in jiower." A proper analysis of the language X|uoted, leads to several conclusions: First that the supporters of Mr. Lincoln caus- ed the war, and are consequently respon- sible for it. The Chief Justice sayji that "they.'" the leaders of the party that placed Mr. Lincoln in power, '"provoked'' [made angry] and "induced" [persua- ded by motives and caused] this war. Then it necessarily follows that if the supporters of Mr. Lincoln, "provoked and induced," the Breckenridce wing ot the democratic party to rebel againflfe the Government, they are aiders and abetters of treason, and equally guilty with those who are now in arras against the Government. Did the Chief Justice intend to make such a charge? To saj the least, the Chief Justice does make, the charge that the supporters of Mr. Lincoln were guilty of a great wrong, for the reason that they "provoked and induced" civil war. How did they pro- voke and induce civil war? The Chief Justice says, "by their wild fanaticism." In what did their ''wild fanaticism" con- sist? The Chief Justice does not par- ticularize; but every intelligent citizea knows that the supporters of Mr. Lin- cola were not in power during the political battle of 1860, and that the main issue of that battle grew out of the slavery question. Upon that issue the position of his supporters was clearly and truth- fully enunciated in tho Chicago platform, and roads as follows: "That the normal condition of all the territories of the United States is that of freedom * ''■ and we deny the authority of congress, of a territorial Legislature or any indi- viduals to give legal existence to slavery in any of the territories of the United States." The supporters of Mr. Douglas and Mr. Breckinridge traversed the issue thus presented, and put themselves upon the country. The contest was a warm and bitter one, and the supporters of Mr. Lincoln by the aid of their "wild fanati-- cism," as we suppose, won the political battle of 1860, That Mr. Lincoln was constitutionally electcdi is conceded. Now, we ask the Chief Justice if there iis anything in tUe constitution of the Uni- ted States Gs in the laws made in pnrsa- anee thereof. that prohibited tbe suppor- ters of Mr» Lincoln from tendering that .l«Av issue! Is tlic advocacy of the timo-Iion- orod principle that ''there shall be neith- er slavery nor involuntary servitude in the Territories, otherwise than in the dunisbmert of crimes, vrhereot the party bhall have been duly convicted," [Ordi- nance of 1T7G,] a violation of any moral or divine law? The Chief Justice will liardly join issue with the immortal Jelferson upon that question. Yet we defy any one to prove that there was tmy other issue that pave oifencc. Did the supporters of Mr. Lincoln do more than to exercise their lawful rights and privileges as American citizens in a lawful manncrV Yet the exercise of such rights gave offense, and "provoked and induced" civil war. The conclusion then is that whenever the adoption of certain political principles by a constitutional majority in a constitution fil manner would give offense to the minority, then such con.stitutional majority should yield tiicir riglit to adopt such principles for foar that their adoption might provoke aad induce a civil war. ■ 0, progressive democracy thou art a jofwcl. • We ask tiic Chief Justice if tlie sup- porters of 3Ir. Douglas are not equally chargeable with having "provoked and induced'' civil war by their "wild fanati- cism'" in refusing to yield their political opinions and preferences to the Brcck- enridge wing of tTieir party? The fanat- ioism of the supporters of ISlv. Douglas in the political battle of 1^60, was so wild and bitter that it resulted in a dis- integration of the democratic partv, thereby securing the election of iSIr. Lin- coln. Who introduced discord into the happy family of Demoercy whon they a.'J«embled at Charleston in 18(J0 to make their nominations? Was it the supporters of Mr. l^incoln? Verily not. What was it that caused the irreconcil- able separation between tlie friends of Mr. Douglas and those of Mr. ]3reckin- ridiie? Ah, it was the same everlastintr niggcr. The Dcmgli.s portion of the fanj- ily insisted upon incorporating into their platform the proposition tliat the people of the territories had the right to deter- mine for themselves whether slavery, should exist therein or not, while tluj iireckenriuge portion of the same family, insisted upon inserting in the platform the proposition that slavery exinted in the territories by virtue of the constitu- tion of the United States, and the peopL; of th:i territories had no power to prohib- it its existence therein. Neither of the adherents to these re- spccti^vc propositions would yipld to the' other, the child "non-intervention" was the legitimate offspring of the democratic party, its 'birth had occasioned the party nnverc: travail, it was then barely ccnyva- lescont and the Douglas pcrtiou of the party were apprehon.-^ive that if t;jov for- sook the child it would cause a fatal re- lapse, therefore they refused to for^^ake their first born. Thereupoii the IJreck- enridge portion of the party arose took up their black child of discor'i, whicfi the}' had sought to substitute as an im- provement for non-intervention awl de- parted never more to return. Why did not the Chief Jnstioe then send the lightning coursing along the wires, con- veying to Douglas and his friends the intelligence thtit they mast yield t^' trhe demand of Breckenridge and his frieuvis^ or they might give offence and thereby '•provoke and induce" civil war by their ''wild fanaticism," upon the slavery question? No such message was sent. — They yield their political principiea and preferences? No! neverl They ad- journed to meet subsequently at Dalti- more There they met. A reconcilia- tion was attempted. Douglas and his- friends refused to yield. C'onsequently, Breckenridge and Douglas ^-ere both Democratic nominees and l)oth defeated. Why did not the friends of Mr. Douglas support Mr. Brcfkenridgo and elect him? Then tliere would have been no war. It would be begging the tjucstion to say that the result showed that Breckenridge could not have been elected, for that fact was not known to the supporters of Doug- las, when they were "provoking and in- ducing" civil war by their "wild lanati- cisni" ill the Charleston and Baltimore conventions. One faction of the Demo- cratic party i>y yielding to another fac- tion ot the Democratic party, would have made a much lc.^s sacrifice of piineiple than the supporters of Mr. Lincoln would have made by 3-ielding to cither faction of the deinoeraticic party. But suppose the .supporters of Mr. Jjincoln had su])- ported Mr. Douglas and secured his elec- tion, would that havfi avoided the war? Would the rebellious portion of the (rov- crnment have been reconciled to his elec- tion! If they would have been so rcr- oncilcd, why did they cast him out with such malignity at the Charleston conven- tion and thereby destroy the power of the democratic party? Why did they not elect him when they had the power to do so, or supposed they had? No, they would not have been reconciled. The experience of political parties, shows that 3 ■n'nen some discordaut clement is thrown into a party, which produces an aliena- tion, the contetifc between the tactions be- ooraes more sanguinary and bitter than it is between parties that have always been at variance. There is only one argument in favor of the propofe'ition that th^e election of Douglas, of itself, would have avoided the war, and that is, that the democratic party would have been firmly united, and consequently the rebels could have anticipafted no sympathy, or aid and com- fort from the north, escept from now and then an abolitionist of tlie old school like the E-ev. George W. Bassett, who in now quasi allied with the democratic party. It will be remembered that Mr. Doug- las received but twelve doctoral votes. Nino from Missouri, and three out of {^even of the electoral votes of New Jer- sey, one State only casting its entire vote for Mr. Dongla-3, and that State only semi-loyal. Secondly, the war might have been avoided by a proper conciliatory course. The Cliief Justice does not give his opin- ion as to what would have boon a proper conciliatory course, but asserts, in sub- Btancc. that they, the democratic party, commenced anew such a conciliatory course, but were treated with contumely by those in power. V^e are in the dark as to the time when they first commenced a proper conciliatory course ; possibly it was at the Charleston convention. But we are informed that they recommenced, or commenced anew a proper conciliato- ry course before the smoke of the politi- cal battle of ISGO had cleared away, uhicli must have bean prior to the 12th of April, 18G1, fur upon that day com- raen-ced the bombardment of Fort Sump- ter. which inaugurated this civil war for which the Broekenridge members of tho democratic party had been preparing for at least five months, xmder the au- spices of a democratic administration, which was placed in power by the united action of the Douglas and Brcckcnridge members of the democratic family. But the democratic party failed in its attempt to avoid the war by the proper conciliatory course which they had re- commenced. Why did they fail ? be- cause they had been treated with con- tumely by those iu power: " by those In power," we suppose the Chief Justice must mean the Lincoln administration, for he would hardly charge upon a dem- ocrat.c administration the "unpardona- ble sin '" of treatinjT the d-enjocratic jjarty with contamdy for pursuing cs "proper conciliator}'" course towards a disaffected portion of the party, for the purpose of avoiding a civil war with such disaffected portion. But first let us inquire what facilities Mr. Lincoln or his supporters had for pursuing a "proper conciliatory course." The Buchanan democratic adminisora- tion did not ex[)ire until the 4th of March, 1861, at which time the Liucoln admin- istration commenced ; then prior to the 4th Of March, 1861, the supporters of Mr. Douglas and Breckenridge had tiic supreme power in the Legislative, Exec- utive and Judicial departments of the Government, consequently all the facili- ties of conciliation were in their posses- sion. A high order of de-raocratic talent reigned in all the departments of Gov- ernment. General Breckenridge, of the rebel army, was Vice-President of the United States, the Confederate President, Da- vis, was a Senator from 3Iississippi. — • Brigadier-General Floyd was Secretary of AVar, Howell Cobb, Secretary of the- Treasury, Jacob Thompson, Secretary of the Interior, and a host of other distin- guished democrats, renowned for their party fealty and infinite resources, all of whom have since distinguished them- selves in the Confederate Government. They ought to have devised' some proper conciliatory course to have avoided the war if they so desired'. The Lincoln administration was not in a position to treat them with contatnely if it would. During the month of November, 1800, South Caroliua an-l Georgia voted mon- ey to arm the States for resistance, and secession convention.s were held at Charleston. Mobile and Milledgville. On the third day of December, 1800, Congress assembled, both branches hav- ing a democratic majority, and disunion speeches were made in both branches by democratic members. During the month of December, South Carolina renounced* her allegiance, and her luemberB with- drew from Congress. The States of Mississippi, Georgia, Alabama, and Florida did likewise in the month of January, 1801, and ill the month of February, Louisiana did the same. Tex- as did the same March 4th, 1861. In December; I860; Mr. Buchanan being desirous of pursuing a proper concilia- tory course, refused to reinforce Fore Moultrie. Mr. Cass, Secretary of State,, being opposed to Mr. Buchanan's con- ciliatory course, resigned Prior to the 4th of Msjch, 1861:, ueurly all the gov- ernment property in tbe seceded States had been seized by the rebels, — and so on to the end of the national catalogue of crimes. Thus we sec seven States renouncing their allegiance to the gov- ernment under a democratic administra- tion, and the members of Congress from those States politely confessing their crime in the National Capitol with impu- nity. It was thought best by those then in power to ^dopt a proper conciliatory <;ourse, without any contumacious treat- ment, and they were permitted to de- part to their respective States, there to iifht up the flame of civil war. Now* it is self evident that when the above named acts of secession were in prosress, the Lincoln administration pos- sess'ed no power to act in the matter. Mr. Lincoln could not have treated with contumely those who had re-com.menced a proper conciliatory course. Jefferson Davis was inaugurated Pres- ident of the Confederate Government on the eighteenth day of February, 18G1, and organised his Cabinet on the twenty-iirst of the same month. Thus was the Buchanan democratic adminis- tration delivered of the bastard Confed- erate Government, which was begotten by the oscillations of the Breckcnridge and Douglas democrats, and is to-day the only surviving offspring of the bach- elor President. On the second of March, 1861, the democratic Congress adjourned, after repeated unsuccessful attempts to amend the Constitution so as to legalize tbeir action, and recognize their unnatu- ral offspaing as legitimate ; and the grand culmination of that democratic administration still lives to torment its progenitors. On the fourth of March, 1861, Mr. Lincoln was inaugurated President of these United States. His inaugural was mild and conciliatory towards the disaffected States. Mr. Douglas an- nounced publicly that he was satisfied with the sentiments therein expressed. The thirty-sixth Congress expired on the fourth of March, and had adjourned on the second. The thirty-seventh Con- gress could not legally assemble until December, 1861, unless a special session was ordered by the President, and the President, by law, could only convene Congress by issuing his proclamation therefor. It was impossible to convene Congress before the twelfth of April, 1861, when the bombardment ot Fort Sumpter commenced ; and without con- gressional action, it is self-evident to every reasonable man that Mr. Lincoln could not have adopted any proper con- ciliatory course that would have been at all efficacious under the madness that then ruled the hour. But, notwithstanding all this, the Chief Justice, with exalted patriotism, would advise his democratic friends to shut their eyes to all that has' gone be- fore, and hush the involuntary murmur- ings that the war was " needlessly pro- voked " by that "wild fanaticism" which defeated them at the polls, and rush to the ranks under Mr. Lincoln, only remembering that their country and its constitution are in danger. Was ever such unalloyed patriotism and chris- tian charity witnessed before. Yes, the Constitution is in danger. It was ig- nored under the Buchanan democratic administration ; it is recognised by the Lincoln administration. Tbe Lincoln administration had been in powei forty days when this civil war was inaugm-ated at f'ort Sumpter ; yet it is proclaimed, with apparent candor, that the Lincoln administration in that forty days could have adopted a proper conciliatory course, that would have avoided the war, effectually re-arranged the machinery of the government, caused' the rebellious States to have resumed their allegiance, restored unto the gov- ernment its stolen property, dissipated the rebellious spirit engendered under the Buchanan democratic administra- tion, and caused gentle peace to have re- sumed her wonted sway over the hearts and consciences of perjured men. How absurd and ridiculous the conclusion. But, notwithstandmg the democratic party was defeated at the polls, in the political battle of 1860, by the " wild fanaticism" of the supporters of Mr. Lincoln, thereby "provoking and indu- cing civil war on the part of the Breck- cnridge wing of the democratic party, the Chief Justice is in favor of a vigor- ous prosecution of the war. He says — '• The war must be prosecuted earnestly, and to the last ; not to crush and conquer the South, but to crush and conquer the rebellion. If a ten years' war is necessary, rather than give up the Union, they accept it, — sorrowfully, it is true, but earnestly." '• We must show no lukewarmness, or hesitancy iu sustaining or prosecuting a war which, if aban- doned by the people, must result in a dismember- ment of the Union, the destruction of the Consti- tution, and a disgrace to this people, which must attach to them and their posterity through ull time."' The Chief Justice seems to speak au- thoritatively when he says — " That a vast majority of the old democratic party, — that is to say, the- D-ouglas portion of it, « * « « * jj(. igagt in t^ia west, » * * * are fixed iu their determination thit the war must 5 ce prosecuteJ till there'uellion is put di/wn, or till those in revolt will Eubcnit to the Governuient of the Constitution. Indeed, this follows as & rieces- «ary consoqtieneo upon the dctc-nninatiou not to siibnut to !i disnionibertKeiit o^' the Union, which, as bof'oro stated, must be looked upon ii3 'x .-iettled question, at least in the west. * * * The northern demiieriicy stands now wher.; it has ever stood. It will support, at all hazards, the integrity of the Union, while it will guarfintce to evjry <>ortion of it all tlic viichts and all the privilege stijiulated in the Constitu- tion , to this extent, and for these puriio-^t;:', the dcujooratic party must be considered a war par- ty, and i;i its support and prosecution, it will vin- dicate its ancient renown for steadiness of pur- pose, — fj- pursuing its object with a eahn and determined energy, whioli evinces its faith in its principles, and which ev«r has and ever will, in the end, aucure its triun.ph." Cbeering, indeou, h th-Q a.ssurance that, L'ome what, may, weal or woe, the North is to be ualted, and " tixcd in tlio .lotermiiiation that, tlio war must bo pros- ecuted till the rebellion bo put down." Since tbe deatii of the heroic Douglas, we have rarely received siteb as.?uranceji irom th/? leaders Oi his party, outside of :lie aruiy lines. Patriots will every- where lift up their heads a ad rejoice, if tho predictions of tho Chief Justice fchall be fiddled, as we noiv hope and b(.'lievc they will. But it seems to us tliat unselfish pa- triots would rejoice with exceeiling great- er joy if tho main incentive to the pa- tr-l»;ti3m of tiie Chief Justice was based npoii purer and nobler sentiments of [.'liilanthropy. The Chief Justice says, in substance, that the west has fought, and will con- ■linue to £gh^ for the restoration of the l.'niou; that Illinois has furnished more than ten thousand troops above her quo- ta,— and wliy V we quote the Chief Jus- tice's o.w.n lauo;uao;e for the reason : " You are undoubtedly correct that the North- west wiU never consent to a sep-aratiou of the Union, leaving the lower Mississippi in a foreign jurisdiction. Our interests are agricultural, and upon a inaxkct for our products depends our well- being — I might almost say our existence. Before t!ic war we supplied tiie plantations of theS(jutli with their iiorses and mules, their corn and their bacon. This plantation market consumed most of tho products of the counties bordering u])on the Msssissippi anJ iis tributaries, and any surplus found its way to the Atlantic cities and foreign /jountries tlirough thit groat river. By the war tvo have lost this market and this outlet, and our ■products, which formerly went South, havo been ibrown upon the northern transports and north- ern markets, overloading the former and glutting the latter. As an inevitable consequence, while money has depreciated nearly one-third, the price* of our great staples in the hands of our fHrmers hiivo remained stationary, or have receded ui some instances more than half. At tho last I'residen- tiil election, on the Ohio Kiver mules were worth trom one hundred and twenty-five to two hundred .and twenty- five dollars per head. Now our grai- icra cannot realize more than from sixty-five to eighty dollars per head, notwithstanding the great consumption by the army ; and horses have de- prcciuted in nearly th« tamo ratio. If other por- tions of the CQAintry have found means to mak* ,in'.>ncy by the war, to the Tfestern agriculturist it has proved au unmitigated burden, which can only be relieved by,a restoration of peace and of tbp Union. The former without the latter would render permanent that which wc now look upon as but temporary. Uenee ha? the West fought, and so will she fight, not for the desolation of the South, and the final destruction of her planta- tions, but for the restoration of tho Union. Hence has Illinois furnished more than ten thousand troops above her quota. If a draft has been neces- sary in any portion of the West, it has not been where the influence of this plantation market has been directly felt. I repeat, we can never consent that the lower Mis.'-issipj'i shall pass into a foreign jurisdiction." Aside from partisan orcs, uo reason is assigned in the entire letter for a vigor- ous prosecution of the wai', and a resto- ration of the Union, except that assigned in the language last above quoted. And what is that? it maybe expressed in two words, — "plantation market." Wc are toid that "before the war we found a nnirket fcr our horses, mules, corn and bacon on southern plantations ; that nniles were then worth from on? hun- di'ed and tNWnty-live to two hundred and twent3'-five dollars per head. By the war we have lost that market." "Con- fisquently the price of our great staples in the hands of our farmers have re- mained stationary." " Mules are worth only from sixty-five to eighty dollars per head." (The culture of mules being a branch of tho Chief Justice's busi- ness, wf are not disposed to question the correctness of his figures. ) Without a restoration of the Union, this plantation market is permanently lost ; hence has the west fought, (to re- store ultimately the "plantation mar- ket.") Hence has Illinois furnished more than ten thousand men above her quota, (for the ultimate purpose of re- storing the "plantation market.") This argument is fair and legitimate, for the Chief Justice says, in the same connection, "If a draft has been neces- sary in any portion of the west, it has not been where the influence of this plantation market has been directly felt." What ! is it possible that the patriotism of Illinoi.s, or any portion of her people, derive their inspiration from the laws of trade and commerce as they existed in time of peace with southern plantations ? If so, have we not a clue to the bitter opposition made by Copperheads against tiie prosecution of tho war in such a manner as to endanger the future exist- ence of Slavery ? does not the value of southern "plantation markets," — in the judgment of the Copperhead race, — de- pend upon the existence of said institu- tion? Was it neceessary that the Chief Jus- t'-Q^.-ci the State of: IHinuis, should ad- mcnis and coruffnife -cf homo and social firt5t»3 sncli arf»umcnt3 to the Governor cf life for tliat lonely p'avo. do apk thut .Niew York, lo convince 'tlie Governor i^noat army of ]iatriots who aro to-day o'liit tljc "war iQUHt he ■prr.sooutod earn- on(iurint!y and to tho last?" Was tbe Kicli- f,irbjccting Ihomaolvrs to cdid, liinv:rcr and jnonj i.xoTO2J?f'r correct when it prt^dict- di.scase, and all the trial* and hardships ed thus: '■Wj are pvcpnri-dto sj(:.Ncw York m:ike r mules, horses, corn and bacon, leident to a camp life, ifr.pci'iling their lives upon the field of :b:lttlc. for what end is all this? Will the aoBwor como up from thope lonely ■.graTo?'. and from the living patriots,, that ithc stars and ptripes may float over plftstcation mark- ets ? Methinks T-foe the :lircs of patri- otism glow uponi^he cheek of the living Boldior, ns with seornfm look and fixed bayonet ho repels the unjust insinuation and procdaims that these great sacrifices are made and cnfjiircd fnr the perpetua- tion of tlie fundamental idea of tljo American Government, namely : "Thaf all men are cro&tcd equal, and endowed by tlioir Creator with certain inaliena- ble rights; among which are life, liberty and tlio pursuit of happiness," and that that flag which is emblematical of human freedom and civil liberty all round the world w-hcre civilization lias penetrated tlie abodes of humanity, may continue t<) wave over the consecrated craves of our >41 never penetrate her borders, vis it true that the glittering pri/.e of a rvovolutienary ancestors and, !*outherD plantation market lias influenced lilinoiw to furnish ten thousand men above her quota without drafting? If so. pool", dctpised, puritanical New Eng- lird ought to have the mantle of Chris- tian charity thrown over her for any sup O'or the land of the free. And the home of the bravu"' in all coming time. While loyal peot)le everywhere, will stand shoulder to shoulder with the Chief Justice in his determination to pn>.-iecute poaed dereliction of duty in furnishing the war to the last for the restoration of her qiiota, for she is not a producer of the Union, they will mourn with exced- .'nules, and has never been subjected to ing great sorrow that the Chief Justice, whose eminent abilities as a jurist are recognized by an appreciating people, could not have taken a higher and more God-Iikc view of the awful struggles of the American Republic, which are sha- king her foundations frora centre to cir- cumference. Docs the rhief Justice see notliing in this grand struggle but a war that was needlessly "provoked and induced" by especially of that portion whicli is un- the supjiortors of ^!r. Lincoln on ac- clsidition.dly for the Union, derives not count of the "imaginary wrongs" of the its inspiration from the laws of tvade and ncfrro. wagcti- tion of the democratic party and south- mated by a mathematical calculation of ern plantation markets? the advantages of markets, but it derives Tho •supporters of Mr. Lincoln in the. the portent, monied influences of these "plantation markets." ■'Where is thiit soul of frcodom fled? Jramingl.fd with (lif mighty dead! ljf>iieath that hallowed tvivfivl crj Wall.Tce lies ]l>^aritnct, ^>'aUace, in thy bed of deatlil "V'd bablir.g winds in silence .sweeji; Disturb jiot ye the hero's sloop, — Xor ;;ivc the coward Kccrijt breath. — Is this til 'J power in Froodoni's wiir I'bnt wont to bid the lattlo raire?'' Tbo Patriotism of the North-west, it.s inspiration frora the high and holy associations that cluster around tho mem- ories of the past. Go stand by the graves of our honor- ed dead slain in battle, and ask tho s'- battle of 1860, and those democrats who aro doing valiant service in thi.» great army of tho Union, see in thi.s orand struggle a terrible efl'ort being made by tho rebellious people to pull lent sleepers why they exchanged tho down and obliterate tho American tein- peacoful, parental mansion, the society pie of Liberty erected by our Ilevcdu- f:*»i1(le63 of Liborty, who has been wwit to proclaim from the dome thereof, that tho great end and obJG(3t of the Ameri- can (rovernmeiit was t© ostablish hu- man freedom, and the equality of xnan, and o^stablish upon the ruiiw: theiocf an aristocratic form of govcrnnuiut, the chief corner stone of whi^h shall Jie .African slavery : consequently th«ir ultimate object in waging this war is to preserve tliat temple of .Lib": ty, that it may continue to expand- and rii^c liigher and liighcr, until its v.Gry dome shall pierce tlie clouds, andthe great end and object of tlie Amorioan Government, as prociaimod by tlie GoddfiriS of Liber- ty, is literally fulfilled. As before intimated, the Chief Jus- tice urges some partisan reasons i'or a vigorous prosecution of the war ; first, tlje ascendency of the democratic party depends upon it. If this argument is necessary to accomplish the object in- tended, we have not aught to say, ex- cept to deplore the condition of that man to whom such argtmieuts must be addressed to Hglit up the fires of patri- otism in his heart Again, tho C'liief Justice argues that the ascendency of the democratic party is a neces.sary condition precedent to a restoration of the Union ; that the rebels will not conclude a peace, or accept of terms of reconciliation, except proffered by their old allies, the northern demo- cratic party. This, we suppose, is upon the principle — to use a vulgar adage — ■ *' that the hair of iha dog is good for the bite.'' tVe have already shov/n that prior to tho inauguration of President Jjincoln, seven demoGratic States had declared themselves .out of the Union, (tailed home their .members of Congress imd commenced prcparatiuns for war ; that Fort Eumpter was beseiged, and not allowed provisions ; that members of the (.-abinet had gone to their home? to sound the tocsin of civil war ; that govtirnment pro]>erty was seized and ap- propriated u{)Ou our .soutlicrn seaboard, «.nd tho contcdc-rate government fully or- ganiKcd. All this was done, and much luoro, under " democratic iuQubnccs ; '' and now, forsooth, they vehemently do- (jiand that the sceptre of power be re- 'iitored unto tbom, that they u\ay subject Mr. Lincoln to those democratic inllu- cncGS, thereby to restore the '-'■ .Union as it was, and the C^onstitutioii aa it is." What does tho Chief Justi.ie propose to have the democratic party do when r.he sr^eptre is once more wieldad by .thorn ? Do thoy prouoso to ?.ttcmpt a reconoilifition in tlis same manri'v.? thai the Buchanan democratic administration did? Th.oso were peaceful, and very conciliatory, and proved inetTe(3tual, be- cause, as the Chi«f Justice says,- — 'When tho rol)i!llion>wa.s inaugurated, its pro- motcr.= profossoi! to leliete, and no iiouht inof't of them did belioTc, tlvit thpy iv'puld not only meet 'vith f.vriipathy, but •'^*'ith inatM'ial BUpport, from file rieinoeiMtio prurty of the sl'i'ort.li ; and but for this belief it i? dMibtful if lliey eouUl have de- luded their ))eoplo-to such an 'extent :vs to hav» secured their aei"iuiesccnco in tho reA'olt. Then what moti wres will they adopt to save tho country" that was not adopted by the Buchanan democratic administra- tion '? Will they propose terms of peace upon a basis of a separation '! T^ct th« Chief Justice answer for himself. — ''To cxSiie a reasonaldo hope that tlip South will roturnofci; the Union on the old husiv, it i? in- (lidpon.siihle that the}' should be di.-^ahn.-ed of the opinion that the deraoeratic party i.-f » pO!»ce party on the basis of separation, * * * * \'ietorie« must bo won before they will li.sten to ronton from a'ly party, and accept re-uniou on any terms. Wfjry she democrats in power to-dny, they miiiit win vifiiieiplcs which illn.-trate the cixiiizatios' o'f ihj great llepuhlic. Wo in:ida war with you, our brethren, for th<* .?ole fiurp'-st tiiat wu rnigli.t iivf with you in pca>.;o and amity. " One would natv,rallysu})po£o that if tho loaders of thi.s dire rebellion could be influenced by humane and chriutian treatment to ?,ecept teruvs of peace on the basis of uninn., the same ;;ipprecla- tion of humaii^ and christian principles would have tiotorred them from the commi.saion of perjury, aiid tho iuaugu- ratioR uf '^ivil w^r, with all its torrille. 'Consequences. But no one opposes hu- mane and christian treatment, and the want of it cannot hgt charged upon the present adrainistration. But the democratic party demands the investment of power, because some of the war measures of the administra- tion are unconstitutional ; namely, the Emancipation Proclamation, Arbitrary Arre.sts, and the suspension, or rather supj)res!iion of tho writ of habeas cor- pus. Our inability -and modesty forbids our entering into t constitutional argu- ment with tlie learned Chief Justice up- (lu the constitutionality of these meas- ures. Suffice it for us to say that the Supreme Court has not decided tlicm unconstitutional; that tho ablest jurists in Air.erica disagree upon the question ; and while there it! a doubt upon that question, ive icill (jioc our country, and not i'ts enemies^, the benefit of that doubt. YVe know this, that there is nothing in the nature of things which need, tend to weaken the arm of the rrovcrnment by emancipating the slaves of tho rebels as a war measure. And we do know that there ie mucli every way which tends to weaken the arm of n rebel when you move from under it the slave that supports it. And we know still further, that a loyal man stands in no fear of injury 'by a tempo- rary suspension of the writ of habeas corpus. The Chief Justice charges Mr. Lin- coln with imbecility, obstinacy, usurpa- tion, and fraud in the matter of the Emancipation proclamation, in that he had refused to issue it, and then per- mitted the governors of the loyal States, by the aid of the military power he had invested them with, to form a combi- nation against the government and the constitution, whicli assumed such vast prqportions that they contemplated hurl- inp- Mr. Lincoln from the presidential chair unless he issued said proelamation. Tliis is a terrible charge, unsupported nnd unsupportablc by proof, and we trust these loyal governors will respond to it ere long in the manner it deserves. There was nothing in the G-reeley lot- liT, or in the revocation of the Fremont and Hunter orders, or in tho interview with the Ciiicago Clerical Committee, tliat was inconsistent in a military point of view with Mr. Lincoln's action upon the Emancipation pmclamation. If a general, at night, refuses to issue a cer- tain order upon suggestion by his sub- ordinates, ie he to be charged with fraud jud corruption because ho issues the same order in the morning? Li hi.s Greeley s,etter, which the Chief Justice endorses, and in his interview with the " Chicago Clerical Committee," Mr. Lincoln expressly stated that he had had tho matter under consideration, and was ready to issue such a proclamation when, in his judgment, it would tend to ■save the Union. The Chief Justice mourns over tlie fact that there was " not one democratic {governor," *' not one democratic Lofjis- ]:iture to whom Mr. Lincoln could look for support and relief," at the time these Kcpublican Grovernars were clam- orous for radical measures. Oh, how Mr. Lincoln must have prayed for a democratic governor or legislature to have held up his hands in this trying hour. Were there none? On the fif- teenth of April, 1861, whou Mr. Lincoln called for seventy-five thousand volun- teers, if we mistake not there were six- teen Democratic State Administrations, and eighteen Republican. Tiie R> publican Governors responded to ti:c call. 'L'he governors of Maryland, Dela- ware and New Jersey, v/ho, we believe, were democratic, responded. The re- maining thirteen States peremptorily refused to furnish a man. A portion of them were in actual rebellion, and those who claimed to be loyal refused to aid the government in maintaining its laws. But the answer to all this will be, that if Mr. Ijincoln had had a Douglas dem- ocratic governor or legislature to apply to, all would have been well. We are not prompted by a partisan spirit in what we have said. We regard a democrat the same as a Republican, so he stands firmly by our country in this her hour of trial. We care nought for Mr. Lincoln more than for Generals Halleck, Curtis, Grant, Pope, Butler, Burnside. Kose- crans. Hooker, Dix, McClernand Lo- gan, and many other of his generals, who arc democrats as civilians. No supporter of Mr. Lincoln v/ill ever pluck one laurel from the wreath of fame that encircles their brows. Tlioy will over live in the hearts of their countrymen, a.s pure and noble patriots, who, in the hour of their country's danger, thought not of party or self. " And n.'^vcr muy they rest unsung, While Liberty cau fiiul a tonguo ; 'rwine, (.lr;ititiiiit«, a wreatii for thijiR More (ien.i'.i'.f.'js tUr.n tho tiiad'^us, Who, t.) lift's uublodt end, (iave up lilV.-i noblest powers, And bade the legacy d«3csud, i>OW:], d(J^YU tu 113 and QWVi. 9 We desire to have Mr. Lincoln vindicated. We believe he can be, and will be by the impartial histori- an, when his administration exists only in history. The impartial his- torian, as he takes a panoramic view of the administration of James Buchanan, and Abraham Lincoln, will behold dur- ing the administration of James Bu- chanan, the foundation of the govern- ment being gradually undermined, the process of disintegration silently and surely progressing, the entire machinery of the government disarranged, and the operators therein being democrats, occu- pying high positions in a democratic ad- ministration. As the administration draws near its close, he will behold the democratic party divided into factions, and, in their madness, rending asunder the government. The process of disin- tegration culminates. He beholds Abraham Lincoln as he ascends the chair of state, on the fourth of March, 1861, amid the falling tim- bers of the temple ; he beholds treason in the Senate, treason in the House .of Representatives, treason in the Judicia- ry Department, treason in the Army, treason in high places and low, treason on every hand, — a fearful tide to stem and save the government from its im- pending rum. But with a firm reliance upon Him who rules in the armies of Heaven and among the nations of the earth, Abraham Lincoln assumes the reins of government with a determined purpose to rescue her from this boiling and foaming sea of treason. He beholds him slowly but surely gathering up the disintegrated parts of the government, and cementing them together in indis- soluble bonds with the blood of patriots, voluntarily contributed. He beholds the government ultimately saved by the administration of Abraham Lincoln. Will it mar the beauty of the scene if the historian shall see in the dim dis- tance a son of Africa, holding aloft a scroll, with the Proclamation of Eman- cipation inscribed thereon ? Does the Chief Justice suppose that when this civil war shall cease, and we shall be a happy and united people as we were wont to be in times past, that the historian is going to criticise and condemn this or that measure of the ad- ministration, adopted in times of great peril and public danger, because it was of doubtful constitutionality? No, the wonder to the historian will be, not that Abraham Lincoln made mistakes, but rather that he succeeded in controlling the machinery of the gov- ernment with so little friction. The Proclamation of Emancipation which now meets with so much opposi- tion from genuine and pretended loyalty, will be regarded by our posterity in the future as the test of genuine loyalty during the American civil war. They will read it in their churches, school houses and families upon each anniver- sary ; and it will become an ornamental appendage to the family mansion, in- stitutions of learning. State and Nation- al Capitols, and other public places. In the future history of this government, it will be regarded as a document sec- ond only to the Declaration of In le- pendence, and, like that, will render its author immortal. The Proclamation of Emancipation of January first, 1863, is destined to become and remain one of the great land marks in the progress of civilization long years after the cold and calculating pencilings of the Chief Jus- tice are consigned to eternal oblivion. Since the publication of the foregoing, our curiosity has been greatly excited by the perusal of a letter, written Feb. 21, 1863, by the Chief Justice to John T. Stewart, member of Congress elect from Illinois, for we are now unable to divine the motive that prompted the Seymour letter. We had supposed that the Sey- mour letter was intended for publication for the purpose of warning the democ- racy against wandering after strange god& ; but, from the Stewart letter, we learn that the Seymour letter was a pri- vate one, not written for publication. For in that letter the Chief Justice says — 'On the day I left, Springfield, you were pleased to express your approval of my paper to Governor Seymour. I last night received a letter from a mutual friend of Governor Seymour and myself, in New York, stating that the Governor had sent him the paper with the request to see it put in ))rint, and desiring my permission to do sc. Before deciding, I wish to tnke yaur opinion en the subject." We say again, after reading the Stew- art letter, we can arrive at no satisfac- tory conclusion as to the motive that prompted the Seymour letter. Was the Chief Justice apprehensive that Governor Seymour would place the State government and democracy in a position of antagonism to the Federal Grovernment, and wrote the letter with an honest desire to dissuade the Grov- ernor therefrom ? if so, the motive w^as a most estimable one. But the Chief Justice had no suoh 10 apprehensions, for, in speaking of Sey- mour, to Mr. Stewart he says, — "He is an able and sagacious statesman who desires the welfare of his cmntrr, and the resto- ration of the Union above all things." Was tlie cbief Justice apprehensive that the democracy would not support the war ? His laboriouB argument in the Sey- mour letter to demonstrate the necessity of an unwavering support of the war by the democracy, would geem to be conclusive evidence that he did indulge in such apprehensions, else wherein con- sists the necessity of the argument. Then if the Chief Justice did indulge in such apprehensions, and believed, as he says, that opposition to the war on the part of the democracy would result in disaster and ruin to the Government, what was his duty in the premises as a wise and sagacious statesman and pa- triot ? was it not his duty "to cry aloud, and spare not?" Should he not have disregarded self, party, friend and foe, 'and counted all things lost,' if there- by he could have accomplished aught for the salvation of his country ? The people of the State of Illinois have clothed him with her judicial er- mine, for the express purpose of enabling him to exercise the high prerogative of a guardian of her laws ; and as such guardian they have a right to expect that he will difFuse his liglit and knowl- edge through the body politic, and not hide it under a bushel. But the Chief Justice seems to have thought otherwise for a time. On the 18th of December, ISGli, wo learn that the Chief Justice was posses- Bcd of a great light, of which he says : " There never was a clearer liglit shining before- public men than that which illuminates the w.ay in which we should walk." On said day he delivers said light to Governor Seymour, who secreted it in his executive mansion until about the first of February, when he delivered it to a mutual friend of the Governor and Chief Justice, with a request that it might be set upon a hill. The friend asked permission of the Chief Justice ; the Chief Justice, fearful perliaps that if his light was set upon a hill, the bril- lianr'-y of its rays might blind the eyes of the democratic masses, so that they could not sec to follow in his pathway. on the fourth of February, 11:^03, sowght the advice of Jlr. Stewart in the prem- ises. Mr. Stewart, in the following lan- guage, advised the chief Justice to place Eis light upon a hill : — " I believe that such views promulgated by a man of your standing in the democratic party, and in the State, would exert a whole- some influence upon public opinion, and tend to check it from running to ex- tremes, as it is very liable to do in times of high party excitement like the pres- ent. In my opinion, that is the exact danger to which the democratic party [not the country] is exposed." The letter was lir.st published in the New York Argus, about the eleventh of Marcli, 18G3, and in the Ottawa Free Trader on the twenty-first of the same month. If the Chief Justice's heart and con- science were convinced that his light must be followed by the democratic party if they would save the country, why should he hesitate or delay placing his light upon one of the ancient land- marks of democracy, where its rays might permeate her waste places, set on fire and consume her junglce, with its hissing copperheads. Why should the Chief Justice of the State of Illinois ask the advice of Mr. Stewart, upon the propriety of publish- ing his views as to "the position and policy of the democratic party." It was not to convince liis judgment thtit such position and policy were correct,, for he affirmed that his judgment was already convinced upon that point. He was also convinced that the sal- vation of the democratic party depended upon a support of the war ; was the Chief Justice apprehensive that the pub- licity of his views would leave him in the rear, exposed to the malignant hiss- ings of the copperhead portion of the family ? Let an intelligent people judge. We should be slow to attribute such motives to the Chief Justice at this time, if it was not for the monstrous proposition contained in the Seymour and Stewart letters, that the adminip' tration and its supporters should be per- mitted to win the necessary victories,. and they, the democrats, would then arrange terms of peace : we quote his language : " But peace will be easier accompliahed by us if the necessary victories are won by them, than if we are the instruments of the ucce.ssary successes iu the field." The idea is, that the democracy "must .«npport the war," to enable- the admin- istration to win victories over the rebels, so that, having won such victories, they cahnot easily arrange tarms of peace, while, at the same time, the democratic party will condemn the proclamation, thereby increase the ascendency of the r^omnpratic party, f.-mciiiate the rebels, t'iect a de»riocr;itic admini.SLratinn. when they can make poaoe with the rebels "un ;he old basis, v/ith further cuarantecs ... . , j^ , , lor their Jepritmi.t'e rignt?, if ncoo.ssary, (the robcl*. w* i^upposc. vo bo th(? judtf- es of the nc.-eHsity. ) Yes. after th»? adniiniftablishmcnt of Southern independence." According to the testhnony of Lord Lyons, the leaders of the democratic party were in favor of peace, but they bad not the power then to make peace : therefore the Chief Justice is oppo.'^od to peace, until he has done for the support- er.'? of -Mr. Lincoln what David of old — when ho had done that thing that di.<- plcased the Lord—did fcr Uriah. To tlie Chief Justice the spoils of oiliee art* very beautiful to look upon, and he pay.-< unto tlie democracy, — Let us set tbe re- p-ublicans in the foremost of the hotte.H battle, and retire from them, that they may be smitten and die. Then I ran take to my arms "Bathsbeba," (the spoils of office, ) and peace will surely follow. " wise and upright Jtidgo." If the leaders of the adminit;tratiois party desired peace on a basis of sepa- ration, why did they not permit their "wayward sisters" to depart in peace'.' Tiiirtccn democratic governors we'e iu favor of letting them so depart, and to go with them ; eighteen republican and three democratic governors were oppos- ed to their so departing, and under the direction of Mr. Lincoln, have sent into the field one million of armed men to compel obedience to the laws. The supporters of Mr. Lincoln, and war dfiu- ocrats, have poured out their blood and treasure freely and volimtarily ; thous- ands have fallen by disea.se and upon the tield of conflict ; the bones of our countrymen have enriched the soil of southern plantations ; and now, forsooth, the .Chief Justice makes the inhuman charge — '■ That many of those Governors were bold, bad meiijWlio would t)Crujjlc at notliiu/jto attaiu their ondij, t'von to ovcrturniug of the tJovernmeat , aud a daring usurpation." This charge, in due time, will recoil upon the head of the Chief Justice with "cru.shing power." Is Richard Yates, who has been bold in the advocacy o. all the war measures of the administra- tion, a "bad man'.'" Let the care- worn veterans of many a well fought field, who have been the reeiplevits of bis kind and paternal care answer. The rebellious people are worthy to be the recipients of humane and chris- tian treatment from the Chief Justice, while the leaders of the party that is endeavoring to compel obedience to the hiws, is worthy only of his severest ani- madversions The Union can only be saved by the democratic party, and they must become all-powerful everywhere. Thf domocratie party posses^^ed not the pjwor to provent self-disintegration, but it is all puwerful to save the country from the dire results of such disintegra- tion. How insulting to common intelli- gence ; and how can a statesman pursue such a line of argument when he ap- preciates the cause of this rebellion. Slavery commenced an assa,ult upon Freedom, and the two systems arc now in deadly conflict. AH history verities tlie assertion that when two such antag- onistic .systems collide with each other, there is j>o compromise, no peace, until one or the other practically perishes. T'hc Government is on the side of free- dun, and the rebellion on the side of slavery; "choose ye this day whom ye will serve." Slavery is a radical, unre- lenting power, and to contend with it successfully, you must meet it with rad- ical opposition. Conservative blows may brui.se the serpent's head, but only radical blows can inflict the mortal wound. The Chief Justice may labor tu prosecute the war upon what he is pleased to term conservative principles, but he will labor ingloriously. He must array himself radically on one side or the other of the issue, or be ground to pieces between the upper a!id nether millstones of their power. Shall ihe Government or Slavery per- ish, is a question which every man must decide for himself. The people of the State of Illinois have conferred upon the Chief Justice her highest Judicial honors, and they have a right to expect, yea, demand, that when liis country's honor and welfare arc at stake, lie shall rise above the sordid and selfish motiyos that prompt the mouthing politician to rant about party, and party influences : the consequences are too va.«t and mo- mentous to justify the calculation of party success upon the settlement of the issue. The American Republic cost its foun- ders seven years' expenditure of blood and treasure ; what American can con- template the history of that Revolution- ary struggle, with all its grand and glorious results, without feeling the in- spirations of its actors descending from above and upon him, inciting him to omulate their brave and heroic deeds in