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 i/JU. 
 
 McKINLEY DAY BANQUET ^ 
 
 Tuesday, January 29, 1907. 
 Responses by 
 
 Governor Andrew L; Harris 
 and Professor Mattoon M. Curtis 
 
 ^Tippecanoe 
 Club 
 
£7/ 
 
 .H 
 
 •G 
 
 3 
 
 Exchange 
 
 West. Res. Hist. Soc. 
 
 1915 
 

 MEMORIES OF McKINLEY 
 
 Governor ANDREW L. HARRIS. 
 
 "To live in hearts tve leave behind 
 ^ is not to die." — Campbell. 
 
 ^ In referring to "Memories of McKinley," I am reminded that 
 
 Governor Herrick, the distinguished Toastmaster of the evening, 
 was no doubt as close to the martyred President as any man who 
 still survives him. Governor Herrick was not only a member of 
 his Staff and a delegate at State and National Conventions at 
 which McKinley was nominated, but he was also his adviser and 
 helper in private business and personal matters, as well as in party 
 and public affairs. Herrick's home was McKinley 's home in 
 Cleveland, and McKinley's home was Herrick's home in Canton. 
 Later, Herrick was also at home with McKinley in Columbus and 
 Washington. 
 
 Ten years ago tonight, McKinley was celebrating his birthday 
 at his old home. It was his last birthday in Canton. He had 
 been a private citizen the previous year and was at that time the 
 President-elect of the United States. 
 
 During the five weeks intervening between that birthday and 
 his inauguration, he was constantly in conferences with those 
 seeking to become Cabinet Ministers, Ambassadors or otherwise 
 listed in the Blue Book. There was then to be a change from a 
 Democratic to a Republican National Administration. That was 
 perhaps the most strenuous birthday of his life. The most difficult 
 questions of party and public policy were, even then, pressing 
 hard upon him. He had often gone from Canton to Washington 
 during the previous 20 years, but he had never made that trip 
 under such circumstances as confronted him on that birthday. 
 
 What a career was his in public life for a quarter of a cen- 
 tury.'* From Congressman to Governor, and from Governor to 
 President, he passed up with such brief intervals that he was con- 
 stantly before the people, from the Hayes campaign of 1876 until 
 his death in 1901. 
 
 As you will toniglit have an able address on this good and 
 great man and brave soldier from one of our foremost scholars 
 and orators, I will speak only of personal recollections of him as 
 a Christian, husband and companion. Having served as Lieutenant- 
 Governor, when McKinley was for four years Governor, it was my 
 fortune to have toured the state with him in different campaigns, 
 and to have been personally associated with him after his first 
 gubernatorial campaign. 
 
I had known of William McKinley for many years, but met 
 liim for the first time at the Republican State Convention, in Col- 
 umbus, in 1891 J when he was nominated for Governor, and I was 
 made his running-mate. He invited me to his room, in the evening 
 after we were nominated, for a consultation, and to get better 
 acquainted. He spoke particularly of the coming campaign and 
 of its management. He expressed the hope that it would be a 
 contest of principles and not of money, a struggle of reason and 
 not of abuse, and that so far as he was concerned, it should be 
 manly and fair, that he never would consent to compromise himself 
 in the least to get votes; and he did not. No campaign was ever 
 waged, no battle was ever fought with more honor, and no political 
 victory was a greater moral triumph. 
 
 The great contest for United States Senator between Senator 
 Sherman and Governor Foraker was waging at the time of Mc- 
 Kinley's first election as Governor. Both were his friends. He 
 wished to keep out of that struggle. His sympathy was with 
 Sherman — not for personal reasons alone. Foraker had placed him 
 in nomination before the Convention in that same year, in one 
 of his most brilliant and eloquent speeches. Foraker had a good 
 subejct and he carried the convention by storm. He left a sick 
 bed to do this for his friend. McKinley was grateful to him, in- 
 deed, and could not forget him. The struggle went on. Sherman 
 was in danger of defeat. McKinley felt that the financial condi- 
 tion of the country demanded Sherman's retention in the Senate. 
 Duty was stronger than friendship. Sherman was elected. Many 
 members of the Legislature were so sorely disappointed that they 
 criticised the Governor. He took them into his confidence and 
 made them his friends, and soon had their undivided support. They 
 may have remained as Foraker men or as Sherman men, but they 
 were all McKinley men. 
 
 It was my good fortune to travel with him during a part of 
 the campaign of 1891, and during the entire campaign of 1893. 
 For many weeks I was his companion, traveling in the same car, 
 occupying the same platform, dining at the same table, and 
 
 E'-cquently sleeping in the same room. I learned to know him and 
 love him. Whether conversing with a friend or addressing a 
 >(^/eat audience, he showed his magnetic influence over his fellow 
 ;^man. While his eloquence was not brilliant, it was convincing, and 
 |his hearers always gave him the credit of being honest and sincere. 
 ^ The people of the State loved him more in 1893 than in 1891, 
 
 because they knew him better, and to know him was to admire him. 
 He had so completely won the admiration of the people during his 
 first term as Governor, that no other speaker was in great demand 
 during his second campaign. His meetings were largely attended 
 everywhere. His hearers listened with great attention and drank 
 
in every word that fell from his lips. The most casual observer 
 could sec that he was the favorite son of the State. 
 
 I pitied the man who was called upon to speak either before 
 or after McKinley that j'ear. If he spoke before him, the audience 
 seemed anxious for something or somebody else. If he spoke 
 after him, there did not seem to be anything more wanted. My 
 experience was the exprience of other speakers more gifted in 
 speech than myself. The late lamented General Alger was with 
 us, by invitation, one week. His experience was like mine. We 
 frequently talked about the wonderful hold ^McKinley had on the 
 people, and neither of us had any choice as to which one would 
 precede or follow ^IcKinley, as the conditions were about the same. 
 
 In campaigning it was not always possible for us to get sepa- 
 rate rooms. McKinley preferred a room with two beds, so that 
 we could talk over matters before retiring, and while dressing in 
 the morning. He utilized all of his time. He shaved himself 
 every morning, using one hand for one side of his face and the 
 other hand with which to shave the other side, meantime walking 
 about the room and talking as if he was not engaged in what, to 
 most people, is a very delicate job. He frequently glanced over 
 the newspapers while shaving himself and used no mirror. He 
 never laid awake thinking about business, politics or anything. He 
 was an excellent sleeper, and fell asleep at once on retiring. He 
 could always utilize time on the trains in rest and could go to 
 sleep at will. In a very unostentatious manner, he always had liis 
 private devotions, and knelt at his bedside the last thing at night 
 and the first thing in the morning. 
 
 Whenever McKinley was away he always telegraphed his 
 wife — twice a day — morning and evening. When I was out in 
 tKe campaigns with him he was looking for telegrams every day 
 from her. 
 
 It is known to all who were about the Capitol when McKinley 
 was Governor, that business in his private office stopped for a 
 moment at 3:00 p. m., no matter who was with him nor what was 
 pending. At that hour he invariably went to the window to wave 
 his handkerchief. Mrs. McKinley would then be up from her 
 repose and at her window in the Neil House, just across the street, 
 waving her handkerchief at him. When they were living at tlie 
 Neil House, he never left that hotel for his office without stopping 
 at the entrance to the Capitol grounds and doffing his hat to Mrs. 
 McKinley, who would be at her window, and she remained there 
 until he passed into the Capitol building. On that spot at the 
 entrance to the Ohio Capitol grounds, where he was wont to stop 
 and look back at Mrs. McKinley 's window, now stands the McKinley 
 monument that was dedicated last September in the presence of 
 the largest crowd ever assembled in Columbus. 
 
\Vhen McKinley was inaugurated as Governor in 1 891, his 
 wife was unable to be out of doors and the ceremonies were held 
 from the west terrace of the State House, at his request, so that 
 Mrs. McKinley could witness the exercises from her >vindow in 
 the Neil House. 
 
 ]\IcKinley was not only kind, but also very appreciative. He 
 had the courtesy of the old school, and never neglected an oppor- 
 tunity to express his thanks for the smallest favors, or for any 
 work that was well done. He was even tempered — almost perfec- 
 tion in that respect. If he was annoyed by applicants or by com- 
 plaints, it made no diiference in the even tenor of his way. He 
 was always agreeable. 
 
 While McKinley was always dignified, yet he had a delightful 
 sense of humor and with his intimates was very fond of a joke, 
 but his humor was always scrupuloush^ clean and his anecdotes 
 did not need expurgation for parlor use. 
 
 McKinley took the ver}- best care of himself. An almost 
 invariable habit was to get out a portion of each daj^ for a good 
 walk. He was a believer in fresh air and moderate exercise. In 
 this connection it may be interesting to recall the fact that he was 
 an excellent horseman, retaining all his proficiency attained in the 
 war. On several occasions he had the opportunity to show his 
 Staff how to ride a horse, especialh^ on one trip at Canton, when 
 he started out with the full military staff in uniform, mounted, and 
 returned, after a dash of five miles, with one lone attendant — all 
 the others drojiping by the wayside or being distanced. He had 
 an excellent constitution to start with and in his youth must have 
 been a powerful man physically. 
 
 The way that McKinley had reduced the endurance of public 
 life to a science was illustrated in his hand-shaking. He never 
 allowed anyone to get the "drop" on him. He always got hold 
 
 iof the other fellow's hand first, and with such a high reach as to 
 prevent gripping or squeezing. I probably noticed this custom the 
 J more for the reason that I have a lame right arm and always 
 I suffer for days afterward from the effect of receptions. I regret 
 ^hat I was never able to catch on to the McKinley grip. 
 
 I have humbly recalled some little things about McKinley. 
 You will hear of the big ones later on this evening. But even 
 these little traits of character show him to have been a faithful 
 Christian, a devoted husband, a popular campaigner, a charming 
 companion, a man of tlie people and for the people and their 
 sincere public servant. He bore the olive branch to factions in 
 the North, as well as to his brethren in the South. He believed in 
 what he himself stood for, and he never advocated any course 
 for his own advancement to the detriment of his country or his 
 state or his party. 
 
I will close these random recollections willi a pen picture of 
 the man by one who was intimately associated with him, both 
 in his private and public life: 
 
 "No ruler of earth was ever more beloved than he. No head 
 of government ever knew his people so well. No people ever 
 confided in their chief executive so much. He believed that the 
 voice of the people is the voice of God, .-md his ear was ever ready 
 to receive the word. He knew the fallibility of kings, and be- 
 lieved that the people can do no wrong. He never souglit to be a 
 leader, but was content to follow the pillar of cloud by day 
 and the pillar of fire by night. Yet he had all the qualifications of 
 a great general. He could plan a campaign with consummate 
 skill and execute it with rare power. He did not hesitate to use 
 the abilities of others because, like Lincoln, he feared no man. 
 He was great enough to be beyond the suggestion of jealousy and 
 good enough to be beyond the possibility of hating, 
 
 "William McKinley was in every way the ideal American. He 
 was a composite of the highest types of manhood. He was the 
 model gentleman. He lived but one life. He was always the 
 same. Something of the tender devotion to liis wTfe seemed to tint 
 
 i 
 
 ) and mellow his public life. Those who knew him in his home life 
 ■* in Canton, in his career in Congress and as Governor of Ohio, 
 knew every characteristic of the martyred President. 
 
 "The biographer of William iMcKinley will not be able to 
 point out any one quality that made him what he was. He had a 
 perfect combination of all. He had poise; he was eminently sane 
 and always calm. He knew neither the excess of joy nor the 
 depths of sorrow, because, whatever the occasion, he believed, 'It 
 is God's way; His will be done.' His spiritual side was particu- 
 larly beautiful. He accepted tlie doctrines of the church without 
 reservation, and his faith was as near sublime as man may have. 
 He had a singularly sweet and powerful voice and was fond of 
 joining in congregational singing, and oftentimes, in the privacy 
 of his own office, he would 1mm the inspired strains of some good 
 old hymn, and if, perchance, a stranger heard, he stood with un- 
 covered head until the melody died away. 
 I "He died, as he lived, a Christian gentleman — with the love of 
 
 Jail who knew him, with the respect of all mankind. Tlie world is 
 I better because he lived in it, and generations to come will be bene- 
 jfited by his noble example. As long as men read, tlie name of 
 j William McKinley will adorn one of the brightest pages of his- 
 tory, and his splendid career will be the polar star of worthy 
 emulation." 
 
WILLIAM McKINLEY 
 THE REPRESENTATIVE AMERICAN 
 
 Professer MATTOON MONROE CURTIS. 
 
 js ffjry? there is a lesson in my life or death, let 1 
 jit he taught to those who still live and have the 
 I destiny of their country in their keeping." 
 ^^ — William McKinley. 
 
 1. We are here to do homage to one whose character confers 
 dignity upon us all. When we consider his rise to the position 
 of Chief Executive of the Nation; when we consider his pure life 
 and his splendid services; when we consider the dying hero and his 
 attitude toward his countrymen, there can be no doubt that William 
 McKinley was one of our great representative Americans, and that 
 his star shall shine in the future, as it does today, among the 
 brightest in the galaxy of American statesmen. 
 
 In those last tragic hours when this great life was ebbing away 
 into history, when this mortal was slowly putting on immortality, 
 it gave utterance to these significant words: "If there is a lesson 
 in my life or death, let it be taught to those who still live and 
 have the destiny of their country in their keeping." 
 
 My theme tonight is the message of William McKinley "to 
 those who still live and have the destiny of their country in their 
 keeping." We shall dwell upon those points wherein he rises 
 above the details of practical politics and becomes the expression 
 of the fundamental principles that imderlie our institutions. It 
 is not the message of the soldier, nor of the congressman, nor of 
 the governor, nor of the president, but of the man, the statesman, 
 the representative American; the message of the great commoner 
 who represented the people, the laws of the people, and the ideals 
 of the people. 
 
 2. McKinley was the true exponent of popular government, 
 not only because he believed that the seat of political sovereignty 
 is and ought to be in the people, but because he knew, loved and 
 honored the people as fellow citizens. No one more than he 
 believed in the integrity and patriotism of the people or in the 
 soundness of public opinion. No one more than he held the respect 
 and confidence of all sections and all parties. This mutual sym- 
 pathy and trustfulness gave him a prestige as a national leader 
 such as few, if any of our great men have ever attained. The 
 sudden revival of confidence that immediately followed his election 
 in 1896; his great popular victory in 1900; the overwhelming 
 grief that fell upon the nation when his light went out, these are 
 
the tributes that have already been paid by the American people 
 to the American representative. He was criticized by shallow 
 politicians as "keeping his ear to the ground" and giving too much 
 deference to public opinion. This intended reproach was a eulogy 
 of the man, for it declares at once his high estimation of the people 
 -and his adequate comprehension of the nature of our government. 
 Even though there were no monument to McKinley in all our land, 
 even though the date of his birth and the site of his grave should 
 !be forgotten; even though great organizations should fail to meet 
 I' to do him honor— his history would remain inseparably woven into 
 the history of his country, and the fragrance of his memory would 
 live in the hearts of his people. Such a life as this is an everlasting 
 protest against a score of heresies that spring up in little minds 
 regarding the nature of our government and of our people. Are 
 our people to be trusted.? Are our institutions securely grounded.? 
 Is ingratitude the crime of republics? To these questions Mc- 
 Kinley in the presidential chair and in the hearts of his countrymen 
 is a sufficient answer. 
 
 McKinley 's belief in democracy was supported by a profound 
 grasp of the American situation and by what the future of our 
 country demands. His democracy was complete. Voltaire once 
 said that English society was like English ale— the bottom dregs, 
 *^^ ^P ^^P^^' ^i^e^ middle excellent. American societj is" oT the 
 excellent middle class— froth Snd"'a'rTgs"Trelnegl'igibfe"f actors'. ' To 
 preserve this status is the giant problem that confronts us. It 
 can not be put in too glaring colors. Spain is a two class nation, 
 froth and dregs. Russia is a two class nation, frotli and dregs. 
 They can arise only through the formation of an excellent middle. 
 No nation is stronger than its middle class. McKinley saw this, 
 and we should all realize it. He did all in his power to preserve 
 and augment the great body of industrious and frugal citizenship. 
 Anything that tends to decrease the number and power of our great 
 middle class is a direct attack not only against our government but 
 against the health and prosperity of society. When we see the 
 idle rich increasing at the top and the proletariat increasing at the 
 bottom it is high time to look after the interests of our institutions. 
 There was a time in our history wlicn the larger part of our country 
 had a two-class society— masters and slaves. \Miat was the social 
 result.? Not only the belief that human rights and liberties were 
 limited to white men, but the formation of a great class of poor 
 whites whose position became less enviable than that of the slave. 
 Not only was the South deteriorating in moral and economic aspects 
 but she was demanding that this two-class society should be ex- 
 tended to aU new territory and states below an imaginary line and 
 that our nation should thus be split in twain from east to west. 
 Hence the inevitable conflict came, ^^'hat for.? Not primarily for 
 
the freedom of the slave; not for the amelioration of the poor 
 whites, but for the preservation of the Union ; for the preservation 
 of a one-class society before the law. The war of 1861 carried 
 on tlie work of the Constitutional Convention of 1787, and it re- 
 mains for us to preserve and protect the labors of the fathers. 
 
 As McKinley grasped this great social truth in democracy, so 
 he grasped its correspondingly great political truth, that political 
 issues should divide the people vertically, not horizontally, that 
 rich and poor, high and low should be found in botli political 
 parties. If there is anything un-American, if there is anything in- 
 I trinsically pernicious in a democracy it is the effort to make hori- 
 zontal political issues, to create classes and set class against class. 
 This also calls for wise leadership — calls for men of the McKinley 
 type who will preserve America as a one-class nation, excellent, 
 '^industrious, prosperous from bottom to top, without froth or dregs. 
 
 Once more, he is the representative of wise democracy in keep- 
 ing sectional politics out of national issues. No local interest ever 
 blindedr McKinley to the interests of the nation as a whole. To 
 him there was neither north nor south, nor east nor west. As a 
 statesman he stood for all the people, all the time, and everywhere. 
 No man did more to smooth all sectional differences and this he 
 did without prejudicing a single principle. True he was the great 
 protectionist. But the principle of protection can not be impeached 
 by referring it to greed or selfishness or sectional interests. He 
 believed in protection as a principle not of loot but of justice, not 
 for a part, but for all the people — a duty which every man owes 
 to himself and which every government owes to its people. 
 
 3. McKinley was the representative of the people's law. I 
 do not mean merely the current law made by state and federal 
 legislation but the actual crystalizations of public opinion that 
 disclose public rights and duties for all the people. 
 
 There is a vast difference between the statesman and the poli- 
 tjcian. The jjolitician pins his faith to the working of the game 
 or the machine. The statesman grounds his faith in the working 
 of principles in the minds and hearts of living freemen. The 
 vision of the politician is the vision of the mole; the vision of the 
 statesman is the vision of the eagle. McKinley's view of law, 
 lawmaking and law administration was that of the statesman. The 
 moral and legal were very profound elements in his character. 
 They are ingrained in the stock from which he sprung — they are 
 in the religion and law of his fathers. He had learned obedience 
 to law in his ancestry and his life. He had learned it as a child 
 in his home at Niles and Poland. At seventeen years of age he 
 heard his country's call and out of that devotion to duty which 
 characterized his whole life he obeyed that summons and went 
 forth as a priv.ate to stand by the old flag to the finish. He had 
 
learned it as a soldier in the field ; he exhibited it as a representative 
 in Congress. He showed that he had learned reverence and 
 obedience to law as the governor of this state and as the chief 
 executive of the nation and in that last sad hour he showed that 
 he could face the last orders with the same equanimity as he faced 
 the enemy at Antietam and in the valley of the Shenando.ih. "It 
 is God's way. His will not ours be done." The spirit of law had 
 so fully entered his soul; the spirit of justice so fully possessed him 
 that the peerless Secretary of State, John Hay, truthfully said of 
 him that he "Never had occasion to review a judgment or reverse 
 a decision." Whenever justice uttered her voice he listened and 
 recognized law. \Miether it thundered from Sinai to command us 
 by fear or distilled like the dew from the Mount of Olives to com- 
 mand us by love; whether it blazed from the Declaration which 
 ]iatriotism flung into the face of tyranny or marches in the Consti- 
 tution with the solemn logic of constructing a new government, 
 wherever it appeared there stood McKinley to welcome it and pledge 
 his unqualified support. 
 
 But all law is not the law of the people, it ought to be but 
 it is not always so. Not all legislation is solely in the interests 
 of all — nor in the interests of the majority. Before the supreme 
 court of public conscience some of our laws are lawless — unjust, 
 iniquitous. So far as this is true we are teaching our people the 
 first principles of resistance to arbitrary power; so far as such 
 laws are possible we are giving lawmaking into the hands of an- 
 archy. If law is to be respected it must be respectable. If law 
 is to be a great and beneficial educator of our people it must be 
 light to all good citizens and lightening to every soul that doeth 
 evil. Now and again we read, or hear it stated, that there is no com- 
 mon law in America. It is only in a very superficial sense that such 
 a view can be held. It is surprising that a democracy a sovereign 
 people should have no conunon law. The fact is tliat in America 
 there is no law but connnon law. Every declaration, every consti- 
 tution, every legislative act, every decision of the courts is only 
 a more or less adetjuatc expression of the common law. As 
 McKinley believed in the people, so he believed in the 
 people's law, in the common law, in natural law as 
 over against all eonventionalistic and positivistic views of 
 law. He believed the common l.iw was just, because it 
 expressed the conscience of the people; that it was stable, because 
 it represented the growth of centuries of human experience; that 
 it was progressive, because it is capable of being modified to meet 
 all human exigencies. This has been the belief of all our great 
 statesmen from Washington to Roosevelt. For this kind of law 
 McKinley stood and every true American must both stand and work. 
 As we are always face to face with the question whether we really 
 
have a democracy so we are always face to face with the question 
 whctlier we have a system of laws that is at the same time a system 
 of equity. A free people can maintain its freedom only under law 
 and it is an eternal vigilence of genius and patriotism that can 
 steer the course between anarchy and despotism. But here, as else- 
 where, it is the letter that killeth but the spirit that giveth life. 
 It is the spirit of the fathers and our own spirits that must triumph 
 over our own selfishness and lawlessness. When we think of the 
 spirit which made colonial America, we take courage; when we 
 think of the spirit that fought the revolution and framed the con- 
 stitution, we take courage; when we think of the beginning of the 
 Republican party we take courage. When I think of the Chicago 
 convention of I860 that dared in its second resolution to re-affirm 
 the principles of the Declaration of Independence; when I think 
 of the spirit of the old party in those stormy days, of its ideals 
 and how men lived and died for them; when I think of Abraham 
 Lincoln rising like a great Collossus from the ranks of the people 
 and for four long 3'ears never flinching in the face of duty under 
 his Herculean tasks; when I think of Garfield and McKinley, 
 giants of the people and incarnations of the American spirit of 
 justice for all, I feel how vast, how magnificent, how potent is 
 the moral capital, not only of the Republican party, but of the 
 American people. It is high time that we Republicans in Ohio 
 and especially in Cuyahoga County begin going to school to the 
 great leaders and principles of the old Republican party. We have 
 the vision of the mole. I^et us have the vision of tlie eagle. Let 
 us be baptized once again into this spirit; let us dare to re-affirm 
 once again the fundamental law of our land; let us catch the spirit 
 and march to the music of such great statesmen as Washington, 
 Lincoln and McKinley; then shall we insure a government whose 
 roots grip into eternal justice and whose blossoms and fruits are 
 in the lives and labors of a free and powerful people. 
 
 4. McKinley represented not only the people and the people's 
 law but the ideals of the people. It was this that raised him high 
 above the politician into the realm of enduring statesmanship. The 
 people, its law and its religion stand or fall together. Its law is 
 its sense of justice; religion is its sense of freedom. Justice and 
 freedom are the two giant pillars upon wliich the great arch of 
 democracy rests. These three aspects of our national life have been 
 traditionally inseparable in the lives of our great statesmen. They are 
 inseparable in the life of William McKinley. It is no accident that 
 the greatest statesmen of the world have been idealists harboring a 
 profound belief in the destinies of their people under the guidance 
 of Providence; it is no accident that from the days of early Egypt 
 until our day the great heroes of humanity have recognized a law 
 higher than human prescriptions and a power superior to armies 
 
 12 
 
and navies ; it was no accident that the immortil Mayflower com- 
 pact began with the words, "In the name of God, Amen!" In the 
 name of God, government began in America, in New Enghind and 
 in Virginia, and in the name of God it has been and must be pre- 
 served. America has always been imbued with idealism. It has 
 unified our people and it constitutes our most pronounced national 
 trait. We owe John Calvin much, for he is our spiritual father, 
 in religion and government. The Puritans of New England, the 
 Cavalier of Virgina, the Dutch of New York, the French Hu- 
 guenots, and the Scotch Covenanters were all of them Calvinists 
 and all of these are our fathers who carried Calvinism into the 
 Declaration and into the Constitution. We, the children, have 
 modified the rigors of their creed and softened the asperities of 
 their scheme of life, but we dare not call into question their funda- 
 mental principles and ideals. When the storm and stress come, 
 we argue these principles right up to the throne of God, and accept 
 the logic of Calvinism — that, "The voice of thepeople is the voice 
 of God." McKinley was according to the flesh and the spirit a 
 child of these fathers and he towers before us in giant form pro- 
 claiming the same great principles which dwelt so powerfully in 
 Franklin, Washington and Lincoln. Does some one say that the 
 idealist emphasizes the general and loses sight of particulars? I 
 afliirm in view of all the great statesmen and generals and financiers 
 and scientists and philosophers whose history is known to us that it 
 is only the idealist and the generalizer who knows how to deal with 
 particulars, wliile the slaves of detail make up the ranks of bungling 
 mediocrity. 
 
 McKinley 's ideals were not idle fancies, but great potential- 
 ties for the realization of which he fondly hoped and patiently 
 labored. His view of the destiny of the nation was as firm and 
 grand as that of Washington when he looked out upon the bound- 
 less wilderness of the West. He believed in arbitration, not only 
 in international matters, but in all individual differences and in 
 all differences between capital and labor. On the floor of the 49th 
 congress, in 1886j_he declared, "I beli eve i n arbitration as i princi- 
 ple?' As he loved peace so he hated war. When the explosion 
 in Havanna harbor, in February, 1898, sent a thrill through the 
 nation as a call to war ; when men were eager to clutch the weapons 
 of destruction, McKinley, the old soldier who never paled on the 
 field of battle, bade the nation pause: "We must wait," he said, 
 "until we perceive the justice of our movements," and he kept us 
 waiting until he saw that the war was inevitable, and then he 
 threw his whole soul into its speedy conclusion. So speedy 
 and conclusive was the victory, so humane were the re- 
 adjustments, that we scarcely realize today the epoch-makii>g 
 
 13 
 
significance of tlie McKinley war and the superb statesman- 
 ship that controlled its international relations. And then at last 
 in that swan-song address at Buffalo we hear his commercial vale- 
 dictory to the nation, which should ring in our ears until its mean- 
 ing is realized. "Reciprocity treaties are in harmony with the 
 spirit of the times, measures of retaliation are not." It is a matter 
 for regret that we have so far been unable to secure such a treaty 
 with any important European nation. Although reciprocity treaties 
 are difficult to secure and when secured are difficult to enforce, 
 they represent the high commercial ideal toward which we should 
 strive. When w^e consider his moral and political idealism we may 
 say that if there was ever a man amongst us who followed the 
 "Prince of Peace," that man was William McKinley. 
 
 Such men have made America fortunate above all the lands 
 of mother earth; fortunate in her territory, that is able to make 
 her the granary of the world; fortunate in her mineral resources, 
 so opened as to place her industries and commerce in the van 
 of the nations; fortunate in her population, which however hetero- 
 genious in race are moulded by the American spirit into a homo- 
 genius citizenship; fortunate in her institutions of government, of 
 education and of religion, that are ever stimulating her people to 
 realize the ideals of the fathers. As long as America can produce 
 such men as have guided our destinies to the present time, as long 
 as such men command our reverence and fire our devotion to country 
 and warn us that "corruption wins not more than honesty," so 
 long will our body politic be robust with health and strength, and 
 the American spirit be the light and inspiration of the nations of 
 the earth. 
 
THE UNION OF TWE WHIGS F«>R THE 
 SAKE CF THE UNION. 
 
 Fine of «lu- Trrr'. its foM* >liiiH (ty. 
 1 lie sign ul li. |K' ai.d tr iiiii|>h hi:,'li. 
 
 niR FIJFSIOrNT, 
 
 WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 
 
 FDR virr ri;KsiiirvT, 
 
 JOHN TYLTR. 
 
 
 ♦•on oiiriRMiR, 
 
 ron pnKsiDrNTiAi- elf.ctors. 
 
 SknatoriaI. I'l.trTOBB. 
 
 Wm.JI. I'l r\AM. of \>iu-hi Ktuo Co. 
 
 Unpiv 1 KM.i. ..f WiiyneC... 
 
 -- mpku.Mahkw nr lliimilt-'D. 
 
 2.|-llK\kV lUiiTKK. i.f I'rihlc. 
 
 *l AlRITI A .Sp.lKKoRU (l| Wink].' 
 
 4ih .li»iii A t iK.i.KTT. iif Wiirren. 
 
 •iih Aim \ HAM .■■ li.tv. iif C'lerinimt. 
 
 r.lh SiviKi. K. ViNTiiM.iif Ciillii*. 
 
 7(li .liiii<( .J. VwMKTKR. iif P ke. 
 
 Mill A>/Uii.l.A Till. AM) Iif .tiiul ton. 
 
 iiih 1'Kiit.Ky U. .loiiNsiiN. of Moryau- 
 1 ih .liiHN 1>i'kf:s. of llfiiicoek. 
 Ilth (ITHA Uh>.siik.<r. <il Ouemxr 
 VIU ■> tMK3 lUdiKT. Iif Alus .inKum. 
 1 Ich Chris. .S AIii.i.kr. of <. imhiicton. 
 lllh .liiHK Carky, III I 'rnwfonl. 
 I >th LIaviii Klnu. «r Med no. 
 li'lb TURK KnsA a.f llenugn. 
 ITiii .liiiiv Uattv. iif • arn.li. 
 I8ih .li.ii.N An.iwTivit. nISisrk. 
 fill .I..UV .!,«is.i5.of fhirrwi.. 
 
 CLEVELAND DAILY HER.UD. 
 
 Tm:nSLiAVE/EN.N(;. APRILS, 1S41I 
 
 N^MSMKn nifl.Y IN TIIK r|[\Tk 1 1. Ill 
 
 \ X^». A^IIAKItlS ' 
 
 Fur Ikt t)ailif I'erutJ. 
 CUYAHOGA TIPPECANOE CLUB, 
 
 Ai :i iiieeting of Ihc Whig KU-ciorsof 
 Cuyahoga county, for the purpose of 
 idojniiig a CoDstitntion for a Coun 
 Tippecanoe Club, held April 4th. 1840^ 
 Hon. Frederick Whittlesey was called to 
 the Chair, and J. M. Hoyt appointe<l 
 Sccret;.ry. The Cons itution adopted at 
 .i preliminary meetlDg, having been 
 r> ad, was unanimously adopted as the 
 Constitution of the County Club, after 
 making the . following nnieadnicnts, to 
 wit: The number of Vice Presidents 
 wua iiicnased to2"; the iiiinibcr of Ke- 
 cordii.g Secretaries to 3; .niid the num- 
 ber of ilie Executive Couiniitiee to K. 
 
 On moiiou, Rosolvcd, Thai the nc.M 
 meet i I g of the Tippecanoe Club be hil. 
 ut the Log l^ibin. ou Saturday cvt^biug. 
 .Vpiil 11th, ai T o'clock, and that subsu'' 
 qiienily the regular mefetingsof the Club 
 l>e held on the tirst Saturday aXternoou 
 of ttach month, at 2 o'clock 
 
 Oil motion, Resolved, that 
 miltce appointed at the last 
 iiuiain signatures to the Con 
 called upon by the Exccuhy 
 lo reiwrt at next meetiug 
 
 Ou motion, the clob a*! 
 J. M..lIOYr, Secret 
 
 So;iU\ 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
 013 788 316 8 # 
 
 HoUinger Corp. 
 
 ¥ T r> p 
 
.IBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
 013 788 316 8 * 
 
 HoUinger Corp. 
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