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 Address delivered by George R.Wallace, Esq., 
 or PittsDurgn, before tKe Cliamter of Com- 
 merce of PittslurgK, October 2, 1917. 
 
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Xke German Menace 
 To America 
 
 AdJress delivered ty George R. \Vallace, Esq., of 
 
 Pittsburgk, before tlie Ckamber of Commerce 
 
 of Pittsturgk, October 2, 1917. 
 

 i Copyrighted 1917 
 
 BY 
 
 Geo. R. Wallace, Esq., Pittsburgh, Pa. 
 
 ©CLA47S230 
 
 NOV 28 1917 
 
Grentlemen of the Chamber: 
 
 This year of 1917 is the most fateful year our 
 nation has faced for more than half a century, perhaps 
 the most fateful year it has ever faced ; we are engaged 
 — and don't let us deceive ourselves — we are engaged 
 in a struggle for the very existence of the United 
 States as a nation. 
 
 Twice before we have entered such a struggle; 
 once in the Revolutionary period, and again during the 
 Civil War. 
 
 There is one thing upon which we can congratu- 
 late ourselves, and that is that we have entered upon 
 this great national struggle with more unanimity of 
 support, with more solidarity of patriotism, with more 
 ordered and intelligent preparation than any struggle 
 in which we have heretofore engaged. It shows 
 that democracy can grow and that people can grow 
 under democracy. 
 
 It is natural for us to glorify the deeds of our an- 
 cestors, and it is proper for us to do so ; but at a time 
 like this, when the burden is coming upon us, it is right 
 also that we should look to the other side. Do not 
 let us forget that those seven long, miserable, doubt- 
 ful years of the Revolutionary struggle were not due 
 either to lack of men or of resources. They were due 
 to the fact that the people were not solidly behind the 
 Revolution; they were due to Toryism, to mutual sus- 
 picions, to jealousies, to lack of organization, to lack 
 of the "get together" spirit that we have today. 
 
 Washington had under him at one time or another 
 nearly 300,000 soldiers during the seven years; they 
 at times deserted by companies and by regiments, and 
 he was often glad to see them go because they were 
 worthless, untrained, undisciplined militia who ate up 
 his scanty provisions and fled at the first volley. In 
 this State of Pennsylvania over half the population 
 were against that war; it was fought through by an 
 intelligent and patriotic minority. 
 
 The Civil War is closer, and we all know how the 
 burden which rested upon the great, patient heart of 
 Lincoln was tremendously increased; how~the cost in 
 blood and money was multiplied in that war on ac- 
 count of the opposition of the copperheads, of the men 
 who promoted draft riots, of the men who preached 
 peace with surrender and disunion. Even in high 
 places men of that kind stood up, until Lincoln finally 
 had to reach out his hand and seize the Governor of 
 our neighboring State of Ohio, Vallandingham ; with 
 that saving grace of humor which Lincoln always had, 
 he sent him through the Confederate lines under a flag 
 
of truce, saying that he would feel more at home among 
 his own people. 
 
 Such conditions have not yet confronted us in 
 this war. Our people are practically united in its 
 support. But while this is true, it is well for us to 
 remember that we have not yet felt the pinch of war. 
 We read about the food shortage, but our tables are 
 still abundantly supplied. We read about war taxes, 
 but we have not yet paid any of them. We cheer our 
 boys as they march forth to the training camps, but 
 the casualty lists have not come in yet. 
 
 The day will come when these things which are 
 now heard with our ears will be actual, bitter realities ; 
 when the burden of this war will weigh down upon 
 us, when our hearts will be saddened with the loss of 
 our young men, when our backs will be weary with the 
 load, when we will feel the misery and the weight of it 
 all. 
 
 When that times comes, then will come the ripe 
 harvest-time for the insidious and widespread German 
 propaganda which is planted throughout this land, and 
 it will have its appeal to the foolishly sentimental, to 
 the ignorant, to the weak and cowardly; and then is 
 the day when the real test of the United States of 
 America shall arrive. I think, therefore, it is in the 
 highest degree desirable that we should each one of us 
 really know what lies back of this struggle; that we 
 should realize what the thing is that we are fighting, 
 so that when that day of test comes, we may steel our 
 hearts to the severity of the struggle and press on to 
 the stern conclusion which must bring us victory. 
 Now what is it that we are fighting? 
 
 We are told that we are fighting the German 
 Kaiser: that is true. We are told that we are fighting 
 the Prussian military caste : that is true. We are told 
 that we are fighting the organized greed of the indus- 
 trial and financial leaders of Germany, who wish to ex- 
 ploit the world under the protection of the German 
 Army; that is true. But more than that is true. It 
 is true, and we must not deceive ourselves here, that 
 we are fighting seventy millions of German people, who 
 entered this war with their hearts in it, who entered 
 this war knowing that it was a war of conquest, who 
 entered this war with the very intoxication of fervor 
 for the spreading of German power by German arms 
 throughout the world, who entered it feeling that 
 they were called of God to that mission, and that, in 
 the performance of that mission, they were justified 
 in using every instrument of cunning and treacheiy 
 and frightfulness which their brains could devise. 
 
Now I am making no attack upon the Teutonic 
 race, or the German people. I suppose there are not 
 many persons here in this room who do not have some 
 German blood in their veins. One of the tragedies 
 developed and exposed in this war is the tragedy that 
 has befallen the German people, a noble and a gener- 
 ous and a forceful race, seized upon and debased, 
 degraded and misinfonned and trained and developed 
 through two generations of living men until it should 
 become a fit tool in the hands of the Hohenzollerns for 
 the conquest of the world. That thing has happened 
 to Germany. I have the profoundest sympathy for 
 the German man living in the United States and the 
 man of German descent ; he is in the same position that 
 
 our forefathers were in in the days of the Revolution 
 
 forced to fight his own kin, and why? For substan- 
 tially the same reason. Our Revolutionary war came 
 because an alien King of England, united with cer- 
 tain great commercial interests to exploit and oppress 
 the American Colonies. 
 
 How has this thing happened in Germany? 
 
 I ask you to go back about two hundred years to 
 the year 1712, to go with me to a little shabby palace 
 m Berlin, at that time only a provincial town, and to 
 meet there a little king, dressed in a shabby military 
 uniform, which was all he ever wore. He had just one 
 idea in the world— his army. He was the second 
 Prussian King. His father had purchased the title 
 of King from the Emperor with a large sum of money, 
 at a time when the Emperor needed it very badly. 
 This second Prussian King was the ruler of a barren* 
 flat, sandy land along the shores of the Baltic, inter- 
 spersed with morasses and swamps, occupied by about 
 a million people. 
 
 In the year 1712, there was bom to this king 
 a son, a little boy who afterwards became Frederick, 
 the Great. To his father this son meant just one 
 thing, the opportunity to train a soldier who would ex- 
 tend the power of the Hohenzollem family, and the 
 boundaries of Prussia by the use of the Prussian Army. 
 When he was a mere infant his father expressed dis- 
 satisfaction because the son did not display any inter- 
 est in military affairs. But one day when the Prince 
 was four years old, his father came upon him beating 
 a little drum. He was delighted. Here was a mark 
 of military interest. He gave a dinner to his friends 
 to celebrate the event and he had a great artist paint 
 a picture of the little Prince beating the drum. That 
 picture is hanging on the walls of the Hohenzollem 
 Palace today. A year or so later he organized a com- 
 
pany of soldier boys about the age of the Prince and 
 put him to drilling- them with true Prussian drill-ser- 
 geant tyranny. When the Prince was six or seven 
 years old, his father undertook seriously his education ; 
 he got a few tutors together; he organized a private 
 school for the Prince, and he wrote out in his own hand 
 the instructions that should guide the tutors in train- 
 ing that Prince to be a fit Hohenzollern. They were 
 not to teach him any literature, art or music, or any 
 of the humanities. They were to teach him history, 
 but most of all militaiy history and military science. 
 I will quote you just a sentence or two from that book 
 of instruction. He said: 
 
 "You shall in the highest measure make 
 it your care to infuse into my son a true love 
 for the soldier business and to impress upon 
 him that, as there is nothing in the world 
 which can bring to a Prince renown and honor 
 like the sword, so he would be a despised 
 creature before all men if he did not love it 
 and seek glory thereby." 
 
 And then there began a course of training and 
 discipline for the little Prince such as, I suppose, no 
 Prince in the world ever received before. He was put 
 through the bitterest, most rigorous military disci- 
 pline. His father endeavored to torture out of him 
 his love for literature and art and music. He im- 
 prisoned him for breaches of military discipline. Yes ; 
 he made him stand by and see his own best chum, a 
 young lieutenant of the army, shot to death before his 
 eyes for a breach of military discipline into which the 
 Prince himself had led him, a mere trip across the bor- 
 der to a neighboring city without permission. He 
 threatened the Prince with death. He so humiliated, 
 harried and embittered him that finally when the old 
 King died in 1740, and Frederick now a mature man 
 succeeded to the throne, he was a mere shell of a man. 
 He trusted nobody; he believed in nothing; he 
 was disillusioned, cynical, skeptical. He had just one 
 idea, — war, conquest, power. There was no appeal to 
 be made to him except as he was inflamed with the 
 desire of conquest and military glory. He, himself, 
 tells us that he looked about to see what he could do. 
 He had inherited the best drilled army in Europe. He 
 found a considerable amount of money in his father's 
 treasure house; with that he doubled his army, and 
 then he decided that the thing that he would take was 
 Silesia. Right across the southern border lay the fat 
 German province of Silesia, then under the Austrian 
 throne. So, one summer, he called out his army for 
 
maneuvers, the annual training, in three camps, and, 
 on a certain day, by secret orders in an hour of pro- 
 found peace, those three columns of men started 
 marching toward Silesia. They were across the bor- 
 der, ravaging and burning, before Maria Theresa, the 
 Queen of Austria, even knew they had started. 
 There you have the prototype of the rape of Belgium. 
 Thus began the wars of Frederick the Great, 
 which, for thirty years embroiled Europe and the 
 world, which caused the death of hundreds of thous- 
 ands of men and women; which caused men to fight 
 right here at Fort Pitt; yes, which caused hundreds 
 of defenseless women and children to be murdered and 
 scalped by the Indians through these woods of West- 
 em Pennsylvania, — ^because our French and Indian 
 War was a Frederick the Great War. 
 
 But Frederick succeeded ; he won for himself the 
 title of "the Great". He increased the Prussian do- 
 main until he ruled over five millions of people. 
 
 But the day came when he was an old man; his 
 death was near ; he had no sons, but he had a nephew 
 who succeeded him as Frederick William II, about the 
 close of our Revolutionary War. 
 
 In those days Frederick the Great wrote a note 
 book for his nephew, a little book on the art of being 
 a Prussian King; a hand-book to teach him the fine 
 science of kingscraft, the policy of the Hohenzollem 
 family. We have that book ; it is published today, un- 
 der the title of "The Confessions of Frederick the 
 Great." I am going to give you just a few quotations 
 from it. 
 
 Frederick says to his nephew: 
 
 "Have you in mind to pass as a hero: 
 make boldly your approaches to crimes." 
 
 "I will not here enter on a demonstration 
 to you of the validity of my pretensions on 
 Silesia. I took care to have it established by 
 my orators." 
 
 "You must take care to maintain at your 
 court two or three persons of eloquence, and 
 leave it in charge with them to justify you." 
 "Never be ashamed of making alliances 
 and of being yourself the only party that 
 draws advantage from them ; Do not commit 
 the stupid fault of not abandoning them 
 whenever it is to your interest to do so." 
 There you have the original doctrine of the "scrap, 
 of paper." 
 
 "Should it be necessary to make a treaty 
 with other powers, if we remember we are 
 
Christians we are done. As to war, it is a 
 trade in which any the least scruple spoils 
 everything." 
 
 "Although my generals play the chief role 
 in my dominions, they are no more than the 
 head slaves. The most fortunate officers have 
 three years of misery and humiliation to go 
 through at the beginning of their careers. To 
 recompense them, I make their lot very honor- 
 able when they come to higher rank ; I closed 
 my eyes to all the oppressions they commit- 
 ted. They worked for me in working for 
 themselves." 
 
 "Religion is absolutely necessary to a 
 state; but then, it would not be very wise in 
 a king to have any religion himself." 
 Then Frederick goes on to point out that, by 
 means of religion, you can keep a people mentally en- 
 slaved, while a king must be free to act without any 
 restrictions whatever. 
 
 There, in a few sentences, — and you can find many 
 more like them in that manual of kingscraft, — is ex- 
 pressed the soul of the Hohenzollern family. From 
 that day to this that family has followed in practice 
 the precepts of Frederick the Great. 
 
 There stands in front of the Treasury Building at 
 Washington today a statue of Frederick the Great, 
 presented to the United States by the present Kaiser 
 in 1905, a tribute to his admiration of the man, and 
 a gift which was inspired by his policy at that time 
 when he was spreading his fine web of plausible friend- 
 ship over this country as a preparation for his propa- 
 ganda and the day when he should strike us. 
 
 Prussia has run true to form. Her progress 
 was stayed during the period of the Napoleon- 
 ic Wars. Napoleon overran Prussia; but after the 
 storms of that time had gone by, Prussia emerged, run- 
 ning true to forai, and she found a leader worthy of 
 her policy, the man of "blood and iron", Bismarck. 
 
 We are not left in any doubt as to Bismarck's poli- 
 cies, because, with a very considerable degree of pride, 
 he has written them all out in a book for us to read. 
 And he tells us that he had three great objects. He 
 desired, first to increase the territories of the Hohen- 
 zollerns, his masters; he desired to humiliate Austria, 
 then the leading German state and to put Prussia 
 ahead of Austria; and he desired to unite all of the 
 German states under the Hohenzollern family. 
 
 He tells us how he accomplished these purposes. 
 He brought on three wars to do it. He says that in 
 
 8 
 
his judgment a good diplomat is a man who can bring 
 on a war, or delay a war, or prevent a war at will. 
 
 The first war he brought on was in 1864. He got 
 Austria to unite with him in an attack on Denmark to 
 take the province of Schleswig-Holstein. Of course 
 they succeeded. Austria naturally expected part of the 
 spoils, but Bismarck not only refused her any, but did 
 it so violently and insultingly that Austria immediately 
 declared war, which was exactly what Bismarck wan- 
 ted, and in 1866 he marched those matchless Prussian 
 battalions against the Austrian armies and crushed 
 them in a day at Konigsgraetz. Bismarck tells us he 
 could easily have gone on to Vienna, and the King and 
 the generals insisted on doing so; but Bismarck said: 
 No; no; Gentlemen, you must not do that. In a few 
 years we are going to have a war with France ; and we 
 want Austria to be friendly and quiet at that time. 
 With much difficulty he persuaded the Generals 
 and the King to make a favorable treaty with Austria, 
 and then spent the next four years in developing Prus- 
 sia, and Germany for the war with France. 
 
 Finally in 1870 the day had come to spring the 
 trap. There was a meeting of Louis Napoleon, Em- 
 peror of the French, and the Prussian King at Ems, 
 to discuss the matters in dispute which had been 
 stirred up for the purpose; unexpectedly the negotia- 
 tions took a peaceful form. Bismarck tells us how he 
 was sitting in a room with General Von Moltke and 
 one other officer when a telegram came from his King 
 stating the nature of the royal conference. He read 
 it and handed it to Von Moltke who said: 
 
 "That looks like peace." 
 Bismarck said: 
 
 "Oh, well, that depends entirely on how this tele- 
 gram is reported." 
 He turned to Von Moltke and said: 
 
 "Is the army ready?" 
 Von Moltke replied: 
 
 "Absolutely ready." 
 Then Bismarck sat down and forged that telegram. 
 He so altered it as to make of it an insulting challenge 
 to France; he brought on the war and marched his 
 battalions against unprepared France and crushed her 
 in a few months, levying a tribute of a billion dollars. 
 He thought he had broken her for a generation, andi 
 when France rallied rapidly and paid off the debt he 
 was deeply mortified. He said: 
 
 "The next time we will bleed France white." 
 He had taken from her the rich mineral provinces of 
 Alsace and Lorraine, but he accomplished in that war 
 
his much greater object. In the enthusiasm aroused 
 by it, he united all the states of Northern Germany 
 under the Hohenzollerns, and the Hohenzollems be- 
 came the rulers of fifty millions of people. 
 
 Then began, in 1871, a course of education and 
 training and discipline for the German people, such 
 as, I suppose, has never been seen upon the world be- 
 fore, — a training designed to prepare those Germans, 
 not merely militarily, financially and industrially, but 
 to prepare them in heart and soul and spirit to be fit 
 tools in the hands of the Hohenzollerns for the con- 
 quest of the world. 
 
 They took the children as they clambered down 
 from their mothers' knees and entered the primary 
 schools, and preached to them the doctrine of the Hoh- 
 enzoUem supremacy, the German superiority and its 
 mission from God. They took the boys in the inter- 
 mediate schools, the young men in the universities; 
 they preached this doctrine to Germany through the 
 newspapers, and in the publications of the nation. Yes, 
 they even entered the temples of the Christ, and men 
 wearing the garb of Jesus climbed into the pulpit, in 
 the very church of Him who came to preach love and 
 brotherhood and service, and proclaimed to the German 
 people this hellish doctrine of conquest and slaughter 
 and world dominion. 
 
 I shall give you just a few out of the many thous- 
 ands of quotations which I might give you from prom- 
 inent German writers to support what I have said. 
 
 There was published in Germany, and perhaps 
 still is, a magazine meant for the young men and grow- 
 ing boys, very much like the Youths Companion of this 
 country. In the year 1913 there was published in it 
 an editorial written by its editor. Otto Von Gottburg, 
 in which he used this language : 
 
 "War is the most august and sacred of 
 human activities. For us, too, the great joy- 
 ful hour of battle will one day strike. The 
 openly expressed longing for war often degen- 
 erates into vain boasting and ludicrous sabre- 
 rattling; but still and deep in the German 
 heart must the joy in war and the longing for 
 war endure." 
 
 That was the kind of stuff they were feeding their 
 impressionable youths upon ; and while we in this coun- 
 try through our Boy Scouts and other agencies were 
 endeavoring to teach our young men that the highest 
 measure of manhood is achieved in service and 
 brotherhood and kindness, the German boy was being 
 taught that he could only achieve the highest ideal of 
 manhood in slaughter, murder and conquest. 
 
 10 
 
Professor Oncken has recently published a book in 
 which he uses these words : 
 
 "The fate which Belgium has called down 
 upon herself is hard for the individual, but it 
 is not too hard for this political structure, be- 
 cause the destinies of the immortal great na- 
 tions stand so high that they cannot but have 
 the right, in case of need, to stride over ex- 
 istences which cannot defend themselves, but 
 live only as parasites upon the rivalries of the 
 great." 
 
 Professor Sombart has published a book en- 
 titled "Hucksters and Heroes", in which he develops 
 the idea that the Germans are heroes and that the rest 
 of us are miserable, cheap, cowardly hucksters of an 
 inferior civilization, meant in the providence of God 
 to be overrun, conquered and ruled by the German 
 heroes. He says in that book: 
 
 "Now we see why the other nations pur- 
 sue us with their hatred. They do not under- 
 stand us, but they are conscious of our enor- 
 mous spiritual superiority. So the Jews were 
 hated in antiquity because they were God's 
 chosen representatives in the world." 
 Now how about the preachers, this body of civil 
 servants controlled by the Government who now oc- 
 cupy the pulpits of Luther? Shortly after this war 
 broke out, Pastor Rump published a book called "War's 
 Devotions", a book meant to cheer the heart of the 
 pious German as he faced the misery and privation of 
 war. Rump says in that book: 
 
 "Verily, the Bible is our book, given and 
 assigned to us, and we read in it the original 
 text of our destiny, which proclaims to man- 
 kind, salvation or disaster according as we 
 will it." 
 
 They have taken the keys of Heaven and Hell 
 from St. Peter, and today it is the German Nation to 
 whom God has entrusted the high prerogative of de- 
 termining whether you and I or any other people on the 
 face of the earth shall have salvation or disaster. 
 
 Pastor Lehmann has published a book entitled, 
 "On the German God," — they have even taken our God 
 from us, and the infinite Creator of the universe has 
 been dragged down to be the tribal diety of the march- 
 ing German hordes — Lehmann says in that book: 
 "Germany is the center of God's plans for 
 the world." 
 
 And then, dear old Pastor Baumgarten of Berlin, 
 pastor of one of the most prominent churches in the 
 
 11 
 
capital, shortly after the sinking of the Lusitania, pub- 
 lished an address in which he used these words : 
 "Whoever cannot prevail upon himself to 
 approve from the bottom of his heart the 
 sinking- of the Lusitania, whoever cannot con- 
 quer his sense of the gigantic cruelty to un- 
 numbered perfectly innocent victims and give 
 himself up to honest delight at this victorious 
 exploit of German defensive power, him 
 we judge to be no true German." 
 And Pastor Baumgarten was right! He knew his 
 Germany. I have no doubt there are thousands of 
 men and women in Germany whose souls have not 
 been poisoned, and who today share in the moral in- 
 dignation of the world at this deed; but taking the 
 nation as a whole. Pastor Baumgarten was right. Wit- 
 ness the fact that while the rest of the world stood 
 still with horror in the presence of this unprecedented 
 crime, Germany proclaimed a national holiday, and 
 all over Germany the little children from the schools 
 — God pity them — were led out to march, carrying 
 their flags and singing their songs, while they 
 gloated over their little baby brothers and sisters ly- 
 ing dead beneath the black waters of the Atlantic. 
 That is modern Germany. 
 
 Now let us hear from the "All Highest" Kaiser 
 himself. He has made utterances which seem in- 
 credible; utterances which could not have been made 
 to any other people on God's footstool, and yet they 
 have been seriously and favorably received by the 
 German people. He has been popular with them per- 
 sonally, and they have followed him gladly into this 
 war. 
 
 He says: 
 
 "There lives a powerful ally pf mine ; that 
 is the good old God in heaven, who ever since 
 the days of the Great Prince Elector and the 
 Great King has always been on our side." 
 
 "My rock-like conviction is that our great 
 Ally will not fail me. He has taken such an 
 amount of pains with our old Mark of Bran- 
 denburg and with our house of Hohenzollem 
 that it is not to be assumed he will have his 
 pains for nothing ; on the contrary we are des- 
 tined to great things, and I will lead you up- 
 ward to joyous glorious days." 
 Now what are the joyous, glorious days to which 
 the Kaiser promises to lead the German people? He 
 tells us himself: 
 
 "We must pursue a world policy. The sea 
 
 12 
 
and sea power are indispensable for Ger- 
 many's greatness. But it is the sea too which 
 proves that neither upon the water nor upon 
 the land in far-a-way countries decisions must 
 be reached or events happen without the con- 
 sent of Germany and the German Emperor. 
 "I go my way. It is the only right one. 
 Whoever opposes an obstacle to the realiza- 
 tion of my purpose I will shatter." 
 In a proclamation to the army in 1915, the 
 Kaiser said : 
 
 "The triumph of the Greater Germany, 
 which some day must dominate all Europe is 
 the single end for which we are fighting." 
 At the Potsdam conference held in July, 1914, 
 at which the final touches were put upon the plans 
 for the great war, the Kaiser said: 
 
 "From childhood I have been under the 
 influence of five men — Alexander, Julius 
 Caesar, Theodoric II, Frederick the Great, and 
 Napoleon. Each dreamed a dream of world 
 empire ; they failed. I am dreaming a dream 
 of German World Empire and my mailed fist 
 shall succeed." 
 
 Thus speaks the Kaiser. 
 But, you say, "Are not all of these quotations 
 that you have given us from the Hohenzollem or his 
 mouthpieces ? 
 
 I will call a witness of whom that may not be 
 said, — the most brilliant editorial writer in Germany, 
 a man who for years has been preaching democracy; 
 who has been a thorn in the side of the Kaiser ; whose 
 paper was suppressed only a few months ago and he 
 himself thrust into the Government service in order 
 to shut his mouth — Maximilian Harden. Like his fel- 
 low democrats in Germany, he differs from the Kaiser 
 on internal policy but on the question of the war they 
 are all solid with the Junker. Shortly after the be- 
 ginning of the war, Maximilian Harden printed an ed- 
 itorial in which he used these words : 
 
 "Force ! that is everything ! Let us drop our 
 pitiable efforts to excuse Germany's actions. 
 Not against our will were we plunged into this 
 gigantic adventure. We willed it. We were 
 bound to will it. Our force will create a new 
 law in Europe. It is Germany that strikes." 
 And Maximilian Harden knew his Germany: It 
 was Germany that struck. 
 
 Americans who were in Belgium when the red 
 war machine ran over that pitiful country, tell us 
 
 13 
 
that officers and privates alike seemed inspired by a 
 very intoxication of joy as they entered upon their 
 long dreamed of bloody holiday. 
 
 That, my friends, is the Germany we are fighting; 
 a Germany trained as were the Janizaries by the Turks. 
 You remember that the man power of the Turks ran 
 low. They seized the most promising little boys from 
 among the conquered Christian peoples and trained 
 them into those terrible Janizaries who rode through 
 their homeland, cutting down their own fathers and 
 mothers and brothers. These people today are the 
 Janizaries of Europe ; these people whose Kaiser is now 
 lifting a voice for peace; and it is that insidious doc- 
 trine of peace which is the greatest threat to America. 
 Don't forget that at this very moment the German 
 Kaiser is practically the ruler of more than one hun- 
 dred and fifty millions of people. At this time he has 
 practically won what he expected to accomplish in the 
 first great war. For years there has been preached 
 in Germany the doctrine of the "Drang Nach Osten" 
 — the drive to the east, the development of the great 
 Mittel-Europa, a nation which would reach down to 
 the Persian Gulf, cut the trade routes of the world and 
 threaten the back door of India. At this moment the 
 German Emperor is virtually ruler from the North 
 Sea to the Mediterranean, from the waters of the 
 Baltic to the gates of Bagdad. 
 
 Let him have an opportunity for some years to 
 develop that Prussian system through this vast rich 
 domain, and when their next war strikes, you and I, 
 or such of us as may be living here at that time, will 
 not be facing it with the confidence of success with 
 which we are facing this one. Our day will have 
 passed; we will have been unworthy to survive, and, 
 in the mean time you and I will be bearing upon our 
 shoulders the arduous burden of military preparation, 
 and bearing in our hearts that horror which has rested 
 upon the heart of France for fifty years, while she 
 has been waiting for the day when Germany would 
 strike again. 
 
 Not many months ago, a distinguished American 
 writer was in Germany and was with the staff of Von 
 Hindenburg back of the western front. One of Von 
 Hindenburg's staff officers said to him: Where we 
 made our mistake was that we did not count on fight- 
 ing so many nations at once. Considering the fact that 
 we were not prepared for that, we have done very 
 well in this war. Let us have a peace now and give 
 us ten or fifteen years to get ready for the next war 
 and we will show you what we can do. 
 
 14 
 
At the close of the Spanish-American war in 1898, 
 Count Von Goetzen, a personal friend of the Kaiser, 
 and a German military attache in Cuba, was returning 
 to New York from Cuba on an American transport. 
 Major Barber of the American Army, who was on 
 the ship, got into a discussion with Von Goetzen, in 
 which Von Goetzen said : 
 
 "I will tell you something which you had 
 better make note of. I am not afraid to tell 
 you this because if you do speak of it, no one 
 will believe you, and everybody will laugh 
 at you. 
 
 "About fifteen years from now my coun- 
 try will start her great war. She will be in 
 Paris in about two months after the com- 
 mencement of hostilities. Her move on Paris 
 will be but a step to her real objective, the 
 crushing of England. Everything will move 
 like clock-work. We will be prepared and 
 others will not be prepared. I speak of this 
 because of the connection which it will have 
 with your own country. 
 
 "Some months after we finish our work 
 in Europe, we will take New York and prob- 
 ably Washington, and hold them for some- 
 time. We will put your country in its place 
 with reference to Germany. We do not pro- 
 pose to take any of your territory, but we 
 do intend to take a billion or more dollars 
 from New York and other places. The Mon- 
 roe Doctrine will be taken charge of by us, as 
 we will then have put you in your place, and 
 v/e will take charge of South America as far 
 as we wish to. I have no hostility toward 
 your country. I like it, but we have to go our 
 own way. Do not forget this, and about fif- 
 teen years from now remember it, and it will 
 interest you." 
 
 At the Potsdam conference in July, 1914, already 
 referred to, the Kaiser exhibited a map shov/ing the 
 Roman Empire. He also exhibited another map show- 
 ing the world when his dream should come true. Prac- 
 tically all of Europe was shown as "Germany". 
 Across the water was the United States with "Ger- 
 many" as its name. He said to the conference : 
 
 "We will have our heel on the head of 
 every nation on earth, and the United States 
 and Canada in three years." 
 
 This nation which for years has been planning 
 to spring at the throat of the world is now from 
 
 15 
 
time to time spreading forth its hands for a false 
 peace — a peace which would leave her substantially 
 victor, with greatly increased resources, and give her 
 time to prepare for the final stroke. It was Nietzsche, 
 the Mad Prophet of modem Germany, who said: 
 "Ye shall love peace as a means to new 
 
 wars, and the short peace rather than the 
 
 long." 
 
 Peace! You can't make peace with a serpent. 
 A treaty ! You can't make a treaty with a wild beast. 
 So long as this lust of conquest, so long as this determi- 
 nation to slaughter and rule persists in the hearts of 
 the German people and the men who lead them, there 
 is but one thing to do; we must face it. The stem 
 necessity rests upon us to press on in this struggle 
 until we have crushed the thing, until we have stamped 
 it out, until there shall no more be a man who shall 
 madly dream of world conquests, of world domination. 
 
 Why, what does this house of Hohenzollern call 
 its chief? The Kaiser. What is that? A Roman 
 word. Why did a German man crown himself with a 
 Roman name? Because Kaiser means Caesar. It is 
 the one word in the world which stands for world dom- 
 ination. 
 
 Now that, my friends, is the struggle upon which 
 we have entered. It is going to require all of our 
 strength of heart, our efforts, our courage. I don't 
 suppose you or any other Americans doubt our final 
 success. We have shown the spirit which is able to 
 avail itself of our matchless resources ; it is the spirit 
 that quickeneth, and the spirit of America has risen 
 to heights in this land which cheer the heart of every 
 true American man and woman. You and I know that 
 when the day comes, as come it will, that the free peo- 
 ples of the world gather in sober triumph to celebrate 
 their victory over this hideous thing ; in that day when 
 the battle flags of democracy shall be gathered under 
 God's sun of peace, the old Stars and Stripes, that 
 flag which first preached Freedom and Democracy to 
 the Western World, will not be lagging behind in 
 shame, but, sanctified anew by the blood of our young 
 men, will be carried to the fore front where it ought 
 to be, the symbol of that nation which was true to its 
 history, and which, in the great hour of the world's 
 need, rallied to perform its stem and glorious service 
 to itself, to democracy and to mankind. 
 
 Single copies of this address may be obtained from J. R. Wcldin Co., 413 
 Wood St., Pittsburgh, Pa., for 10 cents each and 2 cents for postage. 
 Copies in lots of 50 or more may be obtained from Nicholson Printing Co., 
 322 Third Avenue, Pittsburgh, at rate of 6 cents each and carrying charges. 
 
 16 
 
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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
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