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 AN 
 
 & IE) W 2E H S S 
 
 TO THE 
 
 ABOLITIONISTS of MASSACHUSETTS, 
 
 OK THE SUBJECT OF 
 
 POLITICAL ACTION. 
 
 By the Board of Managers of the Mass- A. S. .Society. 
 
 To the Abolitionists cf Massachusetts — 
 
 The Board of Managers of the Massachusetts 
 Anti-Slavery Society, desire to offer you a few 
 suggestions, on the course recommended to you 
 by duty and a wise policy, in relation to the ex- 
 ercise of your political privileges. 
 
 The uncompromising character of the early 
 adherents to our cause, compelled the respect of 
 the conscientious and reflecting part of the com- 
 munity. They stood firm, announcing the most 
 thorough principles, not yielding one jot to the 
 •most plausible or popular prejudices. Men at 
 first were startled by the boldness of their posi- 
 tion, but they had at length the satisfaction of 
 seeing public sentiment slowly turn in their fa- 
 vor. The mighty re-action is felt, and we are 
 now going forward with wind and tide. The 
 grandeur of the principles developed, — the con- 
 stancy with which they were maintained, 
 through odium and danger, — the magnitude of 
 the interests -contended for, — these things ap- 
 
2 
 
 8 
 
 pealed to every man in the land, who had a 
 spark of heroism or heavenly enthusiasm in his 
 nature. Our cause has gathered into its ranks 
 in the short space of seven years, its hundreds 
 of thousands; and numbers, among its friends, 
 the most fearless, and God-devoted spirits in the 
 land. 
 
 We mention these things, not as an idle boast, 
 but that you may lay to heart the responsibili- 
 ties, that grow out of your present position. 
 Your duty, as citizens of the State, more than 
 ever demands your serious attention and thought. 
 We pray you to consider what we shall say to 
 you on this subject. 
 
 There are those who disapprove of every form 
 of political action, on the part of abolitionists. 
 They contend that our cause should be present- 
 ed exclusively under its religious and philan- 
 thropic aspect; that it will be degraded and en- 
 feebled at the North, by connecting it with po- 
 litics, — while, at the South, our political efforts 
 will rouse a more united and determined resist- 
 ance to our objects. 
 
 We cannot yield to this reasoning. It pro- 
 ceeds, we think, upon a narrow view of the sub- 
 ject. Politics, rightly considered, is a branch of 
 morals, and cannot be deserted innocently. Our 
 moial convictions must follow us to the ballot- 
 box. . They are not less imperative on us as cit- 
 izens, than as members of the church, or fathers 
 of families. In each, we have nothing to do, 
 but to carry out our highest idea, simply and 
 fearlessly. If the public mind is misled or vi- 
 tiated on the subject of politics, — if politics has 
 come to be considered as a game played by the 
 desperate and unprincipled for power or emolu- 
 ment, it must not therefore be abandoned to 
 them. The worldly and corrupt would like no- 
 thing better, than that the good should retire, in 
 
fear or disgust, from this wide sphere of action. 
 It seems to be our mission to substitute, in the 
 minds of men, a new set of associations with the 
 subject of politics. We believe that the tenden- 
 cy of the abolition efforts has. visibly, been to 
 infuse more comprehensive principles into polit- 
 ical bodies, and suggest to them purer motives 
 of action, than have prevailed heretofore. Look 
 at the dignified tone oi the Reports and Resolves 
 on Slavery and the Right of Petition, in several 
 of the State Legislatures. Mark the high reli- 
 gious and moratstand assumed by Adams, Slade, 
 Morris and others, in Congress. It is worth 
 noting that the abolitionists form the only great 
 party, in our age, who, aiming at a wide so- 
 cial reform, and operating on and through social 
 institutions, yet rest their efforts and their hopes 
 professedly on religious ground ; — on faith in 
 God, and faith in the God-like in man. That 
 slavery is a sin against God, has been our ral- 
 lying-cry from the beginning; heard not merely 
 from the pulpit, but in the courts of justice, the 
 popular assembly, and the halls of government. 
 Our strength lies, and we well know it, in the 
 religious sentiment of men, recognizing a Chris- 
 tian" brother in the crushed slave, and at once 
 stimulating, emboldening and sanctifying the ef- 
 forts for his deliverance. 
 
 To think of purposely keeping such a ques- 
 tion — a question of essentially moral and reli- 
 gious character, but having important public 
 bearings, — out of politics, is like the view some 
 persons have, that religion belongs to the tem- 
 ple and the Sabbath, but is out of place in week- 
 day life. Religion runs the risk of being sadly 
 profaned, adulterated, caricatured, counterfeited, 
 in encountering or mixing with the common bu- 
 siness or amusements of men ; but we never- 
 theless press it in among them. This is, after 
 
all, but a question of time. The subject of sla- 
 very must, obviously, sooner or later, enter deep- 
 ly, into general politics. Slavery is itself the 
 creature of law, that is of political action. It can 
 only be finally destroyed, by the same power 
 that gave it being. 
 
 We, however, value political action, chiefly as 
 a means of agitating the subject. The great 
 support of slavery, — without which it could not 
 stand in the United States, two years, — is a cor- 
 rupt public sentiment, among those wiio are not 
 slaveholders. The current doctrine of the North 
 is, that slavery is, indeed, an evil, and if south- 
 ern society were to be reconstructed, slavery 
 should, by no means, be introduced as an ele- 
 ment ; but that in present circumstances, and 
 with a view to -probable consequences, it cannot 
 reasonably be expected of slaveholders to give 
 up their slaves. This is what we suppose to be 
 meant, by people's being opposed to slavery ''in 
 the abstract.' 
 
 Now, our first object is to replace these views, 
 by an earnest conviction, embracing the heart 
 and understanding of every man, woman and 
 child we can reach, that duty and interest do 
 now require of every slaveholder, the immedi- 
 ate emancipation of his slaves. We would 
 make the public sentiment of the North a tonic, 
 instead of an opiate to southern conscience ; we 
 would unite and concentrate it, until it shall tell, 
 in a manner perfectly irresistible.upon the sense 
 of right, the pride of social standing and char- 
 acter, even upon the interest of the slaveholder; 
 until it shall help to make real to his mind, and 
 he shall feel, in the air around him, the guilt, 
 the danger, the deep disgrace, the ruinous im- 
 policy of the relation he sustains. We believe 
 this course to be enjoined by Christianity, free 
 from all constitutional objections, and consecra- 
 
ted by the example of our elder abolitionists, 
 Franklin, Jay, Rush, and other revered foun- 
 ders of the Republic. Such have, indeed, ever 
 been the appointed means for the removal of 
 great social abuses. These means will not lack 
 their accustomed power, in a country whose in- 
 stitutions are so emphatically the exponents of 
 the popular will. 
 
 Another objection originating- in a less friend- 
 ly spirit, but resting on political grounds, is 
 gravely put forth. We are told that our feeling 
 for our fellow man, (at least if he be colored,) 
 must be defined by geographical lines ; that we 
 have no rijrht to plead for an oppressed brother 
 if he stands outside of our own political enclo- 
 sure. To this is added the certainly novel the- 
 ory, that it is the nature of sin to reform itself, 
 and that the oppression of the slaveholder would 
 soon cease, if we would only withdraw all open 
 sympathy from the injured, to bestow it on the 
 oppressor. However absurd and revolting these 
 sophisms may appear to you, they are reiterat- 
 ed with great confidence and frequency. To 
 state them distinctly seems all that is necessa- 
 ry to expose them to the contempt they merit. 
 
 All. we need for the overthrow of slavery is to 
 gain the ear of the people. This is done by agi- 
 tation ; and never is agitation so thorough and 
 effectual, as when it begins in the halls of leg- 
 islation. We laugh to scorn the pomp and cir- 
 cumstance with which Mr. Calhoun, or Mr. 
 Clay, or some other great slaveholding states- 
 man, annually proclaims a final victory over 
 fanaticism. Do they not see that our very de- 
 feats are triumphs to us? Have they yet to 
 learn that revolutions never roll backwards? 
 That our opposers are but erecting paper-ram- 
 parts, against the surges of an inswelling Atlan- 
 tic ? That their resolutions are but words 1 
 
6 
 
 That a breath unmakes them, as a breath has 
 made ? They are only doing our work. The 
 country has learned more of "the dangerous ten- 
 dencies of slavery, and of the desperate charac- 
 ter and designs of its supporters, by the discus- 
 sions in Congress, than we could have instilled 
 directly for years. Again, in the mere process 
 of signing a petition,— the simplest form of po- 
 litical action, — strength and clearness are added 
 to the convictions of "thousands. So much force 
 and definiteness do our principles and feelings 
 acquire, by expression ; so much moral vigor 
 does a man gain, by openly taking his side. ° 
 
 We cannot be justified in abandoning any 
 wide field of action, be it moral, social, religious 
 or political. There can be no vantage ground 
 for the wrong side. The slavery question can- 
 not, and ought not, we think, to be kept wholly 
 disjoined from politics. It should not be made 
 a mere political question, but the religious and 
 moral sense of the people must speak out, on 
 the subject, with precision and authority, to their 
 political representatives. 
 
 Unquestionably that voice is to go forth, com- 
 manding the use of all moral, lawful and con- 
 stitutional means to overthrow slavery. We 
 believe the question of abolition is one, perhaps 
 the only one, on which the North can be brought 
 to unite. Our cause is, we think, destined^to 
 increase so rapidly, as to threaten political ex- 
 tinction to every public man here, who arrays 
 himself against it. Instructions will j7 forth 
 from the constituent bodies, that will command 
 the obedience of northern representatives in Con- 
 gress. When this is done, slavery must cease 
 in the metropolis of the nation, and slavery in 
 the States cannot long survive. We doubt not, 
 before five years are gone, it will be the South' 
 instead of the North, that will be disunited and 
 
vacillating. It does not belong to the character 
 of their cause, or of the age and country we 
 live in, that the South can long keep their ranks 
 unbroken. Even now, there is no real unity ot 
 interest or opinion, between the fanning and 
 planting slave States. 
 
 Political action doubtless brings temptations 
 and hazards; but so does any successful action. 
 Success is itself dangerous. What then 1 shall 
 we not aim at success ? Shall a man seclude 
 himself from the world, lest the world prove too 
 strong for his virtue? As practical men we 
 cannot proceed on these scruples. We cannot 
 consent to forego the power to do good, from the 
 apprehension that its possession may tempt us 
 to use it for evil. 
 
 Is it then our purpose to recommend to abo- 
 litionists the formation of a distinct political par- 
 ty? So far from this, we think such a policy- 
 would be in the highest degree dangerous, if 
 not fatal to the efficiency of our organization. — 
 Our most intelligent friends, throughout the 
 country, deprecate our assuming the character 
 of a third political party. Such a course would 
 be opposed to the well" settled policy and wise 
 example of the English abolitionists, who have 
 always kept the political aspect of their cause 
 subordinate to the religious. Remember that 
 abolition was carried in England, mainly as a 
 religious question. 
 
 If we were a political party, the struggle for 
 places of power and emolument would render 
 our motives suspected, even if it did not prove 
 too strong a temptation to our integrity. 
 
 Make our cause mainly political, and it would 
 be at once excluded from nearly every pulpit in 
 the land. 
 
 If we were a distinct party, every mem- 
 ber of it must vote for its candidates, however 
 
8 
 
 he might! disagree with them on other important 
 points of public policy. This would involve two 
 great evils. The sacrifice thus demanded, be- 
 ing greater than we can reasonably expect most 
 men to make, accessions to our party would be 
 greatly retarded ;— and, what is a more serious 
 difficulty, divisions would inevitably arise a- 
 mong ourselves, growing out of the struggles of 
 different sections of our own party, to secure the 
 nomination of candidates of their peculiar senti- 
 ments. Whig abolitionists would ask for a; 
 whig candidate: the democrats of our party 
 would insist on our nominating a democrat. 
 
 Experience seems to show, that under a free 
 government, there cannot be at one time, more 
 than two powerful political parties. The parties 
 that now divide the country are active, zealous 
 and strong. Years must elapse, if we should 
 organize politically, before we could be any 
 thing but an uninfluential minority. 
 _ Our position, as a small minority party in pol- 
 itics would be hazardous and perplexing-. 
 There is danger that low considerations of 
 expediency would intrude upon our sense of 
 eternal right. 
 
 > Political adventurers, loud in their profes- 
 sions, unscrupulous in their means, would at- 
 tach themselves to us. Disappointed men, who 
 have been disowned by other parties, would 
 come among us to use us as tools for their per- 
 sonal advancement, to disgrace us by their in- 
 consistency, to lower our hitherto high stand- 
 ard of principle, and perhaps sacrifice us in the 
 day of trial. 
 
 Belonging, as we now do, to the various po- 
 litical parties, we can readily work our principles 
 m, among them. Our present political ties and 
 sympathies give us a strong hold over our po- 
 litical associates. We should lose all this mode 
 
9 
 
 of influence, by withdrawing from them. Our 
 withdrawal would be held equivalent to a dec- 
 laration of war. 
 
 A new political organization would have, of 
 course, the combined hostility of the old parties. 
 It is now the interest of each to conciliate us, 
 for the sake of our votes. Were those votes 
 pledged 10 our own candidates, the other parties 
 would have a common interest in crushing us. 
 
 To form a political party, on anti-slavery 
 grounds, would involve a needless abandon- 
 ment of our other political preferences, and 
 therefore would imply, not merely that abo- 
 lition is the first, but that it is the only public 
 object, in which abolitionists feel interested. 
 This is not true, and to produce such a state of 
 feeling is as undesirable, as it would be imprac- 
 ticable 
 
 To conclude this part of the subject, our true 
 policy is not to turn party politicians, but in 
 politics as elsewhere to stand firm by our prin- 
 ciples, and let the politicians come to us. 
 
 Of each of the three forms of political action, 
 petitioning, the interrogating of candidates for 
 office, and suffrage, we have a few words to ad- 
 dress to you. 
 
 We pray you not to weary in the work of pe- 
 titioning the national and state legislatures. It 
 is the anti-slavery petitions, mainly, that have 
 unlocked the lips of our legislatures, on the sub- 
 ject of abolition, and slowly compelled the news- 
 paper-press to recognize, and unwillingly to aid, 
 our movements. The agitation, caused by the 
 rejection of our petitions, has spread into every 
 village. This simple mode of action marks our 
 growing strength ; indicates, definitely the peo- 
 ple's will ; enlightens our adversaries with the 
 knowledge of our numbers ; and is felt, by our 
 
10 
 
 representatives, as a great support in the dis- 
 charge of their duty. Depend upon it, the 
 time has come when the members of Congress, 
 from this State, feel relieved, under their great 
 responsibility, by their constituents holding a 
 decided — aye, even a peremptory tone, on the 
 subject of slavery. 
 
 We hope women will pour in their petitions 
 to Congress, at its next session, in redoubled 
 numbers. Let them thank God, and take new 
 courage, for they have done great good. We 
 feel deeply the value of the earnest labours of 
 women, in our cause. All admit slavery is to 
 be overthrown by a reformed public opinion; 
 but public opinion is not composed of the opinion 
 of either sex exclusively. In every christian 
 and civilized community, self-devoted, intel- 
 ligent women are among the most important 
 sources of moral and religious influence. Grie- 
 vously do they err, who deem lightly of the 
 fact, that in the moral strife between "freedom 
 and slavery, the women of the North are with 
 the abolitionists. 
 
 Your representatives in the next State Leg- 
 islature, and for the Congress of 1839, are to be 
 chosen the coming autumn. They should be sea- 
 sonably interrogated, as to their opinions on the 
 the most important matters connected with our 
 cause, on which they may probably be called to 
 act. After some consideration, the Board have 
 concluded to recommend, that the interrogatories 
 to candidates be limited, for the present year, 
 to the two following subjects : — The immediate 
 abolition of Slaverym the District of Columbia ; 
 and the admission of new States into the union, 
 whose Constitutions tolerate slavery. 
 
 Our Legislature, at its last session, resolved 
 1 that Congress ought to take measures for the 
 abolition of slavery, in the District.' This 
 
11 
 
 vague language can satisfy no one. When 
 ought Congress to take these ' measures ' 1 — 
 what are the ' measures ' that Congress ought to 
 take ? and how long a time are these ' mea- 
 sures ' to occupy, before the slave is to be free 1 
 Remember, that the Senate and the House 
 both refused to assert that Congress ought to 
 immediately abolish slavery in the District, 
 though this proposition was moved as an amend- 
 ment. The resolution of the Legislature, as 
 passed, would be accorded to, even by some 
 slaveholders. It may mean apprenticeship, — 
 it may import colonization. This State owes 
 it to herself to speak out distinctly, that none 
 may misunderstand or gainsay. She will be 
 shorn of a portion of her moral power, till this 
 is done. 
 
 The application of Florida, to be admitted 
 as a slaveholding member of the Union is to be 
 acted on, at no distant day — probably at the next 
 session of Congress. You ought, therefore, to 
 see to it that remonstrances against its admis- 
 sion as a slaveholding State, are presented early 
 in the session. Our northern statesmen should 
 be seasonably taught, that they must not in fu- 
 ture misrepresent and betray the rights and 
 principles of New England, as was done in the 
 recent admission of Arkansas. 
 
 We request the officers of County Societies, 
 within their respective limits, to see that the 
 candidates for Congress and for the State Sen- 
 ate and House of Representatives are duly in- 
 terrogated and their answers published in the 
 local newspapers. 
 
 The questions should, of course, be in writing; 
 and it seems belter that they should be written 
 and signed, not by the officers of societies 
 as such, but, as far as practicable, by individual 
 electors, political friends of the candidate inter- 
 
12 
 
 rotated. It is not advisable to ask any pledge 
 from the candidate, but simply to inquire his 
 present opinions. The questions to the State 
 candidate may be, substantially, thus : 
 
 'Are you in favor of the passage of a resolution, 
 by the State Legislature, declaring that Con- 
 gress ought immediately to abolish" slavery, in 
 the District of Columbia? 
 < ' Are you in favor of the passage of a resolu- 
 tion, declaring that no new State ought to be 
 admitted into the Union, whose Constitution 
 tolerates slavery ? ' 
 
 The questions to candidates for Congress 
 should run thus: 
 
 ' Are you in favor of the passage of an act of 
 Congress for the immediate abolition of slavery, 
 in the District of Columbia ? 
 
 1 Are you opposed to the admission of any- 
 new State into the Union, whose Constitution 
 tolerates slavery? ' 
 
 A large school in politics, both in Great 
 Britain and America, deny the right of instruc- 
 tion ; principally on the ground, 'that if carried 
 out, it would destroy the deliberative charac- 
 ter of the representative body, and convert it 
 into a mere instrument to register the edicts of 
 the people. The practice, of exacting pledges 
 from candidates, may be considered liable to 
 similar objections. It is, however, sufficient to 
 advert to the fact, that the presidential electors 
 of all parties are uniformly chosen under an ex- 
 press pledge to vote for particular condidates,in 
 order to shew, that no party has, in practice, 
 scrupled to pledge its candidates. But in order 
 to avoid any doubt or cavil on this point, we 
 think it best to confine your inquiries, as we 
 have already intimated, to the mere opinion for 
 the time being, of the candidate. This you 
 
13 
 
 have a right to know ; as without such know- 
 ledge it may often happen, that you crnnot ex- 
 ercise intelligently your right of suffrage. It 
 may be said, that a simple expression of opinion 
 would, under the circumstances, be equivalent to 
 a pledge. We deny that such is the fact, or that 
 the thing is so understood. A pledge binds in all 
 events. A previous expression of present opin- 
 ion is not incompatible with keeping the mind 
 still open to conviction, on listening to the op- 
 posing arguments. It is true, that a represent- 
 ative who should vote contrary to his previous 
 professions, would find it necessary, before the 
 next election, to satisfy his constituents that he 
 came honestly by his new opinions; but this is 
 certainly a very wholesome obligation, and one 
 from which no honest man would desire ex- 
 emption. 
 
 If it be objected, that these interrogatories 
 may tempt candidates to belie their consciences 
 for the sake of gaining votes, we reply, that to 
 men of this easy virtue the whole action of so- 
 ciety is full of temptation, but it cannot be sus- 
 pended for their sakes. If the further objection 
 be urged, that there is an indecorum in submit- 
 ting to be thus questioned on the eve of an elec- 
 tion, it is enough to reply, first, that as candi- 
 dates are not usually nominated until the eve of 
 an election, inquiries can be made at no other 
 time; and, secondly, that inquiries of this na- 
 ture, as they clearly imply confidence and not 
 distrust, must be regarded rather as complimen- 
 tary, than as derogatory to the candidate. "VVe 
 address him as an honest, straight-forward citi- 
 zen, and no man of genuine dignity of charac- 
 ter will feel himself degraded, either in public 
 or private life, by giving a plain answer to a 
 plain question, where the inquirer has a right 
 to the information asked. As to the fear of in- 
 
14 
 
 decorum, like most overstrained modesty, it will 
 be usually found symptomatic of conscious cor- 
 ruption within. Suppose you were about to en- 
 gage a commander for your ship, a superintend- 
 ent of your farm, an agent for your factory, and 
 were to inquire his views as to the principles or 
 details of the employment he was to undertake. 
 Would you endure his insolence if he were to 
 reply, ' I consider it undignified and improper to 
 satisfy you on these points. You are at liberty 
 to gain what information you can of my history 
 and reputation, and then:3 to infer what are my 
 views on the matter in question V You would 
 think, and probably but too justly, that he meant 
 to cheat you. Will you bear such language 
 from your political servants? No public man 
 in this country is strong enough to sustain him- 
 self lono:. in this mode of defying the popular 
 will. No party can do it. The right of the elect- 
 ors, to call for a frank disclosure of the opinions 
 of candidates, on all subjects which may come 
 within the scope of their official duties, has been 
 expressly admitted by Martin Van Buren, Hen- 
 ry Clay, William H. Harrison. William Wirt, 
 Edward Everett, and Marcus Morton, and by a 
 host of other eminent statesmen. It is too late 
 to question its validity. No man of plain integ- 
 rity would shrink from the ordeal. The prac- 
 tice is eminently republican and useful. It is 
 calculated to promote political honesty and open 
 dealing, and to put an end to that double-faced 
 and non-committal policy, by which politicians, 
 of inferior abilities and low arts, sometimes crawl 
 into power. 
 
 Your duties as voters are mainly negative. 
 Vote for no man, however estimable from general 
 character and acquirements, who is not prepared 
 to give a prompt, explicit, and satisfactory an- 
 swer on the topics we have mentioned. Be uncom- 
 
15 
 
 promising on points of principle. Have no respect 
 to persons. It is the secret of your strength, hither- 
 to. Shew by your firmness, whether your heart is 
 in your cause. Let not the fervor of political zeal, 
 or the warmth of personal attachment, lead you to 
 forfeit your character for resolution and consist- 
 ency. Whoso loves father, or brother, or friend 
 better than the truth, is not worthy of it. 
 
 We pray you to take no part, as abolitionists, 
 in the nomination of candidates. Do not even 
 vote, by concert, for candidates already in nomi- 
 nation. Let the act of voting be an individual 
 act, but performed, by each voter, under a deep 
 sense of responsibility. We are aware, that in 
 many towns and districts, where you have con- 
 siderable numerical strength, aud where the an- 
 swers of the regular political candidates may not 
 be satisfactory, the temptation will be strong, to 
 unite your forces upon a candidate of your own. 
 We entreat you not to do this. Your example 
 will be a dangerous one. On the other hand, 
 do not stay away from the polls. Go, rather ; 
 and scatter your votes. This is the true way to 
 make yourselves felt. Every scattering vote 
 you cast, counts against the candidates of the 
 parties; and will serve as an effectual admoni- 
 tion to them, to nominate the next time, men 
 whom you can conscientiously support. 
 
 The candidates presented to your choice Avill, 
 of course, be nominated either by the whigs or 
 democrats. The most prominent individual of 
 the whig party, and probably their next candi- 
 date for the presidency, is a slave-holder, presi- 
 dent of that stupendous imposture, the Coloniza- 
 tion Society, author of the fatal Missouri ' com- 
 promise,' and of the slavish resolutions against 
 the abolitionists, lately passed by the Senate of 
 the United States. On the other hand, the lead- 
 er of the democratic party, ' the northern presi- 
 
16 
 
 dent with southern principles,' has deeply insult- 
 ed this nation, by avowing his determination to 
 veto any bill for the abolition of slavery in the 
 District of Columbia, which may be passed by a 
 majority of the people, in opposition to the wish- 
 es of the slave States. 
 
 No consistent abolitionist can vote for either 
 of these individuals. It does not however fol- 
 low, that he cannot vote for candidates for State 
 offices or for Congress, who may be their friends 
 and supporters. If the candidate before you be 
 honest, capable, and true to your principles, we 
 think you may fairly vote for him, without con- 
 sidering too curiously, whether his success might 
 not have an indirect bearing on the interests of 
 Mr. Clay or Mr. Van Buren. It is a golden 
 maxim, ' Do the duty that lies nearest thee.' 
 Vote for each man by himself, and on his own 
 merits. If you attempt to make your rule more 
 complicated, so as to include distant contingen- 
 cies and consequences, it will be found perplex- 
 ing and impracticable. 
 
 The independent course in politics, which we 
 have recommended, supposes great prudence, 
 disinterestedness, energy of purpose, and self- 
 control, in those who are to adopt it. May you 
 justify our confidence in you. Do your duty. 
 Come out, in your strength, to the polls. Refuse 
 to support any public man who trims, or equivo- 
 cates, or conceals his opinions. Beware of half 
 way abolitionists ; and of men, who are aboli- 
 tionists but once a year. Prove that you do not 
 require the machinery of party discipline, to vote 
 strictly according to your professed principles. 
 Do this, and you will rapidly acquire a deserv- 
 ed influence. ' Such a party,' as Mr. Webster 
 justly said, in speaking of th.e abolitionists, ' will 
 assuredly cause itself to be respected.' Within 
 the next two years, the friends of freedom might 
 
17 
 
 hold the oa.ance of power, in every free State m 
 the Union ; and no man could ascend the pres- 
 idential seat, against their will. 
 
 Our cause demands of us entire disinterested- 
 ness. We are not to desire power, for power's 
 sake. Our prayers, and toil, and tears are not 
 our own, but the slave's. We need circumspec- 
 tion. The attacks, that were formerly made on 
 our principles and measures, are now turned 
 upon our motives and personal characters. The 
 corrupt and bitter portion of the newspaper press 
 are beginning to discover, that the facts and argu- 
 ments, in favor of our great doctrine of immedi- 
 ate emancipation, are irresistible, and are carry- 
 ing conviction to almost every well informed 
 and reflecting mind ; and they are now trying 
 to distort our motives, and blacken our reputa- 
 tions. This is making a false issue, but let it 
 not too much disturb us. The true question for 
 the public evidently is, Do we speak the truth ? 
 The inquiry, whether we are actuated by a right 
 spirit, is, in reality, of very little comparative 
 importance. The principle is all; the men 
 nothing. Let God be true, and every man a 
 liar. 
 
 Beware of forming alliances with any party. 
 Enter into no stipulations in advance, for the 
 disposition of a single vote. The party, or the 
 press, or the politician that courts you most 
 warmly to-day, will perhaps shew most malig- 
 nance and treachery toward you, to-morrow. 
 We have reason to be grateful to Heaven, that, 
 thus far, we have so little to thank either of the 
 great parties for. The leading presses on both 
 sides, have done their best to outrage and insult 
 us. There has been an eager competition be- 
 tween them, to purchase southern votes, by sac- 
 rificing the rights, and aspersing the character 
 of the abolitionsts. Even now, though it is 
 2 
 
19 
 
 seen by all persons of common sagacity, and is 
 even generally admitted in private conversation, 
 that our ultimate success is certain, the same 
 treatment is, to a considerable extent continued. 
 The class of trading politicians take no far-sight- 
 ed views even for themselves, still less for their 
 party, — least of all, for their country. They 
 cannot wait for the slow returns of an hon- 
 est and liberal policy. Their object is to 
 meet the exigency of the moment, to carry 
 the present point ; like prodigals lavishing the 
 resources of the future upon the passing hour; 
 like gamblers trusting to chance or trick, to ex- 
 tricate them from the embarrassments they are 
 aware must, by and bye, come. 
 
 This competition for southern votes, has saved 
 us from the too dangerous friendship of either 
 of the political parties. The President of the 
 United States, had, (in his first message to 
 Congress,) avowed himself the suppliant tool of 
 the southern slaveholders, when the Whig 
 merchants of New-York, determined not to be 
 outbid, took occasion, in their address to the na- 
 tion, to assure their southern brethren, that they 
 were men, who ' thought the possession of prop- 
 erty [not its honest acquisition] was evidence of 
 merit I ' and that persons of such sentiments, 
 would be the last to disturb ' the peculiar prop- 
 erty ' of the south. 
 
 By counteracting forces like these, have we 
 been providentially preserved from being ab- 
 sorbed by either of the political parties. With 
 the fundamental principles of those parties, 
 when properly understood, abolitionism has 
 strong affinities. The idea of the whig party 
 in this country is order, the supremacy of law, 
 the sacredness of the person, the inviolability of 
 property. Who has a stronger interest in these 
 things than we? Who have suffered more 
 
19 
 
 than we, from anarchy and misrule ? Who 
 have pleaded more earnestly, for the right 
 of every man to that which he produces by his 
 own labor ; — a right which is at the foundation 
 of all property ? — On the other hand, the great 
 Democratic idea is Liberty, Reform, Progress, 
 Equal Rights ; — and are not these our very 
 breath of life ? 
 
 We are far from asserting, that these noble 
 principles are actually embodied, in the leaders 
 of either of our political parties. So far from 
 this, the principles are in danger of being them- 
 selves brought into disgrace, by the selfish and 
 inconsistent men, who pretend to represent 
 them. Still, while these principles are, how- 
 ever imperfectly, represented in the struggle of 
 the adverse parties, it is natural and right, that 
 individual abolitionists should range themselves, 
 in these struggles, according as their political 
 theories may incline them to take one or the 
 other set of views. This must, however, be 
 done in strict subordination to the interests of 
 that hallowed cause, to which we have pledged 
 our character and influence. Be assured, that 
 not one man, in the very first ranks of the polit 
 ical parties, has any sincere attachment to your 
 principles. Therefore, as you have little to 
 hope for the abolition cause, from the sincere 
 good will of the parties, as such, do not be driv- 
 en to act with the one, or renounce the oth- 
 er, merely because, for some temporary pur- 
 pose, the one side or the other happens, to-day 7 
 to treat you with unaccustomed consideration, 
 or to heap upon you peculiar outrage and abuse. 
 Circumstances may, for a while, induce the 
 presses, of one or the other party, to conciliate 
 you; but, depend upon it, there is, at bottom, 
 but very little to choose between them. There 
 is certainly no reason, thus far, why you should 
 
20 
 
 as a body, ally yourselves exclusively with 
 either, but many and urgent reasons against it. 
 
 There is much, in the aspect of the times, to 
 cheer us, in our political efforts. The danger 
 of the admission of Texas is, probably, past. 
 Thanks to the abolitionists, the free States have 
 been roused to the disgrace and ruin of becom- 
 ing a partner, in the crimes of that bloody and 
 slave-trading Republic. Slavery in the United 
 States, and slavery in Texas, will not be suffer- 
 ed to double their strength, by union. The 
 gag resolution in Congress, has received its 
 death blow, from the intrepid, illustrious and 
 venerable Adams. The subject of slavery will 
 henceforth be an open one, in that body. 
 Within three years, we shall probably have a 
 favorable report on slavery in the District, and 
 in less than rive, we have little doubt of wit- 
 nessing its peaceful abolition. 
 
 Slavery once abolished in the District, what 
 a vast accession of moral power is gained, both 
 in the process, and from the result ! Friends 
 animated, — oppressors disheartened, — all con- 
 sciences awakened ! It is a gain to the cause 
 of virtue every where. The spiritual atmos- 
 phere is purified. Each man draws freer 
 breath into his soul. The Lord is seen indeed 
 to reign. The testimony of the nation is thence- 
 forth added to the general reprobation of slave- 
 ry, and will help to shame it out of existence. 
 Another illustrious proof is given, of the possi- 
 bility of the highest public virtue. 
 
 Instead of calling on you to descend from 
 these heights, from a fear that the elevation 
 may make you giddy, we say to you, your on- 
 ly danger is in looking down. Keep your 
 aims ever upwards, and there is no fear that 
 your footing will not be firm. 
 
 FRANCIS JACKSON, President. 
 
 Amos A. Phelps, Secretary. ^ % 
 

 
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