W}ikM'l-^!'-' 
 
 Authox' 
 
 Title 
 
 Imprint. 
 
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pmtrwan pnitquartan ^xttititi 
 
 Journal of 
 Major Robert Rogers 
 
 BY 
 
 WILLIAM L. CLEMENTS 
 
 Reprinted from the Pboceedinos of the American Antiquarian Societt 
 FOR October, 1918. 
 
 WORCESTER, MASSACHUSETTS, U. S. A. 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE SOCIETY 
 
 1918 
 
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 The Davis Press 
 Worcester, Massachusetts 
 
ROGERS'S MICHILLIMACKINAC JOURNAL 
 
 By William L. Clements 
 
 The scene of the occurrences narrated in this Journal 
 was at Fort Michillimackinac, located at the entrance 
 of Lake Michigan and at the Western terminus of the 
 Strait connecting Lake Michigan and Lake Huron. 
 The meaning of the word in the Algonquin tongue is 
 ''Place of the big lame person." The word has been 
 abbreviated into Mackinac and is pronounced Macki- 
 naw.^ The present Fort Mackinac, on Mackinac 
 Island, is the successor of the original fort located on 
 the mainland, built in 1712 by the French for the 
 protection of their trade; and during the so-called 
 French and Indian War (1755-1761), was surrendered 
 to the British. The Treaty of Paris (1783) ceded this 
 fort and district to the United States. This mainland 
 fort was the scene of many conferences during the 
 French regime with Indians and Traders, and it was 
 the scene during English occupation in 1763, of the 
 massacre beginning Pontiac's War. Several miles 
 west of the present Mackinaw City a tourist today is 
 shown what is supposed to be the location of the 
 original fort. In 1781 the mainland fort was aban- 
 doned by the English and a new and stronger fortress 
 was erected on the Island of Mackinac, which remains 
 today, and is maintained in a Michigan State Reserva- 
 tion. 
 
 The district of Mackinac, or Michillimackinac, in early 
 history included all of the region in the vicinity of the 
 
 iThe spelling has been made phonetic with Old Mackinaw and Mackinaw City. We 
 speak of Mackinac Island, Fort Mackinac and the Straits of Mackinac, but of Mackinaw 
 City and Old Mackinaw. 
 
Island. The Point Saint Ignace Mission^ and stations 
 located on the north side of the Strait were in this dis- 
 trict. It is needless to say there was no boundary. 
 
 There is some ground for belief that the mainland 
 fort was in two locations not far apart at different 
 times; the earlier one on Lake Michigan, a short dis- 
 tance beyond the Straits, and the later located as we 
 have described it. 
 
 The Fort Michillimackinac of this Journal undoubt- 
 edly is on the later mainland location and in the 
 accompanying drawing the fort and location are shown 
 taken from the Crown Collection of Maps in the 
 British Museum. 
 
 It is only by a great stretch of the imagination that 
 we can call such a structure as is here shown a fort — a 
 few posts of wood embedded in the ground and in- 
 tended to withstand arrows and gun shot, and the 
 whole settlement and fort including a commandant 
 and a few soldiers within the enclosure, and without it 
 the bourgeois, the voyageurs, the coureurs de bois and 
 the French habitants — the last, the most indolent 
 men imaginable. To all of the above we must add 
 the robed and sombre Jesuit priests and many Indains. 
 These Indians were Algonquins, or Indians of the 
 Algic tongue. They included the Ottawas, Ojibwas 
 or Chippewas, Pottawatomies, Sacs and Foxes. All 
 the above were related by kindred speech to the 
 Micmacs, Abenakis and Delawares in the East and the 
 Illinois, Shawnees in the South and the Crees and 
 "Blackfeet" in the North and West. Such was Fort 
 Michillimackinac in 1766, the date of the beginning of 
 Rogers's Journal. 
 
 Major Robert Rogers wrote and published two 
 books of considerable historical value; "A Concise 
 Account of North America," and his "Journals," 
 both appearing simultaneously in London in 1765, and 
 during his first visit to England. His other published 
 
 * A mission was established there as early as 1670 and abandoned in 1701. 
 
I 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 ^■*^'^' i^ 
 
 
writing ''Ponteach" was probably written at about 
 this time, for the imprint bears the date 1766. It now 
 appears without a doubt that Rogers was the author 
 of this tragedy, one of the earliest productions in the 
 field of the American dramatic art. His Journal pub- 
 lished in 1765 will always be considered one of the 
 source books of the French and Indian War. It 
 recites his experiences in a modest way and the im- 
 portant part he played in this war. The truth of the 
 narrative has never been questioned. 
 
 If the career of Rogers had ended in 1765, or after 
 the production of his Journal, he would have come 
 down to us as a hero whose deeds were unsurpassed in 
 bravery by any soldier serving in the trying Colonial 
 times from 1755 to 1761. Rogers was a very brave 
 man and did much to win the war for the English. 
 
 The daring adventurer, however, even though this 
 bravery evidenced itself very early in his career in the 
 defence of his native settlement, never seemed to have 
 inspired his neighbors and associates with a degree of 
 confidence that might be expected under such circum- 
 stances, for his actions as a civilian were quite in con- 
 trast to his bravery as a director of a scout expedition 
 or the defender of a precarious position. His lack of 
 a proper sense of honesty, his frequent indiscretions 
 and sometimes his utter disregard for the opinions and 
 orders of his superiors, led him to be regarded by his 
 military associates with distrust, although by all his 
 daring and bravery were unquestioned. 
 
 In 1765, when Rogers appeared in England and pro- 
 duced his Journal, he was hailed as a writer and a 
 warrior, to whom too little credit had been given for 
 the successful culmination of the late war, and it is not 
 surprising that among his many activities, therefore, 
 that his solicitations for advancement in the services of 
 the Government and subsidiary trading companies 
 should have been received and considered. It is not 
 surprising, either, even with formal statements and 
 objections from his associates in America, including 
 
Sir William Johnson, of his unfitness for high official 
 positions of trust, that even such reports should be to a 
 large extent ignored and that he was given, through in- 
 fluence of the Earl of Hillsborough, President of the 
 English Board of Trade, the position of Commandant 
 of Michillimackinac with certain other duties to per- 
 form incident to the occupation of the newly acquired 
 territory. He was now in fact the Commandant and 
 Executive Officer of trade at Michillimackinac. 
 
 With such commissions conferred upon him, to the 
 consternation of his former associates, he appeared in 
 America in the spring of 1766 and reported unwillingly 
 to his senior Executive, the Indian Commissioner, Sir 
 William Johnson at Johnson Hall, for duty. 
 
 That Johnson had many reasons for mistrusting in 
 all capacities Rogers, there is no doubt; that he and 
 his superior. General Gage, had misgivings as to what 
 would be the result of his work at Michillimackinac 
 there is no doubt; but it appears, too, that even with 
 the subdued antagonism of Rogers toward Johnson, 
 that there was not a better effort made by Johnson, a 
 sincere effort, to turn to some use Rogers's experience, 
 for it must be remembered that Rogers had performed 
 the service several years before of taking possession of 
 the forts about Lake Erie, and of receiving from the 
 French the important fort at Detroit, and no event in 
 Rogers's career shows him to greater advantage than 
 his tactful negotiations with Pontiac and his people 
 near Detroit, the peaceful occupation of the fort, and 
 the peaceful submission of the Indian tribes there- 
 abouts. 
 
 From the date of Rogers's commission and his ap- 
 pearance at Johnson Hall for duty, it appears that 
 Johnson's fixed purpose was to oppose all activities of 
 Rogers, and to circumscribe his authority to the 
 greatest extent within his power. 
 
 We are not here interested more than is necessary 
 in the quarrels between Johnson and Rogers. I doubt 
 not that whatever action, even for good, that Rogers 
 

might have taken in the administration of affairs at 
 Michillimackinac, would have been opposed by 
 Johnson, and in his letter to General Gage in which 
 Johnson stated ''that he (Rogers) should be tied up in 
 such a manner as shall best prevent him doing mis- 
 chief, " forever discounted any kind of effort with 
 important initiative by Rogers. 
 
 We must consider, however, all of these matters in 
 connection with the "Michillimackinac Journal," be- 
 cause this Journal records the transactions of Rogers 
 which led to charges by Johnson of dishonesty, never 
 completely confirmed, and of treason after matters 
 had reached such a stage that Rogers's authority at 
 Michillimackinac was completely set aside, and Rogers 
 in desperation, with his drafts for purchases of supplies 
 and Indian gifts unpaid, associated himself with such 
 enterprises that his recall was undoubtedly justified, 
 and, as a climax to his Michillimackinac career, he was 
 brought in chains to Montreal for trial. It should be 
 stated that Rogers was never convicted of treason. 
 
 The conflict between the crafty Irishman, Sir 
 William Johnson, and Rogers, ending in the complete 
 vindication of the Johnson methods in the conduct of 
 Indian affairs of the time, left Rogers with few friends 
 and but a remainder of his reputation of 1760, but his 
 administration at Michillimackinac, with its extrava- 
 gance in seeking Indian trade and friendships, leads 
 us to the principal interest and value of this Journal. 
 Without Rogers and his extravagance, there would be 
 no report of half-civilized and uncivilized life at 
 Michillimackinac and vicinity during this period. 
 Through him and his methods there were congregated 
 at Michillimackinac and held for a period of nearly 
 two years the largest number of Indians that history 
 records; and we become acquainted through this 
 Journal with the deplorable conditions of the Chippe- 
 was, Ottawas, and other tribes of the Algonquin ex- 
 traction, and the fierce competition between the 
 French and English for trade with the tribes not only 
 
8 
 
 of this region but even with those tribes roaming 
 farther West. 
 
 This Journal will always be a source chapter in 
 Northwest history which gives a true picture of 
 Indian trade and methods, more vividly given than 
 Carver's narratives and showing that in 1767, after 
 about one hundred years of French missionary effort 
 and French and English trade influences, the Algon- 
 quin Indians had resisted the absorption of what had 
 been presented to them of good, but they had been apt 
 pupils of the French and English traders with their 
 European vices. 
 
 Parkman estimated that in the congregation of 
 Indian tribes called by Rogers to the vicinity of 
 Michillimackinac during the summer of 1767, the 
 number of Indians exceeded 7,000, and there were 
 representatives from every far West tribe including 
 the Sioux — all brought together that Rogers might im- 
 press upon them the importance of English trade and 
 friendship, but above all, with the expectation of 
 receiving presents, valuable in the eyes of the Indians, 
 the most important of which was rum. The picture 
 of Indian trading, with cajoling, flattery, threats, 
 lying by French and Enghsh, distributed throughout 
 the Journal, has a value in depicting the early history 
 of the Northwest. 
 
 The principal historical value of this Journal has 
 been stated, but it is of interest to review conditions 
 then existing and consider the Journal from other 
 points of view. It might be stated with a fair degree 
 of justice that at this time more might have been 
 made of Rogers. It might be said, at least from a 
 point of view of today, that his plan for meetings year- 
 ly of the chiefs of the great tribes of the Northwest at 
 Michillimackinac, in the interest of peace between the 
 tribes, the adjustment of differences between them, 
 and the fostering of trade between the English traders 
 and the Indians, was in all respects a plan which would 
 lead toward general peace and good trade relations. 
 
Sir William Johnson advocated such a plan, but he 
 seems to have resisted such an effort on the part of 
 Rogers, who, it might be stated in justice to Johnson, 
 in extravagance and magnitude far exceeded any effort 
 in this direction that Johnson ever made. Neverthe- 
 less, there is good ground for belief that had there been 
 any harmony between Johnson and Rogers, and had 
 both continued in the service, a different history might 
 be written of the Indians of the Northwest. 
 
 Rogers's plan for setting apart the Michillimackinac 
 Post and establishing a combined civil and military 
 Government, with the plain inference that he should 
 be the head of both, as is quite minutely given in this 
 Journal, was never presented to the English Board of 
 Trade as far as any record shows, and this is fortunate, 
 for it was a selfish motive that led him to propose it 
 for himself. His scheme, as proposed to the Board of 
 Trade for an appropriation of an immense sum of 
 money for the development of trade with the Indians 
 of the great Northwest, was a wild one for the condi- 
 tions and times, and both his Government and trade 
 plans were creations of a disordered brain, devised 
 and mostly written in the Journal in his own hand- 
 writing, just before the climax of his quarrel with 
 Johnson and his removal in chains to Montreal. 
 
 From this time on, what little was left of Rogers's 
 reputation went from bad to worse. He could not be 
 severely criticised for being a Tory at the outbreak of 
 the Revolution, but he must be condemned for his 
 attestations of loyalty to the Patriots. We leave him 
 in England, in disgrace in America, where without 
 particular notice he died in 1796. 
 
 To our knowledge this Journal was the last historical 
 writing of any extent written by Rogers, although in a 
 postscript to his first Journal published in 1765 he 
 states: ''It is proposed to continue this Journal in a 
 second volume containing an account of my travels, 
 etc. " This Michillimackinac Journal he evidently in- 
 
10 
 
 tended to publish, and doubtless it was written to 
 follow his Journal of 1765. 
 
 One cannot investigate Rogers's life without a con- 
 cluding feeling of pity, that such abilities, for he had 
 abilities, and such weakness should be combined in 
 one man. We feel that the mistrust from the begin- 
 ning, and the predetermined thwarting of all Rogers's 
 plans by Johnson and Gage, when he was assigned to 
 Michillimackinac, notwithstanding their distrust, were 
 not justified and probably completed the ruins of a 
 weak moral character, which under different treatment 
 might have been strengthened, in which event he 
 would have fulfilled services to his Government equal 
 to those performed during the early part of his life. 
 
 ROGERS'S MICHILLIMACKINAC JOURNAL^ 
 
 A Journal of Major Robert Roger's proceedings with the 
 Indians in y* district of Michillimackinac Commencing the 
 2P* of Septt 1766 & ending Feb. 1'* 1767 and Continued from 
 thence till the 23^ May— from the 29 May till July the S^. 
 
 The Ottawas having repeatedly requested from the first of 
 my arrival at this place, to pay them a visit at their Village at 
 Abacroch,^ having given Belts to press my going — The 21^* 
 of Septemb in the morning I set out & at two of Clock in the 
 afternoon arriv'd at their Village, having left the Command of 
 the Garrison with Cap*" Lieut. Spicemaker^ till my return. 
 The Savages of that Village being all assembled immediately 
 on my arrival made the following speech. Viz 
 
 • The capitalization, spelling, abbreviations, repetitions, insertions, and incorrect 
 sentences are all reproduced here as in the Journal. It is to be noted that in the latter 
 part of this Journal omissions of parts of sentences are frequent and figures of cost have 
 not been inserted. Rogers's writing at this time was frequently interrupted. 
 
 The first part of the Journal was in all probability written by his old Secretary, Potter, 
 the middle and latter part by Rogers himself. 
 
 * The village of Abacroch or La Arbor Croche was located on the East Coast of Lake 
 Michigan, midway between Little Traverse Bay and the Straits of Mackinac. It was the 
 largest settlement of the Ottawas. It occupied the site of the present Cross Village. 
 
 ' F. C. Spiesmacher was Cap't 2nd, 2nd Batt'n 60th Reg. and was always a firm friend, 
 during all his troubles, of Rogers. Potter, Rogers's Secretary, frequently misspells his 
 name as he does many other words, it must be noted. 
 
11 
 
 Father 
 
 We The Chiefs of the Ottawas in the presence of our 
 young Warriors now acquaint you, that we shall be still fast, 
 & ever continue as fast freinds to the English, but have heard 
 & are certain that there is bad birds flying from the West side 
 of the Missisipi to this part of the World, & some of them are 
 already from the Potowatomas of St. Joseph. This Man 
 present pointing to an Indian has seen nine Branches of Wam- 
 pima sent to that place by Monsieur de Ange^, or the officier 
 that commands the uppermost Post on the West side of the 
 Missisipi, which strings of Wampum imports that two thou- 
 sand French have arrived at the mouth of that River, & in the 
 Spring are to come this way as soon as they take the English 
 Fort at the Illinois, & reduce Michilhmackinac & then to pro- 
 ceed to Detroit, from thence down to Niagara, till they meet 
 a large Army, that they heard is to land at New York, and 
 reduce the Country, this the French our old Fathers says, 
 they can do with great ease, as the English people are divided 
 in America, & more than one half of them will join the French. 
 This Father we had a desire to tell this to you at our own 
 Village, where there are not any French that can hear us speak, 
 & for that reason, we desired you to come hither, & bring an 
 Enghsh Interpreter with you, which we see you have done, & 
 we now, desire you to tell in the Truth, whether there is such 
 an Army coming or not, & to acquaint S"". William Johnson and 
 the General of what we have said ; as you have lately come 
 from the other side the great Lake and tell us you receive your 
 orders from S'. William Johnson of every thing that may con- 
 cern us & at Michillimackinac, the other day you told us that 
 from you we might expect to hear the truth. Now tell us the 
 truth that we mayTcnow it early, if it is as we have heard, the 
 Ottawas to one Man; will Join against the French, & are all 
 ready to go when ever we are called to keep back that Party 
 if its coming. 
 
 Major Roger's Answer with giving two Ratteen Coats 
 two shirts to the Two Principal Chiefs, & twenty gallons of 
 Rum to the whole Village. Brothers You greatly astonish me 
 by your Speech, is it possible that such romantick foolish 
 
 • Monsieur St. Ange, CommandaDt at Fort St. Louis. 
 
12 
 
 stories as those can enter into the Brain of an Ottawa, & give 
 credit to it! Whose studiness have been so long known & 
 whom I have lately recommended for it to S'. William Johnson 
 of 
 
 Giving A Belt 
 
 I tell you now, that the French have not one inch of 
 Ground on the West side of the Misisipi, for they have some 
 some time ago chang'd thier Lands that they had at that 
 Place, with the Spaniards, which is a set of people, that you 
 well know are mortal Enemies to Indians in general. Look 
 Back? have not your Fathers told you & have you not heard, 
 from your Old men, what those people did to your Country- 
 men when they first came to America, to those of you who 
 liv'd towards the hottest part of the day, & the coolest Climate 
 of the Evening; their Gold & Silver they pour'd when melted 
 like water, by hot fire down thier Throats; think of this deceit, 
 you cannot sure believe, afterwards, what such people will say 
 to you, for the stories you have told of are all false. Send some 
 of your young men to Misisipi, this Winter & you'l find what 
 I say is Truth; there can be no Troops landed in America 
 amongst our settlements. Our ships are much superior to the 
 French & Spaniards shou'd they both join together & on the 
 other hand all the English in America and The french in 
 Canada are subjects to the Great King of England Your 
 Father 
 
 Delivered another Belt to the Chiefs 
 
 This Belt is to desire you, when on Your Winters hunt 
 to find out those nine Strings of Wampum you mentioned, & 
 bring them to me in the Spring, that I may acquaint S'. Willia- 
 liam Johnson who will let the great King of England your 
 Father, know all your Proceedings 
 
 A String of Wampum 
 
 Be strong & wise behave like men & dont fall like a foolish 
 Child into the fire, I now bid Adieu to you, till I shall see you 
 in the Spring at Michillimackinac, by that time you will be 
 convinced from your Young Men, that you are to send to the 
 Misisipi, that there's no such thing as your French Fathers, 
 ever coming up the Misisipi with Troops while Water runs in 
 that River. 
 
13 
 
 The same evening I arrived at Michillimackinac, from thier 
 Village at ten O'Clock. 
 
 Sept^ the 26*^. 
 This day assembled a party of the Chippawas under the 
 great Chief of the Island, The Grand Sable 
 
 Made the following speech. 
 Father we are all glad & Rejoice at the fire of friendship, that 
 was kindled here some Years ago by the EngH^h and Bright- 
 ened, the other day at this place, when we met you last. We 
 all tell you, that we are desirous, that the Chain of Friendship 
 may kept bright between us, & the English, but there is bad 
 birds flying about, & one of them has left this Belt in our Vil- 
 lage, Showing a Belt, came from the Indians to the West side 
 of Lake Michigan to us last fall, to be ready to strike the 
 Enghsh, when they call'd on us & we have had ever since But 
 not finding that the English are men that speak that speak the 
 truth. We believe that others have told lies. We give this 
 belt up & beg that you will acquaint our Father S^ William 
 Johnson of what we have done & that though we were foolish 
 some time ago; we have now come to our Senses, hope the 
 great Master of Sight, will keep our hearts, & the hearts of our 
 young Men in good Hiunour, with our Fathers the Enghsh 
 
 A Small String of Wampum 
 
 Father We are told by the Indians, from the Westward 
 that the French are coming next Spring from the Misisipi to 
 take this Fort, some of our Young Men is gone to see if it be 
 truth, but you no doubt can tell us the the truth of this: This 
 is all we have to say, only beg that we may not be despised, 
 while other Nations are carressd And we are poor & beg 
 Charity 
 
 Major Roger's Answer 
 
 My Brothers. By giving up this bad Belt amongst you, 
 may be some means of recommending you, to your Great 
 Father the King of England & S'. William Johnson the 
 General, for the great injuries you did him, when you cut of 
 this Fort & Murderd the Kings Subjects, without any reason 
 or provocation ; nothing but a steady behavoir from you, with 
 fast Attachments to the English; will now recommend you, 
 so that That blot will be clean wip'd away; You have been 
 
14 
 
 fools, but now if you turn out wise men, so that I can recom- 
 mend you, for Your good Behavior, no dobt but you'l be again 
 look on with an Eye of Pity & Compassion by, Your great 
 Father the King of England and S''. William Johnson, I will 
 acquaint him of your Behavoir as early as I can in the spring 
 and your happiness depends entirely on your future Conduct. 
 
 As to what you have heard of French Fathers coming up 
 the Misissipe, is only contrived to make you guidy headed, by 
 some French Villians, which always told you Ues, I wonder you 
 have not more sense, than to believe a peple that has always 
 deceiv'd you: the French had, three or four Years ago; some 
 lands at the West side the Misissipi, but it was chang'd away 
 by your Old Fathers to a people call'd the Spaniards employed 
 some of them in their service, knowing that they understood 
 the Indian language, & were fit Instrumets to make You always 
 uneasey & it's from that these very Officers, that you have all 
 those stories told you. The Spaniards are the people, that 
 murdied so many Indians to the South West, of where you live, 
 & now they want to desire you, & get you in thier Power All 
 this youl find to be true, when your Young men returns that 
 are gone to the Misissipe 
 
 A String of Wampum 
 
 Behave like men & return in the Spring to this Place, & 
 let me hear all that passes. Nothing can recommend you more 
 than to make your Reports to me. 
 
 That I may have it in power to recommend you, if you 
 behave well. 
 
 Wound up the discourse, & giving three Ratteens Coats, 
 three Callimance Gowns, four Shirts, six pounds of Powder, 
 twenty pounds of Shott, & Ball, twenty four pounds of Tob- 
 bacco, & sixteen gallons of Rum, immediately this Party went 
 off, satisfied, to their hunting Ground. 
 
 At Michillimackinac the 10*^. of October 1766 
 
 At ten ° in the morning Arrived one of Minchewabas & 
 fourteen Chiefs of the Ottawas, Assembled with above one 
 hundred Men from the Grand River, mad the Following 
 Speech. Viz : 
 
 Giving a Beaver Blanket. Father. This is given you to 
 set upon, without fear; And we are all of one mind & that 
 
15 
 
 nothing suffer'd to enter our Hearts to disturb your ease, while 
 you stay at this Post. 
 
 Major Rogers's Answer, Brothers, I thank you for this 
 Visit, and for the Bed you have given me, to set easy upon, I 
 shall preserve it, & keep it, as witness to what You have said 
 to me. Giving a Belt, Your Great Father he has sent me 
 
 Giving a Belt. Your Great Father, has sent me to Com- 
 mand, this Fort and from Sir Will™ Johnson ; I recieve all my 
 Orders, & beg that you would behave like men & not mind idle 
 stories, & while you continue, to be wise. You will always be 
 esteem'd, & protected by the Enghsh, & I always will communi- 
 cate, every thing to You, that I know of, that may concern 
 You. And expect, that you will let me hear, every thing, that 
 passes amongst you, that it may be communicated to him as 
 soon as possible. I desire You to consider, & think, what news 
 you have to tell in the afternoon, & then come & let me, know 
 it 
 
 At two OClock in the afternoon. The Indians & Chiefs 
 above mention'd assemble'd & Spoke as follows: Viz 
 
 Father. We are now tell You, what news we have heard. 
 Open your Ear, & hear it. 
 
 There is nine Strings of Wampum from the west side of 
 the Misissipe that are sent by our Old Fathers, the French, & 
 tell us the following news. Viz 
 
 Answer. Brothers. Keep to your words, & the trust 
 that I at present, immagine you to be sincere : And you will be 
 a Happy people, As the French King, has at last, waked out 
 of his deep sleep, with Eyes sparking, like a Tygar, & has taken 
 a Resolution, to tread the English, under his feet, & for that 
 purpose, has sent a large Fleet, to Quebec, & that two thousand 
 Men have alreay landed, at the mouth of the Misissipe: And 
 early in the Spring, will take the English Fort, at the Illinois 
 And from thence are coming with Cannon, to take Michil- 
 limackinac, they have Desire'd us, to be ready & assist them. 
 
 This Father is what have heard, & w^e are now going to our 
 hunting for the Winter, & in the Spring we shall return. We 
 have heard what you have told us today, & shall remember it, 
 & will take the Advise Our Father & S^ William Johnson; 
 but we are poor & hope you will take pity on us, we are in 
 
16 
 
 great want of Powder & Shott, & have nothing to Cover us, 
 from the Cold, have pity on us & open Your Heart, for we 
 are happy to warm ourselves at your fire. This day all Our 
 Warriors rejoices, as well as Women & Children to find fair 
 weather; & beg Charity 
 
 We leave you tomorrow morning, & desire that anything 
 you have to say may immediately finish'd. 
 
 Major Rogers's Answer, with the following Presents — 
 Eight Stroud Blankets, eight pair of Leggins, eight breech 
 Clouts, twelve ratteen Coats, twelve Callimanco Gowns, four- 
 teen Shirts, sixty Pounds of Powder, one hundred and fifty 
 pounds of Shott, four hundred Gun flints, seventy eight 
 pounds of Tobacco, three pounds of Vermillion, twenty-four 
 Gallons of Rum, & fourteen lac'd Hats. 
 
 Brothers, There is a present for you, mention'g the 
 Articles. The Powder will be sufficient for your present Use, 
 & as there is a number of traders, gone out to winter before! 
 arrivd at this post, you cannot miss of having plenty of sup- 
 plies, during the Winter, those people you must use like 
 Brothers, & not let them home in the Spring, with tears in 
 thier Eyes, if any of them use You ill, report them to me in 
 the Spring, & any wrong done You, shall be Redress't. 
 
 When I think of what you say about your Old Fathers, I 
 cannot help laughing; & am sorry at the same time to see you 
 foolish, as to mind any such lies as passing among the French, 
 for they have not any Land at all on the West side of the 
 Misissipe, what they formerly had, they have chang'd away to 
 the Spaniards And the Spaniards have sent a Gov^ there. 
 The people do still remain, but they are by no means the 
 Subjects of Your Old Father, the French King. 
 
 Send some of your young men, this Winter, to the Illinois 
 & when you return. You will Then know from them, that I 
 have told You the truth; & at this Place, you may always 
 expect to hear it : Take up them Strings of Wampum if possible, 
 you can this Winter and let me have them in the Spring, that 
 I may report them to S'. WiUiam Johnson. And anytliing 
 that may concern You, will always be communicated to you, 
 by S^ WilUam Johnson, that may be necessary for you to 
 
17 
 
 know & 3'ou maj^ depend on hearing the truth But your Old 
 French Fathers you are not to mind for the future. 
 & doth not own one foot of Land on this Continent, they can- 
 not land Troops at Quebec as our ships are many more than 
 theirs & we could burn & take all thier ships at sea, were they 
 to be such fools to think of sending Troops in them to America 
 I am well assur'd they never Attempt. 
 
 October the 15*^. 76. The Speech of two Chiefs of the 
 Chippawas assembled at Michillimackinac and eighty men 
 all bound to the Bay, their Wintering place. 
 
 Father. We are come this day to smoke a pipe with you & 
 give you hands, listen & hear us 
 
 Giving a string of Wampum, This String is to bind our 
 hands to Yours, so fast, that nothing can untiey them. 
 
 We are poor people, but our hearts are sincere & no guile in 
 them, we beg Charity & hope you will give us something to 
 Cover our Women & Children & as it is first time that we ever 
 see you, beg that you will give us a little Milk, to drink for 
 we are both hungry & Poor, & have not any Powder or Shott, 
 we hope you will have pity on us & give Charity, eight of our 
 Young people have lately died, & we hope you will give us 
 something to wipe away our Tears from our Eyes, we also beg 
 for Charity. 
 
 Major Rogers's Answer attending it with the following 
 Speech Viz. Presents, eight blankets of strouds, six Coats, 
 twelve Shirts, ten Pounds of Gunpowder, twenty pounds of 
 Ball, one pound of Vermillion, five Gallons of Rum & And two 
 laced Hatts. 
 
 Major Rogers's Answer attending with the before men- 
 tiond Presents. Brothers I have hear'd what you have said, 
 & am glad that your Hearts are right, & hope you will keep 
 them so & your Father S'. William Johnson from whom I 
 receive all my orders concerning you, has desir'd me to tell 
 you to behave like men & assures you, he wishes you all well 
 & hopes that you'l be strong, & not mind idle stories, or bad 
 Birds, that may at any time pass your Village, or at your 
 Winter hunting places, & While you behave well, S"^. William 
 Johnson will communicate anything to you that may Concern 
 You, & at this place you may be assur'd, that the truth will 
 
18 
 
 always be told you there is something for you, pointing to the 
 Presents. There is something for you, to bury your dead & 
 wipe away the tears, & some powder & shott, to assist you till 
 you reach your hunting Ground, when you will find traders 
 plenty, that were gone there, before my Arrival, from whom 
 you'l purchase anything you may have Occassion for, with 
 your Skins, I desire & so doth your father S''. William Johnson 
 that you will not send the traders away with tears in their 
 Eyes, but use them well in every respect, if any of them are 
 fooHsh & use you ill let me know of it in the Spring, you may be 
 very certain that I will see your grieviances Redresst. 
 
 Their Answer we thank you for the Charity you have shown 
 us and are greatly oblig'd to you, for covering the dead bodies 
 of our relations, we will mind everything that you have told 
 us, & lay it up in our Hearts. No traders that are gone away 
 before you came Amongst us, shall meet with any hurt from 
 us, but we cannot be answerable only for ourselves, We will 
 return in the Spring & all bad birds that pases us you shall 
 know in the Spring, so fare well. 
 
 OcTOB^ 25*'' Afternoon the Ottawas of the Islands of 
 Beaver in Lake Michigan assembled at Michillimackinac & 
 bound to thier hunting at Green Bay made the following 
 speech. Viz Father We are now come to let you know 
 
 we are going to our hunting Grounds, & every thing is quiet 
 amongst us, & beg Charity, we have niether Powder or Shott, 
 & beg that you wou'd have Compassion on us 
 
 Major Rogers's Answer 
 
 Brothers I am sorry that I have heard You Ottawa's 
 of the Island are not a good sett of people it was own Nation 
 that acquainted me of your ill intentions to take the Goods 
 from the traders at the expence of every Indian on the Islands. 
 Your own nation & the Chippiwas both will join me, in it, I am 
 a Man that come out of the middle of the Ground, & if you do 
 the least hurt either to french or English, that is gone from this 
 Fort, before I came to it, with their goods, the first sight you 
 shall have of me, will be surrounding your Cabbins with a 
 Bloody Hatchet, & all the Indians in this part of Country at 
 my side. 
 
19 
 
 The Indians hung their heads for some time, & at last, made 
 the following speech Viz. 
 
 Father we acknowledge that we had an intention to take 
 some of the traders goods this winter, without leave, & it is 
 the french that lives in this fort that told us to do it, we are 
 sorry that ever such thoughts shoud ever enter our hearts, & 
 hopes you will forgive us, as we have not done anything to 
 them, nether will we hurt them, the french told us that they 
 ran away & it was no harm to take their goods, more fools to 
 mind them, & are glad that you spoke to us & put wisdom in 
 our heads, w^e were fools and beg you will forgive us. 
 
 Major Rogers's Reply who are the frenchmen, that told 
 you to take the Traders goods. 
 
 Ottawa's Answer, some that are here and others that have 
 gone to La Bay with thier families, who said they would help 
 us to take away their goods & that they should have part of it, 
 we beg you will forgive us as it is not our faults 
 
 We are very poor & have neither Powder or Ball to carrj' us 
 to our hunting Ground, forgive us, & have pity on us, that we 
 may hve & be happy & we will always do as you desire us for 
 the future, take Compassion us 
 
 Major Rogers's Answer 
 
 You scarcely deserve the least Pity, but as you have so 
 solemnly promis'd to behave better for the future, if you will 
 bring me in those frenchmen to this Fort in the Spring that 
 told you to plunder the Boats that went from here, unhurt 
 with out taking anything from them to this Place : I then will 
 think of your miserable Situation, which your own folly has 
 brought upon yourselves. 
 
 Ottawas of the Islands Speech Viz The men you mention, 
 shall be brought to you in the spring unhurt, & not any of thier 
 goods, shall be taken from them, we are ashamed to speak 
 to you, for we have been fools, but we'll do better for the future 
 & take your advice at all times, beg you'l forgive us & have 
 Charity, for we are poor & have no Powder or Shott 
 Major Rogers's Answer Viz 
 
 I will trust you for this time only, but remember what I now 
 tell you, if ever you do any mischief for the future, it will be 
 
20 
 
 hard terms for you, I will write to S'. William Johnson about 
 you. 
 
 it may be : that he will forgive you you but that depends en- 
 tirely on your future Conduct, he has order'd me to tell you 
 that all the Indians he wishes well. And desires them to be 
 wise & not to listen to foolish stories. Whiles't you continue 
 to do that he will always Esteem & desire peace all over the 
 world. I give you here a little Powder & Ball, though hardly 
 deserve anything at all but as you'd promised to be for the 
 future & bring the french to me. I give you eight Blankets of 
 Stouds, two shirts, nineteen pounds of Gun Powder thirty- 
 eight pounds of Ball, one pound of Vermillion, eight Gallons 
 of rum & one Laced Hatt. 
 
 Ottawas Went of directly with expressing one further that 
 thier Intentions were good & that their future Conduct shoud 
 be better. 
 
 November the 5 : 1766 Two Chiefs of St. Marys with thirty 
 of thier men calld at this post on thier way to their wintering 
 Place & spoke as follows Viz 
 
 Father We have come to see you this day to tell you that 
 we rec'd your speech by Cadetts & thank you & S'. William 
 Johnson for your good Advice, we will behave like men for 
 we have not any sick people amongst us, neither do we mind 
 bad birds, we are English in our hearts & have call'd to see 
 You this day to give you our hands & beg Charity we are poor 
 & going to our hunting 
 
 Major Rogers's Answer Viz with following Presents 
 Eight blankets of strouds, one pair of Leggins, one coat, one 
 Gown, one breech Clout one Callimanco Gown, six shirts, six 
 pounds of Gun powder, twelve pounds of Shott, one pound of 
 VermilUon, six Gallons of Rum & one Lac'd Hatt. 
 
 Brothers I am glad to hear that everything is clear & 
 smooth mind & Keep it so & you will always be happy : I wish 
 you a happy winter & shall acquaint S'. William Johnson of 
 your good Intentions, So farewell. 
 
 NovEMB': the 10*^. 1766 A Chief of the Misisagas arriv'd 
 at Michillimackinac with twenty Indians who reported his 
 Expedition as follows Viz. 
 
21 
 
 Father We are just return'd from an expedition against the 
 Sioux, we set out last Summer with the Party you now see 
 here, & pass'd S*. Marys, from thence to Point Chigemegan, 
 we then went to the West end of Lake Superior, where we left 
 our Canoes & travell'd Westward till we cross'd the Misisipi 
 from thence towards the Sunsetting, till at last we heard a 
 Gxm, which we immagin'd to be the Sioux, which we intended 
 to attack, we sent out spies in the Evening & found that they 
 were a large Body & much superior to us & for fear we should be 
 discovered before morning we retreated that night, & made all 
 the haste we possibly cou'd, till we came to the west end of 
 Lake Superior where we embarked in our Cannoes & returned 
 to this Place & we are now bound to our hunting Ground for 
 the Winter & have Call'd to see you & hope you will have Pity 
 on us, for we are greatly fatigued 
 
 Major Rogers's Answer 
 
 Giving The following Presents Viz. Eight blankets of 
 stroud, two pair of Leggins, two Coats, one Gown for the Wife 
 of the Chief, two shirts, one pound of Vermillion, six Gallons 
 of Rum to the whole Party & one lac'd Hatt to the Chief. 
 
 Brothers this present I give although, you have done wrong 
 & acted like fools by fighting against your Brothers the Seoux 
 A Belt of three hundred Wampum. 
 
 By this belt I now tell you, that I am sent to this Place by 
 your Great Father the King of England & S^ William John- 
 son & have orders from him to tell You, that he has a genneral 
 Esteem for you all, desires that you would behave like men and 
 be wise & that while you do that you may be certainly be as- 
 sur'd of His friendship. 
 
 Look at the Belt, when you strike the Seoux you strike the 
 English also, for have given them our hands & they trade with 
 us, therefore for the future, You must never go to war against 
 those people without letting S^ William Johnson know your 
 designs & he will always tell you if he approves of it, or if you 
 tell me, as I am order'd to make all reports to him, I shall 
 write to him on the subject, when I get his Answer you shall 
 be inform'd of his Sentiments. 
 
22 
 
 Go to your hunting ground & in the spring, I woud recom- 
 mend it to you, to go to your Village & plant your Corn, for 
 the next & it is the desire of the great King & S'. W 
 
 Johnson that all the world of Indians shou'd live in peace with 
 with the English. I cannot but think you are men of more 
 sense than think for the future of any attempt of Hostilities, 
 against the Seox, as they are brothers to us & by this Belt I 
 stop the road 
 
 AnsW. We will observe it, & thank you for your advice, 
 for the future we will not go to War without leave & will be 
 always ready when you order us, or when we receive orders 
 from S^ W™. Johnson, we thank you for your present, & are 
 joyfull that you have taken Pity on us, Adieu. 
 
 Decemb: The 12: A Misissaga Chief arriv'd from La 
 Baye & reported as follows Viz 
 
 Last fall I went to the Misissipe & was at the English fort 
 at the Illinois but did not arrive till after Mr Croghan, that 
 speaks truth to the Indians had gone to Philidephia, but I 
 heard many Lies & am sorry for it, the French told me that I 
 shou'd have a flag from them, but I got none, I was angry & 
 went up the Misissipe in a Cannoe, & a few days after Lewis 
 Constant, in a another Cannoe followed me & landed there 
 & the people in the Cannoe told me that two thousang french 
 had arriv'd at New Orleans & in the spring was to cut of that 
 Fort, there, which belongs to the English & early next Spring 
 woud attack Michillimackinac with Cannon. 
 
 Major Rogers's Answer Viz. 
 
 Brothers You do very well to tell me what news you have 
 heard, for they have chang'd away their Land they had to to 
 the Spaniards, & have not any Ground, on the West side of 
 Misissipi. You tell me the news I suppose with a design to 
 Get some rum. I give you this charge at the same time, & 
 tell you I think it a bad way to get drink; by telling french 
 stories for I know that what they have told you is Lies 
 
 Giving him & his Party a pair of Leggins, a breech Clout, 
 one Coat, two linnen Shirts, three Gallons of rum, & a lacd 
 Hatt 
 
 Desiring him to go to his winter hunting & to behave like 
 men & never think of listening stories for the future. 
 
23 
 
 January the 22"^ . 1767. A poor Savage of the Ottawas 
 came from the Mission being left behind sick with a token from 
 the Otawa Chiefs of the Village at abacroach begging assis- 
 tance. 
 
 Gave him the following Articles Viz. 
 
 Two shirts, two pounds of Powder, six pounds of Shott, & 
 one gallon of Rum, to carry to his Family. 
 
 Proceeding of Major Roger's with the Indians from the 
 2d of Feby to y« 23'^ of May 1767. 
 
 The ll*''. of March 76 Sent by M^ Henry a flag for the 
 Indians Village at S*. Marys, he deliver'd me a french flag that 
 had been in thier possession ever since the french had posses' d 
 this Country. 
 
 22^. of March, DeUver'd to the Chief of S*. Mary's & a party 
 of his men that came with fresh provisions for the use of the 
 Troops — two pounds of Gun powder, six pounds of Shott, 
 two pounds of Tobbacco & two Gallons of rum 
 
 This Chief brought no news, but came intentionally to to 
 sever the Garrission, he enquir'd very strictly what had pass'd, 
 in the winter, with the Ottawa's, & what news came from S^ 
 William Johnson since Cadot'^ had left this Garrission, that he 
 had Recc'd the message that was sent by him, & that himself 
 & all his young men wou'd observe what had been told them 
 
 Answer. I told them that every thing was Quiet down the 
 Country, that I had no news from the Ottawas, & that I did 
 not expect to hear from them till the Lake was was open that 
 might come in thier Cannoes, but when he returned the next 
 Spring, I did not doubt that I shou'd have news to tell him & 
 recommended it to him & his Party to behave well, & that 
 every thing which might concern them they shou'd know the 
 
 next time they came. Next morning this Indian and his 
 
 Party left the Garrission. 
 
 March 23<* The double look'd Indian came from the grand 
 river, with some fresh provisions on a slay, which was sent for 
 the Troops in the Garrisson, he said he but Uttle news and that 
 the Chiefs to whom he belong'd had not sent my young men 
 
 ' Cadot was a French Canadian and trader. He had erected for himself a fort upon 
 land owned by him near Sault Ste. Marie. He was not disturbed after the English occu- 
 pation of Fort Michillimackinac. 
 
24 / 
 
 from thier hunting during the winter, but at the time they left 
 the Fort last fall they had detatch'd four of thier young War- 
 riors to the Illinois to hear the News that was going there. 
 Gave him three gallons of Rum & the next morning, he set out 
 on his return to the Great Chief at the Grand Sable Island 
 the Party which he belong'd to. 
 
 March 30*^ Comishimegan a Chief of the Chippewas 
 came from Cheboigan and one In a dean with his wife and son 
 from Thunder Bay, and brought a Quantity of fresh meat for 
 the use of the Garrisson, but no news as they had not seen any 
 Indians during the winter 
 
 Gave them two pound of Tobbacco & three Gallons of rum. 
 Next morning they set out for thier hunting houses telling me 
 they woud soon return with more meat. 
 
 March 30*^^ In the evening Arriv'd a Chief of the Misis- 
 sagas from Thunder Bay with fresh meat for the Garrisson & 
 next deliver'd a slay load of Moose & Elk, Gave him one bed 
 gown two shirts, two pounds of Powder & two Gallons of Rum 
 the second day of April he went away. 
 
 April 6*^ An Indian with friendship came from Comish- 
 isemagan at Chebeoigan with news that his Chief & two others 
 was very sick & not able to hunt & beg'd for a little Rum to 
 cure them, & as they were all to come on very soon, he beg'd 
 for a little vermillion to paint themselves & has they had 
 brought in a great deal of fresh meat during the spring, hoped 
 that they might not be denied, & that they had some news, but 
 thier Chiefs desir'd Them not to tell it till they came them- 
 selves. 
 
 Gave them one pound of Gun Powder three pound of Shott, 
 one pound of Vermillion, two pound of Tobbacco, & two 
 Gallons of Rum; this Indian return'd the same day. 
 
 April 13*'^. Sent M". Cardin a frenchwoman to Abacroach 
 to find out what the Indians were about, as I hear'd that a 
 number of them, had assembled & it had been represented to 
 me that there bad intentions amongst them. I gave her three 
 gallons of rum to talk privately with them, & find out thier 
 designs 
 
 M". Cardin return'd a few days afterwards, & inform'd me 
 that the Indians was not ill dispos'd against the English, but 
 
25 
 
 had an intention of going to war against the Seaux, & that by 
 arguing them persuaded them from it, till thier Chiefs arriv'd 
 & shoud speak to thier Father concerning the meaning of thier 
 Expedition. 
 
 The same day Comishimegan arrived, with his party & a 
 string of wampum from his Brother Petowiskcom another 
 Chief of the Chippiwas, and inform'd me that La Force or 
 Sasowaket, had taken a belt sent him by the French, from the 
 other side the Misissipe by Mon'. S*. Onge, & they were de- 
 sir'd to hold themselves in readiness to strike the English, as 
 soon as thier old Father the French shoud give them notice, 
 to declare a War, & denied, that he knew if there was any 
 likelihood of a War between the french & Enghsh I Gave 
 them this Answer, their is no such thing at present as any War 
 between the french & English & I have often told you that the 
 french cou'd not get into North America, as they had given all 
 thier Lands in Canada to the Enghsh & the french where now 
 the Subjects of the Great King of England, & that land which 
 they posses'd on the west side of the Misissipi, was Chang'd 
 away with the Spaniards for an Island a great distance from 
 this Country : If any bad belts was sent as you have inform'd 
 me, they must have been given by some Renegade Frenchman, 
 who have no right to speak to Indians about pubhck affairs, & 
 if the Ottawas has taken belts I am certain it with no other 
 view, than to give them to me as soon as they arrive here, as 
 they themselves will laugh at such folly for they know better 
 than to beheve such idle reports. 
 
 Gave them the following present, part being for Petowisham 
 One hnnen shirt, two pounds of gun Powder, four pounds of 
 Shott, two pounds of Tobbacco, two gallons & a half of Rum. 
 Desiring them to go back to thier hunting at Chebiogan & 
 make themselves easy till the Ottawa's arriv'd, when they 
 shoud hear more about the belt which they were told off, & 
 that I should let them know every thing that Passd between 
 me & the Chippiwas concerning it. 
 
 In the morning these Indians went away well satisfied, that 
 the french woud not bring troops to this Countr3^ 
 
 In the evening Michecoweek a Misissaga Indian Chief, & 
 his party arrivd at this Fort without any news or provisions 
 
26 
 
 his main purpose was to beg, & stayd till the 27*^.; during 
 which time I gave him & his party two pounds of tobbacco & 
 two gallons of rum. Michecoweek on his return from 
 Michillimackinac met Kecowaskin & came back with him next 
 day. Kecowaskin brought about thirty Indians with him 
 they all stay'd here till the 1** of May, From him I had the 
 following Speech Viz 
 
 Listen & hear what I am going to say. 
 
 I have had a melanchoUy winter, one of my sons is dead & 
 all my Family are in tears for his loss, I hope you will give me 
 something to wipe away the tears from eyes & something to 
 bury the dead. Shewing his Cartiscock, or Commission, that 
 he had for his firm Attatchment to the English & said when 
 that was shewn he was always to have what ever he ask'd for 
 
 Gave him a stroud Blanket & one linnen Shirt to bury his 
 Son & between the time of his Arrival & the fourth of May, 
 Eleven gallons of rum, & when they were going away one 
 pound of Paint, by which I got rid of this beggarly tribe 
 
 May the 5*^ An Indian left sick at the Mission arrivd, poor 
 hungry, & Naked, I gave him gave him one half gallon of Rum, 
 one pound of tobbacco, with some victuals 
 
 The 8*^ A Band of Chippiwas, arrivd from hunting thirty 
 in number, gave them half a Pound of paint & one gallon & a 
 half of rimi, on which they went to thier Village on the Island 
 of Michillimackinac to wait the Arrival of thier Chiefs & the 
 remainder of thier Village, the Indians differed mentioning 
 news till thier Chiefs arrivd. 
 
 8*^ to y« 11*^. M" Carden & M' Seely were employ 'd as 
 spies on a party of Indians at Sheboigan, who were assembled 
 there, about a hundred in number & as I was informd with no 
 good intent. These people return'd on the ll**" with an 
 Account that these Indians had no bad intentions against the 
 Enghsh, but were going to war against the Soux, & they had 
 stopp'd there till all thier Chiefs shoud come in & Acquaint 
 me of thier Intentions, for provisions & thier expences, I paid 
 them twelve pounds eighteen shillings. 
 
 May 13*^ Sasawaket or La force the Chief of the Ottawas 
 at Abercroach, sent three of his young men to let me know that 
 he was arrivd at his Village, & that he had a medal & bill from 
 
27 
 
 S'. William Johnson as a token, for a four gallon Keg of rum 
 & some tobbacco, that he might taste a Httle of his fathers 
 Milk to clear the brains of his young Warriors, with that, 
 & the smoke of some tobbacco so that thier hearts & Actions 
 might be just & right. 
 
 I gave the Messenger four gallons & five pounds of tobbacco. 
 
 15**^ The Chief of Lacloch return'd with his band from his 
 winter's hunting on his way to his Village and Spoke as follows 
 Viz Father we have call'd to see you on our way to our Village 
 & to let you know what has pass'd during the winter on the 
 side of the Puans Bay 
 
 The foxes & fallivines are gone to war with the Illinois 
 Indians, & are joind by some of the Puans, they were to set 
 out about the time we came from thence we hear that the 
 Chippiwas at Point Chigomegan & some of the Christinos, & 
 Ashinoboins have joined in a body to go to war against the 
 Soux This is all the news we have worth your notice We 
 have calld to day to tell you what we have heard, & hope as we 
 are just passing, you, that you will have Charity & five us a 
 little milk to drink & some Tobbacco: 
 
 I thank'd the Indians for thier intelligence & ask'd some 
 other Questions, about the traders They told me that were 
 all well & safe on that side of the Country. I gave them one 
 gallon of Rum, & three Pounds of Tobbacco, on which the 
 Party went of to thier Village well satisfied. 
 
 A Band of the island Chippiwas arrivd at this Place with one 
 of thier Chiefs but gave no intelUgence, as thier whole Village 
 had not come in, I gave them on gallon of Rum, four Pounds 
 of Tobbacco, five pounds of Powder & four pounds of Shott to 
 kill me some Geese & Ducks, which they promised to bring me. 
 
 May 10*^ Sosawaket, or Laforce arrivd at this Fort with 
 about two hundred of the Ottawa's and spoke as follows Viz 
 
 Father I am at length got back after having a difiicult 
 winters hunting. I have brought those strings of Wampum 
 you spoke to me about last fall here is five of them delivering 
 the strings to you. These strings of Wampum came from the 
 West side of the Misissipe, inviting all the Indians to go there 
 with thier furs & Peltry to trade with thier old fathers, they 
 likewise desir'd as not to strike the English at present nor hurt 
 
28 
 
 any whatever of the traders, but to be ready when calld upon. 
 
 These are all I coud get of these strings, the other four are 
 gone to La Bay. I have sent Shawanes to find them & bring 
 them to you, but we are all dry, & all my young men are 
 thirsty & as you saluted us with Cannon when we Arriv'd, we 
 expect now to be saluted with the Bottle On which I gave 
 them a dram a piece 
 
 SosAWAKET or La force I have not much news to tell you, 
 all is that the Chippiwas & Crees are gone to War against the 
 Seoux from the west End & north side of Lake Superior, & 
 the Foxes & Malomones & Puans are gone to War with the 
 Ilinois, the Potowatamies, are at difference among themselves, 
 two Villages of them have done one another some mischief, 
 four men have been killd, this is all the news I have the 
 Ottawa's that we sent to the IlUnois last fall are not yet re- 
 turn'd, when they come in you shall have all the news that we 
 receive by them. We will always take the advice of the 
 English & observe what you have told us last fall. You see 
 that the traders that was with us are all return'd safe there has 
 not been one of them wrong'd, & every man of them has had 
 plenty of meat to live on, all winter they were not hungry 
 while in our Country they have had all thier Credit paid ask 
 them, we have brought them in with on purpose to tell you 
 this before your face 
 
 The Traders which winter'd with the Ottawa's confirmed 
 what they said We are now come to see you & desire that you 
 will not disapoint us, we are very dry for some of your milk, 
 two large Barrels is not more than sufficient to give us a taste, 
 therefore, we all ask that, & as we have always behaved well, 
 we hope that you will not refuse us. Some of our people are 
 dead & we desire something to cover them that we may return 
 to Village & not weep for we are not come this time to stay with 
 you, but shall go back this very day. Therefore what we ask 
 for we desire to have Immediately that we may return. When 
 we see S^ W". Johnson last & settled Peace with him at 
 Niagara he told us that when we shew this great belt we never 
 refus'd anything we demanded by that that token for reason, 
 & as what we have asked for at present, is but little, therefore 
 we hope you will not deney us of it: this is all we have to say. 
 
29 
 
 Answer I will give you something to cover the Bodies of 
 your dead & you have behav'd well in taking & bringing in to 
 me those strings of Wampum. You shall also have a little 
 rum to drink after you have done Crying for your deceasd 
 Relations, but I have not so much as you ask for therefore you 
 must be contented Contented with life Gave them four 
 stroud Blankets, three pair of Leggins, two breech Clouts, one 
 Coat, four shirts, & Eleven pounds of Tobbacco, this cloathing 
 is to cover your dead, & the Tobbacco to smoke over them & 
 here is one pound of Vermillion & twenty nine gallons of Rum 
 that you may take with you, this is to wipe away your tears & 
 dress your faces, & make you jo>^ull & glad: when your mourn- 
 is finish'd I will write to S''. W°^. Johnson, who will acquaint 
 the Great King of England your father, on the other side of 
 the Great Lake of your good behaviour, it gives me pleasure 
 that I can write to S^ William that you behaved well to the 
 traders And have paid them those Credits 
 
 The Ottawas Answer Viz 
 
 We thank you Father, we thank S"". W"". Johnson we thank 
 the Good & the Great King of England for having taking 
 notice of us, we are always ready to assist the English when 
 ever they call on us we are now going to our Village & shall 
 wait there till our young men Return from the Illinois which 
 we expect in a few days, when we will return & tell you any 
 thing father, that we may know, & hopes you will consider our 
 Old men & Women & our little Children, that cannot hunt & 
 give them something to cover them from the Cold, & that the 
 Chiefs of the Village of Ottawa's may be cloath'd, as they take 
 most of thier time in serving the EngHsh, & keeping peace, 
 among all the Nations, as they cannot so much as they other- 
 wise would, therefore we hope when we return again that you 
 will cloath them all, which will make us think that you have a 
 regard for us, this is all we have to say at present, our hearts 
 are clean & white as Snow farewell 
 
 May 2P* Minetawaba from the grand River arrived with 
 about one hundred men & Spoke as follows Viz 
 
 We are come to see you this spring & have brought the 
 traders with us in safety, that was along with us, we now 
 
30 
 
 deliver them & thier Peltry to you, there has been none of them 
 hurt, the goods they sold us are all paid for, all the strings of 
 Wampum that came to us we have deliver'd to Laforce, or 
 Sasawaket who came before us, & he told us as we pass'd the 
 Village of Abacroach that he had given them to you, so we 
 will never throw a stumbhng block in the smooth ways that 
 are open'd for us by the English, all bad birds that passes us 
 shall be beat to death, I have brought three Old men with me, 
 who was once chiefs in our nation, they are not able to hunt for 
 cloths to cover thier Bodies, I beg that you will give them some 
 Cloaths & something for our young men to drink & a Uttle 
 Tobbacco, that we may go to our Brothers at Abacroach were 
 we intend to stay till our young men return from the Illinois 
 & then come altogether to see you, I hope you will have Charity 
 on us 
 
 Gave them two Blankets of strouds, two pair of Leggins, 
 three Breech Clouts, three linnon shirts, three pounds of Gun 
 Powder & eight pounds of Shott for thier Old men, ten pounds 
 of Tobbacco, two pound of Vermillion & thirty gallons of rum 
 for thier Party, telhng them that I woud write to S^ W™. 
 Johnson as soon as possible & tell him of thier good intentions 
 & that the great King of England wou'd always hear of thier 
 good Actions when ever they did any 
 
 May 23"^ Arrivd Minetewaba & his band at Michilli- 
 mackinac from the grand River & spoke as follows Viz 
 
 I have brought my young men with me to smoke a pipe with 
 you & to assure you that everything Quiet on our side of the 
 Country. I beg as I have a great number of my young men 
 with me, that you will give me a Cannoe loaded with rum to 
 carry back to Abocroach where we are going to hold a a 
 Councill with our Brothers the Ottawa's & something to cover 
 our Old men & Womens. I gave him two stroud Blankets, 
 two pair of Leggins, three breech Clouts, the linnen shirts, 
 three pounds & a half of Gun Powder, eight pound of Shott, 
 & one half pound of Tobbacco, one pound of Vermillion with 
 two eight Gallon Kegs of rum. Withe the following Answer 
 Viz 
 
 I Have heard what you have said & approve of your going 
 to Abocroach to speak to your Brothers to hear what has pass'd 
 
31 
 
 during the Winter, & what news your young men brings in 
 from any of the Forts, they have visited, I woud be glad that 
 the Chiefs of both the Villages wou'd come here, & you may 
 send your Young men home, or leave them at Abocroach till 
 after the Council is over, as the Chiefs can communicate any 
 thing Material to the young men & after you tell me all you 
 have hear'd during the Winter, I will speak to you & if I get 
 any news from S''. W™. Johnson that concerns you, it shall 
 then be told you. 
 
 Minetewaba's Answer 
 
 We thank you for the trifle you have given our old men & 
 Women to cover them from the Cold, & for the paint, tobbaco 
 & Rum, that we may hght our pipes with it, but the rum is 
 not half enough for one taste a piece, all my young men are 
 Joyfull today, & I expected rum enough to make them merry 
 & I beg you will not make them asham'd, but let us have at 
 least a Cannoe load that we may drink heartily of our Fathers 
 milk Showing his medals & certificate that he had from S''. 
 W™. Johnson & other ofl[icers when this medal was given me, 
 I was told whenever I shew it, that nothing wou'd be denied : 
 and now in the name of all my young W^arriors, I ask for a 
 Cannoe load of Rum 
 
 I told them that S'. W™. Johnson had a great regard for 
 them, but that he never expected that they would ask any 
 thing unreasonable, when they show'd thier medals as it was 
 never intended any persons shou'd have presents, but when 
 they deserv'd it by their good behaviowr & that I thought the 
 Rum they had was full sufficient 
 
 Minetewaba's Answer Do not my Father let us be 
 asham'd, I told all my young men to come here & speak to 
 thier father, & told them that they might be assur'd of at least 
 a Canoe load of rum, therefore let us have it & don't make us 
 asham'd 
 
 Gave them two more kegs of rum & spoke as follows Viz 
 
 This is all that you shall have of me, & had I more as I have 
 but little rum I wou'd not give it you. go with this to Abo- 
 croach & make yourselves Joyfull & take care that you behave 
 properly till I see you again, On which Minetewaba & his 
 Party went off. 
 
32 
 
 May 23<^ Four Chiefs of the Chippiwa's arriv'd with about 
 one hundred men of their people, some of them belong'd 
 to the Island & others, dispers'd up & down on Lake Superior, 
 & the Lake Huron; they had little to say & had hear'd no 
 material news, but beg'd that I woud show them Charity as 
 they were very poor, & had bad success in hunting. They 
 desir'd something to cover them & some Rum; Gave them 
 two breech clouts,, one linnen shirt one Coat, two pound of 
 Tobbaco, thirteen gallons of Rum, & one pound & a half of 
 Paint on which they departed, to begin thier trade with the 
 Merchants; & left thier rum in Charge till they were going 
 away. 
 
 May 23'^ Gave M'. Henry Morch & dekyser, six Gallons 
 of Rum, & five pounds of Tobbacco, to set up the Flag at the 
 Indian Village at S*. Marys. 
 
 Do 23^ Laforce, or Sosowaket with five principal Chiefs 
 of their Village, arriv'd with some dry'd meat, which they made 
 a present of to the soldiers, in return I gave thier young men 
 two pounds of Powder, & sixty pounds of Ball, five coats to 
 the five Principall Chiefs on which the Indians returnd to 
 thier Village. 
 
 [From this part of the Journal to the end, the handwriting ia, in all probability, 
 Rogera's.] 
 
 N 8 A Journal of Major Rogers's Proceedings with the 
 Indians at the garrison of MichiUimackinac from May the 
 24*^ to July 23d 1757^ y[z 
 
 May 26*^ The Ottawas of the grand River Came in and 
 Next arrived also all the Ottawas from Abacroach as did those 
 of the Island 
 
 By June lO*** Arrived at different Times, the Potowataw- 
 men from St. Joseph, The Chippewas from La Bay, from the 
 Island & those who live near Lake Huron as did Their Chiefs 
 of different Bands from Lake Superior and the Saganongs and 
 Missasangans 
 
 June IS**" All the Chiefs of the above Indians being As- 
 sembled a grand Council was held the outside the Fort — 
 Minetewaba and La Force and Kegiweskow opened the As- 
 sembly and spoke as follows, viz 
 
33 
 
 My Father — We well remember what you told us last Fall, 
 your Words have been laid up in our Hearts and not one of 
 them is lost, and we come now to assure you that we have 
 minded no idle Reports & listened to no Fools who endeavoured 
 to put bad thoughts in our Heads Since we left you. — We have 
 dissuaded our young Men from joining the Chippewas in any 
 Hostile Measures and have kept this part of the Country 
 Peaceable and Silent And we have not been wanting in our 
 endeavour to keep things so to the Westward between our 
 Brothers the Chippewas Fallivines, Soux and other Nations 
 to whom the Chippewas have given Several Sly Blows 
 
 But we are now ready with all our Hearts to assist you in 
 heahng those Wounds — The Menomines, Sakes, Puans, 
 Renairds, Winebegos and Soux are all coming to see you & 
 ask your Advice upon this Occasion — And you now need only 
 tell us how to act & what to do in the Affair & we will obey 
 your Orders & keep your Words 
 
 The Chiefs of the other nations and Bands above mentioned 
 Spake much to the same Purpose 
 
 I Reph^ed That I was no Stranger to the unhappy differ- 
 ences between the Chippewas and Western Indians and to the 
 Attempts that had been made to draw others into the Quarrel, 
 which I had endeavoured to prevent — That I had by Season- 
 able Belts and Presents Kept Several Bands of young Warriors 
 in particular one under the direction of the Grand Sable and a 
 Party of Ottawas from joining in those Hostile Measures 
 entered upon by the Chippewas — I then urged them to be of 
 a peaceable and amicable Disposition towards the Several 
 nations of Western Indians To exert themselves in bringing 
 about a Friendly Accomodation between the Chippewas and 
 them and not to entertain the least thought of War or Blood- 
 shed — That they were all equally the Children of the Great 
 King my Master who desired they might all live in peace hke 
 Brethren & would certainly be displeased if they did not — I 
 recommended it to them to tarry till those from the Bay & 
 Lake Superior arrived that we might See each others Faces 
 all together & write as one in Clearing the Path & Brightening 
 the Chain of Peace that might extend through all the Nations 
 & Tribes of Indians from the Rising to the Seting Sun — I then 
 
34 
 
 gave a Belt to the Grand Sable a Chippewa Chief of the Island 
 to meet the Chippewas from Lake Superior with at St. Marys, 
 and let them know that that the Soux Puans & Western In- 
 dians whom they had Struck & wounded were coming to this 
 Fort to visit their Father and that I expected they would 
 behave peaceably towards them and be of a Temper when 
 they arrived to bury all enmity & Settle all past differences 
 
 I Then distributed Presents to them in the manner Set 
 Forth in my Account from May 24**^ to June 23"^ — Upon which 
 some of the Ottawas departed to their Villages, Others went 
 to meet the Soux & Western Nations to protect them from any 
 Attacks of the Chippewas on their way hither, and the Grand 
 Sable went to St. Marys to Treat with & Advise the Indians 
 coming from Lake Superior 
 
 Proceedings with the Indians from June 24*^ to July 3** 1767 
 viz 
 
 June 25*^ The Western Indians Soux, Sakes, Falavines, 
 Renards and Puans being Assembled outside the Fort, Raga- 
 gumach Spoke for all as follows 
 
 Father — We have been encouraged to make you this visit 
 by the .... last Fall that the Road from us to you was 
 clear & open and we now rejoice to find your Words true and 
 are glad to see you whom we look upon to be our Father next 
 to the King the great Father of us all — All us that are here 
 present are as one, and he that Strikes one Strikes all of us — 
 We are Situate at the greatest distance from you of any of your 
 Children, but we hope that we are not the less loved and 
 cared for by you for that, we know you have taken pains to 
 keep us from being Hurt — And we are Sorry that notwith- 
 standing we have been Struck and wounded by some of your 
 other Children the Chippewas who have lately Stained our 
 Country with the Blood of some of our People and given us 
 great provokation to lift up the Hatchet against them, but 
 we have as yet forborn and came to begg that you our father 
 will have pity upon us. See our past Injuries redressed & that 
 we suffer the like no more, otherwise we must defend ourselves 
 & repell Force by Force Our young Warriors have long been 
 ready & eager to return the blows we have received, but be- 
 
35 
 
 cause of your Words by Goddard and DeRevier we have re- 
 strained them. 
 
 I replyed That I was no Stranger to the Hostile Disposition 
 & attempts of the Chippewas towards them ; that I had taken 
 great pains to prevent any mischief being done in their Country 
 and was grieved that they had any Cause of Complaint being 
 greatly desirous that they & their Brothers the Chippewas and 
 all other Tribes and Nations under the protection of the King 
 my Master should live in Peace & Amity, and that I should 
 still endeavour for this all in my power, — I desired them not 
 to think of war but Peace and I would make the Chippewas 
 & others do the same, that they should at present be protected 
 and need fear no Harm from any one, — I then dismissed them 
 after a distribution of some Refreshments till such Time as a 
 Grand and General Council should be Held with all the In- 
 dians together some being not yet arrived that were expected 
 Several Conferences passed between this and the 2*^ of July 
 with the Chiefs and warriors of different Tribes and Nations 
 Separately, in which I could not but observe a pretty general 
 Hostile Temper to prevail & most of them upon the Point of 
 an open war & rupture to the Westward, there had been In- 
 juries Provocations and Bloodshed on both sides which joined 
 to y® natural inclination of those Savages to frequent Wars, 
 and the perfidious Conduct of the French and Spanish Traders 
 from the other side of the Misissipi by instilling false notions 
 into their Minds and Stiring them up to war among themselves 
 and into a bad opinion of us and our Traders made matters 
 look very unfavorable to our Trade in that part of the Country 
 at present. — I therefore urged it Strongly upon the western 
 Tribes and nations not to listen to or hold any Commerce or 
 converse with the French beyond the Misissipi as a thing Dis- 
 pleasing to the King to Sir William Johnson to me and to all 
 Englishmen and that must in the End be very dangerous and 
 Hurtfull to them to their wives and Children by cutting off 
 necessary Supphes from their Country and introducing 
 Poverty Famine and Miseries of every kind 
 
 To all which they weemed to listen and agree promising to 
 be true and faithfuU and to Act wisely for the Future 
 
36 
 
 I strongly recommended the same to the Chippewas and 
 other Tribes & Nations and received the same Assurances 
 from them which gave great Hopes that matters would be 
 finally Accommodated and brought to an happy Conclusion 
 among them to the full Satisfaction of all Parties — A grand 
 . . . Council was Held outside the Fort at this were present 
 the Chiefs of the Bay the Fallavines Puans Sakes Renards 
 Soux, Chippewas Ottawas Messissagas 
 
 The Matters of Complaint on either side & the Grand affair 
 of Peace and War were briefly touched upon and Canvassed 
 and after many Short Speeches Reply s and Rejoinders of no 
 great Consequence it appeared that there was a general dis- 
 position to peace and Amity prevailing among them which I 
 had before recommended to them Separately — I lighted the 
 Calumet or Pipe of Peace which was smoaked with the For- 
 mality usual on such occasions by the Chiefs of all the Tribes 
 and Nations, who gave one another the Strongest assurances 
 of Friendship and Love, Promised to forgive and forget all 
 past Injuries and Affronts, to keep down and restrain the Fire 
 of their young Warriors and use their utmost endeavours to 
 prevent mischief on all sides for the future and to live in 
 Harmony Concord & good Agreement like Brethren and Child- 
 ren of the same Father, begging that they might all be Treated 
 as Children in Common, have Traders sent amongst them and 
 be Supplyed with necessary goods in their Several distant 
 Villages and Hunting grounds which I assured them should 
 be done — Some Refreshments were distributed and the Coun- 
 cil concluded to the mutual Satisfaction of all Parties and the 
 next day viz 
 
 July 3"^ A Distribution was made of Presents to the Several 
 Tribes Bands and Nations as is Specifyed and Set forth largely 
 and particularly in my Certifyed Accounts of this Date^ . . 
 
 8 The Statement of Account by Rogers for gifts to the Indians and chiefs during this 
 memorable convocation held during the period from June 24 to July 3 is here given in 
 full from a copy of the original in the British Treasury Papers. 
 
 Almost without exception, bills of this kind when presented to Johnson were not al- 
 lowed, he claiming that such bills were unnecessary and not contracted with his authority. 
 At the termination of Rogers's Mi chillimackinac career the amount of such unpaid and 
 unauthorized bills amounted to many thousand pounds, and the correspondence relative 
 to euch claims, for which Rogers had become responsible to the traders, between him, 
 Sir William Johnson and General Gage, is extensive enough to fill a volume. Appeal 
 
37 
 
 and over and above a considerable Quantity of good 
 
 was Delivered the Indians that was given by the merchant 
 
 and it in my hand to be deUvered 
 
 To sett this matter in as clear & Just a light as I possibly 
 can, I shall point out the several outposts of Michillimakinac, 
 the number of Canoes & Quantity of Goods annually Required 
 to supply the Savages which resort to them, The prime cost 
 of those Goods in Quebec & Albany, the Expence of Importing 
 
 after appeal was made by him for a settlement of these bills, but without success, he even 
 went to England to press his case. 
 
 An Account of Goods given To The several Indian Nations in the district of Michilima- 
 canack by Robert Rogers Esq. Commandan between the 24th June and 3d July 1767 
 which he purchas'd of William bruce and Company- 
 
 To Whom Delivered 
 
 •2 ^^ 
 
 a o 
 
 e3 TO 
 
 ?@ 
 
 3 
 O 
 
 g® 
 
 * . 
 ^ 1 
 
 13 
 
 <U CO 
 
 XI ^ 
 
 o 
 Q 
 
 <o 
 ® 
 
 O 
 
 o 
 
 ® 
 
 13 
 
 
 6 
 
 si 
 o 
 
 •S 
 
 1 
 
 IM 
 
 3 
 
 o 
 2i 
 
 To The Foxes 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 2 
 
 6 
 
 IJ^ 
 
 4 
 
 
 £ 
 
 38- 3-4 
 
 ditto St. Marys 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 
 30-16-O 
 
 ditto Menomeneys 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 4 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 28-13-4 
 
 ditto Kawmeenipte geau 
 
 1 5 
 
 5 
 
 4 
 
 10 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 
 34-13-4 
 
 ditto Wood Lake 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 6 
 
 2 
 
 6 
 
 14 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 49-13-4 
 
 ditto La Point 
 
 4 
 
 7 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 4 
 
 10 
 
 13 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 54- 0-8 
 
 ditto Saucks 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 5 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 18-14-8 
 
 ditto Pewans 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 8 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 
 35- 4-0 
 
 ditto Rain Lake 
 
 4 
 
 6 
 
 12 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 6 
 
 16 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 49- 4-0 
 
 ditto Nippygong 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 26- 2-8 
 
 ditto Winnypeek 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 7 
 
 5 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 27- 1-4 
 
 ditto Minneewake 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 4 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 
 20- 9-4 
 
 ditto Souex 
 
 2 
 
 13 
 
 13 
 
 8 
 
 4 
 
 14 
 
 16 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 69-15-4 
 
 
 £481-13-0 
 
 I do hereby certify that the Above Account is Just and True as witnes my hand Mich- 
 ilmacanack 6th July 1767- 
 
 Wm Bruce & Co. 
 We the Subscribers do hereby Certify that the distributions of Goods were Actualy 
 made by Major Rogers To the different Nations of Indians as specify'd in the within 
 account, and are Confident that the within and other presents by him given to the 
 Indians which we have this day Certify'd were absolutely Necessary and well Timed 
 Otherwise an Indian War must have taken place in this Country Instead of a peace which 
 he has with Great pains, care, and fatigue to himself settled amongst all the different 
 Nations that Resort this post greatly to the advantage of His Majesty's Interest and to 
 those of his Subjects Trading to this Country who must have been Totally Ruined by a 
 War- 
 Given under our hand at Michilmacanack the 6 July 1767 T Spiesmacher Capt 2nd 
 Rob't Rogers Comm'^' Alec Jnt. Scote — Lieut of Artillery 2d Batt. 60 Regr' 
 T. Meadows Ens. 2d Batt. 60th Regim. Wm Maxwell — 
 D. Commissary of Stores & Provisions 
 
38 
 
 them from thence to Michilunakinac, And the quantity that 
 it will take provided the Trade is extended free & open to said 
 posts. 
 
 In the next place the Nmnber of Canoes and quantity of 
 Goods that will be Sufficient to Supply the post of Michili- 
 makinac provided the trade is confined to that, And no 
 Traders suffered to make sale of their Goods at the out posts. 
 Lists of Posts & the Canoes necessary to supply them, and 
 also a list of the furs and peltery that was exported from 
 Michilimakinac the summer of 1767 all of which was caught 
 the forgoing winter by the Indians. 
 
 In Lake Huron — 
 Saguinay Bay -------3 canoes 
 
 Machidash & Riviere auSable - - - - 3 
 
 In Lake Michigan 
 La Grand Riviere, and a few small posts 1 - 6 
 
 depending on it / 
 Saint Josephs & its dependancies _ - - 8 
 
 Milwayte 2 
 
 La Bay & its dependancies _ _ - > 36 
 In Lake Superior 
 On the South Side 
 Saint Marys - _ - - 
 La Point Chagouamigan, Including 
 S*. Ance, La fond du lac, la Riviere 
 Serpent & petite Ouninipique - 
 
 On the North Side 
 Michipicotton ----- 
 Brougth over - - - - 
 
 Changuina, Caministigua or three Rivers 
 Alempigan & its Dependancies one large 
 Canoe & five small ones which is equal to 
 
 In the Interior parts of the Country 
 to the West & Northwest of Lake Superior 
 Lake Leplus, Six small canoes equal to - - 3 
 Lake du Bois, two small D°. equal to - - 1 
 Riviere du Beuf & La Riviere Ounipiquel - 1}/^ 
 
 three small canoes equal to - - j 
 Fort LaReine, five small D°. equal to - - 2}4 
 
 8 
 
 60 
 
 69 canoes 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
39 
 
 La Biche, three small D". equal to - - - 1^/^ 
 
 Fort Dauphin three small D°. equal to - - 13^ 
 
 Dupais five small D°. equal to - - - - 2^ 
 
 La prairie five small D". equal to - - - 23^2 
 
 92 
 
 To the Souis 2 
 
 If the foregoing posts are all Supplyed Agreeable 
 to the Above plan I am well Informed that no 
 more than about Six Canoes would be Annually 
 consumed at Michihmakinac - - - - 
 
 Large canoes 100 
 One Hundred Canoes will not be more than Sufficient for 
 the Annual Consumption, if this Trade be extended under 
 proper regulations to the outposts. The Load for one of which 
 when made up in Montreal into Bales of about Ninety pounds 
 French weight for the Convieniency of Carrying them round 
 the Falls & Rapids on the Awawa or North River on the Rout 
 to Michihmakinac is as follows. 
 
 Eighteen Bales consisting of Strouds, Blankets, frize Coates, 
 Callimancoe Bed Gowns, coarse Callicoe, linnen Shirts, Leg- 
 gins, Ribbans, beads, Virmillion, gartering and many other 
 such Articles. And the following pieces of about the same 
 weight. 
 
 Nine Kegs of Gun powder 
 One Keg of Flint, Steels & gun Screws 
 Ten Kegs of British Brandy 
 four cases of Ironwork & Cutleryware 
 Two cases of Guns 
 Two Bales of brass Kettles 
 Two cases of Looking Glasses & combs 
 five Bales of Manufactured carrot Tobacco 
 Twelve Bags of Shott & Ball 
 One Box of Silverwork & wampum 
 Which goods at the lowest value at Quebec 
 Amount to 450 Steal: pr Canoe, prime cost £45000 
 
 of 100 Canoes _ . . _ - 
 
40 
 
 To which I may also add the price of the] 
 Canoes, together with the wages of upwards | 
 of 1000 Men, which are annually employed in j^ 
 this Trade between spring & Harvest to Navi 
 gate said canoes 95 10 for each canoe 
 
 Wages of Clerks, or Commis employ 'd\ 
 in Said Trade computed at about / 
 
 Carried over - 
 Brought over ------ 
 
 I may also allow for money annually paid 
 to Mechanicks, such as blacksmiths, Carpen- 
 ters, Coopers & Taylors to make up Cloathes, 
 Shirts & other things necessary for this Trade. 
 Together with the charges of Carrying the 
 said goods from Montreal to Lachine three 
 Leagues from Montreal, And on the other 
 side to Schinactady five Leagues from Albany : 
 in order to be Embarked, About - 
 
 Provisions such as Beef, Porkl 
 Biscuit & pease - - about / - - 
 
 9550 
 
 3888 
 
 £58438 00 
 £58438.00 
 
 1740.00 
 
 720.00.0 
 
 Prime cost & totall expense of 100 canoes to 
 Michillimakinac £60898.00.0 
 
 So that the Totall Amount of the Merchandize, with the 
 outfitt & Expences Arises to Sixty Thousand Eight Hundred 
 & Ninety eight pounds, in case the Trade be open and free to 
 the Different out postes : And these regulated properly by the 
 Commandant or Governour of Michillimakinac, so that the 
 whole may be equally divided, as in the time of the French, 
 which I have reason to think is not Exaggerated. 
 
 On the other hand if trade is to be Confined to this Fort 
 only, And the Traders not Allowed to go beyond it : Ten canoes 
 will be Sufficient, Which without making any Difference in 
 the prime cost of Goods and 
 
 The Expences, will Amount to - - - £6089.16. 
 
 from which it appears that the real 
 Difference from the first outfill by con- 
 fining the Trade to this Fort, and having 
 
41 
 
 it extended & carried on in the Indian 
 Country as it was formerly done by the 
 French is Fifty four Thousand Eight 1 54000 . 4 . — 
 
 Hundred & eight Founds four shillings / 
 of which Sum Great Britain will loss 1 40500 .0.0 
 
 Annually about Forty Thousand five / 
 Hundred Pounds, And the remainder will 
 Intirely fall on the most usefull and 
 Industrious part of his Majesties Sub- 
 jects in the province of Quebec: par- 
 ticularly within the District of Mon- 
 treal, who chiefly Depend on this branch 
 of Commerce for their Support. 
 
 A List of the fur and peltery that was Exported from 
 Michilimakinac y* Summer of 1767 
 
 price Current 
 at New York 
 Beaver Skins worth per pound 
 
 Each worth 
 
 Each worth 
 
 Foxes 
 
 Martins 
 
 Rachoons 
 
 worth Each 
 
 Each worth 
 
 4 
 
 Two 
 price curant 
 at New York 
 
 £000 
 £Sd 
 total amount 
 So that at Michilimakinac The gains anualy of the fur traid 
 is over and above paying all thier first cost and after Expence 
 ammount to £000^<* 
 
 The Estimate perhaps may seem partial to some, but as I 
 am confident it is very near the Truth, so I am persuaded it 
 will be approved of by such as are toUerably acquainted 
 with the Situation of Michilimakinac with regard to the out 
 Posts above mentioned, and to the Several Nations, Tribes 
 and Bands of Indians Trading to them — 
 
 In the first place it should be observed that if the Trade be 
 confined to Michilimakinac, few if any Indians from the West 
 
42 
 
 of Lake Michigan or from the South and west of Lake Superior 
 would ever visit that Post at all, some because they are at such 
 a distance that they cannot possibly do it, and others because 
 they can be Supplied at Home with every Article they stand in 
 need of, for it is more then probable, it is certain that if we do 
 not send a Supply to those Indians the Spaniards will, who 
 have already began to Trade in the Country of the Soux & at 
 some Posts on the Lake Superior and Michigan so that we 
 should wholly Loose the Trade of near thirty Thousand In- 
 dians which we may now Leave if it be extended to the out 
 Posts & these properly Supply ed, This loss would be of the 
 outmost moment but it is not all we should also loose their 
 Friendship; and their attachment to the French and Spaniards 
 would become stronger so that we should have them for our 
 most dangerous and implacable Enemies - _ _ _ 
 
 Secondly we not only wholly Loose the Trade of such num- 
 bers of Savages by a confinement of Trade to Michilimakanac, 
 but those nations Tribes and Bands that will continue to Sup- 
 ply themselves from that Post will not Trade near so largely, 
 perhaps not more than to two thirds of the value annully, 
 that they would do were Traders allowed to visit and Supply 
 them at their Hunting Grounds or winter Quarters, — 
 
 The reason of this is plain: The presence of the Trader 
 with a Supply of such Articles as the Savage wants, excites 
 and encourages Him to greater Industry and Assiduity in 
 Hunting, it animates Men Women and Children to exert 
 themselves to the utmost for the procureing of what they can 
 upon the Spot immediately Barter for such things as will be 
 usefull or ornamental to them. — 
 
 Besides, as the Savages are mostly poor they are not able to 
 supply themselves with large Stores of such things as are abso- 
 lutely necessary not only to their Hunting but even their 
 Subsisting with any Comfort, so that in case of any emergency 
 or Accident they must often Suffer great inconveniences if 
 Traders are not among them or near at Hand to Supply them 
 afresh, for Instance the Loosing or or breaking of a Hatchet 
 or two or three Knives & the like may lay a Whole Family 
 under great inconveniences for six or eight Months together, 
 the Spoiling of a Small quantity of Gunpowder, the breaking 
 
43 
 
 a Spring of a gunLock &c may be the means of destroying a 
 whole Seasons Hunt and of distressing and Starving a numer- 
 ous Family, whence tis easy to infer that confining Trade to 
 the Post of Michilimakanac will greatly diminish our Trade 
 even with Those Savages that will Still depend upon it for 
 their Supplies for the Savage can Trade only in proportion to 
 His Industry Skill & Success in Hunting, — 
 
 Nor is it difficult to collect furmer bad Tendencys such a 
 confinement of Trade must have to exasperateing & procureing 
 the ill will of those Savages who have been accustomed / & 
 their Fathers before them / annually to expect Traders with 
 Supplies of such articles as they wanted at their Hunting 
 grounds or winter Quarters, will not the necessitous distressed 
 & hungry Savage conclude that his hurt & ruin is connected 
 with if not intended by such an innovation? will he not be 
 provoked to retalliate in some way or other? 
 
 It may here be added that it is utterly impossible for many 
 of those Savages, who are within the Limits that would be 
 dependent on Michilimaka*' / were the Trade confined to that 
 only / to carry their Furs and Peltery there — First Many of 
 them have not & cannot have Conveyanses- — Secondly many 
 others must leave their Wives & Children to Starve and perish 
 in the Absence, and lastly the Situation & Circumstances of 
 Some nations and Tribes are such, that were they obhged to 
 carry to the Single Market of Michihmakanac the Produce of 
 their years Hunt or any Part of it, they must leave their 
 Wives and Children not only in a distressed and Starving Con- 
 dition but hable every day and Hour to become Slaves and 
 their whole Country and Substance be left a prey to neigh- 
 bouring Savages. 
 
 The different nations & Tribes are now often at war with 
 each other, and it is very certain these animosi' would increase 
 greatly when they come to have different different Connexions, 
 Separate Channells of Trade and as it were opposite Interests 
 
 I cannot but think what has been said is Sufficient to con- 
 vince any one that the above estimate of the odds between 
 confining the Trade to the Post of Michilimakanac only & 
 extending it free and open to the Out Posts at present depend- 
 ent upon it, is neither partial nor improbable, & that such a 
 
44 
 
 Limitation and confinement of Trade would not only greatly 
 curtail & lessen our Trade but would otherwise be greatly 
 Injurious & detrimental to the Brittish Interest in this Coun- 
 try, by opening a Doar for neighboring enemies to enter & 
 encroach upon our Territories, by cooling the Friendship of 
 many Savages and by exciting the Enmity rage and brutal 
 Revenge of many more against His Majestys Subjects in this 
 Part of the world, for it is well known that the revenge of a 
 Savage is not Governed by reason or Justice but falls at ran- 
 dom upon the first object he meets with anyways related to or 
 connected with those from whom he has received a real or 
 Suposed Injury 
 
 It should also be considered that the Sum of Forty Thousand 
 five hundred pounds in Trade is not the whole Loss that Great 
 Briton must Suffer by Such a Restriction For whatever Les- 
 sens British Manufacturers or puts a Stop to those Employ- 
 ments by which British Subjects may decently Subsist and 
 increase their Substance may be justly estimated a public 
 injury or national Loss, — now according to the above estimate 
 Such a restriction of Trade will Annually hinder the Sale of 
 Forty five Thousand pounds worth prime Cost in Qubec of 
 Goods chiefly of British Manufactury and as it must Hinder 
 the Sale of them there it will also hinder the importing them 
 from London to Quebec & thence to Michilimakanac and in 
 that proportion effect our Shipping or Naval Interest — and in 
 America it must immediately turn out of employment at lest 
 1000 Subjects who Act as Servants, Canoe Men & in carrying 
 on the Trade who not only decently Subsist by such Employ- 
 ment but many of them greatly increase their Substance and 
 consequently add to the Riches of the Nation. 
 
 So that upon the whole, the clear Profits of Trade Lost by 
 such a Restriction of Trade ought not to be estimated more 
 than one half of the real Loss it must be to the nation it should 
 be observed that the profits of this Trade does not come to 
 british Subjects in Cash but what is much better in fur and 
 Peltery, all which are to be manufactured and turned perhaps 
 to ten times their original value before they come to the 
 highest Market. 
 
45 
 
 For notwithstanding I have here fixed the Price at which 
 goods are Sold to the Savages at four times their prime Cost 
 in London allowing one fourth for the expence of importing 
 to MichiHimakanac, and two fourths for the Traders clear 
 profits, yet it should be observed that many of those goods 
 when carried to the out Posts are Sold at Six or eight hundred 
 & a thousand per cent in proportion to the distance to which 
 they are carryed, which great Advance after leaving upon an 
 average, goes to defray the expences of exporting & carrying 
 from one place to another the payment of Batteaumen, Cariers, 
 Clerks Interpreters and the Like.® 
 
 I cannot but think what has been said is abundantly Suffi- 
 cient to convince every one that it is greatly for the Interest 
 of Great Brittain not to restrict the Indian Trade to the Post 
 of MichiHimakanac but to extend it open & free with all rea- 
 sonable encouragement to the Several Out Posts that have 
 heretofore been looked upon dependent upon it & that have for 
 many years Since been Annually Supplied from it, and even 
 to extend it further if possible into the Interior Country to 
 Tribes and nations of Savages at present unknown I will 
 here only Subjoin that some national advantages may arise 
 and those not inconsiderable from having a number of Subjects 
 Annually Employed & for the most part resident four Six and 
 eight Hundred Leagues and some further, west, Northwest and 
 Southwest of Michilimakanac — who can say what valuable 
 Discoveries may one Time or other be made by this Means? — 
 and at any Rate this would prevent any other European 
 Nation from Secretly gaining any considerable footing in those 
 remote regions that might be detrimental to us — it would bring 
 a great number of British Subjects acquainted with the Rivers 
 Mountains, Plains and Capes of the Country in a good Degree 
 who would Serve for Guides and Conductors in case of any 
 immergency — it would give us an opportunity of knowing in 
 some good Measure the Temper and Resolutions of the 
 Savages with regard to us from Time to Time, — in fine it would 
 be as was hinted before a probable means of conciliation and 
 attaching great numbers of them to the British Interest, who 
 
 ■ This paragraph in the original Journal is crossed through in the lines, with the inten- 
 tion of striking it out. 
 
46 
 
 upon any Occasion would prove our Stedfast Friends and 
 faithfull Allies 
 
 Now the Case with Regard to the other principal Posts 
 below Michilimakanac is very different and no one reason 
 offered here for extending the Trade to the out Posts can with 
 any Strength or Propriety be urged for either of them 
 To begin with Oswego. 
 
 There are no Savages dependent upon that Post for a Supply 
 of necessaries or whose Furs & Peltery comes to that Market 
 but what at almost any Season may easily repair to it in two or 
 three days Time, or if they do not Chuse to go there, they may 
 with equal ease repair to the English Settlements and be 
 Supplyed with whatever they have occasion for. And indeed 
 the Trade with the Indians at Oswego is now very inconsider- 
 able and if divided into three or four Branches it would not be 
 worth a Trader's while to go after either of them, so that no 
 ill consequences can follow from a Restriction of Trade to this 
 Post 
 
 Nor is the case of Niagara widely different from that of 
 Oswego, the Trade with the Indians indeed is Larger, but there 
 are no Savages who are originally Supplyed from that Post or 
 that make it their usual Market, but what may repair to it at 
 all Seasons of the year in a very Short time and return again 
 to their Hunting grounds or places of residence, or in case of 
 any emergency may send a band of their young Warriors and 
 be quickly Supplyed with whatever they have occasion for — 
 Indeed there is no out Post belonging to Niagara so consider- 
 able that any Trader would Chuse regularly to attend and 
 
 Supply it were he permitted or desired to do it 
 
 As therefore no great disadvantage to the Traders or Incon- 
 venience to the Savages if any at all can arise from a restriction 
 of Trade to this Post there can I think be no Solid objection 
 why such Rextriction should not take place there 
 
 And as to Detroit the Case differs very little from that of 
 Oswego and Niagara, the Trade there with the Savages, Tis 
 true is much larger than at J)oth the other Posts, But it is 
 chiefly with Savages that have an easy and quick recourse 
 there, who at any time can in a few days be Supplyed from 
 thence with whatever thev have Occasion for: 
 
47 
 
 As to those Indians who Hve at a greater distance upon the 
 Southwesterly Banks of Lake Erie in Spite of any orders or 
 regulations to y^ Contrary they will not fail to stop such a 
 number of Pack Horses with their Drivers passing that way 
 from Philadelphia to Detroit Loaded with goods, as will be 
 Sufficient to Supply them — Nor can we reasonably Suppose 
 but that the Trader will easily submit to such a Constraint, as 
 he is saved from forfiting his Bonds given to the Commissary 
 at Fort Pitt and has a prospect of making a quick & advan- 
 tageous Market of His goods — . The very Same is the Case 
 at the Mamee where Ponteac has taken up His Residence for 
 two Winters part. He certainly will make no Scruple of Stop- 
 ing Such a number of Canoes passing between Detroit and the 
 Illinois as are Sufficient to Supply His band 
 
 This being the Case no material Injury or Inconveniency 
 can arise to the Trader, the Savage or the State by restricting 
 Indian Trade to Detroit 
 
 And to avoid Repetitions upon this Subject, very much the 
 same holds True of Fort Pitt and the Post at the Illinois: 
 The Savages dependent upon those Posts for Supplies of goods 
 are either so near to them that they can easily repair thither 
 upon any urgent Occasion & in a Short Space of time so as not 
 to distress their Families or neglect their Hunting, or else are 
 so Situate as to Supply themselves from Traders passing from 
 Philadelphia to Pittsburg, from Pittsburg to Detroit and from 
 both those Posts to the Illinois, or from Fort Pitt to Fort 
 Chartres, a Trade is also carried on from Fort Pitt by Boat 
 down the Ohio by which many Savages may be Supplyed &c 
 
 It need not surely be repeated that the Case of Michili- 
 makanac is very different — This is the outside or Frontier 
 British Post in America— It is or ought to be a Barier to all 
 that may come Westerly Northwesterly or Southwesterly to 
 the Pacific Ocean — It is or ought to be a Beacon from which a 
 most Extensive and as yet unknown Territory is Watched and 
 observed— It is or ought to be a Store House frought with all 
 manner of necessaries for the Constant Supply of almost in- 
 numerable Bands Tribes and nations of Savages — Savages 
 removed from it five, Six & eight Hundred and some a thousand 
 Leagues who cannot Annually nor ever in their Lives visit it 
 
48 
 
 as a Market — They must loose one years Hunt to make Sale 
 of another — They must leave their Families distressed and 
 Starving — Their Country and Substance naked & exposed to 
 Enemies, and perhaps perish themselves with Hunger and 
 want on their way — Savages long accustomed to expect 
 Traders Annually with Supplies in their respective Countries 
 
 Tis true some principal person from some of these distant 
 Tribes and nations, generally visit this Garrison once in two or 
 three years But it is their year's employment when they come 
 They bring nothing with them except some Triffling Present, 
 or some Small matter to exchange for necessaries to carry them 
 back again, they do not come to Market — Their Buisiness is 
 to renew and brighten the Chain or Path of Friendship and 
 make Solemn Declaration of their peaceable disposition and 
 Amicable Intentions towards us — , And their principal Re- 
 quest of the Commandant is that Traders may come into their 
 respective Countries, That their Wives, Children, Old Men 
 Friends and Countrymen may be Supplied with such things as 
 / having been long accustomed to the use of / they cannot 
 comfortably and patiently Subsist without — 
 
 But I forbear — Any one of the least SensibiUty may imagin 
 somthing of the Pain and Chagrin that a Commandant must 
 feel when he finds Himself obhged to Answer, that he cannot 
 permit any Trader to come nearer to them than this Garrison, 
 and if they want goods they must come hither for them — 
 
 And what must be the Consternation, the uneasiness dis- 
 pleasure and Resentment of those Tribes and Nations when 
 their Chiefs Return with this unexpected Melancholy but 
 possitive Answer who can Answer for the Measures they maj-^ 
 take in these Circumstances — 
 
 And will not a neighbouring Ambitious enemy make all 
 possible advantages of this unhappy Posture of Affairs — Will 
 they not construe. Aggravate and Turn such proceedings as 
 much to the Injury of Britton and British Subjects as possible 
 — Will they not hence take occasion to make inroads and in- 
 croachments and to create fresh Troubles to his Brittannic 
 Majesties Subjects? They already have done it and are doing 
 it daily as has been Hinted before 
 
49 
 
 But I will add no more upon this Head The Point is so clear 
 and obvious that it need not be enlarged or insisted upon 
 
 I shall conclude the whole I have to say with the following 
 Queries, in the Speedy Indicision and wise Dicision of which 
 I think the British Interest materially Concerned viz 
 
 Quer 1 Is it the Interest of great Britain to keep the Terri- 
 tories and Possessions in North America Ceded to Her by the 
 last Treaty or to give up or neglect a part of them and Suffer 
 a neighbouring Nation to become possessed of and fortifyed 
 in the Same? 
 
 Quer. 2 Is it the Interest of Great Britain to Secure and if 
 possible increase Her Trade of Furr and Peltery with the 
 Savages, or to Suffer that Branch of Trade to be curtailed, to 
 dwindle and fall into the Hands of Her Enemies? . . . 
 
 Quer S Is not the largest Channal of the Furr and Peltery 
 Trade in North America so circumstanced and Situated, that 
 the Security and increase of it greatly depends upon the due 
 Regulation & wise managment of Indian Affairs at the Post of 
 Michihmakanac? 
 
 Quer Jf. Ought not the Government to pay a particular 
 Attention to that Post upon which the Security of an immense 
 Teritory and a most profitable Trade so greatly depends? 
 
 Quer 5 Would it not greatly contribute to the Security and 
 increase of Trade in these boundless Regions to erect Michili- 
 makanac into a Civil Government independ*. of any .other 
 Post with a proper Subordination of Legislative and Executive 
 Officers for the forming of proper Regulations from time to 
 time and the due Administration of Justice? .... 
 
 Quer 6 Would it not contribute to the Same valuable pur- 
 pose not only to keep the Post of Michihmakanac Garrisoned 
 with a Suitable number of brave well disciplined Troops, but 
 to send into and Station in this Country some Companies of 
 light Troops, who might March upon any immergency to its 
 Out Posts or be employed in exploring the Country, Awing the 
 Savages and making fresh Discoveries? .... 
 
 Quer 7 Since it is in fact true / and can be reported By a 
 Multitude of Witnesses / that the French at Michihmakanac, 
 St. Josephs the Green Bay, St. Mary's and other places in this 
 
50 
 
 Country where they are lurking & walking up and down, are 
 an Indolent Slothful! Set of vagabonds, ill disposed to the 
 English and having great influence over the Savages are con- 
 tinualy exciting their Jealosys, and Stiring up their hatred and 
 Revenge against us, Ought they not therefore as Speedily as 
 possible to be removed out of this Country for the better 
 Security of British Subjects and British Trade? 
 
 Quer 8 Since Our Neighbours the French & Spaniards have 
 in Fact begun a Settlement on our Side or the East Side of the 
 Mississipi, upon the River Luis Constance where it joins at a 
 place called the Dog Plain, a thourough fare formerly for great 
 numbers of Indians to Michilimakanac and now intended by 
 them to prevent their Trading to that Post for the future, 
 Since they already have and daily are Sending out Traders to 
 Posts on the Lakes Superior and Michigan and into the 
 Country of the Soux &c which Acts are manifest encroachm** 
 upon the Territories and Trade of Great Britian 
 
 Ought not the Government to pay a Serious & Speedy At- 
 tention to these Encroachments and enter upon some effectual 
 Measures to prevent them? 
 
 If y^ above Queries be answered in the affirmative, as they 
 surely must, the following Plan, seems absolutely necessary to 
 gain the great, & Valueable Ends, hinted at, & propos'd by 
 them. Viz 
 
 Which is, humbly submitted, to the better Judgement, of 
 his Majesty . & the Government of Great Brittain who at all 
 times, have consulted the Interest of his Majestys Subjects, 
 but more especially at this Glorious period, of the Brittish 
 Annals Viz 
 
 That Michillimackinac & its dependencies, shoud be erected 
 into a Civil Goverment; with a Governer, Lieutenant Gover- 
 nor, & a Council, of twelve; chose out of the Principal Mer- 
 chants, that carry on this valueable branch of Trade with 
 Power to enact, such Laws, as may be necessary & these to be 
 transmitted, to the King: & for Approbation: That the Gov- 
 erner, shoud be Agent for the Indians, & Commandant of the 
 troops, that may be order'd to Garisson, the Fort who must 
 not see a divided power, which the Savages laugh at & Conte- 
 mon: and have Authority to leave the Lieut. Gov, his Deputy, 
 
51 
 
 when the service may, require him, to Visit the Indians at a 
 distance; in order to prevent, Quarrels and Wars among the 
 Savages; which at all times is disadvantageous, to the publick, 
 & to Trade, or in order to remove incroachments of the French 
 & Spaniards, or other greiviencies, that may occur at the out 
 posts, & Frontiers 
 
 For the further preventing of which, as likewise the inten- 
 tions, of French, & Spaniards, of drawing the Indians, from 
 between the Lakes Superior & Michigan & the River Misis- 
 siPPE, to trade wath them & build thier Villages, or settle thier 
 Habitations on thier side the said River, which they Actually 
 are attempting at this time: by sending Belts & Messages 
 amongst the Indians: to that purpose, with large presents to 
 induce them to it which is to my certain knowledge, having 
 clear proofs & Attestations thereof. I say for further prevent- 
 ing these & other dangerous Consequences to the well being of 
 trade of this distant & critically situated part of His Majesty's 
 dominions it is, or it seems absolutely neccessary, that a Body 
 of light Troops, or rangers, well diciphn'd, be fix'd in this 
 district, under the Command of the Gov'., Two three, or more 
 Companies, as shall seem necessary, -with, power to detatch 
 them, to any Post where it may be needfull, or to station a part 
 of them on those parts of the frontiers most expos'd, to the 
 incroachments mentiond above, at proper seasons of the Year, 
 such as the mouth of Ousconsins, where it joins the Mississippi, 
 & where the said encroachments, are notorious, or other such 
 places 
 
 That the Gov & his Council shoud report in all civil matters, 
 or in Affairs relating to the Indians to the King, & Council. 
 And that a fix'd sum shoud be allow'd Annually, for presents, 
 to the Indians, to keep them peaceable, & well dispos'cl to- 
 wards His Majesty's Just & mild Government such as shall be 
 thought reasonable and Adequate for a Post to which more 
 than one third of the Indians on the Continent resort, besides 
 many other nation to the Westward, as far even as the Pacific- 
 Ocean, that are not now known, who may be indued to visit, 
 & trade, with us, upon the Fame of so wise, & prudent, regula- 
 tions, if properly carried into Execution 
 
 The Nesessity of having a Lieu*. Gov"". & one who is known 
 to Indian Affairs, is pretty obvious from what has been said: 
 
52 
 
 That the Gov', may on many occassions be obhg'd to be at a 
 great distance from the Fort, as has been the Case since my 
 Arrival, at this Garrisson, having had repeated Belts, & mes- 
 sages, to visit the Indians, at great distance in thier Villages, 
 & has been absolutely obhg'd, to go. At which times one may 
 be oblig'd to leave the Command to one no ways known to 
 Indian affairs, which makes it absolutely necessary to have a 
 second well experienc'd as well with the manners of the Indians 
 so, likewise with the nature of the trade of this Country, one 
 who is a friend to Civil Power & to Trade, who need be no 
 further expence to the Goverment, then having the second 
 Company of Rangers with a moderate Allowance for Com- 
 manding in the Gov", absence 
 
 If to this Plan it shou'd be objected; that the constituting 
 of small Garrissons, & Posts, to the Westward, under the Com- 
 mand of regular Troops, wou'd answer all the purposes of the 
 Rangers &c It is plain they cannot, from many obvious 
 reasons. Regular Troops who must be often chang'd can never 
 know the Woods, the Savages, their manners, thier ways of 
 making War, or any of the purposes for which the Rangers are 
 propos'd. so well as men who are inlisted for these purposes, 
 who are pick'd out for thier knowledge & Experience in these 
 things, & who are to abide by, & make them the bussiness of 
 thier Lives. 
 
 These small Garrisons, being weak & at a great distance, 
 one from another & under the Command of inferior Officers, 
 are liable to be surpriz'd, or taken by force at all times by 
 the Savages, numbers of whom, are always dispos'd to com- 
 mit such depradations as a Savage heroism, or for plunder, 
 as happen'd in the last Indian War of 1763 
 
 The inferior Officers & Soldiers in small Posts, both from 
 their circumstances & their being not immediately under the 
 Eyes of their Superiors, have great temptations to yelld to 
 corruption & to tyranize over the Merchants & people in 
 civil Life 
 
 Whereas by the propos'd Plan, all are under a Civil 
 Power & Gov Commandant of the Troops, & Agent to the 
 Indians Which wou'd cause every Branch to be counte- 
 nanc'd for the mutual safety of each other.