Class _£ /""u> Book _^-^ GopNiight N'? ^^^1 ^ COPi'RIClIT DEPOSIT. The Story of the Old Boston Town House , , ,. - — ■ ■■ ■■■■ ■■■ "^ H i t HIM M l * Tir flH i ir iir iii j be H The Story of the Old Boston Town House 1658-1711 BY JOSIAH HENRY BENTON, ll.d. AUTHOR OF "SAJIUEL SLADE BENTON : HIS ANCESTORS AND DESCENDANTS' "A NOTABLE LIBEL CASE," "EARLY CENSUS-MAKING IN MASSACHUSETTS, 1643-1765," &C. With Portraits and Illustrations BOSTON Privately Printed 1908 ■ ■■ »■»■ 5Mmm lllLl» ^— ■ ■«» »■■■ ■■»— »»^- COPYRIGHT, 1908, BY J. H. BENTON [ 350 Copies Printed ] LIBRARY of oor;ar:£SS Tv/fcCoyies ncCDived JaN 9 1909 «. Ciipyriei-u Er'.rrv _ t- COPY D. B. UPDIKE, THE MERRYMOUNT PRESS, BOSTON Contents PAGE INTRODUCTION ix CONDITIONS IN TOWN AND COLONY BEFORE THE TOWN HOUSE WAS BUILT 3 ORIGIN AND CONSTRUCTION OF THE TOWN HOUSE 49 COLONY AND TOWN USES OF THE TOWN HOUSE 69 SHOPS UNDER AND ABOUT THE TOWN HOUSE 81 REPAIR OF THE TOWN HOUSE 89 GENERAL USES WHICH WERE MADE OF THE TOWN HOUSE 93 USE OF THE TOWN HOUSE BY THE TOWN OF BOSTON 97 THE TOWN HOUSE AS THE PLACE OF POSTING NO- TICES AND PUBLISHING LAWS 107 USE OF THE TOWN HOUSE AS THE PLACE OF PUBLIC RECORDS 1 1 1 USE OF THE TOWN HOUSE FOR A PUBLIC LIBRARY 119 USE OF THE TOWN HOUSE AS A PLACE OF WORSHIP 127 THE USE OF THE TOWN HOUSE BY THE COLONY GOVERNMENT UNDER THE ORIGINAL CHAR- TER, 1659-1686 145 USE OF THE TOWN HOUSE BY THE PROVINCIAL GOVERNMENT, I686-I689 173 USE OF THE TOWN HOUSE BY THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT, I686-I692; AND BY THE PROVIN- CIAL GOVERNMENT UNDER THE PROVINCE CHARTER, 1692-1711 183 Contents DESTRUCTION OF THE TOWN HOUSE 201 APPENDIX 3* REFERENCE TABLES 19* AUTHORITIES CONSULTED 21* INDEX 29* List of Illustrations Facing page BOSTON TOWN HOUSE 3 Drawn from a Description in the Building Contract BOSTON TOWN HOUSE AND LOCALITY 71 View looking up State Street Drawn from a Description in the Building Contract PLAN OF BOSTON TOWN HOUSE 78 Drawn from a Description in the Building Contract SIMON BRADSTREET 94 From a painting in the State House, Boston INCREASE MATHER 101 From a painting hy John Vanderspriet in the possession of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston Sir EDMUND ANDROS 112 From a painting in the possession of W.F.Andros, Esq., of London JOHN ENDICOTT 154 From a painting in the State House, Boston SAMUEL SEWALL 170 From a painting hy John Smihert in the possession of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston JOSEPH DUDLEY 196 From a painting in the possession of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston "BURNINGS BEWAILED," by Increase Mather 207 (1711) Reproduction of Title-page from the copy in the Boston Public Library "ADVICE FROM TABERAH," by Cotton Mather 211 (1711) Reproduction of Title-page from the copy in the Boston Public Library Introduction THE first important building for secular pur- poses in New England was the Boston Town House, built in 1658, at the head of State Street, where the present Old State House now stands. This Town House was destroyed in the great fire of 1711. The interest which properly attaches to the his- tory of the present building, constructed the year after the fire, has obscured the more important history of the original building. It may therefore be of value to those who love the memory of the olden time, when civil government in New England was getting under way, to give the story of the ancient edifice, which was for so long the centre of the civil and pohtical life of the town and colony, and to review some of the events which occurred in it and about it. No building in America has a history more interest- ing or instructive to the student of free government than the Boston Town House. Within its wooden walls American independence was born. It was the cradle of representative government in the New World, and a separation of executive, legislative, and judicial powers was developed by the contests waged in and about it. Here freedom of religious worship was first recognized in Massachusetts, and freedom of speech and of the press, though at first denied, finally prevailed. The Bos- ton Town House was the seat of government of the Colony under the original Colony Charter, from 1659 to 1684; of the government of the "Province of New England" under the royal authority, from 1684 until [ix] Introduction 1689 ; of the government by the people, under the name of the "Council of Safety and Conservation of the Peace," from 1689 until the establishment of the "Province of the Massachusetts Bay in New England," under the Royal Charter of 1691, and then under this Charter until 1711. The accomplished Bellingham, the bigoted Endicott, the passionate Phips, the brave and popular Leverett, the wise and conservative Brad- street, the tyrannical Andros, the amiable Bellomont, and the crafty and selfish Dudley, all sat as governors in the council chamber of the Town House. It was here that Andros was proclaimed " Governor of New England" in 1686, and here he concentrated all execu- tive, legislative, and judicial power in his own hands for nearly three years, until his arbitrary rule was broken by the revolt of the people and he was driven from the Colony, never to return. Here Dudley disgraced the judicial ermine as chief justice, and when the colo- nists claimed their rights under Magna Charta told them they must not expect the laws of England would follow them to the ends of the earth. Here, upon the uprising of the people in 1689, Dudley was brought and guarded by armed men until he was imprisoned in the castle to protect him from the fury of the people ; and here, in 1702, by a strange turn of fortune, he again came into power and was proclaimed as "President of Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Main, and the Nar- ragansett country, or King's Province." The Town House was for more than half a century the centre of the public affairs of the town and of the Colony. The laws of the Colony were there published, [x] Introduction and the regulations of the town were there posted. Dis- tances were measured from it, and those liable to mili- tary duty were summoned to assemble at it. Public meetings of humiliation and prayer and festivities were held in it. It was illuminated and decorated for victories, and darkened and draped for defeat. It was here that royal proclamations were read, and here the people met to protest against the tyranny of the royal governors and the oppression of the Crown. The stocks, the whipping-post, the prison, and the gallows stood close by, and the sentences pronounced by the courts within the Town House were executed under its walls. In this building the pulse of the people beat, and it became saturated and vibrant with the spirit of the time. Its story is the story of what was done in and about it, — the story of the time, — and is best told in the language of the records of the time. No modern phrases can bring to our minds the conditions of that olden time as effectively as the quaint and simple lan- guage of the records which were then written. The most important of these are the records of the select- men and of the meetings of the inhabitants of the town, and the records of the General Court and other courts of the Colony. During the period from 1674 until 1711 these are supplemented by the inimitable diary of the New England Pepys, Samuel Sewall. The process by which the people of Boston and of the Colony, having in the beginning no written laws and no established rules of conduct and of govern- ment, slowly created day by day and year by year, as the necessities of their conditions required, an orderly [xi] Introduction and efficient town and colony government is a most interesting social and political study. For such a study, the story of the Old Boston Town House makes an ex- cellent nucleus. Some of the details of its construction and uses may perhaps seem uninteresting ; but as they have historical value, they have been given place here. The location of the streets and of the houses of the pro- minent citizens, the market, the church, the jail, the meeting-places for the various official bodies, the cus- toms of the colony in respect to trade, to the punish- ment of crime, to education, and to the worship of God are all to be found in the records of those early years. The Story of the Old Boston Town House "The Puritan can well afford to be painted as he was." H. W. FoOTE Conditions in Town and Colony before the Town House was Built WHEN, in 1630, the first settlers of Boston came from Charlestown across the Mystic River to the peninsula then known as " Tri- mountain," most of them settled in the territory now included within Milk, Bromfield, Tremont and Han- over streets and the sea. The two principal streets were those now known as State Street and Washing- ton Street. State Street was called indifferently "the Water Street," "the INIarket Street," or "the Great Street;" it began at the sea, at about the present lo- cation of Exchange Street, and ran to Washington Street, then called "the Corn-Hill," "the High Street," or "the Road to Roxbury." Extending west from the Corn-Hill, at the head of the Great Street, was Prison Lane, twelve feet wide, leading to the prison where the Old Court House in Court Square now stands. This lane was afterwards widened twenty-five feet and called "Queen Street," and is now Court Street. At the south corner of Prison Lane and the Corn-Hill was the house of Samuel Cole, and opposite on the north corner of the Lane and the Corn-Hill w^as the house of Thomas Fairweather. On the south corner of the Corn-Hill and the Great Street was the house of Thomas Matson, and on the opposite corner were the house and land of the Rev. John Wilson, pastor of the First Church. The notable spot of the town was the junction of the Great Street and the Corn-Hill. The Great Street was there 113 feet wide, and continued substantially of [3] The Story of the this width for 150 to 200 feet easterly, toward the sea. Within this large space was the market-place, where agricultural products and articles of barter and trade were brought and placed on the ground, while sellers and buyers moved about among the wares without shel- ter from the weather. The importance of this market- place in the life of the town is curiously illustrated by the history of the choice of location for the second meet- ing-house, which was built in 1640. The first meeting- house was built in 1632, and was just below the site of the market-place on the south side of the Great Street, nearly on the spot where the present Brazer Building stands. This structure was occupied not only for wor- ship, but for all the public secular business of the town and of the Colony, until 1639; when, being "decayed and too small," it was sold and a new meeting-house was built on the west side of the Corn-Hill, on the site of the present Rogers Building. This location was chosen in preference to the one where the Old South Meeting House now stands, because the tradesmen who dwelt about the market-place desired the meeting-house to be placed near the market, so that the chief trade of the town should not be diverted from it. The junction of these two streets was the place where the first saw-pit for cutting lumber by hand was located. On October 17, 1636, the selectmen ordered that "all the timber in the markett place shalbe taken away be- fore the next meeting day, which is to be on the 1 day of the next moneth, upon the forfeyture of such timber as shalbe there then found, and that noe more timber shalbe thither brought upon the forfeyture thereof, and [4 ] Old Boston Town House the markett place to be gotten cleane and cleare dressed by that time by WilUam Brenton and John Sampford, upon theire forfeyture of x^. in default thereof, and the sawe pitte gotten filled." This shows that the use of the market-place for a market had then become so important that it could not any longer be occupied for other purposes, and its use continued to be thus restricted until the construction of the Town House in it, in 1658. It was about this market-place, and the old Town House, that the httle Puritan settlement grew to be the most important municipality in the ^Massachusetts Bay Colony and in New England. The colonists com- bined in a characteristic fashion their commercial and religious observances. In March, 1633-4, the General Court "ordered that there shall be a market kept at Boston upon every Thursday, the fifth day of the week." This was the famous "Lecture Day," on which vigor- ous week-day instruction supplemented the Sunday preaching. Lechford says: "Upon the weekdays there are lectures in divers towns and in Boston upon Thurs- days, when Master Cotton teaches out of the Revela- tion." Gathered about meeting-house and market-place were the dwellings of the men of light and leading in the young colony. In 1645 Governor John Leverett lived at the corner of Prison Lane and the Corn- Hill; Robert Keayne at the south corner of the Corn-Hill and the market-place, in the Great Street; the Rev. John Wilson on the opposite side of the market-place and the east side of the Corn-Hill; and Thomas Buttolph [5] The Story of the on the west side of the Corn-Hill, at the corner of Prison Lane. John Cogan had a house and shop on the north corner of the market-place and the Corn-Hill; John Dunster is named in the Book of Possessions as the owner of the lot on the site of the present Ames Building, but recent research shows that it belonged to the Rev. Joseph Glover, whose widow Dunster married in 1641. There is no record of the laying out of these streets or of any of the earliest streets of Boston. Their boun- daries were fixed by the construction of the rude dwellings of the early settlers on either side, and were subsequently confii-med by law.* The first houses were constructed of logs or of rough stones, the crevices stopped with mud, and had thatched roofs and chimneys of sticks plastered with clay. It is said that when Deputy Governor Dudley built his house at Newtowne, in 1632, Governor Winthrop reproved him for his showy extravagance because he covered the walls with clapboards. Thus closely grouped about the two centres of their common life, the market-place and the meeting-house, and thus simply housed, the colonists began to work out their ideal of a God-fearing government. Their earliest actions are significant and worthy the most care- ful study. The people were so few that at first they met together in what they called "General Meetings," and ordered their affairs by their general action. These meet- ings appear by the record to have been usually warned *See Sec. 2, Act July 6, 1734-5, Province Laws, ii. 711, as to boundaries of an- cient ways where buildings or fences had been maintained against them for more than forty years. [6] Old Boston Town House by public notice "ftom house to house," and sometimes to have been "privately warned." In a short time, how- ever, they began to choose certain of their number, usually nine, "to manage the prudential affairs of the town." These were chosen for the term of only six months, and at first were called "Townsmen," then "Select Townsmen," and finally simply "Selectmen." This office was deemed very important and was held by the most eminent persons. Governor Winthrop was for a long time not only governor of the Colony, but also a selectman of the town. The townsmen or selectmen were not paid for their services, but their food was provided at the town cost. In 1641 an order was made "that the Constables shall Pay unto Robert Turner for diet for the Townsmen £2-18 sh." The first settlers called each other brothers and sis- ters, and these titles were not only used in private inter- course, but are often found in grants of land; that is, a grant would be made to "our Brother "or to "our Sister ." They permitted no one to become an in- habitant without the consent of the town, and pro- hibited the entertainment of strangers for more than fourteen days without the permission of the selectmen. They regulated the use of the common lands, required the fencing of cultivated lands, and appointed scaven- gers or persons to keep the shores and the waters free from impurities and obstructions. One of their first pub- lic acts was to set up a whipping-post in the market- place. As early as March, 1639, it was ordered that no- tices of stray swine be set up "on the Whipping Poast." The Story of the They permitted no person to open a shop or to follow any trade without permission of the town or the se- lectmen. They established a free school, assessed taxes to be paid in corn, rye and wheat, and fixed the prices. In 1641 Indian corn was valued at three shillings a bushel, rye at three shilhngs fourpence, and wheat at four shillings a bushel. They erected fortifications for the protection of the town, regulated the depth of graves for the burial of the dead, and forbade the sale of any land or houses without notice to the selectmen. They paid four pounds a year for ringing a bell at nine o'clock at night and half-past four in the morning, and in 1650 they set up a town clock. They fined persons ten shil- lings whose chimneys were permitted to be on fire so as to flame out of the top, prohibited playing foot- ball in the streets, keeping sheep or swine upon the Common, and provided measures of brass as standards for the town. They admitted Inhabitants, Townsmen, and Freemen; women were admitted as Inhabitants, and Townsmen were admitted only to action in town affairs, while Freemen, who were required to be mem- bers of the church, alone voted for Deputies to the General Court, and in 1658 it was ordered that "the times of meeting for the Freemen should be distinct from the general townes meetings." Such, in general, were the condition and the conduct of town affairs at the time the Town House was con- structed. In the same way, out of the necessities which arose from time to time, the colony government under the Charter had grown up. This government existed [8] Old Boston Town House under letters patent from Charles I, granted March 4, 1628-9, a date corresponding to March 15, 1628, in the computation of time adopted in 1752 as "New Style." This grant was sometimes called "the Patent," and sometimes "the Charter" of the Colony. It constituted Sir Henry Rosewell, Richard Saltonstall, John Endi- cott, and others, with such as should thereafter be ad- mitted and "made free of the Company," "one body corporate and politique in fact and name, by the name of the Governor and Company of the Mattachusetts Bay in Newe England," granted to them the lands of New England, and required the government of the Colony to be by a governor, deputy governor, and eighteen assistants of the company to be chosen out of the freemen of the company. A study of the records of colonial procedure shows a singular mingling of contradictory tendencies. With the claim for unrestricted liberty, there was combined the most detailed supervision of personal conduct. A se- lection of a few of the typical acts of the colonists will throw light on the character of the people who were hving in and about Boston and for the convenience of whom the Town House was built. At the first meet- ing of the assistants in the Colony, August, 23, 1630, provision was first made for the maintenance of the ministers, then a beadle was provided "to attend upon the Governor and always to be ready to execute his commands in pubUc business," and then the governor, deputy governor and three other persons were made justices of the peace, to have the same power that jus- tices of the peace had in England. At the same meeting [9] The Story of the it was ordered "that carpenters, joyners, brickelayers, sawers and thatchers shall not take aboue two shillings a day, nor any man shall giue more, vnder paine of ten shillings to taker and giuer." At the next meeting Boston, Dorchester and Water- town were given their names as towns, and it was or- dered that "no persons should plant" (settle) in any place within the limits of the patent without leave of the governor and assistants. In September, 1630, ser- vants were forbidden to trade in any commodity ; con- stables were chosen; a seizure of "strong water" was ordered, because the owner had sold great quantities thereof and produced disorder, drunkenness, &c.; wages of mechanics were still further regulated ; two persons were ordered to be whipped, and two to be set in the stocks; a colony tax was levied upon the different towns, and coroners' inquests were had with verdicts of juries. In October, "for the establishing of the government," it was voted that the freemen should choose assistants and the assistants should choose from themselves a governor and deputy governor, who with the assistants should have power of making laws and choosing officers to execute them. In November a jury of twelve was im- panelled, and Walter Palmer was tried for manslaugh- ter and acquitted ; Sir Richard Saltonstall was fined £5 for whipping two persons without the presence of an- other assistant; Bartholomew Hill was adjudged to be whipped for stealing a loaf of bread, and John Baker to be whipped for "shooteing att fowle on the Sabboth day." At a Court in March, 1631, a constable was fined for an atteinpt to solemnize marriage between two [10] Old Boston Town House persons; trading money to the Indians was prohib- ited; and one Knopp was fined £5 for "taking upon him to cure the scurvy by water of no worth, which he sold at a very dear rate;" one Thomas Foxe was whipped for uttering scandalous speeches concerning the Court; and it was provided that whenever the number of assistants should be fewer than nine, it should be lawful for the major part of them to keep a court. In the same month it was ordered that all per- sons having "cards or dice or tables" (evidently gaming- tables) in their houses should make way with them under pain of punishment; the restriction upon the wages of carpenters, joyners, &c., was removed; and three men were ordered to be whipped for stealing pigs. -^/ On May 18, 1631, at a Court of Assistants, when there were present only the governor and deputy governor and five assistants, it was " Ordered and agreed that for time to come noe man shalbe admitted to the free- dome of this body poUiticke, but such as are members of some of the churches within the lymitts of the same." This fundamental order, made at a meeting of only seven out of the eighteen assistants required by the charter, — the least number that could lawfully act, — put the Colony government into the absolute control of the Puritan Church, This Court then authorized a ferry to Charlestown^ fixed the rates of ferriage, or- dered standards of weights and measures, and forbade the killing of wild swine. In June, 1631, the Court provided that no person should be hired for a servant for less time than a year, [ 11 ] The Story of the and that no person whatsoever should travel out of the Colony, either by land or by sea, without leave from the governor, deputy governor, or some other assist- ant ; ordered a servant to be whipped for running away from his master ; ordered Philip RatlifFe to be whipped and have his ears cut off for scandalous speeches against the Church ; and rendered a judgment between two parties upon an agreement. In September, 1631, they ordered that "sawers shall not take aboue 12*^ a scoore for boards, if they have their wood felled and squared for them, and not aboue 7^ the hundred, after 5 scoore to the hundred, if they fell & square their wood them- selues." In October, 1631, they ordered that adultery should be punished with death ; that corn should pass for payment of all debts at the usual rate it was sold for, unless money or beaver skins were expressly named; and levied a tax upon the different towns forthe"make- ing of a pallysadoe aboute the newe towne." In October, 1632, they ordered that, "Noe pson shall take any tobacco publiquely, vnder paine of punishm* ; also that euy one shall pay j'^ for euery time hee is convicted for takeing tobacco in any place, &; that any Assistant shall haue power to receave evi- dence & giue order for the levyeing of it, as also to giue order for the levyeing of the officers charge." They then ordered that a house of correction and a house for the beadle should be built at Boston ; that James Woodward should be whipped for running away from his master, and that the town of Saugus should have liberty to build a "ware upon Saugus Ryver." They also provided regulations for the training of [12] Old Boston Town House troops, and fines for being absent from training; fixed boundaries between towns; assessed a colony tax; granted "Noddles Ileland to M-^ Sam" Mauacke" upon the annual rent of "either a fatt weather, a fatt hogg, or xl" in money ;" and gave leave to Boston and Charles- town to fetch wood from the southern part of the is- land. At a meeting, April 1, 1633, they repealed the regu- lation of the price of corn to six shillings the bushel; granted fifty acres of land to William Blackstone near his house, which was on the west slope of Beacon Hill; fined a woman twenty shillings for breach of promise of marriage; punished John Sayles for steaUng corn and fish, and bound him out as a servant for three years, at £4 the year, to Mr. Coxeshall, and also bound his daughter out to Mr. Coxeshall for fourteen years, he to have "a sowe with her, & att the end of her time hee is to giue vnto her a cowe calfe." They then for- bade the sale of intoxicating liquors without leave from the governor or deputy governor; provided for the keeping up of fences against cultivated lands ; for the inventory and settlement of the estates of deceased persons, and for the validity of transfers of bills of ex- change. In October, 1633, they again provided that "master carpenters, tylars, bricke-layers, mowers," and other artificers should not take above two shillings a day, and not above fourteen pence a day if they had"dyett found them," and also that all other inferior workmen of said occupations should have such wages as the constable of the place and two other inhabitants chosen by him [13] The Story of the should appoint. They also ordered that the best sort of labourers should not "take above IS'^ a day if they dyett themselves," and not above eightpence a day if they "had dyett found them," and that "master taylours should not take above 12^^ a day, and other taylours not above 8*^ a day, if they be dyeted." And they finally ordered that "all workemen shall worke the whole day, alloweing convenient tyme for foode & rest ; " and or- dered that no person should spend his time idly or un- profitably under pain of such punishment as the Court should think meet to inflict. But in November, 1633, they made an order reciting that whereas the wages of workmen had been reduced to a certainty, there- fore lest workmen should be wronged by the excessive prices of commodities necessary for their life and com- fort, no person should sell any provision, clothing, tools or other commodities above the rate of fourpence to the shilling more than the same cost or might be bought for ready money in England except cheese, wine, oil, vinegar and strong waters, which might be sold "at such rates (provided the same be moderate)" as the buyer and seller could agree. They also provided that "for lynnen & other comodities, w'^^^ in regard of their close stowage & small hazard, may be afforded att a cheap rate, wee doe advise all men to be a rule to them- selues, in keepeing a good conscience, assureing them that, if any man shall exceede the bounds of moder- acon, wee shall punish them seuerely." Finding that lectures, which were ordinarily held in the forenoon, were "prejudicial to the common good in the loss of a whole day &c.," they ordered that there- [14] Old Boston Town House after no lecture should begin before one o'clock in the afternoon. On April 1, 1634, the Court ordered that any land not improved in three years should be free to be disposed of by the Colony ; that John Lee should be whipped and fined for calling Mr, Ludlowe, one of the assist- ants, a "false-hearted knave &c.;" provided that every person above the age of twenty years who resided in the Colony for six months and was not enfranchised, that is, made a freeman, should take the oath of an inhabitant in a form prescribed, or be banished; and also provided for the survey of houses, corn-fields, and improved lands, to be entered in a book, the same to be an assurance of the title thereto. At a General Court, May 14, 1634, it was "agreed and ordered" that none but the General Court hath power to choose and admit freemen, make and estab- lish laws, elect, appoint, and remove officers, or "to rayse monies & taxes, and to dispose of lands." At this meeting they instituted representative government by providing that the freemen of each town might "de- pute" persons "to deale in their behalfe, in y^ publique afFayres of the comonwealth, who shall haue the full power &voyces of all the said ffreemen,deryved to them for the makeing & establishing of lawes, graunting of lands, e^. & to deale in all other affaires of the comon- wealth wherein the fFreemen haue to doe, the matter of eleccon of magistrates & other officers onely ex- cepted, wherein euy freeman is to gyve his own voyce." They also granted leave to the inhabitants of Newe Towne (now Cambridge) to seek out some convenient [ 15] The Story of the place for them to remove their habitations, &c. ; took the recognizance of a witness in a criminal case in the sum of £200, and fixed a basis of rates and public charges, requiring the towns to "haue respect to levy euy man according to his estate, & with consideracon of all other his abilityes, whatsoeuer, & not according to the num- ber of his psons," thus making the basis of taxation the ability to pay. At a Court held September 3, 1634, they provided for the fortification of Castle Island, for the arming and training of troops, regulated the charges of keep- ers of inns, provided that keepers of inns and ordina- ries should not suffer tobacco to be taken in their houses, and that no person should take tobacco, pub- licly or privately, in his own house or in the house of another before strangers, and that two or more should not take it together anywhere. They then passed the following order as to clothing: The Court, takeing into consideracon the greate, supfluous, & vnnecessary expences occaconed by reason of some newe & inio- dest fashions, as also the ordinary weareing of silver, golde, & silke laces, girdles, hatbands, ec, hath therefore ordered that noe pson, either man or woman, shall hereafter make or buy any ap- pell, either wollen, silke, or lynnen, with any lace on it, siluer, golde, silke, or threed, vnder the penalty of forfecture of such cloathes, ec. / Also, that noe pson, either man or woman, shall make or buy any slashed cloathes, other then one slashe in each sleeue, and another in the backe; also, all cuttworks, imbroidered or needle worke capps, bands, & rayles, are forbidden hereafter to be made & worne, vnder the aforesaid penalty; also, all golde or silver girdles, hattbands, belts, ruffs, beav'^ hatts, are prohibited to be bought & worne hereafter, vnder the aforesaid penalty, ec,/... [16 ] Old Boston Town House provided & it is the meaneing of the Court that men & women shall haue liberty to weare out such appell as they are nowe pro- veded of, (except the imoderate greate sleeues, slashed appell, iiTio- derate greate rayles, longe wings, &c;) this order to take place a fortnight after the publishing thereof,/ After this they appointed a day of public humilia- tion; levied a colony tax upon the different towns; provided for an entry fee in actions brought in the Court of Assistants ; and received the account of John Winthrop, Governor, of his receipts and disburse- ments for public affairs. At the General Court in March, 1635, they ordered that no person should buy or sell tobacco "after the last of September next" under a penalty of ten shil- lings a pound, and that in the meantime no person should buy or sell tobacco at a higher price than it should be valued at by the governor for the time be- ing, and two others whom he might choose, under the same penalty. They ordered a beacon set on the sen- try hill in Boston to give notice of any danger, to be in the ward of one person , to be kept there until the last of September, the beacon to be fired upon the dis- covery of any danger, and the alarm given; and also ordered that farthings should not pass for current pay, but that "musket bullets of a full boare" should pass currently for a farthing, but that no man be compelled to take above twelvepence at a time in this pay. At this Court they appointed a committee of mili- tary affairs, giving them, practically, power to declare and enforce martial law, their power to continue un- til the end of the next General Court, and provided [ n ] The Story of the that the rent of Governor's Island, which had been granted to John Winthrop at a rental of one-fifth part of the fruit that should grow there, should be (at the request of John Winthrop, Esq.,) "a hogshead of the best wyne that shall grow there, to be paide yearely, after the death of the said John Winthrop, and noe- thing before." The same Court, upon complaint that divers persons did usually absent themselves from church meetings upon the Lord's Day, gave power to any two of the assistants to hear and censure, either by fine or imprisonment,at their discretion, all misde- meanours of that kind, provided the fine should not ex- ceed five shillings for one offence ; ordered that no per- son should keep a common victualling-house without licence; that merchantable beaver should pass at ten shillings the pound, and that rates might be paid in merchantable corn at five shillings a bushel. They also authorized the Court of Assistants to lay out and alter highways ; provided for the construction of a bridge over Muddy River; prohibited the purchase of the commodities of any ship without licence from the governor under penalty of confiscation; and or- dered that the "charges of dyett for the Governor, Deputy Governor, Assistants and Deputies, during the time of every court," as well as " the dyett of Com- missioners for martial discipline," should be paid out of the treasury; and further ordered that "Att euy Genall Court there shalbe sixe men appoyncted by the GoOn'" for the tyme being, out of the towne where hee lyves, to attend, with halberds & swords, vpon the pson of the Goun% & the rest of the members of the [18] Old Boston Town House Court, dureing the space of the first day of euy Genall Court, & that there shalbe two men appoyncted by the Goun'^ to attend, in like mann% att euy pticular Court, att the pubHque charge." And having ordered two grand juries to be summoned, one in March and the other in September, and "intreated the elders and bre- thren of the churches to consult and advise of one vni- forme order of dissipline in the churches, agreeable to the Scriptures," the Court adjourned. At the Court in May, 1635, the power of the com- missioners of military affairs was extended; provision was made for the preparation of a draft of laws ; per- mission was given to several persons to transport lim- ited amounts of corn out of the jurisdiction ; and it was ordered that no pigs should be kept for a longer time than a month between the last of July and the first of January ; that no corn should be given to any swine be- tween the last of July and the first of January, except corn brought from other parts, and refuse corn of the country ; and that every town should provide standards of weight and measure, and a "meat yard," all to be made by the standard at Boston and sealed by the marshal. In August, the Court of Assistants entertained and decided certain complaints against persons for tak- ing excessive wages, JNIr. Cogan witnessing upon oath that James Hawkins took two shillings sixpence a day from him for fourteen days. They also made an order for the arbitration of a dispute about two heifers, giv- ing the arbitrators power to examine witnesses upon oath; and allowed the will of John Russell. At a General Court in September, 1635, it was or- [ 19 ] The Story of the dered that no dwelling should thereafter be built above half a mile from the meeting-house in any new planta- tion; that it should be lawful for magistrates — or con- stables and two of the chief inhabitants, where there was no magistrate — to press men and boats at the pub- lic charge, to pursue and bring back any servants who should run from their masters; and provided that swine impounded should be cried at the next two lectures, and if they were not owned within three days, should be sold. At the same Court they provided that the grand jury should "have their charges of dyett allowed them out of the treasury," and the petty jury should have three shillings allowed them for every trial they passed upon, "to be payde by him that recouers the suyte;" passed further laws regulating the wages of workmen and the prices of commodities ; banished Roger Wil- liams on account of his "newe & dangerous opinions;" and ordered that none but freemen should have any vote in any town in "any matter of authority or necessity." On October 6, 1635, the Court of Assistants fined a man for contempt of court; ordered separate main- tenance of a married woman, with an allowance of twenty pounds to be paid to her quarterly by her hus- band, "as also a bedd with furniture to it;" and fined a man for selling knives and a scythe at a profit of above fourpence in a shilling. They regulated the charges of millers for grinding corn; provided that no church should be gathered in the Colony without the approval of the General Court and that it would not approve thereof without the ma- gistrates and elders of the greater part of the churches [20 ] Old Boston Town House also approved it; and to make this order effective they provided that no member of any church which should thereafter be estabhshed without such appro- bation should be admitted to be a freeman. They then established quarterly courts to be kept by the magistrates at Ipswich, Saleme, Newe Towne and Boston, which courts should try all civil cases where the debt or damage should not exceed ten pounds, and all criminal cases "not concerning life, member, or ban- ishment;" and provided for an appeal from any of these courts to the next General Court, but said that all such as should bring "any appeale without iust cause should be exemplaryly punished." Then they provided for "foure greate Quarter Courts" yearly at Boston by the governor and the rest of the magistrates, to be held "the fii'st, the first Tuesday in the 4th moneth, called June; the second, the first Tuesday in Sep- temb*^; the third, the first Tuesday in Decemb*"; the fourthe, the first Tuesday in the 1*^ monethe, called Marche." They also provided that all actions should be tried in the jurisdiction where the defendant lived; and provided that there should be thereafter only two General Courts, one in May for elections and other af- fairs, the other in October for making laws and other "public occasions of the Commonwealth;" and that no law, order or sentence of the General Court should be valid without the consent of the majority of the magis- trates on the one part, and of the majority of the de- puties on the other part, thus, for the first time, mak- ing the representatives of the people a check upon the power of the magistrates. [21 ] The Story of the At the same Court they authorized "the ffreemen of euy towne, or the major pte of them, to dispose of their owne lands, & woods, & make such orders as may concerne the well ordering of their owne townes, not repugnant to the lawes & orders here established by the Genall Court," and also to choose their own officers, as constables, surveyors, &c. In September, 1636, it was ordered that towns that had above ten freemen resident therein and under twenty might send one deputy to the General Court; those having between twenty and forty freemen, two ; and those that had above forty, three ; and that no town that had not ten freemen resident in it should send any deputy to the General Court. At the same session they passed an order forbidding the use of lace except binding or small edging laces, under penalty to the per- son wearing it and to the tailor setting it upon any gar- ment ; authorized the freemen of the tow^ns to fix prices and rates of wages for workmen, labourers and ser- vants; and provided for raising four hundred pounds "towards a schole or coUedge." At the General Court in December, 1636, they es- tablished a tariff duty on imported articles by an or- der that after three months every person who should buy or receive any fruit, spice, sugar, wine, strong water or tobacco, brought from beyond the seas with intent to retail the same commodities, should pay a duty of one- third part of the value or price thereof, and provided for an officer to survey all vessels, and make search in all warehouses, for the discovery of such articles and for the forfeiture thereof if the duty [ 22 ] Old Boston Town House was not paid. This order had the following peculiar proviso: "Provided, that this order shall not extend to such wine as the deacons of the churches shall buy or pcure, bona fide, for the churches publike vse." In iSIarch, 1637, they provided that no persons should be appointed captains in the train bands, or be chosen to any office, but such as were freemen, that is, church members, and authorized the freemen of the different towns to send their votes for the election of colony officers to the General Court by proxy instead of coming to the court to vote in person, as up to that time they had been required to do. September 19, 1637, at a Quarter Court held by the governor, deputy gov- ernor and assistants a grand jury was summoned and a man indicted for murder, who being tried by a jury of twelve, called in the record "the jury of life and death," was found guilty. At a General Court in November, 1637, William Aspinwall, John AVheelwright and many others were convicted of having signed a remonstrance or petition with regard to the ministry, called in the record "the seditious libell called a remonstrance or petition," and were disfranchised and banished ; a tax of a thousand pounds was levied for the payment of the Colony's debts ; a portion of the inhabitants of Watertown were authorized to remove and settle a plantation on the Con- cord River; and an order was made for disarming per- sons who shared the opinions of Mr. AVheeh\Tight and Mrs. Hutchinson. Under this order fifty-eight persons, many of them very prominent freemen of the Colony, were disarmed. The Court then prohibited the selhng of [ 23 ] The Story of the any beer or other drink for more than one penny the quart at the most; ordered that no brewer should sell any beer or other drink stronger than could be afforded at the rate of eight shillings the barrel; provided that innkeepers should sell unto their guests such victuals as they should call for, and not force them to take more or other than they desired, be it "never so mean or small in quantity;" and also provided that it should be lawful for any innkeeper to have in his house "some small quantity of strong water for his own private and necessary use." They then fixed a fine of one hundred pounds for brewing without licence by the Court ; or- dered that no persons should sell any cakes or buns except such as might be made for any burial or mar- riage, or such like special occasion, upon penalty of ten shillings fine ; and fixed the entry fee of actions at eighteen-pence and the making of executions at two shillings, and provided that there should be in every town "a coppey of the lawes ;" authorized the town of Newbury, by a vote of the freemen, to raise sixty pounds for maintenance of the ministry by a tax upon every inhabitant in the town; fixed the marshal's fees for levying of executions ; and ordered a bounty of ten shillings apiece for killing wolves and two shillings apiece for kilhng foxes. In 1637 a Quarter Court gave damages to a defendant against a plaintiff, who had summoned him to court and had not attended to pro- secute. This was done in two cases. In March, 1638, the General Court for the first time provided for a committee to hear and determine petitions and other private business ; provided for a re- [ 24 ] Old Boston Town House trial of measures and weights in each town ; banished John Green for writing a letter charging the Court with usurping the power of Christ over the churches and men's consciences; banished Jane Hawkins for presuming to meddle with surgery and medicine, and forbade her to question matters of religion except "with the elders for satisfaction." At the next General Court they ordered that Newe Towne should afterwards be called Cambridge, and that every town should bear the charges of their own magistrates and deputies to the General Court, requiring of them to allow three shil- lings sixpence a day for a magistrate, and for a deputy two shiUings sixpence a day, "for their dyot & lodg- ing." In September, 1638, the General Court provided for the distraint upon and sale of lands and goods of per- sons who had not paid their taxes ; established a court for the trial of small causes under twenty shillings; passed an order reciting that many of those who were not freemen, or members of any church, declined to contribute to town charges, and declared that every inhabitant in every town was liable to contribute to all charges both in Church and Commonwealth propor- tionately to his ability, whether a freeman or not. They also passed another order against the taking of tobacco; and provided that no man should kindle a fire by gun- powder for taking tobacco, except in his journey. Ap- parently these provisions against the use of tobacco were partially, at least, on account of the danger of fire. They then provided that all persons who had been excom- municated from any of the churches for the space of [ 25 ] The Story of the six months without labouring to be restored should be punished by fine, imprisonment or banishment. In March, 1639, the General Court ordered that the college to be built at Cambridge should be called Harvard College; and ordered the payment to Lieu- tenant Davenport for charges disbursed for slaves kept by him, which he was to pay back when the slaves had earned it. The slaves referred to in this order were per- sons whom the courts had sentenced to be committed as slaves in punishment for offences. Cases of this kind will be found stated in the Appendix. At a Quarter Court held in June, 1639, one Sylvester, "for speaking against the law about hogs, & against a perticuler ma- gistrate, was fined ten pounds;" Samuel Norman was sentenced to be whipped for speaking disrespectfully of the ministers; Boston was fined twenty shillings for de- fective highways; Roxbury was fined ten shillings for damming up a way from Boston to Dorchester; two millers were each fined three pounds for taking too much toll ; several persons were fined for releasing ser- vants before the expiration of their time; Hingham was authorized to use their meeting-house for a watch- house; and Watertown was fined ten shillings for not having a pair of stocks. At a Quarter Court in September, 1639, Daniel Clark, being found by a jury to be an immoderate drinker, was fined two pounds, whereof three shillings were paid to the jury, and the following order was passed against drinking healths: It is therefore ordered, that (after the publication of this or- der) no person of this iurisdiction, nor any other person who shall [26 ] Old Boston Town House hereafter come into this iurisdiction, (after one weekes residence heare,) shall, directly or indirectly, by any colo*" or circumstance, drinke to any other, contrary to the intent of this order, vpon paine of xij ^, to bee forfaited for every offence, to bee levyed by the constable, by order from any magistrate, or such as are ap- pointed in townes to determine small causes, vpon conviction by confession of the party, or other sufficient testimony vpon oath, to bee to the vse of the towne, where the offence shall bee coih- itted, & of the party complaining, by equall pportion. / The following order was passed with regard to wear- ing-apparel : Whereas there is much complaint of the excessive wearing of lace, & other superfluities tending to little vse or benefit, but to the nourishing of pride & exhausting of mens estates, & also of evill example to others, it is therefore ordered by this Court, & decreed, that henceforward no person whatsoever shall Psume to buy or sell, w*'^in this iurisdiction, any manner of lace, to bee worne or vsed w^'^in o"" limits./ And that no taylo*", or any other person whatsoever, shall here- after set any lace or points vpon any garments, either linnen, woUen, or any other wearing cloathes whatsoever, & that no pson hearafter shalbee imployed in making of any manner of lace, but such as they shall sell to such persons as shall & will transport the same out of this iurisdiction, who, in such case, shall have liberty to buy the same : And that hearafter no garment shalbee made w^^ short sleeves, whereby the nakedness of the arme may bee discovered in the wearing thereof; Sc such as have garments already made w**^ short sleeves shall not hearafter were the same, vnless they cover their armes to the wrist w**^ linnen, or other- wise: and that hearafter no person whatsoever shall make any garment for weomen, or any of ther sex, w*^ sleeves more then halfe an elle wide in the widest place thereof, & so proportionable for biger or smaller persons./ The following order was passed with regard to marriage : For pventing of all vnlawfull marriages, e*=. it is ordered, [27 ] The Story of the that, after dewe publication of this order, noe psons shalbee ioyned in marriage before the intention of the pties pceding therein hath bene 3 times published at some time of publike lec- ture or towne meeting, in both the townes where the pties, or either of them, do ordinarily reside ; & in such townes where no lectures are, then the same intention to bee set vp in writing, vpon some poast standing in publike viewe, & vsed for such papers^ onely, & there to stand, so as it may easily bee read, by the space of 14 dayes. And all townes w'^'^ have no weekly lecture shall fourthw*'^ ap- point or set vp a post in some publike place, to bee vsed for that purpose onely, vpon paine of xsh^ the month for default thereof./ At this Court the following important order with regard to keeping records was passed : Whereas many iudgments have bene given in o'' Courts whereof no records are kept of the evidence & reasons wherevpon the ver- dit & iudgment did passe, the records whereof being duely entered & kept would bee of good vse for president to posterity & a re- leife to such as shall have iust cause to have their causes reheard & reveiwed, it is therefore by this Court ordered & decreed that henceforward every iudgment, w*^^ all the evidence, bee recorded in a booke, to bee kept to posterity./ Item : That there bee records kept of all wills, administrations, & inventories, as also of the dayes of every marriage, birth, & death of every pson w*^in this iurisdiction./ It : To record all mens houses & lands, being certified vnder the hands of the men of every towne, deputed for the ordering of their affaires./ The business of the Court of Assistants having much increased, it was ordered that the assistants residing in or near to Boston, or any five, four or three of them, the governor or deputy governor to be one, might meet on the fifth day of the eighth, eleventh, second and fifth months, and determine civil causes not ex- ceeding twenty pounds in amount, and criminal cases [ 28 ] Old Boston Town House not extendingto life, member or banishment, and might summon juries for that purpose out of the neighbour- ing towns. It was also ordered that no magistrate or deputy should depart fi'om the General Court without the consent of the Court, under a penalty of one hun- dred pounds ; John Stone and his wife were admon- ished "to make bigger bread;" persons who were not innkeepers were authorized to entertain strangers upon occasion of great assemblies and arrival of ships with passengers ; each town was authorized to license some person to sell wine; and innkeepers were required to provide stables and hay for horses, and enclosures for pasturing where there was need ; but it was declared that if any should take excessive prices "they shalbee deepely fined for the same." They then passed a general order for laying out of highways and compensating any person whose pro- perty was damaged thereby; prohibited the kindling of fires by any person in other persons' grounds upon penalty of fine or whipping; and appointed the house of Richard Fairbanks in Boston as a place to which letters brought from beyond the seas, or to be sent beyond the seas, were to be brought, he to take care that they be delivered or sent according to their di- rections, and be allowed one pence for each letter, but they provided that no man should be compelled to bring his letters thither except he please. This was the first post-ofiice in the Colony. At a Quarter Court in 1639 the assistants made decrees of nullity of marriage and of divorce, fined the offending party a hundred pounds and to be set in the [ 29] The Story of the stocks for an hour on a market day after the lecture, saying, "the next lecture day if the weather pmit, or else the next lecture day after." In INIay, 1640, the Gen- eral Court repealed the order as to the time of begin- ning the lectures, and left the same to the discretion of the churches. Then they passed an order reciting the absolute necessity "for the raising of the manifac- ture of linnen cloth, &c.," and required the magistrates and deputies of the several towns to make inquiry "what men & weomen are skilfull in the braking, spill- ing, weaving, what meanes for the pviding of wheeles, & to consider w*'^ those skilfull in that manifacture what course may bee taken to raise the materials & pduce the manifacture, & what course may bee taken for teaching the boyes & girles in all townes the spiiiing of the yarne," and then added that "the like consideration would bee had for the spiiiing & weaveing of cotton woole." At the next session it was ordered, for the encour- agement of the manufacture of linen, woollen and cot- ton cloth, that whosoever should make any sort of the said clothes fit for use, and show them to the next magistrate or to two of the deputies, upon certificate thereof to the Court, should have an allowance of three- pence in the shilling of the worth of the cloth. It was also recited that there was "a great stop in trade and commerce" for want of money, and therefore it was pro- vided that no man should be compelled to satisfy any debt, &c., in money, but satisfaction should be accepted in corn, cattle, fish or other commodities at such rates as the courts should set down from time to time, or in [ 30 ] Old Boston Town House default thereof should be fixed by indifferent men to be appointed. But they carefully provided that this order should not extend to debts or other payment due or arising upon any contract or other original cause previously existing. They then fixed a bounty of forty shillings upon a wolf killed by hounds, and ten shillings upon a wolf killed with a trap, or shot ; and then they made an or- der which is quite significant, as showing that there was even then a tendency to overmuch talk in the legisla- ture, that "no man in the Generall Courts shall speake above three times to any cause without leave from the Govern o"^ or Court upon paine of 12*^ a time." Then they granted the ferry between Boston and Charles- town "to the colledge," and ordered that thereafter no mortgage or grant of any houses, lands, rents or other hereditaments should be enforced against any person except the grantor and his heirs, unless the same was recorded; appointed a recorder for Ipswich and for Salem, and for all other records the recorder at Bos- ton. But they provided that the whole bargain, sale, &c., need not be entered, but only the name of the grantor and grantee, the thing and the estate granted, and the date, and made the fee for every such record sixpence. In May, 1641, they established four Quarter Courts, to be kept each year by the magistrates of Ipswich and Salem, to have the same power both of civil and cri- minal cases that the Court of Assistants had at Bos- ton, except trials for life, limb or banishment, which were wholly left to the Boston Court; and provided for an appeal from any of these courts to the Boston [31 ] The Story of the Court, and also that actions of above a hundred pounds in amount might be tried at any of these courts, or at the Boston Court, as the plaintiff might elect. They also passed an order reciting the scarcity of money, the great abatement in prices of corn, cattle and other commodities, and declared that all servants, labourers and workmen should be content to abate their wages according to the fall of the commodities wherein their labours were bestowed, and that they should "be con- tent to partake now in the present scarcity, as well as they have had their advantage by the plenty of former times." They then passed an order granting a monopoly to such persons as should discover mines; desired the elders to make a catechism for the instruction of the youth in the grounds of religion ; again banished Jane Hawkins ; granted a monopoly of making salt to one Winslow; and further regulated the election of ma- gistrates by the freemen. In June, 1641, the General Court, reciting the want of clothing which was likely to exist in the Colony during the next winter, ordered that notice be given of a certain kind of wild hemp which it was thought might be gathered for the making of cloth, and par- ticularly ordered that all children and servants should be industriously employed "so as the mornings & evenings & other seasons may not bee lost, as formerly they have bene; (& if it bee so continued will certeinly bring us to pov'^ty;) but that the honest & pfitable custome of England may bee practised amongst us, so as all hands may bee implied for the working out of hemp & fflaxe, & other needfull things for cloathing, [ 32 ] Old Boston Town House w^'^out abridging any such servants of their dewe times for foode & rest, or other needful refreshings." They then granted a monopoly to certain persons named for the trade with the Indians in furs ; and re- pealed the order against selling strong water to the In- dians so far as these persons were concerned, the mo- nopoly to continue for three years. In December, 1641, they provided for an armory "in some part of Boston meeting house," and an inventory of the arms; estab- lished the form of the recorder's oath; condemned William Hatchet to be hanged ; provided for nineteen copies of the laws, liberties and forms of oaths to be authenticated by three of the deputies, and ten shil- lings apiece to be paid for each copy by the constable of each town. In 1642 the General Court provided that a plain- tiff who should not prevail in his action should bear all the charges of the Court occasioned thereby, and that he might further be fined if the merit of the cause should so require, and also provided that if the de- fendant was in fault he should pay the charges. After this they appear to have required security for costs by parties bringing actions. The selectmen of towns were given power to lay out ways in their own towns upon due recompense to be given to any person damaged thereby. The neglect of parents to cause their children to be taught to read and understand the principles of religion, &c., and to be industrious was again recited, and it was specially provided that children "who are sett to keep cattle be set to some other imploym* w^'^all, as spinning upon the rock, knitting, weaving tape, &c. [ 33 ] The Story of the & that boyes & girles be not suffered to converse to- gether." Then they provided that they would not pro- ceed to judgment in any cause, criminal or civil, with- out taking an oath to deal uprightly and justly therein, according to their judgment and conscience, which was the first requirement of an official oath in judicial proceedings in the Colony. They then provided for a record of births, marriages and deaths, including in their order a provision for finding out in the several towns who had been born and who had died since the first founding of their towns, and the recording thereof At this General Court it was provided that all causes between parties should first be tried in some inferior court, and if the defeated party should have any new evidence or new matter he might have a new trial in the same court upon an appeal or review, and if justice was not done him upon that trial he might then come to the General Court for relief At this same Court they provided that a jury might find the matter of fact in all trials between parties, and that "the judges are to declare the sentence of the lawe upon it, or they may direct the iury to find ac- cording to the lawe;" and also provided that if there were any matter of apparent equity, as upon the for- feiture of an obligation, &c., without damage, the judges should determine such matter of equity. This is appar- ently the first exercise of equity jurisdiction in the Colony. They then took special action with regard to pro- tection against the attacks of Indians, making provision for alarms, calling out the men in the different towns, [ 34 ] Old Boston Town House and specifically providing that "every towne pvide a sufficient place for retreat for their wives & children to repaire to, as likewise to keepe safe the amunition thereof." At the same Court they established the government and direction of Harvard College ; appointed a com- mittee to treat with commissioners from the other col- onies about a union to avoid danger from the Indians, &c., but carefully provided that they should not enter into any off'ensive war without order of the Court ; and passed an order preventing the sale of "insufficient" leather. They also made an order appointing arms to be brought to the meeting-houses on the Lord's Days and at other times of meeting providing that ammunition be safely disposed of, so "that an enemy may not pos- sess himself of it;" and passed another order reciting that, for "the preventing of occasions of partial and undue proceedings in Courts of justice, and avoiding of jealousies" in civil causes when there should be so near relation between any judge and any of the parties as between father and son, brother and brother, uncle and nephew (landlord and tenant, in matters of consid- erable value), the judge, though he might have liberty to be present in the court at the time of the trial and give reasonable advice in the case, yet should have no power to vote or give sentence therein, neither should sit as a judge "but beneath the bench when hee shall so pleade or give advice in the case." In this year they declared Samuel Gorton, upon consideration of his writings, &c., "to bee a blasphemos enemy of the true religion of o"^ Lord Jesus Christ & [35] The Story of the his holy ordinances, & also of all civill authority among the people of God, & perticulerly in this iurisdiction," and ordered that he be confined to Charlestown, "there to bee set on worke, & to weare such boults or irons as may hind"" his escape, & to continue dureing the pleasure of the Co'^t." In JNIarch, 1644, the sittings of the Deputies and of the Magistrates were separated by the following order : Forasmuch as, after long experience, wee find divers incon- veniences in the mann"" of o"" pceding in CoHs by ma*""^*® & depu- ties siting together, & accounting it wisdome to follow the laud- able practice of other states who have layd groundworks for gov- ernment & order in the issuing of busines of greatest & highest consequence, — It is therefore ordered, first, that the magistrates may sit & act busines by themselues, by drawing up bills & orders w'^'^ they shall see good in their wisdome, w^'' haveing agreed upon, they may psent them to the deputies to bee considered of, how good & wholesome such orders are for the country, & accordingly to give their assent or dissent, the deputies in like mann"" siting a pt by themselues, & consulting about such orders & lawes as they in their discretion & expience shall find meet for comon good, ^ch agreed upon by them, they may psent to the magistrats, who, according to their wisdome, haveing seriously considered of them, may consent unto them or disalow them; & when any or- ders have passed the appbation/ of both ma*'"'^'^^ & deputies, then such orders to bee ingrossed, & in the last day of the Court to bee read deliberately, & full assent to bee given ; pvided, also, that all matfs of iudicature w'^*^ this Co''t shall take cognisance of shalbee issued in like manner. In 1644 Thomas Dudley was commissioned as ser- geant major-general, by a commission of great length, giving him extraordinary powers, but requiring him at all times to observe such orders, instruction, messages [36] Old Boston Town House and directions as should be directed to him "from the Gen'^all Co^'t in the time of its being, k at all other times from the councell of the comon wealth," — a commis- sion not well calculated for efficiency of military action. At the same session they required any foreigner who might bring suit against a settled inhabitant to give security for costs in advance ; and also provided for the attachment of goods and chattels or of lands, by notice given to the party, or left in writing at his place of usual abode, and further provided that if the defendant was out of the jurisdiction the cause might be tried, but judgment not entered before the next court, and that execution should not issue before the plaintiff gave security to be responsible to the defendant if he should reverse the judgment in one year, or such further time as the Court should limit. In this year the Anabaptist controversy arose, when the Court passed the following order: Forasmuch as experience hath plentifully & often pved y* since y^ first arising of y^ Anabaptists, about a hundred years since, they have bene y® incendiaries of comon wealths, & y® in- fectors of persons in maine matf^ of religion, & y^ troublers of churches in all places where they have bene, & y* they who have held y® baptizing of infants unlawful! have usually held oth"" error's or heresies togeth"" therewith, though they have (as oth'' here- ticks use to do) concealed y® same, till they spied out a fit ad- vantage & oportunity to vent y™, by way of question or scruple, & whereas divers of this kind have, since o"" come^ into New Eng- land, appeared amongst o'"selues, some whereof have (as oth""^ be- fore y™) denied y® ordinance of magistracy, & y^ lawfulness of making warr, & oth''^ y^ lawfulnes of ma*''**^ and their inspection into any breach of y^ first table, w*^^ opinions, if they should be connived at by us, are like to be increased amongst us, & so must [37 ] The Story of the necessarily bring guilt upon us, infection & trouble to y^ churches, & hazard to y® whole comon wealth, — It is ordered & agreed, y* if any ^son or psons w^'^in y*^ iuris- diction shall eith"" openly condemne or oppose y*^ baptiz^ of in- fants, or go about secretly to seduce oth*"^ fro™ y*^ ap^bation or use thereof, or shall purposely depart y*^ congregation at y*^ ad- ministration of y*^ ordinance, or shall deny y*^ ordinance of magis- tracy, or their lawfuU right or authority to make warr, or to punish y^ outward breaches of y® first table, &: shall appear to y® Co'"t wilfully &: obstinately to continue therein after due time & meanes of conviction, every such ^son or psons shalbe sentenced to banishm*. At the same session they appointed a notary pub- lic ; and commended to the several towns the giving by every family of one peck of corn or twelvepence in money, or other commodity, for the college at Cam- bridge ; made a decree of nullity of marriage ; remitted the rent of the ferry from Boston to Winnetsemett, upon condition that the ferryman in lieu of rent should carry all the magistrates and deputies free, with their necessary attendants, and fixed the charge at the Wey- mouth ferry at twopence for every person's passage. In November, 1644, they propounded to the Rev- erend Elders certain questions, and received their an- swers at great length, as to the nature of the govern- ment under the patent, — whether the governor and assistants had power to dispense justice without some law or order of the General Court ; whether the gov- ernment was a pure aristocracy, or mixed with a demo- cracy, &c., — all of which answers were duly recorded, and such as were put to vote were approved to be just and true answers. At the General Court, in May, 1645, it was ordered [ 38 ] Old Boston Town House that all youth from ten to sixteen years of age should be instructed by some experienced soldier upon train- ing days in the exercise of arms and bows and arrows, provided no child should be taken to such exercise **against his parents' minds." An order was then passed against the keeping of inns without a licence, regulating the prices of wines, beer, &c., forbidding innkeepers to suffer any person "to be drunke or drinke excessively, or continue tip- ling above y'^ space of halfe an hour," and fining every person found drunk ten shillings; three shillings and fourpence for excessive drinking; for sitting idle and drinking above half an hour two shillings sixpence; and declaring it to be excessive drinking of wine when above half a pint of wine was allowed to one person, and that no labourer or workman whatsoever should be "inforced or psed to take wine in pay for his labo^" Then, turning to other matters, they provided for the placing of John Eales in some place where he might carry on his trade of beehive-making, the town to make up what was wanting to defray the expense of his livelihood; and passed an important order requir- ing that the charges for "the dyet of the Court" should be satisfied by the several towns according to their equal proportions. They then provided that assistants should have five hundred pounds estate allowed to each of them, rate free from town and country levies, for the space of three years, in consideration of the many public employments to which they were called. They also passed a further order as to the bounties upon [39] The Story of the wolves ; an order about a monopoly of iron works ; and the following act against lying : Whereas Trueth in Words, as xcell as in actions, is required of all men. Especially of Christians, xcho are the professed Servants of the God of Trueth; And whereas all Lying is contrary to truth, and some sort of lyes are not onely sinfidl {as all lyes are) but also pernicious to the Publick weal, and injw-ious to particidar persons ; It is therefore Ordered by this Court and Authority thereof, That every person of the age of discretion (which is accounted fourteen yeares) who shall wittingly and willingly make, or publish any lye, which may be pernicious to the publick weal, or tending to the damage or injury of any particular perso, or with intent to deceive and abuse the people, with false newes and reports, and the same duely prooved in any Court or before any one Magis- trate (who hath hereby power granted to hear and determine all Offences against this law) such person shall be fined for the first Oft'ence ten shillings, or if the party be unable to pay the same, then to be set in the stocks so long as the said Court or Magistrate shall appoint, in some open place not exceeding two houres. For the second Offence in that kind, whereof any shall be Legally convicted, the sum of twenty shillings or be whipped upon the naked body not exceeding ten stripes. And for the third Offence forty shillings, or if the party be unable to pay, then to be whipped with more stripes, not exceeding fifteen. And if yet any shall offend in like kind and be Legally convicted thereof, such person, male or female, shall be fined ten shillings a time more then formerly, or if the party so offending be unable to pay, then to be whipt with five or six more stripes then formerly, not ex- ceeding fourty at any time. The aforesaid fines shall be levyed or stripes inflicted either by the Marshall of that Jurisdiction, or Constable of the town, where the Offence is Committed according as the Court or Magistrate shall direct. And such fines so levyed shall be payd to the Treasury of the shire where the cause is tryed. And if any person shall find himselfe greived with the sentence of any such Magistrate out of Court, he may appeale to the next Court of the same Shire, giving sufficient security to prosecute his appeale, and abide the Order of the Court, and if the said [ 40 ] Old Boston Town House Court shall judg his appeal causless he shall be double fined, and pay the charges of the Court, during his action, or CoiTected by whipping as aforesayd, not exceeding ybr^f?/ stripes^ & pay the costs of the Court, and party complaining or informing and of the witnesses in the case. And for all such as beins; under ag-e of discretion that shall offend in Lying contrary to this Order, their parents or masters shall give them due Correction & that in the presence of some Officer if any Magistrate shall so appoint. Pro- vided allwaies, that no person shall be ban-ed of his just action of slaunder, or otherwise, by any proceeding upon this Order. They then passed an order for the encouragement of the raising of sheep for making woollen cloth; pro- vided further for the levying and collection of duties upon wines brought into the Colony ; appointed com- missioners for the United Colonies; appointed com- mittees of persons from each county to prepare a code of laws ; provided for the establishment of military com- panies in various towns, giving them authority to make orders for the managing of their military affairs, and the right to assemble themselves for military exercises ; levied a colony tax of £616.15, to be paid in cattle and commodities, the prices of which were fixed in the levy; and then "Upon weighty reasons moveing" they ordered that "Mrs. Chamberlin, widowe, sister to M"" Israeli Stoughton (lately a worthy member of y^ comon weale), shalbe alowed out of M"" Androws gift eith' a cowe or five pounds." Then being informed that there was no drum within the town of Salem, by reason of which the inhabitants had no way of giving warning upon the approach of an enemy, they ordered "y'^ y^ said towne of Salem shall pvide two good drums to be always ready upon occasion for y« towne & band, to be [41 ] The Story of the pcured w*^in three weekes, upon y^ poenalty of five pound." INIay, 1G45, they ordered a miHtary watch in all towns, and provided the form of the charge which was to be given to them when the watch was set; and re- pealed the order against drinking healths one to another. They prohibited the settlement or entertainment in any town of all persons who were not admitted by vote of the inhabitants. At one time no person could pass out of Boston after sunset on Saturday night except upon giving "such good account of the necessity of his business" as might be "to the satisfaction" of the per- sons who kept the ward or watch ; and no cart could pass out upon "any pretence whatever." They prohibited or- dinary amusements, decorative dress and ornaments of the person, the wearing of long hair or of wigs by men, and the curling of their own hair by women. They pun- ished swearing and lying with the lash, and blasphemy and adultery with death. They persecuted the mem- bers of the Church of England, made the observance of Christmas a crime, whipped and banished Quakers, and punished heresy with death. They fixed the prices of commodities and the wages of labour, and regulated the expense of living and the character of clothing, by arbitrary edicts. Their laws were enforced by fines, im- prisonment, whipping, mutilation of the person, brand- ing with hot irons, banishment and death. As we read the records of their courts we are amazed at the character of the crimes committed and of the punishments inflicted. In their penalties they did not respect sex or age. Women were put in the stocks, compelled to stand in the pillory with cleft [42 ] Old Boston Town House sticks on their tongues, whipped, banished and hanged, and even girls were pubUcly whipped. Their general law provided that whenever a person was committed to the house of correction he should be at once whipped and then kept on low diet and at hard labour. A partial transcript of sentences of this character made from the imperfect court records now remaining will be found as an appendix. Amongthemthe following are illustrative: Dan : Fairefeild was sentenced to be severely whipped at Boston on a lecture day, "have one of his nostrills slit so high as well may be, & then to bee seared, & kept in prison, till hee bee fit to bee sent to Salem, & then to bee whiped againe, & have the other nostrill slit & seared." Also "to weare an hempen roape about his neck, the end of it hanging out two foote at least," and if found without it to be whipped. Philip Ratliffe, for uttering malicious and scandalous speeches against the government and the Church at Salem, was sentenced to be whipped, have his ears cut off, fined and banished; and Katherine Finch, "for speaking against the magistrates, churches and elders, was censured to be whipped and committed till the General Court." John Kempe, for immorality, was censured to be whipped at Boston, Roxbury and Salem and commit- ted for a slave; and James Luxford was sentenced, "for his forgery, lying & other foule offences," "to bee bound to the whiping poast, till the lecture from the first bell, & after the lecture to have his eares cut of; & so hee had liberty to depart out of o"^ iurisdiction." Rebeckah Rogers was sentenced to be "severely [43] The Story of the whipped with thirty stripes on a lecture day next after the lecture ; " and Maurice Brett, for contemptuous car- riage towards the Court, was sentenced to stand in the pillory with his ear nailed to the pillory, and after an hour's standing to have his ear cut off, and to pay twenty shillings for his swearing, or be whipped with ten stripes. Elisabeth Broune was sentenced to stand an hour upon the gallows, and to be tied to a cart's tail and be severely whipped, not exceeding thirty-nine stripes, to the prison, and on the next lecture day at Charlestown to be carried over and there alike severely whipped with thirty stripes. Darby Ryan was sentenced to be tied to a cart's tail, "stripped from the girdle upward and on his naked body to be whipped with thirty-nine stripes well laid on" presently after the lecture, in Bos- ton. Elinor May was sentenced to be tied to a cart's tail and *' whipped upon her naked body from the prison to the place of her abode, not exceeding thirty-nine stripes well and severely laid on;" a Frenchman, for the offence of clipping money, was sentenced to stand two hours upon the pillory and then have both ears cut off by the executioner; and Mary Knights was fastened to a cart's tail, and severely whipped on her naked back to the prison. Joseph Gatchell, for blasphemy, was sentenced *'to be placed in the pillory to have his head & hand put in & haue his toung drawne forth out of his mouth & peirct through w"^ a hott Iron & then to be returnd to the prison there to Remajne vntill he sattisfy & pay all y^ charges of his tryall & ffees of Court . . . The marshall Genril taking neces- [ 44 ] Old Boston Town House sary help w*^ him is to see y^ execution of y* sentenc pformed." Dunton, who was in Boston in 1686, wrote that " Their way of whipping Criminals is by Tying them to a Gun at the Town-House and when so Ty'd whip- ping them at the pleasure of the Magistrate and ac- cording to the Nature of the Offence." Dunton may have seen this done, but the records show that a whip- ping-post and stocks, or pillory, were early put up in the market-place, and after the Town House was built were maintained below and at the east end of it, and that persons were tied to this post to be whipped. The calmness with which even cultivated men then viewed the pubhc whipping of women appears from the record by Governor Winthrop of the punishment of Mrs. Ohver in 1638. She was a woman of good character, but differed violently with the magistrates as to religious matters, for which she was reproved, and finally sentenced to have her tongue put in a cleft stick, and then to be whipped. Winthrop calmly writes of this in his journal: "She stood without tying and bare her punishment with a mascuHne spirit." But he adds, "After, when she came to consider the reproach which would stick to her by this, she was much dejected. " And yet the colonists of Massachusetts Bay were no more bigoted or cruel than the people of the other colonies and of England at the time.* It was a fana- tical, cruel, bigoted period, when liberty of conscience and of person, though loudly professed, was rigidly * For a comparison of the laws of the colonies and the laws of England in these matters, see Blue Laws, True and False (Trumbull). [ 45 ] The Story of the suppressed, and individual action was subject to the most minute and arbitrary public control. In the "Body of Liberties" of 1641, punishment by whipping was restrained as follow^s : " No man shall be beaten with above 40 stripes, nor shall any true gen- tleman, nor any man equall to a gentleman be pun- ished with whipping, unles his crime be very shame- full, and his course of life vitious and profligate." But this 7^estraint of whipping to forty stripes was evaded by whipping the criminal at successive times and in different towns. Not less than twelve crimes were still punishable by death under this code, and all laws were declared by it to be based upon the laws of God. But while the colonists thus ruled their internal af- fairs, they steadily maintained their chartered privi- leges and their rights under the common law of Eng- land against all encroachments of the royal power; and though they may seem to us now to have been tyrannical and cruel, they were men of character and courage — they believed something and had that con- stancy born of conviction w^hich always ultimately pre- vails over mere intellectual power. Thus the early settlers lived and ordered their af- fairs. Their lives were plain and simple, and full of suf- fering and toil. They had no written constitution and no lawyers. The Bible was their constitution and the min- isters were their lawyers. Their civil government was developed from their theology, and their legislation was the reenactment of the laws of God, as they under- stood them. Amid these rude surroundings and primitive condi- [46] Old Boston Town House tions, under the severe but salutary rule of the Puritans, when the stocks and the whipping-post, though less expensive, were quite as efficacious for good order and law as the modern reformatory and prison, the first Town House was built. [47] Origin and Construction of the Town House THE Town House had its origin in the sagacious benevolence of Captain Robert Keayne, the first commander of the Ancient and Honourable Artillery Company, and one of the most prosperous and bene- volent citizens of the town. He was a merchant, and his house and shop were at the southeast corner of the Great Street and the Corn- Hill, where he daily saw the necessity for better conditions for the market. The need of a Town House was felt by all the citizens, but they were not able, even if it had seemed to them pro- per, to pay the expense by general taxation. The first suggestion of record with regard to a Town House is found in the town records of March 12, 1649, when "At a generall Townesmeettinge of all the Inhabitants ... It was ordered that those that shall un- dertake to builde a howse for the Courts to be kept in, shall have the Imunitye of it that comes by any tole or rent to them and their hayers for ever." But the people were very poor, and as no one could be found to undertake the expense required for the construction of such a building, they continued to use the meeting-house, not only for worship, but for town and colony affairs, until after the death of Captain Keayne. He died March 23, 1655-6, and left a will written wholly in his own hand, of about one hun- dred and fifty closely written folio pages. The preamble was as follows: I Robert Keayne, Cittizen and M^'chant Taylor of London by [ 49] The Story of the freedome, and by the good Providence of God now dwelling at Boston in New England in Aniireca being at this time through the great goodnes of my God, both in health of body, & of able and sufficient memory, yet considering that all flesh is as grasse, that must wither and will returne to the dust, and that my life may be taken away in a moment, therefore that I may be in the better readinesse (and freed from the distracting cares of the dis- posing of my outward estate, w'^'^ comonly followes the deferring of it, while the time of sicknes or day of Death, when the minde should be taken up with more serious and waighty consideracons) I doe therefore now in my health make ordaine & declare this to be my Last Will and Testament and to stand and to be as ef- fectual! as if I had made it in my sicknes, or in the day or hours of my death, which is in manner and forme following First and before all things, I coinend & comit my pretious soule into the hands of Almightie God (who not onely as a Loving Creator hath given it unto me when he might have made me a bruite beast, but also as a most Loveing father & mercifull Sa- vio'", hath Redeemed it with the pretious blood of his owne deare Sonne and my Sweete Jesus; from thegulfe of missery and ruine that I by Originall Sinne and actuall transgressions had plunged it into) Therefor renowncing all manner of knowne errors, all Popish Prelaticall superstitions, all Anabaptisticall inthusiasmes and Familisticall delusions, with all other fayned devises, and all Old and New upstart opinions, unsound and blasphemous errors, and other high imaginations, that exalt themselves against the bono*" and truth of God, in the way of his worsh, and ordinances and against the dignitie and cepter of the Lord Jesus Christ my Savio'". In this will he said as to a Town House: I haveing long thought & considered of the want of some necessary things of publike concernment which may not be only comodious but very profitable & usefuU for the Towne of Boston, as a Market place & Cundit, the one a good helpe in danger of fyre, the want of which wee have found by sad & costly experi- ence not only in other parts of the towne where possibly they have better supply for water but in the heart of the towne about [50] Old Boston Town House the market place, the other usefull for the country people that come with theire provisions for the supply of the towne, that they may have a place to sitt dry in and warme both in cold raine & durty weather & may have a place to leave theire corne or any other things safe that they cannot sell, till they come againe, which would be both an incouragement to the country to come in & a great meanes to increase trading in the Towne also, to have some convenient room or too for the Courts to meete in both in Winter & Sumer & so for the Townes men & Commissio''^ of the Towne, also in the same building or the like there may be a convenient roome for a Library & a gallery or some other hand- some roome for the Elders to meete in & conferr together when they have occasion to come to the towne for any such ende, as I perceive they have many. Then in the same building there may be also a roome for an Armory to keepe the Armes of the Artil- lery Company & for the Souldiers to meete in when they have oc- casion. Now if it should not be thought convenient by the Elders & Deacons or guids of the towne that all these conveniencyes should be under one roofe or in one place of the towne or that there be some places already built that may conveniently be used or fitted up with smale cost for some of these purposes, as in the Meeting House for a Granere or Armory & other places in it for the Magistrates & Commissio""^ to meete in as they doe sometimes, it is true in the sumer they may, in the Winter they cannot for want of chimneyes & fyres, but it would be necessary & more convenient (And the Towne hath beene often speaking about it, to have such a building for such uses though yet it hath not beene accomplished) if there were a place fitted on purpose & set apart for suce publike uses, and if advice were taken with some skilfull & ingenious workmen & some others that have good heads in contriving of buildings such as Mr. Broughton, Mr. Clarke, the Chirirgion &c. there might such a model be drawne up that one fabricke or building may be easily contrived that would con- veniently accomodate all these uses, without extraordinary cost and yet may be so done as would be a great ornament to the towne as well as usefull & profitable otherwayes but if the chiefe of the towne should be of anoth"" minde, then I should propose [51 ] The Story of the this, that the cundit & Markett House be sett in the market place somewhere betvveene M*" Cogiiis house & mine or anywhere in that great streete betweene M"". Parkers House & M*" Brentons or rather M"". Webb's if it should be judged there to be more convenient, these two may handsomely be contrived in one build- ing in w*=*^ possibly may be some other convenient roomes fitt for some of the uses before mentioned besides & for those which that place cannot supply, as for a Library & for a Gallere or Long Roome for the Devines & Schollers to meete & conferr togeather upon any occasion it may be contrived to be sett all along on the foreside of the Meeting house joyning to it on the one side and the other side to be supported with pillars so the roomes about may be for Court meetings at the one side & the Elders at the other & the open roome betweene the pillars may serve for Mer- chants, M"" of Shipps and strangers as well as the towne (being either paled or horded on the ground) to meete in at all times to conferr about there busines & occasions w*^*^ I conceive would be very advantagius to the towne & may be so contrived & sett forth y* will be no disgrace or incumbrance to the meeting house but a great ornament to it but if it should be thought not convenient to have it in the front of the Meeting House, it may accomplish the same ends, if placed on that side of the Meeting House from Seargeant Williams shop to Deacon Trusdalls house, or if a build- ing placed in one of these two places may accomplish all the ends before menconed save only the Cunditt then a large Cundit may be sett up alone, about the place where the Pillary stands & the other about the meeting house as before w*^'* I leave to the best contrivement of the towne & the Elders & Deacons w'^'' building or buildings if the towne shall thinke meete to goe about it & improve them for the severall uses before mentioned, only the Granere may be in any other place of the towne as shalbe thought convenient, I stand not upon that though my owne judgement leads me to thinke that some places or place about the Comon Market or near to it wilbe most suitable for many reasons. I say towards the building of these convenient places. Item I give and bequeath three hundreth pounds in good merchantable pay the one third part thereof when the frame is [ 52 ] Old Boston Town House brought to the place & raysed or some part of it before when the frame is in some forwardness if neede be, the sconde part when the chimneyes are built, the house covered and closed in round and all the floors layed, and the last third part when it is quite finished, provided that it be gone about and finished within two or three yeares at the most after my decease, and if any of these either a Cundet or Markett House should be sett up before my death, by the towne or any other in the place or places above mentioned, then my gift shall remaine good either for some addition to the same worke or for the accomplishing of those other workes by me mentioned that are not done by others, with a rebating proportionable to what is or shalbe be- fore done by the towne or any other Pson, Now that these things may not be only for a show or a name & when finished prove as shaddowes & stand as emptie roomes without substance that they may be improved for the uses that I ayme at & in- tend though my estate is not such as whereby I am able to doe what I desire & would be willing to doe if I had it, for such publike benefitt, yet for examples sake & encouragement of oth- ers (especially of our owne towne w*^^ will have the benefitt of it) & such in the towne that have publike spirits & some comfort- able estates to helpe on such workes I shalbe willing to cast in my mite & bring my lime & hare possibly God may stirr up the hearts of others to bring in their Badger skines & silke & others more costly things that the worke may goe on & prosper in so smale a beginning. The will then provided that when the room for the "meeting of the Elders in the Towne House" was fitted so "that they might meet when they pleased thereat fower pounds a yeare should be payd out of some of his shops in Boston by quarterly payments w^'^ should be ordered and disposed as the Eld"^^ should direct or advise to provide some refreshing for them when they meete or now and then dinn"^^ as farr as it will goe & as themselves shalbe pleased to husband it." [53] The Story of the Then followed another provision for a "convenient fayre roome in one of the buildings before mentioned for an Amory & the meeting of the Artillery," &c. Later on in the will Captain Keayne spoke further of this legacy of three hundred pounds, partially as follows : Now concerning the originall legacy of Three hundred pounds that I have given to the Towne of Boston for the raysing of a Cundit in the Market place & for a building to fitt for such uses as I have before mentioned, if any shall alleadge that three hun- dred pounds is not sufficient to accomplish it I answ*". 1. That it may be some of these may be gone about & finished by y^ Towne before God may call me out of this world as y^ Cundet or m''kett house &c. & then there wilbe the lesse to doe and I know that the Towne hath agitated it & seriously intended to have gone about to doe them all except only y® library, as such things that are needfull & will turne to the publike advantage of the Towne. 2'^. I say that I conceive if it be well managed & ordered it may doe it all or very neare it. I suppose one of the two last houses that I built hath roome enough in it to accomplish all the ends before mentioned excepting the Cundit, if it had beene first con- trived & thought on for such an ende, yet that hath not cost me 400''', not by so much as I suppose will neare build a new Con- dit, but Thirdly if it should fall short I doe expect & suppose that the Towne wilbe willing to add to it & make up the rest either by enlarging of the Conveniencyes or beautifying the structure for the better ornament of the towne & possibly some else may thinke of some other thing wanting, that may be as usefuU to the genn'"all good of the towne as most of these to be added to it, w*^'^ I have not thought upon, besides if I were about to build a thinge that I conceive would be very usefull & ad- vantagious to me but am not comfortably able to beare the charge of it, if any freind out of love to me would lend me 300 "'. some considerable time gratise it would be a great incouragement to goe on with the worke, but if he should offer to give me freely SOO''^. towards it I should think my selfe bound to be very thanke- [ 54] Old Boston Town House full to him and to be willing to make up what is wanting rather than I would loose so free a kindness by my neglecting of the worke. But possibly some wilbe ready to apprehend that I may doe this only for my own endes & benefitt w^^ may make them the more backward to have it goe on especially with any of their own Cost, for some such spiritts there be that had rather deny them- selves a benefitt then that another should enjoy e a greater bene- fitt by it, as some have said that I have beene very forward to have a Cundit in y* place because I have so many houses & build- ings there about & so a Market House wilbe more the beneficiall to bring trade to my shops. I answ"" putt case that this were in all things true, it is not sinefull nor unlawfull in Christian prudence to pvide meanes for the p*" venting of danger or procureing of any lawfull good, I doubt not but they would doe the like if it were their owne case. But 2^'^ what advantage will this be to me when I am dead and gone, if others should not receive more benefitt then I by it I need not trouble my selfe with what may fall out in after times, in these respects for I shall feele no want, nor suffer any damage by such losses & a 100 things Avould come into consid- eration as needfull to p^'vent or provide for as these, if men goe- ing out of the world should trouble themselves with the care of such changes and things that may happen when they are dead. S^^y If my housen only were there & no other shops but myne, there might be more ground for such an apprehension, but it is the heart of the towne and many fayre buildings & shops there be round about, the Market is there seated allready, the Market house is more for the conveniency of Strang*"^ & there accommo- dation in winter and sumer in wet & dry there for the inhabit- ants of the towne & in that respect it is a worke of charitie and mercy and though some pticular psons that trade may have more benefitt by it then some other psons that dwell further off*, yet, the advantage & profitt of it will redound to the whole towne in genn''all. It was six months after the death of Captain Keayne before the town took the first step toward carrying out his plan. The records of the selectmen for the month of [55] The Story of the December 29, 1656, contain the following item: "It is agreed that the next day of our meeting some time bee spent to consider of Capt. Keayne's will in respect of the legacyes given to the towne." On January 25, 1657, the record shows that the selectmen voted as follows : "Upon the perusall of Capt. Keayne's will respecting the legacyes given to the towne, itt is agreed that forth- with the executrix and overseers of the said will bee ad- vised with concerning the said legacyes withoutt delay." A "Generall towns meeting" was held March 9, 1657, and voted to appoint a committee, and the re- cord runs thus: "Capt. Savage, M^ Stodard, M^ How- chin, and M^ Ed. Hutchinson, sen., are chosen a com- ittee to consider of the modell of the towne house, to bee built, as concerning the charge thereof, and the most convenient place, as also to take the subscriptions of the inhabitants to propagate such a building, and seasonably to make report to a publick townes meet- ing." It is suggestive of the independent spirit of the voters that neither Mr. Broughton nor "Mr. Clarke, the chirurgeon," was appointed on this committee, al- though Captain Keayne in his will had suggested them as proper persons for this work. This committee pre- pared and circulated subscription papers as they were directed to do, and two of the original papers are pre- served, — one in the possession of the Bostonian Soci- ety, and the other in that of the Massachusetts Histo- rical Society. The enterprise evidently met with ready support, for the papers contain the names of one hun- dred and seventy-five persons, and the subscriptions amount to more than five hundred pounds. Many of [56] Old Boston Town House the amounts were pledged in produce. "In country pay," "In goods and corne," "In goods and provisions," "In bricks, lyeme or timber," "In hats," " In shoes," are some of the phrases with which the amounts are modi- fied. Many also agreed to give work. Edmund Jacklin made a subscription of one pound in glass, "or work, if I be in the contry when the house is to be glassed." Many promised help on condition that "y^ market house bee Errected in y*" markett place, & a Cunditt." The " Cunditt,"to which allusion is made in Captain Keayne's will, was doubtless intended for use as a reser- voir for water. At all events this was the first attempt in New England to provide water for the people at the public expense. It did not succeed at the time of the building of the Town House, but it is interesting to find that Captain Keayne and many other citizens of Boston had the foresight to see that such a re- servoir was needed. It was not until 1671-2 that the "Condit" was finally abandoned. In that year we find that "at a meeting of all y^ Selectmen at Capt. Dauis house " a vote was recorded as follows : Libertie is granted to Mr. Nicholas Paige to take away the brickes belongeinge to the place intended for a conduit at ye end of the towne house before his dore, prouided he imediatelv fill the place euen w*^*^ the ground about it, for w*^*^ he brought a note from the Ouerseers of Capt. Robert Keaynes Will, & a discharge for his guift expended thereabout, a Coppie where of followeth & y® Originall kept amonge the townes writings. To the Selectmen of Bostone. Vnderstandinge by Mr. Paige that the place builded for a Conduit is prejuditiall to his house & shops and that you are willinge he should remoue and improue it to his own vse, if our consent may be had thereto and beinge informed likewise that [ 57 J The Story of the Capt. Robert Keaynes guift to ye towne of Bostone for y* end hath beene expended vpon that worke, though by the proui- dence of God, it hath not proued soe vsefull as was expected and desired, vpon these considerations, Wee the Ouerseers of Cap* Keaynes will shall acquiesse in what is done, and not trouble the towne of Bostone any further in relation to that particular. Witness our hands the 7*^^^ of 1** mo. 1671. Symond Broadstreet Daniell Denison Edward Rawson James Johnson. There were two subscription papers for contributions toward the expense of building the Town House. One was as follows: Whereas thear is giuen a considerabl sume by Capt. Kayne towars the Bulding of a towne house w^^^^ sum will not ataine the Bulding w*^'^ he mentioneth in his will, now considering the vse- fulnes of such a structure we whose names are vnder written, doe ingag or selues or heyres executors for to giue towards the abou sd hous and alsoe a condit in the market place the severall sumes vnder written. Jo: Endecott 17 pdRi Bellingham in Country pay pd Edward Tynge in Corne pd John Euered in goods and corne pd 46* Peter Olliuer in goods and provisions John^ Barrett: in goods: or corne d. 29 Aug. 1658 pd James Olliuer provided there be a Cun- dit withall in goods and provisions eqelly 12 00 pd Will Paine in goods and provisions 15 00 00 pd Richard Parker in goods and provisions 10 00 00 pd pd Nathaniell Williams in goods 03 00 00 pd pd Sarah Parker in provisions 05 00 00 pd pd Henry Powning in goods 02 00 00 pd [58] £ s 2 10 00 10 00 00 pd 10 00 00 pd 010 00 00 pd 10 00 00 03 00 00 ^05 00 00 pd 005 00 00 pd 02 05 00 00 pd 04 00 00 pd 5 Opd 03 10 00 pd 02 10 00 pd 5 00 00 pd 5 00 00 pd Old Boston Town House pd John Cogan in Corne [ ] five pound paid Theodore Atkinson will give in hats Tho Howkings paid John Hull In English goods five*'® pd Thomas Clarke in provision or goods pd Robt Turner paid Richard Cooke in provisions pd Robert Swift paid Samuel Hutchinson in wheat paid Josh Scottow in pvision or goods pd Will™ Hudson will : pay in bricks lyeme boai'ds [ ] or timber the some of 10 00 00 pd Hezekiah Usher : will pay 2 In English pd Goods or equivolent, twentye : poundes, paid prouiso : y* y^ market house bee Errected in y® markett place: & a Cunditt 20 00 00 pd W™ Dauis will pay in goods & corne paid Fifteene pounds provided y® market- house be Eerected in y^ markett place & a conduitt also raised & Finished pd Thomas Buttolph paid James Penn paid Jacob Sheafe in provision & goods paid Tho : Lake | In English-goods & |^ In provisions pd Isaak Waker in English goods or pro- visions paid John Sunderline 3£ [ ]pd Robt: Pateshall, in planke or boards paid Thomas Matson paid John Williams paid Thomas Edsell paid Thomas Bligh paid Richard Gridley paid John Button [59] 15 — — 02 00 00 05 00 00 12 00 00 09 00 00 03 00 00 03 00 00 05 00 00 1 10 00 10 00 15 00 02 00 00 05 00 The Story of the Benjamin Negus James Eueritt in Flower 01 00 00 Robt Batterly 00 15 00 paid John Coney 00 15 00 paid Samuell Mattocke 00 7 00 paid Rich'i Stanes 00 10 00 paid Rowland Story in Lewtenant Cooks hand 01 00 00 paid Ri Wayte 02 00 00 j9aic/ Philip Whorton 02 00 00 paid Augusten Clement 10 paid Richard Woodde in provision [ ] 01 paid John Phillips 03 paid Tho Emons 10 paid Thomas Littell thre dayes worke 00 10 Humphrey Bradshaw thre dayes worke 00 10 Joseph Bonde ten shillings by Samell Lemist 00 10 George Brome a bushel wheate 00 04 00 paid William Paddy 12 paid Henry Kemble 00 10 paid Thomas Makepeace 01 00 paid Joshua Hewes 00 10 Ffrances Smith 00 10 00 paid Francis Douse 00 09 paid John Pierce *4 00 paid Simon Eire 1 10 j9airf Comfort Starr 01 00 00 paid Henry Phillips 05 00 00 paid Henry Shrimpton Come wood 10 00 00 paid John Lowel 03 00 00 paid George Munioy three pounds 03 00 00 paid Jno. JoylifFe 03 00 00 paid Amos Richardson 02 00 00 pd Edmond Grenleff 10 pd Edward Porter 10 j9m^ Nicholas Phillips 10 pd Thomas Harwood 1 00 [60] Old Boston Town House paid Thomas Brattle 5 paid Thomas Baker in Iron workes 01 00 paid John Biggs in Shingle or worke 002 00 00 paid Jo. Marshall in shoes 01 paid Henry Alline [ ] 01 00 00 paid Hugh Drury 01 00 paid John Collens 1 paid Thomas Scotto 1 paid Nathanell Thorn 10 paid John Pears 1 paid William Reade 00 10 00 paid Will. Tay 00 10 00 paid Jo" Blacklach 01 00 00 paid John Clough 00 10 00 paid Sam^' Davice 00 05 00 paid Samuell Cole 02 00 00 paid Christopher Gibson 02 00 00 paid Robert Nanney 02 00 00 paid Henry Bridgham 10 00 00 paid Thomas Waker 12 10 00 paid Nathanell Reynolls 01 00 00 John Hawkines tobaco 01 00 00 paid Arthur Masson 00 10 00 paid Ann Carter 10,9 00 10 00 paid James Dauis by Tho : Joy 6s8i 4 Esqrs CV ir GcJiuuikI • -in V/t'c) Old Boston Town House Forasmuch as the severall Orders formerly made for taking an account of the publiq Records of the late Massathusetts Collony have not beene attended that the same might be putt into the Secryes Custody and all persons have recourse to them as Occa- sion Ordered that M"" Jsaac Addington and W John Herbert Coward be and are hereby desired and authorized in the presence of M'" Edward Randolph Secry and M"" Edward Rawson the late Secry or some one in his behalfe to take an account in writeing of all the said Records and that they beginn the same on Tues- day next and continue day by day about the same till compleated and that then all the said Records be delivered into the hands and Custody of the said Secry and the account thereof by them taken forthwith returned to this board under their hands. Bi/ Order in Councill ^c John West D Secry Feb''y 1687. Accompt of what time was expended by the Comit- tee in overlooking Sorting and disposing into their proper places the Bookes Files Papers &c. belonging to the Publique Records of the late Massathusetts Colony, In pursuance of an Order from his Ex<^y. in Councill dat^. 3^ fFeb''^. 1687. Being Seven dayes in attendance upon the-| said worke and drawing forth a List & I £3:00:00 Accompt thereof J This humbly referred to yo"". Ex^^ in Councill By yo^ Ex<^y^. most humble Servants Is* Addington Jno. Herbt. Coward At a meeting of the Councill on Thursday the 4*^ of February 1686./7 Present His Ex'^e S^ Edmond Andros Kn* Governour Joseph Dudley ^ Richard Wharton ^ William Stoughton John Usher Walter Clarke [Esq" John Walley & f E^^" Wait Winthrop J Edward Randolph j [ 113 ] The Story of the Whereas by an Order of the late President & Councill dated the 8*^^ day of December last It was ordered That Wait Winthrop, Simon Lynds Esq'^ Benjamin Bulliuent, M"". Isaac Addington, & M"". Daniel Allin be a Com*®® with the Secretary to receiue sort and form the Records of the Country (now in the hands of M*". Rawson, late Secretary,) that they may be ready for Seruice, En- joy ning the s*^. Com*®® to be Sworn for the faithfull discharge of their trust inpowering, & ordering, M''. Lynd & M''. Bulliuent to take the same from M'". Rawson, the next day following, & to remoue the same, (in the posture they find them) into the Liber- ary Chamber. — In pursuance whereof it is hereby Ordered That the s'*. Com*®®, do forthwith enter upon the effectual execusion thereof, bringing them to ye Office provided for them & Mr Rawson late Secry to b assisting in Sorting & disposing them ac- cordingly./. The committee rendered their account for their ser- vices, and also rendered the following account, the original of which is in the Massachusetts Archives, for their sustenance while engaged in the work : To Sundries att y® Town house by order of M"" Randall Eqr. ffeb:y®9 1687 To Bread and Sidor To a hand of Porke and turnupes To a Loyne off uealle ditto to Siddor and bread 12 to alle and bread 17 to alle and bread to bread and alle y®Sum 00 09 09 p'" George Monck Feb'-y. 1687. Rawson finally gave up the records to the new gov- ernment, as appears by the following council record from the archives: [ 114] £ s d 00 01 10 00 02 00 00 03 00 00 00 07 00 00 08 00 00 08 00 01 00 Old Boston Town House Att a Councill held att y*' Councill Chamber in Boston on tues- day ye 6*^ day of March 1687 p'Sent His Excelly. S"" Edni^. Andros Kn*: &c Joseph Dudley W™. Stoughton Jno. Winthrop Waite Winthrop Jn**. Usher Jn'* Lathrop Nath" Clarke Esq''s Rich^. Arnold Edw*i Randolph ffranc Nicholson J Esq''s. Upon Reading this day in Councill y® Reporte made by Edw^ Randolph Secry Edw'^ Rawson Jsaack Addington & Jn^. Her- bert Coward togather with ye account by them taken of ye pub- lique Records of ye late Massethusett Collony — pursuant to an Ord"" of this Board beareing Date y^ S'^ of ffebruary past Or- dered that ye s^ Records be forthwith taken into ye Custody & Charge of y^ Secry & Kept with ye other Records of this Domin- ion in the Secrys office where all psons may have recourse to them as occasion & that ye Key heitherto Kept by M"". Rawson of ye place where y^ sd Records are be forthwith deliuered to ye sd ^^^^y- By Ord^ in Councill On March 5, 1687, Sewall notes : "The Massachusetts Books and Papers are fetcht away from Mr. Rawson's to the Town-House by Mr. Lynde and BuUivant." Later, under the Andros government, the following order was made for the bringing of the records from Plymouth, New Hampshire, and other parts of the Province to Boston, and placing them in the Town House, or, as it was called under that government, the "Council House." Att a Councill held att the Councill Chamber in Boston on Wednesday the 25*^ day of May 1687. Ordered: That all publicque Records in the last Governments now annexed under this Dominion be brought to this Towne and putt into the Custody of the Secr^^ or his Dep*^. [ 115] The Story of the Upon the overthrow of the Andros government in 1689 the provisional government, under Bradstreet and the Council for the Safety of the People and Conserva- tion of the Peace, took possession of the records, which were in the secretary's office under the Town House. On April 23 the following order was passed: Boston ^S^ April 1 689 At the Council for the Safety of the Peo- ple and Conservation of the Peace Ordered that M"" Peter Sergeant, M"" John Eyre, M"" Adam Winthi'op, and M'' John Foster be and are appointed a Comittee to overlook and take an Ace** of the publick records and papers now under Seisure to make their Report to the Council. On April 26, 1689, the following order was passed: Boston 26*^ Aprill689 At the Council for the Safety of the Peo- ple and Conservation of the Peace Ordered, that the public Office and Writings under the town House late in thekeeping of Tho^ Dudley be and are Comitted unto the present care and charge of Isaac Addington, & M*". Peter Ser- gent, M"" Nath Oliver and M"" John Eyre, (appointed a Comittee to inspect the publick writings) are desired to Supervise, and Over look the Records and papers in that Office in what Order they are. Later in 1689, John West, who had been secretary under the Andros government, claimed that his pri- vate papers were mingled with those of the Colony and had been seized with them, and asked that his pa- pers be returned to him, and the following order for that purpose was then passed : At the Convention of the Govern'', and Council, and Repre- sentatives of the Massachuset Colony, in Boston, Tuesday the third of December 1689 convened by Order of the Govern: and Council upon the Arrival of a Ship from London. [116 ] Old Boston Town House [December] 14*^ [1689]. Jn Answer to the Motion of M"" John West, M"" Peter Sergeant M"" John Foster, M"" Adam Winthrop, and M"" John Eyre (the Comittee formerly appointed to overlook and take an Accompt of the Publick records, Book's, and papers seized in the Secretary's Office upon the Revolution) are desired and Appointed to revise, and examine the Said Book's papers, and Writings and to make a list of any that do belong to M"" Wests private, & particular concerns, and to Seperate the Same, making their report thereof to the Council, that they may be returned to S^ M'" West. This Past by the Council. The records and papers in the Town House, which were taken into the possession of the provisional or Brad street government, upon the overthrow of the Andros government in 1689, doubtless included re- cords and papers which Andros had taken from the other colonies and placed in the Town House, or, as he termed it, the Council House. The greater part of these, if not all of them, were from time to time returned to those colonies upon their application to the provisional and succeeding government, but the JNIassachusetts Colony records and papers and some of the records and papers of the Andros government, and the town re- cords and papers remained in the Town House until its destruction by fire in 1711. After the construction of the new Town House, or, as it is now called, the Old State House, in 1713, such of these records and papers as were not destroyed in the fire of 1711 were doubt- less placed in that building, and the subsequent town and colony records kept there. In 1747 this building was also burned, and some of the records and public papers in it destroyed. The next year, however, the [ 117 ] Old Boston Town House building was restored and again occupied by the town and Colony, and then by the town and the Common- wealth, until the new State House on Beacon Hill was built and opened for use in January, 1798. At that time the town meetings had come to be held in Fan- euil Hall and the courts in the Court House on Court Street. The colony and court records and papers were after a time transferred to the new State House and be- came a part of the Massachusetts Archives, so called. The town records remained for a long time in the upper part of the old State House, and many of them were lost or taken away without right; but finally the remainder were removed to the City Hall erected on School Street in 1840, and furnish much of the valua- ble material which has been printed in the Boston Record Commissioners Reports. [118] Use of the Town House for a Public Library BEFORE we enter upon the recital of the poHtical and reUgious dissensions which were waged in the Town House, it is pleasant to turn to one use of it of a more peaceful nature. In this day of free public library expansion, it is in- teresting to note that Captain Keayne's will in 1653 provided for the first free public library in America, to be kept in the Boston Town House. Indeed, the will shows that this hbrary was one of the chief purposes which he desired to be accompKshed by his bequest. He first mentions it in connection with the use of the building for the courts as "a convenient roome for a Library," then "as for a Library & for a Gallere or Long Roome for the De vines & SchoUers to meete & conferr togeather," &c. Later on, after providing for partial payments of his legacy as the construction of the Town House progressed, he said: Next, the Library & Gallere for Devines & Schollers to meete in being finished I give and bequeath to the beginning of that Library my S great writing bookes w"^^ are intended as an Ex- position or Interpretation of the whole Bible, as also a 4th great writing booke in which is an exposition on the Prophecy of Da- niel of the Revelations & the Prophecy of Hosea not long since began, all which Bookes are written with my owne hand so farr as they be writt & could desier that some able scholler or two that is active and dilligent & addicted to reading and writing were ordered to cany on the same worke by degrees as they have leasure and opportunitie & in the same methode and way as I have begun (if a better be not advised to) at least if it shalbe [ 119] The Story of the esteemed for the profitt of it to young students (though not so to more able and learned Devines in these knowing times) worth the labo"" as I have & doe finde it to my selfe worth all the paines & labour I have bestowed upon them, so that if I had lOO^*' layd me downe for them, to deprive me of them, till my sight or life should be taken from me I should not part from them. Then near the close of the will he said : And concerning my bookes that I have given to begin the Library with all in Boston, my will is that my brother Willson & M'" Norton Eld""^ at Boston or the teaching Eld-"^ that shall at the time of my death (after my wife and son Benjamine have made choyce of some bookes for theire owne use as I have before ex- pressed) may be requested to take paines to view over the rest of my bookes & such as they shall judge fitt for that use to take a pticul"" note or inventory of them & so to take them into there owne keeping or to leave them with my executo*" if they will, till the time mentioned in this will be accomplished, that if the towne of Boston should not within three yeares after my death build a handsome roome for a Library & anoth'' for the Eld""^ and SchoU''^ to walke & meete in, as before I have expressed, that then they may be delivered to the President or some of the Overseers of Herbert Collidge in Cambridge to be placed as my gift or addi- tion to that Library that is already begun there. But the "handsome roome for a Library" was pro- vided in the Town House, and Captain Keayne's books were doubtless placed in it as the nucleus of a public library. Additional books appear to have been given to the library from time to time by other persons. In 1673 Rev. John Oxenbridge of Cambridge, by his last will, which is now in the possession of the Pub- lic Library of the City of Boston in the manuscripts of the collection of the Rev. John Prince, gave "to the publick Library in Boston or elsewhere as my Execu- trix and OverSeers shall judge best Augustins workes [ 120 ] Old Boston Town House in 6 volum's, the Century's in 8 volum's,"* the Cata- logue of Oxford Library Trithemius catalogue of Ec- clesiastick writers, also Parens workes in 2 volumns, Peneda upon Job in 2 volumns, Euclids Geometry Willet on Leviticus, Davenant on the Colossians, Pe- miles (?) workeSjt Epit. of Centurian in 2 volum." The colonists doubtless had books for public use to a limited extent, at least, before the Library in the Town House was established. It appears by the re- cords of the Colony that on April 13, 1629, books were given to them. The record is as follows : This day notice was given that Mr. Will™ Backhouse had freely bestowed upon this Company to send for New England these books following, for wch thankes was given by the Governor and those present to the said Mr. Backhouse in the Companies behalfe. The English Bible in folio of the last print: The Booke of Common Prayer: Aynsworth's Works in folio: Bishop Babingtons Works: Calvins Institutions: Fotherby against Atheists: Malderott upon St. Johns Gospel: A booke called The French Country Farme. These books may have been a part of the collection subsequently placed in the Town House, though I think it improbable, as this collection was not gathered until nearly thirty years after they were given. It is to be noted that the Book of Common Prayer mentioned in this list was never used. Hutchinson says: "I find a Common Prayer Book among the list of books pre- * The Centuriae Magdehurgeifises. t Possibly the Workes of William Pemble, 1659. [ 121 ] The Story of the sented by William Backhouse for the use of the minis- ters, but it was never made use of in any church." It appears upon the records of the town that money was expended upon the library. On August 2, 1683, it was voted by the selectmen as follows : Giuen David Edwards an ord*" vnd'' y® select mens hands to receaue of Elder John Wiswall & Docf Elisha Cooke, 34^^'^. 4^ in mony for severall things he brought from England for y*^ vse of the Library, by order of Cap*^ Brattle Si is in pte of a greate sume due from them, for Cap*. Rob'^. Keynes legacie to y® vse of s^ Library, as apeares fol. 47. On March 11, 1695, it was voted by the town "that the bookes of the Register of Birthes and deathes in the Town of Boston shall be demanded by the Select men in whose hands soever they be and that all Bookes or Other things belonging to the Library and all the goods or Estate belonging to the Town be demanded and Taken care of by the Select men." The town records have few references to the books of the library, but that there came to be a considerable collection of them appears from an order of the select- men on August 31, 1702, that "M^ John Barnerd jun*" be desired to make a Cattalogue of all the bookes belonging to the Towns Liberary and to Lodge the Same in y^ s*^. Liberary;" and an order of the select- men on February 28, 1704, that "M^ John Barnerd, jun^, haveing at the request of the Select men Set the Towns Liberary in good order, he is allowed for S*^. Ser- vice two of those bookes of wh'^^ there are in y® S^. Li- berary two of a Sort." It is not likely that this was a circulating library. Its books were probably used as [ 122 ] Old Boston Town House a rule in the Town House. After the fire by which the Town House was destroyed the following advertise- ment appeared, on June 8, 1713, in the "Boston News Letter:" Advertisements. All Persons that have in their keeping, or can give notice of any of the Town Library ; or other things belonging to the Town House in Boston, before the late Fire : are desired to inform the Treasurer of the said Town thereof, in order to their being re- turned. The first volumn of Pool's Annotations was carryed away in the late Fire in Boston ; any Person that has it, or any other Books, carry'd away at that time, or any other Goods, are desii-ed to bring them to the Post Office, that the tme Owners may have them again. In a letter written some months after the burning of the Town House, Judge Sewall states that "in our Boston Library several valuable Books were lost, as the Polyglot Bible, the London Criticks, Thuanus's History, a Manuscript in two Folios left by Capt. Keyn the Founder; &:c." Doubtless all books in this first library, except such as may have been temporarily out for use, or have been secured at the time of the fire, were destroyed when the Town House was burned. One, however, pro- bably still exists. A copy of Samuel Mather's "Testi- mony of the Scriptures Against Idolatry and Supersti- tion" is in the possession of the Boston Athengeum. At the bottom of the title-page is written in a clear hand : "For the publice Library at Boston, 1674." It consists of two sermons. The full title of the first is: A Testimony from the Scripture against Idolatry and Super- stition in Two Sermons: Upon the Example of that Great Re- [ 123 ] The Story of the foimer Hezekiah. 2 Kings, 18, 4. The first witnessing in generall against all the Idols and Inventions of men in the Worship of God. The second, more particularly against the Ceremonies and some other Corruptions of the Church of England. Preached, the one September 27, the other Septmb. 30, 1660. By Mr. Samuel Mather, Teacher to a Church of Christ in Dublin in Ireland. 1 Sam. 5, 3, J/.. "And when they of Ashdod arose early on the morrow, behold, Dagon was fallen upon his face to the earth be- fore the Ark of the Lord : and they took Dagon and set him up in his place again. "And when they rose early on the morrow morning, behold, Dagon was fallen upon his face to the ground before the Ark of the Lord, and the head of Dagon and both the palms of his hands were cut off upon the threshold, onely the stump of Dagon was left unto him." The title-page of the second sermon is : The Second Sermon Witnessing more particularly against the Ceremonies of the Chui'ch of England. The Text 2 Kings 18, ^, "And he removed the High Places and broke the Images and cut down the Groves, and brake in pieces the brazen Serpent, that Moses liad made, for unto these dayes the Children of Israel did burn Incense to it, and he called it Nehushtan." The main points of the second sermon are as follows : 1. The Surplice; 2. The Sign of the Cross in Bap- tism ; 3. Kneeling at the Lord's Supper ; 4. Bowing to the Altar; 5. Bowing at the name of Jesus; 6. Popish holy dayes ; 7. The Holiness of places ; 8. The Organs, or Cathedral Musick; 9. The Booke of Common Prayer; 10. Prelacy, or Church Government by Bishops. It is said that other books than this one are still in existence with the mark of the Boston Library before 1700 upon them, but I have not as yet found them, or discovered any accurate information as to them. This collection of books in the Public Library of [ 124 ] Old Boston Town House Boston in the Town House must not be confounded with the collection of books in the Library of Boston belonging to King's Chapel, and now in the custody of the Boston Athenaeum. These books were given to King's Chapel by King William, in 1698, and con- sisted of ninety-two folios, eighteen quartos and ninety smaller books. It has been said that this was the only collection of books not of private ownership in New England at that time, except the library of Harvard College. But it is evident that there was at that time a considerable collection in the Public Library of Bos- ton in the Town House. A catalogue of the books in the King's Chapel li- brary is printed in the Proceedings of the Massachu- setts Historical Society, 1881. This collection was partly scattered and lost in the Revolution, and in 1824 the volumes remaining were deposited with the Boston Athenaeum, where they now are. Of these, fif- teen volumes, all theological, still exist there, and have stamped upon their covers in gilt letters : BELONGING . TO . Y . LIBRA- RY . OF . BOSTON . IN . NEW . ENGLAND. It is quite certain, however, that these books never formed any part of the Public Library at Boston, which was kept in the Town House. [ 125 ] Old Boston Town House The spacious second-floor room at the east end of the Town House, which Captain Keayne foresaw as "a Gallere for the Eld"^^ & Schol^^ to walke & meet in," was not destined to serve only as a peaceful retreat for the students and divines of the Colony. In it were waged two of the bitterest conflicts of the years which were preparing the way for the Revolution. It was in this room that "President" Dudley first instituted the worship of God as set forth by the Church of England in the Book of Common Prayer; and from the "presse" in this room was doubtless brought the precious Charter of the Colony when, in 1664, the General Court, fearing that it might fall into the hands of the commissioners, appointed four trustworthy per- sons "to keepe safe and secret the said patent" and "to dispose thereof as maybe most safe for the country." Of these two conflicts, of which the "scholars" library was the scene, a full account is given in the later con- sideration of the colonial history enacted in the Town House. [ 126 ] Use of the Town House as a Place of Worship THE Town House was the place where worship was first had in Boston according to the rites and ceremonies of the Church of England. Its use for this purpose is an interesting event in the long controversy between the Puritan Congregationalists, who would tolerate no worship in the Colony, except after their own fashion and in their own meeting-houses, and the Episcopalians, who wished to worship according to the liturgy of the English Church. The intense objection of the Puritans to this form of worship does not ap- pear to have existed when the Colony was planted. When Winthrop and his friends left England they did not intend to give up their connection with the English Church. On the contrary, in April, 1630, they wrote to the Fathers and their brethren in the Church of England, saying: "We desire you would be pleased to take notice of the principals and body of our com- pany as those who esteem it our honor to call the Church of England, from which we rise, our dear mo- ther and we cannot part from our native country, where she specially resideth, without much sadness of heart, and tears in our eyes, ever acknowledging that such hope and part as we have obtained in the common sal- vation, we have received it in her bosom, and suckt it from her breasts." Winthrop himself owned a Book of Common Prayer and a Life of the Virgin Mary, both of which he gave with his books, forty in number, to Harvard College. But in less than ten years even Win- [ 127 ] The Story of the throp's grateful and tolerant spirit gave way to vigor- ous repression of any attempt to use the liturgy of the Prayer Book in the Colony. The men who had come to the new continent in pur- suit of religious liberty soon passed laws forbidding the erection of a house where God might be worshipped in any other way than that approved by them. The penalty for meeting more than three times for such worship was the forfeiture of the land and the house where such meeting was held. An Act of May, 1679, runs thus: Forasmuch as it hath too often hapned, that, through dif- ferences arising in seuerall tounes on other pretences, there hath been attempts by some persons to errect new meeting houses, al- though on pretence of the publick worship of God on the Lords dayes, yet thereby laying a foundation (if not for schisme and seduction to erro*" & haeresies) for perpetuating divissions & weakning such places where they dwell in the comfortable support of the ministry orderly settled amongst them, for prevention whereof for the future, it is ordered by this Court and the au- thority thereof, that no persons whatsoeuer, w^'^out the consent of the freemen of the toune where they line first orderly had & obteyned at a publick meeting assembled for that end, and li- cence of the County Court, or, in defect of such consent & license, by the speciall order of the Gennerall Court, shall errect or make vse of any house as aboue sajd; and in case any person or per- sons shall be conuicted of transgressing this lawe, euery such house or houses wherein such persons shall so meet more than three times, with the land whereon such house or houses stand, and all private wayes leading thereto, shall be forfeited to the vse of the county, and disposed of by the county Tresurer by sale or demollishing, as the Court that gaue judgment in the case shall order. One of the principal complaints against the Puritan government under the Charter was their religious in- [ 128 ] Old Boston Town House tolerance, and especially their refusal to permit worship according to the forms and ritual of the Church of England. When pressed by the Crown to permit the use of the Book of Common Prayer, they declined to do so, saying: Concerning the vse of the Cofhon Prayer BooJce. Our humble addresses to his maj*^ haue fully declared our majne ends in our being voluntary exiles from our deare native country, which wee had not chosen at so deare a rate, could wee haue scene the word of God, warranting us to performe our de- votions in that way, & to haue the same set vp here: wee con- ceive it is apparent that it will disturbe our peace in our present enjoyments. Not only were persons forbidden to choose their own way of worship, but they were compelled to attend upon public worship as estabhshed by the government, each Lord's Day and on all Fast Days and Thanks- giving Days. In 1646 the following order was passed: Wherever the Ministry of the Word is Established, according to the Order of the Gospel throughout this Jurisdiction ; Every person shall duely resort and attend thereunto respectively on the Lords dayes, and upon such publick Fast dayes, and dayes of Thanksgiving, as are to be generally observed by appointment of Authority. And if any person within this Jurisdiction shall without just and necessary cause, withdraw himself from the pub- lick Ministry of the Word, after due means of conviction used, he shall forfeit for his absence from every such publick meeting Jive shillings. And all such offences may be heard and determined from time to time, by any one or more Magistrates. This was tyranny equalled only by the Act of the Cromwellian Parliament making it a crime to use the service of the Book of Common Prayer even in private devotions, and caused constant disturbance in the The Story of the Another of the persistent controversies in the Colony between EpiscopaHan and Puritan was over the ques- tion whether marriages might be solemnized by clergy- men, and especially by clergymen of the Church of England. The Puritans regarded marriage as a civil con- tract with which the Church ought to have nothing to do, and enforced this view by law. The colony law of 1646 provided that "No person whatsoever in this juris- diction shall joyne any persons together in Marriage, but the Magistrate or such other as the General Court or the Court of Assistants shall Authorize in such place where no Magistrate is near. Nor shall any joyne them- selves in Marriage but before some Magistrate or per- son Authorized as aforesaid."* But when the Charter was vacated and Dudley arrived from England in 1686, with the English clergyman RatclifFe in his company, he lost no time in asserting the right of the Church to perform the marriage ceremony. Only three days after the first Prayer Book service was held, the first marriage by a duly accredited minister of the English Church was solemnized in Massachusetts, and service was held in the Town House. The sharp- eyed Puritan, Judge Sewall, says of this under date of May 18, 1686: "A great Wedding from Milton, and are married by Mr. Randolph's Chaplain, at Mr. Shrimp- ton's, according to the Service-Book, a little after noon, when Prayer was had at the Town-House." * Colony Laws, 1672, Whitmore Ed., p. 102. Province Laws, 1693-3, Ch. 25; 1695-6, Ch. 2; 1716, Ch. 16; 1772-3, Ch. 230. Ch. 3, Laws 1786 ; Ch. 141, Laws 1818 ; Ch. 55, Laws 1820 ; Ch. 172, Laws 1834. In this last Act the words "who has been ordained according to the usage of his denomination " are first found. [ 130 ] Old Boston Town House Eleven days later a proclamation was made, giving all ministers the right to solemnize marriage, and for- bidding any other persons to do so without a licence from the president, as follows : At a Council! held in Boston in New England on May the 29^^ 1686. rresent. The Hon^^^ Joseph Dudley Esq'"^ President. a Proclamation published, impow'ring the severall Ministers and Justices of the peace in his Maj^^^ territory to consumate marriage, and no other persons without Licence from the Presi- dent or his Deputy, and entred with the Secretary before mar- riage. This was the only order, vote, or proclamation re- garding the solemnization of marriages found in the Archives from 1686 to 1689. It is noted by Hutchinson, and Foote, in his "Annals of King's Chapel," speaks of it, but dates it INIay 26 instead of May 29. Under the Andros government, a curious custom obtained by which the prospective bridegroom or his friends were obliged to give bonds with sureties to the governor, "to be forfeited in case there should be any lawful impediment" and to secure him against "all trouble which may or shall any wayes arise" by reason of granting a licence to marry. The following are copies of some of these bonds now in the Massachusetts Archives : Know all men by these p'sents That Wee George Henly, Tal- low Chandler, and John Higgs Clothworther both of Boston in HisMa*y^ Territory and Dominion of New Engld are iirmly bound unto Edward Randolph Esq"" Secry of his Ma^^^ sd Territory [131 ] The Story of the and Dominion in the sume of fifty pounds currant mony of New England to w*^'* payment well and truly to be made We bind our selves joyntly & severally, Our heires Executors Adm""^ & assignes firmly by these p''sents. Wittness our hands and Seals this 29*'^ of Decemb*" 1686 in the Second year of his Ma*^^. Reigne. The Condicon of the above Obligacon is Such, That If the above-bound George Henly and John Higgs shall Sufficiently keep and Same harmless the aforesaid Edward Randolph Esq*", from all troubls which may or shall any wayes arise by the Said Edward Randolphs Granting a License to James Berry and Eliza- beth Carwithen (both of Boston aforesd to be joynd in matri- mony, that then this obligacon to be Void otherwise to remaine in full forc[e] and Virtue. Signed, Sealed & deliverdl George henly in y® p'sence of us J John Higgs Josh. Brodbent John Clarke. Know all men by these p^^sents That wee John Jacob of Boston Merchant and Hudson Leverett of Boston Getleman — are holden & stand firmely bound vnto his Excellency S'' Edmund Andros Kn*^ Capt Grail and Governo'" in Cheife of his Ma*'^^ Territory & Dominion of New England &c In the penall suine of Two Hundred pounds New England money to be paid to the said S"" Edmund Andros Or his Certeyne Attourney Exec's or admin^'s For the w^^ payment well & truly to be made wee bind Our selves & each of vs Our heires Exe''s and admin''s Joyntly & seually for & in the whole firmely by these p'"sents Dated the sixth day of Oc- tober Annoq Dni 1687 Anno R Rs Jacobi Secdi nunc Angl" &c^. The Condicon of this Obligacon is such That if hereafter there shall not appeare any LawfuU Lett or Impediment by reason of any p"^ contract Consanguinity Affinity or any other Lawfull meanes whatsoeu but that the abovesaid John Jacob and Susan- nah Lendall of Boston Widdow may Lawfully Solemnize Mar- riage Togeather and in the same afterwards Lawfully remaine & Continue like man and wife According; to the Lawes in that be- 't) [ 132 ] Old Boston Town House halfe provided That then the above written Obligacon to be void & of none Effect or else to Stand & reraaine in full force k vertue. / Signed sealed and Deliued John Jacob in the p^'sence of./ Hudson Leverett J** BONAMY P Heyman Know all men by these p^'sents That Wee John Price of Water- town and Mary Price of the Same Towne in his Ma^^ Dom : of New Engld are firmly bound in the Sume of fifty Pound mony of New England to his Ex^^ S^ Edmond Andros Kn*. Gov^ of his Ma^ Dom. afores^^. to which paym*. Well and truly to be made We bind Our selves joyntly and Severally Our heirs Exe- cuto''^ Adm''^ and Assigns firmly by these p'"sents. Witness our hands and Seals this twenty Ninth of March 1686 The Condicon of this Obligacon is Such y* if the above bound John Price and Mary Price shall sufficiently Save and keep harm- less the afores*^. S*" Edm'^. Andros from all manner of trouble or mollestacon w^h may or shall hereafter happen by the sd S"". Ed- mond Andros's granting a License for marriage to James Knap and Mary Clayf. of Watertown afores'i. then this Obligacon to be void otherwise to Remaine in force and Virtue. / his signed sealed & deliv**. John x Price in the p'sence of us. Marke her Mary x Price marke Know all men by these pi'sents That wee Thomas Whiteing of the Island of Jamaice Marriner and Marke Sandford of Boston Marriner are holden and stand firmely bound vnto his Excel- lency S-" Edm(±. Old Boston Town House garment as he shall fashin or make contrary to the minde & or- der of parents or gouno''s; halfe to the owner & halfe to the country. And all grand jurymen are hereby enjoyned to present all those whom they doe judge breakers of this order. They then forbade the exportation of wheat or flour, and appointed the fifth day of the next month as a day of "fasting & prajer." October 8, 1662, the commissioners, Simon Brad- street, Esq., and the Rev. Mr. John Norton, who had in 1661 been sent to England, to present an address to the King and to seek to preserve the Colony Charter, presented a letter from the King, which was read by the governor to the whole Court of the Assistants and the Deputies sitting together in the Town House, and the Court ordered the same published, and ordered that all future legal proceedings should be in the name of His Majesty. Notwithstanding this, however, some constables and town officers refused to publish the King's letter or to serve attachments in his name, and said of the letter that it was "popery." Then, referring to their previous order suspending the execution of Quakers, they provided that the law of May, 1661, against vagabond Quakers, should be in force thereafter in all respects, but that the whipping be only through three towns, and that the magistrate or commissioners signing the warrant should appoint the towns and the number of stripes to be given in each town. At this session an order was passed fixing the price of corn and other commodities to be paid as taxes, as follows: Wheat, barly, & barly mault at fine shillings sixepence p [ 155 ] The Story of the bushell, pease and rye at fower shillings sixepenc, & Indian at three shillings, all good & merchantable corne; & whateuer else shall be payd in the country rate to be according to money price, provided that no toune or person shall pay leane catle in the coun- try rate, & that there be one rate & a quarter for this present yeare. At the same session they passed this order for cen- sorship of the press : For presentation of irregularitjes & abuse to the authority of this country by the printing presse, it is ordered, that hence- forth no copie shall be printed but by the allowance first had & obteined vnder the hands of Capt Daniel Gookin & M"" Jonathan Mitchel, vntil this Court shall take further order therein, but May 27, 1663, they ordered that the printing presse be at lib- erty as formerly, till this Court shall take further order, & the late order is heereby repealed. At a General Court held October 20, 1663, it was enacted — That no masters of shipps or seamen, having theire vessels ride- ing w^'^in any of our harbo'"s in this jurisdiction, shall presume to drincke healths, or suffer any healths to be druncke w*^^in theire vessells by day or night, or to shoote of any gunne after the day- light is past, or on the Saboath day, on poenalty for euery health twenty shillings, & for euery gunn so shott twenty shillings; & the capt of the Castle is hereby enjoyned to giue notice of this order to all shipps that passe by the Castel. At the General Court held in the Town House on the 18th of May, 1664, Endicott was again chosen governor, and Bellingham deputy governor. The first business transacted was to pass an order against sing- ing and making a noise in any place of public enter- tainment. Then, apparently being of the opinion that the physical possession of the patent was of great im- portance, and fearing that it might be taken away from them, they passed this order: [ 156] Old Boston Town House Forasmuch as it is of great concernment to this comonwealt to keepe safe & secret our pattent, it is ordered, the patent, & duplicate belonging to the country, be forthw^^ brought into the Court, & that there be two or 3 persons appointed by each house to keepe safe & secret the sajd patent & duplicate, in two dis- tinct places, as to the sajd comittees shall seeme most expedient. It is ordered, that the Dept. GounoSMajo-- Genii Leueret, Capt Clarke, & Capt Johnson are appointed to receive the grand pat- ent from the secretary, & to dispose thereof as maybe most safe for the country. The patent was then brought in and "delivered to the Dept Gouno^ Rich Bellingbam, Esq. & the rest of the comittee, in presenc of the whole Court." In this connection it is interesting to note the curi- ous legal proceedings in England to deprive the colo- nists of the Charter. The original proceedings for the for- feiture of the Charter in the reign of Charles II were by a writ of quo warranto in the Court of King's Bench. It was this proceedingwith which the King threatened the Colony in his letter sent by Randolph in December, 1680, and in the Royal Declaration sent to the Colony by Randolph in July, 1683, wherein he requested the colonists to surrender their Charter, and declared that any person who defended the quo warranto proceedings must do so at his private expense and not at any pub- lic expense of the Colony. The prosecution of this com- mon law proceeding appears to have been abandoned, and a new suit begun by a writ of scire facias in the Court of Chancery April 16, 1684; and it was upon this proceeding before the chancellor that a decree was made June 21, 1684, and confirmed October 23, 1684, vacating the Charter, upon default and before the col- [ 157 ] The Story of the onists had any legal notice and opportunity to defend the new suit. One of the reasons for this change of procedure may have been that in the common law proceeding originally commenced, the only judgment would be one forfeiting the rights given by the Charter, while in a suit in chancery a decree might be made not only vacating the Charter, but requiring the patent it- self to be brought into court and there cancelled by the chancellor. Lord Coke even derives the title of chancellor from his power to cancel the King's letters patents under the great seal, and "damning the enrol- ment thereof by drawing strikes through it like a let- tice." This probably accounts for the importance which was always attached by the colonists to the physical preservation and possession of the patent itself Then having guarded the possession of the Charter, they turned again to the suppression of free speech and censured William Cotton for " reproachfull expres- sions" against the governor, disfranchised him, and disabled him to bear any military office, and ordered him to be whipped openly not exceeding ten stripes, or otherwise to pay a fine of fifteen pounds. And thus the colonists, through their General Court sitting in the Boston Town House, continued to admin- ister their government without substantial change, and with very little regard to repeated recommendations and requirements from the English government. At last the Crown appointed commissioners to go to New Eng- land and require the colonists to comply with its de- mands. Information of this fact reached Boston at the session of the General Court in May, 1664, and the [ 158 ] Old Boston Town House General Court passed the following order with refer- ence to the expected visit : This Court, being informed that some of his maj*^^ shipps are on their voyage to these parts, in which are seuerall gentle- men of quality, doe therefore order, that the capt of the Castle, on the first sight & knowledge of their approach, giue speedy notice thereof to the honnored Gouerno"" & Deputy Gouno*", and that Capt James Oliuer & Capt Willjam Dauis are hereby or- dered forthwith to repaire on board sajd ships, and to acquaint those gent" that this Court hath & doeth by them present their respects to them, & that it is the desier of the authority of this place that they take strict order that their vnder officers & soul- djers,in their coming on shoareto refresh themselves, at no time ex- ceed a convenient noumber, & that w**^out armes, & that they behaue themselves orderly amongst his maj*'^'^ good subjects heere, & be carefuU of giving no offence to the people & lawes of this place, and invite them on shoare, provission being made for their pre- sent refreshment by the sajd Capt Oliuer, and the management of the military enterteinement & the guard is left to be ordered by the majo"" generall & militia of Boston, w**^ respect to their honnofble reception. They also took active measures to put themselves in a position to maintain their government. On the same day that they made this provision for the recep- tion of the commissioners, they gave the following or- der to Captain Richard Davenport: To take into your care & charge the Island Castle, & battery therevpon, comonly called Castle Island, w^^ all the great artil- lery, armes, & amunition belonging therevnto, & see that they be in a posture fitt for the service & defence of this jurisdiction & the authority thereof: yow are also to take charge of the garri- son there as capt thereof, and that such officers and souldjers as from tjme to time shall be sent unto yow for yo"" asistance be dil- ligent in attending the dutjes of their places, comanding them to obey yow as your captaine for the seruice aforesajd; and in case [ 159] The Story of the any shall attempt assault upon yow, or the place comitted to your trust, or, in passing by the Castle in ship, barcque, or boate, shall refuse to be vnder comand, according to y*^ duty of your place, and for the better strengthening therevnto, yow are, vpon the approach of any vpon the coast or towards any the harbo""® w^'^in the bay, w**^ shipping, to giue timely notice by the vsuall signe of flag or flaggs, or such other signall as yow shall be appointed by your superio*"^; and in case there be approach of aboue three shipps together, yow are to give timely alarum, as the lawe pro- videth. Yow are to observe & obey all such orders and directions as from time to tjme yow shall receive from the Generall Court, councill, majo'' generall, or comittee of militia. Vntill the Court of Election next, this comission to be of force. Given vnder our hands at Boston, in New England, w*^ the seale of the collony affixed, this 9**^ March, 166f . Upon the arrival of the commissioners they met the governor and the assistants in the Town House on July 26, 1664, and the governor called a special ses- sion of the General Court to be held on August 3, 1664, to consider the demands of the commissioners. At this court the commissioners presented their com- mission and a letter from the King requiring, among other things, a repeal of the law prohibiting persons who were not members of Puritan churches from be- ing admitted as freemen of the Colony. All the Gen- eral Court did to comply with this requirement was to pass a law with this provision : All Englishmen presenting a cirtifficat, vnder the hands of the ministers or minister of the place where they dwell, that they are orthodox in religion, Sc not vitious in theire hues, & also a certifficat, vnder the hands of the selectmen of the place, or of the major part of them, that they are free holders, & are for their oune propper estate (w**^out heads of psons) rateable to the country in a single country rate, after the vsuall manner of val- [160] Old Boston Town House luation, in the place where they Hue, to the full value of tenne shillings, or that they are in full comunion w"^ some church amongst vs, it shallbe in the liberty of all & euery such person or persons, being twenty fower yeares of age, householders and setled inhabitants in this jurisdiccon, from tjme to tjme, to present themselves & their desires to this Court for their admittance to the freedome of this comonwealth, and shallbe allowed the priu- ledge to haue such their desire propounded & put to vote in the Generall Court for acceptance to the freedome of the body polli- ticke by the sufTerage of the majo-^ pte, according to the rules of our pattent. The Court then ordered that a petition be pre- sented to His Majesty at a convenient time for the con- tinuance of their patent privileges, and resolved that "This Court doeth expresse & declare, that it is their resolution, God asisting, to beare faith & true allea- giance to his majestje, to adhere to their pattent, (the duties & priuledges thereof,) so dearely obteyned & so long enjoyed by vndoubted right in the sight of God & men." This was only saying that they would bear allegiance to the King so long as he allowed them to govern themselves in their own way under the patent. But they were extremely anxious to preserve the fa- vour of the King, if it could be done by declarations of loyalty without actual submission to his authority, and October 19, 1664, a General Court, called by the gov- ernor, deputy governor, and other magistrates, was held, in which a long address to the King was voted signed by Governor Endicott by its order. At the con- clusion of it was this language : Roy ALL S'': It is in your power to say of your poore people in New England, they shall not dye. If wee haue found favour in the sight of our king, let our life be given vs at our petition, [ 161 ] The Story of the (or rather that which is dearer than life, that wee haue ventured our Hues, & willingly passed through many deaths to obteyne Sc our all;) at our request let our gouernment Hue, our patent Hue, our magistrates Hue, our lawes & libertjes Hue, our reli- gious enjoyments Hue; so shall wee all haue yet further cause to say from our heart, "Let the king Hue foreuer;" and the blessing of them that were ready to perish shall come vpon your majesty, hauing deliuered the poore that cryed, & such as had none to help them. But they did not abate the vigour of their authority or the cruelty of their punishments, and at the same session they ordered that a woman who had been tried for burning a house, and found not guilty, but found guilty of theft, "be whipt w*^ tenn stripes, tomorrow, after the lecture, vpon hir naked body in Boston." And as she had "also binn convicted of inany notorious lyes," it was adjudged that she be "whipt againe at Ipswich, vpon hir naked body, as before, w"^ tenn stripes, at the end of one moneth from the time of hir first whipping." The royal commissioners, finding that they made no impression upon the Massachusetts Colony, visited the colonies of Connecticut, Plymouth, and Rhode Island, all of which submitted to the royal demands. The com- missioners returned to Boston, and met the General Court in the Town House, in May, 1665. At this time the commissioners demanded among other things that the thirtieth day of January, the day of the execution of Charles I, should be made a day of prayer and fast- ing, according to the Act of Parliament of April, 1660, which provided that every thirtieth day of January, unless it was upon the Lord's Day, and then the next [ 162 ] Old Boston Town House day following, should be "forever set apart to be kept in all the churches and chapels of the Dominion of England as an anniversary day of Fasting and Humil- iation to implore the mercy of God that neither the guilte of that Sacred and Innocent Blood, or those other sinns by which God was provoked to deliver up both us and our King into the hands of cruell and un- reasonable men, may at any time hereafter be visited upon us or our posterity." To this the General Court stoutly replied that in the Colony each church had liberty to appoint its own days of prayer and fasting, and refused to accede to the de- mand. Finally on May 24, 1665, the commissioners an- nounced that they intended to sit in Boston as a Court of Appeals from the General Court, as their authority from the King authorized them to do. In answer to this the colonists proclaimed by sound of trumpet from the Town House "that the generall court was the supreamest judicatory in all that province and that the Commissioners pretending to hear appeals was a breach of their priviledges." Thus in the Boston Town House the long con- test between the Colony and the Crown began. The American Revolution really had its beginning when the Massachusetts Colony, alone of all the colonies in New England, firmly faced the commissioners of Charles II and bravely stood for the right to govern themselves under their Charter. It was then and there, in the Bos- ton Town House, that the spirit of independence was born which a century later flashed into the flames of the Revolution. [163] The Story of the After this the commissioners, finding themselves without power and wholly unable to exercise royal au- thority in Boston, departed out of the Colony, and re- ported to the King that they visited the colonies of Connecticut, Rhode Island, and Plymouth, and found them submissive to the commissioners ; but they said, The collony of the Massachusetts was the last and hardliest per- swaded to use his Majestyes name in the forms of justice. . . . The commissioners visitted all other collonyes before this, hoping both that the submission and condescention of the other collonyes to his Majestyes desires would have abated the refractorinesse of this collony. . . . But neither examples nor reasons could prevaile with them to let the commissioners hear and determine soe much as those patricular cases which the King had commanded them to take care of and doe justice in, and they proclaimed by sound of trumpet that the generall court was the supreamest judicatory in all that province. Then the General Court, having thus disposed of the royal commissioners, turned to domestic affairs and suppressed freedom of the press by this order : For the preventing of irregularitjes & abuse to the authority of this country by the printing presse, it is ordered by this Court & the authority thereof, that there shall be no printing presse allowed in any toune w*^in this jurisdiction but in Cambridge, nor shall any person or persons presume to print any copie but by the allowance first had & obteyned vnder the hands of such as this Court shall from tjme to tjme impower; the president of the colledge, M*" John Shearman, M"" Jonathan Michell, & M"" Tho- mas Shepheard, or any two of them, to survey such copie or coppies, and to prohibitt or allow the same according to this order; and in case of non observance of this order, to forfeit the presse to the country, & be disabled from vsing any such proffession w*^in this jurisdiction for the tjme to come; provided, this order shall not extend to the obstruction of any coppie which this Court shall judge meete to order to be published in print. [ 164 ] Old Boston Town House A letter from the King, dated February 22, 1666, directed to the governor and Council with reference to hostilities with France, was received July 17, 1666, and His Majesty's declaration of war, which was en- closed in the letter, was solemnly published from the Town House by sound of trumpet. A reply in the name and by the order of the General Court was made to this letter, and September 11, 1666, the General Court procured and sent to the King by special ship a present of two masts. In May, 1669, there went out from the Town House a further order of the General Court suppressing a free press as follows: Being informed that there is now in the presse, reprinting, a booke, tit Imitacons of Christ, or to y* purpose, written by Thomas a Kempis, a Popish minister, wherein is conteyned some things that are less safe to be infused among the people of this place, we doe comend to the licensers of the press, the more full revisall thereof, & that in the meane tjme there be no further proggresse in that worke. In May, 1670, an addition to the law against gaming was passed providing — That what person or persons soeuer shall bring into this ju- risdiction any playing cards or dice, or w*^ whomsoeuer such cards or dice be found in his or their custody, he or they shall pay, as a fine, the sum of five pounds, the one halfe to the treasury, the other to the informer; but in case any such cards or dice shall come into the custody of any person w^^out his knowledge or con- sent, if he shall cany them vnto the next magistrate or comis- sioner, within two dajes after his knowledge of them to dispose of them as the said magistrate or comissioner shall see cause, any such person shall be free from the poenaltje. And then to induce offenders to betray their com- [165] The Story of the panions, the law provided that *'if any person that hath plajed or gamed, shall give information thereof, he shall be freed from the poenaltje of the law." The General Court then dealt with the deceased wife's sister question by this resolve: "In ans*" to the quaestion, whither it be lawfuU for a man that hath buried his first wife to marry w**^ hir that was his first wiues natturall sister, the Court resolves it on the ne- gative." In June, 1670, the Colony united with Plymouth and Connecticut as the United Colonies for mutual defence and assistance. The articles of this confedera- tion were agreed upon in the Boston Town House. On May 15, 1672, the General Court passed the famous order as to ducking for scolding as follows : Whereas there is no express punishment (by any lawe hith- erto established) affixed to the evill practise of sundry persons by exhorbitancy of the tongue in rayling & scolding, it is there- fore ordered, that all such persons convicted, before any Court or magistrate that hath propper cognizance of the case, for rayl- ing or scolding, shall be gagged or sett in a ducking stoole & dipt ouer head & eares three times, in some convenient place of fresh or salt water, as the Court or magistrate shall judge meete. In October, 1675, the Colony promulgated "Lawes and ordinances of warr, for the better regulating their forces, and keeping theire souldjers to theire duty, & to prevent prophaness, that iniquity may be kept out of the campe," the first one of which was : " Let no man presume to blaspheme the holy & blessed Trinity, God the Father, God the Son, and God the Holy Ghost, vpon payne to haue his tongue bored w"' a hott iron." [ 166] Old Boston Town House In 1676 the General Court authorized the selectmen of the different towns — To impresse men for the mannagement and carrying on of the husbandry of such persons as are called of from the same into the service, who have not sufficjent help of their oune left at home to mannage the same, who shall be allowed eighteen pence a day for their sajd work, to be pajd by the respective persons for whom they worke, prouided it doe not appeare that any per- sons imployed haue been vnfaithfuU in theire labour, in w'^'^ case the selectmen shall haue power to deduct from their wages such proportion as they shall see meete. In May, 1677, they passed additional laws with refer- ence to the observance of the Sabbath, one of which provided that — For the better putting a restraint & securing offendo''s that shall any way transgress against the lawes, title Saboath, either in the meeting house by abusiue carriage or misbehaviour, by making any noyse or otherwise, or during the daytime, being laid hold on by any of the inhabitants, shall, by the said person appointed to inspect this law, be forthwith carried forth & put into a cage in Boston, which is appointed to be forthwith, by the select men, to be set up in the market place, and in such other townes as y^ County Courts shall appoint, there to remain till authority shall examine the person offending, & giue order for his punishment, as the matter may require, according to the lawes relating to the Saboath. In October, 1678, the whole Court met together in the Town House, and a letter was read fi-om the King, with a copy of an oath of allegiance which it was de- sired they should take to His Majesty's person and government. This was the oath containing the famous declaration against the power of the Pope. The oath would occupy nearly two pages of this book and reads strangely in Boston to-day. Those who are curious to [ 167 ] The Story of the read it and see to what extent the Puritans in their abhorrence of the Roman Church were glad to go at that time, will find it printed in the "Colony Records" (vol. V. pp. 192, 193). The members of the Court then present took the oath, ordered it to be printed, and required it to be taken by all persons within the Col- ony "of sixteene yeares of age and vpwards," under pain of fine and imprisonment. They then passed an act punishing with death any attempt to depose the King or preaching or advising against his person and rule, and prepared an address to the King setting forth their action and expressing their loyalty to him, saying at the close : " Wee prostrate at yo*^ majesties fFeet, and humbly begg the acceptance of the loyall hearts. . , . Your maj*^*"^ most humble sub- jects & suplicants." And so the colonists continued to administer their government from the Boston Town House with many protestations of loyalty to the King, but with very little real obedience to his commands in any substantial matters. In the meantime the English government was con- tinually pressing for the surrender of the Charter of the Colony, and the colonists became exceedingly appre- hensive lest it might be taken from them, and in 1679 the General Court passed another order as to the cus- tody of the instrument in addition to the one passed in 1664, as follows: The securing of our originall pattent being matter of great importance, and the former prouission in that respect made in the yeare 1664 being at an end by the decease of most of the per- sons betrusted in that order, this Court doth therefore order that [ 168] Old Boston Town House the patent be forthw*^ sent for & comitted to our present honord Deputy Gouerno'', Capt John Richards, & Capt Daniel Fisher, with Majo^ Thomas Clarke, one of the last comittee who are to take care of the same, to whose wisdome wee refferr it, to dispose of it as may best tend to prevent any inconvenience relating there vnto. In October, 1681, the freedom of the printing-press was again regulated by giving a monopoly of it to Samuel Sewall, who was authorized to take the man- agement of the printing-press in Boston, and it was provided that "none may presume to sett vp any other presse w^'^out the like liberty first granted." The colonists resisted all attempts of the English government to establish customs regulations in Boston. When Edward Randolph came to Boston in 1681 with a commission from the Crown as collector of customs in New England, he laid it before the General Court in the Town House that they might assist him in the execution of his office, but they took no notice of it, and when he "set up an advertisement near the town house to acquaint all persons that a customs office was erected &c," it was taken down by the marshal by order of the General Court. At the opening of a Court called by the governor and assistants to sit at the Town House in Boston, January 28, 1684, Governor Bradstreet declared that there were certain or general rumours by a person lately arrived that the Charter was condemned and judgment entered up against the Colony upon proceed- ings pending in the English courts. Thereupon the General Court passed a law modifying the building law in Boston, and appointed the 12th of March next as [ 169] The Story of the a day of humiliation and prayer. They then prepared an address to the King praying for the continuance of their hberties and privileges under their Charter, autho- rized certain persons to solemnize marriages, and di- rected a communication to be sent to their counsel in England by the hand of their secretary. In 1685 Charles II died, and James II was pro- claimed King. Copies of the proclamation made in London on February 6, 1085, were transmitted to the governor and magistrates of Boston, who communi- cated them to the whole General Court. The governor and council then ordered the proclamation to be made in Boston. The quaint record of what was done shows it was ordered that — His maj*^ w*^' all due solemnity be proclajmed in the high street in Boston, w*^*^ was donn on 20*^'* of Aprill, the hono'"ble Gouno'', Dep* Gouno"", & Assistants, on horsback, w*^^ thousands of people, a troope of horse, eight foote companys, drums beating, trum- pets sounding, his maj^^ was proclaymed by Edward Rawson, secret, on horsback, & Jn** Greene, marshall gene'^U, taking it from him, to the great joy & loud aclamations of the people, and a seuenty peec of ordinanc next after the volleys of horse & foote. God saue the King, &c. Sewall also notes as to this: "Monday, April 20th, (1685). The King is Proclaimed; 8 Companies, the Troop, and several Gentlemen on horseback assisting ; three Volleys and then Canon fired." Then he calmly notes: "This day a child falls upon a Knife which runs through its cheek to the Throat, of which inward Wound it dies, and is buried on Wednesday." April 26 (1685) he notes: "I go to Meeting; staid at home last Sabbath and April 20"' by reason of my Sore [ 170 ] hiniiic/ OM'ira/l Old Boston Town House Throat." Evidently the pious Puritan judge took httle interest in the proclamation of the accession of King James because he was a Catholic. February 16, 1685, the General Court passed the first law with regard to trials by jury in cases of con- tests as to wills, which was published on the 25th of February. Sewall notes this as follows : Thorsday, February 25, The Law about Wills and Adminis- trations is published ; and ahnost as soon as the Drumm had done beating, Mr. Serj* comes with his Petition; and an order is made for a Hearing next Monday, 3 weeks, the 22^ of March: some would have had it sooner, and Mr. Nowel and Self thought it very indecent that it was so soon, especially considering, the Or- der made upon a Law scarce yet out of the Marshal's Mouth. On July 25, 1685, the General Court prepared an ad- dress to James II, stating that they had received with sorrow the sad tidings of the death of "our late gra- cious soueraigne, Charles the Seecond, of famous me- mory, whose transcendent grace & princely favour to us hath been as the dew vpon the grasse, and vnder the shaddow of w^hose protection, thro the mercy of God, wee haue enjoyed many happy dayes," and prayed the continuance of their liberties according to their Char- ter, which they said " will add another Jewell to your imperiall diadem, and errect a lasting monument of aeternall fame in the hearts of this & succeeding generations, & foreuer obleige Your maj^es loyall & obedjent subjects." [ ni ] Use of the Town House by the Provincial Government: 1686-1689 MAY 15, 1686, Joseph Dudley, who had been ap- pointed president of "^Massachusetts, Maine, Nova Scotia and the lands between," arrived in Bos- ton, bringing his commission, and also a commission to "divers gentlemen" to administer the government ; and on May 17, 1686, the judgment vacating the Colony Charter, and the royal commission of Dudley as pre- sident of the Province, were read in open court in the Town House "in the presence of divers of the eminent ministers, gentlemen and inhabitants of the town and country," and the president took the oath of office and made a speech. The royal proclamation setting forth the commission was then "published by beat of drum and sound of trumpet" from the east end of the Town House, and the chartered Colony of Massachusetts Bay became a part of a royal province. The inhabitants of Boston, w^ho had given of their scanty substance to build a Tow^n House for a Puritan town and a char- tered colony, thus saw it changed from its use as the seat of a representative government into a "Council House" for a royal governor. Sewall, who was present as one of the assistants, notes the occasion as follows : May 1 7 th, 1 686, Generall Court Sits at One aclock, I goe thither, about 3. The Old Government draws to the North-side, Mr. Ad- dington, Capt. Smith and I sit at the Table, there not being room : Major Dudley, the Praesident, Major Pynchon Capt. Gedney,Mr. Mason, Randolph, Capt. AVinthrop, Mr. \\Tiarton come in on the left. . . . The Room pretty well filled with Spectators in an Instant. Major Dudley made a Speech, that was sorry could treat them [ 173 ] The Story of the no longer as Governour and Company; Produced the Exemplifi- cation of the Charter's Condemnation, the Commission under the Broad-Seal of England — both : Letter of the Lords, Commission of Admiralty, openly exhibiting them to the People ; when had done, Deputy Governour said suppos'd they expected not the Court"'s Answer now ; which the Praesident took up and said they could not acknowledge them as such, and could no way capitu- late with them, to which I think no Reply. When gone, Major Generall, Major Richards, Mr. Russell and Self spake our minds, . . . Spake to call some Elders to pray tomorrow which some think inconvenient, because of what past, and the Commissioners hav- ing several times declared themselves to be the King's Council when in the Town-House. President Dudley and his Council issued a proclama- tion, June 3, 1686, giving reasons for publishing his speech made "to the late General Assembly in the Council House in Boston, May 17, 1686," in which he denied their authority to sit or act further. The General Court, however, met again on May 20, 1686, and passed an order with regard to papers refer- ring to their Charter and Indian titles, as follows : Ordered by this Court, that Samuel Nowell, Esq, M*" Jno Saffin, & Capt Timothy Prout bea comittee for a repossitory of such pa- pers on file with the secretary as referr to our charter, & nego- tiations, from time to tjme, for the security thereof, with such as referr to our title of our land, by purchase of Indeans or other- wise; and the secretary is ordered accordingly to deliuer the same vnto them. The Court then adjourned to the following October, at which time as the Charter under which they were constituted and elected had been adjudged forfeited, and a new government established, they could not act, and therefore did not attempt to meet. It may be asked why the colonists, who had forcibly [ 174] Old Boston Town House resisted the royal commissioners in 1664 in the Bos- ton Town House, quietly submitted to the royal gov- ernor and Council in 1686. The answer is obvious. Eng- land had then made peace with its enemies, which was not the case in 1664. Charles, before his death in 1685, had by the secret subsidy of France become able, as he thought, to rule without a Parliament to vote supplies, and had prorogued Parliament. James had succeeded to this condition, and was then thought to be able to crush any resistance by the colonists by force of arms; and in addition to this the colonists were then exhausted by their long struggle in the Indian wars for the pro- tection of their homes. The leaders of the colonists in Boston were prudent men, and therefore, while they protested that the revocation of their Charter was il- legal, and that the new government deprived them of their rights as Englishmen under Magna Charta, they reluctantly but peaceably submitted to the royal power, and waited for a more favourable time to renew their struggle for representative government. The immediate effect of the revocation of the Charter threatened to be most disastrous to the colonists. Under the theory of the English law at that time the land which had been granted to the Colony by the King be- longed to the Crown, and the title of the colonists was simply that of a conditional grant from the Crown. When, therefore, this grant of the Charter was revoked by judicial proceedings for violation of its conditions, all rights which had been acquired under it were de- stroyed. Not only were all the laws which the Colony had made, all the towns and other corporations which [ 175 ] The Story of the it had created, vacated, but the title of the Colony and of the towns and of their grantees to all lands within the limit of the Charter was destroyed, and the people ceased to own the lands they had wrested from the wil- derness and the homes in which they lived. It was also the theory of the English law that the Colony was a part of the "Empire of the King of England," which could not be governed by Parliament, but was simply the property of the Crown, and therefore could be gov- erned without any regard to the principles of Magna Charta and solely according to the will of the sovereign for the time being. It was upon this theory that the new government, of which Dudley was the first head, under the title of ''President," was established. All powers of the govern- ment were vested in the president, or governor, and a council appointed by the King, subject to removal by the governor, but all vacancies to be filled by the King. The governor brought for the use of his government a new seal and a new flag, and was, with the consent of the Council, to make laws in conformity to the laws of England, but subject to the royal sanction, and was especially required to "countenance and encourage" theChurch of England. It was impossible for Dudley — who, although an able man and anxious to execute his authority as a royal governor, was really one of the Mas- sachusetts Colony people — to govern satisfactorily to the people or to the King under these conditions, and his rule was short, lasting only from May to December, 1686, when he was succeeded by Sir Edmund Andros. When it became known that Andros was to succeed [ 176 ] Old Boston Town House Dudley the colonists evidently expected a change for the worse. His title was to be "Governor-in-Chief " in- stead of "President," but that concession was not suf- ficient to conciliate the sentiment which still demanded a return of the Charter. Preparations were made for Andros's reception which were a careful combination of caution and dignity. The Council, expecting Andros to arrive some time in November, appointed a committee to wait upon him, and passed the following order as to his reception: That the Gunners of Boston and Charlestowne put out his Majtys Colours on the Forts and Sconces, and have their Gunns ready according to method, and that they prepare the second fire- ing according to the signe to be given them from the Towne House That the Major and his Regiment be in armes at the water side to receive the Governor. That the Capt°. of the Castle have his Company ready in armes at a Quarter of an houres warn- ing, and be personally present at the Castle to meet & salute the Governour in passing up to Towne. Orders were also given for hoisting the King's col- ours, for receiving the governor with military honours, and "that a Pipe of Wine be put in some convenient place nere the Towne House to be bestowed amongst the Souldiers that shall arrive with S' Edmund An- dros." Andros did not, in fact, arrive until December, and Sewall gives the following dry but characteristic ac- count of the occasion: Sabbath, Dec^. 19, 1686. Day of the Fort-fight. As I was read- ing the Exposition of Habakkuk S'^., which this morn sung and read in the family, I heard a great Gun or two, as I supposed, which made me think Sir Edmund might be come; but none of the family speaking of it, I held my peace. Going to Mr. Brad- [ 177 ] The Story of the street's Tho, Baker told me Sir Edmund was below, which Winch- comb and Brisco confirmed; said they saw the Frigot with the Flagg in the main Top, and sundry gon down. President and Deputy come to Town ; President comes and hears Mr. Willard, whoes Text was Heb. 11. 12. Therefore sprang there of one &c. 113. Psalm sung. Mr. Willard said he was fully persuaded and confident God would not forget the Faith of those who came first to New England, but would remember their Posterity with kind- ness. One Doct. Faith usually reaps the greatest Crops off the barrenest Ground. Between Sermons, the President and several of the Council goe down. Mr. Lee preaches with us in the After- noon from Zech. 3. 9, 10. The Andros government was composed of the gov- ernor, deputy governor, and council, without repre- sentatives from the towns, and they laid what taxes they thought proper. This was naturally much com- plained of, but those persons who complained were very severely dealt with. For instance, when the selectmen of Ipswich voted "that inasmuch as it is against the privilege of English subjects to have money raised with- out their own consent in an assembly of Parliament, therefore they will petition the King for liberty of an assembly before they make any rates," they were prose- cuted, imprisoned and fined, some twenty, some thirty, and some fifty pounds. Under the Andros government Randolph was made the "Licenser of the Press," but of this Hutchinson says : "There was not so much room to complain as if the press had been at hberty before. It only changed its keeper" — which was true. During the three years of government without a Charter, under the hateful rule of Dudley and Andros, the Town House was called the "Council House" by the governor, but the colonists never adopted the [ 178 ] Old Boston Town House name. It was long supposed that no public records of the conduct of the Andros government were preserved. Hutchinson gives a hst of the Council which he sup- posed to be genuine. But after he wrote, the original journal of the governor and Council of the first four months of the Andros government was discovered, and is now in the possession of the American Antiquarian Society of Worcester, Massachusetts. A journal was doubtless kept for the entire period, but only partial abstracts of it, which were sent to England from time to time, are now available. A few extracts from Sewall's "Diary," however, show the temper of the times. Tuesday, January 25, 1687. This is kept for St. Paul, and the Bell was ining in the Morning to call persons to Service. The Gov- ernour (I am told) was there. Monday, Jan. SI. There is a meet- ing at the Town-house forenoon and afternoon. Bell rung for it, respecting the beheading Charles the First. Both these observances must have been offensive to most of the colonists. Saints' days were scarcely less objectionable to them than references to King Charles as a martyr. "Augt. 24, 1687. Bartholomew-day. In- dulgence for Liberty of Conscience published here." This was King James's first Declaration of Indulgence, of April 4, 1687. Again Sewall wrote: When came from the funeral, (of Mr. Morton) went to the Town-house, and there the L* Governour deliver'd Maj"^ Gen^ Winthrop, &c., their Comission for going to N-York. Apr. 15. Post comes to Town. Apr. 16. His Excellencies Letter to the L* Governour and council is read, dated Ap. 4. N. York. Thanks for Praying for Him, which saw by the order for the Fast; doubts not but far'd the better. Shall write more by the next, was now in pain by the Gout. [ 179 ] The Story of the Again on July 24, 1688, Sewall wrote Rev. Increase Mather, who was then in London, that "There was a Gallery erected last Thorsday, at the east end of the Town House, from whence His Excellency's new C omission was published, 8 Companys being in Arms. About two a clock the Lecture began, Mr. Lawson preached." November 3, 1688, Sewall notes that "Capt. White comes and presses me in His Majesties Name to ap- pear at the Townhouse compleat in Arms next Mon- day at 11. aclock;" and notes that Jonathan Wales offered to serve in his stead for five pounds, and he agreed with him and had him to the Market-place at the hour "where Capt. White listed him in my stead and dismiss'd me." Sewall was then preparing to go to England, and did go on November 22, 1688. Friday, January 17, 1689, Sewall notes that he " went after diiier to the Town-House, to Mr. Addington, from thence to Mr. Browning's, from thence with Mr. Cotton Mather to the Prisoners who were condemned on Friday." The prisoners were the pirates who were afterwards hanged on Boston Common. The Town House was also then used as a place of public prayer. Sewall records: "Wednesday, Decemb^ 17, 1690. A Day of Prayer is kept at the Townhouse, Mr. Allen prays, Mr. Moodey preaches, Mr. Willard prays." Also : "June 17. Fast at the Townhouse, Magis- trates, Ministers : Mr. Hale, Bayly, Brinsmead, Torrey, Moodey, Willard pray, Mr. Lee preaches." The fasts and sermons and lectures in the Town House must have been objectionable to Sir Edmund [ 180 ] Old Boston Town House Andros, though he did not actually forbid them. But he faithfully and persistently carried out his instruc- tions. He established a strict censorship over the print- ing-press; and by many tyrannies excited and increased the actual hatred of the colonists for him and his au- thority. He permitted towns to meet once a year to choose their own officers, but forbade them to hold meetings at any other times or for any other purposes. He also appointed officials who extorted excessive fees from the people. When the news of the birth of a son to King James was received, Andros issued a proclama- tion for a general thanksgiving, and ordered the minis- ters in Boston to cause the proclamation to be publicly read in their congregations, which was much against their will. Schools and shops were closed by his order on Christ- mas. Rev. Joshua Moody wrote to Rev. Increase INIa- ther on the 8th of January, 1688-9, saying, "And the shutting up shops on X*mas day, & driving the m*^ out of the school on X'^mas Holy-daies are very grievous." The attendance of the Council under his government was very small in number, sometimes not more than four or five, but on January 28, 1686, they passed the following order restricting the freedom of the press : His Ex*^^ takeing notice of the great danger w^^ might ensue by permitting the use of Printing presses in Boston and in the Town of Cambridge unless speedily taken care of and thereupon ordered That no Papers, books or Pamphlets be henceforth printed either in Boston or Cambridge untill licensed according to law and that no printer be admitted and licensed to print untill he hath given five hundred pound bond to his Ma*^ in the Secretary's office not to print any unlicensed papers, books or pamphlets, That [181 ] Old Boston Town House copies of Books &c. to be printed be first perused by Mr Dud- ley late President and upon his allowance of them for the Press that one copie thereof so allowed and attested by him be brought to the Secrys office to be left on record and recieve from him an Imprimatur. [ 182 ] Use of the Town House by the Provisional Government: 1689-1692 And by the Provincial Government under the Province Charter: 1692-1711 NOVEMBER, 1688, the Prince of Orange landed in England, and the government there was changed by the accession of himself and his wife, as William and Mary. Information of this revolution in England was brought to Boston, April 4, 1689, by one John Winslow, who came from the island of Nevis, bringing with him a copy of the Prince's Declaration. Upon his landing Andros sent the sheriff to bring him to his house, and asked for the declaration, which Winslow declined to give to him, and Andros there- fore sent him to prison upon the charge of bringing "traiterious and treasonous libels" into the Colony. The declaration, however, was speedily printed and circulated as a broadside, and on April 18 the people rose throughout the town, seized the friends of Andros, including members of his Council, the sheriff, Randolph, and others, and confined them in the jail. To insure the safe keeping of these persons they also shut up in the jail the jail-keeper, and put Scates, "The Bricklayer," in his place. They also seized the captain of the royal frigate Rose, in the harbour, who was in the town, and shut him up in jail. Then Simon Bradstreet, Thomas Danforth, John Richards, Elisha Cooke, and Isaac Ad- dington, who were respectively governor, lieutenant governor, and of the Court of Assistants at the close [ 183 ] The Story of the of the government under the Charter in 1686, came to the Council Chamber in the Town House, and were joined by many prominent citizens of the town. There they drew up and sent to Andros the following paper : At the Toxvn-House in Boston,, April 18. 1689. SIR, 0\^ Selves and many others the Inhabitants of this Town, and the Places adjacent, being surprized raith the Peoples sudden tak- ing of Arms; in the first motion whereof we were wholly ignorant, bei?ig driven by the present Accident, are necessitated to acquaint your Excellency, that for the quieting and securing of the People inhabiting in this Country from the imminent Dangers they many ways lie open and exposed to, and tefidring your oion Safety, We judge it necessary you forthxoith surrender and deliver up to the Government and Fortification to be preserved and disposed according to Order and Direction from the Crown of England, which sud- denly is expected may arrive ; promising all security from violence to your Self or any of your Gentlemen or Souldiers in Person and Estate : Otherwise we are assured they will endeavour the taking of the Fortification by Storm, if any Opposition be made. To Sir Edmund Andros Kt. This address was also issued as a broadside in black- letter, and a copy is now in the library of the Massa- chusetts Historical Society. Then a long paper, entitled " The Declaration of the Gentlemen, Merchants and Inhabitants of Boston and the Country Adjacent," which had obviously been pre- pared before, was read from the east end of the Town House. The imprint on this declaration is "Boston, Printed by Samuel Green and sold by Benjamin Har- ris, at the London Coffee House, 1689." Hutchinson says: "A long declaration was read from the balcony or gallery of the Town House. . . . There [ 184 ] Old Boston Town House would be room to doubt whether this declaration was not a work of time, and prepared beforehand, if it did not appear by the style and language to have been the performance of one of the ministers of Boston [Mr. Mather] who had a remarkable talent for very quick and sudden composures. Besides, it was not printed for several days after, and perhaps was corrected and en- larged." Andros surrendered and was brought from the Cas- tle to the Town House, and then confined for that night in the house of Mr. John Usher, opposite the Town House. The next day he was taken to the fort and there confined under strict guard. This uprising against the Andros rule was wholly Puritan. The Epis- copalians took no part in it, but described it in the records of King's Chapel as "a most impious and de- testable rebellion against the King's Majesty's Govern- ment." Governor Andros's own account of these excit- ing occurrences was that he went to the Town House, — it being the "Ordinary Councill day," — and that — When he came to the Councill Chamber he found severall of the sayd former popular Majestrates and other cheife p'"sons then p^'sent, with those of the Councill, who had noe suitable regard to him, nor the peace and quiet of the Countrey, but instead of give- ing any assistance to support the Government, made him a pri- soner and also imprisoned some members of the Councill and other officers, who in pursuance of their respective dutyes and stations attended on him, and kept them for the space of ten months und"" severe and close confinement untill by His Matins comand they were sent for to England to answer what might be objected to them, Where, after summons given to the p^'tended Agents of New England and their twice appearance at the Councill Board, nothing being objected by them or others, they were discharged. [185 ] The Story of the He also said: "The Confederates at Boston possessed themselves of all His Ma*^*^^ stores, armes ammunicon and other implements of warr, and disabled His Ma*'^^ man of war the Rose frigatt by secureing the Comand*^ and bringing her sayles on shoare ; and at the same time haveing imprisoned the secretary and some other of- ficers, they broke open the Secrys Office and seized and conveyed away all records papers and wrightings." When the news of the landing of William of Orange on the English coast was received in Boston, Andros wrote to a friend, "There is a general buzzing among the people, great with the expectation of regaining the old charter." On April 20, 1689, a provisional government was formed in the Town House, called " The Council for the Safety of the People and Conservation of the Peace." Simon Bradstreet, the last governor under the Charter, was made president. The Council asked the towns to send deputies, "not exceeding two for each town, ex- cept Boston four, to form an assembly;" and sixty-six persons, who were thus sent, met at Boston in the Town House and acted as representatives of the people. This government continued to administer the affairs of the Colony as a provisional government until the arrival of Sir William Phips with the new Charter, in 1692. In June the following order to remove the arms in the fort to the Town House was made and executed : Ordered That Capt Edw^^ Wyllys Comand'" in Cheif at the Fort in Boston take a True Jnventory of all the arms, that he finds left in the Fort, and Remove the Same to the Town house, tak- ing Care, that they be Secured from loss, and Spoil. [186] Old Boston Town House This provisional government of the Colony ruled un- til May 16, 1692, or a little more than three years. In the meantime, chiefly by the activity and ability of the Rev. Increase Mather, one of the three agents who had been sent to England to obtain a renewal of the Colony Charter, a new Charter was granted by William and Mary on October 7, 1691, and Sir William Phips was appointed governor under it. The new governor arrived at Boston with the new Charter, Saturday, May 14, 1692, towards evening. On Monday, the 16th, he was conducted from his house to the Town House by the troops, magistrates, minis- ters, and principal gentlemen of Boston and the adja- cent towns. Sewall notes that "Eight Companies and two from Charlestown guard Sir William and his Councillors to the Town House where the Comissions were read and Oaths taken." At the Town House prayer was first offered by the Rev. Mr. Allen, one of the ministers of Boston, and then the new Charter was published with sound of drum, and the governor's commission was read and published ; and then the ven- erable Bradstreet, who was the last governor under the old Charter, and had been president of the Council of Safety from the overthrow of the Andros government in 1689, resigned the executive chair to Governor Phips. Another prayer was then offered by the Rev. Mr. IVIor- ton, a minister of Charlestown, and the government under the second Charter began. This Charter recited the forfeiture of the old Charter, but confirmed the grants which had been made under it by the General Court, and united Massachusetts, [ 18^ ] The Story of the Plymouth, Elaine, and " Accada, or Nova Scotia," into one Province by the name of "Our Province of the Massachusetts Bay in New England." The government of this Province was to be by a governor, deputy governor, and secretary, appointed by the Crown, and twenty-eight assistants or councillors to the gover- nor, the first of whom were appointed by the Charter, Simon Bradstreet being the first named, to serve un- til May, 1693. Then their successors were to be chosen by the General Court, eighteen for Massachusetts, four for Plymouth, three for Maine, and one for the other territory of the Province. A "Great or General Court or Assembly" was to be held in May each year, and at such other times as the governor should appoint, con- sisting of the governor, the Council, and two freehold- ers elected from each town or place in the Province by majority vote of the freeholders and other inhabitants thereof The General Court was authorized to "erect judicatories and courts of record and other courts," the officers of which were to be appointed by the gover- nor, with the advice and consent of the Council. Pro- bate of wills and administration of estates was vested in the governor and Council. The General Court was authorized to make laws not repugnant to the laws of England, subject to the approval of the governor, and also to the approbation or disallowance of the Crown ; and the Charter provided that "forever hereafter there shall be a liberty of conscience allowed in the worship of God to all Christians (except papists) inhabiting, or which shall inhabit or be resident in our said Province or territory." [ 188 ] Old Boston Town House When the administration of Governor Phips under the new Charter began, the people of the Colony were much exhausted and impoverished by the long French and Indian wars. Their treasury had been bankrupted by the expense of the expedition to Quebec ; there was nothing with which to pay public creditors ; paper money was driving out real money ; payment of taxes was bur- densome and the collection of them exceedingly dif- ficult ; the authority of the courts was disputed, and practically everything had come to a standstill in the Colony, except the mere cultivation of the soil for sub- sistence. In addition to this, a strange delusion had come upon the people, called the "witchcraft delusion." The peo- ple of Massachusetts, in common with Christian people elsewhere at that time, believed in the existence of witchcraft, and it had always been a crime in the Col- ony punishable with death. The act against capital crimes provided that " if any man or woman be a witch, that is, hath or consulteth with a familiar spirit, they shall be put to death." Before the arrival of Governor Phips many accusations of the crime of witchcraft had been made, and nearly a hundred persons were then imprisoned and awaiting trial upon that charge. The new Charter provided that judicial courts should be constituted by the new General Assembly or General Court, but the members of that body were not then even chosen, and there was no legal court by which these persons could be lawfully tried. The state of the public mind, however, was such that they could not be released, and therefore Governor Phips, by the ad- [ 189 ] The Story of the vice of the councillors appointed in the Charter, con- stituted a special commission of seven persons to try these cases. This commission went out from the Town House, with the cruel and bigoted Stoughton at its head. In June they tried and condemned one Bridget Bishop to be hanged, and she was hanged. Four weeks after, this so-called court sentenced five women to be executed for witchcraft, and they were all executed. One of them, Mrs. Nourse, an eminent woman of excellent charac- ter, was at first acquitted ; but Stoughton sent the jury out again, instructing them that she had confessed her guilt, and they then returned a verdict of guilty. At the next session, in August, six persons, including one minister of the gospel, were convicted and executed. During the next month fifteen persons, six women in one day, and eight women and one man on another day, were tried, convicted and sentenced ; and eight of them were hanged. One of them, Giles Corey, who was eighty years of age, refused to plead, i. e. to answer guilty or not guilty, saying that the whole thing was an impos- ture, and he was pressed to death with heavy weights laid on his body, according to the rule of the English law subjecting persons to this punishment who refused to plead. In October the General Court met and con- stituted a regular court which superseded the special witchcraft commission. Twenty-six persons were in- dicted and tried before this court, but only three were found guilty, and these were all pardoned. Most of the judges and jurors who participated in these trials repented, and many of them publicly de- [ 190 ] Old Boston Town House clared their faults and entreated forgiveness. Judge Sewall, one of the commissioners, made written pubhc acknowledgment of his great offence in the South Church in Boston, and to the end of his life kept every year a day of private humiliation and prayer for his sins in that matter. In October, 1710, the last year in which the Town House stood, the General Court sitting therein passed an act annulling all the convictions for witchcraft twenty years before, and making grants to the heirs of those who had been executed in acknowledgment of their pecuniary losses, and thus some tardy atonement was made in the Town House for the great wrongs which had been done under a commission issued from it nearly twenty years before. The witchcraft delusion among the Massachusetts people, however, was not peculiar to them. It had ex- isted for centuries. In 1484 Pope Innocent VIII pro- claimed the wide prevalence of the crime and enforced on all good Catholics the duty of extirpating it, which, it has been calculated, caused the death of not less than one hundred thousand people in Germany alone. In the next century a thousand witches are said to have been slaughtered in Lombardy, and in the century fol- lowing about five hundred persons charged with witch- craft were executed in the republic of Geneva, the home of Calvin, which had then a population not more than half the population of JNIassachusetts when twenty people were there executed for witchcraft. Similar de- lusions existed in Sweden and in England. At the time of the Long Parliament more than one hundred peo- [ 191 ] The Story of the pie were executed for witchcraft in Essex and Sussex alone, with the approbation of the ministers. In the year that King Charles was executed it is said that fourteen women were burned as witches in a village that had but fourteen families. After the arrival of Governor Phips a new General Assembly was elected, and government under the pro- vincial Charter began. The new government was ad- ministered from the Town House, where the General Assembly and the courts sat, and in which the gover- nor and Council sat in the Council Chamber. The build- ing was still called by the people the Town House, al- though officially it was known as the Province House. The colonists, who had maintained a practically inde- pendent government under the old Charter for nearly half a century, did not readily yield to a government under which the governor was appointed by the Crown, and the election of councillors, although by the Gene- ral Assembly, was subject to the approval of the gov- ernor; and the power reserved by the Charter to the English government of disapproving any law of the province within three years, though not at first a cause of trouble because the power was not at first exercised, ultimately gave great dissatisfaction. Phips was a man of violent temper which brought him into many personal encounters and difficulties, and finally, in November, 1694, caused him to be re- called to England, where he died in February, 1695. This left the office of governor to be administered by Lieutenant-Governor Stoughton. The following curi- [ 192 ] Old Boston Town House ous entry in SewalFs "Diary" shows how Stoughton's taking up the duties of governor was received : Dec. 4, 1694. Lieut. Governour calls at 's entrance into the Town; I told him I had spoken to Mr. Willard to pray; tells me of his intended Treat at Mr. Coopers, and enquires whom He had best to invite. Between 2. and 3. P. M. we meet at Mr. Sec- retaries, from thence go to the Townhouse; viz. Lieut. Gover- nour, Mr. Danforth, Gedney, Russel, Cook, Phillips, Brown, Hathorne, Addington, Sewall, Lynde, Hook, Sergeant. Mr. Wil- lard prayed. Then Lieut. Governour made a brave Speech upon the occasion of the Government's being fallen on Him. After this Col. Hutchinson came in and made 13. . . . Lieut. Governour invites, and we go to Mr. Cooper's, where a Splendid Treat is provided, most cold meat. Councillors, Ministers, Justices there, and Col. Shrimpton, Mr. E"" Hutchinson, &c. Mr. Increase Mather Crav'd a Blessing; Mr. Willard return'd Thanks. I mov'd Mr. Willard and Mr. Cotton Mather, that, seeing the Old and South Church fell short in their singing on the Thanksgiving-day, might make it up now, if they saw meet: Mr. Willard said would sing what He intended then, prevented by the night: Ask'd Lieut. Gov- ernour and read the 47. Ps. Clap hands. — Spake to me and I set it. During the administration of Stoughton the home government began to exercise its power of disallowing the colonial laws. The first General Court under the provincial Charter had enacted as their first statute a provision that all the local laws which had been made under the old colonial Charter, that were not repugnant to the laws of England and inconsistent with the new Charter, should be in force, until the November follow- ing, at which time this provision was renewed without limitation of time. But before the three years elapsed, the Privy Council disallowed this act, and directed that [ 193 ] The Story of the in any new law for the same purpose the laws to be continued should be particularly specified. Fifteen of the forty-five acts passed at the first two sessions of the General Court under the new Charter were disal- lowed by the Privy Council in one day, among others the one incorporating Harvard College, because no power was reserved in it to the King to appoint visi- tors. An act for the prevention of illegal imprisonment was disallowed, because the writ of habeas corpus had not been in any of the colonies ; and an act declaring that the colonists were exempt from all taxes except those levied by the General Court was also disallowed. On July 12, 1696, Sewall records that he "went to the Townhouse and after a while P {per) Mr. Whittingham rec'd the Packet which makes void many of our Laws ; viz. Courts, Colledge, Habeas Corpus, Forms of Writts &c. and Confirms many others." The home government began also to enforce the navigation laws, to which the colonists had always objected. Finally after much delay, caused, perhaps, in part by these difficulties, the Earl of Bellomont, an Irish peer, was appointed governor, not only of the Massachusetts Province, but of New Jersey and New Hampshire as well, and reached New York in April, 1697. He re- mained in New York nearly a year, when he came to Massachusetts in answer to a request from the Gene- ral Court. Much difficulty had arisen before his arrival in establishing the courts of the province. Laws passed by the General Court for that purpose had been re- peatedly disallowed in England ; but finally, under the administration of Bellomont, a law was passed which [ 194 ] Old Boston Town House was not disallowed, and the judicial system of the Colony was permanently established. Bellomont,or as he was termed from his family name, Governor Coote, remained in the province only about fourteen months. He was amiable and personally agree- able, and the General Court made two grants to him as governor of a thousand pounds each, larger grants than ever made to a governor before or after. Com- plaint was made that these grants were always declared by the General Court to be presents, or to be given in their own discretion, and the royal governors continu- ally urged that their salaries should be put upon a fixed basis, which the General Court would never do. Bello- mont died in New York in March, 1701, and Stough- ton again, as acting governor, ruled in the Council Chamber until his death in July of the same year. Then under the provision of the Charter the Council became the chief executive and exercised the powers of the governor from the Council Chamber in the Town House, until the arrival of Joseph Dudley as governor June 11, 1702. A committee of the Council, of which Sewall was one, was sent to meet him. Sewall's ac- count of what took place, including his own speech, was written by him in his diary at length as follows : Mr. Addington, Eliakim Hutchinson, Byfield and Sewall, sent per the Council, go with Capt Crofts in his Pinace to meet the Governour, and Congratulat his Arrival; We get aboard a little before got within Point Alderton; Capt Heron introduced us; After had all saluted the Gov*". I said, "Her Majesty's Council of this Province havecomanded us to meet your Excellency, and congratulate your safe Arrival in the Massachusetts Bay, in quality of our Governour: Which we do [195] The Story of the very heartily; not only out of Obedience to our Masters who sent us ; but also of our own accord. The Cloaths your Excellency sees us wear, are a true Indication of our inward Grief for the De- parture of K. William. Yet we desire to remember with Thank- fullness the Goodness of God, who has at this time peacably placed Queen Anne upon the Throne. And as Her Majesty s Name imports Grace, so we trust God will shew Her Majesty Favour; and Her Majesty us. And we look upon your Excellency's being sent to us, as a very fair First-Fruit of it, for which we bless God and Queen Anne," I was startled at 2 or 3 things; viz. The L*. Governour (Tho- mas Povey) a stranger, sent, whom we knew nor heard anything of before : When the Gov'' first mentioned it, I understood him of Mr. Addington. I saw an ancient Minister, enquiring who it was, Governour said, twas G Keith, had converted many in England, and now Bp. London had sent him hether with Salery of 200. Guineys per anum. I look'd on him as Helena aboard. This man crav'd a Blessing and returned Thanks, though there was a chaplain of the Ship, and another Minister on board. Gov- ernour has a very large Wigg. Drink Healths, About one and Twenty Guns fired at our leaving the Centurion; and Cheers, then Capt Scot and another Ship fired. Castle fired many Guns; Landed at Scarlet's Wharf, where the Council and Regiment waited for us; just before came at the North-Meetinghouse Clock struck five. Was the Troop of Guards, and Col. Paige's Troop. March'd to the Townhouse. There before the Court; Ministers, and as many else as could crowd in, the Governour's and L^ Gov'"^. Comissions were published; they took their Oaths laying their hands on the Bible, and after Kissing it. Had a large Treat. Just about dark Troops Guarded the Gov^ to Roxbury. He rode in Major Hobby's Coach Drawn with six Horses richly harnessed. By mistake, my coachman stayed in the yard, and so Joseph and I went alone. Foot gave 3 very good Volleys after the publica- tion of the Comissions, and were dismissed. Mr. Mather crav'd a Blessing and Mr. Cotton Mather return'd Thanks. Dudley had been perhaps the most unpopular man in the Colony, and in the revolt of 1689 was arrested [ 196 ] %cu^A ^M^xd/e^ Old Boston Town House and imprisoned for about five months by the Brad- street provisional government. He went to England upon his release, and was afterwards governor of the Isle of Wight and member of Parliament. It was a strange turn of fortune when he came back to the Town House as a royal governor under Queen Anne. He was a man of craft, intrigue, and of great abihty. As gover- nor he aped royalty and required the speaker and Gen- eral Court to attend before him. On his arrival, fol- lowing the example which had first been set by Bello- mont, of addressing the legislature in a speech, he made an address to the General Court which provoked much popular indignation, and they took no action upon any of his proposals for legislation except to make him a grant of five hundred pounds. Dudley was governor during the last nine years of the life of the Town House. The first part of the time there was constant discord between him and the Gen- eral Court. He asked them to appropriate money for fortifications in the Province outside of Massachusetts, which they steadily refused to do. He insisted that they should provide fixed and permanent salaries for the gov- ernor and the judges, and this they persistently refused to do. He desired them to appropriate money to be spent at his discretion, and they refused to appropriate money for any purpose not specified in the act of ap- propriation. He exercised his power to disapprove the election of councillors against those who had been his former opponents and in favour of his personal friends, and the General Court resented this by reducing their grants for his salary. But time and custom ease all [ 197 ] The Story of the things, and gradually these difficulties were either re- conciled or tolerated by both parties, except that the General Court wisely retained the power of the purse, and would make no fixed grants of salaries to a royal governor or his appointees. Dudley was of the Puritan stock, and desired to keep his office and his home in the Colony, and the colonists, beneath all their objec- tions to him and his rule, feared that if he ceased to be governor they were likely to have a worse one in his stead. The last few years of the life of the Town House were unfortunate days for the Colony and the town. The population of the town had ceased to increase. In 1705 only seven new inhabitants were admitted; in 1706, two; in 1707, one; in 1708, four; in 1709, five; and in 1710, two. Paper money, called bills of credit, had been issued to such an extent as to drive good money out of the Colony, and in 1708 Dudley asked the General Court to pass laws to prevent bills of credit being "undersold." Municipal officers in Boston were complained of and preached against as administering the affairs of the town for their selfish purposes. The affairs of the town had come into such disorder that in order to remedy them a committee of thirty-one citi- zens, including the selectmen, was appointed to draft an act of incorporation as a city or borough, and such an act was reported to the town meeting and voted down March 14, 1709, by a large majority. The following from Sewall's "Diary" shows the Puritan feeling as to uses made of the Town House during the last years of its existence : [ 198] Old Boston Town House November 5, 1697, he notes: "Guns fired with respect to the King's Birth-day. At night great Illumination made in the To^wti- house Governour and Council and many Gentlemen there." Feb^ 5th. 170|. Col. Elisha Hutchinson. Col. Penn Townsend, Capt. Andrew Belcher, and Samuel Sewall rid to Roxbury in the Hackney coach; Capt. Jeremiah Dumer, Mr. Edward Bromfield on horseback : Went on purpose to speak to the Governour against having Illuminations, especially in the Town house; That so the profanation of the Sabbath might be prevented. I said twould be most for the Honor of God; and that would be most for the Honor and Safety of Queen Anne. Governour said twould be hard for him to forbid it, considering how good the Queen was, what successes God had given her. I answered. It could not be intro- duced into the Town-house without his Excellency's Order, for under his Excellency the Government of the Town was (partly) comitted to us. Gov'" answer'd not a word. Others urged our Law, the Grief of Good People, his best Friends. And I think all was said between us, that could be said. Tuesday, Apr. 23, 1706 Govr. comes to Town guarded by the Troops with their Swords drawn ; dines at the Dragon, from thence proceeds to the Townhouse, Illuminations at night. Capt.Pelham tells me several wore crosses in their Hats; which makes me re- solve to stay at home; (though Maxwell was at my House and spake to me to be at the Council-Chamber at 4. p. m.) Because to drinking Healths, now the Keeping of a Day to fictitious St. George, is plainly set on foot. [199] Destruction of the Town House I AM loth to write of the destruction of the Town House. The study of the people by whom it was built, of their use of it, of what they did in and about it, makes them all real and personal. We can see the little band of Puritans under Winthrop building their rude dwelhngs about the Great Street and along the High Street, and in the crooked ways leading out of these, and slowly adapting their customs and making their laws to suit the conditions about them. We can see the pious Captain Keayne laboriously writing the pages of his voluminous will, framed not only to vindicate him- self from injustice, but also to benefit the citizens of the town ; and considering the question of a town house with a market beneath, a conduit for the supply of water by its side, and rooms for the selectmen and the elders, the town meetings, and a library chamber within. We can see the inhabitants giving of their scanty means in small moneys and in produce and merchan- dise to add to the bounty of Captain Keayne sufficient to build the Town House. We can see the people help- ing at the raising of the building, and watching its construction with all the interest which that first great public work in Boston naturally excited. We can see the building standing in simple civic dignity at the head of the Great Street, encircled within its arms, with the High Street stretching southward to the fields and northward to the sea, and with the narrow Prison Lane leading westward by the prison and the school-house to the burying-ground. We can see the sober, sombre [ 201 ] The Story of the faces of the Puritans at the first town meeting in the Town House, and in the use of "the Uttle room" for the selectmen, the Library Chamber and the granary in the Town House. The structure doubtless seemed as commodious and perfect to them as any public build- ing since erected in Boston has seemed to their descend- ants. We can see orderly civil government slowly worked out by the debates and the contests within the wooden walls of the Town House; executive, legislative and judicial functions separated, the right of taxation lim- ited, a code of written laws established, and all the fundamental principles which underlie our constitu- tional government in JNIassachusetts to-day practically established by the Puritan colony in the Boston Town House. We can see the citizens of Boston in their town meetings, instructing their representatives in the Gen- eral Court as well as dealing with the various subjects of municipal government, regulations for building, care of streets, laying out of highways, primary education, industrial education, protection against fire, providing for the watch and ward and the policing of the town, regulating the hours and prices of labour, providing for the relief of the poor, and governing in their action all the necessities of the people as they slowly developed an efficient municipal government. We see the shops of the artisans, the traders, and the booksellers cluster about and beneath the Town House, and all the commercial and intellectual activities of the town come to be there centred. [ 202 ] Old Boston Town House One seems to be acquainted with the leaders in all this, and to see Endicott, Leverett, Bellingham, Brad- street, Stoughton and Sewall; and Wilson, Mather, Mayhew and Cotton, ministers of Boston, walk the crooked streets of the little town and sternly rule its affairs. We see Andros,the representative of royal authority, clad in scarlet and in lace, walk up the Great Street, and take possession of the Town House as a Province House after the revocation of the Colony Charter. We see him, dominant and despotic, summoning the minis- ters of Boston to the Library Chamber and command- ing them to open their meeting-houses to the worship of the English Church. We can imagine the surprise of this soldier of fortune and representative of power when he met a resisting force of which he had never dreamed, — the Puritan conscience, — and was firmly told by the ministers that what he demanded could not be because it "did entrench upon their conscience." We can see him yielding for a time to a compromise by which in the Library Chamber of the Town House worship ac- cording to the Church of England was first had in Bos- ton "by authority," and then later, impatient with op- position, forcibly seizing upon the Old South Meeting- house for that worship. We can see the uprising of the people against Andros and see him brought to the Town House and imprisoned ; and then see the mild rule of Bradstreet and the provisional government, and finally a government established in the Town House under a new charter as a compromise between the colonists and the Crown. We can see Dudley vainly striving [ 203 ] The Story of the with all his great ability to make the compromise of the new charter acceptable to the Crown and to the colonists. We can see commerce and trade increase, a church provided for worship by members of the Church of England, even a Quaker meeting-house officially ap- proved, and the stern severity of the Puritan rule slowly modified and relaxed. The Town House was the centre of all this and more, and one does not willingly write of its destruction. I wish it could have stood down to the present time, like the old Rathhauses of Germany and the ancient muni- cipal buildings of England, as a visible evidence of the early conditions of Boston and of the Colony, and a perpetual reminder of the olden time and of the trials, the suffering and endurance of the Puritans, whose con- scientious persistence achieved so much for liberty and law. But this was not to be. It was destroyed in 1711, and its destruction came by fire, that greatest danger to which the early settlers of Boston were exposed. There was no regular laying out of streets, and the original territory was so limited that the allotments to the settlers were necessarily small. The ways upon which the early dwellings were built were crooked and narrow; for lack of other material their houses were mainly of wood and with thatched or wooden roofs. In 1653 there was a fire which destroyed many dwellings. In 1675 the North Meeting-house, several warehouses, and about forty-five dwellings were destroyed by fire. In 1679 a fire destroyed eighty dwelling houses, seventy stores, and several vessels lying at their docks. [ 204 ] Old Boston Town House In consequence of this fire in 1679, the first building law was passed as follows: This Court having a sense of the great Ruines in Boston by Fire, and hazard still of the same by reason of the joyning and nearness of their buildings; for prevention of damage and loss thereby for future, Do therefore Order and Enact; That hence- forth no dwelling house in Boston shall be erected and set up, ex- cept of stone or brick, and covered with Slate or Tyle, on penalty of forfieting double the value of such buildings, unless by allow- ance and liberty obteined otherwise from the Magistrates, Com- missioners and Selectmen of Boston, or major part of them. The execution of this law was suspended the next year for three years, the General Court saying they did it "considering the present inability of many Persons that have suffered great loss by the late Fire, to rebuild with Brick or Stone." In 1683, however, the General Court again ordered — That henceforth no Dwelling-house, Warehouse, Shop, Barn, Stable, or any other Housing, shall be Erected and set up in Bos- ton, except of Stone, or Brick, and covered with Slate or Tyle; on penalty of forfeiting one hundred pounds in Money to the use of the said Town for every House built otherwise, unless by al- lowance and liberty obtained from this Court, from time to time. In 1692 this law was modified so that it should be lawful "to Erect any small building; Providing, it do not exceed eight Foot square, and seven Foot studd, of Wood or Timber; any Law to the contrary not- withstanding : Provided they have the Approbation of the Select-men of said Town." Permission to build larger wooden buildings was, however, frequently granted by the selectmen, and even meeting-houses were constructed of wood. Sewall makes the following quaint entry in his diary under date [ 205 ] The Story of the of August 23, 1708 : *'mane. at Council, A Petition for building a Quaker Meeting-house with Wood, pass'd by the Selectmen and Justices of the Town ; was now offer'd to the Gov*^ and Council: I opposed it; said I would not have a hand in setting up their Devil Wor- ship." At last the dreaded calamity occurred, and the Town House was destroyed by a great fire on October 2, 1711. This fire also destroyed the homes of over a hun- dred families, a large part of what is now State Street and Washington Street, and the meeting-house. The best account of it is found in "The Boston News-Let- ter," as follows : The Boston News-Letter. Numb. 390. From Monday October 1, to Monday October 8, 1711. Boston. On Tuesday the second of October, about eight a Clock in the Evening, a Fire broke out in an old Tenement within a back Yard in Cornhill, near to the First Meeting-House, occa- sioned by the carelesness of a poor Sottish Woman by using Fire to a parcel of Ocum, Chips and other combustible Rubbish, which soon raised a great Flame, and being a time of great drought, and the Buildings very dry, the Flames took hold of the Neigh- bouring Houses, which were high and contiguous in that part, notwithstanding all application and diligence to extinguish and prevent the spreading thereof by throwing of Water, and blow- ing up of Houses. The Fire made its progress throughout Corn- hill on both sides of the Street, and on both sides of the upper parts of King and Queens-street; the Town-House and the Meet- ing-House, with many fair Buildings were Consumed, and several persons kilFd and burn'd. Some Gentlemen took care to preserve Her Majesties Picture that was in the Town-House. Sewall notes the fire as follows: [ 206 ] BEWAILED: IN A SERMON, Occafioned by the Lamentable FIRE Which was in BOSTON, Oaob. 2. I 7 I I . In which the Sins which Pro- voke the LORD to Kindle 5Fit0S, are Enquired into. By increase flpatt)er, d.d. Pfal. LXXVIII. 21. The Lord heard this, and was Wroth: So a Fire was Kindled against Jacob ; aiid Anger alfo came up againft Ifrael. Luke XIII. 4, 5. Thofe Eighteen upon wih:om th:e Tower of Siloam fell, l£ few them, think you that they were Sinners above all men that dwelt in Jerufalem? / tell you. Nay, but except you Repent, you fall all likewise Perif. Bojion Piinted: Sold by Timothy Green, 1 711. Old Boston Town House jr^ 18^^. Third-day, set out for Boston ; Baited at Dedham. Re- fresh'd our selv's at Mr. Belcher's: Got well home a little after Diner time: we recreated our selves with Mr, Watt's Poems, go- ing and coming, Laus Deo Servatori. About 7 or 8 aclock of the night between the 'H^ and 3*^ of October, a DreadfuU Fire hapens in Boston; broke out in a little House belonging to Capt.Ephraim Savage, by reason of the Di'unkenness of Moss ; Old Meet- ing House, and Town-House burnt. Old Meeting-house had stood near 70. years. I had a house burnt, wherein Mr. Seth Dwight was Tenant, who paid me Twenty pounds per aiium, Oct. S. The Lt, Gov*", Taylor arrives. He saw the Fire 20 Leagues off. Octohr. 11. Fifth-day, Fast. A Collection was made for sufferers by the Fire; Two Hundred Sixty odd pounds gathered at the South church, the oldest Meetinghouse in Town. The ministers immediately improved the occasion by sermons and moral admonitions. The sermons not only give information as to the fire, but are interesting side-lights upon the times. Increase Mather preached a sermon in the North Church, which was printed with the title-page shown on the facing page. In this sermon, copies of which are now very rare, Mather discoursed upon many things connected with fires, with all the abundance of Scriptural quotation which he so much affected. Among other things he said : Desolating Fires are an awful Judgment, but of the Lords kindling. When the Children of Ifrael were encamped in the Wildernefs, the Fire of the Lord hurft among them, and conjiimed them that were in the utmojt parts of the Camp; Mofes called the name of that place Taberah, (which fignifies Burning,) becaiife the Fire of the Lord burnt among them. He referred to fires in various towns in England, and especially to the great fire in London on Septem- ber 2, 1666, and then passed in review all the previous [ 207 ] The Story of the great fires in Boston. Speaking of the fire he said : It is in refpect of fome Circumftances attending it, the moft Awful Stroke from God that ever came upon Bofton^ or upon New-England. Many Houfes are in Afhes; and more than an Hundred Families Burnt out of Doors. An Houfe fet apart for Solemnizing the Worfhip of God, is laid in Ruines. ... In this difmal Night the Town-Honfe alfo, in which our General Af- femblies, Councils, and Courts of Judicature were wont to Meet, and in which Two Synods have Sat, was Confumed with the Fire; and in that there is an Awful Voice from Heaven fpeaking to the whole Province. . . . There is another Particular which makes a peculiar Accent of Sorrow in this Burning, viz. That many Lives have been Tragically Loft ; the like (as to Number) has not been in former Fires amongft us. We know not how many there are who have thus Perifhed. Tis fuppofed Eight Perfons at leaft, fome think many more. But, he said: We have caufe to Sing of Mercy ^ as well as to Lament under Judgment: Sparing Mercy in that the Town has ftood fo long: It is almoft a Miracle, that fuch a Timber Town has ftood for fo many years, confidering how many prodigious Sinners there are, who rejoyce at fuch Calamities, hoping for an opportunity to Steal their Neighbours Goods : And how many carelefs Servants, and how many Drunken Wretches there are in the Town : The Fire we now Bezvail this day, is fuppofed to be occafioned by a wicked drunken Woman. And let thofe who have their Houfes taken from them, be Thankful that it was not done fooner. He preached against the sins of the people of Bos- ton, especially against extravagance in dress, saying: The Word of God allows thofe who areMenof Eftates and fuch as are in Place and Dignity above others, to be diftinguifhed by the Coftlinefs of their Apparrel. If they who are in Kings Houfes are Cloathed infoft raiment, if they wear Silk, and Sattens, and Velvet, and Purple and Silver and Gold, there is no offence to Heaven in it; but for Poor People to do fo, is infuiferable Pride. [ 208 ] Old Boston Town House He then preached particularly against the wearing of wigs, saying: I doubt not but that a man who has lost his Hair by Sicknefs or by Age, or if his Health require it, may as lawfully make ufe of a modeft Wig or Border, as of a Cap, or Hat. I never said or thought otherwife; but I have faid, & do fay, That fuch Mon- strous Periwigs, as fome ; Nay, as fome Church-Members indulge themfelves in the wearing of, which make them refemble the Lo- cufts that come out of the bottomlefs Pit; whofe Faces were as the Faces of Men, (^ they had Hair as the Hair of Women, Rev. 9. 7, 8. are a Badge of Pride, and (as an Eminent Divine calls them) Horrid Bufhes of Vanity; and that fuch Strange apparel is contrary to the light of Nature, and to Exprefs Scripture. But are not many among us guilty of this (as well as of other forts of) Pride.? And they regard neither God nor man that tef- tifies againft them. And none more guilty than the poorer and meaner fort of people all the Country over. They will go above their Quality, above their Parentage & above their Estates. When they have fcarce Bread to eat, yet they will be fine and fafhion- able, and appear in their Silks and Braveries, as if they were the beft in the Land. I declare unto you, that fuch Pride is enough to provoke the Lord to kindle Fires in all the Towns in the Coun- try, where this Iniquity does abound. Then he said : Has not God's Holy Day been Prophaned in New-England ? Has it not been fo in Boston this Laft Summer, more than ever fince there was a Chriftian here.? Have not Burdens been carried thro' the Streets on the Sabbath Day ? Have not Bakers, Carpen- ters and other Tradefmen been employed in Servile Works, on the Sabbath Day.? When I faw this ... my Heart faid, Will not the Lord for this Kindle a Fire in Boston? When men pretend to Serve God, and yet Serve Mammon with their whole Hearts, the Lord either by Water or Fire takes away their Mammon. When the World is become an Idol, He cafts it into the Fire. When an Houfe & Furniture is Idolized, by Men or Women, the Jealoufy of God Kindles a Fire on it. Re- [ 209 ] The Story of the member Lofs Wife: Her heart was Idolatroufly fet upon what flie had in Sodom; and you know what befel her. Yea, remember Lot himfelf: Notwithftanding he was a Righteous man, the World had too much of his Heart. And did not God Fire him out of all his Eftate? Now then fay, Is not this Sin found in New-England ? And is it not attended with much Sacriledge? Thro' out the whole Land, men with-hold from God more than is meet; and it tends to Poverty. Ah! New- England, what Lamentation fhall I take up for thee ? Thou hast changed thy Intercft. Thy Intereft was Pure Religion; which is more than can be faid of any other Plantation in the whole World. Our Fathers came not into this Land to get Eftates, but to Build Houfes for God, & fet up the Kingdom of Christ in the Spiritual Glory of it, where His Name had not been known. They weiit after Him in the Wilder- nejs, in a Land that was not Sowen : They fought the Kingdom of God & His Righteoufnefs in the Firft place; and He was pleafed to add other things to them, beyond their Expectation. But how is it at this Day? Men do not now come to New-Eng- land for the fake of Religion; but of the World, to get Riches if they can. In conclusion he said, with a mixture of piety and prudence : We ought to be affected with the Mercy of God in that the whole Town was not confumed. If the Wind (which the Lord holds in His fift) had then been fo high as fmce that fatal night it has been, few Houfes would have been left ftanding in Bofton. We in this North-End of the Town, have great caufe to acknow- ledge the Mercy of God in fparing us at this time: For indeed we were in eminent danger, flakes of fire falling upon the Houfes hereabouts, & but few of the Dwellers in this part of the Town remained in their Houfes to fecure them, in cafe any of them fhould have taken fire; from which a gracious Providence, (but x\o\. OMX Prudence^ has preferved them. Let me advife you, if ever the like occafion fhould happen, (which Mercy forbid) not to leave your own Habitations, without a fufficient Number to de- fend them. [ 210 ] , ^Advice from TABE1{AH, A SERMON Preached After the Terrible FIRE Which, (attended with Some very Lamentable and Memorable cir- cumftances, On OB. 2, 3. 171 1.) Laid a Confiderable Part of BOSTON, in Afhes. Dire6ling a Pious Improvement of Every Calamity, but more Efpe- cially of fo Calamitous a Defolation. IBp COTTON MATHER, D.D. Numb. XI. 3. And he called the Name of the Place TABERAH becaufe the Fire of the Lord burnt among them. BOSTON in N. E. Printed by B. Green; Sold by Samuel Gerrijh^ at his Shop at the Sign of the Buck over againft the South Meeting-Houfe. i 7 i i . Old Boston Town House Cotton Mather also preached a sermon in the South Meeting-house, which was printed, and but few copies of which still remain. The title-page is here reproduced. The sermon was preceded by the following statement as to the cause and extent of the fire : The Occasion. Beginning about Seven a Clock in the Evening, and Finishing before Two in the Morning, the Night between the Second and Third of October, 1711. A terrible Fire Laid the Heart of Bos- ton, the Metropolis of the New-English America, in Ashes. The Occasion of the Fire, is said to have been, by the Carelessness and Sottishness, of a Woman, who Suffered a Flame which took the Okum, the Picking whereof was her Business, to gain too far, be- fore it could be mastered. It was not long before it reduced Corn- hill into miserable Ruines, and it made its impressions into King- Street, and Qtieen-Street, and a great Part of Pudding-Lane was also Lost, before the Violence of it could be Conquered. Among these Ruines, there were Two Spacious Edifices, which until now, made a most Considerable Figure, because of the Publick Rela- tion to our greatest Solemnities, in which they had stood from the Dayes of our Fathers. The One was, the Town-House: the Other, the Old Meeting-House. The Number of Houses, and Some of them very Capacious Buildings, which went into the Fire, with these, is computed near about an hundred, and the Fami- lies which inhabited these Houses, cannot but be very many more. It being also a Place of much Trade, and fill'd with well-furnished Shops of Goods, not a little of the Wealth of the Town was now consumed. But that which very much added unto the Horror of the Dismal Night, was the Tragical Death of many Poor Men, who were killed, by the Blowing up of Houses; or by Venturing too far into the Fire, for the Rescue of what its fierce Jaws was ready to Prey upon. Of these, the Bones of Seven or Eight are thought to be found ; and it is feared, there may be some Stran- gers, belonging to Vessels, besides these, thus buried, of whose unhappy circumstances we are not yet apprised : And others have since died of their Wounds. [m ] The Story of the Thus the Town of Boston, just going to get beyond Fourscore years of Age, and conflicting with much Labour and Sorrow, is, a very Vital and Valuable part of it. Soon Cut off and flown away! And yet in the midst of these Lamentations we may say; Tis of the Lords Mercies, that we are not Co7isunied. Had not the Glorious Lord who has gathered the Wind in His Hands, Merci- fully kept under the Wind at this Time, He alone knows how, much more of the Town must have been Consumed ! A Great Auditory of the Inhabitants, with many from the Neighbouring Towns, coming together, on the Ensuing Thurs- day, that they might hear the Lnstructions of Piety, which might suit the present & grievous Occasion : One of the Ministers, who is also a Native, of the Town, entertained them with the Ensuing Sermoyi, which is now by the way of the Press, made a more Dur- able and a more Diffusive Memorial, of a Divine Dispensation, which may not quickly be Forgotten. No part of the structure of the Boston Town House now exists, no certain trace of its physical existence can be found, and only the mutilated walls of its suc- cessor — the Old State House — now stand as a part of the present edifice. The rude buildings in which the early Puritans lived and laboured about the Town House have all disappeared, and the conditions of life which existed about the building while it stood are all absolutely changed. The electric railway and the motor car have displaced the whipping-post and the stocks, and the quiet streets and places where Winthrop walked, and Mather talked, and Sewall gossiped, are filled with the throng and flow of commerce and of trade. Of all that was material in the life of the Town House nothing now remains ; but the results of what was done in and about the Town House remain. The government [ 212 ] Old Boston Town House which the Puritans there created remains. The essen- tial, fundamental principles of New England state gov- ernment, as they now exist, were established and put in operation by the Puritans in the Boston Town House. Representative government by two legislative bodies, each a check upon the other, sound judicial power to interpret the law and determine rights under the law, and executive power effective to administer and exe- cute the law, with a reasonable check upon hasty or ill-advised legislation, a system of government in which the powers of the people are so carefully distributed and balanced that "life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness" are made secure and the people protected against tyranny even by themselves, — all now exist as the result of what was done in and about the Boston Town House during the fifty years of its existence. When the Constitution of 1780 was established by the people of Massachusetts, they only declared by its Bill of Rights, and established by its provisions, the funda- mental principles and methods of government which had been wrought out and established by the early Puritan settlers in the Boston Town House and in the Town of Boston and Colony of Massachusetts Bay. This government has been permanent only because it is based upon moral principles, and the lesson which the story of the Boston Town House teaches is that while material things pass away, moral and spiritual things remain, and that only that righteousness which exalteth a nation is the safety and security of a sound and enduring state. Appendix Appendix THE following is a partial statement of punish- ments inflicted by orders of the Colony Courts, made from the " Massachusetts Colony Records," com- piled by Nathaniel B. Shurtleff, and printed by order of the Legislature in 1853, and from the "Records of the Court of Assistants," compiled by John Noble, Clerk of the Supreme Judicial Court for Suffolk County, and printed by that county in 1903. These records, however, are not complete, and the statement is therefore partial and illustrative only of the kind of punishments inflicted by those courts. 1630 It is ordered, that Beniamyn Cribb, John Cable, & Morris Tro- went shalbe whipped for stealeing 3 piggs of M"^ Ralfe Glouers./ It is ordered, that Philip RatlifFe shalbe whipped, haue his eares cutt of, fyned 40 \ & banished out of y^ lymitts of this ju- risdiccon, for vttering mallitious Sc scandulous speeches against the goumt & the church of Salem, ec, as appeareth by a pticuF thereof, pued vpon oath./ It is ordered, that Philip Swaddon shalbe whipped for runing away from his maister, Robt Seely, intending to goe to Virginia. It is ordered, that Henry Lyii shalbe whipped and banished the plantacon before the 6*^ day of Octob"" nexte for wTiteing into England falsely & mallitiously against the goiimt & execucon of justice here./ 1632 Tho : Knower was sett in the bilbowes for threateing the Court that, if hee should be punist, hee would haue it tryed in Eng- land whither hee was lawfully punished or not./ It is ordered, that Nicholas Frost, for thefte, drunkenes and fornicacon, shalbe fined, seuerely whiptt & branded in the hand [3*] Appendix with a hott iron, & after banished out of this pattent, with pen- alty that if euer hee be found within the Ijmitts of the said pattent, hee shalbe putt to death ; also it is agreed that hee shalbe kept in boults, till his ffines be paid, dureing w*^^* time hee is to beare his owne charges./ 1633 John Sayles, being convicted of taking corn, fish and clapboards from divers persons, is thus censured by Court : All his estate shall be forfeited, double restitution made to those he has wronged, he shall be whipped and bound as a servant to any who will retain him for three years, afterwards to be disposed of by the Court. 1633 It is ordered, that William Dixon be set in the bilbowes for disordering himself with drink. Whereas Beniamyn Felton hath brought into this Country one Robte Scarlett a knowen theife, whoe since his comeing hither hath comitted dyvers fellonyes as appeareth by his examinacon, It is therefore ordered that the said Scarlett shalbe seuerely whipt & branded in the forehead with a T & after sent to his said maister whome the Court enioynes to send the said Scarlett out of this Jurisdiccon, & in the meane tyme to be lyeable to satisfie for such damages, as his said serv* shall doe to any pson, & also shall pay x^ to M^. Stileman the Constable for his charges in keepeing him & bringing of him to the Court./ 1636 Thorn : Pettet for suspition of slaunder, idlenes,& stubbornenes, is censured to bee severely whiped, & to bee kept in hould./ Alexander Waites ordered to be whipped for selling powder to the Indians./ Peter Bussaker censured for drunkennes to bee whiped, & to have twenty stripes sharply inflicted, & fined 5^ for sleiteing the magistrates &c./ Edward Woodley, for attempting a rape, swearing & breaking into a house, censured to be given 30 stripes, a yeares imprison- [ 4*] Appendix ment at hard labor, with course dyot and to wear a coller of yron. Elisabeth Applegate censured to stand with her tongue in a cleft stick for swearing, raileing and revileing./ 1637 William Brumfeild for stealeing, ploting to run from his m^ lying, drunkennes & idlenes, was censured to make double resti- tution, bee branded & severely whiped./ George Spencer for receiving 6sh^ from Brumfeild, censured to make double restitution & bee whiped./ George Barlow for his idlenes, censured to be whiped./ Luke Henberry for theft and running away, was censured to be severely whipped./ John Hathaway, Robert Allen & Margaret Scale, for adultery, ordered to be severely whipped and banished, never to return on penalty of death./ John Davies for grosse offences in attempting lewdness w^^ di- vers woemen, was censured to bee severely whiped, both heare & at Ipswich, & to weare the letter V vpon his breast vpon his vppermost garment vntill the Court do discharge him./ Edward Palmer for his extortion, takeing 1^ 13 « 7*^ for the plank & woodwork of Boston stocks, is fined 5', & censured to bee set an houre in the stocks. This was remitted to 10^/ Thomas Gray to be severely whipped and banished./ Katherine Finch for speaking against the magistrates, churches and elders, censured to be whiped and comited till the Gene^'all Court; WiUiam South whipped and banished./ John Neale for ruiiing away & stealing, was censured to bee se- verely whiped, & comitted to his master to bee kept chained./ John Kempe for immorality, censured to be whipped both heare, at Roxberry, & at Salem, and comitted for a slave to Lieft. Davenport./ Mathewe Edwards for improper conduct, censured to be whipped./ John Haslewood for theft and house-breaking, censured to be [5-1 Appendix severely whiped and delivered vp a slave to whom the Court shall appoint./ William Androws for assault upon his master, Henry Coggan, and conspiring against his life, censured to bee severely whiped & delivered vp a slave to whom the Court shall appoint./ Gyles Player for theft and housebreaking; censured to bee severely whiped and delivered up for a slave to whom the Court shall appoint./ John Bickerstaffe and Ales Burwoode censured to be whiped for coiTiitting fornication./ William Clarke censured to be severely whiped, comited to prison till the ship returne, and then to bee sent home, for thefts. Anthony Robinson for fornication, censured to have 20 stripes sharply layed on, enioyned to appeare at the next Quarter Courte, & the meane while to bee of good behavio^". 1639 Rich^'d Joanes for his cheating, was censured to bee whiped, Sc put to the assigne of the party wronged, to make satisfaction for the money w'^'^ hee did receive, & hath spent./ Jane Robinson for disorder in her house, drunkennes, & light behavio'", was censured to bee severely whiped./ Margeret Hindersam was censured to stand in the market place w*^ a paper the next market day, for her ill behavio*", & her hus- band was bound in 5' for her good behavio*", & to bring her to the market place at the time appointed for her to stand there./ Thomas Dickerson was censured to bee severely whiped, & con- demned to slavery./ Robert Penyar, for his vnclean attempt, & his flying when hee should have appeared, was censured to bee whiped./ 1640 James Luxford for his forgery, lying, & other foule offences, was censured to bee bound to the whiping poast, till the lecture from the first bell, & after the lecture to have his eares cut of; & so hee had liberty to depart out of o"" iurisdiction. [6^] Appendix Hope, the Indian, was censured for her runing away, & other misdemeano'', to bee whiped hear & at Marbleheade./ Jonathan Hatch was censured to bee severely whiped, & for the psent is comited for a slave to Lieft. Davenport./ John Burrows for going into other mens houses in the night & upon the Lords day in the time of exercise, was censured to bee whiped./ John Knight for his drunkennes, swearing, & other disorder, was censured to bee whiped./ John Button for swearing, stealing, & drunkennes, was cen- sured to bee severely whiped./ The iury found Hugh Buets to bee gilty of heresy, & that his person & errors are dangeros for infection of others. It was or- dered, that the said Hugh Buet should bee gone out of o"" iuris- diction by the 24*^ psent, upon paine of death, & not to returne, upon paine of being hanged./ 1641 Rich''d Wilson for his grosse abuse of his m^ Thorn: Chees- holme, in base revileing speaches, & refusing to obey his lawfull commaunds, was censured to bee severely whiped./ 1641 James Laurence for goeing out of his m"" his house in the night unseasonablely ag* his expsse order, was censured to bee sharply whiped./ William Pilsberry for defileing his m*" his house, was censured to bee whiped./ Dorothy Pilsberry was censured to bee whiped for her un- cleannes, and defileing her m'" his house./ Mary Osborne for her grosse miscarriage in giveing her hus- band quick silver, & other abuses, was censured to bee severely whiped./ Thomas Owen for escaping out of prison, was fined 20 ^ to bee paid w^^in a weeke, or to bee severely whiped./ Sara Hales for escaping, to pay ISJ', or be whiped & banished./ Appendix John Mussell for attempting to abuse a boy, was censured to bee whiped./ The wife of Rob'^t Lewes for her dishonoring the name of god was censured to bee whiped. Davy Hickbourne for his grosse misdemeano"", & foule miscar- riage was censured to bee severely whiped, to weare an iron coller till the co^t please, & serve his m"^ 3 weekes longer for lost time, & trouble of his m*". 1642 Peter Thatcher for plotting Piracy was comitted, &to bee whipt; Matthew Collaine, Robert Allen, & Marmaduke Barton, were whipped for concealing the plot of Piracy. James Hawkins for prophaining the Sabbath hee was censured to bee whipt, & bound with his Brother Thomas Hawkins in 40'*^. to appeare at the Generall Co^'t, and answer for venting his cor- rupt Opinions, & to bee of good behavio"" till then. Elizabeth Sedgwicke for hir many theftes, & lyes, was censured to bee severely whipt, & condemned to slavery, till shee have re- compenced double for all hir thefts. T(eagu) Ocrimi was censured to bee carried to the place of ex- ecution, & there to stand with an halter about his necke, & to bee severely whipped. Robert Wyar, & John Garland beeing indited for ravishing two yong girles, the Jury found them, not guilty of that offence, but the Co'^t judged the boyes to bee openly whipped at Boston, the next market day, & againe to bee whipped at Cambridge on the Lecture day, & each of them to pay 5'^ a peece to their mas- ter in service. It was also judged that the two girls Sarah Wythes, & Ursula Odle bee severely whipped at Cambridge in the p^'sence of the Secretary. Marmaduke Barton condemned to slavery, & to bee branded, & to remaine in slavery till the Co''t take further order about him./ Thom: Wendall for abuseing a girle, was censured to bee whiped both heare & at Ipswich. Thomas Briant for concealing Thatchers Plott, & consenting to it, was censured to bee severely whipped. [8*] Appendix John Woodcooke for his many miscarriages was censured to bee whipped. Sarah Bell for hir theft, stealing money from hir master, cen- sured to bee whipped, except shee behave hir selfe well betwixt this, & the next Co'"t, & soe as the Co'"t see cause to remit it. Daniell Fairefeild was found guilty upon his own confession of having had carnal knowledge of a child of tender years, the daughter of Mr. Humfrey, one of the magistrates, and the Co^'t therefore agreed that this aforenamed Dan: Fairefeild shalbee severely whiped at Boston the next lecture day, & have one of his nostrills slit so high as may well bee, & then to bee seared, & kept in prison, till hee bee fit to bee sent to Salem, & then to bee whiped againe, & have the other nostrill slit & seared; then fur- ther hee is confined to Boston neck, so as if hee bee found at any time dureing his life to go out of Boston neck, that is, beyond the railes toward Roxberry, or beyond the low water marke, hee shalbee put to death upon due conviction thereof; and hee is also to weare an hempen roape about his neck, the end of it hanging out two foote at least, & so often as he shalbe found abroad w*^*^- out it, hee shalbee whiped; & if hee shall at any time hearafter attempt to abuse any pson as formerly, hee shall be put to death, upon due conviction ;& hee is to pay to M*" Humfrey forty pounds. Jenken Davies, for the same offence, ordered to bee severely whiped at Boston on a lecture day, returned to prison till hee may bee sent to Linne, there to bee severely whiped also, & to be confined to the towne of Linne ; if hee shall go out of the bounds of the towne, w^'^out license of Co^'t hee shalbee put to death; & also to weare a hempen roape about his neck dureing the plea- sure of the Co^'t, and to bee whiped if found w*^out it. If con- victed of a similar attempt upon any child to be put to death. Also to pay forty pounds to Mr. Humfrey. John Hudson for the same offence ordered to bee severely whiped at Boston the next lecture day, returned to prison till sent to Salem, there to bee severely whiped againe, and to pay Mr. Hum- frey twenty pounds w^^^in two yeares. Davyd Conway, servant to W™ Beamsley, for resisting his mas- ter, was censured to be whipped. Appendix William Browne for running away, deriding an Ordinance of God, refusing to give account what hee had learned, & refusing to obey his master, was censured to be severely whipped. Richard Quick for beeing distempered by drinking wine, & for his idlenes, stubbornes, & dalliance, was censured to bee whipped. John Perry for running away was censured to bee whipped. John Lewis for running away, and breaking an house, was cen- sured to bee whipped, & sent home to his Master. William Walcot was censured to bee whipped, & kept in Prison, till further Order, for his idlenesse, & abuse of his friends. Anne Hett for attempting to drowne hir child was censured to bee whipped, and kept to hard labo"" & spare diet. Thomas Cotcree was censured to bee severly whipped, for his vnmeet dalliance with two or three girles, 1643 Nathaniel Tappin, for breaking into severall houses, and steal- ing severall thinges was censured to be whipped, & put to Good- man Gillam. Richard Gell, servant to ffrancis ffellingham of Salem, for run- ning away was censured to be whipped, 8z sent to his Master, whom hee is to serve for the time hee hath lost. John Bartlet for his swearing, theft, & drunkenes, was comit- ted to Prison, & censured to bee whipped, & fined twenty shil- lings. John Gammage for his swearing, drunkenes, & other pro- phanes, & disorder, was censured to bee well whipped. Nicholas Rogers for his drunkenes, and makeing others drunke with his strong-water, was censured to bee whipped. David Dauling, Mary Audley, & Jane Jeffrey, for their filthy, & vncleane practise, were censured to bee severely whipped. David Williams for assaulting the watch was censured to be whipped at Braintree, and warrant to George Read, to stop out of the wages, to pay the witnesses. Samuel Bacon for stealing wine, & other thinges, was cen- [ 10"] Appendix sured to be serverely whipped, & to make double restitution, to M-^^ Hull, & his Dame. 1673 Rebeckah Rogers sentenced to stand in the markett place on a stoole for one hower w*^ a paper on hir breast w*'^ y^ Inscription Thvs I Stand for My Advlterouvs and Whorish Carriage and that on a lecture day nex* after the lecture and then be se- uerely whipt w*^ thirty stripes. 1674 Anna Negro Guilty of hauing a Bastard child & privately con- veyed it away. The Court Considering of this virdict sentenct the sajd Anna Negro to stand on the Gallowes w*** a Roape fas- tened about hir necke to the Galloues for one hower and thence to be tyed to & whip* at the Carts Tayle to the prison w*^ thirty stripes & so comitted to the prison there to lye for one moneth and then to be Conveyed by the marshall Generall to charls- Towne & there on the lecture day to be alike tyed to & whipt w*** thirty stripes & then on hir m""^ paying the charges of the try all & prison she is dischardged. 1675 The Court Judged it meet to ffine Jacob Jesson the sume of tenn pounds mony for his Contemptuous Carriage in the Court in obstructing the eleven of the Jury dissenting from them from tjme to tjme & not Giving the Court a sattisfactory Reason. Maurice Brett, sentenct to be Carrjed fi'om the prison to the Gallows & there w*^ a Roape about his necke to stand half an hower & thenc tjed to the Carts tajle & whipt seuerely w**^ thirty nine stripes and that he be banished this Jurisdiction & kept in prison till he be sent away paying the prison chardges. At the same time Maurice Brett for his Contemptuous Car- riage Confronting the sentenc of this Court was sentenct to stand in the pillory on y^ morrow at one of y^ clock his eare nayld to y^ pillory & after an howrs standing there to be cut of & to pay twenty shilling for his swearing or be whipt w*^ ten stripes. [ IV] Appendix Mary Gibbs, for adultery, punished with the same sentence as Maurice Brett with the exception of banishment. 1676 Thomas Dauis indicted for adultery, found not guilty, but guilty of very suspitious acts, and the Court sentenced him to be Carrjed to the Gallows on the next Fiuth day after the lecture & there to stand on the Gallows w*'^ a Roape about his necke one hower & tjed to the Gallows and thenc at the Carts tajle to be seuerely whipt not exceeding thirty nine stripes to the prison & there to lye till the nex* lecture day at Charls Toune & carried then thith'' & be there alike seuerely whip* not exceeding thirty stripes & discharging his prison ffees to be discharged. Elisabeth Broune was sentenced to be Conducted to the Gal- lows & by the executioner to haue a Rope tied about her neck to y® Gallow^ & so there to stand one howe*" & thenc to be tyed to the Carts tayle & seuerely whipped not exceeding thirty nine stripes to the prison & thr left till the next lecture day at CharlsToune & then Cari'jed ouer & be there alike seuerely whipt w*^ thirty stripes & discharging her prison ffees to be dis- chardged. Peter Cole and Sarah Bucknam were sentenced to be on the nex* fifth day after lecture Carried to the Gallow^ and there to stand w*^ a halte*" throune ouer y^ Gallow®^ on howe*" & then tooke doune tyed to the Cart^ tajle & be seuerely whipt w*'^ thirty- nine stripes, and paying their prison ffees to be discharged. 1677 Darby Bryan was sentenced to be taken from the prison to the Gallowes presently after the lecture in Boston & there to stand w*'^ a Roape about his necke & fastned thereto one howe'' & then taken doune & tyed to a Carts Tayle and at Left ffrary^ doore stripped from the Girdle vpwards on his naked body to be whipped thence to the prison w**^ thirty nine stripe® well layd on & there left till he dischardge the chardge of prosecution. Abigaile Johnson, for an offence with Darby Bryan, was ad- [ ir] Appendix judged to suffer in all respects in like manner as above in Darby- Bryan's sentence. Ephraim Beamis was sentenced to be Carrjed to the Gallowes & there Caused to stand w^^ g, Roape about his neck fastned there- to for one howe"" and then taken doune and tyed to y^ Carts tayle & at Leiftenn* Frary^ to be stripped from the Girdle vpwards: & then Cause the executione'' to whip him thence to the prison w**^ thirty nine stripes on his naked body & there leaue him in prison till he discharges the charge of his prosecution & pays ffees of Court. 1678 Alexande'' Colman being Complayned on for his endeavoring to make disturbance of the people in time of publick worship on the last Lords day in the 3^ meeting house in Boston by Going in w*^ only a dirty ffrock of Canvice all bloody & no othe"" cloaths y^ Constable hauing Carried him to prison he was sent for & be- ing demanded whenc he came he Came from neuis the last place be- ing Askt why he endeavored to make disturbance to the people of God on y^ Lords day while they were in the publick worship of God The Court Considering yo'' offence sentenc* yow to be whipt w*^ 15 stripes on y^ naked bod[y] well lajd on & by y^ consta- ble to be sent out of Toune putting on his frock. Ellino'" May was sentenced to be tyed to a Carts Tayle & whipt vpon hir naked body from the Frisson to the place of hir aboad not exceeding thirty nine stripes well &: seuerely layd on, and also to depart out of the Toune of Boston w"^ in tenn dayes nex^ Comeing after hir Correction and no* to returne againe wt^out licence from the Gouno"" or two magistrates vnde'' his or their hands in writting and in Case after that time the sajd Elljnor may shall be found in Boston or any of the precincts thereof Contrary to this Order she shall be App'"hended by the Constable on notice given by any of the Inhabitants of the sajd Toune & Comitted to Bridewell there to remajne vntill the Councill or Court of Assistants shall Give furthe"^ orde"" Concerning her: she dischardging ffees of Court & Costs of wittnesses to be dischardged. [ 13*] Appendix 1679 Peeter Lorphelin ffrenchman, for the offence of clipping money, was sentenced to stand vpon the pillory two howers & then to haue both eares cut off by the executioner and give bond in fine hundred pounds for future good conduct. 1681 George Fairfax for burglary on the Lord's Day, was sentenced to be branded in the forhead w*^ the letter B, and to be seuerely whipt w*^'^ thirty stripes, paying trble damages for the property stolen, and to discharge the fees of Court. 1683 Leonard Pomery found guilty of manslaugther and sentenced to be burnt in the hand & forfeit his Good® & chattels none to be found y® executioner executed the sentencin y*' face of the Court. Joshua Rice, for adultery, sentenced on the "nex* fifth day of y^ weeke presently after the lecture to be by y^ marshall Gen- nerall to be taken out of y® prison & w*^ a Roape ab* your necke Conveyed thro the Towne to the Gallowes & there to be sett on a ladder & stand on full howe"" w*"^ yo"" Roap turnd ouer the Gal- lowes & then to be taken doune & Conveyed to the begining of the street entring the Towne to be strip* 81 tjed to the Carts Tayle & be seuerely whip* w*'^ thirty stripes thro the streets to the Goale & be there left till yow discharge the charg of yo"" trjall prison & Court ffees, wch when donn to be releast from prison the like sentenc was passed & published in Court in all re- spects against & to Elisabeth Crocket wife to Crocke* partne*" w**^ him in their odious vile & lustfull carriages." 1684 Phillip Darland for adultery, was sentenced to be returned to prison & from thenc on y^ morrow p''sently after the lecture to be taken thence by the marshall General w*^ a Guard & Conveyed to y^ place of execution & ther caused to stand on howe"" w*'^ a Rope about his neck Cast ouer the Gallowes & thenc to be taken downe & fastned to the Carts tayle & whipt seuerely on his [ 14*] Appendix naked ba[c]ke to the prison againe not exceeding forty stripes & there left till the chardge of his Tryall & wittnesses w^'^ fees of Court be disehardged. Mary Knights for adultery with Phillip Darland, was sentenc* in all respec* as Phillip Darland as aboue, wch sentenc was ex- ecuted & they Returnd to Prison. Joseph Gatchell for blasphemy, sentenced to be placed in the pillory to haue his head & hand put in & haue his toung drawne forth out of his mouth & peirct through w*'^ a hott Iron & then to be returnd to the prison there to Remajne vntill he sattisfy & pay all y® charges of his tryall & ffees of Court . . . The mar- shall Genril taking necessary help w**^ him is to see y® execution of y^ sentenc pformed. 1685 Vriah Cloemen*s (calling himself John Ball) found guilty of bur- glary and sentenced to be branded w*^ the letter B on y^ forhead & haue his Right eare Cutt of dischardging y^ charge of y^ wit- nesses tryall & fees & then make treble Restitution to the party Injuried & in deffect thereof to be sold to any of the English plantations. Sentenced a second time to be Againe Branded with the let- ter B on his forehead & haue his left eare Cutt of, &c. 1691 Hannah Owen and Josiah Owen were committed to prison be- cause she was Josiah Owen's brother's relict and the marriage was declared void, and she was required to make publick acknow- ledgement of her sin & evil before the Congregation at Braintree on their Lecture day, or on the Lord's day. Whipping was in those days also the usual method of correc- tion in schools and even in colleges and universities. Sewall notes such a punishment in Harvard College in 1684. Thomas Sar- geant was examined by the Coi-poration; finallj', the advice of Mr. Danforth, Mr. Stoughton, Mr. Thatcher, Mr. Mather (then pre- sent) was taken. This was his sentence : [ 15*] Appendix That being convicted of speaking blasphemous words concern- ing the H. G. he should be therefore publickly whipped before all the Scholars. 2. That he should be suspended as to taking his degree of Bachelour (this sentence read before him twice at the Pr*^®. before the committee, and in the library 1 up before execu- tion). 3. Sit alone by himself in the Hall uncovered at meals, during the pleasure of the President and Fellows, and be in all things obedient, doing what exercise was appointed him by the President, or else be finally expelled the Colledge. The first was presently put in execution in the Library (Mr. Danforth Jr. be- ing present) before the Scholars. He kneeled down and the in- strument Goodman Hely attended the President's word as to the performance of his part in the work. Prayer was had before and after by the President. This, however, was only following the practice in England. Rashdall, in "Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages'" (vol. ii. pp. 622, 623), says: "The prolongation of the whipping age to the verge of manhood is perhaps peculiar to the English Univer- sities. . . . The Statutes of Brasenose — founded in 1509 — are the first which exhibit the undergraduate completely stripped of his medieval dignity, tamed, and reduced to the schoolboy level, from which he did not begin to emerge again till towards the close of the seventeenth century. Here he is subjected to the birch at the discretion of the College Lecturer for unprepared lessons, playing, laughing or talking in lecture, making 'odious comparisons,' &c." In the Chapter Book of Christ College, Oxford, for 1650, we find this entry: "It is ordered by the Dean and Chapter that Devoye, for divers gross and scandalous acts, shall be publicly whipped in the house, and afterwards sent home to his Father for a twelve months, and not to return then without a testimonial of his civil and orderly carriage during the time of his absence." In the College Order Book of Corpus Christi, Cambridge, un- der date of May 22, 1648, is the following: "Johannes Starke de malis moribus collegio amovendus. Item Benton qui ab eo seduc- tus est per tutorem suum M"""™ Johnson virgis castigandus." In 1650 Henry Stubbe, a Westminster student, then nineteen years old, was convicted of abusing the Censor morum, and "for [ 16*] Appendix so doing and his impudence in other respects whipped by him in the Public Refectory."* Bathurst, president of Trinity College, Cambridge, who died in 1704, at the age of eighty-four, "delighted to surprise the scholars when walking in the grove at unseasonable hours, on which occasion he frequently carried a whip in his hand, an in- strument of academical correction then not entirely laid aside. But this he practised on account of the pleasure he took in giv- ing so odd an alarm, rather than from any principle of approving, or intention of applying so illiberal punishment." f In the records of the early days of Trinity College, Dublin (at the beginning of the seventeenth century), we find that the stu- dents were punished for the following offences: "(1) lodging in town ; (2) resorting to ale-houses (for this offence they were pun- ished with the rod); (3) absence from catechizing and sermon; (4) omitting declamations; (5) playing at cards in the porter's lodging in the steeple; (6) climbing the college walls; (7) a public whipping, at the hour of corrections, for breaking the provosfs windows; (8) student fined 25*. for stealing a hogshead of the pro- vost's strong beer, through Sir Wilson's study wall being broken ; (9) made to sit in the stocks at supper-time for fighting with weapons; (10) a master of arts was expelled for having a bastard of a wicked woman at Finglas, + * Life of Henry Stubbe, by Wood. t Life of Bathurst, by Warton. J History of the University of Dublin, p. 26, J. W. Stubbs. [ 17*] Reference Tables A few of the dates necessary for locating the events of the period under consideration are here given for convenience of reference. SUCCESSION OF ENGLISH SOVEREIGNS Charles!., 1625-1649. Commonwealth under Cromwell, 1649-1659. Charles IL, 1660-1685 {Proclaimed in Boston August 8, 1661.) James IL, 1685-1688. William and Mary, February 16, 1689-1702 {Proclaimed in Boston, May 29, 1689. Mary died in 1694.) Anne, 1702-1714. DATES OF CHARTERS First Charter granted to the Governor and company of the Massachusetts Bay in New England, March 4, 1629. This Char- ter M-as vacated, June 18, 1684. Second Charter granted to the province of the Massachusetts Bay in New England, October 7, 1691. SUCCESSION OF GOVERNORS Under the Charter o/*1629. John Endicott, 1655-1665. Richard Bellingham, 1665-1672. John Leverett, 1672-1679. Simon Bradstreet, 1679-1686. After Revocation of Charter o/*1629. Joseph Dudley, under title of President of New England, May, 1686 -December, 1686. Edmund Andros, under title of Governor of New England, De- cember, 1686 -April, 1689. Simon Bradstreet, under title of President of the Council of Safety and Conservation of the Peace, 1689-1692. Under Charter o/"1691. William Phips, 1692-1694. William Stoughton {Acting Governor), 1694-1699. [ 19*] Appendix Richard Coote, Earl of Bellomont, May, 1699- July, 1700. William Stoughton {Acting Governor), July, 1700- July, 1701. The Council without Governor, July, 1701 -June, 1702. Joseph Dudley, 1702-1714. [ 20*1 Authorities Consulted The following is a partial list of autJiorities consulted in the pre- paration of this Work: Acts, The, and Resolves, Public and Private, of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay . . . ; pi-efixed, the Charters of the Province ; with historical and explanatory notes, and an appendix. Boston. I869-I507. 14 volumes. 8vo. — Contains Province Laws, 1692-3; l695-6il7l6. American Antiquarian Society, Worcester, Mass. Proceedings. Worcester, 1843 to date. 8vo. Andros Tracts, The. Edited by William Henry Whitmore. Bos- ton. 1868-1874. 3 volumes, (Prince Society Publications.) Small 4to. Annals of King's Chapel from the Puritan Age of New England to the Present Day. By Henry Wilder Foote. Boston. 1882, 1896. 2 volumes. 8vo. Arnold, Samuel Greene. History of the State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations. 1636-1790. New York. 1859, I860. 2 volumes. 8vo. Body, The, of Liberties. 1641. In facsimile from the Hutchinson Manuscript, with a line-for-line printed version. In W. H. Whit- more, A bibliographical sketch of the Laws of the Massachusetts Colony from 1630 to I686. Pages 29-68. Boston. 1890. 8vo. Boston News-Letter, The. A weekly paper. Boston. 1704-1727. Boston. Registry Department. Records relating to the Early History of Boston. Boston. 1876-1906. 37 volumes. 8vo. Bostonian Society. Publications. Volume 3. Boston. 1906. 8vo. Bowen, Abel, editor. Bowen's Picture of Boston, or the Citizen's and stranger's guide to the metropolis of Massachusetts, and its environs. Boston. 1829. 24mo. Bridgman, Thomas. Memorials of the Dead in Boston ; contain- ing an exact transcript from inscriptions, epitaphs and records on the monuments and tombstones in Copp's Hill Burying Ground, in the City of Boston. Illustrated by copious historical and biographical notices of the early settlers of the metropolis of New England. Bos- ton, 1852. 12mo. Bridgman, Thomas. Memorials of the Dead in Boston ; contain- Appendix ing exact transcripts of inscriptions on the sepulchral monuments in the King's Chapel Burial Ground, in the City of Boston, with copi- ous historical and biographical notices of many of the early settlers of the metropolis of New England. Boston. 1853. 12mo. Bridgman, Thomas. The Pilgrims of Boston and their Descend- ants: with an introduction by Edward Everett. Also, Inscriptions from the monuments in the Granary Burial Ground, Tremont street. New York. 1856. 8vo. Byfield, Nathanael. An Account of the Late Revolution in New- England. Together with the declaration of the gentlemen, mer- chants, and inhabitants of Boston and the country adjacent, April 18, 1689. London. Chiswell. 1689. Reprinted in The Andros Tracts, Volume 1, No. 2. Boston. 1868. Centuriae Magdeburgenses [tredecim]. Historia ecclesiastica, denuo per L. Lucium recensita. Basileae. 1624. 3 volumes. Folio. Charter, The, and General Laws of the Colony and Province of Massachusetts Bay. . . . Added an appendix. Published by oi-der of the General Court. Boston. 1814. 8vo. Colonial Laws, The, of Massachusetts. Reprinted from the edi- tion of 1660, with the supplements to 1672. Containing, also, the Body of Liberties of l641. Published by order of the City Council of Boston, under the supervision of William H. Whitmore. Boston. 1889. 8vo. Colonial Laws, The, of Massachusetts. Reprinted from the edi- tion of 1672, with the supplements through 1686. Published by or- der of the City Council of Boston, under the supervision of William H. Whitmore. Boston. 1887. 8vo. Connecticut Colonial Records. Public Records of the Colony. Hartford. 1850-1887. 14 volumes. 8vo. — Edited by J. H. Trumbull and Charles J. Hoadly. Douglass, William. A Summary, Historical and Political, of the first planting, progressive improvements, and present state of the British settlements in North America. Boston. 1749, 1751. 2 vol- umes. 8vo. Drake, Samuel Adams. Old Landmarks and Historic Personages of Boston. Boston. 1873. 12mo. Drake, Samuel Gardner. The History and Antiquities of Boston from 1630 to 1770. Boston. 1856. 8vo. [ 22*] Appendix Dunton, John. Letters written from New England, a. d. 1686. Now first published. With notes and an appendix, by W. H. Whit- more. Boston. 1867. (Prince Society Publications.) Small 4to. Frothingham, Richard. The History of Charlestown, Massachu- setts. Boston. 1845-1849. Seven parts in one volume. 8vo. General Laws, The, and Liberties of the Massachusetts Colony : revised & re-printed. By Order of the General Court holden at Boston, May 15th. l672. Edward Rawson, Seer. Cambridge. Printed by Samuel Green, for John Usher of Boston. l672. 8vo. Great Britain. Commission for Printing and Publishing State Papers. Calendar of State Papers: Colonial Series. Edited by Wil- liam Noel Sainsbury, and continued by the Honorable John WiUiam Fortescue. l6 volumes. London. I86O-I906. 8vo. — Known as the Colonial Entry Books. Hazard, Ebenezer. Historical Collections; consisting of State Papers, and other authentic documents ; intended as materials for an History of the United States of America. Philadelphia. 1792, 1794. 2 volumes. 4to. Hubbard, William. A General History of New England, from the discovery to I68O. Boston. 1848. 2 volumes. (Massachusetts His- torical Society. Collections, Second series. Volumes 5, 6.) 8vo. Hutchinson, Thomas. The History of the Colony of Massachu- sets-Bay, from the first settlement thereof in l628, until its incor- poration with the Colony of Plymouth, Province of Main, &c. by the Charter of King W^illiam and Queen Mary, in I69I. Boston. Thomas & John Fleet. 1764-1828. 3 volumes. 8vo. Hutchinson Papers, The. Albany, 1865. 2 volumes. (Prince So- ciety Publications.) Small 4to. Laws of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, passed by the Gene- ral Court in the years 1780-1838. Published by the Secretary of the Commonwealth. Boston. 1801-1834. 14 volumes. 8vo. — Containing Laws of 1786, 1818, 1820, and 1834. Lechford, Thomas. Note-book kept by Thomas Lechford, Esq., lawyer, in Boston, Massachusetts Bay, from June 27, l638, to July 29, 1641. Edited by Edward Everett Hale, Jr. Cambridge. 1885. (American Antiquarian Society.) 8vo. Lechford, Thomas. Plain Deahng: or Nevves from New-England. ... A short view of New-Englands present Government, both Eccle- [ 23*] Appendix siasticall and Civil, compared with the anciently-received and es- tablished Government of England, in some materiall points ; fit for the gravest conside^'ation in these times. London. Printed by W. E. and I. G. for Nath: Butter. 1642. Small 4to. Same. Reprinted in Massachusetts Historical Society. Collections. Third Series. Volume 3. Same. Edited, with introduction and notes, by J. Hammond Trum- bull. Boston. 1867. (Library of New England History. No. 4.) Small 4to. Littlefield, George Emery. Early Boston Booksellers, 1642-1711. Boston. 1900. (Club of Odd Volumes.) 8vo. Littlefield, George Emery. The Early Massachusetts Press, 1638- 1711. Boston. 1907. 2 volumes. (Club of Odd Volumes.) 8vo. Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston. Collections. Series 1-7. Boston. I8O6-I89O. 8vo. Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston. Proceedings for 1862. Boston. 1862. Mather, Cotton. Magnalia Christi Americana : or, the Ecclesiasti- cal-History of New-England, from its First Planting in the Year 1620, unto the Year of our Lord, I698. In seven books. . . By the Reverend and Learned Cotton Mather, M.A., and Pastor of the North Church in Boston, New-England. London: Printed for Tho- mas Parkhurst. MDCCII. Folio. Same. First American edition. Hartford. 1820. 2 volumes. 8vo. Same. W^ith an Introduction and Notes, by Rev. Thomas Rob- bins: And Translations of the quotations by Lucius F. Robinson. Hartford. 1853. 2 volumes. 8vo. Morse, Jedidiah, and Elijah Parish. A Compendious History of New England, exhibiting an interesting view of the first settlers of that country, their character, their sufferings, and their ultimate prosperity. Collected and arranged, from authentic sources of in- formation, by Jedidiah Morse, D.D., and Rev. Elijah Parish, A.M., of Boston, New England. London : Printed . . . for C. Taylor. 1808. 12mo. Neal, Daniel. The History of the Puritans; or, Protestant Non- conformists; from the Refomiation in 151 7, to the Revolution in 1 68 8 : Comprising an account of their principles, their attempts for a far- ther reformation in the Church ; their sufferings ; and the Lives and characters of their most considerable divines. A new edition, in five volumes, reprinted from the text of Dr. [Joshua] Toulmin's edition, [ 24*] Appendix with his Life of the author and account of his writings. Revised, cor- rected and enlarged. London. 1822. Portraits. 8vo. New Hampshire Historical Society. Collections. Concord. 1824 to date. Olden Time Series, The. Gleanings chiefly from Old Newspapers of Boston and Salem, Massachusetts. Selected and arranged, with brief comments by Henry M. Brooks. Volume 5 : Some Strange and Curious Punishments. Boston. 1886. l6mo. Palfrey, John Gorham. History of New England. Boston. 1858- 1890. 5 volumes. 8vo. Porter, Edward Griffin. Rambles in Old Boston, New England. Illustrated by George R. Tolman. Boston. 1887. 8vo. Publications of the Colonial Society of Massachusetts. Volumes 1-10. Boston. 1895 to date. Puritans, The, or The Church, Court, and Parliament of England, during the Reigns of Edward VI and Queen Elizabeth. By Samuel Hopkins. In 3 volumes. Vol. I. Boston. 1859- 8vo. Quincy, Josiah. Municipal History of the Town and City of Boston, during two centuries, 1630-1830. Boston. 1852. 8vo. Randolph, Edward. Edward Randolph ; including his Letters and official papers from the New England, Middle, and Southern Colo- nies in America, with other documents relating chiefly to the va- cating of the Royal Charter of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay. 1676-1703. With historical illustrations and a Memoir by Robert Noxon Toppan. Boston. 1898, 1899- 5 volumes. (Prince Society Publications.) Small 4to. Records of the Court of Assistants. 1630-1692. Printed under the supervision of John Noble. Boston. 1901, 1904. 2 volumes. 8vo. Records of the Court of Assistants, from October, 1641, to March 5, 1643-4. Now first published. In A bibliographical sketch of the Laws of the Massachusetts Colony from 1630 to l686. By William H. Whitmore. Pages xxvti-xliii. Boston. 1890. 8vo. Records of the Governor and Company of the Massachusetts Bay in New England. Edited by Nathaniel B. Shurtleff. Boston. 1853, 1854. 5 volumes. 8vo. — Known as the Massachusetts Colony Records. Sewall, Samuel. Diary. 1674-1729. Boston. 1878-1882. 3 vol- [ 25*] Appendix umes. (Massachusetts Historical Society. Collections, Series 5, vol- umes 5-7.) 8vo. Shaw, Charles. A Topographical and Historical Description of Bos- ton^ from the first settlement of the town to the present period. Bos- ton. 1817. 12mo. Shurtleff, Nathaniel B. A Topographical and Historical Descrip- tion of Boston. Boston. 1871. 8vo. Third edition, edited by William H. Whitmore. Boston. 1890. 8vo. Snow, Caleb Hopkins. A History of Boston, the Metropolis of Massachusetts, from its origin to the present period, with some ac- count of the environs. Second edition. Boston. 1828. 8vo. True-blue Laws, The, of Connecticut and New Haven, and the false blue-laws invented by the Rev. Samuel Peters and judicial proceedings of other colonies and some blue-laws. Edited by James Hammond Trumbull. Hartford. 1876. 12mo. Weeden, William Babcock. Economic and Social History of New England. 1620-1789. Boston. 1890. 2 volumes. 8vo. "Whitmore, William Henry. History of the Old State-House. Bos- ton. 1882. 8vo. Whitmore, William Henry. Introduction to his edition of the Colonial Laws of Massachusetts. Boston. 1889- Whitmore, William Henry. The Massachusetts Civil List for the Colonial and Provincial periods; 1630-1774. Albany. 1870. 8vo. Winsor, Justin, editor. The Memorial History of Boston, including Suffolk County, Mass. 1630-1880. Boston. 1880, 1881. 4 volumes. 4to. Winthrop, John. The History of New England from 16S0 to 1649. From his original manuscripts. With notes to illustrate the civil and ecclesiastical concerns, the geography, settlement and in- stitutions of the country, and the lives and manners of the principal planters. By James Savage. Boston. 1825, 1826. 2 volumes. 8vo. Winthrop, John. Winthrop's journal "History of New England," 1630-1649. Edited by James Kendall Hosmer. New York. I9O8. 2 volumes. (Original Narratives of Early American History.) 8vo. Winthrop, Robert C. The Life and Letters of John Winthrop. Boston. 1864, 1867. 2 volumes. 8vo. Young, Alexander, editor. Chronicles of the First Planters of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, from l628 to l636. Boston. 1846. 8vo. [ 26*] Index Index A BSENCE from church meetings XjL fined, 18, 129. Accada, or Nova Scotia, part of the province under charter of 1692, 187, 188. Act modifying conditions for be- coming freeman, I60, I6I. Act of incorporation of Boston as city or borough, 1709, voted down, 198. ''Acts and Laws of His Majesties Province of the Massachusetts Bay in New England," 83. Acts and orders, pubHshing of, 7, 107, 108. Acts of the General Court, see General Court, Acts and orders. Adames, Alex., 63. Addington, Isaac, 112, 113, 114, 116, 173, 180, 183, 184, 193, 195, 196. Address, to King Charles II on confirmation and preservation of colony charter in I66O, 1664, 151, 153, 161, 162; to King Charles II in 1684, I69, 170; to King James II, l685, 171. Adultery, punished with death, &c., 12; cases of, 5*, 12*, 14*, 15*. Agents on contract for building of town house, 65. Agreement for the building of town house, 6Q, 67. Alderton, Point, 195. Alfford, Mr., 64. Allen (Allin), Daniel, 112, 114. Allen, Rev. James, 180, 187. Allen, John, printer, 87. Allen, Robert, whipped and ban- ished, 5*, 8*. Allin, Thomas, fined, 103. Alline, Henry, 6I, 94, 141. Allowance and disallowance of colonial acts under the pro- vince charter, IO9. "Almanack of Coelestial Motions for... 168I," 85. American Antiquarian Society of Worcester, Massachusetts, 1 79. Ames Building, 6. Anabaptist controversy and order of the court, l644, 37, 38. Ancient and Honourable Artil- lery Company, 49, 76; drill place of, ^S, 94. Anderson, John, 62. Andros,SirEdmond(l637-l7l4); attempts to force Church of England service in the Puritan meeting-houses, 1 40, 1 4 1 ; coun- cil order for reception of, 177; governor-in-chief of New Eng- land, 1686-9, X, 94, 112, 113, 115, 132, 133, 140, 116, ff., 203, 19*; Sewall on landing of, 140; surrenders to the Pu- ritan element of Boston, 185. Andros government, 115, 11 6, 117; attitude toward declara- tion of William and Mary, 183; consists of governor, deputy governor and council, 178; dis- [ 29*] Index approves of fasts, sermons and lectures in town house, 180, 181; overthrown, 183. Androws, William, whipped and enslaved, 6*. Androws' gift, 41. "Annals of King's Chapel," 131, 143. Anne, Queen of England, 108, 196, 197, 199. Antego, 139. Antram, Mr. , 96. Apostle Eliot, see Eliot, Rev. John. Apparel, order concerning, l639, 27; additional law concern- ing, 154; Increase Mather de- nounces extravagance of, 208. Appeal for new trials permitted by General Court, l642, 34. Appeal to Magna Charta on part of colonists denied by theory of English law, 175. Applegate, Elisabeth, l636, pun- ished, 5*. Appraisers, 105. Apprenticeship, order touching, 99- Armory provided at first in part of meeting-house, 33; use of town house for, 93. Arms removed from fort to town house in I69O, 186. Arnold, Richard, 115. Artillery Company, 49, 76, 93, 94. Artisans' pay, 10, 12, 13, 14, 20, 22. Aspinwall, William, disfranchised and banished, 23. Assembly under provisional gov- ernment, 1689-92, 186. Assistants in the colony, 9, 10, 1 1, 12, 15, 18, 145, 146; first meet- ing of, 9ff-J governor and de- puty governor first chosen from among the, 10; number of, 9, 153. See also Court of Assistants. Atkinson, Theodore, 59. Attendance upon divine services compulsory, 18, 129. Audley, Mary, whipped, 10*. Authority of courts under colony charter, 145. Backhouse, William, gives books in 1629, 121. Bacon, Samuel, whipped, 10*, 11*. Bailey, Rev. John (1644-97), 87. Baker, Mr. , 62. Baker, John, 63. Baker, John, whipped, 10. Baker, Thomas, 60, 178. Ball, John, see Cloements, Vriah. Barber, Goodman, bellringer, 1 05. Barloe, Bartholomew, 63. Barlow, George, punished, 5*. Barnerd, John, Jr., compiles cat- alogue of library in town house, 1702-4, and arranges books, 122. Barnes, Mathew, 62. Barnes, Nathn, occupies shop un- der town house, 83. Barrett, Johns, 58. Bartlet, John, whipped and im- prisoned, 10*. Barton, Marmaduke, whipped and made a slave, 8*. [30*] Index Basis of taxation, \634<, l6. Batterly, Robt., 60. Bay Psalms Book, eighth and ninth editions mentioned, 87. Bayly, Rev., 180. See Bailey, Rev. John. Beacon on Sentry Hill, 17. Beacon Hill, 13, 118. Beadle for governor provided for, 9; house for, 12. Beamis, Ephraim, whipped, 13*. Beamsley (Beamslleay), Wm-, mas- ter of Davyd Conway, 63, 9*. Beaver, price of, 18. Becks, Alexander, 6S. Beer brewing, regulations con- cerning, 23, 24. Belcher, Capt. Andrew, 199- Belcher, Capt, of Dedham, 207. Belcher, Edward, 63. Belknap, Jeremiah, rents shop under town house, 84. Bell, Sarah, whipped, 9*. Bellingham,Richard(1592-l672), 58 ; deputy governor, 147, 1 56, 157; governor, 1665-72, x, 19*. Bellman, see bellringer. Bellomont administration, l699- 1700, 194, 195. Bellringer, 105 ; order for the, 104. Bellringing, selectmen's order as to, July 25, 1664, 74, 75. Bernad, Bai-tholomew, contractor for town house, 65-7. Berry, James, 132. Bickerstaffe, John, whipped, 6*. Biggs, John, 6l. Bilbowes, 3*, 4*. Billirikey, town of, 149. Bills of credit, 198. Births, record of, provided for in 1642, 34. Bishop, Mr. , 63. Bishop, Bridget, hanged as a witch, 190. Bishop of London claims colony as part of diocese, 135. Bithin, Mary, rents shop under town house, 84. Blacklach, Jo", 6l. Blackstone, William, receives grant of fifty acres, 13. Blake, Henry, 63. Bligh, Thomas, 59- "Body of Liberties,' ' 1 64 1 , quoted, 46, 107. Bonde, Joseph, 60. Bonamy, J", 133. Book of Possessions, 6. Book of Common Prayer, see Common Prayer, Book of. Book-business, early, on Corn- Hill, 85. Books, given by William Back- house, 1629, 121; given by Capt. Keayne for a public li- brary, 119, 120; given by Rev. John Oxenbridge, 120, 121; lost in fire of 1711, 123. Booksellers in and around town house, 83-5. Boston, 3, 5, 6, 9, 12, 13, 17, 19, 42, 44, 50, 65, 66, 69, 16, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 89, 91, 93, 94,97,100,108,111,115,153, 173, 175, 177, 181, 183, 184, 185, 186, 201, 202, 8*, 9*- Boston Common, 8, 103, 149, 180. Boston : conditions under Dudley, [31*] Index 198 ; ferry toWinnetsemett,38, 106; fined by General Court, 26; fire referred to by the Ma- thers, 208, 211; named first as town in 1 630, 10; neck defined, 9*; old town house, see Town house ; population ceases to in- crease from 1705-1 1, 198 ; post office mentioned, 123; streets paved as early as l663 with cobblestones, 103; town house, see Town house. Boston, first postmaster of, 87; first settlers' condition and con- duct of affairs of, 7, 8 ; first two principal streets of, 3 ; incorpo- ration of, voted down, 198; ori- ginal bounds of, 3; quarterly court at, 21 ; use of town house by town of, 97-106. Boston Athenaeum, has book of town library prior to 1 7 1 1 , 1 2 3 ; has library of Boston, originally belonging to King's Chapel, 125. "Boston News Letter," account of fire of October 2, 1711, 207; advertisement in, 123. Boston Record Commissioners Reports, 118. Boston-Winnetsemett ferry-rent remitted, l644, 38. Bostonian Society, 56. Bostonian Society Publications (vol. 3), 64. Bounties upon foxes and wolves, 24, 31, 39, 40, 152. Brace, Steuen, fined, 105. Brackett, Peter, of Braintrje,149. Bradshaw, Humphrey, 60. Bradstreet, Simon (1603-97), x, 177, 178, 183, 184; commis- sioner to England, 115; coun- cillor or assistant to governor, 188; governor, 1679-89, x, 94, 169, 19*; president of the Council for the Safety of the People and Conservation of the Peace, 186, 19*; resigns, 187. Bradstreet government, 1 16, 1 17 ; mild rule of, 196-9- Bradstreet provisional govern- ment imprisons Dudley, 1689, 196, 197. Braintree, 149, 10*. Brasenose, whipping at, I6*. Brattle, Capt., 122. Brattle, Thomas (1657-1713), 61. Brazer Building, 4. Brenton, William, 5, 52, 63. Brett, Maurice, pilloried and whipped, 44, 11*. Briant, Thomas, whipped, 8*. Bridewell, 13*. Bridgham, Henry, 6I. Brinsmead, Mr. , 180. Brisco, 179- Broadstreet, Symond, overseer of Capt. Keayne's will, 58. Brodbent, Joshua, 132. Brome, George, 60. Bromfield, Mr. Edward, 199- "Brother" and "Sister," titles used among first settlers, 7. Broughton, Mr. , 51, 56. Broune, Elisabeth, see Browne, Elizabeth. Browne, Mr. , 193. Browne, Elizabeth, whipped, 44, 12*. [ 32*] Index Buttolph, Thomas, 59; house of, 5,6. Byfield, Mr. Nathaniel (1653- 1733), 195. Browne, James, witness to build- ing contract of town house, 67. Browne, William, a runaway, whipped, 10*. Browne, W™-, Esqr., 63, 112. Browning, Joseph, bookseller, Cable, John, whipped, 3*. 85, 86. Caiman, Alexander, shoemaker, Browning, Mr. , 180. fined, 105. Cambridge, 121, 122, 8*; origi- nally Newe towne, 6, 1 5 ; only place where printing was al- lowed in l665, l64; present name ordered in l638, 25. " Cards, dice or tables ' ' prohibited by law, 11, l65. Brumfeild, William, punished, 5*. Brunning, Joseph, see Browning, Joseph. Bryan, Darby, whipped, 12*. Buckley, an Episcopalian, l686, 139. Bucknam, Sarah, whipped, 12*. Buet(s), Hugh, a heretic, ban- Carter, Ann, 6l ished, 1640, 7*. Building contract of town house, 65-7. Building law, first passed in l679, 205; modified in 1684 and 1692, 169, 205. Bullivant, Benjamin, 112, 114, 115. Bumsted, Thomas, 62. Burial of suicides, law in regard to, 151. ^'Burnings bewailed: in a Sermon occasioned by the Lamentable Fire which was in Boston, Oc- tob. 2, 1711.... By Increase Mather," 207, 208. Burrington, from Newfoundland, Carter, Richard, 62. Carwithen, Elizabeth, 132. Cases of whipping and other pun- ishments, 10, 12, 142-5, 3*- 17*. Castine, Jeremy, 6I. Castle, Widow , I06, Castle Island, 159; fortifications provided for, I6. Catalogue, of King's Chapel li- brary, 1 25 ; of town library, 122. Cavalier and Puritan church con- troversy, 140, 141. Censorship of the press, by An- dros, 1689, 181; by order of General Court, 156, 1 64; regu- lations of, in I68I, 169. brings news of Queen Anne's Centres of community life, 5, 6. accession, 108. Burrows, John, whipped, 7*. Burwoode, Ales, whipped, 6*. Busby, Abraham, 63. Bussaker, Peter, whipped, 4*. Button, John, 59. Centry hill, see Sentry hill. Chamberlin, Widow , 41. Chancellor, Lord Coke on title of, 158. Characteristics of the early set- tlers, 46, 47. [ 33*] Index Charges for repair of town house, 1 667, 1 693, apportioned, 89, 90. Charles I, charter of, 9, 145, 19*. Charles II, 151, 152, 157, 161, 162, 169, 170. Charlestown, 3, 1 1, 13, 35, 36, 44, 177, 187, 11*, 12*. Charlestown fei'ry, 11; revenues granted to Harvard College, 31. Charter, 97, 100, 107. Charter and Indian titles safe- guarded by General Court order of 1686, 174. Charter members of the colony, 9. Charter rights and privileges de- fended, 1664, 1665, 163. Charter, first, I629, see Colony charter. Charter, second, I691, see Prov- ince charter. Checkley, Jo., 63. Cheesholme, Thom., 7*. Cheever, Bartholomew, 62. Chelmsford, town of, 149. Chickering, Henry, of Dedham, 150. Chimney-sweeping, 102. Christ College, Oxford, whipping at, 16*. "Christian Commonwealth," by John Eliot of Roxbury, sup- pressed by General Court, 153. Christmas observance, a crime by order of General Court, 148; under Andros government dis- tasteful to colonists, 181. Church controversy between Ca- valier and Puritan, 140, 141. Church meetings, fine for ab- sence from, 18, 129. Church of England : and Puritan intolerance, 128, 129; ceremo- nies denounced by Samuel Mather, I66O, 124; first service in town house, 94; organized in Boston, June 15, I686, 137, 203; to be countenanced and encouraged, 1686, 176. Church of England services: in Exchange, 139; in library chamber, 137, 138; in town house, 78, 127/:, 136; in South Meeting-house, 141, 142. Church of King's Chapel, see King's Chapel. Churches, rules as to admission of new, 20, 21. City hall, repository of town rec- ords, 118. Clark, an Episcopalian, 1 686, 139. Clark, Daniel, fined, 26. Clarke, John, 132. Clarke, NathH-, 112, 115. Clarke, Thomas, the chirurgeon, 51, 56. Clarke, Thomas, Capt. (later Ma- jor), 59, 157, 159. Clarke, Thomas, locksmith, 63. Clarke, Walter, 113. Clarke, William, whipped, 6*. Clayf, Mary, of Watertown, 133. Clement, Augusten, 60. Cloements, Vriah (cilias John Ball), branded, 15*. Cloth and linen, spinning and weaving of, recommended, 30. Clothing, order as to expensive and dressy, 1 6, 17; regulations concerning price of, 14, 20. See also Apparel. [ 34*] Index Clough, John, 61. Clough, Samuel, clock-mender, 113. Cog(g)an, John, 59; house and shop of, 6; witness in court, 19- Coggan, Henry, 6*. Coke, Lord, on title of chancellor, 158. Colburn, Will, 62. Cole, Mrs. Anna, late relict of Capt. Keayne, 150. Cole, Peter, whipped, 12*. Cole, Samuel, 6I; house of, 3; on committee for contract of town house, 65. Collaine, Matthew, whipped, 8*. Collens, John, 6I. Colman, Alexander, whipped and sent out of town, 13*. Colonial acts allowed and disal- lowed under charter of 169], 109. Colonial courts held monthly in east room of second floor of town house, 76. Colonial Laws quoted, 69 note, 130 note. Colony, assistants in the, 9, 145, 146; first postmaster of, 29; worship in the, 127. Colony and crown contest begins in town house, l665, l63. Colony and town before building of town house, 1-47. Colony and town uses of town house, 69-79. Colony called by royalists the "Corporation of Boston," 146. Colony charter of Charles I, 1629, ix, 9, 97, 100, 107, 126, 145, 19*; act concerning safekeep- ing of, in 1664, 156, 157; ad- ditional order as to safe cus- tody, 1679, 168; authority of courts under, 145; forfeiture proceedings in England, 157; immediate effects of revocation of, 175, 176; original members under, 9 ; petitions to king and Parliament, I66O, for confirma- tion of, 151 ; revoked. May 17, 1 686, 1 73 ; rights and privileges maintained by Massachusetts colony, 1664, 1665, 163 ; sur- render stoutly opposed, 1684, 100, 101, 107; use of town house by colony government under, 145-71. Colony conditions during Dudley administration, 198. Colony courts, partial statement of punishments inflicted by orders of, 3*-l7*; use of town house by, 69, 93. Colony government, 8, 9; and Stuart dynasty conflict, 147; controlled by Puritan church, 1 1 ; use of town house by, 1659-86, 145-71. Colony law of l646 on marriage, 130. Colony laws published and posted in town house, 107. Colony Laws, see Colonial Laws. Colony of the Massachusetts, 90. Colony post-office, 29. Colony records, kept in town house, 93, 111; now known as the Massachusetts Archives, 118. [ 35*] Index ''Colony Records" referred to, Contractors for town house, 65, 168, 3*. 67. Colony tax, 10, 12, 13, 17, 41. Contributions toward building of Colony treasury in town house, town house, 58-64. 93. Conway, Davyd, whipped, 9*- Commissioners, of colony sent to Cook, Mr. , l694, 193. England, l66l, 155; of the Cooke, Dr. Elisha, 100, 122, 183, United Colonies, 94. 184. Commissioners, royal, and Massa- Cooke, Francis, fined, 1 06. chusetts Colony in l664, l665, Cooke, Lieut. Richard, 59, 63. l63. Cooper's Tavern, 193. Committee, of military affairs, Coote, Richard, Earl of Bello- 17, 19; on contract for building mont, governor of Massachu- of town house, 65; on plan for setts Province,New Jersey and town house, 56; to meet Gov- New Hampshire, 1699-1700, ernor Dudley, 195. x, 194, 197, 19*. Common, the Boston, 8, 103, Corey, Giles, pressed to death by 149; pirates hanged on, 180. heavy weights, I90. Common Prayer, Book of, 121, Corn, as payment of taxes, 12; 124, 126, 127, 129, 130, 136, price of, 8, 13, 18, 155. 138; among early gift of books Corn-Hill, the, early centre of in 1629, 121, 122. book-business, 85; part of pre - Concord river, plantation on, 23. sent Washington street, 3. Conduit provided for in will of "Corporation of Boston," name Capt. Keayne, 50-7; building of royalists for the entire col- of it abandoned, 57, 58. ony, 146. Coney, John, 60. Corpus Christi College, Cam- Congregational meeting-houses in bridge, England, whipping at, Boston, 1686, 136, 137. l6*. Connecticut Colony, member of Correction, house of, 12, 149, 150. the United Colonies, confed- Corser, William, 62. eracy, l670, I66; submits to Cotcree, Thomas, whipped, 10*. demands of royal commission- Cotton, Rev. John (1585-1652), ers, 1665, 162, 164. 5, 203. Constable(s), 7, 10, 13, 20, 33, Cotton, William, 6S ; censured by 96, 105, 153, 4*, 13*. General Court, 158. Construction of town house, 49- Coudrey, William, of Redding, 68. 149. Contract for building of town Council, the chief executive of house, 65-7. colony, July, 1701-June, 1702, [ 36*] Index 195, 19* ; work and importance of, under Dudley and Andros^ 178, 181, 182. Council chamber on second floor of town house, 76, 93; re- paired, 92. Council for the Safety of the Peo- ple and Conservation of the Peace, 11 6, 186. ^'Council house," name for town house under Dudley and An- dros, 1686-9, 115, 117, 136, 173, 174, 178. Council orders, 1 1 2, 1 1 6, 1 7 7, 1 8 1 . Council records, 108. Country rate allowed by General Court toward building of town house, 69. Court, actions of the, 10, 11, 12, 15, 16. Court house, see Town house. Court house on Court street later place for sittings of the courts, 118. Court of appeals instituted, 34. Court of assistants, 11, 17, 18, 19; decisions and regulations of, 20, 22; meetings of, 28, 29, 118; number of members, 78, 153; records of the, 118, 3*. Court records, order passed in 1639 in regard to keeping of, 28. Court street formerly Queen street, 3. Court uses of town house, 69, 9S. Courts held on second floor of town house, 74, 76. Courts, authority of, under colony charter, 145. Coward, John Herbert, 113, 115. Coxeshall, Mr. , 13. Coy, Matthew, chirurgeon, 104. Cribb, Beniamyn, whipped, 3*. Crocket, Mrs. Elisabeth, 14*. Crofts, Captain , 195. Cromwell, Oliver, death of, 148. Crown and colony contest begins in town house in 1665, l63. Current pay, money for, 17. Custodians of colony charter in 1664 and l679, 157, I69. Danforth, Rev. John (l650- 1730), 94. Danforth, Thomas (1622-99), 89, 183, 184, 193. Darland, Phillip, fined, 14*. Date of charters, 1 9*. Date of the "foure greate Quar- ter Courts," Boston, 21. Dauis, Captain, 57. Dauis, James, 6I. Dauis, Thomas, 12*. Dauis, Wm., 59. Dauling, David, whipped, 10*. Davenport, Lieut. Richard (I606- 65), paid for charges disbursed for slaves, 26, 5*, 7*. Da vice, Sam", 6I. David, a servant, 96. Davies, Jenken, whipped, 9*. Davies, John, whipped, 5*. Dawes, John, overseer of youths, 104. Day of pubUc humiliation, 1 7, 1 48. Day of public thanksgiving, 148. Death penalty for adultery, 12; for heresy, 149,150; for witch- craft, 189, 190. [ 37*] Index Death sentence passed on Qua- kers, 149, 150. Deaths, provision for recording, 1642, 34. Deceased wife's sister question, 135, 166, 15*. Declaration : against the power of the Pope, l67, l68; as to the Quakers, l66l, 150; of indul- gence by James II, 179; of Prince of Orange, l689, 183; Royal, of July 26, l683, 101, 107, 157. "Declaration, The, of the Gentle- men, Merchants, and inhab- itants of Boston and the Coun- try Adjacent," l689, 184. Dedham, 149, 150, 207. Defendant's rights and duties defined, 53. Denison, Daniell (1 613-82), over- seer of Capt. Keayne's will, 58. Deputies and monthly colonial courts, meeting-place of, 76. Deputies to the General Court, 5, 8, 15. Deputies, Capt. Thomas Savage speaker of, 147; instructions given to, 100; number of, 22, 78, 79; rights and privileges under colony charter, 15, 145; sittings of, separated from those of magistrates, 36. Deputy governor, 6, 9, 10, 12, 13, 178. Dewer, Thomas, 62. "Diary" of Judge Sewall, see Sewall's "Diary." Dice prohibited by law, 11, l65. Dickerson, Thomas, whipped and made slave, 6*. Disallowance of colonial acts, 109. Discrimination against Papists, 167, 168, 188. Distances measured from town house, 96. Divorce, decrees concerning nul- lity of marriage and, 1639, 29, 30. Dixon, William, set in the bil- bowes, 4*. "Doctrine of Divine Providence," l684, by Increase Mather, 85. Dorchester, 10, 26. Douse, Francis, 60. Dragon Inn, see Green Dragon Inn. Drill room of Artillery Company, 93, 94. Drinking, order against exces- sive, 1645, 39. Drinking healths, order passed against, 1639, 26, 27; order repealed, 1645, 42; forbidden again, I66I, 153, 156; over-in- dulgence bewailed by Sewall, 95. Drury, Hugh, 6I. Ducking for scolding, famous or- der as to (1672), 166. Dudley, Joseph (1647-1720), 112, 113, 115, 136; and Gen- eral Court at discord for some time after 1702, 197, 198; go- vernor, 1702-14, X, 195, 203, 204, 19*; imprisoned, I689, by Bradstreet government, 196, 197; institutes Church ofEng- [ 38*] Index land services in town house, 126, 130, 139, 140; order con- cerning solemnization of mar- riages, 130, 131; president of ''Massachusetts, Maine, Nova Scotia and the lands between," 1686,173,182, 19*; resides at Roxbury, I96. Dudley, Major, see Dudley, .Jo- seph. Dudley, Thomas (1576-1652), deputy governor, 6; commis- sioned sergeant major-general, 1644, 36. Dudley, Capt. Thomas, keeper of public office and writings under town house, I689, II6. Dumer, Jer., Philosophiae Dr. (I68O-I739), 95. DuiTier, Capt. Jer., 199- Duncan, Nathan, 62. Duncan, Peter, 62. Dunster, John, 6. Dunton, John (1659-1733), en- tertained in town house, l685, 94; quotation from, 45, 76. Dutton, John, whipped, 7*. Dwight, Mr. Seth, 207. Dyer, Giles, keeper of town clock, 105. Dyer, Mary, Quakeress, banished, and, returning, hanged, 149, 150, 151. Eales, John, beehive-maker, 39- Early colonists, characteristics of, 46, 47. Eavens, David, 63. Edsell, Thomas, 59. Edwards, David, 122. Edwards, Mathewe, whipped, 5 *. Eire, Simon, 60. Elders' and ministers' room in town house, 51, 53. Eliot, Benjamin, bookseller, 83, 85. Eliot, Rev. John (1 604-90), 153. Eliott, Deacon, IO6. Emons, Tho., 60. Endicott, John (1589-1665), 58; charter member of the colony, 9; governor, 1655-65, x, 147, 154, 156, 161, 19*. English law and the revocation of the colony charter, I686, 175, 176; sovereigns, 19*. English universities and colleges, whipping at, I6*. English, William, 6I. Entertainment of strangers, 7. Episcopal services, see Church of England services. Equity jurisdiction in the colony, first exercise of, 34. "Essay, An, for the recording of Illustrious Providence," by Increase Mather, 86. Euered, John, 58. Eueritt, James, 60. Excessive drinking, order against, 1645, 39. Exchange and staircases protected byorderofselectmen,75 ; called the "lower room," 1709, 75; drill room for Artillery Com- pany, 94; on first floor of town house, 74 ; used for Church of England services, 139- Excommunication from Church and its results, 25, 26. [ 39*] Index Extravagance of people of Bos- ton in dress denounced and bewailed by Increase Mather, 208. Eyre, John, 11 6, 117. Fairbanks, Richard, of Boston, first postmaster of the colony, 29. Fairefeild, Daniell, whipped, 43, 9*. Fairfax, George, branded and whipped, 14*. Fairweather, Thomas, house of, 3. Falmouth, town of, 151. Faneuil Hall later place for town meetings, 118. Farnam, John, 63. Farny, Thomas, appointed bell- ringer, 105. Farthings, no current pay, 17. Fasts, sermons and lectures in town house disapproved by An- dros, 180, 181. Fauor, Goodman, at Rumny Marsh, 104. Fay, Thomas, 6l. Fellingham, Francis, of Salem, 10*. Felton, Beniamyn, 4*. Ferry between Boston and Win- netsemett, 38, 106. Ferry to Charlestown, 1 1 ; reve- nues granted to Harvard Col- lege, 31. Ferry to Weymouth, 38. Festivities, use of town house for, 95. Financial ability the basis of tax- ation, l6. Finch, Katherine, whipped and committed, 43, 5*. Fire destroys town house in 1 7 1 1 , 201 - 1 2 ; orders as to danger of, 70, 98, 104, 105. Fires, in early history of Boston, 204, 205 ; referred to by In- crease Mather and others, 207, 208, 211. First charter, see Colony charter. Fisher, Capt. Daniel, custodian of colony charter, l679^ l69- Fitch, Thomas, 6l. Flint, captain and shipmaster, 83, 84. Food, but no payment, for select- men, 7. Foote, Henry Wilder, *' Annals of King's Chapel," 131, 143. Foreigner's suit against settled inhabitant, decision concern- ing (1644), 37. Forfeiture of colony charter in England, proceedings for, 157. Fortification of Castle Island, l6. Foster, Capt. John, 94, 11 6, 117. Foster, John, astrophil, 85. "Foure greate Quarter Courts" at Boston, 21. Foxe, Thomas, whipped, 11. Foxes, bounties on, 24. Foxhill, 106. Frary, Lieutenant , 1 3*. Free school at Roxbury founded in 1660, 151. Freedom of the press, suppressed by act of General court, l665 and l667, l64, l65; again reg- ulated, l681, 169; restricted by council, 1688-9, 181. [ 40*] Index 128, 134, 135, 147-57, 158, 164-6, 171, 174, 205. General Court: acts disallowed by Privy Council, 193, 194; ad- dresses King Charles II on preservation of charter, l664, l6l, 162 ;and Governor Dudley at discord for some time, 197, 198; and other courts use the town house, 69; chooses assis- tants, or councillors of gover- nor, 188; committee to hear and determine petitions and other private business, 24; de- puties, number from each town, 22, 78, 79; expenses to be paid proportionately by the several towns, 39, 69 ; holds two meet- ings a year, 21 ; prevents town meetings in town house, 69, 70; probably meets in large room of town house, 77; suc- ceeded, in 1692, by the Great or General Court or Assembly, 188. General Court, first meeting in town house, 147; grants made to governor and officials, but no fixed salaries, 195, 197, 198; instruction to representatives or deputies to the, 100; powers of the, 1 5 ; use of town house, by, 93. Freemen, 8, 10, 11, 15, 97, 100, 101, 145, 146, 153. Freemen, alone have right to vote, 20 ; must be members of churches within town limits, 11. Freemen, act modifying condi- tions for becoming, I60, I6I; rights and privileges of, 22, 23. French, Lieutenant , 149. French and Indian wars impov- erish colony, 189- Frost, Nicholas, whipped and branded, 3*. Fur-trade with Indians, 33. Gaming prohibited by law, 11, 165. Gammage, John, whipped, 10*. Garland, John, whipped, 8*. Gatchell, Joseph, pilloried, muti- lated, &c., 44, 15*. Gedney, Mr. , l694, 193. Gedney, Capt. , I686, 173. Gedney, Bartholomew, 112. Geffries, David, 139. Gell, Richard, runaway, whipped, 10*. General Assembly, 174. See also General Court. General Assembly under province charter, 192. General Court, 1, 5, 15, 17, 97, 107, 108, 111, 126, 145, 173, General town meetings, 5, 6, 8, 174, 187, 188, 189, 190, 194, 49, 56. ^ee a/*o Town meetings. 195, 197, 202, 205. George, Capt. , I686, 141. General Court, Acts, laws, orders, Gerrish, John, 104. and recommendations of, 5, 14, Gibbs, Mary, punished, 12*. 16,17-20,22-6,29-46,69,74, Gibbs, Robert, leases part of 89,90,91,98,99,111,116-17, place under town house, 74; [41*] Index rents cellar under town house for fifty-one years, 81, 82. Gibson, Christopher, 6l. Gibson, William, 6l. Gifts to the library in the town house, 120. Gillam, Goodman, 10*. Glover, Mr. Ralfe, 3*. Glover, Rev. John, 6. Goodwin, Edward, 62. Gookin, Capt. Daniel (l6l2-87), press censor (l662), 156, l64. Gookin, Sheriff , 108, lOp. Gorton, Samuel (1600-77), de- clared a blasphemer and con- fined to Charlestown, 35, 36. Government of the colony, 8 ff. Governor, 5,6, 7, 9, 10,12, 13, 18. Governor and Company of the Mattachusetts Bay in New England, 9- Governor and council, attempt seizure of records from Raw- son, 112-14; occupy west room of second floor of town house, 76. Governor and deputy governor first chosen from among the assistants, 10. Governor does not receive fixed salary, but only a grant, 195, 197, 198. Governor, beadle for the, 9- Governor, deputy governor and council in Andros's adminis- tration, 178. Governor's Island, rent of, 18. Governors, succession of, 19*. Granary in town house, 93, 95. Grand juries ordered by General Court, 19; payment of, 20. Grants made by General Court to governor and officials, 195, 197, 198. Gray, Thomas, whipped and ban- ished, 5*. Great or General Court or As- sembly successor to General Court, 1692—, 188. Great street, the present State street, 3, 201. Green Dragon Inn, 93, 199. Green, Bartholomew(l 666- 1732), printer, 86, 87. Green, John, banished, 25. Green, Samuel (I6l5-1702), printer, 86, 184. Greene, Jno, "marshall general," 170. Greene, Nathaniell, 62. Grenleff, Edmond, 60. Gridley, Richard, 59- Griffin, Jno., buried, 139. Hale, Mr. , I69O, 180. Hales, Sarah, fined or whipped, 7*. Hampton, town of, 149. Hams, Marke, 63. Hanging of Quakers, 149. Harris, Benjamin, bookseller,l 84. Harrison, Wm., the "Bodies- maker," 138. Harvard College, Cambridge, 26, 35, 120; cases of whipping at, 15*, 16*; contributions of the several towns toward, 38; gov- ernment and direction of, estab- lished by General Court, 1642, 35; incoqioration act disal- [42*] Index lowed by Privy Council, 194; library, 125, 127; revenues of ferry between Boston and Charlestown granted to, 31. Harwood, Thomas, 60. Haslewood, John, whipped and made a slave, 5*. Hatch, Jonathan, whipped, 7*. Hatchet, William, condemned to be hanged, 33. Hathaway, John, whipped and banished, 5*. Hathorne, , 193. Hawkines, John, 6l. Hawkins, James, defendant, 19. Hawkins, James, whipped and bound over, 8*. Hawkins, Jane, twice banished, 25, 32. Hawkins, Thomas, whipped and bound over, 8*. Hayman, John, 104. Haywood, John, of Boston, no- tary, 83. Health, drinking to oneanother's, see Drinking healths. "Heaven's Alarm of the World," a sermon by Increase Mather, 86. Hely, Goodman, whipped, l6*. Henberry, Luke, punished, 5*. Henly, George, tallow chandler, 131, 132. Heron, Capt. , 195. Hett, Anne, whipped, 10*. Hewes, Joshua, 60. Heyman, Peter, 133, 134. Hickbourne, Davy, whipped, 8*. Higgs, John, Clothworther, 131, 132. High street, the present Washing- ton street, 3, 201. Highways, general order, l639, for laying out of, 29- Hill, Bartholomew, whipped, 10. Hill, Mr. , 63. Hill, the shoemaker, 142. Hincks, John, 112. Hindersam, Margaret, punished, 6*. Hinkley, Thomas, 112. Hingham, town of, 149; author- ized to use meeting-house for a watch-house, 26. Hobby, Major Charles, I96. Honywell, Mary, of Boston, 134. Hook, Mr. , 1694, 193. Hope, the Indian, whipped, 7*. Houchin (Howchin), Jer., 64; of committee on plan, and on contract for town house, 56, 65. House of correction, 12, 149, 150. Houses, construction and mate- rial of first, 6. Howard, John, scribener, 83. Howard, Will, keeps "wrighting schoole," 105. Howe, Joseph, 6I. Howkins, Tho., 59- Hubbard, Capt. Joshua, of Hing- ham, 149. Hubbert, John, wire-drawer, 103, 105. Hudson, Francis, IO6. Hudson, John, whipped, 9*- Hudson, Willm, 59. Hull, John (1624-83), 59; agent to make contract for building of town house, 65. [ 43*] Index Hull, Mrs. ,11* Humfrey, , 9*- Hussie, Lieutenant Christopher, of Hampton, 149. Hutchinson, Edward, Sen.(l6l3- 75), of committee on plan for town house, 56. Hutchinson, Edward, agent to make contract for building of town house, 65. Hutchinson, Eliakim, 194-, 195. Hutchinson, Col. Elisha, 193, 199. Hutchinson, Mrs. Ann, fined and banished, 23. Hutchinson, Samuel, 59- Hutchinson's Collection or His- tory referred to, 121, 122, 131, 136, 146 notes, 178, 179, 184. Incest, bill against, 135. Incorporation act of Harvard Col- lege disallowed by Privy Coun- cil, 194. Incorporation of Boston as city or borough, 1 709, voted down, 198. Increase of population ceases from 1705-11, 198. Indian corn, price of, 8. Indian fur-trade, 33. Indian runaway whipped, 7*, Indian titles safeguarded by General Court order of l686, 174. Indian wars impoverish colonists, 175, 189. Indians, 11, 33; selling powder to, punished, 4 * ; special action with regard to protection a- gainst attacks of, l642, 34-6. Inhabitants, status and duties of, 7, 8, 15, 25, 37. Innocent VIII, Pope, on witch- craft, 191. Inns and innkeepers, and regula- tions concerning, 16,24,29, 39- Instructions given to representa- tives or deputies to the Gen- eral Court, 100. Ipswich, 5 *, 8 * ; quarterly courts established for, 21, 31; re- corder appointed for, 3 1 ; se- lectmen fined, 1686-7, for pro- test against taxation, 178. Jacklin, Edmund, 57, 6I. Jackson, Edmund, 6I. Jacob, John, merchant, 132. James II, addressed by colonists, 171; first declaration of indul- gence, April 4, 1687, 179; pro- claimed king in Boston, April 20, 1685, 170. Jeffrey, Jane, whipped, 10*. Jesson, Jacob, fined, 11*. Joanes, Rich^d, whipped, 6*. Johnson, Capt. , of Woo- borne, 149. Johnson, Capt. , custodian of charter, l664, 157. Johnson, Abigaile, whipped, 12 *, 13*. Johnson, James, 62 ; overseer of Capt. Keayne's will, 58. Jones, Mr. , schoolmaster, 104. Josselyn, John, 76. Joy, Thomas, 6I ; one of the two contractors for building of town house, 65, 67. [ 44*] Index Joyliffe, Jno, 60. Judge and pai-ties must not be relatives, 35. Juries, payment of, 20. Justices of the peace, 9- Keayne, Anna, grandchild of Capt. Keayne, 150. Keayne, Benjamin, son of Capt. Keayne, 120. Keayne, Robert (1595-1656), 89,95,119,122,126,138,150, 201 ; enables building of town house, 49-55 ; first commander of the Ancient and Honour- able Artillery Company, 49; first free library in America provided for by, 52, 119, 120; house of, 5, 49; will of, 49-55. Keayne, Willson, brother of Capt. Keayne, 120. Keayne family, act of General Court concerning, 150. Keith, G., Episcopal minister, 196. Kemble, Henry, 60. Kempe, John, whipped and com- mitted, 43, 5 * King of England, the real owner of colony land and property, 1686, 175, 176. King street, now State street, 64. King's Chapel, 136, 138; library, 125; records, 78, 137, 138, 185. "King's Chapel Annals,' ' 1 3 1 , 1 43. Knap, James, of Watertown, 133. Knight, John, whipped, 7*. Knights, Mary, whipped, 44. Knopp, , fined, 10. Knower, Tho., set in the bil- bowes, 3*. Labour question and order of town meeting bearing on it,99- Labourers' and servants' pay, 13, 14, 22. Lace, use of, forbidden, l6, 22, 27. Lake, John, 62. Lake, Thomas, 59, 81. Lane, Edward, 63. Lathrop, Jno, 115. Laurence, James, whipped, 7*. "Lawes and ordinances of warr," promulgated by the colony in 1675, 166. Laws published in town house, 107-9. Lawson, Mr., preacher (1688), 180. Lechford, Thomas, quoted, 5. Lecture day, 5. Lecture, time of, 14, 15, 30. Lectures in town house disap- proved by Andros, 180, 181. Leder, Thomas, 62. Lee, Rev. (?) , 179, 180. Lee, John, whipped, 15. Lemist, Samell, 60. Levidall, widow Susannah, 132. Leverett, Major Genii, see Leve- rett, John (1616-79). Leverett, Hudson, 132, 133. Leverett, John (l6l6-79), gov- ernor, 1672-9, X, 19*; custo- dian of colony charter (l664), 157; house of, 5. Leverett wharf, 140. Lewes, John, 63. [45*] Index LeweSj wife of Robrt, whipped, 8* Lewis, John, runaway, whipped, 10*. Liberty of conscience in wor- ship allowed under province charter, I692, 188. Library in town house, on second floor, east room, 78, 119-26; prior to town house, 121. Library chamber, 112, 114; used for Church of England services, 137, 138. Library: catalogue made in 1702- 4, 122; gifts to, while in town house, 120, 121; money ex- pended upon, in 1683, 122. Library of Boston belonging to King's Chapel, 125. Library of Harvard College, 125. Lidget, Charles, 137. Linne, see Lynn. List of subscribers toward build- ing of town house, 58-64. Littell, Thomas, 60. "Little rooms "between the two chambers on second floor of town house, and selectmen's order concerning, 1708, 76, 78. Location and dimensions of town house as compared with pre- sent old state house, 71^ Long Parliament and witchcraft trials, 191, 192. Lorphelin, Peter, a Frenchman, pilloried and whipped, 44, 14*. Lowel, John, 60. "Lower i-oom," name for Ex- change, 75. Ludlow(e), Roger (1590-1665), [ 46 one of the early assistants, 15. Lusher, Capt. Eliazer, of Dedham, 149, 150. Luxford, James, whipped and banished, 43, 6*. Lying, act of General Court a- gainst, 1645, 40. Lyii, Henry, whipped and ban- ished, 1630, 3*. Lynd, Simon, Q^, 112, 114, 115. Lynde, Col. Joseph, 193. Lynn, town of, 149, 3*. Magistrates' and deputies' sit- tings separated, SQ. Magna Charta appealed to, x, 175, 176. Maine, part of new province un- der province charter (I692), 187, 188; part of presidency of Dudley (1686), 173, 182. Makepeace, Thomas, 60. "Man's Chief End to Glorify God," by John Bailey, 87. Manly, William, pavier, 91. Marblehead, 7*. March, Capt. , 94. Marion, Samuel, 108. Market day, 5. Market place, 4 ; underneath town house, &^, 73, 74; and meeting house, the two centres of com- munity life, 5, 6. Market street, the present State street, 3. Marriage bonds, copies of, 131 Jf. Marriage, colony law of I646 on, 130; Dudley's order concern- ing solemnization of, 130, 131; of deceased wife's sister, 135, Index 1 66, 15*; order passed concern- ing, 1 639, 1 692, 27/:, 1 34, 1 35 ; Puritan view of, 130, 135. Marriages, act of General Court, l659j on solemnization of, 148, 149; record of, provided for in 1642, 34. Marshal, Capt. , of Lynn, 1 49- Marshall, Jo., 6I. Marshall, Thos., of committee on contract for town house, 65. Martial law, 17. Mason, Mr. , 173. Mason, Raphfe, 62. Mason, Robert, 112, 137. Massachusetts alone resists de- mands of royal commissioners (1665), 162, 164. Massachusetts Archives, 111,115, 131-4. Massachusetts Bay, chartered co- lony of, 173. "Massachusetts Bay in New Eng- land, Acts and Laws of His Majesties Province of the," 83. "Massachusetts Bay in New Eng- land, Our Province ofthe,"188. Massachusetts, colony of the, 90. Massachusetts colony, claimed by bishop of London as part of his diocese, 135; records and papers, 117, 118. "Massachusetts Colony Re- cords," 3*. Massachusetts Historical Society, 56, 65,1 84 ;Proceedings(l 881), 125. " Massachusetts, Maine, Nova Scotia, and the lands between," 173, 182. Massachusetts, Plymouth, Maine and Accada, or Nova Scotia, combined into one province (l692),under province charter, 187, 188. Massachusetts, Plymouth and Connecticut form United Col- onies confederacy (l670), I66. Masson, Arthur, 6I. Material, used in construction of early houses, 6; used in con- struction of town house, 72,73. Mather, Rev., 203. Mather, Rev. Cotton (1663-1728), 86, 180, 194, 196; sermon in South Meeting-house on fire of 1711,211; author of "Memo- rable Providences relating to Witchcraft and Possessions" (1689), 86; "Short History of New England" (l694), 86. Mather, Rev. Increase (l639- 1723), 82, 85, 86, 101, 180, 1 8 1 , 1 87, 1 94, 1 96, 209 ; author of "Burnings Bewailed," in a sermon (1711), 207 ; " Doctrine of Divine Providence" (l684), 85; "An Essay for the Record- ing of Illustrious Providence," 86; "Heaven's Alarm of the World," a sermon (I68O), 86; "Renewal of Covenant," a ser- mon (1677), 82. Mather, Samuel (1626-71), "A Testimony from the Scripture against Idolatry and Supersti- tion" (Dublin, 1660), 123, 124. Matson, Thomas, 59 ; house of, 3. Matson, Sr., repairer of town clock, 105. [ 47*] Index Mattachusetts Bay in Newe Eng- land, governor and company of the, 9- Mattocke, Samuell, 60. Mauacke (Maverick), Mr. Samll (1602-70), granted Noddle's Island, 13. Maxfield, James, assign of Rich- ard Taylor, 82. Maxvi^ell, , 199- Maxwell, James, 75. May, Ellinor, whipped, 44, 13*. Mayhew, Rev. - 141, 203. Meadfeild, town of, 149. Meat yard, 19- Mechanics, pay of, 10, 12, 13, 14, 20, 22. Meeting-house, armory provided in some part of Boston, 33. Meeting-houses, Congregational, in 1 686, 1 36, 1 37 ; first and sec- ond, 4 ; first used also for town and colony affairs, 5, 6, 49. "Memorable Providences relat- Ministers of Boston, 203. Ministers' sermons occasioned by fire of 1711, 207. Mitchel, Jonathan, press censor, 1662 and 1665, 156, l64. Monck, George, 114. Money: expended upon the li- brary, 1683, &c., 122; for cur- rent pay, 1 7 ; regulations con- cerning scarcity of, 30, 32. Monthly colonial courts in town house, 76. , of Boston, Moody, Rev. Joshua (1633-97), 180, 181. Moore, Joseph, 63. Morton, Rev. Charles (1626-98), 94; pastor of Charlestown church, 187. Morton, Mr. , funeral of (1687), 179. Moss, Mrs. , name of the Scottish woman who caused fire of 1711, 207. Muddy River bridge provided for, 18. ing to Witchcraft and Pos- Muddy River common land, IO6. sessions," by Cotton Mather, Munioy, George, 60. 86. Meriam, John, appraiser, 105. Messenger, Henery, 62. Michell, Jonathan, see Mitchel, Jonathan. Miles, Nathaniell, fined, 103. Military affairs, committee of, 17, 19. Military training of youths or- dered, 1645, 38, 39. Military watch ordered, l645, in all towns, 42. Milton, town of, 130. Musket bullets as payment, 17. Mussell, John, whipped, 8*. Mystic River, 3. Nanney, Robert, 6I. Nash, Robert, 62. Neale, John, whipped, 5*. Needham, Goodman, sexton, of South Meeting-house, 142. Negro, Anna, punished, 11*. Negus, Benjamin, 60. Negus, Jabish, rents shop under town house, 84. [48*] Index New England, 9, 37, 83, 188. "New Hampshire Historical So- ciety Collections" (vol. ii), 79- New state house on Beacon Hill, 1798, 118. "New Style" computation of time, 9- New town house, see Old state house. Newbury, town of, 24, 149. Newe Towne, Newtowne (Cam- bridge), 6, 15, 25; quarterly court at, 21. Newgat, John, 62. Newgate, Joseph, a witness to building contract of town house, 67. Nicholson, Franc, 112, 115. Noble, John, compiler of "Re- cords of the Court of Assis- tants," 3*. Noddle's Island (East Boston), 13, 109. Nojce, Thomas, of Sudbury, 149. Norden, Samuel, 6l. Norman, Samuel, whipped, 26. North Church, *