MORRISTOWN, NEW JERSEY, JULY 4, 1859, BY RICHARD BUSTEED NEW YORK : CHAS. W. BAKER, PRINTER, 29 BEEKMAN STREET. 1859. 1 OEATION DELIVERED AT MORRISTOWN, NEW JERSEY, JULY 4th, 1859. BY RICHARD BUSTEED. NEW YORK : CHAS. W. BAKER, PRINTER. 1859. . 'A S? OEATION" Men and Women of New Jersey: Morristovvii is a fitting place to celebrate the Fourth of July. Here, eighty-three years ago, were pitched the tents of the citizen soldiery. On these hills the army of Trenton was encamped. Hither Washington came after the victory at Princeton. From this eminence he surveyed the land of his love in the grasp of a tyrant, and planned its safety and redemption. Here he re- ceived the hospitality of those who inhabited the homes you now enjoy. The earth on which you stand was dyed with some of the best blood that ever flowed. This green grass was the bed upon which tired warriors sank to rest. From out these valleys hurried recruits to join the American standard. Here mothers and wives bade husbands and sons haste to the war. The place is certainly most auspicious for the occasion. The spii'it of the revolution is the atmosphere that surrounds us. There are some memories which refuse to grow old, and some recollections which are ever being freshly distilled in the alembic of the heart. No circumstances weaken their hold. They grow with the mind's growth and strengthen with its strength, — and first among such is the great memory which our people annually commemorate. 1776 is not of the past alone. It is as much of the present and yet more of the future. The Declaration of American Independence which will be read today in every hamlet, town and city of our Country will fall upon as gladly listening ears as those which first heard the English language sanctified in its use. Hearts will throb as wildly today as did those of that little knot of Americans in Independence Hall when each pledged to the support of its statements his life, his fortune, and his sacred honor. This is as it should be, and I shall require no stronger proof of our national degeneracy than a disposition on the part of the people to treat with indifference that period of our history. I do not share in the apprehensions which are expressed in some quarters that our rejoicings on the recurrence of this fete-day may expose us to the ridicule, perchance the contempt, of our neighbours. And what if they do ? We have survived something more severe than the shafts of ridicule. We have triumphed over leaden bullets, and we must be thin-skinned indeed if we can- not endure paper pellets. I do not expect that others will agree with us in regarding the day which finally established our claims to be considered an independent power as the day which secured the inalienable right of freedom to mankind. Neither do I hope to please or silence the hypercritical cynics who are to be found among ourselves and who think, or affect to think, that whatever we have of good must be imported. I insist that in everything which tends to the highest civiHza- tion the people of these United States are preeminent. I do not pretend that the social and political pruning hook may not, in skilful and considerate hands, be used to our advantage, but I am satisfied with the progress we have made and the prospects before us, and if the experience of the past furnishes a safe criterion for opinion, what a vista of greatness does the future of this people present. Only eighty-three years ago the tocsin of liberty was first sounded in the ears of our infant Re- public; only eighty-three years ago in thrilling accents did the heralds of freedom " proclaim liberty throughout all the land to all the inhabitants thereof" What was then a tender saphng with fibrous roots and feeble hold, has become the chief tree of the forest. Under its wide spreading shade thirty millions of freemen assemble to- day in peace and security. What was then a community of feeble States has become an aggregate of powerful Commonwealths. In this brief space sparsely settled colonies have grown into the stature and strength of populous empires. This is not mere rhetoric. It is the truth of history. Does it then require the gift of pro- phecy truly to predict that the shadow of unparalelled nationality is already upon us, and that if we are as faithful to posterity as our ancestry has been to us we shall fill the great outline which destiny has marked ? " We are Romans" cried Paul to the Philippian sailor 6 in answer to the magisterial mandate by which, after having been "beaten openly, uncondemned," and cast into prison, it was sought to thrust him out privily. I can almost hear the intrepid Christian soldier as he ex- claims, "Xay, verily, but let them come themselves and fetch us out.-' And the sergeants told his words unto the magistrates ; and they feared when they heard that they w^ere Romans. And they came and besought their prisoners. Polite requests took the place of insolent demands ; the enslaved were treated like conquerors. It was a great thing to be a freeman of the ancient Republic ; her honor was pledged for the safety and protection of her children, and wherever they went their claims were respected and acknowledged. "Take heed what thou doest ; for this man is a Roman " said the centurion to the chief captain who had commanded Paul to be brought into the castle to be scourged. " Tell me, " said the officer to the captive bound with thongs, " art thou a Roman ? " And he answered him, "Yea." The captain replied, "With a great sum obtained I this freedom." And Paul said, " But I was free born.'^ And the chief captain was afraid after he knew that he was a Roman, and because he had bound him. This is not a fancy sketch altho' it occurred more than eighteen hundred years ago. The account of it comes to us from contemporaneous writers, thro' inspired sources and by divine historians, I never read it that it does not send my tingling blood in impetuous currents through excited veins. And yet I love to read it. Even at this day it confers hereditary nobility upon the Lazzaroni of Italy. And if such privileges and pride attached to Roman citizenship in anno domini 60, what shall be said of the glory and power of American citizenship in our day ? "We are Romans" was a defiant taunt. ''We are Americans" is a prouder boast. Connected with our political status are duties and responsibilities of corresponding gravity and charac- ter ; — duties and responsibilities of hourly increasing seriousness, and it is to those I intend to call your at- tention. You have been good enough to invite me to address you, and, while I may expose myself to criticism for the manner of my performance, I shall not be obliged to ask indulgence on account of prolixity. The highest effects of oratory are produced by the most sententious brevity, which is not only the soul of wit, but the sub- stance of sense. I shall not, therefore, fall into the er- ror of making a long speech. I had much rather make a strong one. All I hope to accomplish is to set you thinking. This is the great office of speech, and hearing is the prime minister of thought. The day and the lessons it teaches form a compre- hensive subject for the exercise of our intellectual facul- ties. Of the day, and of the lessons it teaches, I propose now to speak. Of the day what shall be said ? What can be said that has not already been said ? What can be said to 8 make it more glorious in the annals of time ? You can- not adorn the rose of the garden or the lily of the field by the most elaborate decoration. No amount of gilding will add brightness to refined gold, and no speech of men, however ornate or forcible, can add anything to the spontaniety and enthusiasm with which we regard this day. It stands by itself, like the diamond in its glistening beauty, shedding its rich light upon all the calendar, but itself incapable of receiving lustre from any. The day which gave civil and religious liberty to a hemisphere ; the birth-day of constitutional freedom ; the Sabbath of the political week. Do we not well to honor it? May we not indulge in rhapsody as we con- template what has been wrought and enjoyed through its instrumentality. There are themes upon which it is " impious to be cool," — and this is one of them. There are occasions which justify a frenzy of devotion,— and this is one of them. Let then the sound of our gladness be heard. Let the Atlantic echo meet the echo of the Pacific, as the nation's voice travels westward and east- ward across the land. " And let the kettle to the trumpet speak, The trumpet to the cannoneer without, The cannons to the heavens, the heavens to earth." There is a deep meaning in the clangor. Every tor- pedo is significant ; every rocket is filled with Prometh- ean fire, and is lighted at liberty's own altar. Every American is a high priest of freedom, and the flag of our country his canonical robe. 9 Such is the day ! What are the lessons it teaches ? The first inference which I derive from it is the import- ance of being right. It was the conviction of their right which induced the appeal of our forefathers to and their reliance upon the protection of the God of battles. It is this which animates and inspires the Declaration of American Independence. It is this which makes that declaration something more than a compilation of " glittering generalities." It was this which supported the soldiers of the Revolution, under circumstances of bodily discomfort and privation, which have no parallel in history, either in respect of the extent of those dis- advantages or the success which attended their arms. Shoeless, ragged and hungry they met and they con- quered the best disciplined and best provided troops in the world. Each man had asked himself " what stronger breast-plate than a heart untainted " can a soldier have ? Each, as he grasped his weapon, gazed with unblenching cheek on the serried hosts of the foe, and upon the his- toric shaft which commemorates the valor and the vir- tues of each^ Truth has emblazoned " Thrice is he armed who hath his quarrel just ; And he but naked, tho' lock'd up in steel. Whose conscience with injustice is corrupted." As in war, so in peace, the first condition of success is to be right. In whatever enterprise engaged, wheth- er resisting by strong hand the arm of the oppressor, or peacefully carrying into effect plans for government, everything depends upon this. For a brief period ih^ 10 wrong may seem to prosper ; the wicked may appear to triumph, but right is invincible, and soon or late in the contest she will assert and maintain to the end her power. No man is strong whose purposes are unlaw- ful, and none is inconsiderable or weak whose designs are virtuous and patriotic. The history of the race in all ages is confirmatory of these propositions. From the hour when wrong-doing made the first cowards hide themselves among the trees of Eden down to the present, fear has ever paralyzed the hand of crime. Belshazzar was not troubled in his feast as he sacrile- giously tasted wine from the golden vessels of the temple, until the fingers of a man's hand came forth and traced upon the wall in m3^stic characters, the pro- phecy of his fate. What made the Chaldean monarch's countenance change ? Why did his thoughts trouble him so that the joints of his loins were loosed ? Why smote his knees together ? He knew not the interpre- tation of the writing. For aught that appeared it con- tained a prediction of the continuance of his throne and a perpetuation of his power. Ah ! the king was before the astrologers in dissolving the mystery. The sense of his impiety and guilt spoke while the sooth- sayers were yet silent. His conscience had pronounced his doom ere the magicians had acknowledged their ignorance, or the queen had suggested that the prophet be called. The next lesson taught by today, is the importance of unity. Our national name and our national motto 11 are suggestive of this. Political history points us to the separate States of Italy, to the independent States forming the Germanic Confederation, and to the separ- ate republics of South America as instances, among many others, of people having something like a common origin, confederating against invasion from a common enemy, but keeping alive intestine broils and wars in in which the strongest vanquishes the weakest, only to be itself in time overthrown and despoiled. Turn we from these to ourselves. Not only are we one in name, but in fact. The United States of America is our na- tional designation, and the indissolubihty of the union of the States, the key-stone of our Government. Sep- aration involves annihilation. Secession is a simple absurdity. Our pride and self-respect will prevent the former, and our good sense and patriotism always save us from the latter. The man who in our day talks of dissolving the Union, I care not whether he comes from north or south of Mason & Dixon's line, is a fool. His ** speech betrayeth him." The representative in Con- gress who contemplates such dissolution possible, had better return to the vocation in life to which it pleased God to call him. He never can be a statesman. The perpetuation of our government depends upon some- thing stronger than human will. The American people are trustees as well as beneficiaries. We are deposi- tories of freedom for mankind, and have neither the right nor the power to waste or misuse the inheritance. The estate is entailed ; and while there remains a single 12 chain to be broken, or a solitary captive to mourn, the Union will not be dissolved. Our alliance is of Divine authority, and is perpetual. What God hath joined together, man cannot put asunder. The conjugal rela- tion is upon us, and the friends of the family can rest assured that Union-savers, whether men or women, ecclesiastics or laymen, are only mischief breeders. We cannot lay too much stress upon the importance of cultivating principles tending to secure the unity of our people. Upon this depends much of our individual, and all of our national prosperity. We stand united ; divided we must fall. All over the land then, from the waters of the Bay of Fundy to the shores of the Mexican Sea, let men, and women and children join to sing : " Cedar of Maine and Greorgia Pine, Here together shall combine." Let it be kept before the people. In the Senate, at the Forum, from the Pulpit be it proclaimed. "The Union must and shall be preserved." At any hazard, at every cost. All else is secondary and must be disposed of with reference to this. " This is paramount. However w^e may differ as to modes of Government, or as to the men who shall administer it ; — -whether we idolize Clay or reverence Jackson ; whether we rally as Democrats or vote as Republicans ; — upon this great question of the -perpetuation of our Union there can be no disagreement. Who dissents is a traitor — a foe to God and the race. "Let no such man be trusted." 18 From such unity will inevitably flow the next of the lessons which this day teaches. Justice and unity will be accompanied by amity. Amity in its enlarged sense as applied to individuals, societies and nations. Amity as including that good understanding which is the foun- dation of unity, and which can alone preserve harmony among ourselves, and render valuable our friendship to others. There is a wide field for the exercise of our mutual charity. I do not mean that species of the virtue which consists in alms-giving to the poor, or in beneftictions to the distressed. The youngest member of our political union stands not more in need of the rest than all stand in need of her. The swamps of Georgia point to granaries filled with rice — the blank prairies of Western Illinois and Minnesota tell of the full corn in the ear — the forests of Maine are decked with the lordly pine and the waving cedar — the snows on the mountains of Sierra Nevada are but the cover- lids of the gold which glistens in the sands of California. Every State in the Union gives to the other a quid pro quo in material advantages for the benefits it receives from the association ; none is a pensioner upon the bounty of any, but each owes to all the duty of a comprehensive charity. Without this we shall be miserable at home and suspected abroad. Our bicker- ings will give force to the idea that our union is a mere- tricious one ; our jealousies and heart-burnings will be seized upon and held up to mankind as evidence that the experiment of a government based upon State 14 rights has failed. Rivals will be insolent in proportion as our domestic alienations increase. Instead of being prosperous we shall be impoverished. Upon the other hand, the practice towards each other of the highest amity will induce and secure for us the admiration and respect of competitors, * and the love and gratitude of all who hopefully look to our career. I know of no responsibility attaching to American citizenship greater than this. To treat the citizens of each State liberally ; to pass candid judgment ; to think and speak favorably ; to place the best construction upon acts which the case will admit of ; is all involved in fealty to the Constitution, and embraced within my idea of amity. Let us see to it that our charity meets the apostolic test, that it " suffereth long and is kind." Who claims to love his country and yet seeks to dis- turb the rights secured to his fellows by the consti- tution and laws, is a base pretender. Who boasts of his devotion to our form of government and yet in- veighs against the compromises upon which that consti- tution was achieved, is a hypocritical braggart. From all such true patriotism turns aside, and finds her ac- credited sons only among those who have interwoven the golden rule into their political creed. I might, if the occasion warranted it, proceed ad in- finitum, to speak of other lessons which this day teaches. But I forbear. I am too well acquainted with the history of the people of New Jersey to suppose it necessary. I appreciate the relation which that history 15 bears to American liberties, and feel assured that her patriotism will not die out except with "the last sylla- ble of recorded time." Men of New Jersey ! your brethren are not forgetful of the glorious deeds done in your gallant State. Mon- mouth and Princeton and Trenton and Morristown are names sacred to freedom. Your battle-fields once red with gore give you title to consideration. Time will not dim the perspective of Washington crossing the Delaware, and our memories will continue to cherish your fortitude, bravery and exploits as among the most sacred recollections of the historic page, for be assured that " In the wreck of Noble lives, SomethiQg immortal still survives." I felicitate you upon your past, and from it derive an augury for your hereafter. May this be as splendid in peace as that was brilliant in war — may the blessings which your forefathers contributed to gain descend to latest posterity, and the place you hold in the Confedera- tion be ever as worthily and as well filled as now. So shall we accomplish our destiny in fraternal companion- ship, while each strives to outvie the other in devotion to the Union. Thou, too, sail on, ohl ship of State! Sail on, Union, strong and great.' Humanity with all its fears, With all the hopes of future years, Is hanging breathless on thy fate ! We know what master laid thy keel. 16 What workmen wrought thy ribs of steel, . Who made each mast, and sail, and rope, What anvils rang, what hammers beat, In what a forge, and what a heat Were shaped the anchors of thy hope. Fear not each sudden sound and shock, 'Tis of the wave and not the rock ; Tis but the flapping of the sail, And not a rent made by the gale ! In spite of rock and tempest's roar. In spite of false lights on the shore, Sail on, nor fear to breast the sea. Our hearts, our hopes are all with thee, Our hearts, our hopes, our prayers, our tears> Our faith triumphant o'er our fears, Are all with thee — are all with thee I i LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 011 801 831 P •