UBRARY OF CONGRESS DDDDSbfiH o > » '^•i- • '^^ ^^' ^'^^ ^0 ° .-^o. ^> -^ o 4 ♦ : ^o K , -n,^ * , *> V" •'•^' ^ A<)^ •JJ^'* •?" V *: '^o.. ' ^^*^ :S>^ \y - «. Vo » ,^' .(V 6 « • • - -^ * o av ...'. o • * * ^^ ."^ - • . . "^^ .O b * o -> ^0 ♦ LViL -r ' V* * * • " Photo Copyright. 1915, by The International News Service GENERAL FRIEDRICH von BERNHARDI GERMANY AND ENGLAND BY FRIEDRICH VON BERNHARDI GENERAL OF CAVALRY AUTHOR OF " GERMANY AND THE NEXT WAR," " OtTR FUTURE," ETC. » o G. W. DILLINGHAM COMPANY PUBLISHERS NEW YORK ^^> Copyright, igis, by Friedrich von Bern-hardi Germany and England f-WR 30 !9(5 iyaA3»8l48 GERMANY AND ENGLAND CHAPTER I ROM many letters which have come to me from the United States and from American newspapers, I observe that my books, "Germany and the Next War,'' and ''Our Future," are being used in the United States by the press for the pur- pose of stirring up public opinion against Germany as the Power really responsible for the world war. It is alleged that I had, in a frivolous GERMANY AND ENGLAND manner, argued for war; that I had pictured war, and especially war of con- quest, as a necessary, and, indeed, the most reliable, instrument of statesman- ship ; that I had preached a war against England; had proclaimed that the de- struction of the British world-empire was a world necessity, and that I had put forward as the essential aim of German statesmanship the erection of a German world-domination. Thus I am accused of being a partici- pant in the guilt that lies upon those who began the struggle now shaking the world, a struggle which, therefore, is declared to have its root and origin G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D in the unheard of and unjustified claims to power on the part of Germany — in her world-threatening militarism. Even such innocent remarks as that the Germans with the Irish represent in the United States a political power which an administration must take into account are represented as though by this simple statement of fact I had in- tended to point out the possibility of dominating America's foreign policy in the interest of Germany. All this rests upon an absolutely erroneous understanding of what I have written; nothing like it can be read out of my books unless one tears 5 GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D out of their context certain details and mistranslates other details. I confess that sometimes one really feels tempted to yield to the belief that such a misleading interpretation of my words is the work of conscious error, for whoever reads what I have written consecutively and without bias must — if he is an honest seeker after the truth — arrive at a conception entirely dif- ferent to that which seems to have be- come current in America. I have indeed proved, I think, that war is a necessity in the life of nations — notwithstanding that it carries in its train unspeakable misery; notwith- 6 GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D standing that often it allows the lower instincts of the human being to assert themselves; for, on the other hand, all the noble characteristics of human na- ture, most noble of all the unselfish devotion to an ideal, the spirit of self- sacrifice in the service of that ideal, are in war exhibited. Demonstration of the possession of these high qualities by a nation would naturally lead it to the place of influence it deserved in the world, thus inuring to the further- ance of the cause of civilization and humanity. This I have proved, alike from a study of history and from a consideration of the nature of man, GERMANY AND ENGLAND from a comparison of national charac- teristics and ideals, from a scrutiny of the issues of the law of combat in all natural development. I have claimed that thus war has in history justified itself and would in the future continue so to do. But, on the other hand, war is justi- fied only when peaceful means fail. I have always, and just as emphatically, pointed out that war, and especially war of conquest, must be held an extraordi- nary means of politics; that it is justi- fied only when waged for the highest interests and ideals of a nation and af- ter all peaceful means of safeguarding 8 GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D those highest interests have been ex- hausted. I have emphasized in the most pointed manner the moral requi- sites in connection with a political use of warfare, and have especially and at length dwelt upon the enormity of the responsibility of him who begins a war. How despicable are wars waged for frivolous or purely material purposes — this I have not failed to declare ; how, on the other hand, the highest interests of a nation must never be sacrificed to nerveless or slothful love of peace — that I have not failed to assert. From the standpoint of the historian and the philosopher I admit it to be my opinion 9 GE RMANY AND ENGLA ND that it may be not only the right, but, under certain circumstances, the duty of a free nation, to seize arms anc to submit itself to all the external misery of war in order that it may safeguard that which for it is the highest and most holy. I should think that in a very special way the American people, who won their liberty in a conflict against Eng- land, and who achieved the acknowl- edged sovereignty of the Federal Union only through the heroic struggle in which two sincere interpretations of the American Constitution gloriously contended on the battlefields of '6i-'65, lo GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D would have a lively understanding of this view. Can it be believed that Americans, heirs of this tradition of the necessity of warfare, would see the development of their nation interfered with, its des- tiny thwarted, for instance, by the vio- lation of the Monroe Doctrine, the de- nial of American authority over the Panama Canal or by attack upon its insular possessions, without resorting to arms for the protection of its vital interests ? Can it be doubted then that America must have in its heart a sym- pathetic understanding, when once it has heard the truth concerning it, of II G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D the position of Germany and the beha- vior of Germany — Germany, threat- ened from all sides; Germany, whose "militarism'* has only the purpose of enabling her to ward off the attacks of enemies who would instantly over- power the defenseless? It is from this standpoint that my books, therefore, maintained that war may, under certain circumstances, be- come necessary, and pointed out in par- ticular that a war between Germany and England was in all probability in- evitable; pointed out the necessity that, such being the case, Germany must prepare herself both from the political 12 GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D and the military standpoint, for the possibility. It was by no means from the assump- tion that the destruction of English world-domination is a preliminary con- dition necessary for the natural devel- opment of Germany that I deduced the inevitability of such a war; much less from an assumption that Germany could attain a world-domination, justly due her, only upon the ruins of the British Empire. The exact opposite is the case. I showed that our Fatherland would and could very well satisfy all its in- terests alongside of England, and that 13 G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D it would far prefer to live in peace with England. I expressed this most explic- itly. I admitted, indeed, that peaceful development, the one alongside of the other, however desirable, was not a his- toric probability, for the reason that England would not have it that way, but would force us into conflict. 14 CHAPTER II I PROVED from history that dur- ing recent centuries it had been England's aim to play the Euro- pean states against each other; that it had always made anxious efforts to maintain equiHbrium among those states, never tolerating that any should rise to a position of power that might become dangerous to England herself; that England had developed her naval power to its imposing strength in order to be able to control, and under circum- stances limit, the overseas relations of 15 G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D the continental European states, if they should ever appear to threaten Eng- land's interests. I deduced that this policy would in all probability be carried out with re- spect to Germany, in view of the fact that Germany's commerce and Ger- many's marine had shown a develop- ment threatening even for England. Evidences of these anti-German pur- poses were to be found a-plenty. In East Africa England had prevented the natural roundin.^ out of our colonial possessions. When the Morocco question arose, though we violated no right in Eng- i6 X GERMANY AND ENGLAND land, this policy met and faced us; in our railway policy in Asia Minor it crossed our purposes without a shadow of justification or right; everywhere the English have undertaken to limit our national development, and throw our allies aside from us. And, always, in order to avoid war, we have retired; always we have at- tempted to direct the development of our economic and political necessities alongside of England and not against England — that is the truth. England is determined to crush Ger- many's rise. In view of the whole po- litical scene as it had developed when I 17 G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D wrote my books; in view, especially, of the English-French-Russian Entente, which manifestly was prosecuting posi- tive purposes, I had reached the convic- tion that England would in the future, as it had done in the past, and if neces- sary with brute force, prevent any ex- tension of Germany's power. That, for this reason, war must sooner or later come — ^not because we desired to de- stroy the English world-empire, but, on the contrary, because England would endeavor by force to prevent us devel- oping alongside of herself into a real world power — that was my conviction. Even from purely military reasons i8 G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D it was most unlikely — or rather it was out of th« question — that we should ever have thought of attacking Eng- land. I put this very clearly in my book "'Germany and the Next War" — a fact which of course is not mentioned in the press campaign for England. For, while England is in a position to do us very heavy damage without any risk to herself by bringing to a stop our entire overseas trade, thanks to a fleet three times ours in strength, we are as good as powerless against England. So long as the British fleet remains intact there can be no thought of cross- ing to England with an army, and the 19 GERMANY AND ENGLAND most we could do would be to damage British commerce to a very limited ex- tent. These facts are not changed by the circumstance that the English peo- ple fear a German invasion — a fear which I am sure is not shared by the British Government. And where have we ever exhibited politically the slightest intimation of making war on England? The Triple Alliance has always been, as it was es- tablished to be, a coalition for defense alone. And where, I ask, have we Ger- mans ever violated an English right? Where have we opposed just English interests? By what concrete act have 20 G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D we ever exhibited a feeling of antag- onism toward England? The famous Krueger dispatch and the sympathy with the German people for the Boers in their losing fight for liberty — these probably constitute all the evidence that England could cite. But those were nothing more than ex- pressions of sentiment, in no manner an exhibition of partisanship. On the contrary, during the Boer war official Germany maintained a strict neutrality which indeed operated as friendly to England. That the heart of the German people was on the side of the oppressed 21 GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D sprung from a conscience which it is a good right of a people to possess, and whose voice it is no duty of theirs to silence. Yet for this we should expect to find understanding and sympathy especially in free America, which would have to renounce the very principles of its being if it were to take the part of the oppressor of a free people. Just as untrue as the claim that I urged war against England is the other claim that I held the attainment of Ger- man world-dominion to be the real and natural aim of German development and, therefore, also of German policy. This allegation can only be based 22 G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D upon a mistaken translation of what I have written or upon reliance on para- graphs here and there, separated from all connection with my true course of thought. World power, not world-dominion, expresses my true meaning. It is a fact that a chapter in my book is entitled *'World Power or Decline" — ("Weltmacht oder Niedergang"). It is, however, a great error to understand the word *Weltmachf' as "world-do- minion" or ''world-empire." Such a misunderstanding was easily avoidable by any who considered that the entire contents of my writing repudiates the 23 GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D idea of world-domination such as is admittedly the aim of England, and ad- vocates only the idea of world power — that is, an independent and autonomous position of consideration alongside that of the other great cultural nations of the earth. To this point I shall refer later in greater detail. Here I shall only dis- cuss the one point made in America against the German position, namely, my statement that a united stand by the Germans and the Irish in America might become politically advantageous to us, in view of the fact that the two strains of derivation represent, when 24 GERMANY AND ENGLAND united, a factor in the United States which the Government would have to take into account. Certainly no one who reads this par- ticular part of my book without bias can possibly find a justifiable point of attack here. Everyone who knows America even to a slight extent knows that all citizens of this great republic are, in the first place, Americans, and with that irremovable and unshakable loyalty they stand by the Republic on whose soil they have won the right to live, to whose welfare their efif or ts are devoted and their lives consecrated. Nevertheless, these citizens of vari- es G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D ous descent do not utterly deny the source of their blood, but with pardon- able affection cherish the language of their fathers, regard with affection the customs of their old home and are in- terested in its fate. No one fails to recognize the paternal nationality of the American-Irishman; the German- American is still recognizable, and those of more direct English descent pride themselves on their ancestry. These last have a lively sympathy for England, and consider it no violation of their love for their own country to work with all means toward the tight- ening of the bonds between their pres- 26 G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D ent fatherland and the country of their ancestors. No one in America thinks the worse of them for that; everybody, even in America, finds that perfectly natural. When, however, the Germans find themselves in political agreement, and especially when their political views coincide with those of the Irish — namely, in the opinion that it is no duty of the United States to take part in favor of England against Germany — why, then the entire press influenced by England hurls its attack. Only natural causes were pointed out. My harmless statement of the 27 GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D simple fact that coincidence of view be- tween Americans of German and Irish descent constituted a political factor which practical politics would not be likely altogether to disregard is inter- preted as a threat that plotting German politicians would attempt to exercise an authoritative influence upon the inte- rior destiny and upon the foreign pol- icy of the United States. As a matter of fact, I only pointed out that natural causes, quite outside of the manipula- tion of scheming politicians, operated to bring about within the United States a political grouping which was an ele- ment in the situation. 28 G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D Of course, if simple statements of matters of fact, matters of fact which may not be neglected in any intelligent discussion among serious-minded peo- ple endeavoring to marshal the factors of a problem, are to be taken up in this way and interpreted as aggressive and sinister expressions, why, discussion ceases. If public opinion in America is so prejudiced against Germany that it imports into calm scientific state- ments like these of mine meanings which are not there, prejudice may justify itself and strengthen itself, but it will do nothing toward attaining the truth. 29 CHAPTER III F, therefore, the manner in which my writings are being used in order to create sentiment against Germany must be branded as thoroughly unjustified, this is only an illustration of the manner in which a large part of German literature is be- ing drawn upon in order to adduce evi- dence that Germany long ago planned war against England and that for years the only thought that has stirred the soul of the German people has been that of destroying England's world- 30 G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D dominion and replacing it by a German world-empire. A collection, fascinatingly written, of German expressions which are made to serve the purpose of promoting mis- understanding between Germany and the United States is furnished in a book entitled "Germany and England,'' writ- ten by the late J. A. Cramb, professor in Queens College, London, the Ameri- can edition of which is enhanced by a preface written by an ex-American Ambassador to England, Mr. Joseph H. Choate. It is worth while to discuss some- what in detail the contents of this re- 31 GERMANY AND ENGLAND markable book, especially in view of the fact that it preserves the appearance of impartiality; that in a certain sense it does justice to the importance of England, and for these reasons, of course, is taken the more seriously. Nevertheless the book is, in so far as it deals with conditions in, and the aims of Germany, utterly untrust- worthy. It is a work written with the avowed purpose of furnishing an argu- ment for general obligatory military service in England. It therefore pic- tures the dangers threatening England, especially from Germany, in the black- est of colors. 32 G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D It is probable that Professor Cramb, under the influence of his ruling pur- pose, really believed what in brilliant words he confided to these pages; the book even bears the stamp of a cer- tain internal conviction. The author, however, clearly began the study of Germany with prejudiced mind ; he has read into German literature whatever he wanted to find therein, and he has interpreted the life and aims of the German people from fhe standpoint of his predetermined conclusion; he has nowhere entered into the depths of things ; the true German nature has re- mained a closed book to him, even 33 GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D though he has given, in certain phases, an almost complimentary picture of Germany. Being anxious to make obligatory military service palatable to the Eng- lish, he, of course, cannot picture in an unfavorable light conditions in a coun- try which has inaugurated such service. On the contrary, he is obliged to pic- ture them as model conditions, and he really does that in so far as it serves his purpose. But his statements are transformed for the purpose of argu- ment. Professor Cramb also takes up my book "Germany and the Next War.'' 34 GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D The American edition of Professor Cramb's book bears on its cover the legend, ''Bernhardi Answered." It is to ''Germany and the Next War" that he gives his principal attention. The tendency of his mind is revealed in his habit of completely transforming the sense of my statements in order to be able to use them in the spirit of his preconceived conclusion. He finds the chief interest of my words to consist in their alleged at- tempt to find a moral justification for war by Germany against England. "Is it possible to find any moral justifica- tion for a war upon England?" This is 35 GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D supposed to be the problem the answer to which forms the innermost purpose of my book. This, however, is a direct and an ab- solute misrepresentation. The putting of such a question, even to my own imagination, was altogether impossible, for the reason that I took the stand- point that Germany would not and should not attack England, but, on the other hand, that England would attack us! My book, therefore, felt no need of finding a moral justification for this war, though it did not fail to inquire how England would ever be able to justify ethically its attack upon us. (It 36 GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D is an attack for which we gave not the slightest just cause; the violation of Belgium's neutrality, employed by Eng- land as the pretext for the waging of the war planned long ago, was not com- mitted first by us ; France, England and Belgium themselves had violated this neutrality before ever a German soldier put his foot on Belgian soil.) It is true that I exhibited reasons which forced us to seek an extension of power; yet nowhere have I inti- mated, even by so much as a single word, that this should be done at the expense of England. Everywhere I emphasized the truth that we preferred 37 GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D to live in peace with England; that England, however, would not permit us free development, and that therefore a war would be unavoidable. Thus it has come to pass in reality. England has attacked us in a most unjustifiable fashion for the purpose of checking our political and economical development. Professor Cramb entirely alters the sense of my book by translating my alternative, "Weltmacht oder Nieder- gang,'" which, correctly translated, means "World-Power or Decline," with the words, "World-Dominion or Death." Every line in my book proves that I never thought of world- 38 GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D dominion by Germany, certainly that I never demanded world-dominion for her. Another instance, perhaps wor- thy of noting, of Professor Cramb's inaccuracy may be gathered from his remark: "Bernhardi's opinion of our commanders is written all over his books"; whereas, in fact, only in a sin- gle instance did I speak, and then only casually, of the higher military leader- ship of England. In a similar manner does Professor Cramb treat German literature in gen- eral, in so far as it is known to him — and to all appearances that is not far. Haeusser, Giesebrecht, Waitz, Mom- 39 GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D meen, Treitschke and others are pic- tured as if by their historical works and scientific discussions they had, either intentionally or unintentionally, endeavored to promote the idea of Ger- man world-dominion. Nothing could be further from the truth. It would seem to be an abso- lutely willful misconstruction of the work of these men. Science with us isi impersonal, and with us all historical' research aims at a detached impartial- ity as perfect as is possible for the human mind. Almost never is the work of German scientists or historians 40 GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D knowingly allowed to take on political color. Even Treitschke, to whom an entire chapter is devoted and who admittedly follows a decidedly national tendency, keeps thoroughly aloof from such top- ics as aspiration to world-dominion. By his inspired and inspiring writings, as well as through the living word of his lectures, Treitschke undoubtedly contributed to the promotion of Ger- man consciousness of herself anS to the fostering of the longing for inb creased political power; but that he dreamed any dream of German world- dominion is a pure invention by Pro- 41 GERMANY AND ENGLAND fessor Cramb. Treitschke was much too real and too sober a thinker for that. Treitschke also, like myself, was convinced that England would oppose with all its might the further develop- ment of Germany, so much so that we would have to reckon with her opposi- tion. Even from military considera- tions Treitschke looked upon the idea of a war of aggression against England with precisely as little favor as I look » upon it. But Professor Cramb cites even Goethe to establish proof of this lust for world-dominion on the part of the ^ 42 GERMANY AND ENGLAND Germans. The poet represents Faust as speaking thus to the earth: "Thou wak'st and stir'st in me a strong re- solve : "Toward highest being onward still to strive." Professor Cramb asks what Goethe meant by this ''highest existence," this highest ideal, and he answers instantly and easily, "World-dominion." It is certainly extraordinary that a man of intelligence and education should allow himself, even though through precon- ceptions, however strong, to be drawn into so groundless and frivolous a declaration ! The idea that Goethe had the thought 43 GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D of German world-dominion can scarcely be taken seriously. To make so un- founded a deduction from Faust he must have judged his readers entirely without knowledge of German litera- ture and German history. But then Professor Cramb felt that Germany had to be convicted of aggressive thoughts and an aggressive attitude toward England in order to justify the English policy of might; he felt it neces- sary that Germany for a long time past should have carried constantly in its mind this idea of attacking Eng- land and this hope of establishing its 44 GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D own world-dominion on the ruins of the British Empire. All this had to be prepared in ad- vance; consequently, Professor Cramb finds it necessary, and not a difficult task, to forget the greater part of Ger- man literature and to put into the little part with which he is acquainted thoughts and tendencies which it never had. That nobody in England could '^bring him to book" he knew very well, for practically nobody in England knows the German language, while so far as German literature is concerned there rules (Cramb says so himself) the most abysmal ignorance. But 45 GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D America, with its far deeper knowledge of German literature, surely will not be so easily fooled. One needs only to read the books mentioned by Professor Cramb in order to convince oneself that the professor has read them with an astonishing play of imagination. Completely also does he misjudge the motives which rule the innermost thoughts of the people of Gecmany. 46 CHAPTER IV FOFESSOR CRAMB believes Charlemagne's dream is alive to-day. He believes that the dream of empire, once in former times held, that the efforts at world-domina- tion made by Charlemagne of the Sax- on Emperors and by the Hohenstau- fens even to-day remains alive in the thoughts and dreams of the people. Nothing could be further removed from the truth. Of course, in poetry as well as in the souls of the people, in some of its phases, the Barbarossa fable lives, 47 GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D the thought that the buried Emperor will, at the appointed time, emerge from the Kyffhaeuser where he sleeps, and will renew the power of the German Empire. But then the fulfillment of this dream is held to have occurred in the presence of Emperor William I. Nothing is further from German thought than to see in this legend the idea of world-dominion; on the con- trary, only the most general concep- tions of power and imperial glory are blended with the fading memory of the past. In German schools, Greek and Latin history is taught more thoroughly than 48 GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D German history ; and when German his- tory is taught it is always pointed out how the German nation, with its one- time tendency toward world-dominion, had strayed from its proper paths; the chief interest of the present in German history is found not in those false ten- dencies, but rather in the contest against the idea of a dominating re- ligious Empire. It is the memory of the struggle for spiritual freedom, and not the worldly aims of the earlier im- perial days, that are to-day able to stir to its depths the soul of the German people. Just as erroneous as is the effort to 49 GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D prove the vanished Middle Age idea oi empire a living thing in modern Ger- many are Professor Cramb's ideas as to the religious tendencies which move our people to-day. Here, too, one notices the intention to find among Germans the disposition to violence ; for instance, to picture our politics as influenced by Nietzsche's "master and slave moral- ity," and to be permeated by the Na- poleonic thought of world-conquest. All this is the most absolute perversion of the truth. Professor Cramb overestimates tre- mendously the influence of Nietzsche in Germany. This writer's attempt to 50 GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D supplant the altruistic morals of Chris- tianity by the ethics of egotism and self -striving, the morality consisting of the self-assertion of superior mortals, is, it is perfectly true, being studied in Germany. It is absurd, however, to claim that the teachings of Nietzsche have overwhelmed the conscience of the German people or that they influ- ence German politics. Such an asser- tion could only be made by one who lacks all comprehension of the German mind, and he has only learned to know, and that superficially, an isolated circle of so-called ''young Germany," polit- 51 GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D ically and philosophically more or less unripe! Even more adventurous than this overestimation of Nietzsche, yet in close connection with it, is the inven- tion of "Napoleonism/' which is pic- tured as ruling Berlin to-day and as possessing in the atmosphere of that city "something of the clearness and consistency of a formulated creed." It is asserted that a deep reverence is growing up in Germany "for the creed and the religion'' toward which this great and solitary spirit . . . strug- gled." And the professor rises to a phrase which, however resounding, is, 52 GERMANY AND ENGLAND if one knows Germany, altogether ab- surd: "Corsica, in a word, has con- quered Galilee!" Where, except in his own brain, can Professor Cramb possi- bly have discovered these ideas? In Germany, as a matter of fact, there is no Napoleonism, in Professor Cramb's sense, at all. As a general, we admire Bonaparte; for his mental powers we esteem him; and as soldiers we try to learn from him; but for his ego-religion, which, it is true, bears a certain resemblance to Nietzsche's ideas — in Germany, aside perhaps from a few unripe spirits and youthful sky- stormers, there can be found no appre- 53 G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D ciation. The creed is absolutely op- posed to the German idea, to which everywhere service to the cause stands superior to service to the person; in which altruism has become second na- ture; in which true greatness is exhib- ited in honest work and in unselfish devotion to ideal aims; opposed abso- lutely to the German nature, which, since the amazing development of the Prussian state and the coincident revival of the German Empire, has learned fortitude in misfortune and generosity in victory, has learned self-control from its long past, marked by tragic disaster and splendid success, and to-day fol- 54 G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D lows only aims within the realm of possibility. An earnest desire is felt for reli- gious freedom throughout Germany. There is indeed penetrating the best souls of our nation a deep impulse. It is not, however, one which finds its expression either in Napoleonism or in the ideas of Nietzsche, but in a truly religious field; in the striving of the individual for spiritual freedom. This striving finds its inspiration in Chris- tian morals from which the husks of bygone time have been stripped, and in an enlightened patriotism, a determined resolution to secure for the German 55 G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D nation that position alongside of the other great cuhural nations which cor- responds to its spiritual importance. Neither a new world religion nor a new world-dominion is sought in Germany. If one wishes to describe the Ger- man idea in brief words probably it can hardly be better done than by those of Longfellow: "Not enjoyment and not sorrow Is our destined end or way, But to act that each to-morrow Find us farther than to-day. Let us then be up and doing With a heart for any fate, Still achieving, still pursuing, Learn to labor and to wait." 56 G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D Professor Cramb's book, in so far as it professes to be a description of Ger- man conditions and an exhibition of the German idea, is a falsehood from be- ginning to end, a falsehood set forth in brilliant words, and in part possibly an unconscious falsehood, but a falsehood nevertheless. 57 CHAPTER V JUST as in pretending to judge Ger- many Professor Cramb falls into complete error, so, when he con- siders England, does he exhibit pecu- liar illusions. Here he displays a pic- ture, shining, ideal, magnificently con- ceived, sketched in scintillant verbiage. But yet one is obliged again and again to ask oneself whether, in the face of naked truth, he could really have be- lieved what he wrote in pages like these : *'To give all men within its bounds 58 G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D an English mind; to give all who come within its sway the power to look at the things of man's life, at the past, at the future, from the standpoint of an Englishman; to diffuse within its bounds that high tolerance in religion which has marked this empire from its foundation; that reverence, yet bold- ness, before the mysteriousness of life and death characteristic of our great poets and our great thinkers; that love of free institutions, that pursuit of even higher justice and a larger free- dom, which, rightly or wrongly, we associate with the temper and charac- 59 G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D ter of our race, wherever it is dominant and secure." Thus does Professor Cramb picture the beautiful aims of British imperial- ism, while Germany is accused not only of aiming at a merely material world- dominion, but even at a dominion of merely German intellect and German culture. While this supposed purpose is rep- resented as one that must lead to war with England for the reason that it could be established only upon the ruins of the British Empire, no mention is indulged of the fact that the British dream can be realized only by the de- 60 GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D struction of Germany, whose spiritual ideals and mental habits are in many ways inconsistent with British stand- ards. It is a prerogative, self -claimed as a matter of course for English world-empire, that all human beings are to be pressed into the English pattern and raised to look at everything in the world from the standpoint of an Eng- lishman. Assuredly it is a great and daring conception to attempt to make the whole world English, a conception which Lord Rosebery once expressed; yet the conception conceals a gigantic self-deception and is in itself so full of 6i G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D contradiction that the world need hardly be expected to take it seriously. Where would remain the higher free- dom and justice, when human beings throughout that part of the world which the British Empire dominates should think and feel as Englishmen? Where then would remain the free de- velopment of national individualities; where the just representation of varied interests if the British standpoint alone is to rule? How can that country prate of higher freedom and justice which for centuries has held Ireland enslaved; which for low mercenary motives 62 G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D robbed the Boers of their freedom, granting them finally a certain measure of self-government only because — ac- cording to English testimony — Eng- land was unable to conquer them abso- lutely in a military sense ; * which by treachery and brute force subjugated India and for selfish purposes exploited it ;** which in Egypt stands in the way * (Erskine Chilslera: War and the arm blanche '*To . . . aim at so cowing the Boer national spirit, to gain a permanent political ascendancy for ourselves, was the object be- yond our power. ... To achieve . . . peaceable political fusion under our own flag, was the utmost we could secure. That meant conditional surrender on the promise of fu- ture autonomy.") ** India is claimed to pay alone about four hundred million marks for the pensioning of English officers and officials. 63 G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D of cultural development because there- in lies no direct advantage or gain for England; which keeps the Fellahs in virtual slavery; which, in an hour of perfect peace and without a glimmer of justification, seized possession of the free Malay States; which, wherever Germany tried by honest means to in- crease its colonial possessions and its sphere of influence without violating even a shadow of an English right, in East Africa, in the Pacific and in Mo- rocco, opposed Germany's natural de- velopment with threats of war; which to-day in the United States, through the aid of an influenced press and news 64 \ G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D agencies helplessly dependent upon the British Foreign Office, lays its heavy hand upon public opinion, distorting the events of every day, suppressing the truth, disseminating falsehoods, in a calculated effort to make this free land subservient to English interests and to the English standpoint; which everywhere spreads the ridiculous claim that a strong and independent nation of Germans would be a danger to America and would violate the Mon- roe Doctrine in spite of the fact that our interests everywhere are common with those of America; which every- where attempts to brand German mili- 6s G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D tarism, which has only a defensive sig- nificance, as a constant challenge to combat, while yet it remains silent as the tomb on the subject of the English sea-militarism, which controls the en- tire maritime intercourse of the world; which raises no word against the mili- tarism of Russia and France; which for years has been planning, together with France, Russia and Belgium, as is now proved, this war of aggression against Germany ; which attempted also to draw Holland into the plot, and which finally, without justification and without reason and with only the first 66 GERMANY AND ENGLAND excuse which could be hastily snatched, has attacked Germany! How convincing and beautiful in the ears of every impartial being must sound the professions of that England which for centuries past has ruthlessly pursued a policy of self-interest, has been deaf and blind to the rights of neutrals, wherever its own interests were concerned — these professions which chant of higher freedom and jus- tice, hymn its own love for peace, raise paeans to the noble aims of its own politics ! But, of course, higher liberty and true justice may be — Professor Cramb 67 G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D gives his own word for it — aspired to only where the English race rules ab- solutely, 'Vherever it is dominant and secure." English dominance, there- fore, is the essential preliminary for the realization of all that is good. Higher liberty can be found only where England rules. Here also emerges the true meaning of many things which are hidden from the eyes of the ignorant mob. Liberty means the liberty of the ruling nation to do its will upon subjugated states; free- dom means the freedom of the rich to suppress the poor; justice in its higher meaning is the justice which the master metes out to his slaves. 68 G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D All this England clearly teaches us. The love of peace, which England so ardently professes, is to be understood in the same sense. Of course England wants peace, and it needs peace, in or- der to solve according to its own mind and for its own benefit the multitudi- nous problems of its widely inconsistent mastery of subject races and territo- ries; but only peace under English domination, peace within the sphere of its own word and under the police over- sight of its fleet. Whenever a people or state will not humiliate themselves to this order of things, but attempt to develop independent, autonomous 69 G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D power, as, for instance, Germany dares attempt it; or wherever a territory at- tracts England's cupidity, as did the Boer republics, there England's love for peace ceases. It is perhaps through this much-lauded love of peace that the mass of English people have long since become unused to the bearing of arms, but hordes of mercenaries, from all parts of the world, are impressed to supplement the hired arm which with tremendous efforts is slowly raised to champion the cause of higher liberty and a true justice. If one should desire to compare the aims and efforts of England with those 70 GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D of Germany, and to express this com- parison briefly and pregnantly in single words, the word for England would be dominion, and for Germany — liberty. Whoever studies the history of Ger- many since the breakdown of the old empire and the triumphs of the papacy at the end of the Hohenstaufen era will soon be convinced that its essen- tial element was a struggle, not for world-conquest, as is claimed by British misrepresentations, but for spiritual and political liberty. As far back as in the Roman days the Germans were fighting for freedom and independence ; for that they fought and won their vic- 71 G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D tories in the Teutoburger Forest. Then, of course, came the time when the Germans in overflowing strength poured out over neighboring lands and did try to extend their sway over the continent. In that effort the German people went on the rocks, and they have never since come back to the idea. In the age of the great discoreries, when the curtain was being withdrawn that so long had hidden the remoter regions of the globe, Germany, it hap- pened, was involved in great religious wars. It therefore missed its chance to take part in the partition of the earth. Its destiny in those years was 72 GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D to lay the foundation for religious lib- erty upon which rests to-day the entire culture of the world. Then, in long wars that brought heavy losses, it de- fended itself against the Spanish and French lust for conquest and defended the world of culture against the Mos- lem invasion. Under Frederick the Great, Prussia, then the seat of Ger- man intellectual liberty, fought not only to maintain its existence as a State, but also to secure liberty of independ- ent development against the united strength of a retrogressive world-con- ception. With heart and soul Prussia's great n G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D King at the same time stood on the side of the American champions of liberty. Later, when Napoleon thought to es- tablish a French world-dominion, it again was the Prussian and the Ger- man people who took up the sword for the liberty of Europe, and with heroic effort broke the chain of slavery which the Corsican had forged. England did fight bravely at Waterloo, but that bat- tle was to a large extent won by Ger- man and Dutch troops, just as the vic- tories of Wellington against Napole- onic dominion in Spain were won by troops the greater part of whom were German. 74 GERMANY AND ENGLAND MANY WARS IN NINET^E^NTH CENTURY Then came the wars of the nine- teenth century. In 1866 Prussia fought for and won Germany's independence from Austrian domination. In 1870 it defended itself against France's at- tempted violations, and in the struggle attained its freedom and its imperial unity on French soil. And now the war of to-day ! Like all great struggles of Germany since the age of the Reformation, it is a war for liberty and independence — and this time from the yoke of Eng- X land. 75 GERMANY AND ENGLAND Together with Russia, a land of des- potism unworthy of human nature, and with France, thirsting for revenge, England, this land which claims as its own private property all liberty, all jus- tice, all spiritual superiority, has con- spired to overthrow and destroy Ger- many, which never violated England's rights. And why? O nly be cause Ger- man commerce seems to be growing burdensome to England; the increasing German fleet, called into being solely to protect German commerce, seems to be growing dangerous, and the expand- ing vigor manifested by the German people seems to threaten the world-do- 76 G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D minion of Great Britain. Therefore, it calls its legions from barbarous Africa and Mongolian Asia in order to have them slaughtered for England's sake, because England, in spite of its European allies, feels too weak to fight the war, unjustifiably begun, to a vic- torious conclusion. Against this world in arms Germany and Austria heroically stand alone. Cut off from world traffic and only trusting to their own strength, they are fighting not alone for their own right to live their national lives in independ- ence and liberty, but at the same time fighting the cause of all nations for the 77 G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D freedom of the seas from the yoke of British naval supremacy, and for the autonomous right of all states which heretofore were obliged — as Belgium, for instance, was obliged — to bow to the behests of English domination. No, not the dream of world-domin- ion is the ever-inspiring thought in Ger- man literature, but the striving after freedom in the fields of religious, of in- tellectual and of political development. From Von Hutten and the intellectual heroes of the Reformation down to Lessing and Schiller, liberty is the lead- ing motive. In the wars of independ- ence, with their inspiring poets, the 78 G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D thought of freedom takes even a loftier ascendancy, while from our great his- torians, from Schlosser and Haeusser to Treitschke, the ideal of liberty has been the bright guiding star of their thought and their work — never the longing for unjustifiable world-domin- ion: "Freiheit die ich meine, die mein herz erfuellt, Komm mit deinen Scheine, lichtes Engelbild." "Freedom, that's my longing, is my heart's delight. Bring to me thy halo, Angel image bright." So sings Max von Schenkendorf from the deepest heart of the German people. 79 CHAPTER VI WE never wanted war with England-how often shall I repeat it? Our only aim, our sole ambition, was to develop autonomously alongside of England. Always we have given full recognition to the importance of English culture; nothing would have been more to our taste than to work hand in hand with England for the progress of civiliza- tion and the advancement of mankind. Certainly no more complete proof of this could be asked than the history of 80 G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D the years during which we have with such care and patience kept the peace of the world; than the tireless efforts of our lofty-minded Emperor for the maintenance of good will among the nations. Now, however, when war has been forced upon us by England, we will fight to a finish with all the means of technique, with all the resources of the art of war, and on land and on sea, in the air and beneath the ocean, with all the heroism to which the German heart has steeled itself in long years of peaceful work; if necessary, to the last drop of blood, until England itself of- 8i GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D f ers the hand for peace — England, which too late will realize how danger- ous it is to drive to the uttermost a patient and peaceful but not all-endur- ing nation like the German, which now will never lay down its arms until Eng- land shall have surrendered its self- assumed policy of world-dominion, shall have professed itself satisfied at last to be that which it is entitled to be, in honor and in peace, one of the great cultural nations alongside of other cultural nations. And should just fate give us victory in the war now raging, then shall an amazed world realize that we shall 82 G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D never attempt to build for ourselves a world-dominion upon the ruins of van- quished neighbor states. In the course of a history often un- happy and tragic, the lesson has come to us that the conquest of territory pop- ulated by strange people, that dominion over foreign nationalities, where prac- ticed to a large extent can never lead to healthy development; that the en- deavor to obtain even limited world-do- minion eats up the marrow of the peo- ple that undertake it and does not strengthen them. Long ago we real- ized also that the progress of civiliza- tion cannot rest upon the material or 83 GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D intellectual attainments of a single na- tion ; that on the contrary spiritual and intellectual competition of varied na- tional individualities is requisite to the attainment of the highest aims of hu- manity. If victory should come to us, as the progress of the war thus far permits us to hope, we, of course, will be anx- ious to strengthen the position and power of our own nation and that of our allies and friends in Europe in such a way that our existence as a state and our independence will never again be threatened, as it has been threatened in this war. This we owe to the count- 84 GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D less fallen heroes who have shed their blood for Germany's future. In what way that is to be done cannot as yet be told. It depends entirely upon the course of the events of the war. One thing, however, is certain. We shall never try to erect our power upon the shoulders of oppressed and subju- gated states. It is just as certain, also, that we should never think of assuming an an- tagonistic attitude toward America, much less dream of questioning the Monroe Doctrine. What advantages could we possibly expect from such be- havior? Visionaries talk of the con- 8s G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D quest of Canada by the Germans and of the acquisition of other colonies upon the continent! How could such dreams, even if they were for a moment cherished, possibly be carried out? If we are so happy as to achieve an outlook for enduring peace at home on the advantages of victory, why nullify it by a policy of wild adventure abroad? Whence would come the enormous fleets essential in order to carry out an attack necessary against the enor- mous resources of the United States, or to maintain across the broad Atlan- tic a contact of communication between 86 GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D an attacking army and the home coun- try? A soldier finds it very difficult, indeed, seriously to consider such ideas, which are the creation of thoughtless prejudice and blind hatred. Politically an absurdity, and from the military viewpoint a ridiculous impossi- bility, dreams like this belong only to the sphere of bar-room discussion. German militarism constitutes no menace to America. The idea that the so-called German militarism — which, as a matter of fact, is an extravagant name for a system of citizen soldiery — might, in case of German victory, be- come a danger for the world in gen- 87 GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D eral, and especially for the American Continent, is equally groundless. The German social and state idea, with its grouping together of the mili- tary forces of the country, like the well- planned organization of our civil life, was born in the dangers which inhere in our geographical position. No edu- cated German will entertain the thought of attempting to impose on other states, or to picture as patterns applicable to all states conditions espe- cially required by our peculiar circum- stances; to force similar institutions upon states the geographical positions of which, and the economical and po- 88 GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D litical structures of which, are of dif- ferent complexions. The social and constitutional conditions, which have of imperative necessity developed in the course of our often tragic history, are extremely different, for instance, from those of a nation built up on lines such as those which the United States of America has followed in its develop- ment. In this fact, however, surely there lies no reason for animosity on either side. Nobody in Germany thinks of exerting unjustified influence upon America; our victory in Europe would never mislead us into the political, the 89 GERMANY AND ENGLAND military and the anti-social stupidity of suggesting for America aims which would be unnatural to the interests of the United States; our purpose, if the victory be ours, will be an entirely dif- ferent one. For us victory would be a new command to respect American interests, especially as we would have to expect on the other hand that America would not interfere disturb- ingly with our sphere of interests. To all other nations, moreover, our good wishes would go forth, and our endeavors would be directed, for their free and independent development, in order that their best traits, which can 90 GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D thrive only in freedom, might be devel- oped, together with our ov^n, for com- mon contribution toward world-wide peace and the furtherance of the high- est problems of humanity. This we consider a more beautiful and a more worthy aim than that of England, to fill all mankind with the English spirit. Such an aim is, indeed, the most congenial to the German nation, which Treitschke delineates in the words: ''Depth of thought, idealism, cosmo- politan views; a transcendent philoso- phy which boldly oversteps (or freely looks over) the separating barriers of 91 GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D finite existence; familiarity with every human thought and feeling; the desire to traverse the world-wide realm of ideas in common with the foremost in- tellects of all nations and all times. All that has at all times been held to be characteristic of the Germans and has always been praised as the privilege of German character and breeding." From the United States we expect neither direct nor indirect help in this gigantic struggle for existence. Long ago we understood that the only vic- tories attained through its own strength count in the history of a nation. We shall therefore light our battle to the 92 GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D finish alone, with German iron and with German blood. Should there really be in the United States no comprehension of the epic importance and the significance for civilization of the heroic struggle which Germany to-day is compelled to wage against an entire world in arms? For my part, too highly do I esteem the American people to allow myself to be- lieve that there can be, or can long endure there, such a total lack of understanding. 93 V 80 J" ^^^ ' • • A^-^ - .„ „^ », ^ .V '-* .0^ <^^ '*• • • ^<^-nK '' '^^N>cA\irV* ^ 4y* *"icM^^/]\*. ^ Deacidified using the Bookkeeper pro C> V » ^B P^y • Neutralizing agent: Magnesium Oxide S^'^'t^ •^fij^^o < Treatment Date. *%IJ^^> ^K .WAY , 200^ . '♦ivv' .^"^ PreservationTechnolog '*^> \/ » A WORLD LEADER IN PAPER PRESERV/ ''^ '^^*'*^^\^'^^ PreservationTechnolog ^ \/ » A WORLD LEADER IN PAPER PRESERV/ V ^ A * jy 111 Thomson Park Drive \ ' %<, tV^ ♦j(0 Cranberry Township, PA 16066 i>* .♦♦SIfe,-. -Jt^ A* .^((N ♦ «i WERT BOOKBINDING Cf antMlle, *'.a MAY JUNE1989 ^ ^ ~ ^SjS ... ■ : ■ • . ■ . ■■ i;:;-: .■'■:■