/ THE NEW CONSPIRACY. What is Meant by the Restoration of the Confederate Democracy to Power — The Vital Issues of 1876 Considered. The surrender ?.t Appomattox closed tlie war aud yielded tlie dominiou of the Con- federacy to the undisputed authority of the National Government ; hat in the transfer of the ccndict from the field to the foriiai the nation was confronted with consequences of th8 struggle as grave and momentous as the war itself. Eleven States were found in Eocial aud political chao3 and all form of civil government therein destroyed. The highest considerations of statesmanship and sound policy dictated that they should be si)eedily reconstructed and restored to their constitutional relations in the Union ; but how was this to be accomplished? Foar millions of emancipated slaves and five mil- lions of disloyal citizens may be said to have comprised the entire population out of which the proposed governments were to be formed. In the nature of things the conduct of the late Confederate in this new and wholly changed relation of citizenship became a Eubject of anxious inquiry. He had surren- dered the sword of rebellion at home and the arts of diplomacy abroad, and sworn to renew his allegiance; but could he be trusted to found free and loyal governments on the basis of a complete and veritable freedom for all, and to aid in securing within those States the results of the nation's victory ? FALSE TEACHINGS. Unfortunately there was little in his ante- cedents to inspire confidence. Tlie educa- tion that made secession and rebellion easy had imbued his mind with the most perni- cious heresies. The disciple of Calhoun, or the devotee of Davis, Slidell, and Yancey, he was indoctrinated with a measure of po- litical poison which the fire of battle intensi- fied and consecrated rather than destroyed. These teachings constituted his very best conception of the nature of the Government and his rights and duties as a citizen. The impracticability of maintaining them by re- bellion was settled, but the deep-seated con- victions which prompted that effort remained unchanged. Yet, notwithstanding these embarrass- ments which attended the experiment of re- construction and made wise and prudent men falter in the adoption of a policy, the sworn enemy, who had just surrendered his treason with a broken heart and had given no evidence that he could be trusted as a worthy citizen, was promptly restored to all the rights and privileges he had forfeited, and the States he was destined to control were readmitted to the Union with largely increased political power. THE VITAL I3SUE. But there Wcre national considerations quite as vital as those peculiarly local to the South. In 1861 the Representatives in Con- gress from the slave States numbered 74 against 159 from the States then free, while under the present apportionment they havo lOG to 185 from the North. Thus, a solid Southern vote, which the Democracy have determined to secure in the election next November at all hazards, with only 40 Rep- resentatives from the North, will give the South undisputed control of that body, while it will require only 10 votes from the North to also gire it control of the Senate. Ac- cording to this basis it will be seen further- more that with the addition of only 47 elec- toral votes to the 138 belonging to the South that section will be enabled to elect a Presi- dent aud Vice President and enter upon ab- solute control of the Government. It was this alarming ^possibility, which now pre- sents itself in a practical aud threatening form, that made men doubt the wisdom of any system of Southern restoration which might ever enable the rebel citizen to gain the ascendency and take possession of the Republic. A brief experience of ten years has demonstrated that the fears and misgiv- ings of those times were indeed well found- ed. Not content with the usurpation of au- thority ju half the States of the South by means tliat trample under foot every essen- tial prir.ciple of recoustructiou and hold the laws of G-'d and man in utter defiance, they propose n( ■Y, 1 v the same nefarious system, to \isiirp the authority of the nation. This being the manifest spirit of the com- bined nvi.ner element of the South, which to-day is better organized and "more thor- oughly united and determined than at any time since it surrendered on the field, it is pertinent to inquire with what temper it approaches the National Capital. SLATEKT VERSUS FKEEDOM. It is well known that two distinct sets '^f ideas have long divided the North and the South. The North has ever been jealous of her institutions of freedom and protected all her citizens alike in their enjoyment. Free- dom of speech, freedom of political thought and action under the widest latitude, and a. patriotic, paramount loyalty to the nation 'IHE NZ\T CONSr-. •N^Z hare been held as cardinal tenets among her people. The South haa ever been exclu- sive, intolerant, illiberal, domineeriug, and Eectional. Her inheritance of freedom was subordinated to the more "sacred" inher- itance of slavery, by which every principle of Government, every right and duty of the citizen, and every sentiment of loyalty and patriotism was determined. The National Government was regarded only as an instru- ment to be manipulated for the protection and extension of the '"divine" institution, and when at last an indignant and outraged people protested against this high abuse, the Government was declared a failure and its dissolution demanded, nonsBoxisM alivb and defiant. But we are told that the sad lessons of the war and the correcting influences of time, accompanied by a wholly changed condition of affairs, have worked a corresponding im- provement in the sentiments and aspirations of the Southern Democracy, and that they may now be as fully trusted with all the interests of the Government as the loyal men of the North who have ever been its friends. Would that an impartial inquiry, seeking- only to find the truth, might sustain this assumption ; but a familiar acquaintance, based upon personal experience and obser- vation, with the temper of the old slavehold- ing element of the South and its expectations staked upon Democratic ascendency, shows that no more dangerous and fatal delusions could be entertained. , 'Tis true, slavery and secession, the primal causes of Southern alienation, are dead and buried, but it is equally true that their authors and advocates, and terrible conse- quences, still survive. The llills, Gorlons, and Lamars who led the Confederates into rebellion with enthusiastic ardor continue to be their chosen leaders, and are supported with all the zeal and devotion of former days. The loss of thousands of their bravest sons and millions of treasure, with ruined homes and universal impoverishment and sorrow inflicted upon them, has not taken a scintilla of their confidence from the authors of ttieir misfortunes; and why ? Simply for the reason that they still believe the "Lost Cause" to have been just andrighteous, and hold it in affectionate remembrance as the palladium of their lost liberties.* •The South Is to-day ruled over by the mis- erable thrall of Yankeedom ; but they cannot miizzle our chivalry and patriotic devotion to the "Lost Cause." We have fought lor our rights, but In God'a dispensation \vc arc van- quished, but not cowed. Slavory was a divine Institution, and wo must have that institution or the South will ever be bankrupt. Tliey speak of our cause £13 the "Lost Cause." If so shall It be lost forever? Xo 1 a new generation lias sprung up, and at a not far distant day there will be "stars and bar3"floating proudly over our Sunny South. In the next political campaign we must, even if In the minority, support a Soutliern man who will build up our Inicrest^i and hurl the Yankee pickpockets The politician who seeks their favor and has exhausted every other expedient without success, can appeal to this fond sentiment with unerring assurance. It is the senti- ment of the hustings, the church and the school, and unites society in its tender ties as the only remaining emblem of common suf- ferings in a common cause. Every idea of human liberty, every principle by which they would govern the State and the Nation, every sense of justice toward their fellow men, every conception of their duty as from our midst. Wc are to-day united to the Pu- ritanical host by an artificial tie; but wc are a distinct people, and God and the right will enable us to show to the world the truth and the equity of our claims. Our statesmen now in Congress arc the cream of that body, and are the only clement that reflects credit on the United States. Is it not better to hang on to the "Lost Cause" than to stay in a govern- mcut of corruption?— [Extract from an ad- dress delivered by Rev. J. Taylor Martin at Charlotte, N. C, May 5, 1S76, Confederate me- morial day.] ^Ve bow not in the spirit of cravens; and while we bend to the "higher-law" authority, that pollutes our Republic as transmitted to us by our fathers, respect for ourselves, our posterity, and the good opinion of mankind forbid our enrolling ourselves as the whining slaves, or silent slaves, of the conquering power. We have surrendered 710ns 0/ our con- victions, and still claim the right of vindica- tion ! In looking back at our past actions and motives, and the wrongs we have snfleredand are still sutTering, we confess that we have no regrets for the choice we marie between the ")iigher-law" license of majorities in the Union and the sacred security of self-government in the States— between the Federal and Confed- erate Governments. We are not conscious of a solitary dereliction of duty eitlier as citi- zens or soldiers, and feel that truth, reason, and religion exculpate us from wrong-doing. 'We know Ave v/ere right, anil though crushed to earth wc should ever remember, and teach our children to remember, our cause was just! \Ve are still proKri of the cause and glory in the fight we made. Posterity will yet decide that, though we lost all but honor, to save honor it was better to have foui;htanil lost than not to have fought at all."— [Extract from an address by ex-Governor Benjamin G. Humphries, of >iisslsslppi, before a reunion of the 13lh Mis- sissippi Conlederate infantry, at Meridian, November 2^, 1ST5. Governor Humphries was a Confederate major general, and was elected Governor of Mississippi In 1S65 and served until ISGS, when he was again nominated for that oflice. He is probably the most popular Democrat in the State.] The well-intended efforts of a few patriots to kindle a July enthusiasm yesterday met witli inditfcrent success. One 'single flag was dis- played on a rope stretcheil across Rodes street opposite the European House and a pretty display of little flags about the entrance of the Liiropcan constitutetl the display of bunt- ing. We saw but one man who nad imbibed liatriotic whisky enough to get staggering drunk. After the stars and stripes were dis- played there was a purpose, which came of a suciden impulse, to fling the Confederate flag to the breeze by the side of it. Prudence pre- vailed, however, because, you know, Phil. Sheridan's on horseback in this Riding. Rut, had that glorious banner been unfurled, there would have been such a bubbling, boiling, bursting enthusiasm as would have sot this town aglow. The liberty our people love is the liberty the Confederate flag represented— Sta.te rights and local self-government.— .3/erirftan [Miss) Mercury, July 5, ISTiJ. IKE- NEW CONSPIRACY. citizecs, and every liope they hare for tkem- selves or for the nation, is limited hy the traditions, teachings, and prejudices of the Past; and to dissent from these and adopt ^ the more enlightened and progressive views «5s of the North meets with a visitation of ?^calumny, denunciation, and proscription that vj^the most courageous men will shrink from ^encountering. ^ .. A WAR OF IKVASIOX ASD VASDALISM. "-J Kindred to this feeling, and to add to its intensity, is a deep sense of the imagined Vrinjuries inflicted by the North. The war is looked upon as a savage vandalism, which despoiled their property, murdered their sons, and suppressed their dearest rights wholly without cause — a crusade of oppres- sion and robbery that perpetrated the most atrocious wrongs upon an unoffending, in- nocent, and blameless people; and this belief in the great wrongs of the North, and their own unmerited suffering, is as strong to-day asitwaaten years ago, and stubbornly refuses to be reconciled except upon its own terms. BOW THE SITnATIOX IS ACCEPTED. If the mcdifying influence of time has perceptibly improved this well known temper it is diiSeult to discover the character or ex- tent of the change. In every instance where new conditions have been prescribed they have been accepted only in empty form and no farther than the force of necessity re- quired, and the best is regarded only as an unmixed evil and is pointed to as evidence of -continued Northern innovation and op- pression. The thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth amendments to the Constitution were accept- ed only in this spirit, and are endured under a standing protest and menace which holds them in utter disregard and contempt. As was said by the Mobile iie^isier, (Democratic,) in its issue of the 14lh of June last, " those amendments to the Constitution stand a re- proach to the honor and discretion of the country." But beneath this superficial recognition of right pirinciples the cherished sentiments of a lifetime of hostility to free institutions and national supremacy, and the grievances of war, lie ^undiminished, and are but awaiting the opportunity to assert themselves without compromise in the administration of the Gov- ernment. With this unconquerable spirit defiant as ever in the Southern Democracy, it is not difficult to foreshadow their inexor- able policy. Maddened by defeat, desperate of impoverishment, relentless in hostility, barren in principle, beggared in honesty, faithless in promise, and ravenous for the spoils of office, their accession to power would signal an era of national prostitution, spoliation, and revenge unexampled in the history of free governments. Traitors would succeed patriots in public places; the policy cf the Confederacy supplant the policy of the nation; and retaliation upon the North for its imagined wrongs, and payment of the South for its losses, become the controlling objects of their policy. This species of plun- der would be justified as a measure of peace, reconciliation, and justice, and the reorgan- ization of the Government under the Confed- erate theory be demanded to restore to the South the constitutional rights and liberties wrenched from her by a relentless enemy I Thus the victory of the nation in war would be turned into a triumph of treason in peace, and traitors be enabled to accom- plish within the Union what they failed to without, and reward themselves from the national treasury for the losses entailed by their defeat. And let it not be said that this picture of the impending crisis is overdrawn. The present Confederate House has given us a foretaste of a policy even more alarming and ruinous than has here been depicted, and at a time, too, when but one branch of Congress is in control of the Democracy, and it is im- possible that their wicked schemes can be immediately realized. What, then, may not ba expected when the South gets control of the Government, and intrenches itself in power as it did before the war ? A FEW IMPORTANT FACTS. Some idea of the magnitude of the pro- posed raid on the Treasury may be formed by examining a few of the proposed " meas- ures of relief" introduced in the House." The first in order is a bill presented by Mr. Scales, of North Carolina, (II. R. 3145,) enti- tled a "bill to refund certain direct taxes on land collected from citizens in the late insur- rectionarv States under the act of August 5. 1S61." The law of 1S61 levied a direct tax of $20,000,000, and apportioned the same among the several States, according to population, for payment. All of the States but those in insurrection assumed their quotas and paid them, excepting a small balance still due. The amount apportioned to the South was as follows : State>. Qaot*. UncoUeeted. Virginia $937,550 $260,396 North Carolina 576,194 173,144 South Carolina 363,570 140,869 Georgia 584,367 502,167 Florida 77,522 71,027 Alabama 529,313 529,313 Mississippi 413,084 343,137 Louisiana 385,886 75,022 Texas 355,016 197,055 Arkansas 261,886 102,983 Tennessee 669,498 66,654 Total $5,153,886 $2,661,776 When the war closed the collection of this tax South was begun, and continued until July, 1866, when Congress passed an act uspending further collection until January THE NEW CONSPIIIA. 1, 18G9. No effort has been made to collect any portion of this tax since 1866, but, not satisfied with this generous and magnani- mous forbearance on the part of the Govern- ment, it is now proposed by Mr. Scales to refund to the tax-payers the $2,492,100 collected, alleging as reasons that said taxes " were taken from a people greatly impover- ished by the war, and wholly unable to pay the same, and that the burdens of taxation may be made equal, and that all the people alike in said Stciit-.-i may be equally relieved by the a-t of su: I'cnsion." It seems not to have occurred to these selfish economists that there remains still another "inequality of hardens" iiiiposed by the crisis that de- manded this assessment that is not relieved by the bill in question. Not only did the loyal people of the North pay the bulk of tlie twenty millions assessment, but mort- gaged their property and their sacred honor for two thousand six hundred millions more, and gave the priceless lives of half a million of their bravest sons to save the Union from destruction by those who are now asking for this relief. Who will repay their taxes and repair their losses ? By what system of equity and justice are they to be indemni- fied ? THE C0TT0X-T.iX JOB. Akin to this measure is the scheme to re- fund the tax collected on raw cotton in the Gulf States during the years 1865-'G6-'G7, when the law under which it was levied was repealed. The aggregate amount of this tax, as appears by the books in the Treasury Department, is $68,072,088. For several years past a determined com- bination has been at work to secure the re- funding of this tax. At first steps were taken to test its constitutionality in the Su- preme Court of the United States, but in the decision of the case the court stood equally divided in opinion, which in effect affirmed the law. Then a raid was organized to push the scheme through Congress, and zealous Southern Representatives have vied with one another to secure this appeasing act of plunder for the gratification of their anxious constituents. HOW IT AVOULD WOHS. Ostensibly the bill (II. R. 232) proposes to "refund the tax to the parties who actually produced the cotton," but in fact it is a gigantic job of lobbyists and speculators who have managed to get nearly all of the origi- nal claims into their own hands by agreeing to pay a trifling per cent, en their face value if the bill should become » law. The im- mense Bum to be refunded and the cheap- ness of the purchased claims, with the en- couragement offered in Congress, make this the most popular scheme for the lobby ring now pending, and its final passage may be accepted as certain if the South gets posses- sion of Congress. The present plan proposes to issue bonds of the United States in sums of one hundred, five hundred, and one thousand dollars, pay- able at the Treasury of the United States to bearer at the end of thirty years from date, in gold, bearing interest at the rate of five per centum per annum, payable semi-annu- ally in gold. The annual interest on this sum would be $3,403,61!), and in thirty years would aggregate $102,108,570, thus swelling the claim, principal and accumulated inter- est, to the enormous amount of $170,180,958. This is demand No. 2, to relieve an impov- erished people, equalize the burdens of tax- ation, and make loyalty endurable i SOCTUEES CLAIMS. But there is another class of demands compared with which the foregoing might be regarded as real luxuries. These com- prise tiie rebel losses during the war. Under an act of Congress, approved March 3, 1871, the "Southern Claims Commission" was created ami empowered to "receive, ex- amine, and consider the justice and validity of such claims as should be brought to them of those citizens who remained loyal adhe- rents to the cause and the Government of the United States in States proclaimed as in in- surrection against the United States during the rebellion." It will be observed that this law confines claims exclusively co "loyal adherents," &c., signifying that the Government holds itself I'espons-iblo to i;o others for losses sustained by the war. The Southern Claims Commission has adhered strictly to this prin- ciple, as will be seen by a few of the eighty standing interrogatories propounded to all claimants : "Did you ever do anything or say any- thing against the Union cause ; and if so what did you do or say, and why ? "Were you 8,t all times during the war willing and ready to do whatever you could in aid of the Union cause ? ' ' Which side did yon take when the insur- gent States were seceding from the Union in 1S60 and 1861? "Did you adhere to the Union cause after the States had passed into rebellion or did you go with your State ? ^/^ " What were your feelings concerniil'*' the battle of Bull Run or Manassas, the capture of New Orleans, the fall of Vicksburg, and the final surrender of the Confederate forces?" The law allowed two yer.rs in which to file claims of this character, and the reports of the Commissioners show that 22.293 have been presented for allowance. Of this num- ber 9,222 have been examined, and about h.ilf thereof reported favorably to Congress, to be paid, leaving still 13,076 claims unad- justed. Tlie gross value of all claims filed is $60,258,150. As has been shown "loyalty" is a test of the validity of claims under this general act, THE NEW CONSPIRAOr. yet itha^ repeatedly occurred before the Commission that the most violent secession- ists and rebels have endeavored by wholeaale deception and perjury to prove themselves loyal and to recover on claims that, were fraudulent upon their face. False swearing doubtless has carried a few such claims suc- cessfully through, but most of them have been rejected as unworthy. Eut what becomes of the TENS OP THOUSANDS of othtu- rebel claimants who have not dared to venture before an "iron-clad" commis- sion, bat who regard themselves as equally entitled with loyal men to compensation for private property taken or destroyed by the Union armies. Before what "commission " are the^ to obtain redress ? This question they promptly answer for themselves and the country by electing a tribunal where disloyalty commands a premium rather than works a disability, A peep into the files of the House shows how thoroughly ready they are to improve their opportunity. There, among the various bills under consideration, are scores providing for the special relief of this class of claimants ; and it is siguifioant that not half a dozen even suggest " loyalty" as an excuse for the-Ir payment. The char- acter CI these claims may be judged by ex- amining the following briefs made from the face of the bills as introduced, and showing the name of the introducer, the amount and the purpose of the appropriation : By Mr. Haralson, Ala. A bill to pay the Medical College of Alabama $50,000 for loss sustained by military occupancy. By Mr. Clark, Mo, A bill to pay the Uni- versity of Missouri $17,475 for damages done by soldiers of the Union army. By Mr. Young, Tenn. A bill to pay La Grange SynodicalCollege,Tennessee, $34,300 for rent and destruction of building by Uni- ted States troops. By Mr. House, Tenu. A bill to pay Shelby Medical College at Nashville $20,604,90 for rent and for property taken from said build- ing during the war. By Mr. Tucker, Va. A bill to pay Wash- ington and Lee University (formerly Wash- ington University) $17,484 for injury done to said university in June, 1864. By Mr. Riddle, Tenn. A bill to pay Cum- berland University, Tennessee, $10,000 for property apj^ropriated by Union soldiers. By Mr. DuTiiam, Ky. A bill to pay Madi- son Female Academy $10,325 for damage done said institution by Union troops. By Mr. Bright, Tenn. A bill to pay the Presbyterian Church of Murfreesborough, Tennessee, $10,000, said church having been used as a hospital for sick and wounded Union soldiers. By Mr. House, Tenn. A bill to pay Dun- can Marr $8,024 for wood and brick taken from him at Clarksville, Tennessee. By Jlr. House, Tenn. A bill to pay An- drew J. Duncan, of Nashville, $o^,229, on account of property taken and used by Uni- ted States military forces. By Mr. House, Tenn. A bill to pay Mrs. Sarah A. Turner $12,400 for damage don depredated in small parties on the line of army communication, on safeguards left at houses, and on troops. Their real object is plunder and highway robbery. To clear the country of these parties that are bring- ing destruction on the innocent as well as their guilty supporters by their cowardly acts, you will consume and destroy all forage and subsistence, burn all barns and mills and their contents, and drive off all stock. This order must be literally executed, bearing in mind, however, that no dwellings are to be burned, and that no personal violence be offered the citizens. The ultimate result of the guerilla system of warfare is the total destruction of all private rights in the coun- try occupied by such parties. This destruc- tion may as well commence at once and the responsibility of it must rest upon the authorities at Richmond, who have acknowl- edged the legitimacy of guerilla bands." These two bills added to the above amount swell the appropriations to be made on special account alone to $2,181,497. A BIG BONANZA. But this skirmishing about the Treasury, whereby only a few thousands or millions are carried off at a time, is found to be too slow and aggravating to satisfy the demand, and while it feeds a few in the front leaves the great army of claimants starving in the rear. It is but the scent of blood to the hungry lion, and something must be done to appease his devouring appetite. In this desperate emergency the intrepid Confed- erate Riddle, of the 4th district of Tennessee, THE NEVT COKSPIKACY. ahow3 Lirflself equal to the demand and leads the clamoring army in the charge. The plan he proposes is not peacemeal or coward- ly in any sense, but a bold, comprehensive scheme, the very daring and magnitude of which challenges admiration. It means plunder by the wholesale iinder tho cover of legalizing statutes. The bill in question (H. R. 2364) is entitled "a bill directing compensation to be made for the use and occupation of all property by the United States during the late war," and specifically sets forth its objects in the lirst section, as follows : '^Be it enacted, Sj-c, That the Secretary of War be, and he is hereby, authorized to allow compensation to all citizens of the United States for tl'e use and occupation of their jiroperty by the United States army, or any l)arl thereof, during the late civil war in the same manner and under the same regulations as compensation is now allowed for quarter- mas ters' stort3 used by said army : Provided, however, That the affidavit of the claimant, supported by the competent testimony of any reputable citizen, shall be sufficient proof to establish the fact cf use and occupation of such property by said array. But it is not the intention of this act to limit tho parties to the amount of proof herein specified, but other additional testimony may be taken to establish the fact ol:" the use and occupation and tlia rental value of the property occu- pied." During four long years the immense army of the Union was marched and encamped exclnsively oa Southern territory, and the propiuty it occupied in that timo may be said to bo co-e.xtensive with the area of tlie Confederate Slates. From Washington, Cin- cinn.iti, and CJairo, pouth to tha Gulf of Mexico, scarcely a l.indlord or planter could be found who had not at some time during, the war been q-aailered on by the Union troops and sustained damages, wliich, when aggregated, would bo simply fabulous. THE HIGU C.4.RXIVAL COMPLETED. Bat bold, aggressive, and ruinous as is this scheme of plunder, it still remains for the coucIudiu;j bill to open full wide the Southern flood-gates and complete the car- nival of jobbery and robbery in the Treasury of the Nation. The bill presented by Mr. riiddK> covers the "ur^e and occupation" of n.d)el property by the Government. This bill (II. H. 55Li) proposes to "adjust and set- tle the claims of citizens of tho United States f')r sloies and supplies taken or furnished dur- iti'j the rchellion for llie use of tlxe array of tho LTuited States and for other purposes." it will bo noticed that nothing is said about «o//i/ citizens as being the ouly proper claim- ants, but all citizens, whether they were loyjil or disloyal, are to appear on ii common fo'iting and be paid without distinction. .N'or is there Jiny limit fixed to the "stores and supplies taken or furnished" short of the entire amount, whatever thst may be. It means in effect that the Goverumeiit shall pay for every head of cattle ; every bushel of corn or other grain ; every pound of meat, flour, meal, and commissary stores and quar- termaster's supplies of every kind whatever, foraged, used, or destroyed by our soldiers during the war ! THE GEAXD TOTAL. And what would be the grand aggregate of claims accruing under these wholesale raids upon tho Treasury ? A reasonable esti- mate may probably bo reached by taking tho 22,29^ sworn loyal claimants as a basis. The total amount claimed by this class, as appears in the preceding pages, is §G0,258,- 150, making the average value of each claim $3,702 40. It will not bo regarded as ex- travagant to say that the number of disloyal claimants South stand as forty to one loyal, and using the same average value of $2,702 40 per claim, as above, tho total to bo appropri- ated on account of these two bills alone would swell to the sum of $2,410,326,000. KECAPITCLATIOX. Direct tax $2,661, 77t> Special relief bills 2,1S1,497 Cotton tax , 63,072,088 Use and destruction of prop- ertv 1,205,163,000 Supplies used or destroyed ... 1,205,163,000 Total 2,483,241,301 In round numbers, an amount fqual to the national debt at the close of the war. THE WKECK OF GOVEKNME.NT. When the national resources and credit have thus been exhausted, and br.ukruptcy and dishonor have followed these multiplied bounties to traitors, then, and not until then, will the nation have paid the debt of South- ern restoration and contentment demanded by that .section and contemplated as certain under Democratic ascendency. Are loyal men prepared to give up tho warfare and surrender to the enemy after having f acrl- ficed so much of life and treasure upon the field to avert these evils, cr will they again riso in their might and forever destroy this new conspiracy while yet it is within their power ? Require the terms of Confederate surrender to bo strictly kept, without com- pensation for past treason or rev/ai'd for future loyalty, and demand that life, liberty,and per- fect political freedom be protected through- out tho South at any co-it, to the end that the faith and integrity of the nation m?.y be maintained unimpaired, its honor untarn- ished, its loyalty unreproached and unrc- proachable, and the enjoyment of peace and prosperity, assured by a loyal, enlightened, and economical government, be secured throughout our fair laud as the best inher- itance of the people and the highest attri- butes of the R" LIBRARY OF CONGRESS llllll \ LIBRARY OF CONGRESS liliiilliilillJIillliii jjjIImIiI j 013 789 608 4 i