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 OU N D A RY O F T E X AS 
 
 sp^:ech 
 
 HON. W. A.GORMAN. OF INDIANA, 
 
 IN TBE, HOUSE OF REPRESEnI'aTIVES, FRIDAY, AUGUST 30, 1850, 
 On the Texas Boundary Bill and Slavery agitation . 
 
 The House having resumed the consideration of the Sen- 
 ate bill respecting the boundary nf Texas, and of the amend- 
 ments pending thereto, 
 
 Mr. GORMAN said: 
 
 Mr. Speaker: It is on account of the geograph- 
 ical position I occupy as a Representative, in ref- 
 erence to this question now before the House, as 
 tnuch as for any other reason, that I desire to oc- 
 cupy the attention of the House for a short time. 
 I do so, sir, for the reason that I, In part, repre- 
 sent the Northwest. The Representatives of that 
 section of the Union have nearly with one mind, 
 and one heart, devoted themselves, for the last 
 €i^hroc4xine months, to settle, by some fair, just, 
 aSd honorable means, the vexed questions arising 
 out^of the slibject of African slavery, as it relates 
 •to the new Territories acquired from Mexico 
 under the late treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. I 
 have, sir, since the commencement of this session 
 of Congress, never let one day pass over, that I 
 did not urge harmony and compromise as the best 
 means of giving peace to the country, and perpe- 
 tuity to the Union of these States. 
 
 1 have been laboring, sir, for what 1 honestly 
 believed to be for the welfare of my country. 
 And, sir, if I know my own heart, I love my 
 country better than I do any party, by whatever 
 name it may be called. 
 
 The considerations involved in this bill to settle 
 the Texas boundary question, are pregnant with 
 good or evil — with peace, or with probable civil 
 war, between the General Government and one of 
 the sister States. 
 
 If prudent counsels prevail, all may yet be well. 
 If compromise, concession, and patriotism pre- 
 vail, all xoili be well. But if heated sectional strife 
 be kept up; if crimination and recrimination is 
 to be the order of the day; if a disposition to 
 wideJo^the sectional breach, is to be nursed and 
 faniwrinto a greater flame — then, indeed, "dis- 
 cord will rqjgn triumphant." 
 
 Sir, I am hap'f)y to congratulate jnj' honorable 
 friend from New York, [Mr. Brooks,] upon his i 
 noble self-sacrificing and patriotic speecli made on 
 yesterday. It v/as the outpouring of patriotism, 
 and was highly creditable to his liead and heart, i 
 He frankly told the country, that he was no Ion- I 
 ger for the Wilmot proviso — that he was a convert I 
 to the doctrine of non-intervention. The honor- 
 able gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Root] had intro- 
 duced this old firebrand of discord, the Wilmot | 
 proviso, and called for the yeas and nays; spying . 
 that he did it " to smoke out (he d')ughf'aces." 
 
 In the language of my friend from New York, ' 
 [Mr. Brooh.s,] I am one, wh) is ready no.v, and i 
 forever, " to face the music." I am one v/ho dare 
 to stand by the Constitution and the Union, un* i 
 
 awed by any vote that I may be called upon to 
 give. I will, with the greatest cheerfulness, march 
 up and "face the music," even under the com- 
 mand of this " Free-Soil" Captain, [Mr. Root.] 
 I am one wlio dare to do what I honestly believe 
 to be right, on this or any other question that may 
 come up for the action of this House. No threat 
 shall awe, oc, power deter me, from standing by 
 the Constituripp as-il; is. 
 
 The bill;«tf:*;„1«ii^J*^if^ proposes to 
 
 the State of Texas,* that if she will reduce her 
 boundaries to the line prescribed therein, that in 
 consideration thereof this Government will pay, 
 or cause to be paid to her, the sum of ten million 
 dollars. And, Mr. Speaker, I am one who has al- 
 ways believed, that since the war with Mexico, and 
 since the treaty of peace, whatever doubt there was 
 as to the validity of the Texan title to all the ter- 
 ritory east of the Rio Grande, it has been con- 
 firmed by the act of our Government; that this 
 Government has, by and through every department 
 except the Supreme Court, either directly or indi- 
 rectly, acknov;ledged the title in Texas good, to 
 all intents and purposes. I did not intend when I 
 commenced these remarks to take the time of the 
 House, in tracing the evidences of title in Texas. 
 But I will briefly review the course of events, to 
 show, that whatever we may have thought of her 
 title before the war, that since, it is not in our pow- 
 er to gainsay its validity. 
 
 The history of the annexation is briefly this; 
 Texas jfirst m.ade a proposition to be admitted into 
 the Union, but before any material action was had 
 thereon, her application was formally withdrawn. 
 The next movement for annexation was made by 
 the United States; and the resolutions of annexa- 
 tion were in fact an offer on our part to Texas; 
 and, in the language of my friend from Kentucky, 
 [Colonel Marshall,] " the United States courted 
 Texas, as an ardent lover woos his mistress." 
 Mr. Buchanan, the 28th September, 1845, says to 
 Mr. Donelson : 
 
 " Under these circumstances, I need scarcely urge you to 
 press for immediate action. The executive government of 
 Texas ought to 6c appealel to in the sirongest terms for a 
 prompt decision. Delay may remit in defeat; and yet [ can 
 feel but little apprehension that the sovereign people of 
 Texas — the conquerors of San Jacinto — who have breathed 
 the air and lisptil the accents of liherly from their infancy, 
 tvill consenl to forever abandon their free, their native land, 
 and sink to the level of fkjiettdents on the moruirchy of Great 
 Britain." 
 
 Again ; on the 3Ist March, If 
 Secretary of State is addressed l/l 
 our Minister, as follows ; 
 
 " U has been tliou.'ht be>t ty the President of the United 
 Stales (o rcstthK tiMf'.-lion on ihe j'lint reoulu ion as itraine 
 from.Jhe H'liise m R^presn-nialivo, wh ih covt<iin<. propor- 
 tions coinyleleaud ainyle, « an overture to 3Va(u,<inu which, 
 
 
 ihe Texan 
 . Donelson, 
 
73868 
 
 
 if adoptr^d by ber^ places the reunion of the two countries 
 beyond tbe possibility of defeat." \ 
 
 It will, then, be seen, that the question of Texan I 
 boundary begins to be talked of. In Mr. Ponel- j 
 son's letter of June 4, 1845, he says: 
 
 " ! look upon war as incviiable— a war dictated by the 
 Brititih minlstLT hen? for llie purpose of defi aitng annexa- 
 tion, aid intended, at altevrnts, to deprive lioih Texas and 
 the Unil<?d Slates of all claim to the country heiwetn tlie 
 Nueces and the Rio Grnndt ; ai (he lime ilie right o( Texas 
 to the protection of ilie United Slates arists under the con- ' 
 tinpeney unticifiated bv you at llit dale of your last dis- i 
 patch." 
 
 The above, and all the following correspondence , 
 will show, that both Texas and the United States j 
 looked to the Rio Grande as the boundary. In | 
 Mr. Donelson's dispatch of June 2, 1845, he: 
 says: | 
 
 " I adverted in my last dispatch to the presence of Com- ' 
 aiodore Stockton'-! h-quadroii here, and to a rumor that he 
 had sailed lo Brazos Santiago lo cnOperate with General I 
 Sherman, of the Texan militia, in defending the occupation 
 of IKe Rio Grande," &c. 
 
 Mr. Donelson, in his dispatch of same date to 
 Mr. Buchanan, says : 
 
 "This Government left for treaty arrangement llie bound- ' 
 ary quebtinn in the pro|>osition6 for a licaiy ol' definiiive 
 peace. • » • It appeared tome wiser to look for some ad- ' 
 vantage from the asisalling inov<inenl threatened by Mexico, 
 than to risk the pa.-'Mipeof such a law as Confess were dis- 
 posed to piiss, over the veto of the Presiderd, putting llie | 
 Texas force under the cumiiiaiid of the Major General, the : 
 effect of wliicli would have bet n the jinniediate expulsion j 
 of all Mexican snldlerrs Couiid on llie east hank of the Rio ' 
 Grande. If by such law ihe whole of the Texan claim, I 
 in respect to limits, could have been taken out of dispute, | 
 its pa-'sage would have hern in.'-i^led upon; bxU us there 1 
 would kaie remained all the Santi Fi region, it occurs to me ' 
 well enough thai the subject is lefi open." I 
 
 But these authorities do not stop here. Our ' 
 minister writes to Mr. Buchanan, under the same 
 date, making a solemn pledge to Texas that our 
 Government would maintain the Texan claim to 
 the Rio Grande in good faith, as follows: 
 
 " But whilst from such view.s I encouraged no ug^essive 
 movements on the pan of Texas to take forcible possession , 
 of the Rio Grande, /Aare, nevertheless, oniiltcd no oppor- ! 
 tuiiity of .^a.isfyiiig all parlies here, that the United States , 
 would, in good faith, maintain the claim, and thatl had every 
 reas<.in to believe they would do so successfully." 
 
 Again: Mr. Buchanan writes to Mr. Slidell, | 
 Commissioner to Mexico, as follows: ' 
 
 " A gr<;al portion of New Mexico being on this side of the \ 
 Kio Grande, and included within the limits already claimed 
 by Texas, ji may hereafter, should ll remain a Mexican 
 province, lieoome a j-ubji-ct of dispute," Stc. 
 
 To follow this subject still further, 1 now pro- 
 ceed to give the language of Mr. Polk, in his me?- : 
 sage of May 11, 1846, in which he says: 
 
 " .Meanwhile Texas, by the final action of our Congress, 
 nad become an integial part of our Union. The Congress 
 of Texas, by its act of Di eembcr 19, l&i6, had d. dared the 
 Rio del Norte lo lie llie buiiodary of thai Republic. Its ju- 
 ri'diclioii had been extended and exercisiil beyond the Nue- 
 ces. Till? country between that river and the Del Norle had 
 been repre.-ented in the Congress and convention of Texas, | 
 had taken pari in tlNe act of annexaliun use li, and is now 
 included in one of ottr congressional districts. Our own 
 Congress had, with great uiiaiiiinity, by the act npproveil ' 
 December 31, 184,'), recognized Ihe countr)- beyond the Nue- I 
 ees a.s uarlol our territory, by including it wiiliin our reve- ' 
 nue system ; and a r< venue otlieer, to reside within that i 
 district, has been appoinliMl by and with the advice and con- | 
 sent of the Senate. It became^liereror*-, of urgent neci-s- 
 sity to piovide for ihe rk-ienee ol Uiis portion of our country. 
 Accordingly, on tli^- 13tli nl January fast, instructions were 
 issued to il»e general in coininand lo occuiiy ihe left bank 
 of the Del Norte. This river— iiAirA it the southwestern 
 boundurti oj the Stale of Teaas — is nn exposed frontier." 
 
 Again: Mr, Polk on ilie same day, in reference 
 lo the uttack of ihe Mexican army upon the com- 
 mand of Captain Thornton, says: 
 
 •' But now, after reib ran-d menaces, Mexico has pa.'^aed 
 
 the boundary of the United States, has invaded ourterriiory, 
 and 6hed American blood upon American soil. She has 
 proclaimed that bosliliiies have conimeneed, and that the 
 two nations are al war." 
 
 This may be said to be the mere declaration of 
 the head of the Government. But upon the same 
 day the Congress of the United States declared 
 that war existed by the act of Mexico, in sending 
 her army across the Ri<i Grande, and shedding 
 American blood upon American soil, by a vote of 
 174 to 14. J I must also be steadily borne in mind 
 that the Texan Congress, in 1836, deciartd the 
 Rio Grande to be the boundary, from its mouth to 
 its source. 
 
 Again: Mr. Polk, in his message, holds the fol- 
 lowing language in regard to the title of Texas to 
 the whole of the country east of the Rio Grande: 
 
 "Nothing, thtrefore, can be more certain than that this 
 temporary government, resulting from necessity, can never 
 injnriously alfect the right which llie I'resident believes to 
 be justly asserted by Texas to llie whole terrilur)- on this 
 bide of the Rio Grande, whenever llie Mrxican claim to ii 
 shall have been extinguished by treaty. Bui this is aruhject 
 which more properly belongs to the legi^lalive than ihe ex- 
 ecutive branch of the Government. The resuli ol ihe whole 
 is, iJiat Texas had asserted a riphl lo thai part of New Mex- 
 ico east of the Rio Grande, which is believed, under the 
 acts of Congress for tlie annexation and admission of Texas 
 into tile Union as a State, and under the consiitulion and 
 laws of Texas, lo be well founded ; but this right had never 
 been reduced lo her actual possession and occupancy. The 
 General Government, possessing exclusively the war-making 
 power, had the right to take military pos-ession of this dis- 
 puted territory, and, until the title to it was perfected by a 
 treaty of peace, it was their duty to hold it, arid to establisb 
 a temporary military government over it, for the preserva- 
 tion of the conquest itself, the salety of our army, and tJie 
 security of tlie conquered inhabilanls." 
 
 I will now show what was the opinion of the 
 Mexican commissioners, even after the treaty was 
 made. These coinmissioners, in a communication 
 which they made to their Government, and which 
 was published all over Mexico, declare that: 
 
 " The intention of making the Bravo a limit, has been 
 announced by the clearest signs for Uie last twelve years; 
 and it would have lieen impossible, al the present day, to 
 change it. .*/?er the defeat of .Sun Jacinto, in ^jiril, J836, 
 that was the territory which wc sliyulatcd to evacuate, and 
 which we vccordin^ly did evacuate, ly falling liack on Mata- 
 moras. In this place was afterward stationed what was 
 called the Army of the North ; and though it is true thai 
 expeditions and incursions have been made there, even as 
 far as Bexar, we have very soon retreated, leaving the in 
 termediate space absolutely li'ee. In this state Gen. Taylor 
 found it when, in the early pan of last year, he entered there 
 by order of his (jovernment." 
 
 By these extracts it is made manifest to my mind 
 that our Government intended to pledge herself to 
 maintain the title in Texas to the whole country 
 east of the Rio Grande. It is also manitest that 
 our Government intended, that whatevxr advan- 
 tages, or whatever title wits procured byThe war, 
 and through a treaty of peace, thui.Texas should 
 have the benefit of it. In other words, Texas was 
 the principal and the United States Government 
 was the agtni, and the United States being the only 
 W)ir-niaking power and the only treaty-making 
 power, unilertook to [lerfect the Texan title. By 
 war and a treaty of peace this was done, and now 
 we are estopped from denying the title of Texas; 
 and especially are we estopped from claiming title 
 ourselves. 
 
 But the evidence <>( the validity of the Texan 
 
 title does not stop here. The resolutions passed 
 
 by the Congress of the United States annexing or 
 
 . proposing to annex Texas to this Government and 
 
 1 to admit her into this Union on an equal footing 
 
 with the original Statts, clearly shows that it wa.s 
 
 j the opinion of this Government that Texas did 
 
 own some territory norlli ofSG^ 30' north latitude. 
 
«J> 
 
 or they certainly would not have put in a clause 
 excluding slavery from all of her territory north of 
 that line. But the resolutions speak for them- 
 selves, and the language employed is so plain and 
 comprehensive, that they cannot and will not be 
 misunderstood by fair men who are not chained 
 down to a different opinion by party bonds, or so 
 crazed with fanaticism that they cannot see, or 
 will not understand. 
 
 This proposition was made by the United States 
 to Texas in good faith. It was accepted by Texas 
 in the same spirit, ft was a solemn agreement, 
 that Texas might, when she had sufficient popula- 
 tion, form four more States out of her territory, 
 which we solemnly agreed might be admitted into 
 the Union, with or without slavery, if they should 
 lie south of 36° 30' north latitude. But any State 
 that should propose to be admitted into the Union, 
 lying north of 36° 30' north latitude, it was sol- 
 emnly agreed should be a free State or States, and 
 slavery or involuntary servitude was prohibited 
 therein except for crime. But here are the annex- 
 ation resolutions: 
 
 " Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of 
 the United States of Jlmerica in Oon^rcsi assembled, Tliat 
 Congress doth consent that the territory properly included 
 within, and riglitfully belonging to, the Republic of Texas, 
 may be erected into a new State, to be called the State of 
 Texas, with a republican form of government, to be adopted 
 by the people of said Republic, by deputies in convention 
 assembled, with the consent of the existing government, in 
 order that the same may be admitted as one of the Stales of 
 this Union. 
 
 "2. ^nd be it further resolved, That the foregoing consent 
 of Congress is given upon the following conditions, and 
 with the following guarantees, to wit : First, said State to be 
 formed subject to the adjustment by this Government of all 
 questions of boundary that may arise with other govern- 
 ments ; and the constitution thereof, witti the proper evi- 
 dence of its adoption by the people of said Republic of 
 Texas, shall be transmitted to the President of the United 
 States, to be laid before Congress for its final action, on or 
 before the first day of January, one thousand eight hundred 
 and forty-six. Second: said State, when admitted into the 
 Union, after ceding to the United States all public edifices, 
 fortifications, barracks, ports and harbors, navy and navy- 
 yards, docks, magazines, arms, armaments, and all other 
 property and means pertaining to the public defence, elong- 
 ing to said Republic of Texas, shall retain all the public 
 funds, debts, taxes, and dues of every kind, which may be- 
 long to, or be due and owing said Republic ; and shall also 
 retain all the vacant and unappropriated lands lying within 
 its limits, to be applied to the payment of the debts and lia- 
 bilities of said Republic of Texas; and the residue of said 
 lands, after discharging said debts and liabilities, to be dis- 
 [>osed of as said .State may direct ; but in no event are said 
 debts and liabilities to become a charge upon the Govern- 
 ment of the United States. Third : new States of conve- 
 nient size, not exceeding four in number, in addition to said 
 State of Texas, and having sufficient population, may, here- 
 after, by the consent of said State, be formed out of the ter- 
 ritory thereof, wliich shall be entitled to admission under the 
 provisions of the Federal Constitution. .And such States as 
 may be formed out of that portion of said territory lying south 
 of 36" 30' north latitude, commonly known as the Missouri 
 compromise line, shall, be admitted into the Union wither 
 without slavery, as the people of each State asking admis- 
 sion may desire. And in such Stale or States as shall be 
 formed out of said territory north of said Missouri compro- 
 mise line, slavery or involuntary servitude (except for crime) 
 shall be prohibited." 
 
 Now, sir, if Congress did not understand that 
 they were to secure Texas a good title to some ter- 
 ritory north of 36° 30' north latitude, they could 
 not have understood the force and meaning of the 
 language used by them. It is plain, and admits of 
 no rational doubt. 
 
 It will also be seen by reference to the map which 
 accompanied the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, 
 that the line between New Mexico and Texas is 
 distinctly laid down as being the Rio Grande, from 
 its mouth to its source; and by reference, the map '] 
 is made a part thereof. This map is now to be n 
 
 I seen in the archives of the Senate; and if it provea 
 ] nothing more on this point, it proves what the 
 \ Commissioners intended should be the line, or 
 i what they supposed it really was before tlie war. 
 j And as this map is referred to, and sent with the 
 ! treaty to the Senate, it has acquired an official 
 j character, which furnishes another link in the 
 I chain of Texan title. 
 
 I Again, sir: our country went to war with Mex- 
 ico because she crossed the Rio Grande and shed 
 j American blood on American soil, as we declared, 
 j and when the territory between the Nueces and 
 Rio Grande was as much in dispute as the Upper 
 Rio Grande. 
 
 Therefore I say, that whether Texas had a com- 
 plete title before the war with Mexico to the 
 Upper Rio Grande or not, the acts of our Govern- 
 ment through each of the coordinate branches, 
 except the Supreme Court, have confirmed and 
 completed it, and we are now precluded from deny- 
 ing it. It is now too late to set up title in our- 
 selves. It is too late to oust Texas. It is too late 
 to retrace our steps. And it would be an act of 
 bad faith to Texas. It would be violating our 
 solemnly pledged faith. It would be taking ad- 
 vantage of our own acts. It would be violating 
 the compact of annexation; for if Texas owns 
 one foot of territory north of 36° 30' north lati- 
 tude, it includes every inch of soil around, and 
 above, and below " Santa Fe." If we have con- 
 fessed upon the record that Texas owns enough to 
 make a State north of 36° 30' north latitude, it 
 includes nearly every white settlement on the east 
 bank of the Rio Grande. 
 
 It must be steadily borne in mind, that this Gov- 
 ernment went to war with Mexico, in part, on ac- 
 count of the annexation of Texas. It must be 
 remembered that we annexed Texas as she was. 
 We took her for " better, or for worse." We took 
 her with her act of Congress upon the record, de- 
 claring the Rio Grande from its mouth to ita 
 source as her true boundary. We took her, be- 
 lieving she had the right to declare such boundary, 
 and believing she had the power, means, and 
 courage to maintain it as she had declared it to be. 
 We solemnly promised that we would settle all 
 questions of boundary for her. We did settle 
 those boundaries. We did secure her title; and 
 now it is too late for us to turn round and threaten 
 Texas with the army and navy, if she attempts to 
 maintain her rights ! 
 
 But sir, I do not desire to complain of President 
 Fillmore. I do not think it important to inquire 
 into the abstract question whether Mr. Fillmore 
 has a constitutional right to use force against Texas. 
 I conceive that, in the present crisis, this abstract 
 question of power need not be discussed. The 
 thing to belooked to, is the alarmingstate of things 
 now pending between Texas and the United States. 
 It is known officially, that the Governor of Texas 
 has convened the Legislature to take steps for 
 raising troops and defending her rights, or what 
 she conceives to be her just rights. And at this hour 
 the troops of Texas and the troops of the United 
 State.s are preparing for a conflict — the President 
 to hold possession, and Texas to extend her laws 
 and civil jurisdiction over her soil. And the ques- 
 tion is presented to you, what is to be done ? War 
 or peace is the question. Not a war with a foreign 
 foe, but with one of your weakest but gallant, 
 faithful, and patriotic children ! No national in- 
 sult has been given; no pressing of your seamen 
 or searching of your public vessels; no invasion of 
 
yoar soil with a hostile army, no capturing your 
 public vessels on the high seas. No, sir. Bui a 
 gallant State of this Union — one who has shed the 
 Blood of her sons on your battle-fields, one who 
 bore your flag to the mouth of your enemy's can- 
 non, one who has watered the very soil now in 
 dispute with her best blood, — it is she that the 
 conflict is to be with. It is she that asks you to 
 settle this question. It is your Chief Magistrate 
 also that calls on you to save the country from the 
 impending collision of arms. 
 
 The President of the United States has sent you 
 a message, in which he earnestly asks you to 
 settle all these elements of discord among brothers 
 of a common blood and of a common country. Sir, 
 1 thank President Fillmore for this message ot 
 peace, and for his highly patriotic recommenda- 
 tion of harmony and settlement. It was dictated, 
 I have no doubt, by a patriotic heart and in a pa- 
 triotic spirit. I honor him for his boldness, in 
 daring to do what is right, in defiance of faction, 
 and in defiance of a band of reckless and mischiev- 
 ous abolitionists and disunionists. But, sir, I 
 might do him injustice if I did not give his own 
 words. He says: 
 
 " The Legislature ot Texas has been called together by 
 the Governor, for tlie purpose, aa is understood, ormaintain- 
 lOg her claim to the territory east of the Rio Grande, and of 
 establishing over it her own jurisdiction and her own laws, 
 by force. 
 
 "These proceedings of Texa.s may well arrest the atten- 
 tion of all branches of the Government of the United States, 
 and I rejoice that they occur while the Congress i.s yet in 
 session. It i:*, I fear, far from bting impof^sible tliat, in con- 
 sequence of these proceedings of Teiai?, a crisis may be 
 brought on which shall summon Uie two Houses of Con- 
 gress— and sull more emphatically the Executive Govern- 
 ment—to an immediate readiness for the performance of 
 Oieir re^pccUve duties. 
 
 " It is exceedingly desirable that no occasion .should arise 
 tor the exercise of the iwwers thus vested in llie President 
 by the Constitution and the laws. With whatever mildness 
 those powers might be executed, or however clear the case 
 of necessity, yet consequences might nevertlit less follow, 
 of which no human sajjacity can foresee either the evils or 
 the end. 
 
 " Huving thus laid before Congress the communication of 
 his Excellency tlie Governor ol' Texas, and the answer 
 thereto, and having made such observations as J have 
 thought the occasion called f(ir respecting constitutional 
 obligaiifins which may arise, in the further progress of 
 thing-, and may devolve on ine to he performed, I hope I 
 shall not be regarded as stepping asidr from the line of mv 
 auty, notwithstanding that I am aware that the subject is 
 now before both Houses, if I express my deep and earnest 
 conviction of the importance of an immediate decision, or 
 arrangement, or settlement of the question of bound.iry b- 
 tween Texas and the 'J'erritory of New .Mexico. All con 
 Hideralions of jusuce, general expediency, and domestic 
 iranquilliiy call tor this. It seems to be, in it- charaaer and 
 by position, the first, or one of the first, of the <iuestions 
 growing out of the acquisition of California and New Mex- 
 ico, and now requiring decision. 
 
 " No government can be estnlilished for New .Mexico, 
 tiUier Stiile or Territorial, until It shall be first ascertained 
 what New Mexico is, and what are her limits and bouiid- 
 iu-ies. These cannot be fixed or known, till the line of di- 
 vision between her and Texas shall be ascertaiiird and es- 
 tabliBhed— and numeious and weighty reasons conspire, in 
 my judgment, to show that this divisional line should be 
 established by Congress, with the asseiitof tlieUovonini( iit 
 of Texas. In the first place, this seems by far the most 
 prompt mode of proceeding, by which the end can be ac- 
 complished. II judicial proceedings were resorted to, such 
 proceedings would necessarily be slow, and years would 
 pass by, in all proli^ilirhty. hefore the controversv could he 
 ended. Bo gnat a d.lay, in this ca-e, Is to b. avoided if 
 pORSible. Such delay would be every way iiiconve ii-nl, 
 and miiihl be tlie occH.:ion of disturbances and collisions. 
 F(ir the sinni reason, i wuuld, wiih the utiiinst deference to 
 tlic wiFdom of Congress, expre.-- a doubt oi' the expediency 
 of the appointment of coniini'sioiien', and of an exninina 
 tion, estimate, niul an award of indemnity to be inade by 
 tiiem. Till* would b* but a spt-ii^- .ii r',i„i'^i„\^. w hic't 
 might last a" lonpni-- a 'uit a: Ir.v 
 
 •I " So far as I am able to comprehend the cate, the general 
 
 l| facu are now all known, and Congress is as capable of de- 
 
 1 ciding on it, justly and properly now, as it protwbly would 
 
 ' be after till! report of tlie commissioners. If the riaim of 
 
 title on the part of Texas appears to Conarcss to be well 
 
 ! founded, in whole or in part, it is in the comp'-tency of 'Jon- 
 
 : gress to offer her an indemnity for the surrender of thai 
 claim. Ill a case like this, surrounded aj it is, liy many co- 
 gent considerations, all calling lor amicable ailjur-linent and 
 
 I iiiimediate settlement, the Government of the United Slates 
 would be justified, in my opinion. In allowing an iiideniDity 
 to Texas, not unrea-ssnable and extravagant, but fair, liberal, 
 
 i and awarded in a justspiiit of accommodation. 
 
 " I think no event would be li.iiled with more gratification 
 
 , by the people of the United States, than the amicable ad- 
 justment of questions of ditficulty, which have now, for a 
 long time, agitated the country, and occupied, to the ex- 
 
 , clu-ion of other subjects, the time and aUention o( Congress. 
 " Having thus freely coniinunicaled the results of my own 
 reflection, on the most advisable mode of adjustiiig the 
 boundary question, I shall, nevcrtlwless, chet-rfully ac- 
 quiesce in any other mode which the wisdom of Congress 
 may devise. 
 
 '•' ,\nd, in conclusion, I repeat my conviction, that every 
 consideration of the public interest, manifests the necessity 
 of a provision by Congress for the settlement of this bound- 
 ary question, before the present session be brought to a 
 close. The settlement of other ciuesiions, connected with 
 the same subject, within the same period, is greatly to be 
 desired ; but the adjustment of this appears, to me, to be in 
 tlie highest degree important. In the train of such an ad- 
 justment, we may well hope that there will follow a return 
 of harmony and good will, an increased attachment to the 
 Union, and the general satisfaction of the country. 
 
 '•MILL.\RD FILLMORE. 
 " Washinuton, .4iifust 6, 1850." 
 The recommendations contained in this part of 
 PresWent Fillmore's Message, I most cordially 
 approve. It is known, sir, that I differ as wide as 
 the poles with him upon almost all the other great 
 questions, heretofore in issue between the two 
 great parties of the Union. But the peace of the 
 country, the good will between all sections of that 
 country, the Constitution and the Union of the 
 
 1 States, with me, sir, are above all party and above 
 all personal considerations. 
 
 I therefore shall give my aid to carry out his 
 recommendations for peace and concord. But, 
 sir, what do I see on the Whig side of the House ? 
 Among that portion of them who follow the lead 
 of a distinguished Senator from New York, who 
 says that there is a higher law than the Consti- 
 tution, which, when it comes in conflict with tha: 
 
 , instrument, must prevail over it, — sir, 1 hear tha: 
 higher law party say they will not compromise; 
 
 , they Will not give one inch of what they believe 
 to be free soil to be made slave soil; that Texas 
 has no good title to this Territory; and that they 
 will not vote a dollar to purchase peace ot to settle 
 this question, unless they get the boundary line 
 fixed exactly to suit them. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, it is becoming more and more 
 evident every day that ihese ultra men. North and 
 South, are widening the breach and weakening the 
 bonds of this Union. Abolition FreeSoilers say 
 to us, There is no danger, no danger, no danger. 
 This was the song of the members of that grea; 
 and respectable body of christians composing the 
 Methotiist Episcopal Church of the United States. 
 They said day after day. month after month, and 
 year after year, that there was no danger, no 
 danger, no danger. Their aflfection for their reli- 
 gion was too strong; that they had too much at 
 slake; they would not venture upon so rash an 
 
 ; net. The evil that kept up this feeling in this 
 great church, was the itlentical subject of slavery, 
 
 I which now calls forth the re.^ponse of " No dan- 
 
 !l ger, no danger," from the Free-Soil Aliolitionisie. 
 
 'I They cry "N',1 danger" with a fiendish defiance. 
 But, sir, the evil day did come; and that great 
 
 ' church, that wup bound togeihcr by ten ihou- 
 
sand cords of love, was rentassunder; those cords 
 of love were snapped, and now they are twain. 
 They, sir, were bound together by hooks of steel, 
 but they kept open this sectional agitation of sla- 
 very . They kept up this same spirit of crimination 
 and recrimination, and talked and preached about 
 the evils of slavery, an evil that the Constitution 
 of the United States had expressly recognized as 
 an existing institution in the southern States, and 
 left exclusively to the control of these States, and 
 one which no act of the Church or State could 
 eradicate, if they had been ever so much disposed 
 to do so. Yet agitation went on ; and still the cry 
 was, " There is no danger, no danger." Then I 
 ask, in the name of patriotism, what great na- 
 tional good can come of this interminable excite- 
 ment and agitation, about an evil that we cannot 
 eradicate without violating the Constitution, and 
 uprooting the very foundations of society and the 
 very Government itself? 
 
 But, sir, what more do I hear from this " higher 
 law" party.' Why, sir, the honorable gentleman 
 from Pennsylvania, [Mr. Stevens,] in reply to 
 the honorable gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. 
 AsHMUN,] (who had just before addressed the 
 House in the most conservative and patriotic spirit 
 on this subject,) — in speaking of the Texas bound- 
 ary bill, he says: ♦' Pay ten millions of dollars ! 
 ' For what.' To buy peace from armed rebels ! 
 ' This evidence would certainly, prima facie, war- 
 ' rant the conclusion that the North were cowards. 
 ' But you must perceive that to be impossible, 
 ' when you remember that they are the descendants 
 ' of the men of Bunker's Hill, of Lexington, 
 ' of Bennington, of Saratoga, and of Brandy- 
 wine." 
 
 The bitter irony intended by this extract has to 
 be seen, in the manner, before it can be properly 
 appreciated. To call northern men cowards, be- 
 cause they will not rush headlong into a constant 
 crusade against their brethren of the South, is a 
 most happy illustration of the wild, impudent, and 
 arrogant fanatical spirit of Abolition disunionists. 
 Sir, I confess I am too great a coward to fan the 
 flame of discord and civil war among my own 
 countrymen, when I see the wild, reckless, fanati- 
 cal incendiary rushing recklessly over a magazine 
 of powder, with a lighted torch in his hand. I 
 confess 1 am too great a coward to stand by and 
 not rebuke the act. When war shall come, I shall 
 be found, I hope; on the side of my country. And 
 wherever the flag of the Union is, there I desire to 
 be. I want the American flag above my head and 
 that of an enemy in front. I do not want to meet 
 my brethren, my countrymen, my friends, dis- 
 playing the same stars and stripes. But I fear if 
 our folly should plunge us into civil war, that 
 about the firing of the first gun, these peculiar 
 friends of freedom tcouW be chartering a ship to go 
 la some Peace Congress or Convention in Germany ! 
 
 When, sir, our country is in danger from a for- 
 eign foe, then will be the time to test the men of 
 true courage. It is the coward who, in the hour 
 of political trial, fears to take political responsi- 
 bility. If he is then seen to " tremble, and turn 
 pale, and supplicate," for fear his constituents will 
 not appreciate his patriotism, or understand his 
 honest motives for the public welfare, that is the 
 picture of the real coward and political time-server. 
 It is to my mind no evidence of true courage to 
 hear honorable men say they will never yield one 
 inch, they will not compromise; their minds are 
 fixed , and unchangeable as the laws of the Medee 
 
 and Persians. Sir, this is not my notion of true 
 patriotism or of true courage. 
 
 But, sir, the honorable gentleman from New 
 York [Mr. Clarke] attacks the recommendation 
 of his own President — the man he helped to put 
 into the second office within the gift of the Amer- 
 ican people, and from his own State, and who, by 
 the act of Providence, is now President. He says, 
 to vote this money out of the Treasury to Texas, 
 would be " plunder," " robbery," " would be 
 robbing the Treasury," " plundering the Treas- 
 ury." The gentleman belongs, I understand, to 
 that higher-law party in New York, who spare no 
 pains to embarrass President Fillmore. They seek 
 to place him in a dilemma on this Texas boundary 
 question, hoping to destroy him. 
 
 Sir, the President asks his political friends and 
 supporters to stand by him, and settle these per- 
 plexing questions of territory and slavery. He 
 
 " I think no event would be hailed with more gratitica- 
 tion bv the people of the United States, than the amicable 
 adjustment of questions of difficulty, which have now for a 
 long time agitated the country." 
 
 He strongly urges that this Texas boundary 
 bill be settled quickly, and urges the " payment 
 to Texas of a reasonable indemnity." 
 
 But, sir, this question could be settled but for 
 the influence of the higher-law party of New York. 
 If that State would show herself united, and suffi- 
 ciently above the influence of mere political game- 
 sters, this whole question could, and would, be 
 settled in one week. 
 
 But, sir, on the other hand, we have men in the 
 South who hold the same language on the same 
 subject, only at the other extreme. They say 
 they will not give up one foot of slave soil to make 
 free soil. They say Texas owns every foot of 
 territory this side of the Rio Grande, and that 
 they will not give up one foot. They refuse to 
 cooperate with any compromise unless they get 
 what they say is their right. These men vote on 
 a call of the yeas and nays or by tellers, on these 
 questions of adju.«!tment, with the other extreme 
 men of the North— each holding precisely oppo- 
 site opinions and principles. This was explained 
 by the honorable gentleman from Mississippi, [Mr. 
 Brown,] in the same way I have stated, and that 
 is the true reason of this strange association of 
 antagonistic principles to the same end. One of 
 these iTien of the North will say, "he very 
 much admires these ultra southern men — we know 
 where to find them — they stand up for their sec- 
 tion.'^ Turn to the other side, and these southern 
 
 ultras say, I like such men as — ■ ; they are out 
 
 and out Free-soil Abolitionists. We know where 
 to find them — they stand up for their section. The 
 northern extremist expresses great contempt for 
 northern " doughfaces," who take moderate con- 
 servative ground. The southern extremist ex- 
 presses his utter contempt for any southern dough- 
 face, who may not go the whole length, with the 
 spirit of resistance to the constituted authorities of 
 the Union, in certain cases. It must be remem- 
 bered at the same time, that these two extremes 
 are, of course, both just exactly right; both are do- 
 ing just the proper and right thing. Tell eitiftr 
 of them jthat they ask too much, and they will 
 tell you that you are a doughface. Sir, 1 am 
 proud of the association in wiiich I am placed. I 
 rejoice that I can say, that " 1 know no iN'orth, no 
 South — nothing ?but the Union." 1 act with men 
 who engender no sectional jealousies, who stir up 
 
no disunion discord, who sympathize with noeec- 
 tionnl parties on national issues. Should you, sir, 
 have the timidity to hint that the union of these 
 States was in danger by the continuance of this 
 sectional strife, one of these peculiar friends of free- 
 dom will tell you there is " no danger, no danger — 
 the South dare not strike the blow." On iheother 
 hand, if you propo.se to some of the par txcellence 
 friends of southern rights and interests, to yield their ' 
 ultimatum of 36° 30' as a line to divide the free from 
 the slave States, for some other more practicable 
 plan, you are told indignantly, that you are 
 no better than the Abolitionists — that you propose 
 to accomplish the same object, but by more indi- 
 rect means. This, Mr. Speaker, is the true pic- 
 ture of these extremists of this Congress, North 
 and South. i 
 
 Mr. Speaker, I call upon the Union men of this 
 House to march up and meet these questions in a ' 
 spirit of compromise and conciliation. Sir, I hope i 
 it will be settled — we shall have no peace until it is ' 
 adjusted. These brave men, who hold such high- ' 
 sounding words of courage and defiance, will soon , 
 have to meet their constituents: in their hands I [ 
 leave them. For myself, in the language of a Sen- | 
 ator from Massachusetts, I want this vexed bound- 
 ary line settled, and marked; and I prefer to see it 
 marked with silver, rather than with blood — in , 
 yellow lines, rather than in red lines. Sir, I look 
 around me and 1 find among my own political I 
 friends from the South, in whose gallantry and 
 honorable bearing I feel a just pride, and whose 
 courtesy and kindness I have always shared, stand- 
 ing on high, patriotic, constitutional ground, yet i 
 they, sir, are becoming willing listeners to the 
 word Disunion. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, the difficulty which seems to be in 
 the way of this settlement is to be found, to some 
 extent, in the boundaries proposed in this bill. 
 Some of the northern men say they will vote for . 
 it, if the line is brought to the Paso. If this was 
 done no doubt a few more votes could be obtained 
 for the bill. Bui, on the other hand, the moment 
 such an amendment was adopted, it would lose 
 three times as many southern votes. Therefore, " 
 in my view, this change cannot be made. If you ; 
 make the Rio Grande the boundary from its mouth '' 
 to its source, as some of the southern men pro- 
 pose, it is known it would lose, in all probability, 
 every northern Whig vote. If you divide the 
 territory by the line of 36° 30' north latitude, and 
 run that line to the Rio Grande, Texas, in all prob- , 
 ability, would not accept, and thus it will be seen ^ 
 that we are surrounded by difficulties on every 
 side. Therefore, in reviewing the whole ground, it ' 
 seems to be safest to take the bill as it is. It does ' 
 not please all, nor can it be made to please all. It 
 is a compromise. It does not suit the South en- 
 tirely. It does not suit the North entirely. It , 
 was not expected that it would suit all. The ultra ' 
 men of the South can never expect that slavery 
 can go north of 36° 30' north latitude, for slavery ■. 
 has been excluded by the resolution of annexation . 
 north of that line. It is in this view of the case, , 
 clear, that the only point in dispute in which the j 
 slavery question is involved, is that portion of; 
 cojhtry lying between 36° 30' north latitude, and ' 
 what IB equal to about 33° 30" north liilitudc. This , 
 portion of the country is almost entirely occupied 
 by wild beasts and savage Indians. Nr> white 
 man has scarcely ever made his foot-prints upon •' 
 it, except on the borders of the Rio Grande. What j! 
 internal resources does it poapess, either to the 'I 
 
 agriculturist or to the Government, that should 
 give it so much importance in the eyes of the Rep- 
 resentatives in the American Congress' 
 
 Mr. Speaker, I have no sympathy with that 
 ij southern chivalry, or with that courage or patriot- 
 ' ism, that is so self-willed, so determined, that it will 
 I not yield an inch if even civil war should be the con- 
 I sequence. I frankly say to northern and southern 
 I gentlemen, that I would rather see African slavery 
 , stretched the full length and breadth of New Mex- 
 ico, than to see a ciyil war exist but for a day in 
 this my beloved country. A t'riend near me [Mr. 
 Durkee] says that there would then be a continued 
 civil war between master and servant. In such 
 a war I would appoint him commander of the Af- 
 rican battalions. But, I want to ask my souch- 
 ! em friends where has their spirit of patriotism 
 I gone? What do they mean by their ultra courser 
 ! Do they believe that Texas will maintain her po- 
 ; sition to the last extremity? Do they believe that 
 I Texas will fail to defend her limits and her bound- 
 I ary? No, sir; they firmly believe that Texai? 
 will maintain her rights to the last. They firmly 
 ' believe that the first Federal gun that is fired at 
 : Texan troops, would rouse up the indignant spirit 
 I of the whole South. They firmly believe that 
 fifty thousand southern soldiers would be under 
 arms, and marching to support Texas, in less thatj 
 three months. Do they seek the consummation 
 of ao dreadful a calamity? Do they seek to see a 
 I desolating civil war in which every gun that was 
 ' fired, would be a funeral note over the destruction 
 of this great Republic? And, I have no hesitation 
 I in saying now to this House, that every vote that 
 I is cast against this bill, is a vote, indirectly, for 
 civil war. For, sir, Texas has to back out from 
 her position, solemnly taken, or the United States, 
 or the President, has to back out, unless this bill, 
 or some other such, can be passed this session. 
 If not, a collision must inevitably follow. I 
 know something of the gallantry and courage of 
 Texan men and Texan soldiers. I know some- 
 thing of their blood. I know that where the dark- 
 est and the thickest and the bloodiest of the fight 
 rages, there Texans have always been found. It 
 must be remembered that Ohio and Michigan once 
 had a disputed boundary question. Both States 
 marched their militia to the border, determined to 
 shed their blood, or maintain their supposed bound- 
 ary. That was finally compromised. Missouri 
 and Iowa once had a disputeo question of bounda- 
 ry. The militia of their respective States was 
 called into service to support their officers and 
 maintain their jurisdiction. This question waa 
 finally settled, I believe, by the Supreme Court. 
 Each of these States did precisely what Texas 
 now proposes to do. If 1 were to-day a Texan, 
 with my present convictions in the justice of her 
 cause, though I would not encourage violence, I 
 would beg my Government to settle the question. 
 I would ask them to submit it to the Supreme 
 Court of the United States. I would ask them to 
 submit it to the arbitration of commissioners. I 
 would ask them to acknowledge the boundaries 
 that we claimed, or I would ask them to indemnify 
 me for the relinquishment of my claim to the terri- 
 tory. If all these failed, if northern fanatics and 
 .■southern extremists defeated the accomplish- 
 ment of all these plans of adjustment, I would, 
 as the last resort, "stand by my arms," firm and 
 true. And before my God, I say, if you under- 
 took to take forcible possession of the soil of my 
 State, whether it was the act of the parent Gtovem- 
 
ment or not, you should do it over my dead body, 
 or I would drive your soldiers from the field. But 
 all such dangers must be avoided; and avoided by 
 the passage of this bill. The people demand this 
 settlement — the voice of the public press demands 
 it. The peace and harmony of the country must 
 be restored. 
 
 But, Mr. Speaker, a gentleman this morning, in 
 private conversation, asked me where I got the 
 power under the Constitution to make this arrange- 
 ment with Texas To this inquiry i would an- 
 swer, that the Government is in the habit almost 
 every year of purchasing lots for custom-houses 
 and fortifications, and for every public building or 
 public work. But this question I do not intend to 
 argue. The power to settle these disputes in rela- 
 tion to boundary has been exercised so' repeatedly, 
 and appropriations from he Treasury have been 
 made for very similar objects so often, that I shall 
 not now stop to inquire into the constitutional au- 
 thority. You only propose by this bill to reduce 
 her boundaries; in consideration of which the 
 Government of the United States obligates herself 
 io pay to Texas a certain sum of money. But, 
 sir, if you do not pass this bill, what do you pro-, 
 pose to do? Do you piopose, after nine months 
 angry and excited discussion, to go home to your 
 constituents and tell them you have done nothing.' 
 That your stubborn, uncompromtsing will could 
 not be suited in the precise boundary ? Or will you 
 tell them that you preferred to keep this question 
 of sectional agitation open ? — that you preferred to 
 iel discord reign forever.' It is an easy matter, 
 Mr. Speaker, to pull down, to find fault, to com- 
 plain; but it is much more difficult in legislation to 
 build up than to destroy. Then, Mr. Speaker, if 
 the two extreme opinions in this House can, by 
 combining their discordant materials together, de- 
 stroy and defeat this bill, in the language of the 
 President, there is no telling " the evil or the end." 
 
 But 1 hear that soothing word, " there is no dan- 
 ger." Here I must adopt the language of my 
 esteemed friend from Michigan, [Mr. Buel,] in his 
 oration before the Alumni of Middlebury College, 
 Vermont, upon the occasion of their late semi- 
 centennial celebration: 
 
 " Yet we cannot ."liut our eyes to the fact that excilcmoiit 
 and ajjitation have brought us near to a dreadful extremity 
 in our affairs, and the good, the wise, the patriotic men of 
 all parties are solemnly called on to stand up and arrest the 
 ominous course of events ere we shall have passed the Ibe- 
 rus of our safety. Br not deceived. It isasyren voice wi)ich 
 tells us there is no danger. Is there no danger, when Stales 
 begin to think of forming leagues for the overthrow of the 
 Government.' No danger, when treason can be safely plot- 
 ted in the street and in our legislative halls? No danger, 
 when the American people can look complacently upon the 
 horrors of a threatening civil war that, has no end to human 
 view.-" No danger, when the wlieels of Government have 
 been almost stopped? Will there be no danger when Amer- 
 ican mothers, from real or imaginary wrongs, shall teach 
 their children to Aa/c the American Union, ami lisp famil- 
 iarly that terrible word "dissolution!" If such a future 
 must come, let us not mar the happy and glorious present 
 with its direful anticipation. Let us not hasten that period 
 when we can no longer claim protection under such words 
 as these: 'I am an American ciliaen.' Letusde?iielo hold 
 no prophetic wand which shall enable us so far to elevate 
 ourselves above the hopes and sympathies of our fellow-cit- 
 izens that we cannot rejoice with them over the present 
 greatness of our country. Let us seek for no prophet's 
 power, whi(!h shall enable us iclift the veil of the dark and 
 mysterious future, thai we may e.\pose to our own startled 
 vision the American Kepublic in fragments. For myself, I 
 will hug no internal :-pirit, which, in its fitful wandering--, 
 shall conduct me down, down, down to the grave of repub- 
 lican freedom, there to behold ihe buried aslies of my coun- 
 try. 
 
 " Who would preserve this brotherhood of States, must 
 liimself practice the spirit of brotherhood. Who would 
 
 transmit to his children the glorious legacy of his forefathers, 
 must .^wear by their blood, their .sufferings, and by the spir- 
 its of the illustrious dead, to delond it against all assaults. 
 Who would preserve the Constitution, as the grealfiaternal 
 compact which binds these Stales together, and has already 
 elevated us to the highest point of national happiness and 
 renown, must swear to stand by it in iis lerms and spirit, 
 and resist to the last that domestic fanaticism which now 
 threatens its violation and overthrow. We have thus far con- 
 quered every foieign foe, but we have now to conquer our- 
 selves — our ownfratriciilal artns. 
 
 " Let us never forget that the American Union was bom 
 by fraternity, and it must live by fiaternity, or peiisli by dis- 
 cord, civil war, and DISSOLUTION." 
 
 You cannot dissolve this Union in a month, in 
 two months, in two years, or in five; but you can 
 continue this sectional agitation and sectional strife 
 until you will have alienated the affections of the 
 North from the South— that instead of meeting 
 upon this floor as friends and brethren of a com- 
 mon country, you will meet here as enemies. This 
 sectional animosity has already gone so far as 
 nearly to destroy the cordiality and respect that 
 we should feel one for another. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, I want to see if the Whig party 
 are going to sustain their President— I want to see 
 f they are going to respect his warning voice. If 
 hev do, we imay. yet have peace. 
 - Sir, for the second time during this session of 
 Congress we have had thrust upon us by the same 
 individual, the so-called Wilmot proviso. 1 am 
 ready to meet it. The honorable gentleman from 
 "hio [Mr. Root] says that he wants the yeas and 
 lys called on his proviso, that he " may smoke 
 it the doughfaces." 
 
 ^Sir, lam ready to meet this question, either now 
 oWhereafter. I have only one desire on the subject, 
 and that is, that this wicked torch of discord shall 
 be put to rest forever. I have said before to my 
 constituents, and 1 now repeat, that the Wilmot 
 proviso was " conceived in sin and brought forth 
 in iniquity," It was offered to a bill to raise money 
 to purchase bread, and meat, and clothing and sup- 
 plies for the army in Mexico. It was intendeil, 
 also, to prevent the acquisition of territory. If it 
 had passed both the legislative branches of the 
 Government, we never could have obtained indem- 
 nity for our losses in carrying on the war; and 
 California, now, wo.uld have been a province of 
 Mexico, or an i'dfependent Republic. It would 
 have prevented «tlfe ratification of any treaty by 
 which our Government would have acquired ter- 
 ritory. If it had passed into a law, it would have 
 prolonged the war — it would have withheld the 
 soldiers' meat and bread. This is no fancy pic- 
 ture; it is plain truth universally known. Then, 
 sir, its beginning was wicked and unpatriotic. Its 
 race has been mischievous— it has spread discord 
 in its track, and its end will be infamous. 
 
 My doctrine is, to trust the people with political 
 power; and I say that the politician or public ser- 
 vant who refuses to trijst the people, is unfit and 
 unworthy to be trusted himself. The people of 
 these Territories know as well what is most condu- 
 ' civc to their welfare as does this Congress; they 
 j have the evil to bear, and not ve, if they impose it. 
 ; upon themselves. They possess quite as much 
 ffood, hard, cominon sense, as we do; they have 
 ' that kind of " horse sense,'' (if I may be allowed 
 to use a western term,) that has but few woi-ds, 
 ; but they to the point. I .say, sir, / amfor Iruslifig 
 I the people with all those political questions, and i 
 j hold no political coinmunion with any parly, or 
 1 set of m.en, who propose to wrest power from the 
 [j hands of the people, to be exercised by any legis- 
 l! lative body on earth. These peculiar champions 
 
8 
 
 of freedom set up their will as the best rule of ac- 
 tion for the people of the Territories. Your Free- 
 Soil Abolitionists are free to trust the people with 
 the power to regulate the relations between hus- 
 band and wife, parent and child, guardian and 
 ward, but they are ready to involve the whole na- 
 tion in civil war, if the people desire to be permit- 
 
 feels disposed to apply this epithet to me, with a 
 view of throwing reproach upon my integrity, the 
 heart that conceives, and the tongue that utters it, 
 is cowardly beyond the reach of redemption. And 
 let him who uses it wear this remark in his pocket; 
 until he feels disposed to resent it. But, Mr. 
 Speaker, I have sought this opportunity of placing 
 
 ted to regulnte the further domestic relation of j this matter where it deserves to be placed, and 
 master and servant. But the fact that Abolitionists I where it must rest, so far as I am concerned. I 
 refuse to trmt the people tcitli this political poicer, evi- Luag no language toward any gentleman that I am 
 dences to my mind that they have some ulterior i noH*sponsible for, and if I unjustly wound the 
 design, and are unsafe repositories of power them- ii feelings of any man, I am ever ready to make the 
 selves. I will not trust any politician who refuses || most ample apology. 
 
 to trust my constituents, or who refuses to trust 
 the welfare of any community of Americans in 
 their own hands. I say then, my motto is now 
 and forever, trust the people with the power 
 
 TO GOVERN THEMSELVES IN THEIR OWN WAY. I then 
 
 repeat to my politii'al friends, plant yourselves on 
 this is.sue, and don't let Free-Soil Abolition agita- 
 tors dodge the issue. Make them affirm or deny 
 the capacity of the people for self-government. I 
 say, sir, there is no other issue in the yhole prin- 
 ~ ciple of the Wilmot proviso, but this one. Poli- 
 ticians must either say they v'ill, or they will 
 trust the people, and my word for it, the man w 
 says he trill not trust them is a doomed man, poll 
 caily. Truth and right, and republican principle! 
 must and will prevail. And, sir, the Represen 
 live who fears that he cannot satisfy his constitue, 
 of the trinh and right, either doubts their honwy 
 or hi.<i capacity. I think I know something oflne 
 feelings and sympathies of the people. I 
 them — I am one of them — I have trusted 
 They will do right, if they know what the rigm is. 
 
 The doctrine that the people cannot be Iruslid, 
 IS the doctrine of despotism and monarchy. It was 
 adopted by the high-toned Federalists at the origin 
 of our Government, and it is at war with the great 
 principles of Democracy. 
 
 Mr. GIDDINGS. Will the. gentleman allow 
 me to inquire whether, when he speaks of trusting 
 the people, he means people of all complexions? 
 
 Mr. GORMAN. I mean white n^Rr* Thegentle- 
 man from Ohio [Mr. Root] speiiks of " dough- 
 faces.'' I SUPPOSE he doe^yiot inietwl this remark 
 to appl y to me personally. 1L\1 propose to inquire 
 
 Sir, I have reviewed briefly the ground upon 
 which this bill rests. I have shown the difficulties 
 in the way of its settlement. 
 
 In conclu.'^ion, I wish to say to my friends, 
 Democrats and Whigs, and especially gentlemen 
 from the northwestern States, We know our con- 
 stituents are not blinded by prejudice or passion — 
 we know the great stake they have in this Union 
 — we know they want these vexed questions of 
 territory and slavery settled. They love peace - 
 and concord, and, although no one section of Lliii$ 
 bill may please us fully, yet we can afford to cotrS 
 promise, in a spirit of patriotism, for the restora- 
 tion of quiet and harmony. This I believe is what 
 our people require and demand of us; and 1 am 
 deceived if they will be satisfied with less. 
 
 NOTE. 
 Since the foregoing remarks were made in the 
 House, the following letter from Governor Q,uit- 
 man, of Mississippi, has been received, and will 
 show the excited state of public feeling in the 
 South, in relation to this Texas boundary: 
 
 From thr Mj>sis£ippiau. 
 (iovernoT Q,uUmanU imsUion in regard tj the t/ireatcnin^ al- 
 tUude astumea hy the PreMcnt tou-urds Texas. 
 
 .Iacks.in, .^uji/*/ 18, 1850. 
 li Mv i>KAK Sir: Vour iioic of yp,«ter(lay, calling my alteu 
 :j tiontn till! comments of itie J'i"c*«tiirg JKAi« upon an arti- 
 l| Ucle in the Sentinel of Thiirxdav las'., was received late la.st 
 1| iiiglit. 
 
 I 1 lind iiotliiug in your iirticle to Justify the comments of 
 [ til'; ir/ii;, especially after the Miitiaippian, nf the 19ili 
 j July had defined my position upon this subject. I therefore 
 I see no reason to avail my^lf of your kind and obliging offer 
 I to deny tnal you i^pokc by authority fioin mc. Desiring no 
 ,....,....,>, vv. ...v,..,.,. 'conreaUiieni, I have no objection Ui it ittihould be known 
 what this word means. If ilsiinleiidcd to mean a *''''" ' behev.. the title of Texas lo Uie territory claimed by 
 
 S^rit 
 , tnen 
 
 person who wears a false face, tHen I understand it 
 If it is intended to mean one wlm carries a face 
 before and behind, then I untler.-«iand it. But the 
 gentleman lould not have intended, of couT*e, to 
 apply it to mc. I suppose it was a mere ad cap- 
 tandum expression. But if it is now or hereafter 
 intended to apply to me, in any offensive sense, 
 either to impugn my character as a man, or my 
 integrity as a politician, it comes from the heart of 
 a coward. Sii", I mean what I BHy. This epithet 
 has gone the lounds of the press, and in and out 
 of thi.H House. 1 understand it to be used as an 
 epithet of (lisrcpute; therefore, when any member 
 
 v^^ 
 
 heron this nidr. of llii Kio Grande to be indisputable; Ih.ii 
 (he forcible seizure o! any pan of thi« lerritoiy hy the na- 
 tional K.iceeutive would be a wanton act of despotism, which 
 should be sternly resisted by Te.\as; thai, as the evident 
 purpose of this movement i.- to convert a portion of her ter- 
 rilory to free soil, the couthcrn .States should make common 
 cause with Te.vas; and th.-vi, in the event of a collision of 
 arms, or greiit danger thereof, I would deem it my duty to 
 convene the Lesislature of this State, and recommend to 
 them the adoption of prompt and eiticient measures ici uid 
 our iiister Slate in ilie iiiaiiitenance of her clear rights against 
 t'edernl u^iurpation. Nor have I a doubt that, ia so doing, I 
 shall coiiforiii to the will of tlie i;reat masj of the people of 
 this State. 
 
 I remain, very respectfully, your friend and obedient ser 
 vant, J. A. aUITMAN. 
 
 F. C. Jongs, Esq., Blitor of tlu P'ickslmn Sentinel. 
 
 Frinted at the ('onKrexaional Ulobe Office.