■mm.' ">'' "* ^y/i"^.' ^^ -^ .^' ^oV j? Q V o « C >v .-^w/v,-. 'v.'i'^ /^i^\ -^-^ ■^- }\- L ^ *- «^ "^"^ ^ >^ t ft i i e y , h% -He-I4a ^ ^ y LIFE AND IMPRISONMENT OF JEFFERSON DAVIS, TOGETHER WITH TUB LIFE AND MILITAEY CAEEER OP STONEWALL JACKSON, FROM AUTHENTIC SOURCES. WITH PORTRAITS OF JEFF. DAVIS, STONEWALL JACKSON AND GEN. R. E. LEE. NEW YORK: M. DOOLADY, PUBLISHER, 448 BROOME STREET. 18G6. t- /p2-' h^ Enterer], acoonllng to Act of -Congress, in the year 1866, hy M. DOOLADY, lu the Clerk's Office of the United States District Court for the Soutlierii District of New York. . LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAYIS, CHAPTER I. Parentage and birth— His father a soldier in the American war of Independ- ence — Removes to Kentucky, where Jefferson Davis is born — His father again removes to Mississippi — Jefferson graduates at West Point — Enters the array— Black Hawk war — Marries and becomes a planter — Enters Congress— Distinguished in the Mexican War— Elected to the United States Senate. Samuel Dayis, the father of Jefferson Davis, was a soldier in the American War of Independence, serving as a cavah-j officer in the local forces of the State of Georgia. From Georgia he removed to Christian County, (now Todd Co.,) Kentucky, where the Confederate leader was born, June 3, 1808. Soon after the birth of his son, Samuel Davis removed to the State of Mississippi, then only a territory of the United States, where he settled near Woodville, in Wilkinson County. By a singular coincidence, the same State in which Jefferson Davis was born (Kentucky), a little more than half a year after- wards, witnessed the nativity of Abraham Lincoln. It would seeui as if even now was foreshadowed the divergence which marked the future careers of these men. Only a very few years of the childhood of each was passed in this Border State, when their 4 LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. parents, again seized with the prevalent migratory passion of the country, removed to regions not more diametrically opposed in geographical tlian in social position. Thomas Lincoln sought the wilds of free Indiana ; Samuel Davis elected to cast his destiny and that of his posterity in the slave-holding territory of Mississippi. Those anthropologists who hold man to be a natural cosmopolite, may be right in the physical aspect of the question, but socially and religiously, he is, alas, a denizen, imbibing and assimilating the ideas of his locality as he does its fruits I Let the partizan, of whatever creed, who reads these lines, here pause and contra- dict history by sending Thomas Lincoln to Mississippi and Samuel Davis to Indiana I After receiving a good academic education, Jefferson was sent to Transylvania College, Kentucky, where he remained until 1824, when he was appointed by President Monroe a cadet in the celebrated military school of the United States at West Point. He graduated with honor in 1828, at twenty years of age. He was soon after appointed brevet second lieutenant in the United States army, and at his own request, at once assigned to active service in a regiment commanded by Colonel Zachary Taylor. He continued in the United States army for seven years, and served as an infantry and staff officer in the Black Hawk war of 1831-2 with distinction. Mr. Davis's gallantry and skill were- rewarded with a commission as first lieutenant of dragoons, in which capacity he was employed in 1834 in various expeditions against the Comanches, Pawnees, and other hostile Indian tribes. After seven years of active service, Lieutenant Davis, in 1835, resigned his commission in the army. Three years before his LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. 5 resignation he had married (clandestinely) a daughter of General Zachary Taylor, afterwards President of the United States. He now retired to private life, and became a cotton planter in the State of Mississippi. For several years he only varied the monot- ony of his retirement with such legal and political studies as fitted him for the very prominent political positions he afterwards occu- pied. It was not until 1843 that he began to take an active part in public affairs. He was from the first identified with the Democratic party, and, in 1844, was chosen one of the presidential electors of Mississippi, and in that capacity he cast the vote of his constituents for Mr. Polk, who was duly elected President. In November, 1845, Mr. Davis was elected a member of the House of Representatives, where he soon proved himself an active, energetic, and able supporter of the measures of his party. He participated actively in the discussions of the session on the tariff, the Oregon question, and more particularly upon the questions connected with the prosecution of the Mexican war, and upon the constitutional principles involved in the organization of State militia when called into the service of the United States. Still imbued with the old attachment of his youth for military life, he could not resist an active participation in the Mexican war ; and being informed while in Congress, that the first regiment of Mississippi volunteers had elected hun its colonel, he promptly resigned his seat and hastened to place himself at its head. Over- taking his command at New Orleans on its way to the seat of war, he led it to reinforce the army of General Taylor on the Rio Grande. Colonel Davis took an active part in the storming of Monterey, 6 LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. September, 1846, and was one of the commissioners for arranging the terms of the capitulation of that city. In the beginning of the next year, February 23, 1847, was fouglit the fiercely con- tested battle of Buena Yista. In this engagement, he acquitted himself with great distinction. His regiment, attacked by an immensely superior force, for a long time maintained their ground wholly unsupported, while Colonel Davis himself, although severe- ly wounded, remained in the saddle until the close of the action. Of his conduct in that action it has been said that "Jefferson Davis at the head of the ' Mississippi rifles ' had ventured to do that of which there is perhaps but one other example in the mili- tary history of modern times. During the invasion of the Crimea, at the battle of Inkerman, in one of those desperate charges, there was a British officer who ventured to receive the charge of the enemy without the precaution of having his men formed in a hollow square. They were drawn up in two lines, meeting at a point like an open fan, and received the charge of the Russians at the muzzles of their guns and repelled it. Sir Colin Campbell for this feat of arms, among others, was selected as the man to retrieve the fallen fortunes of England in India, He did, how- ever, only what Jefferson Davis had previously done in Mexico, who in that trying hour, when with one last desperate effort to break the lines of the American army, the cavalry of Mexico was concentrated in one charge against the American line — then, I say, Jefferson Davis commanded his men to form in two lines ex- tended as I have shown, and receive that charge of the Mexican horse with a plunging fire from the right and left from the Missis- LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. 1 sippi rifles, which repelled, and repelled for the last time, tho charge of the hosts of Mexico."* For his extraordinary gallantry in this engagement he was de- servedly complimented by the commander-in-chief in his despatch of the 6 th of March following. The term of the mere handful that remained of the first Missis- sippi volunteers expired in July, 1847, and Mr. Davis was ordered home. He soon after received a high testimonial of the apprecia- tion of his services at Washington, in the offer by President Polk of a commission as brigadier-general of volunteers. But Mr. Davis belonged even at that period of his political career to the extreme wing of the State-rights Democracy. At the session of Congress which immediately preceded the commencement of hos- tihties, he had taken a decided stand against the power of the general government to organiz'3 and officer the militia of the States even when engaged in the service of the general govern- ment. He could not therefore consistently accept an ofiice in tha State troops at the hands of the Federal executive, and refused the offer. This incident, though trivial enough in itself, is worth noticing, as at once illustrating the personal character and politi- cal principles of the late Confederate chief. The question had been decided against him by the vote of Congress, including a * large portion of his own party, and the right of appointment was sanctioned, and on this occasion exercised by the now chief of that party. Yet such was the firmness or obstinacy of Mr. Davis, and such his estimate of the dignity and prerogatives of the sepa- rate State governments, that he rejected on this occasion the de« ^Lecture delivered February 11, 1858, Boston, by Hon. Caleb Cii»hiiigi 8 LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. cisions of both. In August, 184T, he was appointed by the gov- ernor of Mississippi to fill a vacancy in the United States Senate, and at the ensuing session of the State legislature, January 11, 1848, was unanimously elected to the same office for the residue of the term, which expired March 4th, 1851. LIFE OF JEFFEKSON DAVIS. CHAPTER II. Repudiation. While Mr. Davis, in 1849^ was filling the term of his special appointment as United States Senator from Mississippi, an old controversy was revived in regard to what is known as the Mis- sissippi Repudiation. It was begun by the publication in the " Washington Union" of a letter from Mr. Davis, in which he endeavored to prove that the accusations against his State im- puting a disregard of its honest obligations in the premises, were unfounded. To this letter a reply appeared in the money article of the London " Times," of 13th of July, 1849, followed soon after by a rejoinder from Mr. Davis. In July, 1863, the promi- nent position filled by the President of the Southern Confede- racy again occasioned the revival of the subject, which was treated at great length in a letter of the Hon. Robert J. Walker, since published in book form. The gist of the whole question may be stated thus : In 1838, the Legislature of Mississippi pledged the faith of the State to the payment of certain bonds issued by the Union Bank of Mississippi, at the same time subscribing on behalf of the State for the greater part of the stock issued. The bank failed about two years afterwards, and the Legislature, in pur- Buance of the recommendation of the Governor, declined the 1* 10 LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. payment of the bonds, mainly on the ground that the preceding Legislature, in contracting the obligation, exceeded its authority, and that the obligation was, therefore, void. The Constitution of Mississippi provides that — " No law shall be passed to raise a loan of money upon the credit of the State for the payment or redemption of any loan or debt, unless such law be proposed in the Senate or House of Kepresentatives, and be agreed to by a majority of the members of each house . . . and be referred to the succeeding Legisla- ture . . . and unless a majority of eacii branch of (such suc- ceeding) Legislature . . . shall agree to and pass such law." The law which authorized the issuance of the bonds in ques- tion, was enacted in strict compliance with the requirements of tlie Constitution, but after its passage by the second Legislature, that Legislature passed a second act which materially modified the first by making the State itself the chief stockholder in the bank, and thus converting the State into the principal debtor instead of a mere surety as the first act contemplated. This second, or supplementary act was not, in accordance with the re- quirements of the Constitution, submitted to any succeeding Legislature, and hence was void ; nor was its unconstitutionality at all cured by the declaration of that Legislature that it was constitutional. It was asserted on the other side that as Mississippi actually received the money, this constituted a ratification of the agency of the Legislature. But to this Mr. Davis replies that the X LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. 11 fetate did not receive the money, it having been all paid over to the Union Bank and disposed of by that corporation ; and to the objection that tlie State was the largest stockholder in tliat bank, his rejoinder was, that the law making the State a stock- holder was the very portion of the enactment which lacked a second legislative sanction, and was therefore void. That a great part of the money passed by way of loan into the hands of citizens of the State was true, and upon those individuals rested a clear obligation to the amount received. In reply to the objection that the constitutionality of the legislative act had been determined in favor of the creditors by the judicial tribunals created by the Constitution to decide such questions, it was an- swered tliat this was true, but tha-t the Constitution never in- tended that the judiciary should dictate to the Legislature the pa.-sage of certain laws, it being designed to create in that de- partment merely a check analogous to the executive veto upon unauthorized acts of power by the law-making body. That the Legislature, therefore, might well differ with the courts upon the constitutionality of the late act contracting the debt in ques- .tion, and could certainly refuse to impose the taxation necessary for its payment. Mr. Davis, during his present imprisonment at Fortress Monroe, in speaking to his physician, Dr. Craven, on this subject, declared that the stories in circulation that he had effected the repudiation of the Mississippi bonds were utterly false : ** There is no truth in the report," he said. " The event re- ferred to occurred before I had any connection with politics-^_ 12 LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. my first entrance into wliich was in 1843 ; nor was I at any time a disciple of the doctrine of repudiation. Nor did Mississippi ever refuse to acknowledge as a debt more than one class of jjouds— those of the Union State Bank only. " To show how absurd the accusation is/- continued Mr. Davis, " although so widely believed that no denial can affect its cur- rency, take the following facts : I left :Mississippi when a boy to go to college ; thence went to West Point ; tliencc to the army. In 1835, I resigned, settled in a very retired place in the State, and was wholly unknown, except as remembered in tlie neighbor- hood where I had been raised. At the time when the Union Bank Bonds of Mississippi were issued, sold and repudiated — as I believe, justly — because tlieir issue was in violation of the State Constitution — I endeavored to have them paid by voluntary con- tributions ; and subsequently I sent agents to England to nego- tiate for this purpose.** LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. 13 CHAPTEK III. state of parties — Mr. Davis's position — Division in the ranks of the Democratic party — Debate on the Missouri Compromise — Mr. Davis defeated in election for governor of Mississippi. It has been said, that Mr. Davis was a Deraacrat in his polit- ical principles. But in that ever-widening divergence of opinion which finally ushered in the open rupture of the party, the gen- eral term, Democracy, after a time ceased to clearly define the tone and actual positions of men and parties. At least this was the case with the great and all-absorbing question of slavery restriction. The Missouri Compromise of 1820, which proliibited the extension of slavery to any of the public territories of the United States north of 36° 30', was, like every compromise, ever adopted on that, or perhaps any other question, totally lacking in the very necessary quality of cxplicitness. While slavery was prohibited north of the line, a cautious silence is preserved in regard to the domain on the south side, and a wide margin was left for future cavil. It so happened, however, that for thirty * years every new State which applied for admission into the Union, from the south side of the line,* elected a slave constitu- tion, and no occasion arose for a conflicting construction of the Missouri Compromise during that time. Indeed, so insignificant was the extent of the public domain in that direction, that the q^uestion of the extension or non-extension of slavery thereto 14 LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. was a matter of no practical importance, and would doubtless have been yielded by the Nortb. On the other hand, so immense was the territory to the nortli- west M'holly devoted by the terms of the Missouri Compromise to free labor, that there could be no doubt, tliat wheu formed into States, it would give to the North the three-fourtlis major- ity requisite to change the constitution itself, and thus abolish slavery in the States wliere it already existed. It was this event, anticipated and feared by far-seeiug statesmen like Mr. Calhoun, whicli first turned the attention of the Southern people to the acquisition of new territory in the South-west, wherewith to pre- serve the equilibrium between the Free and Slave States. With this view, Texas was annexed. But Texas was already a Slave State, and although opposition, and most strenuous opposition,* was made to the annexation itself, no question could arise as to slavery extension. But the immense territories of Arizona and New Mexico, acquired during the Mexican war, aroused afresh the fierce controversy which had slumbered so long. Even before the end of the war Mr. Wilmot introduced his famous proviso for the prohibition of slavery throughout all that vast region. The agitation culminated before the approach- ing Presidential election of 1848, and by that time the seeds were sown of that division in the ranks of the Democratic party which wrought its dissolution ten years later. The question which had been discreetly ignored by the Missouri compromise, was forced upon the country by the very magnitude of the stake at * Many leading Abolitionists, as Mr. Jolin Quincy Adams, pronounced the acquisition of Texas a good cause for dissolution of the Union. LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. 15 issue. " The immense territory of the South-west must not, shall not be devoted to slavery," said the Abolitionists. *' We fought for and paid for these common lands as well as yourselves," said tlie South, " and insist on the right to occupy them, and carry with us all of our property of every kind, and in the exercise of this right claim the protection of Congress." " You are both wrong," said the Douglass Democrats j " Congress has not the power either to protect or prohibit slavery in the territories ; the question must be left to tlie people of the territories themselves." The Presidential election of 1848 resulted in the choice of the Whig candidate, General Zachary Taylor. General Taylor received a strong support in the South, for which he was in- debted to the fact of being a large slaveholder. Mr. Davis was better acquainted with the genuine sentiments of his father-in- law on the subject of slavery-extension, and illustrated the un- bending strength of his convictions by throwing the whole weight of his influence against his election. The first act of the new President convinced the South that interest is not always to be relied on as a test of principle. The slaveholding President hurried on, by every means in his power, the admission of California as a Free State, thus presenting to the South their first instalment of that compensating balance of power which they expected to derive from their Mexican acqui- sitions. It is necessary to hasten over the events which followed. To allay the dangerous excitement which succeeded the admission of California, Mr. Clay brought forward in 1850 his famous compromise. Occupying the middle ground, one acceptable to the bulk of the people, it was adopted by Congress, and be- 16 LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. came, — the basis of fresh disputes. In common with the De- mocracy who advocated Congressional protection in the territories, Mr. Davis promptly placed himself in opposition to the measure. The concluding remarks of one of his speeches during the Con- gress of 1850, clearly defines the position assumed at this period by his party : — " But, sir, we are called upon to receive this as a measure of compromise — as a measure in which we of the minority are to re- ceive something. A measure of compromise I I look upon it as but a modest mode of taking that the claim to which has been more boldly asserted by others ; and, that I may be under- stood upon this question, and that my position may go forth to the country in the same columns that convey the sentiments of tlie Senator from Kentucky, I here assert, that never will I take less than the Missouri Compromise line extending to the Pacific Ocean, with the specific recognition of the right to hold slaves in the territory below that line ; and that, before such territo- ries are admitted into the Union as States, slaves may be taken there from any of the United States, at the option of the owners. I can never consent to give additional power to a majority to commit further aggressions upon the minority in this Union ; and I will never consent to any proposition which will have such a tendency, without a full guarantee or counteracting measure as connected with it." The debates on the Compromise Resolutions of Mr. Clay, occurred in January, 1850. In March of the same year, Mr. LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. 17 Dayis, in a debate with Mr. Cass of Michigan, expressed his views as to the Missouri Compromise. "Mr. Cass. — I wished to ask tlie honorable Senator from Mississippi if he could vote for the Missouri Compromise ?" " Mr. Davis. — I will answer the Senator from Michigan with great pleasure. I have stated on several occasions that I would take the Missouri Compromise. This I have said deliberately and decidedly on several occasions, and explained at some length in a recent speech on the resolutions of the Senator from Ken- tucky. I have stated that I considered it an ultimatum, less than I believed to be the rights of the South, but which I would now accept, to stop the agitation which now disturbs and en- dangers the Union." *' Mr. Cass. — As I had a conversation with the Senator on this subject in the morning, I supposed he understood the pre cise object I had in view. As this, however, appears not to be the case, I will ask him if he would accept the Missouri Compro- mise as it was reported by the statute providing for the admis- sion of Missouri into the Union." " Mr. Davis. — I understood the Senator, in a conversation this morning, to make that inquiry. I then told him I would not. I now answer before the Senate, No. To meet this inquiry, I wait- ed in the Senate chamber expecting that he would, at the expi- ration of the morning hour, address the Senate ; but as he did not, I left here to answer the summons to see a sick friend. I returned in a few minutes, as I was informed, after the Senator from Michigan commenced his address, and learned that he had signified a wish to ask me a question. It seemed to me proper 18 LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. to remind him, at the close of his remarks, of the wish lie Iiad annomiced. I now answer his question in its modified form. I would not take the terms of the Missouri act, but would accept its spirit if presented in terms expressible to this case. When I spoke of the Missouri Compromise, I spoke of it as an arrange- ment by which the territory was divided between the slave- Iiolding and the non-slaveholding interests ; I spoke in reference to the result — the intent of that compromise — which gave to each a portion. I have always been ready to rebuke that mean spirit that would evade its true meaning by a delusive adherence to its words. " I would not take the Compromise in the terms by which it was applied to the remaining part of the territory acquired un- der the name of Louisiana. I would not take it as applied to Texas, when that state was admitted into the Union, because the circmustances of both were different from those of the Mexi- can territory ; but I would take it if more applicable to the existing case, and extended to the Pacific. I considered that when the Senate had yesterday voted to receive petitions and to refer them to committees to consider upon the power of this government over slavery in the territories, over slavery in the District of Columbia, and over the future admission of slave states, we had taken one great step in advance, and one which should awaken the apprehension of the South ; and when in close connection with this action of the Senate, followed the re- mark of the honorable Senator from Michigan, that the Missouri Compromise could not be extended to the recent acquisitions from Mexico, I looked upon it as a conjunction in our political LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. 19 firmament, which boded one of those likely to be destroyed by the joint attraction of these planets. It was therefore that I spoke of the declaration as a thing to be noted — marked as the foreshadow of an event. If we are not to have non-intervention, the right to go into these territories and there claim whatever may be decided to be ours by tlie decree of nature — if we are to be debarred from acquiring by emigration, by enterprise, by ad- venture, by toil and labor equally with others from the common domain of the Union — if we are to be forbidden to use the com- mons belonging to the common field, of which we are joint own- ers — ^if, in addition to all this, we are told that no division can be made — that all of that of which we own in common must finally become the exclusive property of the other partners — in truth, sir, we are rapidly approaching that state of things con- templated by the Senator from South Carolina (Mr. Calhoun,) when, without an amendment of the constitution, the rights of the minority will be held at the mercy of the majority. Give us our rights under the Constitution — the Constitution fairly con- strued — and we are content to take our chance, as our fathers did, for the maintenance of position and the Union. We are content to hold on to the old compact and, as we believe in the merits of our own institutions, we are willing to trust to time and fair opportunity for the working out of our own salvation. If we are to be excluded by Congressional Legislation from joint pos- session on the one hand, and denied every compromise which, by division, would give us a share, on the other— neither permitted to an equality of possession as a right, nor a divided occupation as a settlement, between proprietors — I ask what is the hope 20 LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. which remains to those who are already in a minority in this confederacy ? What do we gain by having a written constitu- tion, if sectional pride or sectional hate can hurt it, or passion, or interest, or caprice may dictate ? What do we gain by hav- ing a government based upon this written constitution, if, in truth, the rights of the minority are held in abeyance to the will of a majority." The Compromise was eflfected. The South yielding to the urgent appeals made to her in behalf of the Union, and influ- enced by the conspicuous talents of another of the Senators, Mr. Clay, gave her reluctant consent to the measure. In the various State elections of 1850, for Governors, Congressmen, &c., the question was put to the people whether they were ready to secede from the Union upon the failure to procure Congres- sional protection for slavery in the territories. In every State except South Carolina the decision was in the negative. In Mississippi the question came up in the elections for Governor, Mr. Davis being the secession, and Henry S. Foote the Union candidate. Mr. Davis was rejected, but his opponent was elect- ed by a majority of a little over nine hundred votes. It is cited as an instance of the personal popularity of Mr. Davis in his own State, that while he was defeated by fewer than a thousand votes, the majority in favor of the Union Convention two months before was seven thousand. The South, in accepting the Compromise of Mr. Clay, declared that it was the last concession they could make to the North, and that they would resist any further aggression on their rights, eveu to the extremity of the dissolution of the Union. But LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. 21 this declaration was derided in the North, and the anti-slavery sentiment became bolder with success, as had been predicted by Mr. Calhoun, Mr. Davis, and the other opponents of compromise, and now aspired to the complete overthrow of the peculiar in- stitution that had distinguished the people of the South from those of the North. 22 LIFE OF JEFFERSON DA^^8. CHAPTER IV. Mr. Pierce's Administration— Mr. Davis is made Secretary of "War — ^Kansas- Nebraska Struggle — Lecompton Constitution — Dred Scott — Secession re- solved upon — Mr. Lincoln Elected — Secession — Mr. Davis's Adieu to the Senate. In the meantime, Mr. Davis contiimed to occupy the position of United States Senator. On the elevation of Mr. Pierce to the Presidency, in 1852, he was made a member of the Cabinet "m the capacity of Secretary of War — a post for which his pecu- liarly administrative talents well fitted him. Many measures of importance were introduced by him into his department. Among these were, the revision of the army regu- lations for the better observance of discipline ; the increase of the medical corps ; the introduction of camels ; the introduction of the light infantry or rifled system of tactics ; rifled muskets and the minie ball ; the increase of the army, and the explora- tion of the western frontier. Closely occupied during Mr. Pierce's administration in the routine of office, Mr. Davis is not particularly identified with any of the political events which occurred from 1852 to 1856. Never- tlieless, in order to preserve somewhat the connectedness of the previous and subsequent events of Mr. Davis's career, it is essen- tial to devote a passing notice to that great struggle for terri- LIFE OF JEFFERSOJT DAVIS. 23 torial dominion wliicli seemed even more than the events of 1850 to threaten a great catastrophe. In 1860, the question was npon the extension of slavery to the south of 36^^ 30'. The contest which succeeded related to terri- tory north of that line. In 1853, a bill was introduced for the organization of Kansas into a territorial government preparatory to admission into the Union. Kansas lies north of the latitude of 36^ 30', and conse- quently was not included in the terms of the last compromise, but was comprehended by the Missouri Compromise. The Commit- tee on Territories in the Senate reported the bill for the organ- ization of the territory, and this bill declared that the Missouri Compromise was superseded by the compromise measures of 1850. It held that the Missouri Compromise act being *' inconsistent with the principles of non-intervention by Congress with slavery in the States and Territories, as recognized by the legislation of 1850, commonly called the Compromise Measures, is hereby de- clared inoperative and void; it being the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof per- fectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States.'' After a lengthened contest, the resolutions were carried, the Mis- souri restriction repealed, and all the territories thrown open to the competition of slavery and freedom. Now came the struggle for Kansas. Thr North, enraged at the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, made desperate efforts by means of Emigrant So- cieties, by violent appeals from her pulpits, by incendiary har- 24 LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS, angues at public assemblies, by fierce appeals through the press to stimulate emigration to Kansas and secure her organization as a Free State. A convention was held at Lecorapton, and a form of consti- tution adopted. With this constitution Kansas proceeded to apply for admission into the Union; but the constitution contain- ing a clause establishing slavery in the State, the application was rejected upon the ground of alleged illegality in the proceedings. It was declared that the Constitution had not been submitted to the people for their approval, and hence did not represent the true sentiments of the community. The constitution, as a whole, it is true, had not been submitted, but the convention, however, had taken care to submit to the popular vote for ratification or rejection the clause respecting slavery. It was also asserted that even this clause had not been submitted to the entire people of the State, some thirteen counties out of the forty-four not having registered their votes, and hence were not represented in the popular result. But it was shown that of these thirteen counties, four had refused to register their votes or to take any action on the subject, being principally settled by free-state men, who refused to recognize all legal authority in the State ; and that the neglect in the remaining nine occurred on account of their being so thinly settled, as shown in the later election held by the abolition convention, when they polled but ninety votes ; hence it was claimed that the opposition of the people of these counties to the measure could not have effected the result. But the application for admission was rejected, principally on account of the opposition of Mr. Douglas, who, startled at the intense LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. 26 unpopularity which his efforts for the repeal of the Missouri Compromise had created for him in the North, was endeavoring to recover lost ground in tliat section, by measures that he sup- posed would conciliate the prejudices of the North. A large number of Democrats sided with Mr. Douglas, and the party became hopelessly divided into what were called the "Lecomp- ton " and the " Anti-Lecompt(f)n" factions Meanwhile, the Free- State men met in convention at Topeka, framed a constitution, submitted it for popular approval, none but Free- State men appearing at the polls ; and, declaring this instrument to have received the sanction of the people, they presented themselves at the door of Congress, claiming admission. A long, bitter struggle ensued ; and in this Kansas controversy we see the im- mediate forerunner of the intestine war between the two sectioua of the Union. About this time the famous Dred Scott decision by tho Supreme Court was obtained, which established the proposition that the Legislature of a Territory had no authority to exclude slavery from its limits. Tliis decision aroused the North anew ; and the ultra wing of the Democratic party accepting it as a cardinal principle, while the Douglas division of the party maintained the theory of the right of the people of a territory to retain or exclude slavery at their option, without the intervention of the general government, the split in the party became radical and permanent. Mr. Davis was, meanwhile (1857 ), re-elected to the Senate. He entered zealously into the exciting Kansas struggle, identifying himself as usual with the extreme constitutional wing of his party. 2 26 LIFE OF JEFFERSON DA.VI3. The organizatioa of the Repubhcan party, their nomination in the presidential election of 1860 of a distinctively sectional candi- date on a distinctively sectional and anti-slavery platform, was, in the judgment of Mr. Davis, in the event of its success, sufficient cause for the withdrawal of the South from a union with a people who were determined to disregard the obligations and to overrule the Hmitations imposed by the compact on which that "Union was based. Mr. Davis energetically advocated the right, and asserted, under such a contingency, the necessity of the dissolution. In the Democratic nominating convention in Mississippi, July 5, 1859, Mr. Davis said that — " The success of such a party would, indeed, produce an * irre- pressible conflict.' To you would be presented the question, Will you allow the constitutional Union to be changed into the despot- ism of a majority ? Will you become the subjects of a hostile government ? Or will you, outside of the Union, assert the equality, the liberty and sovereignty to which you were born ? For myself, I say — as I said on a former occasion — in the con- tingency of the election of a President on the platform of Mr. Seward's Rochester speech, let the Union be dissolved. Let the great, but not the greatest, evil come ; for — as did the great and good Calhoun, from whom is drawn that expression of value — I love and venerate the union of these States, but I love liberty and Mississippi more." At the last session of Congress, in February, 1860, Mr. Davis introduced a series of resolutions into the Senate, embodying the LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. 27 principles of the constitutional pro-slavery party, as set forth in the Dred Scott decision. They propounded the sovereignty of the separate States ; asserted that negro slavery formed an essen- tial part of the political institutions of various members of the Union ; that the union of the States rested on equality of rights ; that it was the duty of Congress to provide for the protection of slave property in the territories ; and that the inhabitants of a territory, when forming a State constitution, and not before, may provide for the continuance or abolition of slavery. At the Democratic presidential convention at Charleston, in the opening of the same year, Mr. Davis's Senate Resolutions were brought up and offered for acceptance as the official assertion of the principles of the party. But the Douglas Democrats were in great force at the convention, and determined not only on the nomination of their favorite as the presidential candidate, but on the official incorporation into the platform of the party of that distinctive principle in reference to slavery in the territories first promulgated by Mr. Douglas, and commonly described as " Squat- ter Sovereignty." But, after a session of three weeks, the conven- tion broke up, unable to agree either upon a platform or a candidate, and adjourned to meet at Baltimore in June. The re-assembhng of the convention resulted in a final and embittered separation of opposing delegations. The Southern representatives were deter- mined to accept no less than an enunciation of principles correspond- ing with Mr. Davis's Senate Resolutions, and the IN'orthern dele- gation, already yielding to the force of fanatical opinions in the North, equally resolute upon the nomination of Mr. Douglas and the acceptance of his peculiar views, separate conventions were 28 LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVI3. held by the two fragments, and two separate candidates, Mr. Douglas and Mr. Breckenridge, were put in nomination against Mr. Lincoln, whose election as President was the result. During the canvass, the North had been distinctly warned by the conservative parties, that the election of Lincoln by a strictly sectional vote, would be taken as a declaration of war against the South. The election of a President on strictly geographical grounds, an avowed hostility to an entire section of the country, with the confessed purpose of admitting the government in the interest and in accordance with the views of a majority in utter disregard of the constitutional rights of the minority, were con- sidered and asserted to be sufficient grounds for the withdrawal of the aggrieved States from the copartnership. Hence, when the result became known, the South did not hesitate. South Carolina took the lead, and in convention on the 18th of December, for- mally announced her connection with the States of the Union terminated and dissolved. On the 9th of January, 1861, the State of Mississippi followed the example of the " Palmetto State;" Alabama and Florida on the 11th of the same month, Georgia on the 20th, Louisiana on the 26th, and Texas on the 1st of Feb- ruary, successively withdrew ; and, solemnly declaring their connec- tion with the states under the former compact of union annulled and terminated. Secession was a completed fact — and for more tlian four years these States in conjunction with North Carolina, Yirghiia, Tennessee and Arkansas, maintained their separate and seceded condition ; how eventually conquered by the armies of the North, all the world knows. In a few days after the withdrawal of Mississippi from the Union, LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. 29 January 11th, Mr. Davis announced the secession of the State which he represented, and took a formal leave of the Senate. He preceded his withdrawal with an address, through which runs a vein of dignified moderation, not unmixed with a subdued sadness. He said : — " I rise, Mr. President, for the purpose of announcing to the Senate that I have satisfactory evidence that the State of Miss- issippi, by a solemn ordinance of her people in convention assem- bled, has declared her separation from the United States. Under these circumstances, of course, my functions are termina- ted here. It has seemed to me proper, however, that I should appear in the Senate to announce the fact to my associates, and I will say but very little more. The occasion does not invite me to go into argument ; and my physical condition would not per- mit me to do so if it were otherwise ; and yet it seems to become me to say something on the part of the State I here represent, on an occasion so solemn as this. " It is known to Senators who have served with me here, that I have for many years advocated, as an essential attribute of State sovereignty, the right of a State to secede from the Union. Therefore, if I had not believed there was justifiable cause ; if I * had thought that Mississippi was acting without sufificient provo- cation, or without an existing necessity, I should still, under my theory of the Government, because of my allegiance to the State of which I am a citizen, have been bound by her action. I, however, may be permitted to say that I do think that she has justifiable cause, and I approve of her act. I conferred with her 30 LI1?B OP JEFFERSON DAVIS. people before that act was taken, counselled them then that if the state of things which they apprehended, should exist when the Convention met, they should take the action which they have now adopted. " I hope none who hear me will confound this expression of mine with the advocacy of the right of a State to remain in the Union, and to disregard its constitutional obligations by tlie nullification of the law. Such is not my theory. Nullification and secession, so often confounded, are indeed antagonistic prin- ciples. Nullification is a remedy which it is sought to apply within the Union, and against the agent of the States. It is only to be jUvStified when the agent has violated his constitu- tional obligation, and a State, assuming to judge for itself, denies the right of the agent thus to act, and appeals to the other States of the Union for a decision ; but when the States themselves, and when the people of the States, have so acted as to convince us that they will not regard our constitutional rights, then, and then for the first time, arises the doctrine of secession in its prac- tical application. "A great man who now reposes with his fathers, and wiio has been often arraigned for a want of fealty to the Union, advocated the doctrine of nullification, because it preserved the Union. It was because of his deep-seated attachment to the Union, his determination to find some remedy for existing ills short of a severance of the ties which bound South Carolina to the other states, that Mr. Calhoun advocated the doctrine of nullification, which he proclaimed to be peaceful, to be within the limits of State power — not to disturb the Union, but only to LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. 31: be a means of bringing the agent before the tribunal of the States for their judgment. " Secession belongs to a different class of remedies. It is to be justified upon the basis that the States are sovereign. There was a time when none denied it. I hope the time may come again, when a better comprehension of the theory of our Govern- ment, and the inalienable rights of the people of the States, will prevent any one from denying that each State is a sovereign, and thus may reclaim the grants which it has made to any agent whomsoever. " I therefore say I concur in the action of the people of Miss- issippi, believing it to be necessary and proper, and should have been bound by their action, if my belief had been otherwise ; and this brings me to the important point which I wish on this last occasion to present to the Senate. It is by this confound- ing of nullification and secession that the name of a great man, whose ashes now mingle with his mother earth, has been invoked to justify coercion against a seceded State. The phrase * to exe- cute the laws,^ was an expression which General Jackson applied to the case of a State refusing to obey the laws, while yet a mem- ber of the Union. That is not the case which is now presented. The laws are to be executed over the United States, and upon the people of the United States. They have no relation to any foreign country. It is a perversion of terms, at least it is a great misapprehension of the case, which cites that expression for application to a State which has withdrawn from the Union. You may make war on a foreign State. If it be the purpose of gentlemen, they may make war against a State which has with- 82 LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. drawn from the Union ; but there are no laws of the United States to be executed within the limits of a seceded State. A State finding herself in the condition in which Mississippi has judged she is, in which her safety requires that she should provide for the maintenance of her rights out of the Union, surrenders all the benefits, (and they are known to be many), deprives herself of the advantages (they are known to be great), severs all the ties of affection (and they are close and enduring), which have bound her to the Union ; and, thus divesting herself of every benefit, taking upon herself every burden, she claims to be ex- empt from any power to execute the laws of the United States within her limits. " I well remember an occasion when Massachusetts was ar- raigned before the bar of the Senate, and when then the doctrine of coercion was rife, and to be applied against her, because of the rescue of a fugitive slave in Boston. My opinion then was the same that it is now. [Not in a spirit of egotism, but to show that I am not influenced in my own opinion because the case is my own, I refer to that time and that occasion as containing the opinion which I then entertained, and on which my present conduct is based. I then said, if Massachusetts, following her through a stated line of conduct, chooses to take the last step which separates her from the Union, it is her right to go, and I will neither vote one dollar nor one man to coerce her back ; but will say to her, God speed, in memory of the kind associa- tions which once existed between her and the other States. " It has been a conviction of pressing necessity, it has been a belief that we are to be deprived in the Union of the rights which LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. 38 our fathers bequeathed to us, which has brought Mississippi into her present decision. She has heard proclaimed the theory tliat all men are created free and equal, and this made the basis of an attack upon her social institutions ; and the sacred Declaration of Independence has been invoked to maintain the position of the equality of the races. That Declaration of Independence is to be construed by the circumstance and purposes for which it was made. The communities were declarmg their independence ; the people of those communities were asserting that no man was born — to use the language of Mr. Jefferson — booted and spurred to ride over the rest of mankind ; that men were created equal — mean- ing the men of the political community ; and that there was no divine right to rule ; that no man inherited the right to govern ; that there were no classes by which power and place descended to families, but that all stations were equally within the grasp of each member of the body politic. These were the great principles they announced ; these were the purposes for which they made their declaration ; these were the ends to which their enunciation was directed. They have no reference to the slave ; else, how happened it that among the items of arraignment made against George III. was, that he endeavored to do just what the North has been endeavoring of late to do — to stir up insurrection among our slaves ? Had the Declaration announced that the negroes were free and equal, how was the Prince to be arraigned for stirring up insurrection among them ? And how was this to be enumera- ted among the high crimes which caused the colonies to sever their connection with the mother country ? When our Constitu- tion was formed, the same idea was rendered more palpable ; for 2* 34 LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. there we find provision made for that very class of persons as pro- perty : they were not put upon the footing of equahty with white men — not even upon that of paupers and convicts ; but, so far as representation was concerned, were discriminated against as a lower caste, only to be represented in the numerical proportion of three-fifths. " Then, Senators, we recur to the compact which binds us to- gether — we recur to the principles upon which our Government was founded ; and when you deny them, and when you deny to us the right to withdraw from a Government which, thus pervert- ed, threatens to be destructive of our rights, we but tread in the path of our fathers when we proclaim our independence, and take the hazard. This is done, not in hostility to others, not to injure any section of the country, not even for own pecuniary benefit, but from the high and solemn motive of defending and protecting the rights we inherited, and which it is our sacred duty to trana- mit unshorn to our children. " I find in myself, perhaps, a type of the general feeling of my constituents towards yours. I am sure I feel no hostility to you, Senators from the North. I am sure there is not one of you, whatever sharp discussion there may have been between us, to whom I cannot now say, in the presence of my God, I wish you well ; and such, I am sure, is the feehng of the people whom I represent towards those whom you represent. I therefore feel that I but express their desire when I say I hope, and they hope, for peaceful relations with you, though we must part. They may be mutually beneficial to us in the future, as they have been in the past, if you so will it. The reverse may bring disaster on LIFE OF JEFFEKSON DAVIS. 35 every portion of the country ; and if you will have it thus, we will invoke the God of our fathers, who delivered them from the power of the lion, to protect us from the ravages of the bear ; and thus, putting our trust in God, and in our own firm hearts and strong arms, we will vindicate the right as best we may. " In the course of my service here, associated at different times with a great variety of senators, I see now around me some with whom I have served long. There may have been points of colhsion ; but whatever of offense there has been to me, I leave here : I carry with me no hostile remembrance. Whatever offense I have given which has not been redressed, or for which satisfaction has not been demanded, I have, Senators, in this hour of our parting, to offer you my apology for any pam which, in heat of discussion, I have inflicted. I go hence unencumbered of the remembrance of any injury received, and having discharged the duty of makmg the only reparation in my power for any injury offered. '' Mr. President and Senators, having made the announcement which the occasion seemed to me to requke, it only remains for me to bid you a final adieu." 36 LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. CHAPTER V. Confederate Congress at Montgomery — Inauguration of Mr. Davis as Provis- ional President — Commissioners to Europe — Fort Sumter — Mr. Lincoln's call — Confederate Finances — ^Mr. Davis at Bull Run — Mr. Davis re-elected for six years — ^Mason and Slidell. Three weeks after Mr. Davis's withdrawal from Congress, on the 4th of February, 1861, the delegates to the Confederate Con- gress assembled at Montgomery, Alabama. Their first act was the formation of a provisional constitution to continue in operation for one year. Under this constitution, Mr. Davis was elected President, and Alexander H. Stevens of Georgia, was elected Vice-President. The inauguration took place on the 18th of February. The new government being organized, and provision made for collecting revenue and the formation of an army of 100,000 men, its attention was next directed to anticipated foreign relations. Early in the month of March, commissioners were sent to the leading powers of Europe and to Washington. The commissioners to Washington were refused all official inter- course by Mr. Seward, yet they held an informal communication with the Secretary through John A. Campbell, one of the justices of the Supreme Court of the United States. The burden of this iiTegular correspondence between the Confederate commissioners LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. 37 and Mr, Seward related to the affair of Fort Sumter, which was one of the two Federal strongholds which the Southerners failed to peacefully occupy. The commissioners demanded its surrender, which was refused ; but President Lincoln gave an assurance that he would give notice of his intention should he determine to pro- vision the fort. lie gave the notice accordingly, and the attempt to supply the garrison was the immediate occasion of the attack which followed. Fort Sumter was bombarded on the 12th of April, 1861. It was the first act of the war. In his message of April 29, Mr. Davis, after mentioning the fact of the refusal by Mr. Lincoln to grant an audience to the Confederate Commissioners, proceeds thus : — " During the interval, the Commissioners had consented to waive all questions of form, with the firm resolve to avoid war, if possible. They went so far even as to hold, during that long period, un- official intercourse through an intermediary, whose high position and character inspired the hope of success, and through whom constant assurances were received from the Government of the United States of its peaceful intentions — of its determination to evacuate Fort Sumter ; and, further, that no measure would be introduced changing the existing status prejudical to the Confede- rate States ; that in the event of any change in regard to Fort Pickens, notice would be given to the Commissioners. " The crooked paths of diplomacy can scarcely farnish an ex- ample so wanting in courtesy, in candor, in directness, as was the course of the United States Government towards our Commission- ers in Washington. For proof of this, I refer to the annexed 38 LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. documents, taken in connection with further facts, which I now proceed to relate : — " Early in April, the attention of the whole country was attract- ed to extraordinary preparations for an extensive military and naval expedition in New York and other Northern ports. These preparations commenced in secrecy, for an expedition whose desti- nation was concealed, and only became known when nearly com- pleted ; and on the 5th, 6th and 7th of April, transports and vessels of war with troops, munitions, and military supplies, sailed from Northern ports, bound southward. " Alarmed by so extraordinary a demonstration, the Commis- sioners requested the delivery of an answer to their official com- munication of the 12th of March; and the reply dated on the 15 th of the previous month, from which it appears that during the whole interval, whilst the Commissioners were receiving assur- ances calculated to inspire hope of the success of their mission, the Secretary of State and the President of the United States had already determined to hold no intercourse with them whatever j to refuse even to listen to any proposals they had to make, and had profited by the delay created by their own assurances, in order to prepare secretly the means for effective hostile opera- tions. " That these assurances were given has been virtually confessed by the Government of the United States, by its act of sending a messenger to Charleston to give notice of its purpose to use force if opposed in its intention of supplying Fort Sumter. " No more striking proof of the absence of good faith in the conduct of the Government of the United States towards the I LIFE OF JEFFEESON DAVIS. 39 Confederacy can be required, than is contained in the circum- stances which accompanied this notice. " According to the usual course of navigation, the vessels com- posing the expedition, and designed for the relief of Fort Sumter, might be looked for in Charleston harbor on the 9th of April. Yet our Commissioners in Washington were detained under assur- ances that notice should be given of any miUtary movement. The notice was not addressed to them, but a messenger was sent to Charleston to give notice to the Governor of South Carolina, and the notice was so given at a late hour on the 8th of April, the eve of the very day on which the fleet might be expected to arrive. " That this manoeuvre failed in its purpose, was not the fault of those who controlled it. A heavy tempest delayed the arrival of the expedition, and gave time to the commander of our forces at Charleston to ask and receive instructions of the Government. Even then, under all the provocation incident to the contemptuous refusal to Usten to our Commissioners, and the treacherous course of the Government of the United States, I was sincerely anxious to avoid the effusion of blood, and dh-ected a proposal to be made to the commander of Fort Sumter, who had avowed himself to be nearly out of provisions, that we would abstain from directing our fire at Fort Sumter if he would promise not to open fire on our forces unless first attacked. This proposal was refused. The con- clusion was, that the design of the United States was to place the besieging force at Charleston between the simultaneous fire of the fleet and fort. The fort should, of course, be at once reduced. This order was executed by General Beauregard with skill and success." 40 LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. Three days after the bombardment of Sumter, Mr. Lincohi issued his memorable call for seventy-five tliousand troops, and in a few weeks more all the Border States save Kentucky, Mis- souri and Maryland had passed ordinances of secession. Meantime, on the 17 th of April, 4i proclamation was issued by Mr. Davis offermg letters of marque to all persons who might desire to engage in privateering. Yolunteering, too, proceeded rapidly and with enthusiasm. The military force now in the field was 35,000 men. Of this number about 19,000 were at Charleston, Pensacola and Mobile. The remainder were on the route to Virginia. The plan of the war was controlled and decided by circum- stances. It would have been absurd for an agricultural people to enter upon a war of invasion within three months after their organization as a nation, and that, too, against a commercial and manufacturing people, greatly superior in numbers and wealth. Peace or defensive warfare were the only alternatives of the Con- federate State. Without the means wherewith to clothe, equip, or move an army, unless imported from abroad — accustomed to depend upon their very enemies for everything, save food, they could not undertake a war of invasion with any hopes of success. Yet there was a large party opposed to the administration, who, to the last, advocated that policy, and chiefly to their clamors were owing the disastrous offensive movements attempted at a later period of the war. Another consequence of their isolated position and purely agricultural resources, was the lack of money. Cotton had always been the only resource of tlie people, and that, owing to LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. . 41 the blockade, soon failed the Government. Loans were resorted to, but the people could only lend cotton, arid very soon bad little of that commodity to lend. There were two methods of supplying its wants open to the Treasury — one was taxation in kind, the other, an indefinite issue of Treasury notes and Gov- ernment bonds. By the former mode the army might at least have been supplied with clothing and provisions, without a resort to credit ; but it was not adopted till the currency had already been ruined by inflation. Accordingly, Treasury notes were issued, which, like the money generated by all civil commotions, even when successful, speedily depreciated. Many efforts were made to sustain the credit of the Govern- ment ; some bank directors placed the whole means of the cor- porations they controlled at the disposal of Government, thence- forth issuing only Confederate notes, and the State Legislatures authorized executors, trustees and guardians, to invest the whole of the funds controlled by them in Government securities. The history of the French assignats, and the American revolutionary paper of eighty years previous, might have shown the futility of these efforts. But the mass of mankind can only be taught by personal experience. By the end of 1861, the currency had already depreciated thirty per cent. One of the means resorted to for the purpose of replenishing the Treasury was the sequestration of the property of " alien enemies ;" that is, of Northern citizens. It was estimated that the amount of indebtedness from Southern to Northern citizens was two hundred millions of dollars. Ou the 21st of May the Ccyifederate Congress passed an act prohibiting the payment by 4^- LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. individuals of any portion of this debt. Process of garnish- ment was also authorized, to reach debts in the hands of attor- neys for collection. But these measures ceased as the first bit- terness of the struggle wore away. Dr. Craven, in his interesting work, " The Prison Life of Jef- ferson Davis," relates an interesting conversation held with Mr. Davis on the subject of the failure of the Confederate currency : *' Being interested," says Dr. Craven, " by what Mr. Davis had said of the failure of the Confederate currency, and of some scheme by which it might have been prevented, I expressed my curiosity, and ventured to request some explanation, as there appeared to me no manner in which Confederate paper could have been sustained at par, " Mr. Davis replied, that one rule of his life was, never to ex- press regret for the inevitable : to let the dead bury its dead in regard to all political hopes that were not realized. Fire is not quenched with tow, nor the past to be remedied by lamentations. It would, however, have been possible, in his judgment, to have kept the currency of his people good for gold, or very nearly so, during the entire struggle ; and, had this been done, the con- trast, if nothing else, would have reduced United States securi- ties to zero, and so terminated the contest. The plan urged upon Mr. Meraminger was as follows — a plan Mr. Davis privately approved, but had not time to study and take the responsibility of directing, until too late : " At the time of secession there were not less than three mil- lion bales of cotton in the South — plantation bales of 400 pounds -UFE OF JEFFERSOK DAVIS. 43 weight each. These the Secretary of the Treasury recommended to buy from the planters, wlio were then willing, and even eager to sell to the Government at ten cents per pound of Confederate currency. These three million bales were to be rushed off to Europe before the blockade was of any efficiency, and there held for one or two years, until the price reached not less than seventy or eighty cents per pound — and we all know it reached much higher during the war. This would have given a cash basis in Europe of not less than a thousand million dollars in gold, and all securities drawn against this balance in bank would maintain par value. Such a sum would have more than sufficed all the needs of the Confederacy during the war ; would have sufficed, with economic management, for a war of twice the actual dura- tion ; and this evidence of Southern prosperity and stability could not but have acted powerfully on the minds, the securities and the avarice of the New-England rulers of the North. He was far from reproaching Mr. Memminger. The situation was new. No one could have foreseen the course of events, Wiien too late the wisdom of the proposed measure was realized, but the inevitable * too late^ was interposed. The blockade had be- come too stringent, for one reason, and the planters had lost their pristine confidence iu Confederate currency. When we might have put silver in the purse, we did not put it there. When we had only silver on the tongue, our promises were forced to become excessive." On the 21st of May, the Confederate Congress permanently adjourned to Richmond, foreseeing that Virginia would be the 44 LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. most important theatre of the approaching conflict. At that time it was estimated that the organized forces of the Southrons amounted to about one hundred thousand men. Of these, sixty- thousand were concentrated in Virginia, at Manassas Junction. On the 22d of July, the battle of Bull Run was fought at that point, and resulted, as is well-known, in the disastrous defeat of the Federal forces. On the day after the battle, the following despatch from Mr. Davis was read in the Southern Congress ; " Manassas Junction, Sunday Night. " The night has closed upon a hard-fonght field. Our forces were victorious. The enemy were routed, and precipitately fled, abandoning a large amount of arms, knapsacks and baggage. The ground was strewn for miles with those killed, and the farm- houses and grounds around were filled with the wounded. Pur- suit was continued along several routes towards Leesburg and Centreville until darkness covered the fugitives. We have cap- tured many field-batteries and stands of arms, and one of tlie United-States flags. Many prisoners have been taken. Too high praise cannot be bestowed, whether for the skill of the principal oflBcers, or the gallantry of all our troops. Tiie battle was mainly fought on our left. Our force was 15,000 ; that of the enemy was estimated at 35,000, " Jefferson Davis." Mr. Davis rightly attached immense importance to the result of this first battle of the war. He had made great prepara- tions to ensure success, and was himself present upon the field. LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. 45 Its most beneficial results to the Confederacy was the immense impetus whicli it gave to recruiting. Under the intense and wide-spread enthusiasm awakened by it, the array quickly swelled in numbers from one hundred thousand to two hundred and ninety thousand men. Forward movements were made, and in the elation which followed the battle, the advocates of an " On to Washington " policy increased. The flag of the " Stars and Bars" was, indeed, flaunted from the summit of Munsen's Hill, where the inhabitants of the city of Washington could see its proud folds waving. The rapid increase of the Federal forces, however, determined the administration against offensive move- ments. Moreover, a change was made in the war policy of the United States, which promised to give full occupation to the Confeder- ate troops in other fields than those of Virginia. Notwithstand- ing the attempted neutrality of Kentucky, troops were organized by the Confederate authorities, and sent into that State ; while in Missouri, although rather left to her own resources by the in- surrectionary government, the most active military operations took place. The military genius of the Southern Commanding General, Price, enabled him to sustain himself, and carry on an active campaign with almost no assistance from the Government. At the expiration of his provisional authority, Mr. Davis again became a candidate for the Presidency. The election under the permanent Constitution was held on the 6th of November, and resulted in the choice of Mr. Davis for President, and Mr. Stephens for Yice President. The presidential message was transmitted to Congress in a few i6 LIFE OF JEFFEKSON DAVIS. days after the re-election. So much as embraces a condensed resume of the progress of events up to its date may be given here : — "To the Congress of the Confederate States : — ** The few weeks which have elapsed since your adjournment have brought us so near the close of the year, that we are now able to sum up its general results. The retrospect is such as should. fill the hearts of our people with gratitude to Providence for his kind interposition in their behalf. Abundant yields have rewarded the labor of the agriculturist, whilst the manufactur- ing interest of the Confederate States was never so prosperous as now. The necessities of the times have called into existence new branches of manufactures, and given a fresh impulse to the activ- ity of those heretofore in operation. The means of the Confed- erate States for manufacturing the necessaries and comforts of life within themselves increase as the conflict continues, and we are gladly becoming independent of the rest of the world for the supply of such military stores and munitions as are indispensable for war. " The operations of the army, soon to be partially inten'upted by the approaching winter, have afforded a protection to the country, and shed a lustre upon its arms, through the trying vicis- situdes of more than one arduous campaign, which entitle our brave volunteers to our praise and our gratitude. " From its commencement up to the present period, the war has been enlarging its proportions and extending its boundaries, so as to include new fields. The conflict now extends from the LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. 4f shores of the Chesapeake to the confines of Missouri and Arizona ; yet sudden calls from the remotest points for military aid have been met with promptness enough, not only to avert disaster in the face of superior numbers, but also to roll back the tide of invasion from the border. " When the war commenced, the enemy were possessed of cer- tain strategic points and strong places within the Confederate States. They greatly exceeded us in numbers, in available re- sources, and in the supplies necessary for war. Military estab- lishments had been long organized, and were complete ; the navy, and, for the most part, the army, once common to both, were in their possession. To meet all this, we had to create, not only an army in the face of war itself, but also military establish- ments necessary to equip and place it in the field. It ought, indeed, to be a subject of gratulation that the spirit of the volim- teers and the patriotism of the people have enabled us, under Providence, to grapple successfully with these difficulties. " A succession of glorious victories at Bethel, Bull Run, Man- assas, Springfield, Lexington, Leesburg, and Belmont, has check- ed the wicked invasion which greed of gain and the unhallowed lust of power brought upon our soil, and has proved that num- bers cease to avail when directed against a people fighting for the sacred right of self government and the privileges of freemen. After seven months of war, the enemy have not only failed to extend their occupancy of our soil, but new States and Territories have been added to our Confederacy ; while, instead of their threatened march of unchecked conquest, they have been driven, at more than one point, to assume the defensive ; and, upon a 48 LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. fair comparison between the two belligerents, as to men, military means, and financial condition, the Confederate States are rela- tively much stronger now than when the struggle commenced. " Since your adjournment, the people of Missouri have con- ducted the war, in the face of almost unparalleled difficulties, with a spirit and success alike worthy of themselves and of the great cause in which they are struggling. Since that time, Kentucky too has become the theatre of active hostilities. The Federal forces have not only refused to acknowledge her right to be neutral, and have insisted upon making her a party to the war, but have invaded her for the purpose of attacking the Confeder- ate States. Outrages of the most despotic character have been perpetrated upon her people ; some of her most eminent citizens have been seized, and borne away to languish in foreign prisons, without knowing who were their accusers, or the specific charges made against them ; while others have been forced to abandon their homes, their families, and property, and seek a refuge in distant lands. " Finding that the Confederate States were about to be inva- ded through Kentucky, and that her people, after being deceived into a mistaken security, were unarmed, and in danger of being subjugated by the Federal forces, our armies were marched into tliat State to repel the enemy, and prevent their occupation of certain strategetic points, which would have given them great advantages in the contest — a step which was justified, not only by the necessities of self-defense on the part of the Confederate States, but also by a desire to aid the people of Kentucky. It was never intended by the Confederate Government to conquer LIFE OF JEFFEESON DAVIS. 4-9 -or coerce the people of that State ; but, on the contrary, it was declared by our Generals that they would withdraw their tr©ops if the Federal Government would do likewise. Proclamation was also made of the desire to respect the neutrality of Kentucky, and the intention to abide by the wishes of her people as soon as they were free to express their opinions. " These declarations were approved by me, and I should re* gard it as one of the best effects of the march of our troops into Kentucky if it should end in giving to her people liberty of choice, and a free opportunity to decide their own destiny accord- ing to their own will." The year 1861 closed with a blow to the hopes of the Confed- erate States from a quarter where much that was favorable had been anticipated. The main hopes for the speedy success of their cause entertained by both the Government and people was founded upon the confident expectation of interference by Eng- land and France. The complication arising ©ut of the capture of Mason and Slidell on the 8th of November, it was hoped, would ripen into open hostility on the part of England. It wag believed throughout the Southern States that the long-expected crisis had now arrived. England had demanded the surrender of the prisoners, and it was believed, from the tone of the iS'orth- ern press, that the demand would be refused. All eyes were turned with intense interest to the American Secretary of State. Despite the immense popular pressure brought to bear upon him by the peace party North, Mr. Seward, casting aside the tech- nical doubts and difficulties which, strangely enough, seem to 3 50 LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. have beset his view of the law of the case, decided to surren- der the prisoners. Thus at once were dashed to the ground the hopes of intervention which had been conceived by the Con- federates. LIFE OF JEFFEESON DAVIS. 51 CHAPTER YI. Dearth of Arms — Reverses — Fort Donelson— Evacuation of Bowling Green and Nashville— Mr. Davis recasts military system— Reverses continue — New Orleans and Memphis fall — Affairs in Virginia. The worst result to the South of the neutrality of Europe was felt in a deficiency of arms and munitions. Disappointed in their expectations of supplies from foreign markets, the Confed- erate authorities turned their attention to their manufacture. In default of muskets and rifles, old shot-guns were brought up and dirks and pikes for a while supplied the place of bayonets. They were fated to experience, in the outset of the campaign f)f 1862, several reverses in the field. In the latter part of February, the Federal army of the West obtained their first important successes. Forts Donelson and Henry were captured, Bowling Green evacuated, and Nashville surrendered. The Confederate line of defense in the West, indeed, was swept away, and the heart of the South-Western States menaced. The imminent dangers threatened by these reverses only infused redoubled energy into Mr. Davis's Administration. The army was placed upon a dififerent footing. Nearly all the troops, anticipating a short war, had enlisted for a year ; many for six months only. Mr. Davis had, from the first, been opposed to short enlistments. He bad served in the Mexican war, where 52 LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS, lie had witnessed its bad effects. " I deem it proper," be said ia his message of February, " to advert to the fact, that the process of furloughs and re-enlistments in progress for the last month had so far disorganized and weakened our forces, as seriously to impair our activity for successful defense ; but I heartily congratulate you that this evil which I had foreseen, but was powerless to prevent, may now be said to be substantially at an end, and that we shall cot again during the war be exposed to seeing our strength diminished by this frightful cause of disaster — short enlistments." There was another fault in the manner of raising armies in the South ; it depended on voluntary enlistment. This might suffice for a short war, but for prolonged effort it could not be relied upon. It moreover had the effect of throwing the burden of the war upon the patriotic, leaving the lukewarm, the selfish, and tlie mercenary to escape the dangers and inconveniences of active services. Mr. Davis, therefore, transmitted to Congress the following message :- " To the Senate and House of Representatives of the Confed- erate States: " The operation of the various laws now in force for raising armies has exhibited the necessity for reform. The frequent changes and amendments which have been made have rendered the system so complicated as to make it often quite difficult to determine what the law really is, and to what extent prior amendments are modified by more recent legislation. " There is also embarrassment from conflict between State and LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. 53 Confederate legislation. I am happy to assure you of the entire harmony of purpose and cordiality of feeling which has continued to exist between myself and the executives of the several States ; and it is to this cause that our success in keeping adequate forces in the field is to be attributed. " These reasons would suffice for inviting your earnest atten- tion to the necessity of some simple and general system for exercising the power of raising armies, which is vested in Con- gress by the Constitution. "But there is another and more important consideration. The vast preparations made by the enemy for a combined assault at numerous points on our frontier and seaboard have produced results that might have been expected. They have animated the people with a spirit of resistance so general, so resolute, and so self-sacrificing, that it requires rather to be reg:ulated than to be stimulated. The right of the State to demand, and the duty of each citizen to render military service, need only to be stated to be admitted. It is not, however, a wise or judicious policy to place in active service that portion of the force of the people which experience has shown to be necessary as a reserve. Youths under the age of eighteen years require further instruc- tion ; men of mature experience are needed for maintaining order and good government at home, and in supervising prepar- ations for rendering efficient the aimies in the field. These two classes constitute the proper reserve for home defense, ready to be called out in case of :iny emergency, and to be kept in the field only while the emergency exists. " But in order to maintain this reserve intact, it is necessary 54 LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. that iu a great war like that in which we are now engaged, all persons of intermediate ages not legally exempt for good cause, fchould pay their debt of military service to the country, that the burdens should not fall exclusively on the most ardent and patriotic. I therefore recommend the passage of a law declar- ing that all persons residing within the Confederate States between the ages of eighteen and thirty-five years, and rightfully subject to military duty, shall be held to be in the military ser- vice of the Confederate States, and that some plain and simple method be adopted for their prompt enrolment and organization, repealing all of the legislation heretofore enacted which would conflict with the system proposed. 'Jefferson Davis. In accordance with the recommendations of this message, an act was passed on the 16th of April, which provided for the enrolment of all persons liable to military duty between the ages of eighteen and forty-five. The Confederate line of defense in the west, w^as, iu consequence of the late reverses, greatly contracted. It now extended from Memphis, in the west, through Grand Junction, Corinth, and Chattanooga, along the northern borders of Alabama and MissiS' sippi. Despite the serious check received by the Federal forces at Shiloh, they slowly continued to gain ground in this quarter. Corinth was occupied in April, as were the towns of Huntsville and Florence, in North Alabama. In the south-w^est, still more important successes were achieved by the Union forces in the cap* ture of New Orleans on the 1st of May, and that of Memphis on LIFE OP JEFFERSON DAVIS. 65 the 6th of June following. In Missouri, too, the Confederates were equally unfortunate, being entirely driven from that State. In Virginia the Confederates were more successful. In a series of great battles, of which the most noted were those of Martins- burg, Seven Pines, and Fredericksburg, the Confederates were entitled to the claim of brilliant victory. But at last nothing decisive resulted from any of these bloody struggles, while the terrible expenditure of strength and resources which they cost the rebellion told heavily against it in the future. Already the drain had begun to deplete the country of its young men, and it was found necessary to extend the age of liabiUty to conscription. Accordingly, Mr, Davis, in his Message of the 15th of August, called the attention of Congress to this subject : " The report of the Secretary of War, which is submitted, con- tains numerous suggestions for the legislation deemed desirable in order to add to the efficiency of the service. I invite your favor- able consideration especially to those recommendations which are intended to secure the proper execution of the conscript law, and the consolidation of companies, battalions, and regiments, when so reduced ia strength as to impair that uniformity of organization which is necessary in the army, while an undue burden is imposed on the Treasury. The necessity for some legislation for controlling military transportation on the railroads, and improving then* present defective condition, forces itself upon the attention of the Government, and I trust that you will be able to devise satisfac- tory measures for attaining this purpose. The legislation on the subject of general officers involves the service in some difficulties, 56 LIFE OF JEFFER30N DAVIS. which are pointed out by the Secretary, and for which the remedy suggested by him seems appropriate. " In connection with this subject, I am of opinion that prudence dictates some provision tor the increase of the army, in the event of emergencies not now anticipated. The very large increase of force recently called into the field by the President of the United States, may render it necessary hereafter to extend the provisions of the conscript law, so as to embrace persons between the age of thirty-five and forty-five years. The vigor and efficiency of our present forces, their condition, and the skill and ability which distinguish their leaders, inspire the belief that no farther enrol- ment will be necessary ; but a wise foresight requires that if a necessity should be suddenly developed during the recess of Con- gress, requiring increased forces for our defense, means should exist for calling such forces into the field, without awaiting the reassembling of the legislative department of the Government." Meanwhile, the currency continued to depreciate alarmingly. The price of the necessaries of life, partly in consequence of this depreciation, became enormous, and at one period there was great fear lest there should be an almost total failure in the supply of Bait. A special Act of Congress exempted from military service those who were engaged in its manufacture ; the earthen floors of old smoke-houses were filtered with water, and boiled down ; and farmers hundreds of miles in the interior drove their wagons to the coast, and supplied themselves and their neighbors with the precious commodity ; yet, despite these efforts, salt reached, iu many localities, the fabulous price of fifty dollars per bushel. LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. St On the whole, the events of the year 1862 augured unfavorably for the final success of the war for the Southern cause. The Con- federate territory was constantly growing smaller, the number of able-bodied men was being fatally reduced, while the depreciation of the currency was approaching the verge beyond which it would be worthless ; yet the tone of Mr. Davis's administration was as bold and defiant as ever 5$ LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. CHAPTER VII. Emancipation Proclamation— Pres. Davis's Message on the subject— Vicks- burg— Gettysburg— Chickamauga— The Currency — Military Events of 1864— Failure of Sherman's First Expedition- General Banks's Disaster— Spottsylvania, Wilderness— Georgia hesitates— Atlanta Falls. Re-election of Mr. Lincoln— Sherman's Second Campaign— Final Catastrophe— Par- ticulars of Davis's Flight from Ptichmond. The gloomy aspect of affairs in the Confederate States was height- ened by the new policy adopted by Mr. Lincoln for the future conduct of the war. On the 1st of January, 1863, was issued the famous Emancipation Proclamation, declaring the immediate enfranchisement of all slaves in the rebellious States, which was thus adverted to in Mr. Davis's Message of January, 1863 : — " The public journals of the North have been received, contain- ing a proclamation dated on the first day of the present month, signed by the President of the United States, in which he orders and declares -ftU slaves within ten of the States of the Confederacy to be free, except such as are found within certain districts now occupied in part by the armed forces of the enemy. We may well leave it to the instincts of that common humanity which II beneficent Creator has implanted in the breasts of our fellow men of all countries to pass judgment on a measure by which several millions of human beings of an inferior race — peaceful and LIFE OF JEFFEESON DAVIS. .§,9 contented laborers in their sphere — are doomed to extermination, while at the same time they are encouraged to a general assassina- tion of their masters by the insidious recommendation * to abstain from violence unless in necessary self-defense.' Our own detesta- tion of those who have attempted the most execrable measm*e recorded in the history of guilty man, is temj^ered by profound contempt for the impotent rage which it discloses. So far as regards the action of this Government on such criminals as may attempt its execution, I confine myself to informing you that I shall — unless in your wisdom you deem some other course more expedient — dehver to the several State authorities all commis- sioned officers of the United States that may hereafter be captured by our forces in any of the States embraced in the proclamation, that they may be dealt with in accordance with the laws of those States providing for the punishment of criminals engaged in exciting servile insurrection. The enlisted soldiers I shall con- tinue to treat as unwilling instruments in the commission of these crimes, and shall direct their discharge and return to their homes on the proper and usual parole." The elation of the Confederates, caused by the splendid victory of Chancellorsville, was converted into gloom by the loss of one of their greatest generals — Stonewall Jackson : and the terrible reverses which soon followed entirely disheartened them. The news of the defeat at Gettysburg and the fall of Yicksburg was received at Richmond on the same day. Yicksburg was occu- pied on the 4th of July, and the fall of Port Hudson, which speedily followed, completed that series of operations which at last 60 LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. opened the navigation of the Mississippi, and completely severed the Confederacy in half. In the West, affairs were not much brighter, for, although the tide of reverses seemed to be turned by the battle of Chickamauga in September, yet, before the close of the year, the total defeat suffered by the Confederates in the battle of Missionary Ridge, again overspread the Confed- eracy with gloom. The distrust in its eventual success, excited by the disasters in the field, aggravated the already desperate condition of the currency, which, long before the termination of the year, repre- sented only one-twentieth part of its nominal value. The odium which a few months before deterred creditors from refusing it in payment of debts was fast subsiding, and the time was evidently approaching when it would be worthless for this purpose. The planters themselves, who were most interested in sustaining it, received it in purchase of grain with evident reluctance, and only under the temptation of the most exorbitant prices. Indeed, the- currency at the close of 1863 was despaired of in every quarter save one. The Administration still refused to ad- mit the possibility of its becoming utterly valueless, and continued to urge upon Congress fresh devices for its appreciation and res- toration to par value. In his message of December, 1863, Mr. Davis proposed to remedy the financial disorders by heavy taxa- tion, and by a system of compulsory funding. His scheme was adopted in its general features by the next Congress. A load of taxation was at once thrown upon the people, such as has never been known, even in the Old World ; while, in accordance with the recommendation of forced funding, holders of Treasury LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. 61 notes were required to invest them in Government securities during stated periods, under the penalty of repudiation. Tiie result of these vigorous, but obviously desperate measures, was, that whereas, just before their passage, gold commanded a pre- mium of twenty to one, in a few weeks after brokers refused even thirty dollars in Treasury notes for one in specie. The military events of the year 1864 were, up to the 1st of September, on the whole greatly favorable to the Confederates. The failure of General Sherman's expedition into Mississippi, the disastrous Louisiana campaign of General Banks, the severe Eederal reverses in Florida, and the repeated and bloody repulse of General Grant at Spottsylvania, the Wilderness, and before Petersburg, infused new hopes and renewed vigor into the Con- federate cause. Strong indications of a disposition to make separate terms with the United States had been manifested in Georgia, insomuch that Mr Davis deemed his personal interpo- sition necessary to prevent the defection of that State. Whether his eloquent and fervid appeals alone would have sufficed to re- tain Georgia in the Confederacy under less favorable auspices than those which now for a moment cheered the drooping-* spirits of the Southrons, is doubtful. But, in addition to the encour- agement derived from the repeated repulses of the Federal troops in Virginia, a peace party was rapidly growing up in the North- ern States, and in exact proportion to its increase was the wane of the corresponding sentiment South. The horrible and seem- ingly fruitless carnage attending the recent operations of the Army of the Potomac, iu connection with the other Federal reverses just reverted to, had revived the hopes of the Democratic 63 LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. party North, and encouraged them to attempt the defeat of Mr. Lincoln in the coming Presidential election. General McClellan was accordingly nominated on the 29th of August as the oppos- ing candidate, and entered upon the campaign with fair pros- pects of success. In just three days after his nomination, Atlanta was occupied by General Sherman, and his hopes were nipped in the bud.. Mr. Lincoln was re-elected on the 8th of November. On the 16th, General Sherman commenced the memorable campaign which was soon to change the whole aspect of the war. From the commencement of the march through Georgia, a steady train of reverses befell the fast declining cause of the Con- federacy, which was unrelieved by a single favorable event. The capture of Savannah speedily followed the fall of Atlanta, and the serious defeats at Winchester, and the repulse of Hood at Franklin, intervened. Then came the loss of Fort Morgan, at Mobile, the capitulation of Wilmington, while the seizure of Branchville and Columhia, South Carolina, led to the abandon- ment of Charleston. This event was soon succeeded by the last battles before Richmond, the retreat of the Southerners, and finally, on the 9 th of April, 1865, the surrender of General Lee and his whole forces. The fall of the Confederacy was so sudden and complete as to take every one by surprise, except perhaps the Confederate leaders themselves. Mr. Davis had made desperate efforts in the latter part of 1864 to infuse some of his own indomitable fortitude into the people, and hurrying through the chief cities left to the narrowing limits of the Confederacy, made stirring LIFE OF JEFFEKSON DAVIS, 63 appeals to the bravery and patriotism of their inhabitants. Even his iron firmness showed symptoms of sinking under the events which followed his return to Richmond. His message to the Congress of 1864-65 lacked the tone of self-possession and unwavering confidence which had hitherto characterized his com- munications to that body. Speaking of General Sherman's campaign and the concurrent disasters in other quarters, he said : — " Recent military operations of the enemy have been successful in the capture of some of our seaports, in interrupting some of our lines of communication, and in devastating large districts of our country. . . . The capital of the Confederate States is now threatened and is in greater danger than it has heretofore been during the war." He also indicated unmistak- ably his opinion of the serious nature of the crisis by urging the employment of negro soldiers. Foreseeing, as Mr. Davis evidently must have done, the pos- sibility if not probability of the early fall of Richmond, it is somewhat singular that he should not sooner have taken measures for the removal of the State archives from that city. It was not, however, till the memorable 2nd of April that he decided to leave Richmond. The departure of Mr. Davis was coeval with the fall of the Confederacy. The events that followed his departure are drawn from Mr. Davis's own account as related in Dr. Craven's book, to which previous reference has been made. " On leaving Richmond he went first to Danville, because it was intended that Lee should have moved in that direction, fall- ing back to make a junction with Johnson's force in the direction of Roanoke River. Grant, however, pressed forward so rapidly, 64 LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. and swung so far around, that Lee was obliged to retreat in the direction of Lynchburgh with his main force, while his vanguard, which arrived at Danville, insisted on falling back and making the rallyingpoint at Charlotte in North Carolina. " In Danville Mr. Davis learned of Lee's surrender. Imme- diately started for Goldsboro', where he met and had a consulta- tion with Gen. Johnson, thence going on South. At Lexington he received a dispatch from Johnson requesting that tiie Secretary of War (Gen. Breckinridge) should repair to his headquarters near Raleigh — Gen. Sherman having submitted a proposition for laying down arms which was too comprehensive in its scope for any mere military commander to decide upon. Breckinridge and Postmaster-General Reagan immediately started for Johnson's camp, where Sherman submitted the terms of surrender on which an armistice was declared — the same terms subsequently disap- proved by the authorities at "Washington. " One of the features of the proposition submitted by Gen. Sher- man was a declaration of amnesty to all persons, both civil and military. Notice being called to the fact particularly, Sherman said, ' I mean just that ;' and gave as his reason that it was the only way to have perfect peace. He had previously offered to furnish a vessel to take away any such persons as Mr. Davis might select, to be freighted with whatever personal property they might want to take with them, and to go wherever it pleased. " Gen. Johnson told Sherman that it was worse tlian useless to carry such a proposition as the last to him. Breckinridge also informed Gen. Sherman that his proposition contemplated the adjustment of certain matters which even Mr, Davis was not LIFE OP JEFFEESON DAVIS. 65 empowered to control. The terms were accepted, however, with the understanding that they should be liberally construed on both sides, and fulfilled in good faith — General Breckinridge adding that certain parts of the terms would require to be sub- mitted to the various State governments of the Confederacy for ratification. "These terms of agreement between Johnson and Sherman were subsequently disapproved by the authorities at Washington, and the armistice ordered to cease after a certain time. Mr. Davis waited in Charlotte until the day and hour when the armis- tice ended ; then mounted his horse, and, with some cavalry of Duke's brigade (formerly Morgan's), again started southward, passing through South Carolina to Washington, in Georgia. At an encampment on the road, he thinks, the cavalry of his escort probably heard of the final surrender of General Johnson, though he himself did not until much later. Being in the advance, he rode on, supposing that the escort was coming after. *' As with his party he approached the town of Washington, he was informed that a regiment, supposed to belong to the army of General Thomas, was moving on the place to capture it, in violation, as he thought, of General Sherman's terms. On this he sent back word to the General commanding the cavalry escort ^ to move up and cover the town — an order which probably never reached its destination — at least the cavalry never came ; nor did he see them again, nor any of them. Thinking they were coming, however, and not apprehending any molestation from the Federal troops, even if occupying the same town, he entered Washington, and remained there over night — no troops of the 66 LIFE OF JEFFEESON DAVIS. United States appearing. Here be heard of his wife and family, not having seen thera since they had left Richmond, more* than a mouth before his own departure. They had just left the town before his arrival, moving South in company with his private secretary, Colonel Harrison, of whose fidelity he spoke in warm terms, and accompanied by a small party of paroled men, who, seeing them unprotected, had volunteered to be their escort to Florida, from whence the family, not Mr. Davis himself, intended to take ship to Cuba. Mr. Davis regarded the section of country he was now in as covered by Sherman's armistice, and had no thought that any ex- pedition could or would be sent for his own capture, or for any other warlike purposes. He believed the terms of Johnson's capitulation still in force over all the country east of the Chatta- hoochie, which had been embraced in Johnson's immediate com- mand ; citing as an evidence of this, that while he was in Wash- ington, General Upton, of the Federal service, with a few mem- bers of his staff, passed unattended over the railroad, a few miles from the place, en route for Augusta, to receive the muster-rolls of the discharged troops, and take charge of the immense military stores there that fell into General Sherman's hands by the sur- render. General Upton was not interfered with, the country being considered at peace, though nothing could have been easier tlian his capture, had Mr. Davis been so inclined. " At this very time, however, a division of cavalry had been sent into this district, which had been declared at peace and pro- mised exemption from the dangers and burdens of any further military operations within its limits, for the purpose of capturing LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. 67 himself and party; and this he could not but regard as a breach of faith ou the part of those who directed or permitted it to be done, though he did not wish to place himself in the condition of one who had accepted the terms of Johnson's capitulation, or taken advantage of the amnesty which Sherman had offered. But the district in which he then found himself had been promised exemption from further incursions, and he did not think himself justly liable to capture while within its limits — though he expected to have to take the chances of arrest when once across the Chattahoochie. "Hearing that a skirmish-line, or patrol, had been extended across the country from Macon to Atlanta, and thence to Chat- tanooga, he thought best to go below this Hue, hoping to join the forces of his relative, Lieutenant-General Dick Taylor, after crossing the Chattahoochie. He would then cross the Mississippi, joining Taylor's forces to those of Kirby Smith — of whom ho spoke with marked acerbity — and would have continued the fight so long as he could find any Confederate force to strike with him. This, not in any hope of final success, but to secure for the South some better terms than surrender at discretion. ' To this com- plexion,' said Mr. Davis, ' had the repudiation of General Sher- man's terms, and the surrenders of Lee and Johnson, brought the Southern cause.' '* Mr. Davis left Washington accompanied by Postmaster-Gene- ral Reagan, three aides, and an escort of ten mounted men with one pack-mule. Riding along, they heard distressing reports of bands of marauders going about the country stealing horses and whatever else might tempt their cupidity — these rumors finally 68 LITE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. maturing into information which caused him to change his course and follow on to overtake the train containing his wife and family, for whose safety he began to feel apprehensions. " This object he achieved after riding seventy miles, without halt, in a single day, joining Mrs. Davis just at daylight, and in time to prevent a party he had passed on the road from stealing her two fine carriage-horses, which formed a particular attraction for their greed. ' I have heard,' he added, ' since my imprison- ment, that it was supposed there was a large amount of specie in the train. Such was not the fact, Mrs. Davis carrying with her no money that was not personal property, and but very Uttle of that.' " Having joined his family, he travelled with them for several days, in consequence of finding the region infested with deserters and robbers engaged in plundering whatever was defenseless, his intention being to quit his wife whenever she had reached a safe portion of the country, and to bear west across the Chattahoochie. The very evening before his arrest he was to have carried out this arrangement, believing Mrs. Davis to be now safe ; but was pre- vented by a report brought in through one of his aides, that a party of guerillas, or highwaymen, was coming that night to seize the horses and mules of his wife's train. It was on this report he decided to remain another night. " Towards morning, he had just fallen into the deep sleep of exhaustion, when his wife's faithful negro servant, Robert, came to him, announcing that there was firing up the road. lie started up, dressed himself and went out. It was just at grey dawn, and by the imperfect light he saw a party approaching the camp. LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. Ci^ They were recognized as Federal cavalry, by the way in which they deployed to surround the train, and he stepped back into the tent, to warn his wife that the enemy were at hand. ''Their tent was prominent, being isolated from the other tents of the trains ; and as he was quitting it to find his horse, several of the cavalry rode up, directing him to halt and surrender. To this he gave a defiant answer. Then one whom he supposed to be an oflicer asked, had he any arms, to v/hich Mr. Davis replied : 'If I had, you would not be alive to ask that question.' His pis- tols had been left in the holsters, as it had been his intention, the evening before, to start whenever the camp was settled ; but horse, saddle and holsters were now in the enemy's possession, and he was completely unarmed. " Colonel Pritchard, commanding the Federal cavalry, came up soon, to whom Mr. Davis said : ' I suppose, sir, your orders are accomplished in arresting me. You can have no wish to interfere with women and children ; and I beg they may be permitted to pursue their journey.' The Colonel replied, that his orders were to take every one found in my company back to Macon, and he would have to do so, though grieved to inconvenience the ladies. Mr. Davis said his wife's party was composed of paroled men, who had committed no act of war since their release, and begged they might be permitted to go to their homes ; but the Colonel, under his orders, did not feel at liberty to grant this request. They were all taken to Macon, therefore, reaching it in four days, and from thence were carried by rail to Augusta — Mr. Davis thanking Major-General J. H. Wilson for having treated him with all the courtesy possible to the situation. 70 LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. " The party transferred to Augusta consisted of Reagan, Alex- ander H. Stevens, Clement C. Clay, two of his own aides and private secretary, Mrs. Clay, his wife and four children, four ser- vants and three paroled men, who had generously offered their protection to Mrs. Davis during her journey. Breckinridge had been with the cavalry brigade, which had been the escort of Mr. Davis, and did not come up at Washington. He and Secretary Benjamin had started for Florida, expecting to escape thence to the West Indies. There was no specie nor public treasure in the train — nothing but his private funds, and of them very Httle. Some wagons had been furnished by the Quartermaster at Wash- ington, Georgia, for the transportation of his family and the par- oled men who formed their escort, and that was the only train. Mr. Davis had not seen his family for some months before, and first rejoined them when he rode to their defense from Wash- ington." LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. 71 CHAPTER YIII. Mr. Davis at Fortress Monroe— Outrages upon the ex-President— Account of his being Shackled. It was on the 19th clay of May, 1865, that the propeller William P. Clyde dropped anchor in Hampton Roads, haying on board as prisoners, Jefiferson Davis, late President of the late Confederacy, and his family ; Alexander H. Stephens, Tiee-President ; John H. Reagan, late Postmaster-General ; Clement C. Clay, and several more State prisoners belonging to the Confederacy. Preparations had been going on in Fortress Monroe for some days for the reception of the distinguished prisoners. On the morning of the 21st of May, Mr. Stephens, Mr. Reagan, and others of the prisoners, were removed to the gunboat Maumee, which then steamed for Fort Warren, in Boston harbor, and on the afternoon of the same day, the arrangements being completed, Messrs. Davis and Clay were removed to their quarters in Fortress Monroe. The parting between Mr. Davis and his wife, four children, and the other members of his family and household who were on board the Clpde^ was extremely affecting — the ladies sobbing passionately as the two prisoners, Messrs. Clay and Davis, were handed over the ship's side and into the boat, which was in waitmg for them. 7^ LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. " The procession into the fort," says Dr. Craven, " was simple though momentous, and was under the immediate inspection of Major-General Halleck and the Hon. Cliarles A. Dana, then Assistant Secretary of War ; Colonel Pritchard, of the Michigan cavalry, who immediately effected the capture, being the oti&cer m command of the guard from the vessel to the fort. First came Major-General Miles, holding the arm of Mr. Davis, who was dressed in a suit of plain Confederate grey, with a grey slouched hat — always thin, and now looking much wasted and very hag- gard. Immediately after these came Colonel Pritchard, accom- panying Mr. Clay, with a guard of soldiers in their rear. Thus they passed through files of men in bhie from the Engineer's Land- ing to the Water Battery Postern ; and on arriving at the case- mate which had been fitted up into cells for their incarceration, Mr. Davis was shown into casemate No. 2, and Clay into No. 4, guards of soldiers being stationed in the cells numbered 1, 3, and 5, upon each side of them. They entered ; the heavy doors clanged behind them, and in that clang was rung the final knell of the terrible, but now extinct, rebelUon. Here, indeed, is a fall, my countrymen. Another and most striking illustration of the mutability of human greatness. " Being ushered into his inner cell by General Miles, and the two doors leading thereinto from the guard-room being fastened, Mr. Davis, after surveying the premises for some moments, and looking out through the embrasure with such thoughts passing over his lined and expressive face as may be imagined, suddenly seated himself in a chair, placing both hands on his knees, and asked one of the soldiers pacmg up and down within his cell, LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. 73 this significant question : * Which way does the embrasure face V " The soldier was silent. '* Mr. Davis, raising his voice a little, repeated the inquiry. '' But again dead silence, or only the measured footfalls of the two pacing sentries within, and the fainter echoes of the four without. " Addressing the other soldier, as if the first had been deaf and had not heard him, the prisoner again repeated his inquiry " But the second soldier remained silent as the first, a slight twitching of his eyes only intimating that he had heard the question, but was forbidden to speak. " ' Well,' said Mr. Davis, throwing his hands up, and breaking into a bitter laugh, ' I wish my men could have been taught your discipline I' and then, rising from his chair, he commenced pacing back and forth before the embrasm-e, now looking at the silent sentry across the moat, and anon at the two silently pacing soldiers who were his companions in the casemate. " What caused his bitter laugh — for even in his best days his temper was of the saturnine and atrabilious type, seldom capable of being moved beyond a smile ? Was he thinking of those days under President Pierce, in which on his approach the cannon of the fortress thundered their hoarse salute to the all-powerful Secretary of War — the fort's gates leaping open, its soldiers pre- senting arms, and the whole place under his command ? Or those later days under Mr. Buchanan, when, as the most power- ful member of the Military Committee of the Senate, sknilar honors were paid on his arrival at every national work ? 4 74 LIFE OF JEFFEI?SON DAVIS. " And was not his question significant — * Which way does this embrasure face V Was it north, south, east, or west ? In the hurry and agitation of being conducted in, he had lost his reckon- ing of the compass, though well-acquainted with the localities ; and his first question was in effect : ' Does my vision in its reach go southward to the empire I have lost, or North to the loyal enemies who have subdued my people V — for it is always as * his people ' that Mr. Davis refers to the Southern States. " His sole reading-matter, a Bible and prayer-book ; his only companions, those two silent guards ; and his only food, the ordi- nary rations of bread and beef served out to the soldiers of the garrison — thus passed the first day and night of the ex-President^s confinement." But on the morning of the 23d of May a bitter trial and humil- ation was in store for the proud spirit — a humiliation severer than has ever in modern times been inflicted upon one whose career has been so eminent. The particulars of the outrage of shackling the Confederate ex-president are recorded by Dr. Cra- ven in his interesting work on the " Prison-Life of Jefferson Davis," and cannot fail to excite the deepest indignation and shame in every reader who has the reputation and fairfame of his country at heart. There is no motive that can be assigned for the infamous act, but the bitter and infuriated malice of the Government — a motive that sought during tlie entire war to cast every obloquy upon the character of the great Southern Chief, that without evidence and in face of all probability accused him in the face of the world as an assassin and murderer, that hoped to LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. 75 overwhelm him in ridicule and humiliation by a trumped up story of his attempt to escape disguised as a woman, and which was sought to brand him with a felon's shame by degrading him with a felon's shackles. The outrage deserves the scorn and indig- nation of the world, and should stamp those who ordered, and those who consented to the act with everlasting infamy. Where was the honor and dignity of the officer-in-command who con- sented to descend from his high position to that of a common jailor ?. He should have resigned at once, rather than have ex- ecuted the order. Did the ofl&cers of our army possess that spirit and tliat sense of honor that traditionally belongs to the soldier and the ofi&cer, the Government would have found it impossible to have carried out theur design — the entire rank would have resigned rather than have disgraced their epaulettes by such a foul and dastardly piece of business. When Napoleon was car- ried to St. Helena, the English officer-in-command demanded his sword worn merely as an ornamental side-arm, and all Europe rang with the insult and outrage. Napoleon, indeed, refused to surrender it, and he was allowed to wear it, the English government, sensible of the indignity thus offered their illustrious prisoner, and of the feeling that the outrage excited in Europe, ordered the officer-in- command to withdraw his demand. How diflferent the conduct of our own government toward a prisoner scarcely less eminent than the great Corsican I How can we but feel that the act of our government is a blot upon our civilization, a stain and a shame upon our fair name, exhibiting us low in civilization, with- out dignity, and animated by petty animosities and spites 1 Here was a man who a few short weeks before was the acknowledged 75 LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. ruler of six millions of people ; with immense armies at his com- mand ; with Cabinet officers, embassadors, and a stafif of devoted adherents ; filling a foremost place in history, the world ringing with his deeds and in sympathy with his hopes ; he who has founded an empire, and maintained it through a war more for- midable than any of modern times — a man thus eminent and con- spicuous, cast into a dungeon and shackled like any common felon I There is indeed little in history to parallel it, and the indignity intended as a humiliation to Jefferson Davis, has re- acted and become our own burning shame. " It was," says Dr. Craven, " while all the swarming camps of the armies of the Potomac — over two hundred thousand bronzed and laureled veterans — were preparing for the Grand Review of the next morning, in which, passing in' endless succession before the mansion of the President, the conquering military power of the nation was to lay down its arms at the feet of the civil au- thority, that the following scene was enacted at Fort Monroe : " Captain Jerome E. Titlow, of the Third Pennsylvania Artil- lery, entered the prisoner's cell, followed by the blacksmith of the fort and his assistant, the latter carrying in his hands some heavy and harshly-rattling shackles. As they entered, Mr. Davis was reclining on his bed, feverish and weary after a sleepless night, the food placed near to him the preceding day still lying untouched on its tin plate near his bedside '* ' Well V said Mr. Davis, as they entered, slightly raising his head. " ' I have an unpleasant duty to perform, sh-,' said Captain Tit- LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. 77 low ; and, as he spoke, the senior blacksmith took the shackles from his assistant. *' Davis leaped instantly from his recumbent attitude, a flush passing over his face for a moment, and then his countenance grow- ing livid and rigid as death. "He gasped for breath, clutching his throat with the thin fingers of his right hand, and then recovering himself slowly, while his wasted figure towered up to its full height — now appear- ing to swell with indignation and then to shrink with terror, as he glanced from the captain's face to the shackles — he said slowly and with a laboring chest : " ' My God 1' You cannot have been sent to iron me ?" " * Such are my orders, sir,' replied the officer, beckoning the blacksmith to approach, who stepped forward, unlocking the pad- lock and preparing the fetters to do then* office. These fetters were of heavy iron, probably five-eighths of an inch in tliickness, and connected together by a chain of like weight. I believe they are now in the possession of Major-General Miles, and will form an interesting rehc. " ' This is too monstrous,' groaned the prisoner, glaring hur- riedly round the room, as if for some weapon or means of self- destruction. ' I demand, Captain, that you let me see the com- manding officer. Can he pretend that such shackles are required to secure the safe custody of a weak old man, so guarded, and in such a fort as this ?' "'It could serve no purpose,' replied Captain Titlow; 'his orders are from Washington, as mine are from him.' " • But he can telegraph,' interposed Mr. Davis eagerly ; * there HB LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. must be some mistake. No such outrage as you threaten me with, is on record in the history of nations. Beg him to tele- graph, and delay until he answers.' " ' My orders are peremptory,' said the officer, ' and admit of no delay. For your own sake, let me advise you to submit with patience. As a soldier, Mr. Davis, you know I must execute orders/ " ' These are not orders for a soldier,' shouted the prisoner, los- ing all control of himself. ' They are orders for a jailor — for a hangman, which no soldier wearing a sword should accept ! I tell you the world will ring with this disgrace. The war is over ; the South is conquered ; I have no longer any country but Ame- rica, and it is for the honor of America, as for my own honor and life, that I plead against this degradation. Kill me ! kill me !' he cried, passionately, throwing his arms wide open and exposing his breast, " rather than inflict on me, and on my people through me, this insult worse than death.' " 'Do your duty, blacksmith,' said the officer, walking towards the embrasure as if not caring to witness the performance. ' It only gives increased pain on all sides to protract this interview,' " At these words the blacksmith advanced with the shackles, and seeing that the prisoner had one foot upon the chair near his bedside, his right hand resting on the back of it, the brawny me- chanic made an attempt to slip one of the shackles over the ankle so raised ; but, as if with the vehemence and strength which frenzy can impart, even to the weakest invalid, Mr. Davis sud- denly seized his assailant and hurled him half-way across the room. LITE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. 79 " On this Captain Titlow turned, and seeing that Davis had backed against the wall for further resistance, began to remon- strate, pointing out in brief, clear language, that this course was madness, and that orders must be enforced at any cost. ' Why compel me,' he said, ' to add the further indignity of personal vio- lence to the necessity of your being ironed V " ' I am a prisoner of war,' fiercely retorted Davis ; * I have been a soldier in the armies of America, and know how to die. Only kill me, and my last breath shall be a blessing on your head. But while I have life and strength to resist, for myself and for my people, this tiling shall not be done.' " Hereupon Captain Titlow called in a sergeant and file of sol- diers from the next room, and the sergeant advanced to seize the prisoner. Immediately Mr. Davis flew on him, seized his musket and attempted to wrench it from his grasp. " Of course such a scene could have but one issue. There was a short, passionate scuffle. In a moment Davis was flung upon his bed, and before his four powerful assailants removed their hands from him, the blacksmith and his assistant had done their work — one securing the rivet on the right ankle, while the other turned the key in the padlock on the left. " This done, Mr. Davis lay for a moment as if in stupor. Then slowly raising himself and turning round, he dropped his shackled feet to the floor. The harsh clank of the striking chain seems first to have recalled him to his situation, and dropping his face into his hands, he burst into a passionate flood of sobbing, rock ing to and fro, and muttering at brief intervals : ' Oh I tho shame 1 the shame 1* 80 LIFE OF JEFFERaON* DAVIS. " It may be here stated, though out of its due order — that we may get rid in haste of an unpleasant subject — that Mr. Davis some two months later, when frequent visits had made him more free of converse, gave me a curious explanation of the last feature in this incident. " He had been speaking of suicide, and denouncing it as the worst form of cowardice and folly. * Life is not like a commission that we can resign when disgusted with the service. Taking it by your own hand is a confession of judgment to all that your worst enemies can allege. It has often flashed across me as a tempting remedy for neuralgic torture ; but, thank God 1 I never sought my own death but once, and then when completely frenzied and not master of my actions. When they came to iron me that day, as a last resource of desperation, I seized a soldier's musket and attempted to wrench it from his grasp, hoping that in the scuffle and surprise, some one of his comrades would shoot or bayonet mel'" LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVI8. 81 CHAPTER IX. Health of the Ex-president— His Cruel Treatment — Sovereignty of the States — Conversations with Dr. Craven — His Improved Treatment—Approaching Trial. ^ The health of Mr. Davis was now failing rapidly. Suflfering greatly from neuralgic disorders and other various affections, greatly reduced in system, without appetite, unable on account of his shackles to take exercise, supplied with coarse rations and refused even a knife and fork, without books, pen, paper or even a pencil, incessantly watched by two sentinels, who night and day passed his cell ; thus depriving him of even so poor a boon as solitude and silence, the health of the unfortunate prisoner failed rapidly, and would soon have succumbed entirely to the in- human treatment to which he was subjected, had not Dr. Craven actively interested himself in his behalf and procured the removal of the shackles, and some changes in his rations. But still the prisoner was a great sufferer ; his nights were sleepless ; he was without appetite ; the incessant pacing, night and day, of his ever-present guards, acted acutely upon his nervous system and tormented him almost into insanity. Keferring once to the severity of his treatment, Mr. Davis said to Dr. Craven : " Humanity supposes every man innocent until the reverse shall be proven ; and the laws guarantee certain 4* ba LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. privileges to persons held for trial. To hold me here for trial, under all the rigors of a condemned convict, is not warranted by law — is revolting to the spirit of justice. In the political history of the world, there is no parallel to my treatment.. England and the despotic governments of Europe have beheaded men accused of treason ; but even after their conviction no such efforts as in my case have been made to degrade them. Apart, however, from my personal treatment, let us see how this matter stands : " If the real purpose in the matter be to test the question of secession by trying certain persons connected therewith for trea- son, from what class or classes should the persons so selected be drawn ? " From those who called the State Conventions, or from those who, in their respective conventions, passed the ordinance of secession ? Or, from the authors of the doctrine of State rights ? Or, from those citizens who, being absent from their States, were unconnected with the event, but on its occurrence returned to their homes to share the fortunes of their States as a duty of primal allegiance ? Or from those officers of the State, who being absent on public service, were called home by the ordi- nance, and returning joined their fellow-citizens in State service, and followed the course due to that relation ? " To the last class I belong, who am the object of greatest rigor. This can only be explained on the supposition that, hav- ing been most honored, I, therefore, excite most revengeful feelings — for how else can it be accounted for ? . " I did not wish for war, but peace ; therefore sent Commis- LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. 83 sioners to negotiate before war commenced ; and subsequently strove my uttermost to soften the rigoi*s of war ; in every pause of conflict seeking, if possible, to treat for peace. Numbers of those already practically pardoned are those who, at the begin- ning, urged that the black flag should be hoisted, and the struggle made one of desperation. " Believing the States to be each sovereign, and their union voluntary, I had learned from the Fathers of the Constitution that a State could change its form of government, abolishing all which had previously existed ; and my only crime has been obedi- ence to this conscientious conviction. Was not this the universal doctrine of the dominant Democratic party in the North previous to secession ? Did not many of the opponents of that party, in the same section, share and avow that faith ? They preached and professed to believe. We believed, and preached, and practised. " If this theory be now adjudged erroneous, the history of the States, from their colonial organization to the present moment, should be re-written, and the facts suppressed which may mislead others in a like manner to a like conclusion. But if — as I suppose — the purpose be to test the question of secession by a judicial decision, why begin by oppressing the chief subject of the experiment ? Why, in the name of fairness and a decent respect for the opinions of mankind, deprive him of the means needful to a preparation of his defense ; and load liini with indignities which must deprive his mind of its due equilibrium ? It ill comports with the dignity of a great nation to evince fear of giving to a single captive enemy all the 84r LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVI3. advantages possible for an exposition of his side of the question. A question settled by violence, or in disregard of law, must remain unsettled for ever. " Believing all good government to rest on truth, it is the re- sulting belief that injustice to any individual is a public injury, which can only find compensation in the reaction which brings re- tributive justice upon the oppressors. It has been the continually growing danger of the North, that in attempting to crush the liberties of my people, you would raise a Frankenstein of tyranny that would not down at your bidding. Sydney, and Russell, and Yane, and Peters, suffered ; but in their death Liberty received blessings their lives might never have conferred. " If the doctrine of State Sovereignty be a dangerous heresy, the genius of America would indicate another remedy than the sacrifice of one of its believers. Wickliffe died, but Huss took up his teachings ; and when the dust of this martyr was sprinkled on the Rhine, some essence of it was mfused in the cup which Luther drank. " The road to grants of power is known and open ; and thus all questions of reserved rights on which men of highest distinc- tion may differ, and have differed, can be settled by fair adjudica- tion ; and thus only can they be finally set at rest. At another time, Mr. Davis remarked that it was " con- trary to reason, and the law of nations, to treat as a re- bellion, or lawless riot, a movement which had been the deliberate action of an entire people through their duly organized State governments. To talk of treason in the case of the South, was to oppose an arbitrary epithet against the authority of all writers LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. 85 on international law. Yattel deduces from his study of all former precedent — and all subsequent international jurists have agreed with him — that when a nation separates into two parts, each claiming independence, and both, or either, setting up a new gov- ernment, their quarrel, should it come to trial by arms or by dip- lomacy, shall be regarded and settled precisely as though it were a difference between two separate nations, which the divided sec- tions, de facto, have become. Each must observe the laws of war in the treatment of captives taken in battle, and such negotiations as may from time to time arise shall be conducted as between in- dependent and sovereign powers. Mere riots, or conspiracies for lawless objects, in wliich only limited fractions of a people are irregularly engaged, may be properly treated as treason, and pun- ished as the public good may require ; but Edmund Burke had exhausted argument on the subject in his memorable phrase, ap- plied to the first American movement for independence : ' I know not how an indictment against a whole people shall be framed.' "But for Mr. Lincoln's untimely death, Mr. Davis thought there could have been no question raised upon the subject. That event — more a calamity to the South than North, in the time and manner of its transpiring — had inflamed popular passions to the highest pitch, and made the people of the section which had lost their chief now seek as an equivalent the life of the chief of the ' section conquered. This was an impulse of passion, not a conclu- sion which judgment or justice could support. Mr. lincoln, through his entire administration, had acknowledged the South as a beUigerent nationality, exchanging prisoners of war, establishing truces, and sometimes sending, sometimes receiving, propositions 86 LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVI8. for peace. On the last of these occasions, accompanied by the chief member of his cabinet, he had personally met the Commis- sioners appointed by the Southern States to negotiate, going half- way to meet them not far from where Mr. Davis now stood ; and the negotiations of Gen. Grant with Gen. Lee, just preceding the latter's surrender, most distinctly and clearly pointed to the pro- mise of a general amnesty ; Gen. Grant, in his final letter, ex- pressing the hope that, with Lee's surrender, * all difiBculties be- tween the sections might be settled without the loss of another life,^ or words to that effect." Following Dr. Craven, we find that the health of Mr. Davis grew sensibly worse. Step by step, the kind-hearted physician ob- tained an amelioration of the condition of the eminent prisoner ; but the severity of the treatment he had experienced in the early part of his confinement, still told greatly on his health — and it can readily be appreciated how any confinement to a man in his physical and mental condition, must have resulted unfavorably to his health. Proceeding to follow Dr. Craven, we extract passages from several interesting conversations had with the prisoner ; and we also quote from the worthy Doctor's diary, a few references to the physical condition and suflfering of his illustrious patient : " June Sth. — Was called to the prisoner, whom I had not seen for a week. Found Mr. Davis relapsing, and very despondent. Complained again of intolerable pains in his head. Was distracted night and day by the unceasing tread of the two sentinels in his room, and the murmur or gabble of the guards in the outside cell. LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. 87 He said his casemate was well-formed for a torture-room of the inquisition. Its arched roof made it a perfect whispering gallery, in which all sounds were jumbled and repeated. The torment of his head was so dreadful, he feared he must lose his mind. Already his memory, vision, and hearing, were impaired. He had but the remains of one eye left, and the glaring, whitewashed walls were rapidly destroying this. He pointed to a crevice in the wall where his bed had been, explaining that he had changed to the other side, to avoid its mephitic vapors. " Of the trial he had been led to expect, had heard nothing. This looked as if the indictment were to be suppressed, and the action of a Mihtary Commission substituted. If so, they might do with him as they pleased, for he would not plead, but leave his cause to the justice of the future. As to takmg his life, that would be the greatest boon they could confer on him, though for the sake of his family, he might regret the manner of its taking." " Mr. Davis remarked that when his tray of breakfast had been brought in that morning, he overheard some soldiers in the guard- room outside commenting on the food given our prisoners during the late war. To hold him responsible for this was worse than absurd — criminally false. For the last two years of the war, Lee's * army had never more than half, and was oftener on quarter rations of rusty bacon and corn. It was yet worse with other Southern armies when operating in a country which had been campaigned over any time. Sherman, with a front of thirty or forty miles, breaking into a new country, found no trouble in pro- 88 LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. curing food ; but had he halted anywhere, even for a single week, must have starved. Marching every day, his men ate out a new section, and left behind them a starving wilderness. " Colonel Northrop, his Commissary-General, had many difficul- ties to contend with ; and, not least, the incessant hostility of cer- tain opponents of his administration, who, by striking at Northrop, really meant to strike at him. Even General , otherwise so moderate and conservative, was finally induced to join this injurious clamor. There was food in the Confederacy, but no means for its collection, the holders hiding it after the currency had become depreciated ; and, if collected, then came the difficulty of its transportation. Their railroads were over-taxed, and the rolling-stock soon gave out. They could not feed their own troops ; and prisoners of war in all countries and ages have had cause of complaint. Some of his people confined in the West and at Lookout Point, had been nearly starved at certain times, though he well knew, or well believed, full prison-rations had been ordered and paid for in these cases. " Herd men together in idleness within an inclosure, their arms taken from them, their organization lost, without employment for their time, and you will find it difficult to keep them in good health. They were ordered to receive precisely the same rations given to the troops guarding them ; but dishonest Commissaries and Provost-Marshals were not confined to any people. Doubt- less the prisonc/s on both sides often suffered, that the officers having charge of them might grow rich ; but wherever such dis- honesty could be brought home, prompt punishment followed. General Winder and Colonel Northrop did the best they could, he LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. 89 believed ; but both were poorly obeyed or seconded by their sub- ordinates. To hold him responsible for such unauthorized priva- tions, was both cruel and absurd. He issued order after order on the subject, and, conscious of the extreme difficulty of feeding the prisoners, made the most liberal offers for exchange — almost willing to accept any terms that would release his people from their burden. Non-exchange, however, was the policy adopted by the Federal Government — ^just as Austria, in her late campaigns against Frederick the Great, refused to exchange ; her calculation being, that as her population was five times more numerous than Prussia's, the refusal to exchange would be a wise measure. That it may have been prudent, though inhuman, situated as the South was, he was not prepared to deny ; but protested against being held responsible for evils which no power of his could avert, and to escape from which almost any concessions had been offered." " Sunday, July Wth. — Was sent for by Mr. Davis. Found prisoner very desponding, the failure of his sight troubling him, and his nights almost without sleep. His present treatment was killing him by inches, and he wished shorter work could be made of his torment. He had hoped long since for a trial, which should be public, and therefore with some semblance of fairness ; but hope deferred was making his heart sick. The odious, malig- nant and absurd insinuation that he was connected in some man- ner with the great crime and folly of Mr. Lincoln's assassination, was his chief personal motive for so earnestly desiring an early opportunity of vindication. But apart from this, as he was 90 LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. evidently made the representative in whose person the action of the seceding States was to be argued and decided, he yet more strongly desired for this reason to be heard in behalf of the defeated, but to him still sacred cause. The defeat he accepted, as a man has to accept all necessities of accomplished fact ; but to vindicate the theory and justice of his cause, showing by the authority of the Constitution and the Fathers of the Country, that his people had only asserted a right — had committed no crime — this was the last remaining labor which hfe could impose on him as a public duty/' " Of Stonewall Jackson, Mr, Davis s^wke with the utmost tenderness, and some touch of reverential feeling, bearing witness to his earnest and pathetic piety, his singleness of aim, his immense energy as an executive officer, and the loyalty of his nature, making obedience the first of all duties. ' He rose every morning at three,' said Mr. Davis ; ' performed his devotions for half an hour, and then went booming along at the head of his command, which came to be called "Jackson's foot cavalry," from the velocity of their movements. He had the faculty, or rather gift, of exciting and holding the love and confidence of his men to an unbounded degree, even though the character ot his campaign- ing imposed on them more hardships than on any other troops in the service. Good soldiers care not for their individual sacrifices when adequate results can be shown ; and these General Jackson never lacked. Hard fighting, hard marching, hard fare, the strictest discipline — all these men will bear, if visibly approaching the gaol of their hopes. They want to get done with the war, LIFE or JEFFERSON DAVIS. 91 back to their homes and families ; and their instinct soon teaches them which commander is pursuing the right means to accomplish these results. Jackson was a singularly ungainly man on horse- back, and had many peculiarities of temper, amounting to violent idiosyncrasies ; but everything in his nature, though here and there uncouth, was noble. Even in the heat of action, and when most exposed, he might be seen throwing up his hands in prayer. For glory he lived long enough,' continued Mr. Davis, with much emotion ; ' and if this result had to come, it was the Divine mercy that removed him. He fell like the eagle, his own feather on the shaft that was dripping with his life-blood. In his death the Confederacy lost an eye and arm, our only consolation being that the final summons could have reached no soldier more prepared to accept it joyfully. Jackson was not of a sanguine turn, always privately anticipating the worst, that the better might be more welcome.' " " Mr. Davis expressed some anxiety as to his present illness. He was not one of those who, when in trouble, wished to die. Great invalids seldom had this wish, save when protracted suffer- ings had weakened the brain. Suicides were commonly of the robuster class — men who had never been brought close to death nor thought much about it seriously. A good old Bishop once remarked, that 'dying was the last thing a man should think about,' and the mixture of wisdom and quaint humor in the phrase had impressed Mr. Davis. Even to Christians^ with the hope of an immortal future for the soul, the idea of physical annihilation — of parting forever from the tenement of flesh in which we have 9^ LIFE OP JEFFEKSON dAvI3. had so many joys and sorrows — was one full of awe, if not terror. What it must be to the unbeliever, who entertained absolute and total annihilation as his prospect, he could not conceive. Never again to hear of wife or children — to take the great leap into black vacuity, with no hope of meeting in a brighter and happier life the loved ones left behind, the loved ones gone before ! " He had more reasons than other men, and now more than ever, to wish for some prolongation of life, as also to welcome death. His intolerable sufferings and wretched state argued for the grave as a place of rest. His duties to the cause he had represented, and his family, made him long to be continued on the footstool, in whatever pain or misery, at least until by the ordeal of a trial he could convince the world he was not the monster his enemies would make him appear, and that no willful departures from the humanities of war had stained the escutcheon of his people. Errors, like all other men, he had committed ; but stretched now on a bed from which he might never rise, and look- ing with the eyes of faith which no walls could bar, up to the throne of Divine mercy, it was his comfort that no such crimes as men laid to his charge reproached him in the whispers of his con- science. " * They charge me with crime. Doctor, but God knows my inno- cence. I indorse no measure that was not justified by the laws of war. Failure is all forms of guilt in one to men who occupied my position. Should I die, repeat this for the sake of my people, my dear wife, and poor darling children. Tell the world I only loved America, and that in following my State I was only carrying out LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. 93 doctrines received from reverenced lips in my early youth, and adopted by my judgment as the convictions of riper years.' " " Had General Albert Sidney Johnston lived, Mr. Davis was of opinion, our success down the Mississippi would have beeu fatally checked at Corinth. This ofBcer best realized his ideal of a perfect commander — large in view, discreet in council, silent as to his own plans, observant and penetrative of the enemy's, sudden and impetuous in action, but of a nerve and balance of judgment which no heat of danger or complexity of manoeuvre could upset or bewilder. All that Napolean said of Dessaix and Kleber, save the slovenly habits of one of them, might be combined and truth- fully said of Albert Sidney Johnston. Johnston had been opposed to locating the Confederate Capital at Richmond, alleging that it would involve fighting on the exterior of our circle, in lieu of the centre : and that as the struggle would finally be for whatever point was the capital, it was ill-advised to go so far north, thus shortening the enemy's line of transportation and supply. ' What- ever value this criticism may have had in a military point of view,' added Mr. Davis, * there were political necessities connected with Yirginia which left no choice in the matter. It was a bold court- ing of the issue, clearly planting our standard in front of the enemy's line and across his path. Such reflections are of no use now,' concluded Mr. Davis, * and the Spaniards tell us when a sor- row is asleep not to waken it.' " Recurring to the management of the negroes by professed philanthropic civilians of the North, Mr. Davis said that all the best men of both sections were in the armies, and that these ^ LIFE OF JEFFERTON DAVIS. civilian camp-followers partook in their nature of the buzzards who were the camp-followers of the air. He said they reminded him of an anecdote told in Mississippi relative to a professed relig- ionist of very avaricious temper, which ran as follows : " Driving to church one Sunday, the pious old gentleman saw a sheep foundered in a quagmire on one side of the road, and called John, his coachman, to halt and extricate the animal — he might be of value. John halted, entered the quagmire, endeavor- ed to pull out the sheep ; but found that fright, cold, damp and exposure had so sickened the poor brute that its wool came out in fistfuls whenever pulled. With this dolorous news John returned to the carriage. " ' Indeed, John. Is it good wool — valuable ? ^ " * Fust class. Right smart good, Massa. Couldn't be better.' " * It's a pity to lose the wool, John. Yon'd better go see ; is it loose everywhere ? Perhaps his sickness only makes it loose in parts.' " John returned to the sheep, pulled all the wool, collected it in his arms, and returned to the carriage. " ' It he's all done gone off, Massa. Every hah* on hun was just a fallin' when I picked 'um up.' " ' Well, throw it in here, John,' replied the master, lifting up the curtain of his wagon. ' Throw it in here, and now drive to church as fast as you can ; I'm afraid we shall be late.' " ' But de poor sheep, massa,' pleaded the sable driver. ' Shan't dis chile go fotch him ?' " ' Oh, never mind him,' returned the philanthropist, measuring the wool with his eye. * Even if you dragged him out, he could liEFE OP JEFFERSON DAVIS. 95 never recover, and his flesh would be good for nothing to the butchers.' " ' So the sheep, stripped of his only covering, was left to die in the swamp,' concluded Mr. Davis ; ' and such will be the fate of the poor negroes entrusted to the philanthropic but avaricious Phari- sees who now profess to hold them in special care.' " " September Qi/i. — Called upon Mr. Davis once or twice, I re- member, between the interval of my last date and this, but have lost notes. Called to-day, accompanied by Captain Titlow, Third Pennsylvania Artillery, officer-of-the-day, and found prisoner in a more comfortable state of mind and body than he had enjoyed for some days. Healthy granulations forming in the carbuncle. "Mr. Davis said the clamor about * treason ' in our Northern newspapers was only an evidence how little our editors were quali- fied by education for their positions. None seemed to remember that treason to a State was possible, no less than to the United States : and between the horns of this dilemma there could be little choice. In the North, where the doctrine of State sover- eignty was little preached or practised, this difficulty might not seem so great ; but in the South a man had presented the unplea- sant alternatives of being guilty of treason to his State when it went out of the Union, by remaining, what was called ' loyal' to the Federal Government, or being guilty of treason to the Gene- ral Government by remaining faithful to his State. These terms appeared to have little significance at the North, but were full of potency in the South, and had to be regarded in every political calculation." 96 LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. Dr. Craven's Record of the Prison-Life of Mr. Davis continues until November, 1865, when his earnest efforts in behalf of his prisoner, so far excited the ire of the powers that be, that he was at first forbidden to hold any intercourse with the prisoner, and afterwards removed entirely. But the treatment of Mr. Davis is now essentially changed. He has been removed to better quarters, is now supplied with adequate food, is allowed books, his family are permitted to see him, his friends have access to him ; and his position in all things is now more nearly worthy the dignity of a great country, and suitable to his rank as an eminent state prisoner, and not a con- victed felon. He and the country now await with interest his approaching trial. Thanks to the firmness of the President, the efforts of cer- tain of the Radicals to bring him to a mock trial before a Military Commission, in which the result would be only a foregone conclu- sion, has been thwarted, and he will undergo a constitutional trial before the highest tribunal in the country. It is feared, however, by some, that that trial will never come off, but by one pretext or another, will be postponed from time to time, until the prisoner, harassed by hope deferred, and carried into a fatal illness by his confinement, will die. A fair, searching, exhaustive trial, in which the doctrine of State sovereignty shall receive a ventilation and logical assertion it has never yet received, in which the hmitations and conditions of the Government, under the Constitution, shall be examined by an acumen and learning never yet brought to bear upon the subject, would be a trial, not of Jefferson Davis, but of the Republican party and its acts ; and this trial the leaders and LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. 97 controllers of that party dare not meet. They may feel some as- surance in the fact, that a conspicuous member of their party will preside at the trial ; but the doctrine of State sovereignty, if once authoritatively asserted by the Supreme Court, would extenuate, if it did not justify Secession, would render the present attitude of the party toward the Southern States untenable — would thwart and check their scheme for centralization — would estab- lish the unconstitutionality of many of their laws affecting the status of the citizens of the several States — would overthrow their whole theory of the Union, their platforms, their logic, and their ambitions, and re-assert the ancient Jeffersonian land-m^ks and principles. Will they dare stand this test ? They may, rely- ing on the partizan proclivities of the Chief-Justice ; but men who have studied the Constitution of the United States, and compre- hend its real significance and meaning, need fear to see that doc- trme of State sovereignty under which the seceding States acted, brought to the tribunals of the Court, need fear for a moment the triumphant issue of the attempt to try Jefferson Davis for treason. APPENBII. LETTER. Richmond, July Qth^ 1861. To Abraham Lincoln, President ^ and Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States : — Sir, — Having learned that the schooner Savannah, a private armed vessel in the service, and sailing under a commission issued by the authority of the Confederate States of America, had been captured by one of the vessels forming the blockading squadron off Charleston harbor, I directed a proposition to be made to the officer commanding that squadron, for an exchange of the officers and crew of the Savannah for prisoners of war held by this Government " according to number and rank." To this propo- sition, made on the 19th ult., Capt. Mercer, the officer-in-com- mand of the blockading squadron, made answer on the same day that " the prisoners (referred to) are not on board of any of the vessels under my command." It now appears by statements made without contradiction in newspapers published in New York, that the prisoners above-men- tioned were conveyed to that city, and have there been treated, not as prisoners of war, but as criminals ; tkat they have been put 100 APPENDIX. in irons, confined in jail, brought before the Courts of Justice on charges of piracy and treason, and it is even rumored that they have been actually convicted of the offenses charged, for no other reason than that they bore arms in defense of the rights of this Government, and under the authority of its commission. I could not, without grave discourtesy, have made the news- paper statements above referred to the subject of this communica- tion, if the threat of treating as pirates the citizens of this Con- federacy, armed for service on the high seas, had not been contained in your proclamation of the — April last. That pro- clamation, however, seems to afford a sufficient justification for considering these published statements as not devoid of pro- bability. It is the desire of this Government so to conduct the war now existing, as to mitigate its horrors as far as may be possible ; and, with this intent, its treatment of the prisoners captured by its forces has been marked by the greatest humanity and leniency consistent with public obligation : some have been permitted to return home on parole, others to remain at large under similar condition within this Confederacy, and all have been furnished with rations for their subsistence, such as are allowed to -our own troops. It is only since the news has been received of the treat- ment of the prisoners taken on the Savannah, that I have been compelled to withdraw these indulgences, and to hold the prisoners taken by us in strict confinement. I A just regard to humanity and to the honor of this Government now requires me to state explicitly that, painful as will be the necessitv, this Government will deal out to the prisoners held by APPENDIX. 101 it the same treatment and the same fate as shall be experienced by those captured on the Savannah, and if driven to the terrible necessity of retaliation by your execution of any of the officers or crew of the Savannah^ that retaliation will be extended so far as shall be requisite to secure the abandonment of a practice unknown to the warfare of civilized man ; and so barbarous as to disgrace the nation which shall be guilty of inaugurating it. With this view, and because it may not have reached you, I now renew the proposition made to the commander of the block- ading squadron, to exchange for the prisoners taken on the Savannah, an equal number of those now held by us according to rank. I am yours, etc., Jefferson Davis, President, and Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Nftvy of the Confederate States. MESSAGE. Delivered at Kichmond, July 20 Gentlemen of the Congress of the Confederate States of America : My message addressed to you at the commencement of the last * session, contained such full information of the state of the Con- federacy, as to render it unnecessary that I should now do more than call your attention to such important facts as have occurred during the recess, and the matters connected with the pubhc defense. In this war, rapine is the rule ; private houses, in beautiful 102 APPENDIX. rural retreats, are bombarded and burnt ; grain crops in the field are consumed by the torch, and, when the torch is not con- venient, careful labor is bestowed to render complete the destruc- tion of every article of use or ornament remaining in private dwellings after their inhabitants have fled from the outrages of brute soldiery. In 1181, Great Britain, when invading the revol- ted colonies, took possession of every district and county near Fortress Monroe, now occupied by the troops of the United States. The houses then inhabited by the people, after being respected and protected by avowed invaders, are now pil- laged and destroyed by men who pretend that Yirginiaus are their fellow-citizens. Mankind will shudder at the tales of the outrages committed on defenseless families by soldiers of the United States, now invading our homes ; yet these outrages are prompted by inflamed passions and the madness of intoxication. But who shall depict the horror they entertain for the cool and deliberate malignancy which, under the pretext of suppressing insurrection (said by themselves to be upheld by a minority only of our people), makes special war on the sick, including children and women, by carefully-devised measures to prevent them from obtaining the medicines necessary for their cure. The sacred claims of humanity, respected even during the fury of actual battle, by careful diversion of attack from hospitals containing wounded enemies, are outraged in cold blood by a Government and people that pretend to desire a continuance of fraternal con- nections. All these outrages must remain unavenged by the universal reprehension of mankind. In all cases where the actual perpetrators of the wrongs escape capture, they admit of no APPENDIX. 103 retaliation. The humanity of our people would shrink instinc- tively from the bare idea of urging a like war upon the sick, tlie women, and the children of an enemy. But there are other sav- age practices which have been resorted to by the Government of the United States, which do admit of repression by retaliation, and I have been driven to the necessity of enforcing the repres- sion. The prisoners of war taken by the enemy on board the armed schooner " Savannah," sailing under our commissiofi, were, as I was credibly advised, treated like common felons, put in irons, confined in a jail usually appropriated to criminals of the worst dye, and threatened with punishment as such. I had made application for the exchange of these prisoners to the com- manding officer of the enemy's squadron off Charleston, but that officer had already sent the prisoners to New York when appli- cation was made. I therefore deemed it my duty to renew the proposal for the exchange to the constitutional commander-in- chief of the army and navy of the United States, the only officer having control of the prisoners. To this end, I dispatched an officer to him under a flag of truce, and, in making the proposal, I informed President Lincoln of my resolute purpose to check all barbarities on prisoners of war by such severity of retaliation on prisoners held by us as should secure the abandonment of the practice. This communication was received and read by an officer-in-command of the United States forces, and a message was brought from him by the bearer of my communication, that a reply would be returned by President Lincoln as soon as pos- sible. I earnestly hope this promised reply (which has not yet been received) will convey the assurance that prisoners of war 104 APPENDIX. will be treated, in this unhappy contest, witli that regard for humanity, wliich has made such conspicuous progress in the con- duct of modern warfare. As measures of precaution, however, and until this promised reply is received, I still retain in close custody some officers captured from the enemy, whom it had been my pleasure previously to set at large on parole, and whose fate must necessarily depend on that of prisoners held by the enemy.^ I append a copy of my communication to the President and commander-in-chief of the array and navy of the United States, and of the report of the officer charged to deliver my communication. There are some other passages in the remark- able paper to which I have directed your attention, having reference to the peculiar relations which exist between this Government and the States usually termed Border Slave States, which cannot properly be withheld from notice. The hearts of our people are animated by sentiments toward the inhabitants of these States, which found expression in your enactment refu- sing to consider them enemies, or authorize hostilities against them. That a very large portion of the people of these States regard us as brethren ; that, if unrestrained by the actual pre- sence of large armies, subversion of civil authority, and declar- ation of martial law, some of them, at least, would joyfully unite with us; that they are, with almost entire unanimity, opposed to the prosecution of the war waged against us, are facts of which daily-recurring events fully warrant the assertion that the President of the United States refuses to recognize in these, our late sister States, the right of refraining from attack upon us, and justifies his refusal by the assertion that the States have no APPENDIX. 106 Other power than tliat reserved to them in the Union by the Con- stitution. IN'ow, one of them having ever been a State of the Union, this view of the constitutional reUitions between the States and the General Government is a fitting introduction to another assertion of the message, that the executive possesses power of suspending the writ of habeas corpus, and of delegating that power to military commanders at their discretion. ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF THE CONFEDERATE STATES. Executive Office, Richmond, April 10, 18G3. In compliance with the request of Congress, contained in the resolutions passed on the fourth day of the present month, I. invoke your attention to the present condition and future prospects of our country, and to the duties which patriotism imposes on us all dur- ing this great struggle for our homes and our liberties. These resolutions are in the following language : [Here follow the resolutions passed by the Confederate Congress, requesting Mr. Davis to issue an address.] Fully concurring in the views thus expressed by Congress, I confidently appeal to your love of country for aid in can-ying into effect the recommendations of your Senators and Representatives. We have reached the close of the second year of the war, and may point with just pride to the history of our young Confederacy. Alone, unaided, w^e have met and overthrown the most formidable combinations of naval and military armaments that the lust of conquest ever gathered together for the conquest of a free people. _ 6* 106 APPENDIX. "We began this struggle without a single gun afloat, while the re- sources of our enemy enabled them to gather fleets which, accord- ing to their official list, pubHshed in August last, consisted of four hundred and thirty-seven vessels, measuring eight hundred and forty thousand and eighty-six tons, and carrying three thousand and twenty-six guns ; yet we have captured, sunk, or destroyed a number of these vessels, including two large frigates and one steam sloop-of-war, while four of their captured steam gun-boats are now in our possession, adding to the strength of our little navy, which is rapidly gaining in numbers and efficiency. To oppose invading forces composed of levies which have already exceeded thirteen hundred thousand men, we had no resources but the unconquerable valor of a people determined to be free ; and we were so destitute of military supplies that tens of thousands of our citizens were reluctantly refused admission into the service from our inability to furnish them arms, while for many months the continuation of some of our strongholds owed their safety chiefly to a careful concealment of the fact that we were without a supply of powder for our cannon. Your devotion and patriotism have triumphed over all these obstacles, and calling into existence the munitions of war, the clothing and the subsistence, which have enabled our soldiers to illustrate their valor on numerous battle-fields, and to inflict crush- ing defeats on successive armies, each of which our arrogant foe fondly imagined to be invincible. The contrast between our past and present condition is well calculated to inspire full confidence in the triumph of our arms. At no previous period of the war have our forces been so numer- APPENDIX. 107 oiis, so well organized, and so thoroughly disciplined, armed and equipped, as at present. The season of high-water, on which our enemies relied to enable their fleets of gunboats to penetrate into our country and devastate our homes, is fast passing away ; yet our strongholds on the Mississippi still bid defiance to the foe, and months of costly preparation for their reduction have been spent in vain. Disaster has been the result of their every effort to turn or storm Yicksburg and Port Hudson, as well as every attack on our batteries on the Red River, the Tallahatchie, and other navi- gable streams. Within a few weeks the falling waters and the increasing heats of summer will complete their discomfiture, and compel their baffled and defeated forces to the abandonment of expeditions on which was based their chief hope of success in effect- ing our subjugation. We must not forget, however, that the war is not yet ended, and that we are still confronted by powerful armies and threatened by numerous fleets, and that the Government that controls those fleets and armies is driven to the most desperate efforts to effect the unholy purposes in which it has thus far been defeated. It will use its utmost energy to avert this impending doom, so fully merited by the atrocities it has committed, the savage barbarities which it has encouraged, and the crowning attempt to' excite a * servile population to the massacre of our wives, our daughters, and our helpless children. With such a contest before us, there is but one danger which the government of your choice regards with apprehension ; and to avert this danger it appeals to the never-failing patriotism and spirit which you have exhibited since the beginning of the war. 108 APPENDIX. The very unfavorable season, the protracted droughts of last year, reduced the harvests on which we depend far below an aver- age yield, and the deficiency was, unfortunately, still more marked in the northern part of our Confederacy, where supplies were specially needed for the array. If, through a confidence in an early peace, which may prove delusive, our fields should now be devoted to the production of cotton and tobacco, instead of grain and live stock, and other articles necessary for the subsistence of the people and army, the consequences may prove serious, if not disastrous, especially should this present season prove as unfavora- ble as the last. Your countiy, therefore, appeals to you to lay aside all thought of gain, and to devote yourselves to securing your liberties, without which these gains would be valueless. It is true that the wheat harvest in the more Southern States, which will be gathered next month, promises an abundant yield ; but even if this promise be fulfilled, the difficulties of transporta- tion, enhanced as it has been by an unusually rainy winter, will cause embarrassments in military operations, and sufferings among the people, should the crops in the middle and northern portions of the Confederacy prove deficient. But no uneasiness may be felt in regard to a mere supply of bread for men. It is for the large amount of corn and forage required in the raising of live stock, and the supplies of the animals used for military operations, too bulky for distant transportation ; and in them the deficiency of the last harvest was mostly felt. Let your fields be devoted ex- clusively to the production of corn, oats, beans, peas, potatos, and other food for man and beast. Let corn be sowed broadcast, for fodder, in immediate proximity to railroads, rivers and canals ; APPENDIX. 109 and let all your efforts be directed to the prompt supply of these articles in the districts where our armies are operating. You will thus add greatly to their efficiency, and furnish the means without which it is impracticable to make those prompt and active move- ments which have hitherto stricken terror into our enemies, and secured our most brilliant triumphs. Having thus placed before you, my countrymen, the reasons for the call made on you for aid in supplying the wants of the coming year, I add a few words of appeal in behalf of the brave soldiers now confronting your enemies, and to whom your government is unable to furnish all the comforts they so richly merit. The sup- ply of meal for the army is deficient. This deficiency is only tem- porary, for measures have been adopted which will, it is believed, soon enable us to restore the full rations ; but that ration is now reduced at times to one-half the usual quantity in some of our armies. It is known that the supply of meat throughout the country is sufficient for the support of all ; but the distances are so great, the condition of the roads has been so bad during the five months of winter weather through which we have just passed, and the attempt of grovehng speculators to forestal the market and make money out of the life-blood of our defenders, have so much influenced the withdrawal from sale of the surplus in hands of the producers, that the Government has been unable to gather full supplies. The Secretary of War has prepared a plan, which is appended to this address, by the aid of which, or some similar means to be adopted by yourselves, you can assist the officers of the Govern- ment in the purchase of the corn, the bacon, the pork, and the 110 APPENDIX. beef known to exist in large quantities in different parts of the country. Even if the surplus be less than believed, is it not a bitter and humiliating reflection that those who remain at home, secure from hardship, and protected from danger, should be in the enjoyment of abundance, and that their slaves also should have a full supply of food, while their sons, brothers, husbands and fathers, are stinted in the rations on which their health and effi- ciency depend ? Entertaining no fear that you will either misconstrue the mo- tives of this address, or fail to respond to the call of patriotism, I have placed the facts fully and frankly before you. Let us all unite in the performance of our duty, each in his sphere, and with concerted, persistent, and well-directed effort, there seems Uttle reason to doubt that, under the blessings of Him to whom we look for guidance, and who has been to us our shield and strength, we shall maintain the sovereignty and independence of the Con- federate States, and transmit to our posterity the heritage be- queathed to us by our fathers. Jefferson Davis. SPEECH BEFORE THE LEGISLATURE OF MISSISSIPPI, DECEMBER 26. Friends and Fellow-Citizens, Gentlemen of the House of Re- presentatives and Senate of the State of Mississippi : After an absence of nearly two years I again find myself among those who, from the days of my childhood, have ever been the APPENDIX. Ill trusted objects of my affections, those for whose good I have ever striven, and whose interests I have sometimes hoped I may have contributed to subserve. Whatever fortunes I may have achieved in life have been gained as a representative of Mississippi, and before all, I have labored for the advancement of her glory and honor. I now, for the first tune in my career, find myself the representative of a wider circle of interest ; but a circle in which the interests of Mississippi are still embraced. Two years ago, nearly, I left you to assume the duties which had devolved on me as the representative of the new Confederacy. The responsibili- ties of this position have occupied all my time, and have left me no opportunity for mingling with my friends in Mississippi, or for sharing in the dangers which have menaced them. But, wherever duty may have called me, my heart has been with you, and the success of the cause in which we are all engaged has been first in my thoughts and prayers. I thought, when I left Mississippi, that the service to which I was called would prove to be but tem- porary. The last time I had the honor of addressing you from this stand I was influenced by that idea. I then imagined that it might be my fortune agaui to lead Mississippians in the field, and to be with them where danger was to be braved and glory won. I thought to find that place which I beheved to be suited to my capacity — that of an officer in service of the State of Mississippi. For, although in the discharge of my duties as President of the Confederate States, I had determined to make no distinction be- tween the various parts of the country — to know no separate State — yet my heart has always beat more warmly for Mississippi, and I have looked on Mississippi soldiers with a pride and emotion 112 APPENDIX. such as no others inspired. But it was decided differently. I was called to another sphere of action. How, in that sphere, I have discharged the duties and obligations imposed on me, it does not become me to constitute myself the judge. It is for others to de- cide that question. But, speaking to you with that frankness and that confidence with which I have always spoken to you, and which partakes of the nature of thinking aloud, I can say, with my hand upon my heart, that whatever I have done, has been done with the sincere purpose of promoting the noble cause in which we are engaged. The period which elapsed since I left you is short ; for the time, which may appear long in the life of man, is short in the history of a nation. And in that short period re- markable changes have been wrought in all the circumstances by which we are surrounded. At the time of which I speak, the question presented to our people was : " Will there be war ?" This was the subject of universal speculation. We had chosen to exercise an indisputable right — the right to separate from those with whom we conceived association to be no longer possible, and to establish a government of our own. I was among those who, from the beginning, predicted war, as the consequences of secession, although I must admit that the con- test has assumed proportions more gigantic than I had anticipated. I predicted war, not because our right to secede and to form a government of our own was not indisputable and clearly defined in the spirit of that declaration which rests the right to govern on the consent of the governed, but saw that the wickedness of the North would precipitate a war upon us. Those who supposed that the exercise of this right of separation could not produce APPENDIX. 113 war, have had cause to be convmced that they had credited their recent associates of the ^N'orth with a moderation, a sagacity, a morahty they did not possess. You have been involved in a war waged for the gratification of the lust of power and aggrandize- ment, for your conquest and your subjugation, with a mahgnant ferocity, and with a disregard and a contempt of the usages of civilization, entirely unequaled in history. Such, I have ever warned you, were the characteristics of the Northern people — of those with whom our ancestors entered into a Union of con- sent, and with whom they formed a constitutional compact. And yet, such was the attachment of our people for that Union, such their devotion to it, that those who desired pre- paration to be made for the inevitable conflict, were denounced as men who wished to destroy the Union. After what has happened during the last two years, my only wonder is, that we consented to live for so long a time in association with such miscreants, and have loved so much a government rotten to the core. Were it ever to be proposed again to enter into a Union with such a people, I could no more consent to do it than to trust myself in a den of thieves. You in Mississippi have but little experienced as yet the horrors of the war. You have seen but little of the savage manner in which it is waged by your barbarous enemies. It has been my fortune to witness it in all its terrors ; in a part of the country where old men have been torn from their homes, carried into cap- tivity, and immured in distant dungeons, and where delicate women have been insulted by a brutal soldiery, and forced even to cook for the dirty Federal mvaders ; where property has been 114 APPENDIX. wantonly destroyed, the country ravaged, and every outrage com- mitted. And it is with these people that our fathers formed a union and a solemn contract. There is indeed a difference between the two peoples. Let no man hug the delusion that there can be renewed association between them. Our enemies are a traditionless and homeless race ; from the time of Cromwell to the present moment, they have been disturbers of the peace of the world. Gathered together by Cromwell from the bogs and fens of the North of Ireland and of England, they commenced by dis- turbing the peace of their own country ; they disturbed Holland, to which they fled, and they disturbed England on their return. They persecuted Catholics in England, and they hung Quakers and witches in America. Having been hurried into a war with a people so devoid of every mark of civilization, you have no doubt wondered that I have not carried out the policy, which I had intended should be our policy — of fighting our battles on the fields of the enemy, instead of suffering him to fight them on ours. This was not the result of my will, but the power of the enemy. They had at their com- mand all the accumulated wealth of seventy years — the military stores which had been laid up during that time. They had grown rich from the taxes wrung from you for the establishing and supporting their manufacturing institutions. We have entered upon a conflict with a nation contiguous to us in territory, and vastly superior to us in numbers. In the face of these facts, the wonder is not that we have done little, but that we have done so much. In the first year of the war, our forces were sent into the field poorly armed, and were far inferior in number to the enemy. APPENDIX. 115 We were compelled even to arm ourselves by the capture of weapons taken from the foe on the battle-field. Tlius in every battle we exchanged our arms for those of the invaders. At the end of twelve months of the war, it was still necessary for us to adopt some expedient to enable us to maintain our ground. The only expedient remaining to us was to call on those brave men who had entered the service of the country at the beginning of the war, supposing that the conflict was to last but a short time, and that they would not be long absent from their homes. Tlie only expedient, I say, was to call on these gallant men ; to ask them to maintain their position in front of the enemy, and to surrender for a time their hopes of soon returning to their famihes and friends. And nobly did they respond to the call. They answered that they were wilHng to stay ; that they were willing to maintain their position, and to breast the tide of invasion. But it was not just that they should stand alone. They asked that the men who had stayed at home — who had thus far been sluggards in the cause — should be forced likewise to meet the enemy. From this resulted the law of Congress, which is known as the Conscription Act, which declared all men, from the age of eighteen to the age of thirty-five, to be liable to enrolment in the Confederate service. I regret that there has been some prejudice excited against the act, and that it has been subjected to harsher criticism than it deserves. And here I may say that an erroneous impression appears to prevail in regard to this act. It is no disgrace to be brought into the army by conscription. There is no more reason to expect from the citizen voluntary service in the army than to expect voluntary labor on the public roads, or the 116 APPENDIX. voluntary payment of taxes. Bat these things we do not expect. We assess the property of the citizen — we appoint tax-gatherers : why should we not likewise distribute equally the labor, and enforce equally the obligation of defending the country from its enemies ? I repeat that it is no disgrace to any one to be conscripted, but it is a glory for those who do not wait for the conscription. Thus resulted the Conscription Act ; and thence arose the necessity for the Conscription Act. The necessity was met ; but when it was fbund that under these acts enough men were not drawn into the ranks of the army to fulQll the purposes intended, it became neces- sary to pass another Conscription Act, and another Conscription Act. It is onl^ of this latter that I desire to speak. Its policy was to leave at home those men needed to conduct the administra- tion, and those who might be required to support and maintain the industry of the country — in other words, to exempt from military service those whose labor, employed in other avocations, might be more profitable to the country and to the Government than in the ranks of the army. I am told that this act has excited some discontentment, and that it has provoked censure, far more severe, I believe, than it deserves. It has been said that it exempts the rich from military service, and forces the poor to fight the battles of the country. The poor do, indeed, fight the battles of the country. It is the poor who save nations and make revolutions. But is it true that in this war, the men of property have shrunk from the ordeal of the battle-field ? Look through the army ; cast your eyes upon the maimed heroes of the war whom you meet in your streets and in the hospitals ; remember the martyrs of the conflict ; and I am APPENDIX. 117 Bure you will find among them more than a fair proportion drawn from the ranks of men of property. The object of that portion of the act which exempts those having charge of twenty or more negroes, was not to draw any distinction of classes, but simply to provide a force, in the nature of a police force, sufficient to keep our negroes in control. This was the sole object of the clause. Had it been otherwise, it would never have received my signature. As I have already said, we have no cause to complain of the rich. All our people have done well, and, while the poor have nobly discharged their duties, most of the wealthiest and most distinguished families of the South have representatives in the ranks. I take, as an example, the case of one of your own repre- sentatives in Congress, who was nominated for Congress and elected ; but still did a sentinel's duty until Congress met. Nor is this a solitary instance, for men of largest fortune in Mississippi are now serving in the ranks. Permit me now to say that I have seen with peculiar pleasure the recommendation of your Governor in his Message, to make some provision for the families of the absent soldiers of Missis- sippi. Let this provision be made for the objects of his aflfeotioii and his solicitude, and the soldier engaged in fighting the battles of his country will no longer be disturbed in his slumber by dreams of an unprotected and neglected family at home. Let him know that his mother Mississippi has spread her protecting mantle over those he loves, and he will be ready to fight your battles, to protect your honor, and in your cause to die. There is another one of the Governor's propositions to which I wish to allude. I mean the proposition to call upon those citizens who 118 APPENDIX. are not subject to the Confederate conscription law, and to form them into a reserve corps for the purpose of aiding in the defense of the State. Men who are exempted by law from the perform- ance of any duty, do not generally feel the obligation to perform that duty unless called upon by the law. But I am confident that the men of Mississippi have only to know that their soil is invaded, their cities menaced, to rush to meet the enemy, even if they serve only for thirty days. I see no reason why the State may not, in an exigency like that which now presses on her, call on our reserved forces, and organize them for service. Such troops could be of material benefit, by serving in intrenchments, and thus relieving the veteran and disciplined soldiers for the duties of the field, where discipline is so much needed. At the end of a short term of service they could return to their homes and to their ordinary avocations, resuming those duties necessary to the public prosperity. In the course of this war our eyes have been often turned abroad. We have expected sometimes recognition and some- times intervention at the hands of foreign nations, and we had a right to expect it. Never before in the history of the world had a people so long a time maintained their ground, and showed themselves capable of maintaining their national existence, with- out securing the recognition of commercial nations. I know not why this has been so, but this I say, " Put not your trust in princes," and rest not your hopes on foreign nations. This war is ours : we must fight it out ourselves ; and I feel some pride in knowing that so far we have done it without the good-will of anybody. It is true that there are now symptoms of a change APPENDIX. 119 in public opinion abroad. They give us their admiration — they sometimes even say to us God-speed — and in the remarkable book written by Mr. Spence, the question of secession has been discussed with more of ability than it ever has been even iu this country. Yet England still holds back, but France, the ally of other days, seems disposed to hold out to us the hand of fellow- ship. And when France holds out to us her hand, right will- ingly will we grasp it. During the last year, the war has been characterized by varied fortunes. New Orleans fell — a sad blow it was to the valley of the Mississippi, and as unexpected to me as to any one. Mem- phis also fell ; and besides these we have lost various points on the Atlantic coast. The invading armies have pressed upon us at some points ; at others they have been driven back ; but take a view of our condition now, and compare it with what it was a year ago — look at the enemy's position as it then was and as it now is ; consider their immense power, vast numbers, and great resources; look at all these things, and you will be con- vinced that our condition now will compare favorably with what it was then. Armies are not composed of numbers alone. Offi- cers and men are both to be disciplined and instructed. When the war first began the teacher and the taught were in the con- dition of the blind leading the blind ; now all this is changed for the better. Our troops have become disciplined and instructed. They have stripped the gun-boat of its terrors ; they have beaten superior numbers in the field ; they have discovered that with their short-range weapons they can close upon the long-range of the enemy and capture them. Thus in all respects, moral as 120 APPENDIX. well as physical, we are better preoared than we were a year 82-0. ADDUESS TO THE SOLDIERS OF THE CONFEDERATE STATES. After more than two years of a warfare scarcely equaled iu the number, magnitude, and fearful carnage of its battles — a warfare in which your courage and fortitude have illustrated 3'our country, and attracted not only gratitude at home, but admiration abroad — your enemies continue a struggle iu which our final triumph must be inevitable. Unduly elated with their recent successes, they imagine that temporary reverses can quell your spirit or shake your determination, and they are now gath- ering heavy masses for a general invasion, in the vain hope that by a desperate effort success may at length be reached. You know too well, my countrymen, what tbey mean by suc- cess. Their malignant rage aims at nothing less than the exter- mination of yourselves, your wives and children. They seek to destroy what they cannot plunder. They propose as the spoils of victory that your homes shall be partitioned among the wretches whose atrocious cruelties have stamped infamy on their government. They design to incite servile insurrection, and light the fires of incendiarism whenever they can reach your homes, and they debauch the inferior race, hitherto docile and contented, by promising indulgence of the vilest passions as the price of treachery. Conscious of their inability to prevail by legitimate warfare, not daring to make peace lest they should be hurled APPENDIX. 121 from their seats of power, the men who now rule in Washington xefuse even to confer on the subject of putting an end to outrages which disgrace our age, or to listen to a suggestion for conduct- ing the war according to the usages of civilization. Fellow-citizens, no alternative is left you but victory, or subju- gation, slavery, and the utter ruin of yourselves, your famiUes, and your country. The victory is within your reach. You need but stretch forth your hands to grasp it. For this and all that is necessary is that those who are called to the field by every motive that can move the human heart, should promptly repair to the post of duty, should stand by their comrades now in front of the foe, and thus so strengthen the armies of the Confederacy as to insure success. The men now absent from their posts would, if present in the field, suffice to create numerical equality between our force and that of the invaders — and when, with any approach to such equality, have we failed to be victorious ? I believe that but few of those absent are actuated by unwilhngness to serve their country ; but that many have found it difficult to resist the temptation of a visit to their homes, and the loved ones from whom they have been so long separated ; that others have left for temporary attention to their affairs, with the intention of return- ing, and then have shrunk from the consequences of their violation of duty ; that others again have left their posts from mere rest- lessness and desire of change, each quieting the upbraidings of his conscience by persuading himself that his individual services could have no influence on the general result. These and other causes (although far less disgraceful than the desire to avoid danger, or to escape from the sacrifices requked by 6 122 APPENDIX. patriotism) are, nevertheless, grievous faults, and place the cause of our beloved country, and of everything we hold dear, in immi- nent peril. I repeat that the men who now owe duty to their country, who have been called out and have not yet reported for duty, or who have absented themselves from their posts, are Buflficient in number to secure us victory in the struggle now im- pending. I call on you, then, my countrymen, to hasten to your camps, in obedience to the dictates of honor and of duty, and summon those who have absented themselves without leave, who have re- mained absent beyond the period allowed by their furloughs, to repair without delay to their respective commands ; and I do hereby declare that I grant a general pardon and amnesty to all officers and men within the Confederacy, now absent without leave, who shall, with the least possible delay, return to their pro- per posts of duty ; but no excuse will be received for any delay beyond twenty days after the first publication of this proclamation in the State in which the absentee may be at the date of the pub- lication. This amnesty and pardon shall extend to all who have been accused, or who have been convicted and are undergoing sentence for absence without leave or desertion, excepting only those who have been twice convicted of desertion. Finally, I conjure my countrywomen, the wives, mothers, sisters, and daughters of the Confederacy — to use their all-powerful influ- ence in aid of this call, to add one crowning sacrifice to those which their patriotism has so freely and constantly afforded on their country's altar, and to take care that none who owe service m the field shall be sheltered at home from the disgrace of having APPENDIX. 123 deserted their duty to their families, to their country, and to their God. Given onder my hand, and the Seal of the Confederate States, at Richmond, tbis first day of August, in the (seal.) year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty- three, Jeffeeson Davis. By the President : J. P. Benjamin, Secretary ing the campaign in Mexico. The General, divining the attack of the enemy to be only a ruse to make him show his strength, kept the rest of his forces out of sight ; and though prostrated by the injuries he had received, set to work to make the requisite disposi- tion of his troops for the ensuing day. These dispositions being made, the General rested as well as his wounds would permit. A brief description is here necessary of the approaches to Winchester, and of the field which the next day became the THE BATTLE OF WINCHESTER. 55 scene of one of the most bloody and desperately fought bat ties of the war, and the only one in whicli General Jackson experienced a severe reverse. Winchester is approached from the south by three principal roads. These are tlie Cedar Creek road on the west, the Valley Turnpike leading to Strasburgh in the centre, and the Front Royal road on the east. On the Valley Turnpike, about three and a half miles from Winchester, is the little village of Kernstown, already mentioned ; about half a mile north of this village and west of the Valley Turnpike is a ridge of high hills commanding the approach by the Valley road and a part of the surround- ing country. This ridge was the key-point of the Federal position, and on this Colonel Kimball, the senior officer in command of the field, took his station. Along the ridge Lieut.-Colonel Daum, Chief of Artillery, posted three of his batteries, keep- ing one battery in reserve some distance in the rear. Part of the Federal infantry was posted on this ridge, within supporting distance of the artillery, and sheltered by the irregularities of the hills. The main body of the Confederates was posted in order of battle, about half a mile beyond Kernstown, their lino extending about two miles from the Cedar Creek road on their left, to a ravine near the Front Royal road on their right. They had so skilfully selected their ground, that while it afforded facilities for manoeuvring, they were com- pletely masked by high and wooded grounds in front; and so adroitly did they conceal themselves, that at eight o'clock 56 STONEWALL JACKSON. A.M., of the twenty-third, nothmg was visible but the force which had been repulsed the evening previous. Being unable, in consequence of his wound, to recon- noitre the point in person, General Shields despatched an officer to jDcrform that duty, who returned about an hour after, reporting that there were no indications of any hostile force, except that of Ashby's cavalry. General Shields and General Banks, after consulting together, came to the con- clusion that Jackson was nowhere in the vicinity, and, there- fore, General Banks took his departure for Washington. Al- though the conclusion had been reached that Jackson was not before Winchester, yet General Shieldj3, knowing the ever-vigilant foe he had to deal with, did not neglect a single precaution. About half-past ten o'clock a.m.,. a Con- federate battery opened upon the Federals, Avhich disclosed to the latter indications that a considerable force of the former was planted in the woods. In consequence of. this discovery, a brigade was pushed forward, and placed in a position to oppose the advance of the right wing of the Kebels. The action opened by a fire of artillery on both sidas, but at too great a distance to be very effective. The ad- vance was made by the Confederates, who pushed a few more guns to their right, supported by a considerable force of infantry and cavalry, with the apparent intention of en- filading the Federal position and turning Shields's left flank. An active body of skirmishers was immediately . thrown forward by the latter to check the advance of the THE BATTLE OF WINCHESTEE. 57 Rebels. These skirmishers were supported by four pieces of artillery and a brigade of infantry, and this united force repulsed the Confederates at all points. The latter withdrew the greater part of their force on their right, and formed it into a reserve to support their left. They then added their original reserve, and two batteries to their main body, and under shelter of a hill on their left, on which they had jDosted other batteries, they advanced their formidable column, with the evident intention of turning the Federal right flank, or overwhelming it. The Na- tional batteries on the opposite hill were soon found in- sufficient to check or even retard the Rebels. A message was therefore sent to General Shields informing him of the state of the field. Not a moment was to be lost. " Throw forward all your disposable infantry, carry the enemy's batteries, turn his left flank, and hurl it back on the centre," were his orders, and Colonel Kimball executed them with rapidity and vigor. The movement was intrusted to Ty- ler's splendid brigade, and following their intrepid leader, they pressed forward Avith enthusiasm to the performance of this perilous duty. The skirmishers of the Confederates were as chaff before the wind. Steadily onward it went until within a few yards of a high stone wall, behind which Jackson's men were securely posted, v/hen it was met by a fire so fierce and deadly that its ranks melted away like frost before the morning sun. They wavered but for a mo- ment, then rushed forward to the desperate struggle. At this juncture. Colonel Tyler was strongly reenforced; and 3^ 68 STONEWALL JACKSO?^. with a cheer and a yell from his men that rose high and loud above the roar of battle, he drove the Rebels from their shelter, and through the woods, with a fire as de- structive as ever fell upon a retreating foe. The Rebels fought desperately, as their piles of dead attested, and to their chagrin and mortification, Jackson's " invincible stone- wall brigade " and the accompanying brigades were obliged to fall back upon their reserve in disorder. Here they took up a new position, and attempted to retrieve the fortunes of the day. But again rained down upon them the same close and destructive fire. Again cheer ujoon cheer rang in their ears. But a few nnnutes did they stand against it, when they turned and fled in dismay, leaving their killed and wounded on the field. Night alone saved them from destruction. They retreated about five miles, and then took up a position for the night. The Federal troops now threw themselves on the field to rest, and to eat the first meal they had been able to partake of since the dawning of the day. Although the battle had been won, still General Shields could not believe that Jackson would have hazarded a de- cisive engagement at such a distance from his main body without expecting reinforcements. So to be prepared for any contingency, he brought together all the troops within his reach, and sent an express for Williams's brigade, now twenty miles distant on its way to Centreville, to march all night, and join him in the morning. He also gave positive orders to the forces in the field to open fire upon the Rebels THE BATTLE OF WINCHESTER. 59 as soon as daylight would enable tliem to point their guns, and to pursue them without respite, and compel them to abandon their guns and baggage, or cut them to pieces. It appears that General Shields had rightly divined Jack- son's intentions, for on the morning of the day of battle a recnforcement of five thousand men from Luray reached Front Koyal, on their way to join him. This recnforce- ment was being followed by another body of ten thousand from Sperryville, but recent rains having rendered the She- nandoah River impassable, they were compelled to fall back without efiecting the proposed junction. At daylight on the twenty-fourth, tlie Federal artillery again opened on the Rebels, but the latter entered upon tlieir retreat in good order, considering Avhat they had suf- fered. General Banks, hearing of the engagement on his way to Washington, halted at Harper's Ferry, and ordered back a part of Williams's division. He returned to Win- cliester, and after making a hasty visit to General Shields, assumed command of the forces in pursuit of the flying Rebels. The j^ursuit was kept up with vigor until the Fede- rals reached Woodstock, Avhere Jackson's retreat became fright, when it was abandoned, in consequcEce of the utter exhaustion of the troops. The Federal loss in this engagement is stated to have been one hundred and three in killed, four hundred and forty-one wounded, and twenty-four missing. Of the Confed- erate loss we are not able to speak with accuracy. General Shields reports that two hundred and seventy were found 60 STONEWALL JACKSON. dead on the "battle-field, and that forty were buried by the inliabitants of the adjacent village. He computes, from a calculation made of the number of graves discovered on both sides of the Valley road, between Winchester and Strasburgh, added to these figures, that Jackson's loss in killed could not have been less than five hundred, and that his wounded must have been double that number. Jack- son's ofiicial report would no doubt satisfy us upon this head, but as the Confederate government have studiously abstained from making the same public, there can be little reason to imagine otherwise than that his loss was a severe one. In fact there can be no denying that this battle of "Winchester terminated most disastrously to him, though perhaps it was the only one which has not been more or less instrumental in adding considerably to his fame. The Federal force engaged in this battle did not exceed seven thousand in infantry, cavalry, and artillery. General Shields calculates that Jackson must have been supported by a much larger number, whilst Confederate correspond- ents claim that their force was considerably outnumbered by that of the Federals. Though the battle of Winchester pales into insignificance when it is compared with many of the other conflicts of the l^resent war — conflicts in which twenty times the number of troops were engaged — yet it has been scarcely surpassed by any in the terrible earnestness of the combatants and in the fierceness of the combat. It Avas a battle in which many for the first time bathed their swords in blood, but k THE BATTLE OF WIN-CHESTER. 61 they fought like veterans, and were led by commanders worthy of their valor. Although Jackson on this occasion suffered the mortification of defeat, it might have been that had he been opposed by a less practised and a less gallant general than he found the Federal commander to be, his well-known strategy would have won for him the honors of the day. At one time victory appeared to be almost with- in his grasp. Fighting behind a veritable stone wall, his renowned " Stonewall " brigade poured forth into the Fede- ral ranks their deadly missiles with such unerring aim, that nothing, but the most dogged courage of the Northern men, could have enabled them to dislodge their enemy from his mural breastwork. So terrible was this part of the en- gagement that, during its progress, four times was the color-bearer of the Fifth Ohio Volunteers laid prostrate, after which the banner was borne forward to victory by the Lieutenant-Colonel of another regiment, who had caaght it from tlie hands of a dying sergeant. CHAPTER YI. CAMPAIGN^ IN" THJE VALLEY OF THE SHENANDOAH RETRBAT OF GENERAL BANKS. Retreat of Jackson up the Valley — Federal Plans to capture him — Battle of McDowell — Compels Banks to retreat — Battle of Front Royal — ^Alarra of General Banks at Strasburgh — He commences a rapid Retreat — Disas- ters by the Way — Exciting Scenes in Winchester — Second Battle of Win- chester — Safe Arrival of the Federals in Maryland — Estimate of Losses. After the battle of Wincliester, General Jackson re- treated toward the upper waters of the Shenandoah, close- ly followed by the forces under Generals Banks and Shields, who, however, were never able to come up with their swift- footed antagonist. During this pursuit, they were several times impeded in their progress by, and had many encoun- ters with, Ashby's cavalry, who acted as the rear-guard of the Rebels. They disputed the passage of the Federals at nearly every point, burning bridges, and throwing every obstacle in their progress. On the fourth of April, the Federal troops in this valley were detached from the Army of the Potomac, in which they formed a corjys cVarmee^ and the district was created into a sep- rate Department, under the command of General Banks. It was at this time also that the troops situated upon the Rap- CAMPAIGN IN" THE SHENANDOAH VALLEY. 63 paJiannock were in like manner detached from General Mc- dellan's supreme command and placed under that of Mc- Dowell. These new arrangements it, is utterly impossible to deny, considerably interfered with General McClellan's plan of operations upon the Peninsula, from which point he was now menacing Kichmond. The Confederates were desirous of collecting all their avail- able strength for the protection of their capital, and orders were forwarded shortly after this time to General Jackson, instructing him to rejoin his forces to those of General John- ston ; but at the earnest remonstrance of the former General, who considered that he could better defend Kichmond on the Shenandoah than upon the Chickahominy, he was al- lowed to remain on the banks of the former river. To capture Jackson and his entire force was one of the cherished plans of the Federals. While General Banks was closely treading in his footsteps in his retreat up the valley, a strong detachment of the army under General Fremont, who was in command of the Mountain Department of the AUeghanies, was deployed under Generals Milroy and Schenck to enter the Shenandoah Valley at Buffalo Gap, west of Staunton, and there give Jackson a meeting. It was anticipated that, being thus placed between two fires, it would be barely possible the Rebel General could es- cape. How far the Federals were right in their calcula- tions, the sequel will tell. In the movements of General Milroy, having for their ob- ject the circumvention of the Rebels, he encountered a por- 64 STONEWALL JACKSON. tion of Jackson's force on April the twenty-firet, within a few miles of Buffalo Gap, and had a skirmish with a sma*U force of their cavalry. He then fell back to McDowell, on the Bull Pasture Mountain, where he encamped till May the eighth, on which date he was driven therefrom by a superior force of Confederates. General Jackson, learning the advance of Milroy, sent a force to meet him from Yalley Mills, six miles north of Staunton, with five days' rations and without tents or bag- gage, save blankets, under the command of General Ed. Johnson. Upon the next day, the advance-guard had a skirmish with the outposts of the Federals at the junction of Jennings's Gap and the Parkersburgh turnpike-road, twenty-one miles from Staunton. At the same time, General Jackson came up with an additional force, and after con- sultation with General Johnson, the latter proceeded along the road toward Shenandoah Mountain in pursuit of the Federals, closely followed by the force under General Jack- son. Arriving at the mountain, they discovered that several Federal regiments, which had been encamped there, had hastily retreated, leaving their tents and stores behind them ; and, ascending to the summit, they could see them proceed- ing upon the east side of Bull Pasture Mountain, about five miles in advance. At sunrise on the morning of the eighth, the Confederates continued their line of march, and arriving at Bull Pasture Mountain they ascended to its summit, and discovered that Milroy had placed a battery on tho road leading into Mc- CAMPAIGN IN THE SHENANDOAH VALLEY. 65 Dowell, and commanding a narrow gorge on the west side of the mountain, through which the road passes. It becom- ing late in the day before the Confederate Generals had com- pleted their survey of the Federal position, they concluded to postpone offensive operations until the following morn- ing. But about five o'clock they were attacked by the Na- tional forces, w^ho were reenforced, and after a desperate fight of five hours' duration drove them from the field. Dur- ing the engagement. General Johnson narrowly escaped be- ing captured. He was rescued from a perilous position by the Richmond Zouaves, who, observing his danger, charged upon the Federals, and by this act disobeyed orders which General Jackson had given them to fall back, the latter at the time not being aware of his brother General's critical position. The Rebels lost on this occasion about three hundred in killed, wounded, and missing, of which one third were either killed or mortally wounded. The Federal loss is stated to have been thirty killed and two hundred and sixteen wound- ed. The entire force of the latter in the engagement was two thousand and sixty-five men, and of the former two bri- gades of three regiments each. It was quite dark before the engagement terminated, when the Federals at once prepared to fall back, and found it necessary to destroy a quantity of stores. The Confede- rates expected to renew the fight the following morning, but found that their foe had evacuated his camp, leaving behind him all his equipage, a large quantity of ammuniti :)n, a num- m STOXEWALL JACKSON. ber of cases of Enfield rifles, and about one hundred head of cattle, mostly milch cows. The Federals made their retreat good to Franklin, west of the Shenandoah Mountains, to which place they were closely followed by the Confederates. General Fremont also reached this place on May the thirteenth, having proceeded thither by forced marches, it being apprehended that an at- tack would be made by the Rebels upon the Union forces there situated. General Jackson having compelled the retreat of the forces of General Fremont, who had been sent to oppose his progress, now turned round upon General Banks, and in- stead of being the pursued became the pursuer. The rapidity with which, from this change in the programme, the latter General was compelled to make good his retreat to the northern banks of the Potomac, exhibited a display of strate- getical ability on his part which was only equalled by that still greater strategy which necessitated the retreat. The suddenness wdth which this scene in the drama of the war was changed from a bright and glowing prospect to one enveloped in mist and darkness was a cause of great alarm to the people of the Korth, and led the President not only to call for aid from the militia of the loyal States, but to prevent General McDowell from marching with his forces from the Rappahannock to the assistance of General Mc- Clellan in his attack upon Richmond. The most southerly point which General Banks reached CAMPAIGN IN THE SHENANDOAH VALLEY. 67 in the Valley of the Shenandoah was Harrisonburgh, where, on April tlie twenty-ninth, a National salute was fired and rejoicings took place in honor of recent Union victories. Shortly after this date, finding that Jackson was pressing upon his front and that the place was becoming untenable, the Federal General retreated down the valley. One of the immediate causes which necessitated this retreat was the removal of General Shields's division, of two thousand men or more, from General Banks's corps. There is reason to believe that urgent, but useless, remonstrance was made by General Banks against this depletion of his force, and that a representation which he had made, that Jackson had been heavily reenforced, was met only by incredulity. The num- ber of men left under General Banks's command was but about seven thousand, who were now pressed by three times that number under Generals Jackson and Ewell. On the twenty-first of May some of Ashby's cavalry showed themselves in the neighborhood of Strasburgh, from which place they were driven by a small force of Federal cavalry. About this time a considerable portion of Jack- son's forces were making a detour to Front Royal — a small village twelve miles east of Strasburgh, and situated on the eastern bank of the Shenandoah River, over which is here carried a large bridge of the Manassas Gap Railroad — and on the twenty-third surprised and captured almost the entire Federal force, which was encamped near that place. This lat- ter consisted of about nine hundred men under the command of Colonel John R. Kenly. They were stationed at Front OO STONEWALL JACKSON. Royal, for the purpose of protecting the place and the rail- road and bridges between that town and Strasburgh against the local guerrilla parties who infested that locality. So small a force could never have been expected to defend them- selves against much larger numbers, for Front Royal in itself is an indefensible position. Two mountain valleys debouch suddenly upon the town from the south, commanding it by almost inaccessible hills, and it is at the same time exposed to flank movements by other mountain valleys via Stras- burgh on the west, and Chester Gap on the east. The only practicable defence of this town would seem to be by a force sufficiently strong to hold these mountain passes some miles in advance, and such a force General Banks had not at his disposal. On the twenty-third of May it was discovered that the entire Confederate force was in movement down the valley of the Shenandoah between the Massanutten Mountain and the Blue Ridge, and in close proximity to the town ; and their cavalry had captured a considerable number of the Federal pickets, before the alarm was given of their near approach. The little band found itself instantaneously com- pelled to choose between an immediate retreat or a contest with overwhelming numbers. They chose the latter. Driven at last from the camp and the town, they were compelled to retreat across the river. As^ain forminc^ into line and placmg their battery in position upon the opposite shore, tliey opened fire upon the Rebels, while the latter were ford- ing the stream. They again found it necessary to retreat, CAMrAIGN IN THE SHENANDOAH VALLEY. 69 and had only proceeded two miles upon the "Winchester road, when they were overtaken by the Rebel cavalry. A fear- ful fight ensued, which ended in a complete destruction of the command, Colonel Kenly falling at the head of his column. A very small number only were enabled to escape, accom- plishing the same through the friendly covering of the neigh- boring woods. Very early on the following morning, the Confederates marched upon the road to Middletown, a place situated on the turnpike between Strasburgh and Winchester, and about eight miles north of the former place. At Middletown they came upon and attacked a part of General Banks's force as it was retreating along the road. Having cut the same in twain, a brigade of Ewell's division j^ursued the Strasburgh wing, capturing many prisoners, and demoralizing the rest of the troops, whilst the main body hurried swiftly down the valley after General Banks. Every few hundred yards, they passed one or more Federal wagons, upset, broken, or team- less, and full of baggage or military stores. Upon approach- ing Newtown, a few miles north of Middletown, the Rebels were for a while checked with artillery, after which the Federal rout and flight became precipitous and exciting be- yond degree. The Federals made another stand in the neighborhood of Winchester, but after an engagement of short duration, they were compelled to give up the con- test, and continue their retreat. On the evening of the twenty-third, information was r^ 70 STONEW.ILL JACKSON. ceived by General Banks at Strasburgh of the critical posi- tion in which Colonel Kenly was placed at Front Koyal; but as he viewed with distrust the extravagant statements which he received of the Confederate strength, he only for- warded a regiment of infantry, a detachment of cavalry, and a section of artillery to his assistance. He had, however, scarcely despatched these reenforcements when information reached him of the utter annihilation of Colonel Kenly's troops. He therefore recalled them, and sent out nu- merous reconnoitring parties to ascertain, if possible, the force, and the position and purpose of this sudden movement of General Jackson. It was soon found that his pick- ets were in possession of every road leading from Front Royal to Strasburgh, Middletown, Newtown, and Win- chester, and rumors from every quarter represented him in movement in rear of his pickets in the direction of the Federal camp. General Banks could not now doubt the extraordinary force of the Confederates by which he was threatened, nor could he believe otherwise but that they had a more exten- sive purpose than the capture of the " brave little band at Front Royal." He at once divined that this purpose could be nothing less than either the defeat of his own command or its possible capture by the occupation of "Winchester, through which means the Rebels would be enabled to inter- cept his supplies and reenforcements, and out him off from all possibility of retreat. He also ascertained that he was menaced by the divisions of Generals Jackson, Ewell, and CAMPAIGN IN THE SHENANDOAH VALLEY. 71 Johnson, numbering not less than twenty-five thousand men, under command of the first-named General. Considering his position a very critical one, General Banks felt that the most expedient course for himself to adopt was to make a rapid movement on Winchester with a view to anticipate the occupation of that town by Jack- son. He would thus place his command in communication with its original base of operations in the line of reinforce- ments by Harper's Ferry and Martinsburgh, and by this means secure a safe retreat in case of disaster. Calling in all his outposts, he prepared to march at three o'clock on the morning of the twenty-fourth of May. Several hundred disabled men who had been left in his charge by Shields's division, were first put upon the march, and his wagon train was ordered forward to Winchester, under an escort of cavalry and infantry. General Hatch, with nearly the whole force of cavalry and six pieces of ar- tillery, was charged with the protection of the rear of the cohmin, and the destruction of army stores for which trans- portation was not provided. All the preparations being completed with incredible alacrity, the column was put in motion shortly after nine o'clock. It had not proceeded many miles when information was received from the front that the Kebels had attacked the train, and were in full possession of the road at Middletown. This report was soon confirmed by the return of fugitives, refugees, and wagons, which came tumbling to the rear in dreadful con- fusion. The immediate danger being now in front, the 72 STONEWALL JACKSON. troops were ordeied to the head of the column, and the train transferred to the rear. Cedar Creek Bridge, three miles north of Strasburgh, — over which the entire column liad passed, with the exception of the rear-guard, which had been instructed to remain in front of Strasburgh as long as possible, and thus hold the enemy in check in that direction — was also prepared for the flames, in order that its destruc- tion might prevent any pursuit on the part of the Confeder- ates. By the burning of the bridge, Captain Abert and the Zouaves d^Afrique w^ere cut off from the column, but after a sharp conflict with a party of Rebel cavalry at Strasburgh, they made their way safely to Williamsport, where they joined their comrades. The advance-guard encountered the Confederates in force at Middletown, thirteen miles south of Winchester, and after a sharp engagement drove them back. The column had not, however, proceeded much farther, before it w\as again attacked by a considerable force of infantry, cavalry, and artillery. After repeated attempts to force a passage through the Rebel lines which had possession of the tui-npike, a part of the force which had been cut off from the main body made several ineffectual attempts to join it by proceeding upon a parallel road. Failing in this, they returned to Strasburgh, from which place they pro- ceeded by a circuitous route to Winchester, and other places north thereof, where they joined the main body. The rear of the column was again attacked by an in- creased force between Newtown and Kernstow^n, and large CAMPAIGN IN THE SHENANDOAH VALLEY. 73 bodies of Jackson's cavalry passed upon the Federal right and left, the increased vigor of his movements demonstrat- ing the rapid advance of his main body. The early and rapid march of the front portion of the train prevented the accomplishment of Jackson's contem- plated plan of crushing it between those forces which he had despatched to intercept it, and the troops which press- ed upon the rear of the column. It Avas, therefore, only the end of the column which encountered the main difficul- ties that beset it on its journey. Those of the front who, after a long and anxious day's march, were enabled to re- tire to rest in the town of Winchester on the evening of that eventful Saturday, were startled at daybreak on the Sabbath morning by the noise of cannon and the rattle of musketry, and could see the smoke as it rose from the hills three miles distant. Some of the people of Winchester gazed thitherward, as upon an interesting spectacle, and rejoiced that Jackson was again coming to free them from the Northern yoke ; whilst others could see nothing in the anticipated change which could give them cause for joy. Presently, and there were heard the tramping of horses' hoofs upon the road, and the heavy rolling of artillery over the pavement, and then every thing was in commotion. The women sobbed, and the men ran to and fro. The forces which had been quartered for the night in the tovv^n were started upon a hasty retreat. Flames rose from burning buildings, and heavy columns of smoke which roll- 74 STONEWALL JACKSON. ed upward, betokened to distant eyes that a scene of do* struction was being enacted. Whilst the Confederates were entering the town at the southern end, the Federals were rapidly making their exit through its northern portals. "All the streets were in commotion," writes an eye-witness to the scene ; " Cavalry were rushing disorderly away, and infantry frightened by the rapidity of their mounted companions, were in conster- nation. All were trying to escape faster than their neigh- bors, dreading most of all to be the last Guns, knapsacks, cartridge-boxes, bayonets, and bayonet-cases, lay scattered upon the ground in great profusion, thrown away by the panic-stricken soldiers But this confusion and disorder was not of long duration. General Banks riding continually among the men, and addressing them kindly and firmly, shamed them to a consideration of their unbefitting consternation. At length stationing him- self and stafi" with several others across a field through which the soldiers were rapidly flying, the men Avere order- ed to stop their flight, were formed into line, and were made to march on in a more soldier-like manner." Vehicles of every description, crowded with sick soldiers and citizens, and bound northwards, passed rapidly through the streets on this eventful morning. The contrabands flocked through them, each with his little bundle ; and whole families of negroes, some of them with packs strap- ped on head and shoulders, little children almost too small to walk, and lean horses carrying two or three, went fol- CAMPAIGN IN THE SHENANDOAH VALLEY. 76 lowing the train. Meantime, the thunder of cannonading had commenced. Nearer and nearer it came, and the cry- went forth that the Rebels were driving the Federal forces. As the fugitives retired from the city, they looked back and beheld flames ascending from many of the build- ings, in which military stores and powder had been con- tained, and to which the torch had been applied to prevent them falling into the hands of the Rebels. Here was por- trayed a vivid illustration of the horrors of war. Homes that once had been the abodes of happiness, now became desolate, and fell a prey to the ravages of the flames. The town in which but two months previous the Federals had entered with joyous hearts, treading to the sound of mar- tial music, and under the shadow of their waving banners, they now left in despondency, and with the marks of fear depicted in their faces. We will now return to the rear. Two hours past mid- night on Saturday the two brigades under the command of Colonels Gordon and Donnelly, upon whom, toward the close of the day, had devolved the duty of protecting the end of the column, and who had thus far succeeded in keep- ing the Confederates at bay, halted for the night in the out- skirts of Winchester. The men went into bivouac with- out fire, with but little food, and completely exhausted. At Winchester all doubts as to the number of the Con- federate forces were set at rest. All classes — secessionists, Unionists, refugees, fugitives, and prisoners — agreed that '" STONEWALL JACKSON. it was overwhelming, and that from twenty-live to thir- ty thousand men were iu. close j^roximity to the place. Rebel officers who came into the Federal camp with entire unconcern, supposing that their OAvn troops occupied the town, confirmed these statements, and added that an attack would be made on the National forces at daybreak. Meas- ures were, therefore, promptly taken to repel the attack ; and at early dawn the two brigades in question were under arms. Soon after four o'clock, the artillery opened its fire, which was continued without intermission until the close of the engagement. Colonel Gordon's brigade was placed on the right of the line, and was partly covered from the fire of the enemy by stone walls. Colonel Donnelly's brigade was assigned to the left. The earliest movement of the Rebels was in this direction, but this being intercept- ed by a detachment of cavalry, it was apparently aban- doned. The main body of the Confederates was hidden during the early part of the action by the crest of a hill, and the woods in the rear. Their force was apparently masked on the Federal right, and their manoeuvres indicated a purpose to turn it upon the Berryville road, where it appeared sub- sequently that they had placed a considerable force with a view of preventing reenforcoments arriving from Harper's Ferry. In this, however, they were frustrated until a small portion of the National troops under the erroneous im- pression that an order had been given to withdraw, made a movement to the rear. No sooner was this observed by CAMPAIGN IN THE SHENANDOAH VALLEY. 77 the Rebels than their regiments swarmed upon the crest of the hill, and advanced from the woods upon the Federal right, which fell back upon the town, continuing its fire by tlie way. The overwhelming force of the Confederates thus sud- denly showed itself. It was considered unwise to make further resistance, and orders were given to the entire Federal force to withdraw, which w^as done in good order. A portion of the troops passed through the town in some confusion, but the column was soon re-formed, and contin- ued its march. This engagement held the Rebels in check for five hours. The forces were greatly unequal, there being not less than twenty-five thousand of Jackson's trooj)S in position, and capable of being brought into action, whilst the two bri- gades of Federals consisted of less than four thousand men. The latter were, however, assisted by nine hundred cavalry, ten Parrott guns, and a battery of six-pounders. This battle took place upon nearly the same spot on which the previous battle of Winchester had been fought ; but when we take into consideration, the great disparity in the forces which met in deadly encounter on the occasion of this second engagement, it can scarcely be admitted that the Confederate commander here regained all the laurels which he had here lost. The Federals now continued their march in three parallel columns, and proceeded in the direction of Martinsburgh. 78 STONEWALL JACKSON. The Confederates pursued them with promptitude and vigor, but the movements of the retreating party Avere now rapid and without loss. Halting for two hours and a half at Martinsburgh, they proceeded on their way to the banks of the Potomac, and the rear-guard reached that river at sundown — forty-eight hours after the first news of the attack upon Front Royal. Thus was completed a march of fifty- three miles, thirty-five of which had been performed in one day. " The scene of the river," says General Banks in his re- port, " when the rear-guard arrived, was of the most ani- mating and exciting description. A thousand camp-fires were burning on the hill-side, a thousand carriages of every description were crowded upon the banks, and the broad river between the exhausted troops and their coveted rest." On the following morning, the entire force was moved across the river in safety, and, remarks the Federal Com- mander " There never were more grateful hearts in the same number of men, than when, at mid-day on the tAventy- sixth, we stood on the opposite shore." The entire number of men lost by this retreat was esti- mated at about nine hundred, of whom thirty-eight were killed, one hundred and fifty-five wounded, and seven hun- dred and eleven missing. Of the wagon-train which con- sisted of nearly five hundred wagons. General Banks states that he only lost fifty-five, and that these with, but few ex- ceptions were all burned on the road, and not abandoned to the enemy. He further states that nearly all his supplies CAMPAIGN IN THE SHENANDOAH VALLEY. 79 were saved with the exception of tlie stores lost at Front Royal an*d at Winchester, at which latter place a consid- erable portion was destroyed by his own troops. The Confederates consider this expedition of General Jackson to have been a most glorious one, and they find reason to ascribe its results to the zeal, heroism, and genius of its Commander alone. They claim for it a comparison with some of the most famous campaigns in modern his- tory. It was brief but brilliant, only three weeks having passed between the commencement of the aggressive move- ment, and the expulsion of the Federal army from the valley of Virginia. During this short period it is claimed that Jackson fought four battles and had a number of skirmishes, killed and wounded a considerable number of the Federals, captured four thousand prisoners, secured mil- lions of dollars' worth of stores, destroyed many millions of dollars' worth for the Federals, recovered Winchester, and annihilated the invading army of the valley — and all this with a loss scarcely exceeding one hundred in killed and wounded. We leave it to the reader to compare these statements with those made by the commander of the National forces, and to draw his own deductions therefrom. CHAPTEE yn. VALLEY OF TUE SHENANDOAH FEDEEAL PUESUIT OP JACKSON. Excitement in the North — Federal Plan to capture Jackson — Attack on Harper's Ferry — Front Royal recovered — Fremont and Shields pursue Jackson — Death of General Ashby — Battle of Cross Keys — Port Ee- public — Jackson escapes bis Pursuers — Discomforts of Fremont's March — The Valley devastated — Jackson's Devotional Habits. As we have already stated, the retreat of General Banks led to the wildest excitement in the cities of the North. In Baltimore this excitement culminated in acts of violence, and prominent citizens who were tainted with Secession proclivities were publicly mobbed in the streets, and their lives placed in jeopardy. The Administration not only found itself necessitated to make a call upon the country for additional troops, but it required the Governors of several of the loyal States to forward detachments of their militia for the protection of the National Capital. It now became a part of the Federal plan to outflank Jackson and to capture him with his entire force, before he could return to his base of operations. For this pur- pose General Fremont was instructed to advance from Franklin, in the Mountain Department, where his force 1 V.iLLEY OF THE SHENANDOAH. 81 was now located, and enter the valley, from the west, in the neighborhood of Strasburgh; whilst General Shields wtis sent from the Rappahannock to reach the same point via Manassas Gap on the east. General Jackson, learning of these movements, hastened from his advanced position on the line of the Potomac, and rapidly retraced his steps np the valley, with the hope of eluding his pursuers, and reaching the upper end thereof before they would be enabled to intercept him. Before doing this, however, he made an attempt to dislodge the National forces at Harper's Ferry, but failed to accomplish his object. For two days he endeavored to draw them out from their stronghold, so that he could give them battle on ground of his own choosing ; but General Saxton, who was then in command of the Federal troops there stationed, would not be lured by the Aviles of his scheming foe. Foil- ed in these attem.pts, Jackson determined to storm the jjlace. This he did about nightfall on Friday, May the thirtieth, amid a terrific storm. The scene at the time was very impressive. The night w^as intensely dark ; the hills around were alive with the signal-lights of the Rebels ; the rain descended in torrents ; vivid flashes of lightning illu- minated, at intervals, the magnificent scenery; while tlie crash of thunder, echoing among the mountains, drowned into comparative insignificance the roar of the artillery. After an action of about one hour's duration, the Confed- erates retired. They made another unsuccessful attack at 4* 82 STONEWALL JACKSON. midnight, and after a short engagement disappeared. Jackson, then retreated. On the following morning the Federals pursued him as far as Charlestown, only to learn that his rear-guard had passed through the place an hour before their arrival. On the morning of the day that this affair took place at Harper's Ferry, a portion of Jackson's forces stationed at Front Royal were driven from that place by a brigade of National troops. The Rebels were taken as completely by surprise as Colonel Kenly's command had been the week previous, and they had no time left either to save or de- stroy any thing. Railroad engines and cars filled with stores, along with many prisoners, fell into the hands of the Federals, and several of the Union men who were here captured by the Confederates, on their attacking the place, were recaptured. General Fremont left Franklin on Sunday, May the twen- ty-fifth, and his advance-guard entered Strasburgh on the evening of the following Sunday, the troops having halted one day on the road, being compelled to do so from ex- haustion. The march was made amid heavy rains, which rendered the roads almost impassable. With the exception of a small skirmish, which occurred at Wardensville, the advancing party met wath no opposi- tion to their progress, until the morning of the day on which they reached Strasburgh. On this morning, ho\\ ever, Colonel Cluseret's brigade, which formed the advance VALLEY OF THE SHENANDOAH. 83 guard of Fremont's army, had a sharp encounter and brisk cannonading with Jackson's rear-guard or flanking column. Although the latter were repulsed, after an engagement of two hours' duration, they had been enabled to gain time for and to protect Jackson's main force, which was then hurriedly retreating over the road from Winchester to Strasburgh. Jackson had pushed on his forces so swiftly that he suc- ceeded in reaching Strasburgh just in season to pass be- tween Fremont on the one side and Shields on the other. The advance-guard of the former entered Strasburgh on the evening of the day- that Jackson passed through the town, whilst Shields's advance-guard reached it the follow- ing morning. Shields's advance-guard now joined Fre- mont's force, whilst his main army passed up the valley to the eastward. The Federals were now close upon Jackson's heels, and the Confederate rear-guard now found it necessary on many occasions to dispute the progress of the National forces. General Ewell was in the command of this rear- guard, and received able assistance from Ashby's cavalry. During the passage of the Union soldiers, they found .strewn along the roads and in the adjoining woods, suc^i relics as a fugitive army is wont to scatter in its trail ; and dead, wounded, and exhausted soldiers lay by che side of the road. Woodstock was reached on Monday night by the Fed- erals, Jackson's army having parsed through the town on 84 STONEWALL JACKSON. die same day. The Confederates were so closely pressed that their bridge-bnrpers could but half accomplish the task which was allotted to them, and the Federals were easily able to repair any damage which the bridges sustained at their hands. However, at Mount Jackson, the long bridge which there crosses the Shenandoah, a river too swift and deep to be forded, was so far destroyed as seriously to de- hiy the Federals in their onward progress. Upon reaching this point Jackson was so closely pressed that his rear- guard had but barely passed over one end of the bridge, when the Federal cavalry were about to enter upon the other. On, on, Jackson sped, much delayed in his progress by the exhaustion of his troops, and the breaking down of his trains, and sorely pressed by the advancing forces of his pursuers. On June the sixth he had another severe en- counter with the National troops in a woody district in the southern outskirts of the town of Harris onburgh. In this engagement he first obtained a slight advantage, owing to the mismanagement of Colonel "Windham, who had the command of such of the Federal forces as were brought into ao.tion. The ground lost by this repulse to the Na- tional troops was, however, speedily regained by General Bayard, who made a vigorous attack upon the Rebels, and ultimately drova them back, and compelled them to renew their retreat. In this engagement the distinguished Rebel General Ashby, who covered the retreat with his whole VALLEY OF THE SHENANDOAH. 85 cavalry force and tliree regiments of infantry, and who ex- hibited admirable skill and audacity, was killed. On June the eighth the two armies came into collision at Cross Keys, seven miles beyond Harris onburgh. Although Jackson had a much superior force to Fremont, throughout his retreat he had studiously avoided fighting a pitched battle, as he was fearful that the delay which would be caused thereby would prevent him from escaping the large force which w^as marching to the eastward, under the com- mand of General Shields, to outflank him. General Fremont was consequently the attacking party on this occasion. The battle took place on a Sunday, and the day was one of those bright and glorious ones which, at this period of the year, so intoxicate with their freshness, and so elevate the spirits. It is said that battles commenced on a Sunday are seldom successes for the attacking party, and we fear that we can not claim this battle as any exception to the general rule. Having upon the previous evening, and upon that morn- ing, caused reconnoissances to be made with a view of as- certaining the position of the Rebels, General Fremont ap- proached them about eleven o'clock, and the advance soon opened that preliminary fire which usually precedes a gene- ral engagement. The face of the country in this district is rolling, and covered at various points with woods, generally of oak, from the size of a small sapling to that of a man's body. The ground on which the battle was fought is a succession of hillocks, on which several farms stretch out for two or three miles from north to south, and form a belt 86 STONEWALL JACKSON. of cleared land, which is lowest in the centre and gradually rises as the timber is approached in either direction. To the north, as if standing sentinel and gravely looking down upon the scene, rises a lofty mountain-peak, its top enveloped in a blue haze, and its steep sides bathed in the sunlight of a beautiful morning. Far off to the east, stretching up and down the Shenandoah, the distant peaks of the Blue Ridge form a background of indescribable beauty. The attack was commenced by General Fremont's right, the line of which extended for nearly a mile and a half. The Rebels were here driven back, and in this quarter the chances of success were strongly in favor of the Federals, until an order was given for this wing to withdraw slowly and in good order from the position it had gained, and pro- ceed to the relief of the left, which had suffered severely from the fire of the Confederates. On the left General Stahl's German brigade, whilst in the act of ascending a slope as they were about proceeding to the attack, were opposed by a murderous fire from the Rebels, which produced sad havoc and caused their ranks to be terribly thinned. They were consequently compelled to fall back. Some mountain howitzers were then directed upon the Rebels ; the cannonading became furious ; the deep thunders of the artillery reverberated through tlie valley ; the sharp crash of musketry rang through the woods ; shells went screaming on the errand of death ; and the cloud of sulphurous smoke which hung like a funeral VALLEY OF THE SHENANDOAH. 87 pall over the advancing and receding waves, told too well the work of carnage and death then going on. Had Stahl been enabled to advance but a few feet far- ther, his troops would have had an opportunity to pour into the Rebels a fire which would have driven them before him. This, with the combined movement of the Federal troops on the right, and of those which already had pene- trated the centre, would doubtless have swept Jackson's entire line, would have put him to rout, would have cap- tured his guns, and would have gained a most comj)lete victory for the ISTational forces. But this was prevented by the mistake of an order, which had been forwarded to some regiments directing them to relieve the advancing party, having been construed into one to retire. The misfortune of this misunderstanding can scarcely be estimated. One more effort and tlie regiments which had forced themselves right up to the Rebel guns would doubt- less have gained a splendid triumph. But the opportunity was lost, and General Jackson again slipped through the fingers of the Federals, after Fremont had for fifteen days marched his army through mud and rain to catch him. There was for a time a lull in the storm — each party seeming satisfied to take a rest. Then in retiring, Jackson sent a few shells which fell in the midst of General Fre- mont's staff, and caused them to scatter far and wide. These compliments were returned, and a brisk artillery duel was kept up for a short time, and then all again was quiet. Night came on, the clouds of smoke which had ob- 88 STONEWALL JACKSON. scurecl the sky disappeared, and the moon smiled down as peacefully upon the scene where carnage had held high carnival as if no ghastly features, pale in death, were there. On the following morning General Fremont again march ed with his troops in pursuit. They had not proceeded far before they reached Mill Creek Church, which had been used as a hospital by the Kebels, and in which they found several wounded Union soldiers. "Let it be said to the Rebels' credit," Avrites a gentleman who was present at the time, " that they treated our wounded humanely. Many left upon the field had blankets thrown over them and can- teens of water placed by their side, while they nearly all say that they were as well treated as the Rebels them- selves." The Federal loss in the battle of Cross Keys was about one hundred and twenty-five killed, and five hundred wounded. General Fremont states that upward of two hundred of the Confederates were counted dead in one field, and that many others were scattered through the Avoods. Several more of the dead and the entire of Jack- son's wounded had been removed in wagons under cover of the night. On the same day that the battle of Cross Keys was being fought, a minor action took place at Port Republic between the train-guard of Jackson's army and a small Federal force belonging to General Shields's division, and under the VALLEY OF THE SHENANDOAH. 89 command of Colonel Carroll. This resulted in the repulse of the latter ; the forces engaged being more than two to one against him. On the following day occurred the bat- tle of Port Republic. While General Fremont was closely pressing Jackson in the rear, a portion of General Shields's command, under General Tyler, was moving on the east in advance of the main column, with the intention of reaching Waynesboro, on the Virginia Central Railroad, for the purpose of de- stroying the railroad, and thus cutting off Jackson's line of communication by that route with Gordonsville and Rich- mond. The troops under Colonel Carroll formed the ad- vance-guard of this force. Jackson was well aware of this plan to intercept him, and to frustrate it he brought into oi)eration that celerity of movement for which he was so celebrated. After Colonel Carroll's repulse on the Sunday, he fell back to and joined the troops under General Tyler. It was a part of General Shields's instructions to these officers that they should destroy the long bridge which crosses the She- nandoah at Port Republic, and by this means cut off Jack- son's retreat at this poiii* also. This, however, they were prevented from accomplishing. Jackson, continuing his retreat, reached Port Republic on the morning of the ninth, when he immediately de- spatched a force to attack General Tyler. This force was repulsed, but on recnforcements being received, the Confed- erates drove back the Federals and captured their guns, 90 STONEWALL JACKSON. which could not be removed, owing to the horses having been killed or disabled, and the roads being so heavy that it was imjDossible for the men to drag them through the deep mud. During this time General Fremont's army moved in the direction of Port Republic without opposition. As it drew near the place a dense volume of smoke was seen rising in the air. The troops pressed on to discover the cause, but reached the river just as the last Rebel had crossed the Shenandoah ; arriving, however, in time to observe Jack- son's interminable train winding along like a huge snake in the valley beyond. Several Rebel regiments were drawn in line of battle on the opposite side of the Shenandoah. An unfordable river lay between the opposing armies, and the bridge was in flames. Thus ended the Federal pursuit of the fleet-footed Jack- son. General Fremont had left Franklin on Sunday, May the twenty-fifth, taking up his line of march for the Valley of Virginia. At Petersburgh he had left his tents and heavy baggage. With one exception, he had marched sixteen consecutive days. The rains had been heavy and severe, and the soldiers had been compelled to bivouac in water and mud, lying down in their drenched clothes to obtain a few hours' rest, so that they might be enabled to endure the fatigues of the coming day. Transportation had been difficult. Forage and provisions had been scarce, for the country had been swept clear thereof by former armies. Sometimes the soldiers had but a short allowance of bread ; VALLEY OF THE SHENANDOAH. 91 sometimes tbey had none, whilst some of them had worn out their shoes, and were compelled to march barefooted. However, they endm-ed these trials with great patience. Under circimistances such as these, and after seven days of almost continuous skirmishing, was fought the battle of Cross Keys. It has been argued that if General Fremont had closely followed Jackson after this battle, the latter would have been attacked in both front and rear, and he would thus have been j^i'evented from making good his escape. The prostration of the Federal troops from the causes which, we have here related may possibly have been a barrier to this desirable consummation. It is much to be regretted that, during General Fre- mont's progress, some of his troops had conducted them- selves in a manner that necessitated their commander to issue an order, calling their attention to the many disor- ders and excesses and the wanton outrages upon property which had marked their line of march from Franklin to Port Republic. He considered that the magnitude of the evil should be summarily and severely checked. He, there- fore, threatened severe punishment for any similar offences that might occur in future. The men had entered dwell- ings and appropriated to themselves property of various kinds which fell in their way. It was stated that the Germans were the greatest offenders, but witnesses to these excesses state that these men were too often made the scapegoats for the offences of their comrades of Ameri* can birth. • 92 STONEWALL JACKSON. After Jackson had made his escape from his pursuers, he proceeded toward Stewardsville, passed through the Gap of the Blue Ridge mountains, and thence, via Gordonsville, to Richmond, there to take his part in the battles which' were to relieve that city from the presence of a besieging army. The state in which this charming Valley of Virginia was left by the contending armies of the North and the South, after they had trodden and retrodden its fertile fields, and after they had passed through and pillaged its pleasant towns, is thus pictured by one who was an eye-witness to the desolation which Avar had left behind : " A more beautiful country than this Valley of the She- nandoah God's sun never smiled on. The scenery is mag- nificent, but not with sterile peaks and frowning rocks. Green vestured fields and gentle, round-bosomed hills nes- tle down in the arms of great mountains, and you know they are quick with growing life, even while they slumber. It rather moves me to sympathy to see the trail of devasta- tion that the two armies have left after them. Meadows of clover are trodden into mud ; the tossing plumes of the wheat-fields along the line of march are trodden doAvn, as though a thousand reaping-machines had passed over and through them. Dead horses lie along the road, entirely overpowering the sweet scent of the clover-blossoms, and flinging out upon the air a more villainous stench than could by any possibility ascend from the left wing of the Tarta* VALLEY OF THE SHENANDOAH. 93 riaii pit. Fences are not, landmarks have vanished, and all is one common waste." Before the war this Valley was dotted with happy homes, but the curtain had not descended upon this, the second act of the bloody drama, before these homes were tenant- less, and their former peaceful occupants were scattered like chaff before the piercing blast of the pitiless storm. Amid the dreadful scenes which were here enacted, Jackson did not omit to appeal to his Maker for support in the trying ordeal through which he had to pass. His secret devotions were on one occasion witnessed by the Colonel of an artillery regiment, who happened to be encamped close to his headquarters, and whose tent was so pitched, that from its rear he commanded a view of a corner of a field, surrounded by a wood, not far from Jackson's own tent. This spot could only be seen by those who were in either of these two tents. The Colonel states that twice a day for weeks, rain or sun- shine, he saw Jackson slip away to this secluded place — ■ unseen, as he believed, by no mortal eye. He Avould seat himself upon a small fence which bounded the field, and there he would remain often for an hour, with his hands clasped and his face turned upward, convulsed w^ith emotion, and the tears streaming down his face, deep in the performance of secret and agonizing prayer. Kothino: can be said to increase the value of thia evi- dence to prove the sincerity of the man. CHAPTEK YIII. THE SEVEN days' BATTLES BEFOEE EICHMOND. Fackson created a Major-General — ^McClellan Lands upon the Peninsula — Occupation of Yorktown — ^Williamsburgh — Hanover Court-House — Seven Pines — Fair Oaks — Stuart's celebrated Raid — ^Position and Number of the Opposing Forces— First Day : Battle of Oak Grove— Confederate Council of War— Second Day: Battle of Mechanicsville— Third Day: Battle of Gaines's Mill— The Battle- Ground— Jackson's Attack on the Federal Rear — The River Crossed by the Federal Right Wing — Council of War — Fourth Day : Battle of Garnett's Farm — Fifth Day : Battle of Peach Orchard — Battle of Savage's Station — Sixth Day : Battle of White Oak Swamp — Battle of Glendale — Seventh Day : Battle of Malvern Hill — Losses of the Combatants— Importance of Jackson's Services during the Week. Immediately after Jackson had foiled his pursuers in the Valley of Virginia, he hastened to unite his forces with those which were guarding the Confederate capital against the grand attack of General McClellan's army, then daily anticipated. Jackson steps upon this scene in the character of a Major-General, having been advanced to that position in consequence of the great military abilities which he had exhibited during the Valley campaign just terminated. Before entering into the particulars of the seven days' bat- i THE SEVEN DAYS' BATTLES. 95 ties, it is advisable that we should refresh the reader's mem- ory by referring to a few of the leading events which pre- ceded this week — a week so terribly prominent in the cal- endar of our history. It having been conceived that Richmond could be more easily reached by the army of the Potomac if it traversed the Peninsula, and took advantage of the communication by water which it possessed, instead of having to cross the nu- merous rivers which intercept the road by Fredericksburgh, it was resolved to adopt the former route to the Rebel capital. General McClellan having made all his arrange- ments for the removal of his vast army from the Potomac to the vicinity of Fortress Monroe, in the middle of March issued a spirited and cheerful address to his troops, in which he informed them that the " period for inaction" had passed, and that he was about " to bring them face to face with the Rebels." At the beginning of April, he had landed his forces upon the eastern point of the Peninsula, and immediately com- menced moving upon Yorktown. He found that place strongly fortified, and it was not until the fourth of May that he obtained possession of it, the Rebels having evacuated the town during the preceding night. Before this time, the troops under General McDowell — upon which McClellan depended for assistance, by a flank movement at the head of the York River either encircling the Confederate forces or forcing them to retreat farther up the Peninsula — were re- moved from his command, to which cause has been attrib- 96 STONEWALL JACKSON. iited the delay that occurred in the occupation of York- town. Following the retreating Rebels, McClellan came into col- lision with them on May the fifth, at Williamsburgh, where they stoutly contested his farther progress. From this place they were finally expelled, but the action resulted in great loss to the Federal forces, and at one period thereof it was decidedly in favor of the Confederates. On the follow- ing day, a minor action occurred at the head of the York River, where a force of Federals who had landed there were driven back under cover of their gunboats. The Federal army now advanced toward the banks of the Chickahominy, being, however, slightly impeded in its prog- ress by repeated skirmishes with the Rebels. On the twen- ty-seventh of May, a portion of McClellan's right wing, under command of General Fitz-John Porter, had an engagement with them at Hanover Court-House, and after a sharp con- flict succeeded in accomplishing the object of the mis- sion, which was to cut off railroad communication between Richmond and the North. General Casey's division, which formed the left wing, having crossed the Chickahominy, the Confederates took advantage of a severe thunder-storm — which they trusted would cause the river to be much swollen, and Casey's com- munication with the main body of the army thus cut off— to attack this force on the thirty-first of May, at the Seven Pines. The Confederates greatly outnumbered the Federals, and would doubtless have totally annihilated the division THE SEVEN DAYS' BATTLES. 97 had it not been strongly reenforced. Some of the ground lost in the early part of the action was eventually regained, but at the close of the day the Rebels remained occupants of a portion of the Federal camp, and were in possession of several guns which they had captured. On the following morning the battle was resumed, when the Rebels were de- feated and*compelled to fall back upon Richmond. This second day's engagement is called the battle of Fair Oaks. At this time McCIellan was loudly calling for reenforce- ments, and it was naturally the object of the Confederates to prevent any addition to his forces. For this purpose, the latter planned Jackson's raid into the valley of the Shenan- doah, which we have already described, and the successful accomplishment of which, Jackson was informed by his superiors, would be the greatest service he could render to his country. Very little further of importance occurred until May the thirteenth, when the Confederate General J. E. B. Stuart, with a force of twelve hundred cavalry and a section of ar- tillery, left the Rebel lines near Richmond, and as a feint moved as if he Avas proceeding to reenforce Jackson, but afterAvards wheeled about and passed round the whole of the rear of the Union army, returning to his jDost on the fifteenth. During this dashing exploit, he took a num- ber of prisoners, and captured stores to a large amount. A brief reference to the situation of the opposing armies at the commencement of the seven days' contests, will here 5 98 STONEWALL JACKSON. be necessary to enable the reader to thoroughly understand the movements. If he will take a map of Virginia, and rnn his eye along the Virginia Central Railroad until it crosses the Chickahominy at the point designated as the Meadow Bridge, he will be in the vicinity of the position occupied by the extreme right of the Federal army. Tracing from this position a semi-circular line which crosses the Chicka- hominy in the neighborhood of the IsTew Bridge, and then the York River Railroad, further on, he arrives at a point south-east of Richmond, but a comparatively short distance from the James River, where rests the Federal left. To be a little more explicit, let the reader spread his fingers so that their tips will form as near as possible the arc of a ciicle. Imagine Richmond as situated on his wnst ; the outer edge of the thumb as the Central Railroad, the inner edge as the Mechanicsville turnpike ; the first finger as the Nine- Mile, or New-Bridge road ; the second as the Williamsburgh turn- pike, running nearly parallel with the York River Railroad ; the third as the Charles City turnpike, (which runs to the southward of the White Oak Swamp ;) and the fourth as the Darbytown road. Commanding these several avenues were the forces of McClellan. Tlie Confederate troops, with the exception of Jackson's corps, occupied a similar but of coiu'se smaller circle immediately around Richmond ; the heaviest body being on the centre, south of the York River Railroad. It will thus be seen that the Federal troops were situated on both sides of the Chickahominy, whilst the Confederates THE SEVEN DAYS' BATTLES. 99 were confined exclusively to the right bank, scarcely a sin- gle scout crossing the stream. At the commencement of the siege — which may be considered to have extended from the twenty-second to the twenty-fifth of June — three Federal corps were stationed upon the Richmond side of the river, and two corps with General Stoneman's command on the other. One corps of the latter afterward crossed toward Richmond, making four upon that side, and General Mc- Call's division of Pennsylvania Reserves, which arrived on June the eighteenth, were added to the force which re- mained on the left bank. The left corps was commanded by General Keyes, and the rest, following in rotation toward the right, by Generals Heintzelman, Sumner, Franklin, and Porter, the latter's corps being that situated upon the left bank of the river, with its extreme right resting upon Meadow Bridge, about four miles north of Richmond, and forming the nearest approach of the Federal force to the Confederate capital. The Confederate army consisted of eight grand divisions, each of which corresponded to a Federal army corps. These were commanded by Generals Huger, D. H. Hill, Longstreet, Smith, Magruder, A. P. Hill, Rains, and Ewell. Huger was stationed opposite the Federal left wing, and the others along to the right, in the order in which we have given their names. General Jackson, upon his arrival, was assigned to the extreme left of the Confederate army, where Stuart's cavalry was also stationed. He was thus placed in juxta- position to Franklin's corps on the Federal right. 100 STOxNEWALL JACKSON. During the month of June the Confederate army Avas strongly reenforced from the West and South-west, as well as by Jackson's troops, and their forces in and around Richmond, at t\w commencement of the seven days' battles, have been variously estimated at from two hundred to two hundred and fifty thousand men, but we conclude that one hundred and fifty thousand will more nearly apj^roach the actual number. To meet this vast force. General McClel- lan could not at the time muster more than eighty-six thou- sand men. FIRST DAY OAK GEOYE. Though Wednesday, June the twenty-fifth, was the day upon which the seven days' battles before Richmond com- menced, the operations on that day, so far as regarded the Confederates, were merely defensive. It was not until Thursday that the latter commenced those offensive pro- ceedings which they anticipated would, and which actually did, remove from the vicinity of their capital the JSTational forces so determinedly bent on its capture. Information was received on Tuesday that General Jack- son, with his own troops, along with those of Ewell and Whiting, was at Frederick's Hall, and that it was his inten- tion to attack tlie Federal right flank and rear, in order to cut off McClellan's communication with the White House, and to throw the I'ight wing of his army mto the Chicka- hominy. Tlie raid made by Stuart had induced the Federal commander to provide against this contingency, and he had consequently ordered to the James River, now relieved from THE SEVEN days' BATTLES. 101 the presence of tlie fearful Merrimao, a number of trans- ports laden with commissary, quartermaster, and ordnance stores. General Stoneman was at the same time placed in cliarge of the cavalry on the right, Avith instructions to keep a vigilant watch over Jackson, and to give immediate in- formation of any advance of the Rebels from that direction. The right being thus guarded. General Heintzelman was directed to drive iii the Confederate pickets in the woods from tlieir front, in order to give the National forces com- mand of cleared fields still farther in advance. This object was gallantly accomplished, although stubbornly resisted, the fighting falling principally on Hooker's division. The engagement took place at Oak Grove, about a mile in ad- vance of the battle-field at Fair Oaks, and continued through- out the entire day of the twenty-fifth, commencing at nine o'clock in the morning and not terminating until ten o'clock at night. Just as the new line was gained. General McClel- lan was called from the field by intelligence which tended strongly to confirm the belief that Jackson was really ap- proaching. Such, however, was not the case, but these repeated alarms are sufiicient to prove with what fear any approach of the irresistless Rebel was viewed. The Confederates being now in sufiicient force to become the attacking party, they resolved upon ridding their capital from the presence of a besieging host. The plan proposed to be adopted having been thoroughly completed, a great council of war was being held at the Rebel headquarters, during the progress of the events which we have just nar- 102 STONEWALL JACKSON. rnted. In it were assembled nenrly all that was eminent in tlie Rebel army. Johnston had been severely wounded at the battle of Seven Pines, and the mantle of the commandm* had fallen upon the shoulders of General Lee. Gazing cheer- fully over the countenances of his comrades, for each of whom he had a part already assigned, the new commander stood like a rock. " Thoughtfully his eyes wandered from one to the other, as though he wished to stamp the features of each upon his memory, with the feeling that he, perhaps, should never behold many of them again. Close beside him towered the knightly form of General Baldwin ; at his left leaned pensively Stonewall Jackson, the idol of his troops, impatiently swinging his sabre to and fro, as though the quiet room were too narrow for him, and he were longing to be once more at the head of his columns. A little aside, quietly stood the two Hills, arm in arm, while in front ot them old General Wise was energetically speaking. Further to the right stood Generals linger, Longstreet, Branch, Anderson, Whiting, Ripley, and Magruder, in a group. When all these generals had assembled, General Lee laid his plans be- fore them, and in a few stirring words pointed out to each his allotted task. The scheme had already been elaborated. It was compact, concentrated action, and the result could not fail to be brilliant. When the conference terminated, all shook hands and hastened away to their respective army corps, to enter upon immediate activity." * The plan of battle developed by the Confederates was, * Richmond Correspondent of tlie Cologne Gazette, THE SEVEN days' BATTLES. 108 first, to make a vigorous flank movement upon the Federal extreme right, which was within a mile or tvro of the Cen- tral Railroad ; secondly, as soon as they fell back to the next road below, the Kebel divisions there posted were to advance across the Chickahominy, charge front, and in co- operation with Jackson, who was to make a detour, and at- tack the Federals in flank and rear, drive them still further on ; and finally, when they had reached a certain point known as " The Triangle," embraced between the Charles City, New Market, and Quaker Roads, all of which in- tersect, these several approaches were to be possessed by the Confederates ; the [N'ational forces were to be thus hemmed in and compelled either to starve, capitulate, or fight their way out with tremendous odds and topographical advan- tages against them. How this plan happened to fail, at least partially, in the execution, will appear in the course of our narrative* Looking at the position of the two armies, it will be seen that the vantage ground lay with the Southern army, for General McClellan had his forces necessarily on both sides of the Chickahominy, and, owing to the many ravines in the neighborhood, he could not, without great difficulty and much loss of time, execute his military movements. His front line reached over a distance of more than twenty miles in the form of a semi -circle, extending from the vicin- cinity of the James River toward Richmond and Ashland. The heights on the banks of the Chickahominy were, however, so fortified that his army, notwithstanding the 104 STONEWALL JACKSON. great length of its line, had excellent defensive cover. The Confederate army occupied the inner side of the semi-circle, and the various divisions thereof being more contiguous to each other than those of the Federal army necessarily could be, they were more readily able to assist each other, whenever, from force of circumstances, any assistance should be required. SECOND DAY MECHANICSVILLE. Thursday dawned, and the morning was clear but warm. Jackson was in motion as early as three o'clock. His corps cTarmee^ strengthened by the addition of Whiting's divi- sion, now consisted of about thirty thousand men. He moved by a forced march from Ashland, twenty miles dis- tant from Richmond, for the purpose of commencing his outflanking operations. At Hanover Court-House he threw forward General Branch's brigades between the Chickahominy and Pamun- key Rivers, to establish a junction with General A. P. Hill, who had to cross the stream at MeadoAV Bridge. Jackson then bore away from the Chickahominy, so as to gain ground toward the Pamunkey, marching to the left of Mechanicsville and toward Coal Harbor, while Hill, keeping well to the Chickahominy, approached Mechanicsville, and there engaged the National forces. This Avas shortly after mid-day. The fight was opened with artillery at long- range, but the Rebels discovering the Federal superiority in this arm, foreshortened the range and came into closer conflict. Previous to this, however whilst the shells of the THE SEVEN days' BATTLES. 105 Confederates were not destructive in the intrenchments of tlie Federals, the gmincrs of the latter played npon the ex- posed ranks of the former with fearful effect. The fight in- creased in fury as it progressed, and it finally became the most terrible artillery combat that the war had thus far witnessed. The uproar was incessant and deafening for hours. No language can describe its awful grandeur. The Kebels at last essayed a combined movement. Powerful bodies of troops rushed forward to charge the Federal lines, but they were ruthlessly swept away. Again and again the desperate fellows were pushed at the breast- works only to be more cruelly slaughtered than before. General McCall, whose division of Porter's corps was here engaged, in the mean time had his force strengthened by the brigades of Martindale and Griffin, of Morell's division. The volume of infantry firing was thus increased, and at dark, the Rebels retired from the contest, resigning the honor of the day to the Federals. While the battle of Mechanicsville was in jDrogress, an- other action took place at Ellyson's Mills, to the right or south-east of that place, and about a mile and a half distant therefrom ; but the two engagements occurred so near to each other that they may be considered as part of the same battle. At this latter place, the Federals had a battery of sixteen guns situated on elevated ground, and defended by epaulements, supported by rifle-pits. Beaver Creek, about twelve feet wade and waist-deep, ran along the front and left flank of this position, while abattis occupied the space 5* 106 STONEWALL JACKSON. between the creek and the battery. General Lee ordered this battery to be charged, but his troo23S were unable to ad- vance any nearer than the opposite side of the creek. The Rebels suffered very severely, during the engagement, and retired from the conflict about ten o'clock at night. Another occurrence also took place on the twenty-sixth of June which is worthy of being recorded. Colonel Lansing was ordered to proceed with the Seventeenth New-York and Eighteenth Massachusetts regiments to Old Church, about six miles east of Mechanicsville, there to intercept General Jackson, who was on his way to cut off the Federal communications with the White House. Jackson succeed* ed in separating Lansing's communication with the right wing of the Federal army, at that time fighting on the banks of Beaver Creek. The latter, however, was nlti mately enabled to make his way to Tunstall's Station npon the railroad, and from thence to the York River, where he was taken np by the transports. Whenever General Branch acted directly under General Jackson's command, he implicitly obeyed his instructions, and acted with energy and courage ; but when he was out of his commander's sight, he became nervous and unresolved how to act. On the present occasion he failed to carry out the orders which Jackson had distinctly given to him, and instead of advancing boldly he hesitated, and delayed his march from hour to hour. General Hill sent his Aid-de- Camp during the battle to order up Branch's brigade, but the latter was not to be found, and he did not make his ap- THE SEVEN days' BATTLES. 107 pearance on the battle-field until niglit had put an end to the contest. It being now evident to General McClellan that Jackson was proceeding toward the Pamunkey, he considered that the position of his right wing was no longer tenable. lie therefore determined to concentrate his forces, and withdrew Porter's command to a position near Gaines's Mill, where he could rest both his flanks on the Chickahominy, and cover the most important bridges over that stream. As it was also evident that Jackson was intent upon seizing the public property on the banks of the Pamunkey, and cutting off the Federal retreat in that direction, Stoneman's command was moved swiftly down to finish operations there, and orders were issued for the removal or destruction of all public stores at White House. Meantime all trains and equipages of the right wing were withdrawn during the niglit to Trent's Bluff on the right bank of the Chickahominy, and the Avounded were conveyed to the hospital at Savage's Sta- tion — alas ! there to be deserted to the enemy they had beaten. These movements indicated that there was danger in the distance. THIED DAT GAINES's MILL. By daylight on Friday morning, General McCall had fall- en back in the rear of Gaines's Mill, and in front of "Wood- bury's bridge, w^here he Avas posted, his left joining the right of Butterfield's brigade, which rested on the woods and near to the swamps of the Chickahominy. Morell was on Lis right in the centre, and General Sykes's command, five 108 STONEWALL JACKSON. thousand regulars, and Duryea's Zouaves, held the extreme right. The line occupied crests of hills, near the New Kent road, some distance east by south of Gaines's Mill. In ad- dition to these changes. General Slocum's division, about eight thousand strong, was moved across the river to sup- port Porter, as it was assumed that the Kebels w^ould re- appear in that quarter in stronger force than they had been on the previous day. General McClellan having received intelligence, in the course of the morning, that Longstreet'a corps was at Mechanicsville, ready to move down on either bank of the Chickahominy, according to circumstances, this, with other threatening movements of the Rebels on various parts of the centre and left, placed a limit to the number of reenforcements for the support of Porter. Under these cir- cumstances it was likewise impossible to AvithdraAv him to the right bank of the river by daylight, especially as the en- emy was so close upon him that the attempt could not have been made without severe loss, and would have placed the right flank and rear of the army at their mercy. It was consequently necessary to give battle upon and hold the position now occupied at any cost, and in the mean time perfect arrangements for the change of base to the James River. Let us now impart to the reader a knowledge of the ground in the vicinity of Gaines's Mill. For this purpose we will approach the scene from the Confederate lines. Emerging from the woods, the road leads to the left and then to the right round Gaines's house, where the whole «l THE SEVEN DAYS' BATTLES. 109 ground, for the aren of fibont two miles, is an open, un- broken succession of undulating hills. Standing at the north door of the house, the whole country to the right, for the distance of one mile, is a gradual slope toAvard a creek, through which the main road runs up an open hill and then winds to the right. In front, to the left, are orchards and gulleys running gradually to a deep creek. Directly in front, for the distance of a mile, the ground is almost table- land, suddenly dipj^ing to the deep creek mentioned aboA^e, and faced by a timber-coA^ered hill AA^hich fronts the table- land. Beyond this timber-covered hill the country is again open and is a perfect plateau, AA^th a farm-house and out- houses in the centre, and the main road AAanding to the right and through all the Federal camps. To the south-east of Gaines's house is a large tract of timber, commanding all advances upon the main road. In this timber a strong body of Federal skirmishers Avere posted Avith artillery, to annoy the Confederate flank and rear, should they advance upon the Federal camps by the main road or over the table-lands to the north. Early in the morning a j)ortion of Longstreet's corps drove back such of the Federals as had been left in the vi- cinity of Mechanics ville, the latter retiring upon their new defensive line. The Confederates shortly after advanced along the entire line in the following order of battle : Longstreet on the right, resting on the Chickahominy BAvamp ; A. P. Hill on his left ; then Whiting ; then EavcII and Jackson's corps, under command of the latter general ; 110 STONEWALL JACKSON. then D. H. Hill on the extreme left of the line, which ex- tended in the form of a crescent beyond !N"ew Coal Harbor, on the north, and toward Baker's Mills on the south. The battle commenced about mid-day by the batteries of D. H Hill opening a vigorous fire on the Federal right. He however, soon found it impossible to hold his position, and his guns were soon silenced. Rcenforced, he renewed the attack, but only to meet with a second repulse and con- siderable loss. A third attack met with no better success. The object, however, of the Confederates in this attempted flank movement on the right of the Federals was mainly intended to draw the attention of the latter from Long- street's contemplated attack on their left. The din of battle now veered round to the centre and the left. At about half-past three o'clock p.m., Longstreet commenced to drive the Federals down the Chickahominy. At four o'clock the battle raged with intense fury in the vicinity of Gaines's Mill, and upon the ground which we have described. Here the conflict lasted for nearly two hours. The columns surged backward and forward, first one yielding and then the other. The Federal centre made a desperate stand, but it was not until it had hurled its last fresh brigade against tlie Rebels that they were beaten back. The Confederates finding that they could not force the Federal centre, now threw their columns against its left. Here the roar of musketry increased in volume, and the conflict became more terrific as time sped on. The Confederates had suffered severely from the raking fire THE SEVEN DAYS' BATTLES. Ill •which the Federals had poured tipon them from the pLa- teaii. The latter swept the whole face of the country with their artillery, and would have annihilated the Rebel force if it had not been screened by the inequalities of the land. The Rebels descended into the deep creek and passed up the hill beyond, but so terrific w^as the hail-storm of lead which fell thick and fast around them, that it was with great difficulty their regiments could be induced to with- stand it. In fact, in one instance, one of their generals, sword in hand, threatened to behead the first man that hesitated to advance. The Federals were now compelled to withdraw their guns and take up a fresh position where- from to assail the foe, which was advancing from the woods and toward the plateau. Forward pushed the Confeder- ates. Officers had no horses — all v>^ere shot. Brigadiers marched on foot, regiments were commanded by captains, and companies by sergeants ; yet onward they rushed, with yells and colors flying, and backward, still backward fell the Federals. When the plateau was reached, the Confed- erates found in their front the Federal camps stretching far away to the north-east. Drawn up in line of battle were the commands of McCall and Porter and others. Banners darkened the air, and artillery vomited forth incessant vol- leys of grape, canister, and shell. Brigade after brigade of tjie Confederates was hurled against the Northern heroes. In vain did the brave Butterfield, with hat in hand, rally, cheer, and lead his men forward again and again. In vain did he cry, " Once more, my gallant men !" as a last rally- 112 STONEWALL JACKSON. ing order. The opposing hosts were too strong to be with- stood. They assailed him in front, flank, and rear, and compelled him to fall back. The Federals now moved with the evident intention of flanking the Rebel force engaged on its left, but the latter pressed onward to the heart of the Federal position, and when the National troops had almost succeeded in carrying out their flanking operations, great commotion was heard in the woods. Volley after volley was repeated in raj)id succession. These welcome sounds were recognized and cheered by the Rebels. " It is Jackson," they shouted, " on their right and rear !" Yes, two or three brigades of Jackson's corps had approached from Coal Harbor and flanked the National forces. The fighting now increased in its severity. Worked up to madness, the Confederates dashed forward at a run, and drove the Federals back with irresistible fary. Wheeling their artillery from the front, the Federals turned part of it to break the Rebel left and save their own retreat. The earth trembled at the roar. Not one Con- federate piece had as yet opened fire ; all had thus fiir been done by the bullet and the bayonet. Onward pressed the Rebel troops, through camps upon camps, capturing guns, stores, arms, and clothing. They swept every thing before them. Presenting an unbroken, solid trout, and clos- ing in upon the Federals, they kept up an incessant succes- sion of volleys upon their confused masses. There was but one " charge !" and from the moment that the word of com- 113 mand was given, " Fix bayonets ! forward !" the Rebel ad- vance was never stopped, despite the awful reception which it met. " But where is Jackson ?" was the universal inquiry. He had travelled fast and was heading the flying foe. As night closed in, all Avas anxiety for intelligence from him. At seven o'clock, just as the victory was complete, the distant and rapid discharges of cannon told that Jack- son had fallen on the retreating columns. Far into the night his troops hung upon and harassed the hard-pressed National forces. General Jackson had accomplished his flanking march without encountering any serious resistance. Hardly had he arrived at the position marked out for him, ere he sent his columns to the charge. Notwithstanding the difficulties and exertions of the march Avhich his troops had executed on short allowance, he flung them at once upon the Feder- als. In vain was all the courage, all the bold manoeuvring of the latter. Like a tempest. General Stuart and his cav- alry swept down upon them, and hurled every thing to the earth that stood in their way. Although the Federals had at first made obstinate resistance, they ultimately lost ground and fell back, throwing away arms, knapsacks, blan- kets — in fine, every thing that Avould impede their flight. Jackson could with a clear conscience issue the order : " Enough for the day." None of the other generals had performed their task Avitli such rapidity and such success as he, and therefore the fruits of his victory were unusually 114: STONEWALL JACKSON. large. The booty was immense ; Liit in a strategetic point of view,- Jackson's success was of far greater importance, since it completely cut off General McClellan from Lis orig- inal base on the York Kiver. When, therefore, the triumph of his arms became known at the Confederate headquarters, the rejoicings bordered on frenzy, and all counted with ^er- feet certainty upon the destruction or capture of the entire Federal force. With the close of the day terminated the terrible scene of strife. The army of the Potomac now occupied a very singular position. One portion of it was situated on the south side of the. Chickahominy, fronting Richmond, and confronted by General Magruder. The other portion was on the north side of the river, and had turned its back upon Richmond, and fronted destruction in the persons of Lee, Longstreet, Jackson, and the two Hills. By this engagement, General Stoneman's command had been separated from the rest of the army. Upon the pre- vious day he had been scouting near Hanover Court-Hciise, and after doing all that he could in the contests of both days to harass the Rebel flank and rear, he retired to the White House, whence he proceeded down the Peninsula to Fortress Monroe. During the night the final withdrawal of the Federal right wing across the Chickahominy was completed, with- out difficulty or confusion, a portion of the regular troops 115 only remaining on tbe left bank until early on tlic follow ing morning, when the bridges were burned, and the whole army concentrated on the right bank of tlie river. During the evening of the twenty-seventh, General McClellan's determination to change his base to the James River was for the first time whispered abroad. The plan was naturally very much canvassed, and the movement was considered a most critical one, especially as it had to be taken under compulsion. The tents of General McClellan's headquarters, which had been pitched in Doctor Trent's field, near the bank of the river, were moved at dusk to Sav- age's Station, on the railroad. "At night, as the several brigades came over the bridge, and clustered on the borders of the swamp, one single tent stood on the hillside, and that vv^as General McClellan's. At eleven o'clock a council of war was held in front of this tent, in which the General commanding, corps commanders, with their aids, among them the French Princes and the General of Engineers, took part. A large fire had been lighted just beyond tlie arbor in front, and its blaze lighted up the faces of the generals as they sat in the arbor, which formed a pavilion for the tent. The conference was long and seemingly earnest. Tiiis was the first council called by General McClellan since he took the field, and here he disclosed his plans of reaching tlie James River." * Keyes's line, which was on the extreme left, resting on • "Leaves from the Diarj of an Army Surgeon," by Thomas T. Ellis, M.D. 116 STONEWALL JACKSON. Wliite Oak Swamp, was extended during the niglit, and the Federal artillery and transportation trains were ordered to prepare to move forward. That night General Casey was also directed to destroy all public property at the White House which could not be removed ; to transport the sick and wounded to a place of safety, and to retire himself and rejoin the army on the James River. Friday night was thus actively and mournfully passed. The troops were ignorant of the true position, and it was desirable to conceal the truth from them. It was feared that the Rebels would renew their attack on the following morning, and every preparation was made to resist them successfully. The defensive right of the Federals was disposed on Trent's Bluffs, where it Avas supposed that the crossing of the Rebels might be success- fully 023i)osed. The night of Friday, June the twenty-sev- enth, was gloomy, but it was felicity itself when compared with those of the following Saturday, Sunday, Monday, and Tuesday. FOURTH DAY — GAENETT's FAKM. Saturday daAvned hot and cheerless to the National forces. No sound of a hostile gun disturbed the dread stillness until nine o'clock. The j^rofound quiet of the morning became almost oppressive, so great was the contrast between its calmness and the fiery storm of the previous day. Shortly after that hour, however, the ominous silence which prevailed was broken by an awful cannonade, which opened from two forts in Garnett's field — a battery at General Porter's old THE SEVEN DAYS* BATTLES. 117 position, and another below it — on the left bank of the Chick- ahominy. The fire was terrible, and compelled the forces upon which it was launched to abandon the strongest natu- ral position on the whole Federal line. The troops attacked fell back a few hundred yards to the woods and threw up breastworks out of range. The Rebels, content with their success, ceased firing, and quiet was not again disturbed that day. The silence of the Confederates was explained that night by a negro slave who had escaped from his mas- ter at headquarters in Richmond. He said a despatch had been sent by Jackson to Magruder, avIio remained in com- mand in front of Richmond, expressed thus : " Be quiet. Every thing is working as well as we could desire." Omi- nous words ! Saturday was also marked by the capture of the Fourth New-Jersey (Stockton's) regiment, the Eleventh Pennsylva- nia, and the famous "Bucktails," with their regimental standards. Also by rapid and successful movements of Jackson and Stuart, between the Chickahominy and the Pamunkey, in which they took the York River Railroad, cut off McClellan's communication with his transports, and des- troyed his line of telegraph. Meanwhile, measures were tak- en by t]\e Federals to increase the number of bridges across the White Oak Swamp. The trains were set in motion early in the day, and they continued moving along the swamp day and night until all had passed. Endless streams of artillery trains, wagons, and funereal ambulances, poured down the roads from all the camps, and plimged into the narrow fun* 11^ STONEWALL JACKSON. nel whicli was now the only hope of escape. It was abso- lutely necessary for the salvation of the army and the cause, that the wounded and mangled heroes Avho lay moaning in physical agony in the hospitals, should be deserted and left in the hands of those against whom they had so bravely fought. Another fearful night was spent, but it was without catas- trophe. Officers were on horseback throughout the greater part of the night, ordering on the great caravan and its escorts. There was again no wink of sleep, nor peace of mind, for any who realized the peril of his country in those dread hours. FIFTH DAY — PEACH OECHAED ; SAVAGe'S STATION. At daylight, General McClellan was on the road. Thou- sands of cattle and wagons, and immense trains of artillery, intermingled with infantry and cavalry, choked up the nar- row road. Generals Sumner's, Heintzelman's, and Frank- lin's corps, under command of the first named, were left to guard the rear, with orders to fall back at daylight, and hold the enemy in check until night. At no point along the line were the Federals more than three fourths of a mile from the Confederates, whilst in front of Sedgwick's line, the latter were not over six hundred yards distant. It was therefore necessary to move with the greatest caution, so as to conceal from the enemy the nature of their movements. Fortunately, however, by skilful secresy, column after col- umn was marched to the rear — Franklin first, Sedgwick THE SEVEK DAYS* BATITLES. 119 next, then Richardson and Hooker, and lastly the knightly Kearny. A mile had been swiftly traversed when these splendid columns quickly turned at bay. The Confederates, keen- scented and watchful, had discovered the retrograde move- ment, and quick as thought were swarming and yelling at their heels. They were quickly met by fearful volleys of musketry and artillery, and all who were left of the slaugh- tered Rebel column fled howling back. Fresh troops step- ped forth, and they, too, were sent surging back, until finally the Confederates retreated, content to watch and wait a hap- pier moment to assail that desperate front. This engage- ment, which lasted for four hours, took place at Peach Or- chard. The Federal troops Avhich were engaged in it, hav- ing held the position as long as was necessary, marched on to Savage's Station in order to concentrate with other corps. Toward noon the line had retired several miles, and rested behind Savage's Station to destroy the public pro- perty v,^hich had accumulated there. A locomotive and a train of cars were started and sent plunging madly into the Chickahominy. Ammunition was exploded, and the match was applied to stores of every description, until nothing was left to welcome the Confederates, who were closely treading in the Federal footsteps. The advancing column and all its mighty train was in due course of time swallowed up in the maw of the dreary for- est. It swept onward, onward, fast and furious, like an avalanche. But the march was as orderly as on any ordi- 120 STONEWALL JACKSON. nary occasion, only swifter. It seemed marvellous that such caravans of wagons, artillery, horsemen, soldiers, camp-fol- lowers, and other impedlTyienta of an army should press through the narrow road with so little confusion. The Confederates, under Magruder, pressed closely on the Federal rear. After the latter retired from Peach Or- chard, the former entered the camping-ground to find almost every thing of value either removed or destroyed-. The Rebels then followed on to Savage's Station, guided thither by the dense volume of smoke which was seen to issue from the woods, and betokened the destruction which was in progress. Arriving at the station about four o'clock p.m., the Rebels made a furious onslaught on the Federal rear, commanded by General Heintzelman, which engagement raged hotly for about three hours. The Federals held the Confederates in check, fighting and retiring until they reached White Oak SAvamp. Here the fight continued until darkness put an end to the contest. This battle in the forests was a fearful one. Long lines of musketry vom- ited forth their liquid fire, while nature, as if emulous of man's fury, flashed its lightnings and rolled its grand thun- der over the distant domes of Richmond. So mingled were the flash and roar of heaven's artillery wdth the fire and din of battle, that it was at times difficult to decide w^hich was the power of God, and w^hich the conflict of man. No com- bination of the dreadful in art and the magnificent in na- ture was ever more solemnly impressive. It was a Sunday battle. THE SEYExNT DAYS' BATTLES. 121 The Federal rear crossed the swamp under cover of night, whilst the Confederates lay on their arms with the design of renewing the battle on the return of daylight. Whilst Magruder was busily engaged pressing the National forces on the south side of the Chickahorainy, the ever-ac- tive Jackson and the redoubtable Stuart were not less ac- tive on the north. Dashing down to the White House, the latter succeeded in capturing an immense quantity of sup- plies, ammunition, ordnance, a balloon, the rolling-stock of the raih'oad, and fifteen hundred j^risoners, besides burning several large transports at the wharves. It was during this day (Sunday) that the Confederates became alive to the fact that General McClelian had succeeded in eluding them, and that he had stolen a march of twelve hours on General linger, who had been placed in a position on his flank to watch his movements. So confidently had the Rebels calculated upon capturing the Federal army, that they were greatly mortified at the discovery of the fact that they had been out-generalled. SIXTH DAY WHITE OAK SWAMP ; GLENDALE. About midnight on Sunday the lights were still blazing at the Federal headquarters. The commander was yet working with unyielding devotion ; aids were still riding fist, but all else was silent. Presently, and the prostrate soldiers were startled from their slumbers by Avhat ap- peared to be the terrific uproar of battle. Again and again the thundering sound was heard. It rolled sublimely away 6 122 STONEWALL JACKSON. off on the borders of the Chickahominy. Tlie Rebels have crossed the river and are destroying the Federal right wing in the darkness. Such was the general impression, but tlie illusion — a natural one when the sounds of cannon and of musketry are dinning in every ear — was speedily dispelled. A dark cloud appeared in the horizon, and approached nearer and nearer, until at last it hung like a canopy over the black forest, and above the weary warriors. Monday morning beamed like its predecessor, brilliantly and hotly. Until this day the Confederates evidently had proceeded upon the supposition that General McClellan was intending to retire to the Pamunkey, and the appearance in the north of the Federal cavalry and infantry — which we have already alluded to as having been severed from the rest of the army whilst watching the movements of Jack- son — served to impress the Rebels with this idea. It was plain by this time, however, that the Federal intentions had become apparent to the Rebels, but the trains had been hurried on so rapidly that they had now nearly passed the point at which the latter could make any flank movement upon them. At daybreak the Rebels resumed the pursuit of their fly- ing foes. The troops of Generals D. II. Hill, Whiting, Ewell, and Jackson, under the command of General Jack son, crossed the Chickahominy and followed the Federals on their track by the Williamsburgh road and Savage's Station. Generals Longstreet, A. P. Hill, Huger, and Ma- gruder at the same time proceeded la^ the Charles City 123 road on the south, with the intention of cutting them off. Jackson came up with the Federal rear about eleven o'clock, at White Oak Swamp. The Federals had crossed the swamp and the bridge had been destroyed, and their artillery was posted so as to command the road and the crossing. Jackson ordered his artillery to be brought forward, under cover of a hill on the north bank of the swamp, and then to be thrown rapidly upon its crest and suddenly open fire upon the Federal batteries. This was about noon. The artillery duel which then commenced and continued with great spirit and determination until night closed the scene, was probably the most severe fight of field artillery which has taken place during the war. Jack- son made some desperate efforts to cross the creek, but he was repulsed and kept back by General Smith's brigade, while the main body of Heintzelman's corps passed on to- ward the James River. General A. P. Hill, who in the absence of Longstreet commanded the trooj^s moving upon the Charles City road, came up with the Federals about five o'clock in the afternoon, at the Cross-roads, or Glendale, where he at- tacked Heintzelman's corps on the flank with much fierce- ness. During the evening the gunboats Aroostook and Galena, on the James River, got in range of the Confeder- ate masses advancing from Richmond, and opened upon them with fearful havoc, the direction in which they should fire having been indicated by the signal corps. The Rebels were finally repulsed by a vigorous charge led by 124 STONEWALL JACKSON. General Heintzlemjin in person. The loss on both sides of tins engagement A^^as very great. Portions of nearly all the Federal corps were engaged, and Generals McGall and Reynolds were taken prisoners. The Confederate forces in action were A. P. Hill's and Longstreet's, com- manded by the former. Magruder did not arrive mitil the battle was over, when he moved npon and occupied the battle-field. General Hill's troops being almost prostrated from their long and toilsome fight, and from their tremen- dous losses. The Confederate President was on the field during the day, and had a narrow escape. He had taken a position in a house near the scene, when he was advised by General Lee to leave it at once, as it was threatened with danger. He had scarcely complied with the advice before the house was literally riddled with shell from the Federal batteries. SEVENTH DAY IMALVERN HILL. By an early hour on Tuesday morning General McClellan had concentrated the entire of his forces at Malvern Hill, and in close proximity to the James Piver. The troops were j^laced in position to ofier battle to the Rebels should they renew the attack, the left of the line resting on the admirable position of Malvern Hill, with a brigade in the low ground to the left, watching the road to Richmond. The line then followed a line of heights nearly parallel to the river, and bent back through the woods nearly to the James River on the right. General McClellan relied THE SEVEN days' BATTLES. 125 on the left for the natural advantages of the position. On the right, where tlie natural strength was less, some little cutting of timber was done, and the roads blocked. Al- though the Federal force was small for so extensive a posi- tion, its commander considered it necessary to hold it at any cost. Tuesday, the first of July, was not a cheerful day for the Federals. The prospect was not a pleasant one. The Prince de Joinville, always gay and active as a lad, and always where there was battle, had gone. The Count de Paris, heir to the Bourbon throne, and the Duke de Chartres, his brother — the two chivalric and devoted aids to General McClellan, on whose courage, fidelity, intelligence, and ac- tivity he safely relied, and who served with him to learn the art of war — suddenly, without previous warning, took pas- sage on a gunboat, and fluttered softly down the river. Two ofiicers of the English army, who had also accompanied the Federal commander, and who had intended to remain with the army until Richmond v/as captured, announced their intention to leave in the first boat. These departures were at least ominous. The paymasters were advised to deposit their treasure on a gunboat. People looked gloomy. It had been stated that by the time the army reached Malvern Hill, the river at that point would be full of transports. On Mon- day, at noon, there was not one there, excepting a schooner laden with hay. By Tuesday evening, however, several steamers and a few forage-boats had arrived. On Tuesday morning the Confederates renewed their pur* 126 STONEWALL JACKSON. suit. The divisiony of D. H. Hill, Wliiting, Ewell, and Jackson — the three latter under tlie command of Jackson — crossed the White Oak Bridge, Hill's division being to the right and Jackson's to the left. About three o'clock in the afternoon, they took their position to the left of tlie Rebel line, Longstreet, A. P. Hill, Magruder, and Huger, forming the right. In this order they advanced toward the lines of the Federals under the fire of artillery from land and water. Shortly after four o'clock, the rage of battle com- menced. For an hour and a half battery after battery and regiment after regiment were advanced to the front, to be in turn driven back by the iron hail of the Federal artillery and the tremendous projectiles showered forth by the Na- tional gunboats. During this time, the indomitable Jackson assailed the Federals with that energy which he was ever wont to display. Great was the slaughter in the Kebel ranks, and fruitless was their attempt to dislodge the Federals from the position they held, and wdiere they had chosen to turn at bay and give battle to their eager pursuers. The sun of tha first of July set upon the retiring columns of the Confederate host, and wdien night came on the final battle of the Peninsular cainpaign had become a matter of history. I^et us picture to the reader the appearance of this battle- field, as it met the eye a few days after the termination of the strife. The entire district appeared as if the lightnings of heaven Lad scatned and blasted it. The forests showed, iu the splintered branches of a thousand trees, the fearful 127 havoc of the artillery. The liouses were riddled, the fences utterly demolished, the earth itself ploughed up in many cases for yards. Here stood a dismantled cannon, there a broken gun-carriage. Thick and many were the graves, the sods over Avhich bore the marks of the blood of their occu- pants. On the plateau, across whose surface for hours tlie utmost fury of the battle raged, the tender corn that had grown up as high as the knee betrayed no sign of having ever laughed and sung in the breeze of early summer. Every thing, in short, but the blue heavens above, spoke of the carnival of death which had been there so frightfully cele- brated. It is needless to state that the losses on both sides in the seven days' battles were very great. The Federal loss in killed, wounded, and missing, has been officially given at about fifteen thousand. There is no official announcement of the Confederate loss, but, in consequence of the superior- ity of the artillery which the Federals brought into action, it must have exceeded that sustained by the latter. It is impossible to peruse the narrative of the memorable events which occurred in the vicinity of Richmond during this historic week, without being convinced that General Jackson v^as in no small degree instrumental in compelling the Federal forces to raise their siege of the city. Before the Confederates commenced their offi^nsive operations, we find his name a tower of strength to them, and a source of 128 STONEWALL JACKSON. continual disquietude to the Federal army. It is easy to observe liow the approach of this ubiquitous general was feared by the latter. Rumor followed rumor that he was drawing nigh to the Federal right, each succeeding rumor only tending to intensify the terror which the previous rumors had originated. At the battle of Gaines's Mill — the only one of the series which can be claimed as a Confederate victory — it is evident that the decisive bloAV was struck by Jackson when he out- flanked his foes and attacked them so mercilessly on their rear. In the future operations consequent on tlie Federal retreat, we find him ever active. Placed in prominent com- mand, he harassed the rear of the retreating army until il was considered necessary that the pursuit should bo aban- doned. General Lee was well aware of the unsurpassed energy and the unweariness of his companion in arms, and if he gave to him a lion's work, he knew that it would be performed in a manner befitting its importance. It was long before dawn on the first day of the Confederate attack, that Jackson moved from Ashland to take up the position which had been allotted to him ; as day succeeded day in this week of carnage, he was unwearied in his activity ; and it was not until the last shot had been fired in the last battle, that he sheathed his sword and retired from the conflict. CHAPTER IX. THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST GEXEKAL POPE. Organization of Pope's Army — His Address and Orders to his Troops — Strength of his Army — Confederate Plan to Crush him — Commences to Advance — He is opposed by Jackson — Battle of Cedar Mountain — Nar- row Escapes — Jackson's Official Report — Losses in the Battle — The Field of Operations removes to near Washington — Pope retires behind the Rappahannock — Stuart's Cavalry Raid — Pope's Papers Captured — Jack- son's March upon the Federal Right Flank — Reaches Manassas Junction — Feast of his Famished Soldiers — Pope's Project to capture him — Critical Position of Jackson — Battle of Groveton — Jackson reenforced by Lee and Longstreet — Second Battle of Bull Run — Federal Defeat — Pope re- tires to Centreville — Battle at Chantilly — Jackson's Share in the Cam- paign. On the twenty-sixth of June, the ISTational forces, under Generals Fremont, Banks, and McDowell, were consolidated into one army under the name of the Army of Virginia, and General Pope was assigned by the President to the chief command. General Fremont objected to be thus j^laced in a subordinate command, and at his own request he was re- lieved from duty, and the corps which he would have com manded in the new army was placed under General Sigel. It was against this army that General Jackson was called upon to act, after he had reorganized his forces at the close of the battles before Richmond, in which they had suffered 6* 130 STONEWALL JACKSON. severely, and were considerably lessened in numbers. Gen- eral Pope was beginning to threaten Riclimond from the North, and the new aspect of affairs drew the attention of the Confederates from General McClellan's forces who were resting at Il&rrison's Landing, ^preparatory to their evacu- ation of the Peninsula. On the eleventh of July, General Halleck was assigned to the command of the whole land forces of the United States, as General-in-Chief. Shortly after General Pope entering upon his new com- mand, he issued an address to the officers and soldiers of his army which was particularly remarkable for the pretentious language in which it was clothed. He also issued several orders in which he declared that his troops " should subsist upon the country in which their operations are carried on ;" and pointed out the manner in which celerity of movement could be best secured by his army. He notified the peoj)le of his department that they should be held responsible for any injury done to railroad-trains, bridges, and telegraph- lines, or for any attacks upon trains of strjtggling soldiers by guerrilla bands ; and stated that residents within five miles of any place where any such outrage occurred should be com- pelled to repair the damage done, or be assessed therefor ; and that individuals detected in any outrages against proper- ty or persons should be shot without waiting for civil process. He also directed that disloyal male citizens within the lines of his army should be arrested and sent beyond the lines un- xess they took the oath of allegiance to the United States and THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST GENERAL POPE. 13 1 gave security for their good behavior ; and notified that persons violating such oath would be shot. A retaliatory order issued by the Confederate President, declared that in consequence of General Pope's threatened arrest of disloyal citizens, that general and all commissioned officers serving under him should not be considered as soldiers, and there- fore should not be entitled to the benefit of the cartel for the parole of prisoners of war ; and that in the event of their being captured they should be held in close confine- ment as long as General Pope's order should remain in force. The efiective strength of General Pope's army at the com- mencement of his campaign was thirty-eight thousand in- fimtry and artillery, and about five thousand cavalry. These forces were scattered over a wide district of country not within supporting distance of each other ; and General Pope states that he found many of the brigades and divisions badly organized and in a demoralized condition, and that the cavalry was badly mounted and armed, and in poor con- dition for service. He took an early opportunity not only to reorganize his army, but to concentrate as far as possible all the movable forces under his command; consequently Sigel and Banks's forces were ordered from the valley of tlie Shenandoah to Sperryville on the east side of the Blue Ridge, and part of McDowell's force to Waterloo Bridge, a point between Warrenton and Sperryville. The remainder of McDowell's corps Avas left at Falmouth, opposite Freder- icksburgh, to cover the crossing of the Rappahannock at that point, and to protect the railroad between it and Acquia 132 STONEWALL JACKSON. Creek, until the arrival of General Burnside's forces, who ^.vere on tlieir way from North-Carolina to Fredericksburgh. These movements Avere in progress during the time the bat- tles near Kichmond were being fought. Their object had been to draw oiF a portion of the Confederate forces from McClellan's front ; but the retreat of the latter commander now enabled General Lee to oppose the greater part of his army to General Pope. General Pope was now called uj^on to resist at all hazards any advance of the Confederates toward Washington, and to delay and embarrass tlieir move- ments so as to gain time for the removal of the Army of the Potomac to the banks of the Rappahannock. In pursuance of this j)lan, se\^eral cavalry expeditions were despatched from Fredericksburgh to destroy the rail- road communication between Richmond and the ISTorth and the North-west, the latter point leading to the valley of the Shenandoah. These expeditions Avere completely successful. At the same time General Banks sent all his cavalry and a brigade of infantry on a forced march to Culpeper Court- House, which place was taken 2:)ossession of, and the cav- alry pushed forward to Orange Court-House, where tliey destroyed the railroad and Confederate stores and muni- tions of war, and burned the bridge which crossed the Rapidan. After this Avas accomplished, a force Avas des- patched to GordonsA^ille Avith instructions to destroy the railroad east and Avest of that place, but on the sixteenth of July, before they were enabled to reach it, the toAvn Avas entered by the advance of Jackson's forces under EavcII, THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST GE^EKAL POPE. 133 and tlie proposed movement was thereby rendered imprac- ticable. General Lee had despatched Jackson with a corps cVarmee of about twenty-five thousand men to check Pope's advance Tills corps consisted of the old Stonewall division, now under the command of General Taliaferro, and the divi- sions of Ewell and A. P. Hill. Lee then left a small force to watch General McClellan, and proceeded with the main body of his army as rapidly as possible to join Ueneral Jackson ; but the movement was not accomplished as speedily as was desirable, in consequence of deficiency in the means of transportation. Lee had hoped, with his imited forces, to crush Pope's army before McClellan could come to his relief, but a sudden rain-storm so swelled the Rapidan River, rendering it necessary to wait some time before it could be crossed, that the plan was prevented in being carried out, and gave Pope, who took the alarm, time to retire rapidly behind the Rappahannock. On July the twenty-ninth, General Pope left Washington with his staff for the headquarters of his army in the field. All the preparations having been completed, on the seventh of August he instructed General Banks to move forAvard from the vicinity of Little Washington to a point midway between Sperryville and Culpeper, McDowell having been ordered on the previous day to advance Rickett's division to Culpeper Court-House. He had thus on that day twen- ty-eight thousand infantry and artillery assembled along the turnpike from Sperryville to Culpeper. Sigel's corps waa 134 STONEWALL JACKSON. Stationed at Sperryville, Buford's cavalry at Madison Court- House, and Bayard's cavalry near Rapidan Station, the point where the Orange and Alexandia Railroad crosses the Rapidan River. On the eighth, General Bayard was compelled to fall back slowly from his advanced position on the Rapidan, in the direction of Culpeper Court-IIouse, in consequence of the advance of Jackson's forces, who were reported to be marching not only upon Culpeper, but on Madison Court-House. In consequence of these movements of the Rebels, Gene- ral Pope considered ife advisable to concentrate his entire force near Culpeper, and- to push forward Crawford's bri- gade of Banks's corps in the direction of Cedar Mountain,* as a support to General Bayard, who was falling back in that direction. At the same time a force was so placed that, if necessary, it could protect Madison Court-IIouse. Owing to a misunderstanding of the order he received, General Sigel did not arrive at Culpeper Court-House until several hours after the time that he should have reached that point. Consequently, on the morning of the nhith. General Pope was compelled to direct Banks to move for- ward to Cedar Mountain Avith his whole corps, and tlieie join Crawford's brigade, instead of ordering Sigcl's corps to the front, as he had intended. General Jackson moved forward from Gordonsville short- ly before dawn on the morning of Friday, the eighth. About * This mountain, wliicli is a " suf^ar-loaf " eminence, is sometimes called Slaughter Mountain, it being the property of the Rev. D. F. Slaughter. THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST GENERAL POPE. 135 noon his cavalry came into contact with those of General Bayard, and after a short engagement drove them back. The Confederate troops encamped for the night at a place called Garnett's Farm. Early on the morning of the ninth, they again took up their line of march, and during the morning found the Federal cavalry drawn up in line of battle to receiA^e them. After waiting some time to find out their intentions. General Ewell ordered his artillery to fire upon them, which had. the efiect of compelling them to seek the cover of the woods. Jackson's infantry then ad- vanced, and during the afternoon his force took up a strong position uj)on the side of Cedar Mountain. In the mean time. General Banks's corps moved steadily forward, under a blazing sun and over dusty roads which led toward the mountain. Four or five miles south of Culpeper this mountain was seen rising directly in front of the advancing army, although it was still about five miles distant. The road led almost up to the left of the mountain, and then took a sudden curve and Avound around to its right. General Banks formed his trooj^s in line of battle in an open meadow lying between the mountain and the road. This was accomplished at half-past four p.m., when General Banks sent word to his superior officer that he hardly expected an engagement to take place that day. Ilis courier had, however, but just started when firing was jieard upon the left of his line, and in a few moments a perfect stream of flame belched forth from the mountain, extending from the extreme left to the right wing. The 136 STONEWALL JACKSON. engagement commenced about five o'clock, and the firing did not finally terminate until past midnight. On Jackson's side a part of E well's division led in the attack, and was afterward reenforced by a portion of A. P. Hill's division, the whole numbering about fifteen thousand. Banks's corps, which comprised the entire of the Federal force brought into action, did not number more than eight thousand. Early in the battle, Ewell's troops were in danger of being flanked, and were compelled to fall back, disputing every inch of ground and losing a number of prisoners. They were, however, immediately reenforced, when a most desperate hand-to-hand encounter took place. Jackson's troops charged upon the Federals with great valor, and were bravely met. Bayonets locked and sabres crossed, and each man fought as if the fortunes of the field depended on himself alone. And when the bayonet failed to do its work, or was broken or lost, the contest was continued with club- bed guns, until the Federals were compelled to seek refuge in flight. Here the loss on both sides was terrible, and here fell some of the best and bravest officers of the Southern army. But their comrades pressed forward over their dead bodies, and finally gained a complete but a dear-bought vic- tory, in w^hich they not only released their companions who had been captured in the early part of the fight, but cap- tured a number of the Federals in return. The losses which many of the Federal regiments sus- tained in this engagement were extremely severe, some of them retiring from the field of battle with barely half I THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST GENERAL POP?. 137 their numbers, whilst others, at the termination of the en- counter, had ahnost ceased to have an existence. The man- ner in which General Banks handled the small force at his command is worthy of the highest commendation. There can be little doubt but that had he been properly supported, and promptly reenforced by even a portion of the large number of troops who were within a short distance of the battle-field, the tide of victory would have been turned. There was evidently great culpability in some quarter, but it is difiicult to define on whose shoulders the blame must rest. The division of General Ricketts remained three hours within sound of the battle, but did not move an inch ; not, however, because that General did not desire to take part in the engagement, but because he was under the curb of a superior ofiicer, and that officer still awaiting the orders of his superior. General Ricketts, as well as other Generals within call, would gladly have been in the thickest of the fight, but having been officers in the regular army they were too much accustomed to its regular discipline to march to the relief of General Banks without orders. General Pope eventually led Ricketts's division to Banks's assistance, and also pushed Sigel's corps, which had begun to arrive, to the front, but when these movements took place the evening was so far advanced that they fiiiled to regain the ground which had been lost and to change the fortunes of the day During the engagement. General Banks had a narrow escape with his life, from a shell which exploded in the midst of his body-guard and killed six of them. Generals Pope and McDowell had also at a later period an equally narrow 138 STONEWALL JACKSON. escape of being either killed or captured. Shortly after mid- night they had dismounted in the fi-ont to rest a few minutes from the saddle, when Jackson's cavalry made so sudden a dash upon them that they had barely time to mount and ride rapidly away. In so doing they were mistaken by a company of their own men for charging rebel cavalry, and received their fire, which fortunately only killed some of their horses. General Jackson's official report of the battle of Cedar Mountain is here given, as it illustrates the character of the man. It is remarkable for its brevity. He had invariably little to say in reference to his own achievements, and pre- ferred to be judged by his actions rather than by his words. Headquarters Vajlley District, August 12 — 6^ P.M. Colonel : On the evening of the ninth instant, God blessed our arms with another victory. The battle was near Cedar Run, about six miles from Culpeper Court-House. The enemy, according to the statement of prisoners, con- sisted of Banks's, McDowell's, and Sigel's commands. We have over four hundred prisoners, including Brig.-General Prince. While our list of killed is less than that of the ene- my, yet we have to mourn the loss of some of our best officers and men. Brig.-General Charles S. Winder was mortally wounded while ably discharging his duty at the head of his command, which was the advance of the left wing of the army. We have collected about one thousand five hundred small arms, and other ordnance-stores. I am, Colonel, your obedient servant, T. J. Jackson, Major-General. Col. E. H. Chilton, A.A.G. THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST GENERAL POPE. 139 The Federal loss in the battle was about one thousand eight hundred in killed, wounded, and prisoners, besides which fully one thousand men straggled back to Culpeper Court-IIouse and beyond, and never entirely returned to their commands. The Confederates, according to their own reports, did not suffer a loss of much over seven hundred in killed and wounded. The advantageous position which the latter occupied during the battle naturally sheltered them from the Federal fire. At daybreak on the morning of the tenth, Jackson's sharp- shooters were found to occupy the same spot which had been their front at the close of the battle. Several skirmishes and slight engagements took place in the course of the morn- ing, but the battle was not renewed, and in the afternoon Jackson retired from the position which he held. Early on the following morning he retired to the south of the Kapidan, to which river he was followed by a cavalry and artillery force under General Buford. Though Jackson had only fif- teen thousand eugaged in the action, the entire force lie had then under his command, and the remainder of whom came up during the night, was from fifty to sixty thousand. The seat of v.- ar in Virginia was now to revert to the old field of operations in the vicinity of Washington. Not only was General McClellan's army transported, in the middle of August, from the James River to Alexandria and Acquia Creek on the banks of the Potomac, but General Burnside had earlier in the month. reached Falmouth on the Rappa- 140 STONEWALL JACKSON. hannock with a considerable force, with which he had been successfully operating in ISTorth-Carolina. These changes naturally relieved the main Confederate army from the neces- sity of closely watching over and protecting the Confederate capital. Consequently, Lee and Longstreet, and other rebel leaders, moved northward to assist Jackson, and Ewell, and Hill, in their proceedings against General Pope. And Gen. Pope, on the other hand, had his army increased by consid- erable detachments from the commands of McClellan and Burnside. After the battle of Cedar Mountain, Jackson fell back to tlie south of the Rapidan, with the vicAV of moving west- w ard and outflanking Pope on his right ; whilst he resigned the front to Generals Lee and Longstreet, who were rapidly approaching from Richmond. Pope being reenforced by a portion of Burnside's forces under General Reno, again moved forward to the Rapidan, and took up a strong posi- tion on that river. He, however, became convinced by the eighteenth of August that he w^as about to be confronted by the main Confederate army, and feared that he might be attacked by overwhelming numbers before he could be re- enforced by any portion of the army of the Potomac. He therefore retired from the line of the Rapidan, and fell back to the Rappahannock, the entire army safely crossing: tlie latter river on the eighteenth and nineteenth. The troops of Jackson, follow^ed by those of Lee and Longstreet, ad- vanced in close proximity to tlie Federals, as the latter re- tired. On the twentieth, and two^foUowing days, the Rebels THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST GENERAL POPE. 141 mnde efforts to cross tlie river at various points, but were unable to effect their purpose from the rapid and continuous artillery fire with which they were opposed. The Rebels now moved slowly uj) the river for the purpose of turning Pope's right, whilst the latter being required to keep himself in communication with Fredericksburgh, w^as unable to ex- tend his lines farther westward. During the night of the twenty-second, a dashing raid was made by a large force of Stuart's cavalry upon Catlett's Station, in the rear of the Federal army. They captured General Pope's private bag- gage, letters, official papers, and plans of his campaign, along with several prisoners, attacked a railroad train, and de- stroyed a number of army wagons filled with supplies. General Pope determined on the twenty-second that on the following day he would recross the river, near Rappa- hannock Station, and fall furiously with his whole force upon the flank and rear of Lee's army, then moving toward his right. A heavy storm occurring that night, carried away all the bridges, and destroyed all the fords, and thus rendered the proposed attack impracticable. The Confederate forces who at this time confronted General Pope on the Rappahannock, were those of Lee and Longstreet. To Jackson had been assigned another duty, and it was one for which he was especially fitted, from the rapidity with which he was ever able to move large masses of troops between distant points. The task which had been allotted to him was to move to the west of the Bull Run Mountains, and then crossing that range at Thoroughfare 142 STONEWALL JACKSON. Gap, march upon the rear of the Federal right, and fall upon their flank. Let us follow Jackson in this detour. On the evening of the twenty-second, he bivouacked oppo- site Sulphur Springs, and threw over the river two brigades of Ewell's division. These brigades met with opposition from the Federals, and were withdrawn on the following night, after some sharp fighting. On Monday morning, the twenty-fifth, Jackson was con- fronted at the same place by a heavy Federal force, and some firing took place, but without much loss having been sustained therefrom. That evening Jackson's whole force moved up to Jefi*erson, in Culpeper County, whence it marched through Amosville, in Rappahannock County, and then still farther up the river. The Federals appeared to have been unaware of this movement, as Longstreet re- mained for some time on the Rappahannock, in the neigh borhood of Sulphur Springs, and covered the commencement of Jackson's march. The latter crossed the river within ten miles of the Blue Ridge, and then marched across open fields, by strange country paths and comfortable homesteads, passed the little town of Orleans, and reached Salem, on the Manassas Gap Railroad, about midnight. By day-dawn of Tuesday, his troops were again on the march, and proceeded along the Manassas Gap road to Thoroughfare Gap, in the Bull Run Mountains ; thence to Gainesville, and on to Bris- tow Station, on the Orange and Alexandria Railroad, four miles south of Manassas Junction ; thus accomplishing the march from Amosville, of about forty-eight miles, iu tho ( THE CAMPAiaN AGAINST GENERAL POPE. 143 earae number of hours. At Bristow he captured a raih'oad train and several prisoners, and tore up the track. • On the twenty-seventh, Jackson moved up to Manassas Junction, where he found an immense amount of stores of every description, to which his troops freely helped them- selves. "It was a curious sight," writes one of his soldiers, " to see our ragged and famished men helping themselves to every imaginable article of luxury or neces- sity, whether of clothing, food, or what not. For my part, I got a tooth-brush, a box of candles, a quantity of lobster- salad, a barrel of coffee, and other things Avhich I forget. . . . Our men had been living on roasted corn since crossing the Rappahannock, and we had brought no v^ag- ons, so we could carry little away of the riches before us. But the men could eat, for one meal at least. So they were marched up, and as much of every thing eatable served out as they could carry. To see a starving man eating lobster- salad and drinking Rhine wine, bare-footed and in tatters, v/as curious ; the whole thing was incredible." Jackson's situation was certainly now a very critical one, for he had placed himself and his eighteen thousand jaded men, who here comprised the entire number of his corps, between Alexandria and Warrenton — between the forces of McClellan at the former place and those of Pope at the latter. When General Pope learned that Jackson was approach- ing his rear by Thoroughfare Gap, he felt satisfied, from the promise of reenforcements which he had received, that he 144 STONEWALL JACKSON. would be in a position to give battle to and defeat him before lie could be joined by Longstreet, who was also making his way by the same route. General Pope assigned to his corps commanders certain positions which they should occupy to enable him to carry out his plan. The non-arri- val of the reenforcements at the time promised, seriously interfered with the Federal General's arrangements, and the non-compliance of certain of his corps commanders with his instructions, he states, frustrated his plans, and enabled Jackson to reach Manassas without encountering any se- rious obstacle, beyond an engagement which took place between Swell's division and that of General Hooker, at Kettle Run, upon the approach of the former toward Bris- tow Station. Jackson being now separated from the main body of the Rebel array. General Pope was naturally anxious to prevent any junction of Longstreet's forces with his, and for this purpose he despatched Generals McDowell, Kearny, and Reno, to Gainesville and Greenwich, east of Thorough- fare Gap. These officers reached those points on the night of the twenty-seventh, and completely cut off Jackson from the main body of the Rebel army, that was still west of the Bull Run range. To enable General Pope to more thoroughly cover Washington, he found it neces- sary to break off his communication with Fredericksburgh, so that he could mass his forces in greater numbers in the district where danger was most imminent. We have stated that General Jackson had placed himself THE CAMPAIGN AGAI^^ST GENERAL POPE. 145 m a critical position, but if he had been aware of the weak- ness of the Federal line to the south of Manassas Junction, — a mistake which the commanding general has since sought to con(;eal by sacrificing General Porter — he might have in- flicted a severe blow on the Federals in that quarter. Gen- eral Pope, in his report, thus explains the position : ^' There were but two courses left open to Jackson, in consequence of this sudden and unexpected movement of the army. He could not retrace his steps through Gainesville, as it was occupied by McDowell, having at command a force equal, if not superior, to his own. He Avas either obliged, tliere- fore, to retreat through Centreville, which would carry him still farther from the main body of Lee's army, or to mass his force, assault us at Bristow Station, and turn our right. He pursued the former course, and retired through Centre- ville. This mistake of Jackson's alone saved us from the serious consequences which would havo followed this dis- obedience of orders on the part of General Porter." During the early part of the night of the twenty-seventh, General Pope being satisfied of Jackson's position, sent orders to McDowell, Kearny, and Keno, to advance from Gainesville and Greenwich to Manassas Junction and Bris- tow. Kearny reached Bristow at eight o'clock the follow- ing morning, and was immediately pushed forward in pur- suit of Jackson toward Manassas, followed by Hooker. Reno was at the time on the left, marching direct upon the Junction, but McDowell being delayed in his movement from Gainesville, enabled Jackson to retreat toward Cen- 7 146 STONEWALL JACKSON. treville, a performnnce which he hardly would have been able to accomplish, had McDowell arrived in time to inter- cept his crossing at Bull Run. At night-fall on the twenty-seventh, Jackson set fire to the depot, store-houses, loaded trains, and other Govern- ment property at Manassas Junction, and as the conflagra- tion had begun to subside, the Stonewall, or First division of his corps, moved off toward the battle-field of Manassas, and the other two divisions to Centreville, six miles distant. General Pope reached Manassas Junction, with Kearny's and Reno's troops, about mid-day of the twenty-eighth, less than an hour after Jackson in j)erson had retired. These forces, along with those of Hooker, were sent in pursuit, and orders were forwarded to McDowell to change his march to the direction of Centreville. Late in the day, Jackson's rear-guard was driven out of Centreville, and the place occupied by Kearny. One part of Jackson's force now moved by Sudley Springs, and the other pursued the turnpike road toward Gainesville. King's division of McDowell's corps encountered the advance of Jackson's force about six o'clock in the evening, as it was making for Thoroughfare Gap. A severe action took place, which ter- minated at dark, each party maintaining his ground. Jack- son had returned to within six miles of the Gap through which Longstreet must come, and whose arrival he anxious- ly longed for. General Pope now so arranged his forces that he felt satisfied there was no room left for Jack- son's escape. McDowell, Sigel, and Reynolds, with twenty- THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST GENERAL POPE. 147 five thousand men, were to the west, situated between him and his reenforcements ; whilst twenty-five thousand more, under Kearny and other generals, approached him from the opposite side. With these forces, General Pope felt satisfied that he could crush Jackson before the latter could receive any aid from Longstreet. Unfortunately, however. General King, from some misapprehension, fell back to Manassas Junction, and left open the Ime of communication between the Rebel forces, which rendered new combinations of troops necessary on the part of the Federal commander. The Federal plan now consisted in massing the entire force upon Jackson, and compelling him to fight. General Sigel commenced the attack about daylight on the morning of the twenty-ninth, a mile or two east of Groveton, near Bull Run, Avhere he was soon joined by the divisions of Hooker and Kearny. Jackson fell back several miles, but was so closely pressed by these forces that he was compelled to make a stand and to offer the best defence possible. He accordingly took up a position with his left in the neighbor- hood of Sudley Springs, his right a little to the south of Warrenton turnpike, and his line covered by an old rail- road grade which leads from Gainesville in the direction of Leesburgh. His batteries, which were numerous, and some of them of heavy calibre, were posted behind the ridges in the open ground on both sides of "Warrenton turnpike, while the mass of his troops were sheltered in dense woods behind the railroad embankments. 148 STONEWALL JACKSON. The battle continued without intermission until mid-day, when both armies were considerably cut up from the sharp action in which they had been engaged. From twelve until four o'clock, severe skirmishing occurred constantly at various points of the line. Ileintzelman and Reno recommenced the attack about half-past five, as at that time information was received that McDowell was advancing to join the main body of the Federal army by the Sudley Springs road, and orders had been sent to Porter to push forward at once into action on the enemy's right. By this attack, the Avhole of Jackson's left was doubled back toward his centre, and the National troops, after a sharp conflict for an hour and a half, occupied the field of battle, with Jackson's dead and wounded in their hands. McDowell now arriving on the field, was immediately pushed to the front, along the War- renton turnpike, Tvith orders to fall upon Jackson, who was retreating toward the turnpike from the direction of Sud- ley Springs. This attack was made by King's division, about sunset ; but by that time the advance of the main body of the Confederate army, under Longstreet, had begun to reach the field, and King encountered a stubborn and determined resistance at a point three quarters of a mile in front of the Federal line of battle. In the mean time, Pleintzelman and Reno continued to push back Jackson's left in the direction of the turnpike, so that about eight o'clock they occupied the greater portion of the field of bat- tle. General Pope remarks in his report that nothing was THE CAMPAIGN AGAIXST GENERAL POPE. 149 heard of Porter up to tliis time, and that his force took no part whatever in tlie action. He also gives it as his opin- ion that had he received Porter's assistance before the ar- rival of Longstreet, the larger j^ortion of Jackson's force would have been utterly crushed or captured before suffi- cient reenforcemcuts could have been received by him wherewith to make an effective resistance possible. The losses this day were extremely heavy on both sides. During the night of the twenty-ninth, and up to ten o'clock on the morning of the thirtieth, there were nume- rous indications that the Confederates were retreating from the Federal front, and reconnoissances ascertained that they were retiring in the direction of Gainesville. The Na- tional trooj)s were so exhausted from long fasting and hard lighting that their commander considered it indispensable that they should be reenforced ; but the required reenforce- ments not being forthcoming, he determined that he would again give battle to tlie Rebels, and, if possible, so cripple them that they could make no farther advance toward the National capital. The force which General Po|)e had available for action upon this day was about forty thousand men, w^liich number included seven thousand of Porter's corps. The remainder (five thousand) of the latter, had been despatched at daylight to Centreville, and were thus rendered unavailable for operations on that day. Banks's corps was at Bristow Station, guarding the railroad and wagon trains of the army. The point at which our narrative now arrives is the com- 150 STONEWALL JACKSON. mencement of the second battle of Bull Kun, whicli took place close to the far-famed battle-field of that name. The Confederates were posted with Longstreet on the right, and Jackson on the left, and formed an obtuse angle. It was presumed by this arrangement that if the Federals forced either of the Confederate Generals back, their flank would be exposed to the direct attack of the other. The Federal left rested upon that portion of the Bull-Run battle-field, which on the previous year was occupied by the main body of the Rebel army. The line extended in the direction of Manassas Junction. Though there were skirmishing and some slight cannonading during the morning, the battle did not begin until about one o'clock. The Federals made the attack. General Pope found it necessary to act promptly, as Jackson was continuing to be rapidly reenforced by the main Rebel army, portions of which had been arriving during the whole of the previous night and throughout that morning. Pope was already con- fronted by greatly superior forces, and these forces were every moment being largely increased by fresh arrivals. Porter's corps and King's division w^ere moved forward to the attack upon the turnpike, and Heintzelman and Reno were pushed to the right to attack Jackson's left in flank. The Confederates massed tlieir trooj^s as fast as they arrived on the field on their right, and quickly moved forward from that direction to turn the Federal left. Ricketts's division was immediately posted so that it could resist this move- ment. Porter's troops soon retired in consideiable confu- THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST GENERAL POPE. 15 i sion, but later in tlie day regained their lost laurels. This retrograde movement led the Rebels to advance to the assault, and the whole Federal line was soon furiously en- gaged. The main attack was on the left, but it was stub- bornly resisted by Schenck, Milroy, Reynolds, and Rick- etts. The battle raged furiously for several hours, tiie Confederates bringing up their heavy reserves, pouring mass after mass of troops upon the Federal left, and while overpowering it, assaulting the right with superior forces. Porter's troops were again sent into action on the left, where they rendered distinguished service, especially the brigade of regulars under Colonel Buchanan ; but notwith- standing the utmost firmness and obstinacy of the National forces, the odds were too great for successful resistance, and they were ultimately compelled to retire. At sunset the wings of the Confederate army swept round in pursuit — Jackson swinging his left on the right as a pivot, and Longstreet swinging his right on his left. But the Federals were enabled to retire in perfect order. Night closed the contest, and put a stop to tbe slaughter, which, as in the battle of the previous day, had been great in the extreme. General Pope felt that he was no longer able to maintain his position so far to the front against such overwhelming numbers, and with such weakened and fiitigued forces as those he commanded. He therefore determined to retire to Centreville, and the movement was made without any diffi- culty and without any pursuit being attempted by the 152 STONEWALL JACKSON. Rebels. General Banks was also ordered to retire from Bristow to Centreville, and to destroy such trains and stores as he could not carry with him. The thirty-first of August was comparatively a quiet day. On the following morning, the Confederates moved heavy columns toward the Federal right, in the direction of Fair- fax Court-House. In consequence of the great exhaustion of his men. General Pope desired to delay an engagement tmtil the following day, but the Rebel movement became so developed by the afternoon of September the first, that it was evident it was made with a view of turning the Federal right, and cutting off the line of communications with Washington. This had to be resisted at all hazards. The necessary dispositions of troops were made to stop the Rebel progress, and a very severe action occurred at Chantilly, a place north of Centreville, and north-west of Fau-fax Court-House, and about six miles distant from each. The engagement took place in the midst of a terrific thun- der-storm. It was not terminated until after dark, when the Confederates were entirely driven back from the Fede- ral front. This battle was especially unfortunate to the North, as it deprived it of the life of General Kearny, whose services on many fields had rendered his name dis- tinguished. The engagement at Chantilly closed the Confederate campaign against General Pope. It will be observed that throughou t it General Jackson was given the most promi- THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST GENERAL POPE. 153 nent place. The campaign was commeDced by him alone ; and after he was joined by Lee and Longstreet, we find him invariably pushed forward as the pioneer during the remainder of its progress. The battle of Cedar Mountain was fought by him alone. In the battle of Groveton he had, unaided, to contend against a much superior force, and if it had not been for the fortimate arrival of Longstreet v/ith fresh troops, there can be little doubt but that he would there have suffered a severe defeat. Li the closing actions of the campaign he was joined by the main body of the Confederate army, and though the honor of the victory could not in them be entirely awarded to him, it is evident that no inconsiderable share thereof can be claimed on his behalf. 1 CHAPTER X. THE INVASION OF MARYLAND. The Federals retire within the Lines of Washington — Resignation of Pope — Appointment of McClellan — Jackson leads the Way into Maryland — Enters Frederick — Incidents during its Occupation — Lee's Proclamation — Jackson marches upon Harper's Ferry — Maryland Heights abandoned — Harper's Ferry bombarded — Its Surrender — Jackson's Report of the Capture — Federal Inquiry into the Cause of Surrender — Battle of South- Mountain — Battle of Antietam — The Battle-ground and Positions of the Combatants — Terrific Contest between Jackson and Hooker — Change in the Scene of Conflict — The Losses — Jackson demolishes Thirty Miles of Railroad — Afiair at Blackford's Ford. After the battle of Chantilly, great changes again took place in the movements of the contending armies, and the Federal forces on the Potomac were again destined to be placed under the command of General McClellan. On the second of September, the remnant of General Pope's army retired from Centreville, and moved within the lines of Washington, but not without suffering early on the morning of that day the loss of one hundred wagons filled with commissary stores, Avhich were captured by the Rebels between Centreville and Fairfax Court-House, at that time the rear of the Federal army. On the same day General Pope desired to be relieved from his couunand. Ilis resig- THE INVASION OF MARYLAND. 155 iijition was accepted by the President, and General McClel- lan was at once appointed to the " command of the fortifi- cations at Washington, and of all the troops for the defence of tlie capital." The events of the j^ast week rendered it advisable to con- centrate the National forces as much as possible. Conse- qnently, on the day after the second battle of Bull Run, Gen- eral Burnside removed his stores from Fredericksburgh, evacuated the place, destroyed the bridges crossing the river, and retired with his forces to Acquia Creek, where he phiced himself under tlie protection of the gunboats. Tv>^o days later, the Federal forces under General Julius White evacuated Winchester, and retired to Harper's Ferry. Every preparation was made to resist a direct attack should it be made upon Washington by the Confederates, which it was naturally feared would result from the defeat of the Fed- eral forces in front. The various garrisons were strengthened and put in order, and the troops were so disposed that they covered all the approaches to the city, and could be readily thrown upon threatened points. But it was no part of the plan of the Confederate General to hurl his forces against for- tifications. He rather preferred to initiate a new era in the history of the war. The Confederate theory had thus far been that in battling against the ISTorthern soldiers, who Ijad marched in measured tread over Southern soil, they were acting strictly on the defensive, and merely desired to expel the " invader" from their land. This assumed defen- sive action was now to be changed into one of oflfence, and 156 STONEWALL JACKSON. for the first time during the Rebellion a Confederate army was to plant its standard over Northern soil. It Avas anticipated that if a strong Confederate force was present in Maryland, there would be found in that State " an uprising of the people" in favor of the South, which would result in the secession of that State, and the sever- ance of Washington from the loyal North. The Confederates, having driven the Federal army under cover of the guns which bristled on the hill-tops around "Washington, had no desire to spend their time in inactivity, and the smoke which curled upward from the last hostile gun was scarcely more rapidly cleared away from the sky than were the numerous troops under the command of Lee and his brother generals removed from the vicinage of the National Capital. Jackson was again the pioneer and moved forward on the march to Maryland on September the third. lie passed that night at Drainesville, and on the following day reached Leesburgh, where he was joined by the corps commanded by General D. H. Hill, and other troops. On the fifth the Potomac was crossed by both Jackson's and D. H. Hill's commands in the vicinity of the Point of Rocks, and that day's march continued until past midniglit, when the troops bivouacked in the neighborhood of Buckeyestown. At Monocacy Junction, near that place, the telegraph opera- tor, who had failed to receive any notice of the rebel ap- proach, was discovered by General Hill busily occupied in despatchmg messages on the business of the railroad. The General informed him that he was a prisoner, and desired THE INVASION OF MARYLAND. 157 him to telegraj>h in his own name for a large train of cars to be sent immediately from Baltimore. On the operator stating that the wires had just been cut, he was desired, as a test, to despatch information that the Rebels had arrived, and had taken him prisoner. He repeated his statement, w^hen one of Hill's men tried the instrument, and found it, as reported to be, not in working order. The Rebel troops, after about two or three hours' rest, re- newed their march before daybreak, and about ten o'clock Jackson's advance force entered Frederick, the capital of Maryland, their music, such as it was, playing " My Mary- land" and " Dixie." This advance force consisted of about five thousand- men, and their appearance was of so motley a nature that it was hardly likely to impress the people of Frederick in their favor. Their clothes, instead of being uniform were multiform, and as might naturally be expected from the rough usage their habiliments had been subject to, they were neither spotless nor perfect. The reception was lacking that hearty welcome which they had calculated upon receiving. Though in some few instances outrages were committed against property, it must be admitted that every precaution was taken to prevent them. Guards were placed at the stores, and only a few men allowed to enter at a time. They usually paid for wliat they took away with such money as they possessed ; but to use the expression of one of the citizens, the " notes depreciated the paper on which they were printed." It is true that in some of the most crowded stores, especially 158 STONEWALL JACKSON. shoe-stores, articles would be smuggled away without pay- ment, but these were exceptional cases. An attack was made by some of the soldiers on the Examiner printing- office, and the contents of the office thrown into the street. The Provost-Marshal, however, not only suppressed the riot and put the rioters in the guard-house, but he compelled them to return every thing belonging to the office. On Sunday, the seventh, all the churches were opened as usual, and General Jackson attended the Presbyterian and German Reformed churches. At the latter place the min- ister. Dr. Zacharias, prayed for the President of the United States in a firm voice. Confederate troops continued to arrive in Frederick, and enrollment offices were opened for the purpose of obtaining recruits for the Southern army. On Monday, General Lee issued a proclamation to the people of Maryland, in which he announced to them that he had entered that State for the purpose of restoring her to freedom, and of rescuing her citizens from the thraldom under which they had been placed by Northern bayonets, and giving them an opportu- nity freely to decide for themselves Avhether they would join the Southern Confederacy or not. On Wednesday, the tenth, the Rebel army commenced to move away from Frederick, Jackson, as usual, leading the van. The olvject which was now to be attained was the capture of Harper's Ferry, with all the Federal forces and munitions of war thci^'e situated. It was most important to the Confederates that they should obtain possession of this THE INVASION OF MARYLAND. 159 stronghold. It was the key to the valley of tlie Shenandoah, and its occupancy would not only enable them to obtain their supplies by that direction, but it would open to them a road for retreat in the event of a retroojrade movement becoming necessary. It was considered advisable that the place should be approached and attacked from various points. General Walker's division proceeded by the Point of Rocks (de- stroying on its way the canal aqueduct at the mouth of the Monocacy) to Loudon Heights, separated from Harper's Ferry by the Shenandoah River. At the same time, the divisions of General McLaws and R. H. Anderson moved for Maryland Heights, which overlooked the place from the northern side of the Potomac. Whilst these Generals were marching to their respective positions, General Jackson made a detour for the purj)Ose of attacking the stronghold from the south-west. He re-crossed the Potomac at Wil- liamsport, and then marched upon Martinsburgh, twenty miles above Harper's Ferry. Upon his approacli, three or four thousand Federal soldiers who were stationed at the last-named place, fell back and united with the forces at Harper's Ferry. Jackson pursued them, and on the morn- ing of Saturday, the thirteenth, reached Halltown, four miles south-west" of the Ferry. From this point he com- municated with General Walker, who was already in pos- session of Loudon Heights, and with Generals McLaws and Anderson, to whom the heights on the Maryland side had been most unaccountably surrendered by the Federal officer 160 STONEWALL JACKSON. in command, and directed them to open fire on the follow- ing (Sunday) morning, by which time he would have his guns in position. Maryland Heights had been attacked on that morning, and the position had been stoutly defended, but, about four o'clock in the afternoon, the Federal regi- ments retreated down the mountain in good order^ having first spiked their guns, and then crossed the river to Har- joer's Ferry. No sooner had they retired than the Confed- erates occupied the heights above the guns, and deliberately commenced a musketry-fire upon the village below. How- ever, a shell from one of the Federal batteries posted near the bridge soon dislodged them from this position. Colonel Ford, who commanded the Heights, was afterwards dis- missed the Federal service for military incapacity and abandoning this position without sufiicient cause. Every thing was quiet within Harper's Ferry on Sunday morning. There was no enemy in sight, with the exception of Jackson's forces, who were in front. Every person ex- pected to be awakened with the booming of artillery from the evacuated Heights, and the silence which reigned was not ominous of good. About noon, two companies of the Garibaldi Guard bravely ascended the Maryland Heights and secured some of their camp equipage, and brought down four of the pieces of artillery which had been left spiked the previous day. Hour after hour passed by, and no signs of the Rebels appearing on the heights, it began to be imagined that they had been foiled in their plans, and that the only force to contend with would be that in front. THE INVASION OF MARYLAND. 161 Preparations, however, had been made to resist any assault, although it was evident that resistance would be useless, unless reenforcements could be received. About two o'clock in the afternoon, the silence Avas broken by a furious fire which burst forth simultaneously on every side. Shot and shell flew in every direction, and the soldiers and citizens were compelled to seek refuge be- hind rocks and houses, and in every nook and corner Avhich offered a friendly shelter against the unwelcome visitors. The Federal artillery replied with much spirit. Heavy can- nonading was brought to bear upon them from five differ- ent points, yet they held their own manfully. However, before night closed the struggle, they had been compelled to contract their lines, and Jackson's forces occupied some intrenchments which the Federals had been comj^elled to desert on the hills of Bolivar. That night General Jackson sent a message to General Walker that his forces were in possession of the first line of the Federal intrenchments, and that, with God's blessing, he would have Harj)er's Ferry and the National forces early the next morning. The fight was renewed the following (Monday) morning at five o'clock. The attack was obstinately resisted until about eight o'clock, when the ammunition of the Federals gave out, and it was deemed impossible for them to hold out any longer. A council of war was immediately held, when it was decided, but not unanimously, that the place should be surrendered. White flags were run up in every direction, and a flag of truce was sent to inquire on what 162 STONEWALL JACKSON. conditions a surrender would be accepted. General Jackson demanded an unconditional surrender ; but he eventually agreed that the officers should be allowed to go out with their side arms and private effects and the rank and file with every thing except arms and equipments. A murmur of disapprobation ran along the entire Federal line, when it became known that the place had been surren- dered. Officers exhibited strong demonstrations of grief, while the soldiers were equally demonstrative in their man- ifestations of rage. As soon as the terms of surrender were completed. Gene- rals Jackson and A. P. Hill rode into the town, accompanied by their respective staffs. General Hill immediately select- ed his headquarters, whilst General Jackson rode down to the river, and then returned to Bolivar Heights, the ob- served of all observers. He was dressed in the coarsest description of homespun, which bore every mark of having seen much service. An old hat which covered his head harmonized with the rest of his attire — in fact, in his gen- eral appearance he was hardly to be distinguished from the rough-looking but hardy fellows who called him their commander. As soon as Jackson returned from the village the entire Federal force was mustered on Bolivar Heights, prepara- tory to stacking arms and completing the surrender. All the cavalry, about two thousand, under the command of Colonel Davis, had cut their way out on Sunday night, and had proceeded along the road to Sharpsburgh, capturing an THE INVASION OF MAE YL AND. 163 ammunition train, belonging to General Longstreet, and several llebel prisoners by the way. The number of men, guns, stores, wagons, etc., captured are given in General Jackson's Report, which we here append : Headquakters Yalley Disteict, ) September 16, 1862. j Colonel : Yesterday God crowned our arms with an- other brilliant success on tlie surrender at Harper's Ferry of Brigadier-General White and eleven thousand troops, an equal number of small arms, seventy-three pieces of artillery, and about two hundred Avagons. In addition to other stores, there is a large amount of camp and garrison equip- age. Our loss was very small. The meritorious conduct of botli officers and men Avill be mentioned in a more extended report. I am, Colonel, your obedient servant, T. J. Jackson, Major-General. Colonel R. II. Chilton, Assistant Adjutant-General. The officer in command of Harper's Ferry, at the time of its surrender, was Colonel D. S. Miles, and the surrender was the subject of a court of inquiry. General Julius White, who was present at the time, had merely taken refuge there on the retirement of his forces from Winches- ter and Martinsburgh. Througliout the attack he acted with decided capability and courage, and on Sunday led his troops against Jackson on Bolivar Heights. During the siege he assumed a subordinate position, and at the close of the engagement he was sent by Colonel Miles to arrange terms for a surrender. The Confederates did not ceaso I'^i STONEWALL JACKSON. firing for more than half an hour after the white flag had been raised, during which time Colonel Miles was mortally wounded. The court of inquiry, in pronouncing judgment upon Colonel Miles in reference to this surrender, says : "An officer who cannot appear before any earthly tribunal to answer or explain charges gravely affecting his character, who has met his death at the bands of the enemy, even upon the spot he disgracefully surrenders, is entitled to the tenderest care and most careful investigation. This the commission has accorded Colonel Miles, and, in giving a decision, only repeats what runs through over nine hundred pages of testimony, entirely unanimous upon the fact that Colonel Miles's incapacity, amounting almost to imbecility, led to the shameful surrender of this important post." Re- enforcements were but a few miles distant at the time of the surrender, but the Court was of opinion that sufficient alacrity had not been displayed in forwarding them to the relief of the beleaguered place. It remarked inter alia: " Had the garrison been slower to surrender, or the army of the Potomac swifter to march, the enemy would have been forced to raise the siege, or would have been taken in detail, with the Potomac dividing his force." During the occurrence of the events which we have thus far narrated in this chapter, there was great activity in the Federal camp. The disappearance of Lee's army from the front at Washington, and its passage into Maryland, eu- THE INVxVSION OF MARYLAND. 165 larged the sphere of McClellan's operations, and made an active campaign necessary to cover Baltimore, prevent the invasion of Pennsylvania, and drive the Rebels out of Maryland. The advance of the Federal army under General Burnside entered Frederick on September the twelfth. While at Frederick, on the following day. General McClellan con- sidered it was necessary to force the passage of the South- Mountain range, and by that route afford relief to Harper's Ferry, the siege of which he had been already made ac- quainted w^ith. The two armies came into collision, at Crampton's and Turner's Passes, on the South-Mountain range, on Sunday, the day upon which the bombardment of Harper's Ferry was commenced. The action resulted in the two Passes being carried, and in important military positions being gained by the Federal army. On the day after this engagement General Lee's army fell back toward Antietam Creek, situated from six to eight miles west of the South-Mountain range, and running for some distance almost parallel thereto. This creek, from which the battle we are now about to chronicle derives its name, rises in Central Pennsylvania, and after running in a southerly direction, mingles its waters with those of the Po- tomac, about five miles above Harper's Ferry. This battle is called by the Confederates Sharpsburgh, such being the name of the town in the vicinity of which it was fought. In this new position Lee was enabled to resist any attack upon him, and to cover the Shepherdstown Ford on th© 166 STONEWALL JACKSON. Potomac, by wliicli he would be enabled to form a jimction with Jackson at Harper's Ferry. On the fifteenth McClellan pushed his army forward to Antietam Creek, in the hopes of coming up with Lee during the day in sufficient force to beat him again and drive him into the river. But the day was too far advanced before he had an opportunity of making an attack. On the follow- ing morning he found that the Confederates had slightly changed their line, and w^ere posted on the heights near Antietam Creek. Before the prisoners taken by Jackson at Harper's Ferry could be paroled, that General found it necessary to leave suddenly with twenty thousand troops for the reenforce- ment of Lee, leaving A. P. Hill with his division in com- mand of the captured city. General Ewell having been severely wounded at the battle of Groveton, and amputa- tion of the leg rendered necessary, his division was com- manded by General Lawton. The Stonewall division was commanded by General Stark, its previous chief, General Taliaferro, having also been severely wounded in the same battle. Let us describe the field upon which the approaching battle was to be fought, and the positions of the combatants at the commencement of the struggle. The Confederate line was drawn up uj^on the right or western bank of Antietam Creek, upon a small peninsula formed by the waters of that creek and the Potomac, which river is the western and southern boundary. Their left and THE INVASION OF MAEYLAND. 167 centre were upon and in front of the road from Sharpsburgh to Hagerstown, and were protected "by woods and irregulari- ties of the ground. Their extreme left rested upon a wood- ed eminence near the cross-roads to the north of Miller's farm, the distance at this point between the road and the Potomac, which makes here a great bend to the east, being about three fourths of a mile. Their right rested on the hills to the right of Sharpsburgh, near Snavely's farm, cover- ing the crossing of the Antietam and the approaches to the town from the south-east. The ground from their immedi- ate front to the Antietam is undulating. Hills intervene, whose crests in general are commanded by the crests of others in their rear. The position was favorably located for both offensive and defensive operations, and occupied a range of hills forming a semi-circle, with the concave to- ward the National army. The arrangement of the line was as follows : General Jackson on the extreme left. General Longstreet in the centre, and General D. H. Hill on the extreme right. The Federals occupied a position on the opposite or east- ern bank of Antietam Creek, in close proximity to the road leading from Boonsboro to Sharpsburgh, having the creek in front, and the Elk Mountain range in their rear. The position was much less commanding than that held by the Confederates; the extreme right, however, rested upon a heiorht commandino^ the extreme Confederate left. The forces on the extreme right were commanded by General Hooker, (supported by General Mansfield,) and those on the 168 STONEWALL JACKSON. extreme left by General Bumside. The centre was occupied by the corps of Generals Sumner, Franklin, and Fitz-John Porter whose forces were held in reserve, so that, if neces- sary, they could render assistance to either the right or left wing, on whichever the force of battle might fall. Unsup- ported, attack in front was impossible. McClellan's forces lay behind low, disconnected ridges, in front of the Rebel summits, all or nearly all being miwooded. They gave, however, some cover for artillery, and guns were therefore massed on the centre. The lines stretched four miles from right to left. It will thus be seen that Jackson and Hooker were placed in antagonistis positions to each other at one end of the lines, and Burnside and D. PL Hill confronted each other at the other end. In the centre, Longstreet faced Sumner, Franklin, and Porter. The numbers of the men actually brought into action Avitb each other were about one hundred thousand in each army, and one hundred guns on each side belched forth their deadly missiles. The battle commenced on the afternoon of the sixteenth by Hooker's corps, consisting of Ricketts's and Doubleday's divisions, and the Pennsylvania reserves, under General Meade. They Avere sent across the creek by a ford and bridge to the right of Kedysville, with orders to attack, and if possible to turn the Rebel left. General Mansfield's corps was sent in the evening to support Hooker. Placed in posi- tion, Meade's division, the Pennsylvania reserves, which THE INVASION OF MARYLAND. 169 was at the head of Hooker's corps, became engaged in a sharp contest with the enemy, which lasted until after dark, at which time it had succeeded in driving in a portion of the opposing line, and held the ground. The sun of September the seventeenth rose uj^on a bright, but a blood-stained day. With its earliest light, the contest was opened between Hooker and Jackson. Between six and seven o'clock the Federals advanced a large body of skirmishers, and shortly after the main body of Hooker's corps was hurled against the division of General Lawton. When we consider that Jackson and Hooker were the two Generals who in this portion of the battle-field were pitted against each other, it is almost useless to say that the con- test was severe, and that the fortunes of the day were vary- ing. Now an advance, and then a repulse. Then again another advance, to be followed by another repulse. Words like these, with the addition of phrases referring to the re- ceipt of reenforcements, are almost sufficient with which to write the history of this encounter. If one was for a time driven back, it was but for a time. With increased energy, he not only gained his lost ground, but drove back his foe in return. Hooker's attack was successful for a time, but masses of Rebels having been thrown upon him, his progress wfis checked. So severe was the clash of arms at one time, that upon his troops closing up their shattered lines, there was a regiment where a brigade had been, and hardly a brigade where a whole division had been victorious. When Mans- 8 170 STONEWALL JACKSON. field brought up Ids corps to Hooker's support, the two corps drove the Confederates back — the gallant and distin- guished veteran Mansfield losing his life in the effort. About the same time, General Hooker was wounded and had to leave the field. The command devolved on Sumner, whose corps had come up to the Federal relief. The firing was now fearful and incessant. At one period when the Federals had obtained a position which enabled them to pour a flanking fire upon their foes. General Stark, who commanded the Stonewall division, galloped to the front of his brigade, and seizing the standard, rallied his men. This gallant act cost him his life, for, as he threw himself in the van, four bullets pierced his body, and he fell dead upon the field. The effect, instead of discouraging the soldiers, fired them with determination and revenge, and caused them to dash forward, drive back the Federals, and regain a position which they kept during the rest of the day. Two divisions of Franklin's corps were, during the after- noon, added to the strength of the Federal right, where the condition of things was not particularly promising, notwith- standing the success which had been wrested from the Rebels by the stubborn bravery of the troops. Sumner's, Hooker's, and Mansfield's corps had lost heavily, and several general officers had been carried from the field. Some of the best of the Federal troops had been concentrated upon the single effort to turn Jackson's forces on the Rebel left, with whom, as we have stated, the tide of battle ebbed and flowed alternately. His men fcught desperately — ^perhaps THE INVASION OF MARYLAND. 171 as tliey never fought before. Whole brigades were swept away before the fiery storm, and the ground was covered Avith the wounded and the dead. At one time, Ewell's old division, overpowered by superior numbers, fell back. Be- ing supported by other troops, who rushed into the gap and retrieved the loss, Ewell's men returned to the fight, added their weight to that of their enthusiastic comrades, and in turn drove back the Federals. About the time when General Stark was killed, Lee ordered to the support of Jackson, McLaws's division, which had been held in reserve. It came most opportunely. Jackson's men had fought until not they alone, but their ammunition also, was well nigh exhausted, and discomfiture stared them in the face. Encouraged by the assistance of fresh troops, every man rallied and fought with redoubled vigor. They swej)t on like a wave — its bil- lows rolling thick and fast upon the columns that had so stubbornly forced their way to the position on which the Rebels had originally commenced the battle — and regained the greater part of the ground which they had originally lost. The fighting in this part of the field had been for many hours so excessive that the combatants were too exhausted to continue the strife. The contest here closed with scarcely any advantage being derived by either side. Some corn- fields and woods, the occupation of which had been hotly contested during the day, were at its close held by the Federals, who took possession of the ghastly harvest which had been reaped, and which was strewn upon the ground. 172 STONEWALL JACKSON. The brunt of battle was now transferred to the opposite wings, commanded respectively by Bm-nside and D. H. Hill. As Jackson took no part therein, we will only briefly describe this section of the battle. To Bm-nside had been intrusted the difficult task of carrying the bridge near Rohrback's farm and assaulting the Rebel right. He re« ceived his instructions at ten o'clock in the morning, but up to three o'clock he had made little progress, beyond having successfully carried the bridge. At the last-named hour he advanced, and drove the Rebels before him nearly as far as Sharpsburgh. At this point the latter were reenforced by A. P. Hill, who opportunely arrived with the force that Jackson had left behind at Harper's Ferry, and Burn side was compelled to fall back. The fighting in this part of the field was almost entirely between artillery. As the day was draAving to a close, McClellan was hasten- ing from the centre to the left. He was met by a courier from Burn^ide, with the message : "I want troops and guns. If you do not send them I cannot hold my position for half an hour." Porter's corps was the only one in reserve left to the army, and it would have been dangerous to have sent it to Burnside's relief. McClellan glanced at the western sky, and then said slowly ; " Tell General Burnside this is the battle of the war. He must hold his ground till dark at any cost. I will send him Miller's battery. I can do nothing more. I have no infantry." When the mes- senger was riding away, he called him back. " Tell him if THE INVASION OF MARYLAND. 173 he cannot hold his ground, then the bridge to the last man ! always the bridge ! If the bridge is lost, all is lost." As the light faded the cannonade died away, and before it was quite dark the battle was over. After fourteen hours of hard fighting, all that the Federals had been enabled to accomplish was to turn the Rebel line on one flank, and secure a footing within it on the other. Both armies slept on their arms. Both commanders expected that the battle would be renewed on the following day, but neither was willing to commence the attack. So exhausted were their troops, that both felt glad to be able to escape a continu- ance of the contest. Upon the eighteenth General Mc- Clellan gave orders for a renewal of the attack at daylight on the following morning, but during that night the Con- federate army was moved to the Virginia shore of the Po- tomac, and morning found a wide river separating the con- tending forces. The Federal loss in the battle of South-Mountain was four hundred and forty-three killed, and one thousand eight hundred and six "wounded ; and in the battle of Antietam two thousand and ten killed, nine thousand four hundred and sixteen wounded, and one thousand and forty-three missing ; making a total loss, in the two battles, of fourteen thousand seven hundred and ninety-four. "We have no data from which to state the actual Confederate loss, but from the number of their dead who were left upon the field and were buried by the Federals, it was without doubt consid- erably greater than that of the National army. 174 STONEWALL JACKSON. Thirteen guns and tliirty-nine colors, more than fifteen thousand stand of small arms, and upward of six thousand prisoners, were the trophies obtained by the Federals. The battle of Antietam was an unfinished one, conse- quently it was not a decisive one. It can hardly be claimed as a great victory if we are to judge of it by the results. It is true, however, that the Federals gained a little in the matter of space, and held at the close some important i^osi- tions, which the Rebels had occupied at the beginning of the day. The losses which took place were of more serious import to the Rebels than they were to the Federals, as any reenforcements which the former could receive were too far away to be immediately available, whilst those of the latter were within reach. This doubtless led Lee to avoid risking another engagement, and to adopt the only course left open to him to ward it eff — remove his army be- yond the borders of Maryland. To throAV every obstacle in the way of the Federal army was naturally the desire of the Confederates. In this Jack- son w^as remarkably prominent. Almost within gun-shot of McClellan's army, with a force not exceeding seven thou- sand, he destroyed thirty miles of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad track, from seven miles west of Harper's Ferry to the North Mountain. He actually obliterated the road, so that when the road-masters with their gangs went to work to restore it, it was only by the charred and twisted debris that the track could be traced. Every tie was burned, every rail bent — nothing remained to be done Tout to cart THE INVASION OF MARYLAND. 175 off the bare ballast. The General took off his coat, and, with a cross-tie for a fulcrum and a rail for a lever, helped to demolish the " permanent way," and with his own hands he assisted in bending the heated rails around the trunks of trees. When all this rail-stripping and burning and twisting was done, Jackson walked over the whole thirty miles of his work to see that it was done thoroughly. He looked upon that road with the eye of a military genius, well aware of its great importance as a military thorough- fare. The prominent part it must play in the warlike ma- chinery of the Government was plain to him ; therefore he took the greater pains to destroy it totally. A week after the battle of Antietam, General McClellan caused a reconnoissance to be made on the Virginia side of the Potomac, in the neighborhood of Shepherdstown, so that information might be obtained of the Rebel position and force in that vicinity. The troops, consisting of a brigade, with a portion of three regiments, and a battery, had their crossing at Blackford's Ford disputed by a few field-pieces. These were soon silenced, and the gunners took to flight, after which no enemy was visible. When the Federals were fairly landed, Jackson suddenly appeared in large force from ambush in the adjoining woods and opened upon them with shot and shell. The numbers were so unequal that although the Federals at first stood their ground, they were eventually compelled to retreat hastily, and recross the river under the Rebel fire. In this unfor- tunate affair the Federal killed, wounded, and missing num- 176 BTONEWALL JACKSON. bered three hundred and twenty-six out of a force of about seventeen hundred. The Confederates did not tarry many days upon the banks of the Potomac. After holding Harper's Ferry for less than a week they evacuated it, having first removed much of the property which they had captured, and de- stroyed some of the public buildings. They then retreated up the valley of the Shenandoah, from which they proceeded by the mountain passes into Eastern Virginia, where they once more took up their position on the banks of the Rap- pahannock. CHAPTEE XI. THE BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBUKGH. Jackson's Antagonists — Burnside supersedes McClellan — ^The Army of the Potomac marches to the Rappahannock — The Battle- Ground — The Fede- rals cross the River — Positions of the two Commanders — Advance of Franklin — Heroism of a Confederate Officer — Opening of the Battle- Sublimity of the Scene — Attack on the Fortifications — The Field of Death — The Combat described — Reserves brought into Action — Tho Losses — Councils of War — The River recrosscd. It was Jackson's fortune, during his short but brilliant military career, to have crossed swords with some of the best and bravest of the Federal Generals. Thus far in our narrative we have found him opposed by Lander, on the Upper Potomac ; by McDowell at Bull Run ; by Shields, and Banks, and Fremont in the Virginian Valley ; by Porter and Heintzelman, with McClellan as their chief, in the eventful conflicts near Richmond; by Pope, from the Rapidan to the lines of Washington ; and by Hooker and Sunmer, with McClellan again as chief, at the battle of An- tietam. The remainder of his career we shall find passed upon a still different field, on which his might and military genius were resisted by still different Generals. On the fifth of November the army of the Potomac was subject to a change of commanders. It was on that day 8* 178 STONEWALL JACKSON. ordered, by direction of the President, " that Major-General McClellan be relieved from the command of the army of the Potomac, and that Major-General Burnside take the command of that army." This army had remained in the neighborhood of Harper's Ferry until near the end of October, when it commenced its march by the upper gaps of the Blue Ridge to Warren- ton. After Burnside took command, it removed from the latter place to Falmouth, on the northern bank of the Rap- pahannock, by which river it is sej)arated from the town of Fredericksburgh. On the twenty-first of November, Gene- ral Sumner, who commanded the advance, demanded the surrender of the last-named town, but his request was not complied with. It was General Burnside's intention to have crossed the Rappahannock at once, and taken possession of the heights above Fredericksburgh before General Lee Avas able either to concentrate his forces there or to fortify the position. The delay in the arrival of pontoon-bridges beyond the time anticipated compelled General Burnside to postpone active operations, and gave the Confederates sufficient time to gather together their army and erect fortifications. After nearly a month of preparation, the Federal com- mander felt himself in a position to cross the river on the eleventh of December. At this date, General Lee, being deceived in the point where the river would be crossed, had rapidly despatched Jackson with a large portion of the army to a spot fifteen or twenty miles down the river, and D, U. THE BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBURGIT. 179 Hill with another portion of it in the opposite direction, in anticipation of the Federals crossing at one or other of those neighborhoods. Finding the Confederate forces thus divided, General Burnside hoped that by rapidly throwing over the whole of his command close to Frcdericksburgh he would be enabled- to fight the enemy in detail, and gain possession of the heights commanding the town. That this plan did not succeed is probably owing to the delay of a whole day in moving the army across the river, which delay was caused by the stubborn resistance of a brigade of Mississippi riflemen under General Barksdale, who thrice by their deadly fire compelled the Federals to aban- don the attempt. This delay enabled Jackson and Hill to rapidly countermarch their forces and join the main army. The battle of Fredericksburgh may be conveniently di- vided into two i^arts, in each of which the scene of action and the actors were distinct. It will render our narrative more intelligible to the reader if we lay before him separate descriptions of these two scenes of action, and of the com- batants who met upon them. The opposing armies that were to meet in deadly encoun- ter were thus divided : General Burnside's army was divid- ed into three grand divisions, under the respective com- mands of Generals Sumner, Franklin, and Hooker. General Lee's army was divided into two large coiys cVarmee^ com- manded respectively by Generals Longstreet and Jackson. The theatre of operations extended from the town of 180 STONEWALL JACKSON. Fredericksburgh on the west, and along the south side of the Rappahannock for two miles to the east. The stage on which the western battle was fought was immediately behind the town. Here the land forms a pla- teau, or smooth field, running back for about a third of a mile. It then rises for forty or fifty yards, forming a ridge of ground, which runs along to the east for about a quarter of a mile, where it abuts at Hazel Dell, a ravine formed by the Hazel River, which empties into the Rappahannock east of the town. At the foot of the ridge runs the telegraph- road, flanked by a stone Avail. This eminence was studded with Rebel batteries. To the west, along up the river, the ridge prolongs itself to opposite Falmouth, and beyond ; and here, too, batteries were planted on every advantageous position. Back of the first ridge is another plateau, and then a second terrace of wooded hills, where a second line of fortifications were placed. Between the rear of the town and the first ridge a canal runs right and left, and empties into the river some distance above Falmouth. Tlie plain between the suburbs of the city and the first ridge of hills was the scene of encounter between General Sumner's forces and those of General Longstreet. General Hooker's division, which had been held in reserve on the northern side of the river, reenforced Sumner toward the close of the day. The eastern battle-field was a short distance down the river. The ridge upon which the town is built slopes ab- ruptly in this direction to a comparatively le vel or undulat- ing country, which stretches for some miles down the Rap- THE BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBUEGH. 181 pahannock. This plain is bordered on the south by thickly wooded heights, situated about two miles from the river Upon these heights Rebel batteries were placed. The battle-ground, tliough very marshy in some places, pre- sented a fine field for military evolutions. The turnpike leading to Fredericksburgh runs about half a mile from and nearly parallel to the river. Beyond is the railroad, and still farther beyond the woody range of hills in which the Rebels were strongly intrenched. On this battle-ground General Franklin was met by General Jackson. The lat- ter's forces were thus placed : A. P. Hill on the left, and next to Longstreet's command ; behind A. P. Hill, D. H. Hill was held in reserve. Ewell's division, now command- ed by General Early, held the woody heights, with Walk- er's artillery in his front, and Stuart's cavalry and horse- artillery on his extreme right. The Federal army had for some days been coiling itself up into a small space, and on the morning of Thursday, the eleventh of December, lay closely huddled together oppo- site to Fredericksburgh. Before daylight tents were struck and knapsacks packed, and the troops prepared to cross the river. The Rebels oj)ened their fire upon the pontooners, and stoutly resisted the laying of the bridges. The firing Avas replied to by the Federals, who shelled the town for several hours. The Seventh Michigan regiment, who volunteered for the purpose, were sent across the river in boats to dis- lodge the Rebel sharp-shooters, who were picking off the bridge-builders. After several ineffectual attempts, the 182 STONEWALL JACKSON. bridges were completed, and during Thursday night and throughout Friday the river was crossed by the Federal troops. The right grand division, under Sumner, crossed upon three pontoon-bridges, placed opposite the city, and the left grand division, under Franklin, upon two pon- toon-bridges, i3laced about two miles down the stream. The centre grand division, under Hooker, comprising forty thousand men, was held in reserve upon the north bank of the river. But little firing took place on Friday. Either General Lee wished to avoid damaging the town, which was at the time in possession of the Federals, or he was desirous of offering no further obstacle to the crossing, in the hopes that when he had got the Federal army between himself and the river, he would be enabled either to crush it or drive it into the stream. The Federals occupied the day in mass- ing their troops, and in preparing for the coming struggle. Their siege-guns on the north side of the river at times fired upon the intrenchments of the Rebels, with the view of learning their position, but General Lee did not feel in- clined to reply to the fiery interrogatories. General Burnside's proposed plan of attack was that the battle should be opened by Franklin, who should advance and take possession of a road in the rear of the line of heights, which road formed a connecting link between Jack- son's and Longstreet's commands. TJiis jDosition being gained, it was supposed that the Rebels would be so much confounded that Sumner could successfully storm and cap- THE BATTLE OF FEEDEEICKSBUEGH. 183 ture their intrenchments in the rear of Fredericksburgh. That this plan did not succeed, it is stated, is owing to Franklin having misunderstood his instructions, and having made the attack with an insufficient force. Saturday the thirteenth dawned hazily, the fog being such as at that time of the year generally prefaces a genial Indian summer's day. The day was to become an eventful one in American history. The two great actors in the drama j^laced themselves in conspicuous positions to watch its progress. General Burnside took his stand at the Phil- lips House, situated on an eminence a little to the north of the town. General Lee took up his position upon a hill south-east of the heights w^hicli command Fredericksburgh, and which hill, from its having been his usual station, bore his name. At half-past eight General Lee, accompanied by his full staff, rode slowly along the front of the Confederate lines, from left to right, and then took up his station for a time in the rear of Jackson's extreme right. As soon as Franklin's advance could be seen through the fog, General Stuart moved up a section of his horse-artillery in front of the position occupied by Lee, and opened with effect upon the Federal flank. Stuart ordered Major John Pelham, his chief of artillery, to advance one gun considerably nearer to Franklin, and to open upon him. Major Pelham obeyed, and opened the fire of a twelve-pounder ISTapoleon gun with great precision and deadly effect upon the Federal flank. The galling discharges of this gun quickly drew upon it the 184 STONEWALL JACKSON. fire of three of Franklin's field-batteries, while from across the river two other heavy batteries joined in the strife, and made Major Pelham and his gun their target. F.^r hours not less than thirty Federal cannon strove to silence Pel- ham's pop-gun, but strove in vain. Pelham's unyielding and undemonstrative courage, and his composure under the dead- liest fire, had long made him conspicuous, but never were his daring qualities the subject of more glowing eulogy than upon this occasion. General Lee exclaimed : " It is inspir- iting to see such glorious courage in one so young." Major Pelham was not more than twenty-two. General Jackson remarked : " With a Pelham upon either flank, I could van- quish the world." At a subsequent period of the day. General Lee assumed his station on the hill which bears his name, and there, in company with General Longstreet, calmly watched the re- pulse of the Federal efibrts against the heights near which he stood. Occasionally General Jackson rode up to the spot and mingled in conversation with the other two leading Generals. Once General Longstreet exclaimed to him, " Are you not scared by that file of Yankees you have before you down there?" to which Jackson replied: ""Wait till they come a little nearer, and they shall either scare me or I'll scare them." The battle opened when the sun had let in enough light through the mist to disclose the near proximity of the Fed- eral lines and field-batteries. The first shot was fired short- ly before ten o'clock from the batteries in the Federal centre, THE BATTLE OF FKEDERICKSBURGH. 185 and was directed against General Hood's division of Long- street's corps, which division was drawn up immediately on Jackson's left, and was next to the large division command- ed by General A. P. Hill. The Pennsylvania reserves, com- manded by General Meade, advanced boldly under a heavy fire against the Confederates, who occupied one of the copse- wood spurs, and were for a time permitted to hold it ; but presently the Confederate batteries opened on them, and a determined charge of infantry drove the Federals out of the wood in confusion, from which nothing could subsequently rally them. Simultaneously a heavy fire issued from the batteries of A. P. Hill and Early's divisions, which was vigorously replied to by the Federal field-batteries. The only advantage momentarily gained by Franklin in this quarter, was on the occasion of the collapse of a regiment of North-Carolina conscripts, who broke and ran, but whose place was rapidly taken by more intrepid successors. The cannonading then became general along the entire line. A spectator of this part of the battle thus graphically describes the conflict : " Such a scene, at once terrific and sublime, mortal eye never rested on before, unless the bom- bardment of Sebastopol, by the combined batteries of France and England, revealed a more feai*ful manifestation of the hate and fury of man. The thundering, bellowing roar of hundreds of pieces of artillery, the bright jets of issuing flame, the screaming, hissing, whistling, shrieking projectiles, the wreaths of smoke, as shell after shell burst into the still air, the savage crash of round-shot among the 186 STONEWALL JACKSON. trees of the shattered forest, formed a scene likely to sink forever into the memory of all who witnessed it, but utterly defying verbal delineation. A direct and enfilading fire swept each battery upon either side, as it was unmasked ; volley replied to volley, crash succeeded crash, until the eye lost all power of distinguishing the lines of combatants, and the plain seemed a lake of fire, a seething lake of molten lava, coursed over by incarnate fiends, drunk with fury and revenge." Twice the Federals, gallantly led and handled by their officers, dashed against the forces of Generals A. P. Hill and Early, and twice they recoiled, broken and discomfited, and incapable of being again rallied to the fray. The Confed- erates drove them with horrid carnage across the plain, and only desisted from their work when they came under the fire of the Federal batteries across the river. Upon the extreme Confederate right. General Stuart's horse-artillery drove hotly upon the fugitives, and kept up the pursuit until after dark. Upon the Confederate right, where the antagonists fought upon more equal terms than they did upon their left, the loss sustained by the Rebels was the greatest ; but still it was not so great as that of their Federal assailants. Meanwhile, the battle which had raged so furiously be- tween the forces of Franklin and Jackson, was little more than child's play as compared with the onslaught made by Sumner and Hooker against Longstreet in the rear of Frcd- ericksburgh. THE BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBUEGIT. 187 During the first two hours of the conflict between Jack- son and Franklin, Sumner's skirmishers liad. been briskly- engaged. The force in Fredericksburgh had driven the Rebels out of the suburbs of the town, and rested their col- unms on the canal. The time had now come, in accordance with the Federal plan, to attempt an advance on the Kebel position. It was mid-day. The orders were to move rap- idly, charge up the hill, and take the batteries at the point of the bayonet. Orders easy to give, but ah I how hard of execution ! Here is a picture of the position which had to be stormed. A bare plateau of a third of a mile in width is required to be crossed by the storming party. In doing this they would be exposed to the fire of the enemy's sharp-shooters, posted behind a stone wall running along the base of the ridge ; to the fire of a double row of rifle-pits on the rise of the crest ; to the fire of the heavy batteries placed behind earthworks on the top of the hill ; to the fire of a powerful infantry force lying concealed behind these batteries ; to a plunging fire from the batteries on the lower range ; and to a double enfilading fire from " Cannon to the right of them, cannon to the left of them." ^ The distance to be traversed was short, but hoAV many ob- stacles there were in the way of its being passed scathless ! To French's division of Couch's corps was assigned the duty of making the first attempt to cross this fiery plain. This division was composed of the brigades of Kimball, 188 STONEWALL JACKSON. Morris, and Weber. It was supported by Hancock's divi- sion, consisting of the brigades of Caldwell, Zook, and Meagher. The men were formed under cover of a small knoll in the rear of the town, and skirmishers were deployed to the left toward Hazel Dell. At the same time, General Sturgis supported and moved up and rested on a point on the railroad. The scene which was witnessed when French's troops rushed upon this plateau was truly fearful. " The moment they exposed themselves upon the railroad," writes one who viewed the same, " forth burst the deadly hail. From the rifle-pits came the murderously-aimed missiles ; from the batteries, tier above tier, on the terraces, shot planes of fire ; from the enfilading cannon, distributed on the arc of a circle two miles in extent, came cross-showers of shot and shell. " Imagine, if you can, for my resources are unequal to the task of telling you, the situation of that gallant but doomed division. "Across the plain for a while they swept under this fatal fire. They were literally mowed down. The bursting shells make great gaps in their ranks ; but these are presently filled by the ' closing up ' of the line. For fifteen immortal minutes at least, they remain under this fiery surge. On- ward they press, though their ranks grow fearfully thin. They have passed over a greater part of the interval, and have almost reached the base of the hill, when brigade after brigade of Rebels rise up on the crest and pour in fresh volleys of musketry at short-range. To those who, through THE BATTLE OF FREDEllICKSBURGH. 189 the glass looked on, it was a perilous sight indeed. Flesh and blood could not endure it. They fell back shattered and broken, amid shouts and yells from the enemy. " General French's division went into the fight six thou- sand strong ; late at night he told me he could count but fifteen hundred !" Again and again the Rebel battlements were attempted to be stormed, but each time with the same terrible result. " Where is Franklin ?" began to be the eager inquiry. " Every thing depends on Franklin coming up on the flank." Sumner sent a message begging Burnside that Franklin be directed to advance. But Franklin could not advance. He had enough to do at the time to hold his own, for Jackson had thrown in reenforcements, and was pushing hard to turn his left. At four o'clock the reserves had not been sent into action. Hooker's central grand division, comprising forty thousand men, were still on the north bank of the river. At Sumner's request, General Burnside directed them to cross, which they immediately did, notwithstanding the Rebel fire di- rected upon the pontoons. Half an hour afterwards, and prodigious volleys of musketry announced that Hooker with the reserves was engaged, but the last assaulting col- umn had hardly got into action before the sun went down, and night closed around the clamorous wrath of the com- batants. The last assaulting column consisted of the divisions of Humphrey, Monk, Howard, Getty, and Sykes. The last 190 STONEWALL JACKSON. assault is thus described by the writer from whom we last quoted : " Creej^ing up on the flank by the left, Getty's troops succeeded in gaining the stone Avail which we had been unable all day to wrench from the Rebels. The other forces rushed for the crest. Our field-batteries, which, owing to the restricted space, had been of but little use all day, were brought vigorously into play. It was the fierce, passionate climax of the battle. From both sides two miles of batteries belched forth their fiery missiles athwart the dark background of the night. Volleys of musketry were poured forth such as we have no parallel of in all our experiences of the war, and Avhich seemed as though all the demons of earth and air were contending together. Rushing up the crest, our troops had got within a stone's throw of the bat- teries, when the hill-top swarmed forth in new reinforce- ments of Rebel infantry, who, rushing upon our men, drove them back. The turn of a die decides such situations. The day was lost ! Our men retired. Immediately cannon and musketry ceased their roar, and in a moment the silence of death succeeded the stormy fury of ten hours' battle." The morning had opened with a general want of confid- ence, and gloomy forebodings that the plan of battle was fraught with danger. It was difficult to comprehend that tlie Confederate fortifications could be successfully assailed from the front, and there were grave doubts as to whether the operations on the right and on the left could be made to harmonize. That these surmisin^js and these forebodinirs were not fallacious was evidenced by the result of the day's THE BATTLE Or FREDERICRSBURGH. 191 engagement. That the Federals suffered a severe defeat there need be no denial, and this too after they had brought the entire of their vast force into action, whilst their an- tagonists, from the impregnable position which they held, were enabled to repel their assault with half the number. The Federal loss in the day's battles amounted to one thousand one hundred and fifty-two killed, between six and seven thousand wounded, and about seven hundred prison- ers, which latter were paroled and exchanged for about the same number taken from the Confederates. The Con- federate killed and wounded amounted to about eighteen hundred. After the close of the engagement, councils of war were held at the headquarters of each army. At that called by General Bumside, and which was attended by Sumner, Hooker, and Franklin, the Commanding General proposed to renew, the attack on the following morning, but he was induced to abandon his intentions at the earnest solicita- tions of his brother Generals. It is reported that during General Lee's council General Jackson slept throughout the proceedings, and that upon his being awakened and asked for his opinion, he curtly exclaimed : " Drive 'em in the river ! drive 'em in the river !" On the two days succeeding the battle (Sunday and Mon- day) the time was principally occupied in burying the dead and caring for the wounded. There was little to disturb the quiet of these bright and breezy days, beyond the sounds of musketry from some skirmishing parties, and a little artillery firing. 192 STONEWALL JACKSON. It now became palpable to the Federal Generals, m con- sequence of the little opposition which Lee had offered to the crossing of the river, that he had been desirous of getting them between his intrenchments and the Rappahannock, so that he could eventually crush them. It was now advisable to get out of the trap into which they had Mien ; conse- quently, at a council of war held on Monday, it was unani- mously agreed upon that the river be recrossed that night. This decision was not made known to the troops until after they had arranged their bivouacs in the evening. It was necessary that the withdrawal should be accomplished silently and rapidly, and that every precaution should be taken to avoid observation, and thus escape drawing the Confederate fire. Intense darkness and a heavy storm favored the Federal retreat. Earth was strewn on the pon- toon-bridges, to deaden the sound of the artillery as it passed over ; but this expedient was barely necessary, as a gale of wind, blowing all night from the direction of the Rebel camp toward the Federal lines, rendered it impossi- ble for any sound to reach the former from the river. When some time after midnight, the stars had made their appearance in the sky, and the moon had risen to shed her pale light on the earth, the army of the Potomac had crossed the river and was rescued from the annihilation which the Rebel Generals had prepared and predicted for it. General Lee was compelled to admit that the masterly retreat of his army across the Potomac, after the battle of Antietam, had been surpassed by this successful passage of the Federal force across the Rappahannock. CHAPTER XII. THE BATTLE OF CHANCELLORS VILLE. Jackson created Lieutenant-General — Burnside's proposed Operations — Hooker placed in Command of the Army of the Potomac — Winter Quar- ters — Movements against Fredericksburgh — The Rappahannock crossed — • Hooker reaches Chancellorsville — Description of the Place — Lee's and Jackson's Movements — Arrival at Chancellorsville — Jackson's Celebrated Attack upon the Federal Flank — Receives his Death- Wound — A Federal Officer's Interview with Jackson — Subsequent Engagements — Losses in the Battles — Lee's Estimate of Jackson's Abilities. In every army promotion i-s sure to follow uj^on every successful display of military ability, unless the soldier who proves his claim to an increase of honor has already arrived at the highest rank in the service. In the Confederate army there were two degrees of rank superior to that which Jack- son held at the battle of Fredericksburgh — Lieutenant-Gen- eral and General. That battle gained him the first, death alone prevented him from obtaining the second. It was, therefore, under the dignified title of a Lieutenant-General that Jackson was known in the few remaining months of his short military career. It took but a year and a half for the man who, at the beginning of the rebellion Avas the Colonel of a Virginia regiment, to rise to the second rank in the army in which he served. But if promotion had been made 9 194 STONEWALL JACKSON. to keep pace with his increase of renown, we have no hesi- tation in stating that the highest rank Avas that to which he was justly entitled. We fancy that the reason why he did not obtain the highest military title is attributable to the misfortune of birth. Had it been Jackson's lot to have been a scion of one of the proud Virginian families, instead of a humble son of the Old Dominion, there can be little doubt but that the case would have been far different. At any rate, he had the proud satisfaction of knowing that what honors he did receive Avere fairly earned by him, and that the Government under which he served owed him more for his services than he owed it for its honors. Immediately after the battle of Fredericksburgh, General Sigel hastened to reenforce Burnside with the corps under his command, but no farther active operations were attempt- ed until the close of the month. General Burnside then prepared for another aggressive movement which embraced an attack in front of Fredericksburgh, and a formidable raid of cavalry and light artillery, which was to threaten the communications of the Confederates, and divert their atten- tion from the main attack. The execution of the movement was fixed for the last day of the year. The column des- tined to make the raid was actually in motion, when Presi- dent Lincoln sent a despatch forbidding the movement, hav- ing been induced to do so in consequence of the protest of some of General Burnside's subordinate officers. By Wednesday the twenty-first of January, the Federal commander was again prepared to move on Fredericks- THE BATTLE OF CHANCELLOESVILLE. 195 burgh. Every thing having been arranged, and the Rebels having been completely deceived by feints, as to the point at which the river was to be crossed, the army was put in motion on Tuesday, with the intention of commencing active operations early on Wednesday morning. However, a heavy rain-storm and a tempest of wind occurred during the night, and so moistened the roads as to render it impossible to move either pontoons or artillery with the celerity demand ed. This, added to the evident intentional delay of some of the superior officers in the marching of their troops, gave time to enable the Confederates to discover the Federal movement, and rally their forces to avert it. The moment for the surprise having thus passed, the movement was aban- doned. General Burnside having thus found himself thwarted in his operations by officers under his command, and feel- ing himself not properly supported by the Government, tendered his resignation, which was accepted, and on the twenty-sixth of January the command of the Army of the Potomac was transferred to General Hooker. The snows and storms of winter were a barrier to any military operations during the next three months. The op- posing armies took up their winter-quarters on opposite banks of the Rappahannock, and within sound of each other's bugles. At the close of April, when the snow had disappeared from the ground, and the winds of spring had somewhat hardened the roads, the bristling bayonet and the booming cannon were called on for more active duty thau 196 STONEWALL JACKSON. that which for the jiast few mouths they had been accus- tomed to jDprform. General Hooker having massed what he termed " the finest army on the planet," commenced the offensive opera- tions of the year by a flank movement upon Fredericks- burgh, for which a portion of his army crossed the Rappa- hannock above that place, and gained a position in its rear distant ten miles west by south, whilst another portion crossed a short distance below the town, and menaced it from that quarter. But in this grand game of strategy he had to play with a formidable antagonist. If General Lee was at first nonplussed by Hooker's manoeuvres, he was soon able to grasp the situation on the military chess-board, and make the move which was most likely to checkmate his op- ponent. He abandoned his position in Fredericksburgh and the line for twenty miles doAvn the Rappahannock, which he had held for months, changed his front, and presented his face instead of his back to the Federal commander. General Hooker had adjusted his plan of procedure by the middle of April, but the unsettled weather, which is not uncommon to that month, prevented its being put into ope- ration until Sunday the twenty-sixth. He had, however, kept his own council, and even his corps commanders were unacquainted with the nature of the duties which they would be called on to perform. By Monday morning the entire army was in motion ; the vast area Avhich it covered for miles and miles in extent was an animated scene. Tents were struck, camps broken up, log huts abandoned, and their THE BATTLE OF CIIANCELLORSVILLE. 197 recent occupants moved away on a dozen different roads, carefully concealing themselves from the Confederate view by marching througli woods and behind the knolls and ridges of the broken ground along the Rappahannock. Long trains of artillery, packed mules, and ambulances, in- termingled with the moving throng, and added to the pic- turesqueness of the scene. Shortly after Hooker took command, he abandoned the disposition of his army into grand divisions, and introduced the corps organization instead, and his army was now com- posed of seven coijys cVarmee. By Tuesday morning some idea of his plan was discern- ible. Three of the seven corps cTarmee — Reynolds's, Sick- les's, and Sedgwick's — had left their camps the night be- fore, and taken up their positions two miles below Freder- icksburgh, at the point where Franklin crossed in Decem- ber. The corps of Meade, Slocum, and Howard (formerly Sigel's) had already moved up the river, and on Tuesday were in the neighborhood of Banks's and United States Fords, respectively eight and eleven miles above Fredericks- burgh. It seemed probable that operations would be inau- gurated at the points above and below Fredericksburgh, though it was doubtful where the main attack would be made. By these movements Hooker had divided his array, and placed a space of a dozen miles between the two parts, Avhich caused them to be out of supporting distance of each other. He doubtless intended to make a demonstration at one point, and the real attack at the other. He was ulti- 198 STONEWALL JACKSON. mately compelled to enter the lists with his antagonist at both points. Before dawn of Tuesday, and nnder cover of a veiy heavy fog, the pontoons were laid across the river at the point he- low Fredericksburgh, with but little opposition from the liebel rifle-pits. An effort to lay pontoons at a later hour, and lower down the river, was not so successful, and it was not until forty guns had been brought to bear upon the Rebel sharp-shooters that the pontoons could be success- fully placed. One division of each of the army corps, com- manded by Sedgwick and Reynolds, were sent across the river. The remaining four divisions left the cover of the fringe of hills which had sheltered them from tlie view of the Rebels, and by marching and countermarching round the crests, magnified their number to their enemy. This ruse had the effect of causing the Confederates to move their columns from down the river to the vicinity of Fredericks- burgh. These consisted of Jackson's entire corjis, which had been posted there as an army of observation. Jackson was now upon the field where he had given battle to Frank- lin the previous December, but in this case history was not to repeat itself, and he was not here to fight a second battle on the same ground. Let us now turn our attention to the three corps which had moved up the river. On the night of Tuesday, between ten P.M. and two a.m., Howard's entire corps crossed the Rappahannock on the pontoon bridge at Kelly's Ford, twenty-seven miles above Fredericksburgli. At daylight 1 THE BATTLE OF CHANCELLORS VILLE. 199 Sloe urn's coq)s followed, and during the forenoon Meade's corj^s \Fas thrown across. The movable column then struck direct for Germania Ford on the Rapidan River, distant twelve miles. General Meade, however, instead of taking this direction, on passing the river struck a road diverging eastward, and made Ely's Ford on the Rapidan, eight miles nearer than Gei'mania Ford to the embouchure of that stream into the Rappahannock. Both columns having crossed the respective fords, moved on Chancellorsville, at the junction of the Gordonsville turnpike with the plank- road leading to Orange Court-House. Communication was kept up between the two movable columns by a squadron of Pleasanton's cavalry, while another part of the same horsemen moved on the right flank of the outer column to protect it from Rebel cavalry attacks. This manoeuvre having uncovered United States Ford, (which lies between Kelly's Ford and Fredericksburgh — twelve miles from the latter,) Couch's corps, which had for three days been lying at that point, was passed over the Rappahannock by a pon- toon bridge on Thursday, without any opposition or indeed any demonstration more formidable than a brass band play- ing " Hail Columbia." This force also converged toward Chancellorsville, and on Thursday night four army corps — namely, Howard's, Stevens's, Meade's, and Couch's — were massed at that point. The same night General Hooker with his staff reached Chancellorsville, and established his headquarters in the only house there. The military movement had thus far been executed with 200 STONEWALL JACKSON. celerity and success, and it was certainly a siajnal achieve- ment to have marched a column of seventy-five thousand men, each laden with sixty pounds of baggage, together with artillery and trains, thirty-six miles in two days ; and to have bridged and crossed two streams, along a line which a vigilant enemy undertook to observe and defend, with a loss of perhaps half a dozen men, one wagon, and two mules. Tliat General Hooker was himself satisfied with his past proceedings is evidenced in an order which he issued upon reaching Chancellorsville. In it he stated : *' It is with heartfelt satisfaction that the General Commanding an- nounces to the army that the operations of the last three days have determined that our enemy must ingloriously fly, or come out from behind their defences and give us battle on our own ground, where certain destruction awaits him." On Friday morning General Hooker began the strate- getic disposition of his force. It Avas formed in a line of battle of a triangular or redan shape, resting with its wings respectively on the Rappahannock, between Banks and United States Fords, and Hart's Creek, and having its apex at Chancellorsville. The day was occupied with operations along the skir- mish line and reconnoissances for the purpose of feeling the enemy. The situation of Chancellorsville is in the middle of a clearing in the woods, which takes the form of an irregular ellipse, about a mile in length and half a mile in width. THE BATTLE OF CHANCELLORSVILLE. 201 The solitary house that makes up Chancellorsville stands almost in the middle of this opening. The ground in the region between here and Fredericksbm-gh is broken and wooded, there being occasional clearings in the forests. It rises as it nears Fredericksburgh, when it develops into bold heights. Its strategetic importance is derived from the fact that it covers the Gordonsville turnpike and the Orange Court-House plank-road, and threatens the line of Gordonsville. This wild, dreary region is called the Wilderness, which name the Confederates have given to the battle which here took place. "Working parties of the Federals were employed during the whole of Friday night in throwing up breastworks, and the woods resounded with the strokes of a thousand axe- men felling trees for the purpose of constructing abattis. Similar working parties of the Rebels were engaged in like manner not half a mile distant. On Saturday morning both armies were well intrenched, and it became the question which of the two should come out and give battle. Having followed General Hooker to the place where he was compelled to encounter the Confederates, we will now enter the camp of General Lee, and narrate his march to the scene of strife. On AYednesday, the twenty-ninth of April, the Col- federates discovered that General Hooker had broken up his camp at Falmouth, and that hia troops had crossed the 9* 202 STONEWALL JACKSON. Rappahaniiock at the places we have ah-eady named. The discovery was not a satisfactory one, as General Lee was at the time not only deprived of his " old war horse," General Longstreet, but his force was less in numbers than it had been for some time. But the Rebels were relieved when they witnessed the unruffled calmness of their Commanding General, who, without bustle or agitation, made the neces- sary disposition of his forces for the purpose of warding off the blow with which he was threatened. General Early was left with his division to guard Fredericksburgh and its vicinity, whilst Lee and Jackson slowly marched wesf^vard along the turnpike and plank-roads in the direction of Chan- cellorsville. From the evidence which General Hooker had given at the court of inquiry, relative to the defeat at Fredericks- burgh the previous December, General Lee was in a mea- sure somewhat enabled to define the Federal plan. He con- sequently held all his troops, except Early's division, closely in hand, and on Thursday threw np earthworks midway between Fredericksburgh and Chancellorsville, and there arrested the advance of Hooker's force. On Thursday, however. General Stuart had somewhat delayed the advance of the Federals near Kelly's Ford by cutting the head of one of their columns. The Confederate General Anderson, who was stationed with his division at United States Ford, was on the same day compelled to fall back, recoiling before the immense Federal host which was approaching. THE BATTLE OF GHANGELLOESVILLE. 203 Hooker did not press Lee hotly, but in his turn fell sloAvly back toward Chancellorsville, followed still more slowly by the Confederates; On Thursday evening, Stuart attacked a small force of the Federals on the Spotsylrania road, and caused them to retire with some loss. On Friday, the first of May, General Lee continued to advance, and General Hooker to fall back. But as the op- posing forces neared Chancellorsville, the former penetrated the latter's purpose in retreating, when he discovered that about five hundred yards in front of that place, in the midst of a dense thicket of scrub-oak or black-jack, the Federal pioneers had thrown up very strong intrenchments at riglit angles to the turnpike and plank-roads, with an abattis of felled trees bristling outward in front, and seemingly defy- ing the passage of any living and w^alking animal. Running southward for about a mile from the plank-road, the Federal works turned short to the west, until they again met the plank-road between Chancellorsville and Orange Court- House, toward the latter of which points the plank-road deflects in a south-westerly direction after leaving Chancel- lorsville. Within these works the Federals stood thickly and savagely at bay, their powerful artillery massed on some high ground a little in tlie rear. Their j^osition was fearfully formidable — repulse, if the works were attacked solely from the front, seemed inevitable — the loss of life to the assailants anyhow must have been ghastly. Under these circumstances. General Lee resolved to outflank the flanker, Li the early part of Saturday several small engagements 204 STONEWALL JACKSON. took place at diiFerent parts of the lines, and toward the close of the day commenced the battle of Chancellorsville, which did not terminate until mid-day on Sunday. It was on Saturday evening that the subject of our memoir received those wounds which resulted in his death, and deprived the Confederate army of its most brilliant commander. The movements of the Rebels seemed to indicate to the Federals that they were retreating, and as the main line of the retreat was occupied by the latter's forces, an attack to recover that line was confidently expected. The surprise of the Federals was consequently very great when, on Saturday afternoon, they found Jackson upon their extreme right and rear, between Chancellorsville and Germania Mills. The particulars of this battle have been so graphically narrated by the Special Correspondent of The (London) Times in the Confederate States, who was present at the battle, that we have no hesitation in transferring them to tliese pages. He says : " If ever man was adapted for the execution of a plan dar- ing and hazardous in the extreme, but depending for its safety upon the celerity and audacity of its execution, as- suredly that man was ' Stonewall' Jackson. With the first break of dawn he plunged with his three famous divisions — tlie first commanded by A. P. Hill ; the second, in the absence of Trimble, by Coulson ; the third, lately under D. H. Hill, by Rhodes — into the country-road which leads to the Fur- nace.* At the Furnace he ascended a hill, and was viewed • A road which diverges from the plank-road two miles east of Chancel- THE BATTLE OP CHANCELLORSVILLE. 205 by the enemy from an adjoining hill, called Fairview, and heavily though harmlessly shelled. With his usual temerity he sent back word to General Lee that the Furnace hill must be held by one regiment until his artillery and wagons had got by. A South-Carolina regiment was accordingly sent there, but was, I believe, shortly carried forward in com- pany with the cavalry, and in its place three or four com- panies of a Georgia regiment were left to guard the critical spot. The enemy discovering the weakness of the guard, attacked and took the Georgians j^risoners. The last of Jackson's batteries was passing as the Georgians were cap- tured, whereupon Captain Brown unlimbered his guns, opened on the Federals, and drove them back. He then passed on after Jackson, whose wagons had to fall back and pursue their General by a more circuitous route. Marvel- lous to say, it never seems to have suggested itself to Gen- eral Hooker, although this large body of Confederates passed under his nose, that his rear was in danger, or that General Lee, greatly weakened, was lying within a few hundred yards of the mighty Federal host of eighty thousand men. " At four in the afternoon General Lee, knowing that Jackson could not be far from his destination, opened fire steadily along his whole line, feeling the gigantic masses of his intrenched foe. For two hours and a half a heavy fire was interchanged between the hostile batteries, each j^arty holding its own line. Suddenly, about half-past six in the lorsville, and enters it again five miles to the west of that place. lu this road is situated a foundry called the Catherine Furnace, 206 STONEWALL JACKSON. evening, the rattle of musketry was heard in the distance, followed by the loud boom of artillery, and instantly General Lee passed word along his lines • ' Jackson at work ; press them heavily everyAvhere.' Swift and sudden as the falcon swooping on her prey, Jackson had burst on his enemy's rear, and crushed him before resistance could be attempted. Passing right over the plank-road, and extending almost up to the Ely's Ford road, getting behind Chancellor sville, the three noble divisions raced gallantly forward, drunk with the animal joy and inebriation of battle. Not a trench had been dug, not a tree felled, not a stick raised to resist them. The unconscious Federals, engaged in cooking their supper — one regiment on dress-parade — heard in the sudden volley of Jackson's long line the knell of their doom. An intelli- gent Virginia farmer, Mr. Green, taken prisoner by the Federals, heard one of their Generals say to his men about six o'clock : ' Jackson and his rebels don't dare face us to- night. Get your supper ready, boys, and enjoy yourselves.' With faces turning eastward, secured, as they fancied, by the dense masses of their friends within the intrenchments in front, without a thought of their rear, the Federals rum- maged their knapsacks for all the luxuries with which Bos- ton, New-York, and Philadelphia pamper and recruit their Sybarite soldiers. Before that supper could be eaten, the un- washed, unkempt, starving ragamuffins of the South had burst on them from the west, and scattered them, nerveless, panic- stricken, helpless, like chalF before the blast. Major Peyton, of General Lee's staff, found a coffee-pot, with cups round it, THE BATTLE OF CHANCELLOESVILLE. 207 standing in the wood. He poured the liquid out, but it was so hot he could not drink it. What might have been the result but for one casualty, which alone almost counterveiled the victories of a week, who shall say ? Formation or order the Federals had none ; reserves, tactics, organization, dis- j)osition, plan, all went down before the whirlwind sudden- ness of the surprise. The loss of the Confederates was lu- dicrously small ; their advance like that of a white squall in the bay of Naples. " Night had fallen. About eight o'clock General Jackson rode forward with two or three of his staif along the plank- road, and advanced one hundred and fifty yards in front of his foremost skirmishers, peering with those keen eyes which you might fancy could be seen through the densest gloom forward into the night. He turned to ride back — a heavy fire from one of his own regiments, hailing from South-Caro- lina, but whose number I w^ill in mercy withhold, saluted him. One bullet struck his left arm four inches below the shoulder, shattering the bone down to the elbow. The wound was intensely painful ; he half fell, half was lifted from his horse. An aid galloped back to A. P. Hill to re- port that Stonewall Jackson was wounded and lying in the road. General Hill galloped hastily up, flung himself from the saddle, began, choked with emotion, to cut the cloth of Jackson's sleeve, when suddenly four of the Federal videttes appeared on horseback, and Avere fired on by the stafi'-offi- cers. The videttes fell back upon a strong and swiftly ad- vancing Ime of Federal skirmishers. General Hill and all 208 STONEWALL JACKSON. the officers and couriers of both staiFs had no alternative but to mount and ride for their lives, leaving Jackson where he lay. Right over the ground where was stretched the wound- ed lion the Federals advanced. Within their grasp lay the mightiest prize, the most precious jewel in the Confederate crown ; but it was not destined that Stonewall Jackson should be struck by a Federal bullet, or yield himself prisoner to a Federal soldier. As General Hill and his companions galloped back they also became the target of the same luck- less South-Carolinians. General Hill's boot was cut by a bullet, but his leg uninjured ; Colonel Crutchfield, Chief of Artillery to Jackson, was seriously if not mortally wounded ; Boswell, of Jackson's staff, killed ; Howard, Engineer to A. P. Hill, knocked from his horse, but whether killed, or Avounded, or a prisoner, is not known ; two or three couriers killed. Without losing a moment. General Hill threw his own skirmishers forward, backed by heavy supports, and the ground on which lay General Jackson was again occu- pied by the Confederates. But in the mean time two more bullets, both from his own men, had struck him as he lay on the ground, one passing through the wrist of his shattered arm, the other entering the palm of his right hand and com- ing out through its back. He Avas at once carried to the rear and his arm instantly amputated under chloroform. "Never was it more apparent than this evening what Jackson's presence and influence are to his men. With his wound c