«l ^-- ^^.^t^ ^ \ ^^/4 /^ V ^^^^*^;>^ki!4^ MR. DUNLAP'S ^r AN ORATION DELIVERED AT THE REQUEST Wik^^llTS^©!? S©(01^®^* THE CITY OF BOSTON, SVJ.'X 4, 1832. BY ANDREW DUNLAP. BOSTON : TRCE AND GREENE, PRINTERS, WATER STREET. 1832. ORATIOJV. Fellow Citizens, We are assembled according to the honored cus- tom of our country, to commemorate an event of the deepest interest to the friends of republican princi- ples. A glorious political experiment was commenc- ed on this continent, when the sages of the American Congress proclaimed to the astonished world, the Independence of these States of all European domi- nation, and that a Republican Government had arisen in the new world, to maintain the rights of man, which in the old world were crushed, under the ac- cumulated weight of the oppressions of ages. At this national jubilee, the aged citizens of the Repub- lic are cheered, by the recollection of the triumphs which they were witnesses and participators, and 4 among them yet remains to breathe his blessings upon his beloved country, one venerated man, — last sur- vivor of a sacred band, — awaiting the summons to lay down the mortal vestment of a lofty spirit, that will soon wing its flight, borne up to Heaven by the prayers and the praises of his countrymen. While the hearts of the young glow with emulation of the past, they cherish high anticipations of the future march of the nation, in the path of glory. The native citizen pours forth his thanks, that he was born on this soil renowned by the valor of freemen, and the grateful exultation of the emigrant, who has here found a sanctuary and a home, swells the tide of na- tional sentiment, which spreads from the Atlantic cities, to the most distant settlements in the shades of the majestic forests of the West. While we rejoice at our Independence, it should not now be our aim to excite violent indiscriminate animosities, against the people of that country, from which our forefathers parted, with the sorrow of the good and the wise, leaving forever the endeared scenes of their youth, and the sepulchres of their an- cestors. The rank offences of the British King and his Temporal and Spiritual Aristocracy, deserve all the reproaches which have been heaped upon them, and ill the United States their memories will be lioldcn in infinite contempt, to the latest generations. Every word in the Declaration of Independence, de- nouncing the injustice of the British Government, and the tyrannical measures adopted to enforce their usur- pations, is the imperishable language of truth. The sentence of the world inscribed on the tablet of histo- ry, has attainted their reputation, and all future ages will sanction the correctness of the judgment. But at this period, when the vindictive excitements of the struggle have subsided, truth and justice require, that a marked distinction should be made, between the Government that claimed the right, which none but absolute masters assert over slaves, to bind this coun- try " in all cases whatsoever" and the republican portion of the British people, who were themselves galled by the chain of arbitrary power. Perpetual rancorous hostilities against a whole nation, are the weeds of prejudice which spring up in the soil of cold hearts and contracted minds, for from the rising to the setting sun, his rays shine in every civilized country, upon gifted and high souled men devoted to freedom's cause, whose virtues and endowments honor the hu- man character, and deserve the love and respect of their republican brethren throughout the earth. That country on whose white cliffs our Pilgrim ancestors cast many a lingering look, as they bade it their solemn farewell, had for ages been famous in arts and in arms, and on the pages of its history are bright and enduring memorials of noble struggles, for the liberties of the people. It had preserved in the midst of the barbarous feudal despotism, which so long darkened Europe, a faint image of a free govern- ment, — a shadow which served to remind mankind, that the proud reality of a republican government had once existed. The Colonists transplanted to Ameri- ca, England's boasted Magna Charta, and those free principles of the British Constitution, the right of the people to a share in the Judicial and Legislative de- partments of government, by Juries and a represen- tation of the Commons. These redeeming principles were diffused throughout the Colonies. They were the good seed, that fell upon the good ground, and produced a glorious harvest, the Thirteen Republics of 1776, and the Twenty-four Republican States of 1832, — the hope of freedom and the admiration of its friends. The colonists preserved the name, the language, and the laws of the parent country applicable to the condition of a people, in a great measure under the blessed necessity of rocnrring to original principles, in the establishment of their political institutions. Between the Republican party of Britain, and the Puritans, powerful sympathies existed. The leaders of that revolution, which reared on the ruins of the Throne the Nobility and the Hierarchy, a Common- wealth that commanded by its spirit and energy the respect of Europe, looked to New England as the City of Refuge, in the event of the failure of their efforts. At one period clouds and darkness gathered upon their prospects, and the ship which was to have borne Cromwell and his fortunes and his friends to the new world was unmoored. It was their destiny to be detained, to perform lofty parts on the theatre of European politics. Among the great actors of the drama were those, who had been deeply imbued with . the bold spirit of New England republicanism, and the ardent and eloquent Sir Henry Vane had been the Governor of Massachusetts. The friend of the towering genius of that revolution, like the Templar of the days of chivalry " half soldier and half priest," was a Minister of Salem, — that patriotic town whose inhabitants in the next century, at the time of the Boston Port Bill, indignantly spurned with the spirit of Hugh Peters, the offer of the British Government 8 to build up Salem, on the ruin of Boston, if they would renounce their republican principles, and for- sake their republican brethren of the Capital. After the Restoration of the Stuarts, some of the Judges, who condemned Charles the First, fled to Massachusetts. They were received by Governor Endicott and the inhabitants, with the respect, which their private virtues eminent piety and undaunted courage inspired, in the breasts of a daring and en- thusiastic people. A safe retreat from the pursuit of the Court, was here found for the distinguished ex- iles, — the victims of fatal mistakes in politics too often committed, — the re-establishment of an odious form of government overthrown by the valor of the people, and the restoration of an obnoxious Dynasty blasted by the fire of their indignation. Another Revolution soon became necessary to revolutionize the Restoration, and Massachusetts an- ticipated the work of reform, the other side of the Atlantic. Ere the glad shout of triumph, which rose to the skies at a nations deliverance, was borne to these shores, the democracy of Boston rose against the restored Stuarts, as the democracy of Paris late- ly rose against the restored Bourbons, and the minion of despotism, — the Royal Governor of Massachusetts, recoivcd in cliains tlic intcHii;;(!ncc, that this master had been driven by acclamation, from the Throne of his ancestors. When till! Biitisli CJovernment attempted to impose the burden of unconstitutional taxation upon the Colonies, the Republican party of Great Britain' espoused the justice of our opposition. The great commercial cities remonstrated against the measures to subjugate America, and a letter to Lord North from the Duke of Grafton retiring from the cabinet, con- tains the assertion, that " the inclinations of the majority of persons of respectuhility and property in England, differed in little else than words, from the declaralions of the Congress^ While Samuel Adams the leader of the democracy of the North — the Junius Brutus of our history, with a host of patriotic associ- ates in the popular assemblies and Legislative Halls, was rousing his countrymen to a vindication of their rights, the House of Peers was illumined with the eloquence of Chatham in the same cause, and the glowing declaration of the Prince of the British ora- tors, " I REJOICE THAT A.MERICA HAS RESISTED," reached the heart of every Whig in the land of our forefathers. The thunders of eloquence rolled in vain. The Monarch was sustained in his pride of 9 10 power, by the Aristocracy of his khigdoni, and the counsels of the Whigs had no influence in a House of Commons, — a mere mockery of a representation of the people, where the current price of the rotten boroughs was at that day notoriously raised, by the ambition of wealthy slave dealers and opulent plun- derers of the East Indies, who had transmuted into gold, " THE GROANS OF AlRlCA AND THE Tt'ARS OF HlNDOSTAN." Is it not manifest, while we have abundant cause for the deepest detestation of the principles and con- duct of the Aristocratic party of Great Britain, that yve have also reason to cherish the strongest attach- ment to the Republican party of that Country, and to wish for the success of all their efforts to maintain their rights, — redress their wrongs, — and reform the abuses which press them to the earth ? According to the Declaration of Independence, we hold the British nation " enemies in war, — in peace friends." In two wars they have found us enemies, who could command their respect, both on the ocean and the land. In peace we hold them friends, and at this moment it is our earnest and friendly hope, that the freedom of the British Constitution may be restored, and the rights of the people respected, and justly 11 rcprosente.'I. TIio hrcczcs boar across the ocean the aspirations of our citizens, that justice may prevail over corruption, right over power, and that the Repub- licans of Great Britain may achieve as signal a tri- umph over the Aristocratic party, as the Republicans of Ainorira obtained over the same party, in the Rev- olutionary contest. Who drove with the scourge of persecution the Pilgrims over the rolling seas to a wilderness, covered with the snows of a northern winter ? Who turned the; deaf ear of the adder to the supplications and remonstrances of our revolution- ary fathers? Tiie Aristocratic party of Britain — always arrayed against the cause of liberty and re- form, and whose main pillars the Prelates, hold their titles and their princely revenues by means of the Reformation, and claim to be the representatives of the Christian Patriarchs, — the great reformers of a world. The purity of the character of the American Revolution, sheds lustre upon its ^history. It was a contest not of ambition, but of principle. Those who shone in the council, and gained laurels in the field were not pursuing the shadow of false glory. Their sole desire was to secure the freedom of their coun- try. They knew that the conflict would be arduous. 12 exhaust the resources, and shed the best blood of an infant people. With the courage of heroes, they united the mild virtues of philosophers and philan- thropists, and never appealed to arms, till the measure of injuries was full, — till all hope of redress vanish- ed, — and the only alternative left, was that before Brutus and the Romans, — to " live freemen" or " die slaves." If there ever were a people under the sun, who were armed in honesty, and could with sincerity appeal to Heaven, for the sublime purity of their mo- tives and purposes, it was the people of America bursting the ties, which had united the Colonists for more than a century with Great Britain. The world acknowledged the justice of our cause. France and Holland became our friends, and the Great Frederic of Prussia left on record in his Avorks, a condemnation of the wickedness and mad- ness of the British Government. After the loss of thirteen Provinces, a hundred thousand of the lives of his subjects, and a hundred millions of their treasure, the British Monarch M'as compelled to acknowledge American Independence. Many of the most inveter- ate enemies of America became convinced of their errors. Even the celebrated General Burgoyne re- canted his political heresies, and confessed in the 13 House of Commons, that " the principle of the Amer- ican war was wrongs Yet .his convert had been one of our most violent persecutors, lie had, (to use his own language) "thrown himself at his Majesty's feet," and solicited the honor of crushing those " wilful outcasts," — the American rebels, to whom he afterwards surrendered at Saratoga. It was this General who denounced upon our country, " devasta- tion, famine and every concomitant horror,'''' and threat- ened to let slip those " dogs of war" his savage auxiliaries, the employment of whom, the great friend of America called in vain upon the Lords Bishops to oppose with the " sanctity of their lawn," and whose merciless aid had been secured at a war feast, (where as an eminent English historian relates) the King's Minister Plenipotentiary to the " poor Indians," was invited to "banquet upon a Bostonian and to DRINK HIS BLOOD." The violators of our rights at length received the punishment of tlieir transgres- sions. It was the last wish of Lord Chatham, " that the vengeance of the nation might fall heavy upon the Ministry." It was the hope of Mr. Fox, that they might be sent into ignominious retirement, " with the curses of their country upon their heads." That wish was accomplished, — that hope was realized. 14 The maledictions of their country followed them, and the reprobation of posterity will forever rest upon their memories. Is it not a subject of the proudest reflection, that our country was right, as well as suc- cessful, and that the American Revolution as much deserves admiration, for the lustre of its political vir- tue, as the brilliancy of its military triumphs ? This is a great age, teeming with magnificent events, and adorned with illustrious men. It was observed by one of the most celebrated of the French Philosophers, that there had been four great ages, those of Alexander, — Caesar, — Mahomet the Second, — and Louis the Fourteenth. Far more splendid is the age, which has produced the American and French Revolutions, and given birth to Washington, — Jeffer- son, — Franklin, — the proscribed patriots Hancock and Adams, — La Fayette, — O'Connell, — the Liberator of South America, — the Hero of New Orleans, — and the Great Napoleon ! The Emperor of the French, whose career of glory was of about the same duration as that of Alexander, performed more wonderful actions in that short period, than are recorded of all the heroes of the other ages. A Lieutenant of Artillery becomes the victor of Italy, — the conqueror of Egypt, — the First Consul of the Republic, — the Imperial ruler of 15 France, — and the Dictatoi' of Continental Europe. On the burning sands of the desert, surrounded by the Mamelukes, he countersigns the chart(;r of protection to the Hermits of Mount Sinai, whicli had been sign- ed by the hand of Mahomet. In a few years he is iu the midst of tlie polar frosts, enconij)assed by the Cos- sacks, the master of the ancient Capital of Russia, and beholding from the Kremlin, the sublimity of the conflagration of Moscow. We look down upon the captive of Elba, and at the next moment, borne from Frejus to Paris in the arms of the people, he reascends in triumph the Imperial Throne, to which he was originally elevated by the suffrages of the French na- tion. His unrivalled military career is terminated by the banishment to which he was condemned, by the Despots of the Holy Alliance, who envied his great- ness, and dreaded his popularity. In the cruel agony of exile, he evinced more true grandeur of soul, than he had displayed even in his most brilliant days of prosperity, and on the sultry rock, where he was sent to perish,— rlike Wolsey, " He gave his honors to the world again, His blessed part to lieaven, and slept in peace." The confinement at St. Helena, of the Legislator of France, and the Great Captain of the Age, has stained 16 with indelible dishonor, the character of the Prince Regent, who in the nineteenth century refused an asylum to the Themistocles of Europe, throwing him- self upon his magnanimity, which even Xerxes, he- fore the light of Cliristiauity dawned upon the world, extended to his great enemy, — the master spirit of the Athenian Republic. We live in the age of Revolutions, and a Revo- lution is the fountain of our Independence. From the impulse and obligation of universal benevolence, which binds man to man, we rejoice at the sufccessful efforts of othernations to throw off their fetters. The struggles of the South American patriots, were ob- served at every period with intense solicitude, and the declaration of President Monroe, that any attempt'" to reestablish European domination, must be consid- ered an attack upon the foundation principles of our Independence, was approved by the feelings and judgment of the whole people. All the efforts of beautiful enlightened and brave France, to trample in the dust the chains of Bourbon despotism, have been hailed with enthusiasm. Our prayers ascended for Greece rising against her oppressors, that the spirit of the ancient Republics might revisit the classic land of the poets, the painters, the sculptors, the philoso- 17 phers, the historians, the orators, the statesmen, and the heroes, and animate their descendants, with the gallantry, with which their brave ancestors successful- ly resisted the Great King, and his million of barba- rian followers. Whose heart refused to beat with joy, when hope so long deferred was realized, and the Emerald Isle was liberated by the Catholic Bill, from the bondage of religious bigotry ? But when Poland fell, — when the vanguard of the liberties of Europe was trampled down and the standard of despotism planted on the ramparts of Warsaw, the shriek of freedom smote on all hearts throughout this widely extended republic. Let the work of political improve- ment go on, while an abuse remains to be reformed on the face of the globe ! May all the mounds erected by the political engineers, to stay the flood of liberal principles, be swept away by the torrent of knowl- edge, now rushing with constantly accumulating force I Heaven grant that the blessings of liberty may be extended, till man shall every where stand forth in all the glory of his nature, in the enjoyment of his unalienable rights, and under the protection of free institutions, favourable to the full developement of his virtues and talents, and the elevation of his character to the highest point of perfection ! 3 18 Our Revolution was a political experiment, and principles were to be tested in the new world, which had been exploded in the old. The Republics of an- tiquity had crumbled to dust, and Greece and Rome were remembered, not for the glories of their free- dom, but the splendors of their literature. The dis- covery of Columbus opened a new field, — a vast con- tinent beyond the Atlantic, where the Republican banner might be once more unfurled. In a little more than a century from the day, when that greatest man of his time, with the loftiest emotions that ever filled a human breast, first "stood triumphant on another world," our ancestors laid the foundation of the proud edifice of our freedom, on the rock of Plymouth. While the Spaniards, under the successors of Cortez and Pizarro, sought the gold of Mexico and Peru, the Pilgrims sought the more precious treasures of civil and religious liberty. Important have been the consequences, of the experiment, commenced on the glorious day we cele- brate ! The example of the American Revolution has inspired all the efibrts in Europe, for the last half century, in favour of the rights of the people, and given an irresistible impulse to the liberal cause, — a cause destined to spread, till the whole earth shall be 19 cheored and the whole horizon iUuminod, hy the re- splendent light of freedom. North and South Amer- ica are now covered with republican governments, and in almost every region, from the fall of Niagara to Cape Horn, the name of King is as odious, as it was in Rome, from the expulsion of the Tarquins, to the overthrow of the Republic at the battle of Pharsalia. The Thirteen Colonies have risen to the stature of twentv-four flourishing Republican Stales, inhabit- ed by an intelligent population, a great majority of whom are united in political sentiment, and who changing the wild into a blooming garden, and culti- vating with ardour the arts of peace, are able to de- fend their country against the world in arms. We have no national debt, the mill stone which is sink- ing the British nation, in the depths of despair — no Established Church, " to take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned," — no Patrician order to over- bear merit and insult the nobility of nature, — no laws but those made by the wisdom of the people, — no rulers but the nations choice, — no Sovereignty but the sove- reignty of the people. The present President of the United States, is a practical illustration of the genu- ine republicanism of our government and citizens, for he was elevated to his exalted station, solely by his 20 merit, public services, and sound political principles Yet this illustrious citizen called, by an overwhelming demonstration of the confidence and respect of his fellow citizens, from his plough, to the Chief Magis- tracy of the Republic, and elected to the first office in the world, was left at an early age an unprotected orphan, with no fortune but his talents, — no support but the energy of his own character, — no patronage but the friendship of a just and enlightened people. His election and administration are alike proofs, that the republicanism of this nation has grown with its growth, and strengthened with its strength. In the possession of our inestimable political blessings, we also hold a precious trust for the benefit of our posterity. How shall we discharge this trust with fidelity, and deserve the respect, with which we delight to honor our fathers ? Is it not by imitating their glorious example, cherishing their re- publican principles, and preserving strengthening and embellishing their republican institutions ? Those institutions form a wise structure of government. By the Constitution of the United States, the ener- gies of the State Governments, for the management of external and national affairs, are united in the Federal Government, which should be preserved as 21 it was established, in the spirit of compromise and mutual affection among those who had shared a com- mon danger, and gained a common triumph. To the State Governments chiefly belong the direction of the great mass of the powers of all governments, those which relate to affairs of an internal and domestic character, and all powers not expressly granted to the Government of the United States. By this structure the strength and stability of our institutions are not weakened, but increased, by the progress of our set- tlements, the extent of our empire, and the addition of new States, for each new State extends the bless- ings of a Republican Government to the most dis- tant regions, while it adds to the members of the American Confederacy, and strengthens the National Union. May the rights of the State Governments be preserved inviolate, the Government of the United States sustained by the patriotism of the people, in the faithful discharge of their Constitutional duties, and the political arch of our Umon ever remain as beautiful as that glorious arch, which spans the heav- ens, and as enduring as the firmament in which it is placed ! LIBRARY OF CONGRESS :l' I'.lll 011 782 719 7 *