■ '■■v- ';.':\-'"";-;,'/ri';'i?'»y''\'"- ■J^V.';' ^r;*^"^' •-■■',: iri-^ v- -'^- ■''- :::.' ' l&QO )^J Class.. E 15^6 wiTiHiciHr D^usii m THE LAND OF THE FREE AND THE HOME OF THE BRAVE. THE 55; CITIZENS' GUIDE OR Modern Americanism THE LAWS AND GOVERNMENT OF OUR COUNTRY AND INSULAR POSSESSIONS— CAPITAL— LABOR —STRIKES^MONEY— RAILROAD COMBINA- TIONS AND MODERN INDUSTRIES FULLY EXPLAINED — COMPLETE EXPOSITION OF NATIONAL ENTERPRISES-IRRIGATION— PANAMA CANAL— ETC., ETC. BY Prof. J. W. Gibson and E. E. Miller, Pk. B. PUBLISHED BY L. NICHOLS 8c CO. NAPERVILLE, ILL. if. "Man is born a citizen." — Aristotle. '"Education is a better safeguard than a standing army." — Edward Everett. "He serves his party best who serves his country best." — Rutherford B. Hayes. "Our greatest danger in this country ;s cooperative wealth."— Wendell Phillips. "Liberty can be safe only when suffrage is illuminated by education." — James A. Garfield. "My concern is not whether God is on our side; my great concern is to be on God's side, for God is always right." — Abraham Lincoln. i?->^ TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. The Citizen: page. Advantages and Responsibilities of American Citi- zens 19 The Duties of an American Citizen 20 Political Training for the Citizen 22 The Young Statesman's Opportunities 27 The Young Man's First Vote 29 Citizenship 30 Naturalization Laws 31 The Rights of an American Citizen 33 Our Civil and Political Rights 37 How to Become a Public Speaker 40 Parliamentary Laws 44 CHAPTER n. Our Country and Its People: Origin and Development. The Story of American Independence 49 The Story of the Declaration of Independence. ... 57 Corner Stones of American History 62 Origin of Our National Flag 65 Origin of Thanksgiving Day 70 Origin of Decoration Day 73 What the Americans Have Done 73 The Growth of Our Cities 82 One of Chicago's Greatest Industries 8T Our National Greatness 91 Our Territory 92 Our Population 94 Our Magnificent Scenery 96 Our Agricultural and Mineral Resources 98 Our National Wealth 98 vii Vin TABLE OF CONTENTS. Oar Constitutional Liberties 98 Our Industry and Ingenuity 100 Our Philanthropic, Educational and Christian In- stitutions 103 Our Possibilities 103 Threatening Dangers: Immigration 105 Intemperance 105 Centralization of Wealth 105 Government of Large Cities 106 A Corrupt and Ignorant Ballot 10^7 CHAPTER III. Inventors and Inventions. The Cotton Gin 109 Story of the First Sewing Machine 110 Prof. Morse's Trial 113 Story of the First Electric Telegraph 116 Laying of the Atlantic Cable 118 Different Submarine Lines 120 Printing Telegraphs 120 First Steamboat 121 Story of the F'irst Railroad 124 Story of the First Street Car 128 A New Era in Traveling 132 Invention of the Electric Light 133 Type Setting Machines 136 Discovery of the Telephone 137 Invention of the Typewriter 137 The X Rays 13» CHAPTER IV. Our Government. State Papers. The Declaration of Independence 142 The Constitution 147 TABLE OF CONTENTS. tX PAGE. The Emancipation Proclamation - 159 Departments of Our Government 160 How Bills are Passed and Laws made in Congress. , 162 Our Congress Compared with European Parliaments 168 Changes in Coneresa 176 CHAPTER V. Voting, the Ballot, and Ballot Reform. History of Voting 180 The Australian Badot 184 Registration Laws 185 Qualifications for Voting 186 Educational and Property Qualifications for Voting., 191 Ballot Reform 193 Cumulative Voting- 193 Shall Women Vote ?. 19'7 Where Women Vote 204 CHAPTER VI. Parties, Rise and Fall. Rise and Rage of Political Issues 209 Origin of Political Parties in America 217 Party Government 224 The Spoils System in American Politics 233 Filibustering, or Legislative Obstructions 239 Gerrymandering 241 Political Complexion of the States 245 The Presidents and their Cabinets 246 Popular Vote for President 250 Presidential Vote 251 Electoral Vote by States 252 Immigration 253 Families and Homes 254 Religious Denominations 255 X TABLE OF CONTENTS. PASE. CHAPTER VII. National and Private Enterprises. The Panama Canal 256 National Irrigation 280 U. S. Irrigation Statistics 262 Great Railway Combinations 263 Railroad Accidents 270 Private Cars 272 The Farmer 276 Number and Value of Horses and Mules 278 Number and Value of Cows, etc 279 Number and Value of Sheep and Swine 280 CHAPTER VIII. Current Topics and Problems. Education and Crime 281 Prison Labor and Prison Reform 283 Different Methods of Capital Punishment 286 Mortgage Debt 295 Origin and History of Our Common School System 297 The Hope of Our Public Schools 302 School Savings Banks and How to Organize Them. 306 Military Training in Public Schools 312 United States Naval School 315 United States Militar}* Academy 318 United States Lands and Land Laws, Foreign Ownership 319 Civil Service Reform— Principles and Rules. . . 326-335 Government of Large Cities 336 CHAPTER IX. Issues of the Day. Strikes. Complete History 339 Pullman Strike 343 Anthracite Coal Strike .348 Stock Yards Strike 352 TABLE OF CONTENTS. M PAGE. Strikes and Lockouts 353 Wages in European and American Cities 353 Teamsters' Strike 354 Arbitration 356 Right and Wrong of Strikes 358 Labor, Laws and Legislation 362-371 Intemperance, Blighting Curse of Labor 372 The Nation's Drink Bill 376 Wines and Liquors Consumed 376 Problem of the American Tramp 378 Trusts — Cause and Effects 383 Sherman Antitrust Law 386 Evils of Monopoly 387 Government Control of Railroads 394 Right of Control 396 Protectidb and Free Trade 399 Tariff, History of United States 403 McKinley and W^ilson Bills Compared 407 Reciprocity 409 Tariff Commission League 410 Tariff Tables 411 Panics, History of all Financial Panics 420 Money: First Issued in America 436 Paper Money in the United States 440 Different Commodities Used as Money 442 Philosophy and Laws of Use of Money 443 Dimensions of All Gold and Silver 449 Chief Coins of the United States 451 Stock of Gold and Silver 452 Product of Gold and Silver 453 Government Receipts and Expenditures 454 History of Gold and Silver Legislation 455 Legal Tender 457 Explanation of "16 to 1" 458 Free Coinage 460 Bimetallism 461 Silver Demonetization 461 XII TABLE OF CONTENTS. PAGE. The Volume of Money 462 "Sound Money" by Secretary Carlisle 464 "Free Silver" by Senator Teller 466 Good Times 469 CHAPTER X. Miscellaneous Facts and Figures. The Monroe Doctrine 472 International Arbitration 473 Government of Our Insular Possessions 474 The Worlds Richest Men 477 Grand Army Membership 478 Total Cost of Pensions 479 Universities and Colleges 480 Occupations in the U. S 482 State Nicknames and Flowers 483 Carnegie's Gifts 484 Population of Cities 485 Wars of the United States 486 Cost of Wars of the United States 487 Chronology of Recent Wars 488 Armies and Navies of the World 489 Alphabetical Index 490 ILLUSTRATIONS. PAGE. After Election 236 Alger, Senator 177 American Enterprise 101 Amerigo Vespucci 146 Apart from Busy Scenes 97 Assignment, After the 431 Australian Ballot 184 Bank, The Run on 419 Bayard, Thomas F 398 Before Election 325 Beheading Block 35 Bryan, William J 459 Calhoun, John C 41 Cent, Massachusetts and Connecticut 443 Chair Used by First Congress 55 Chicago in 1832 86 Choate, Hon. Joseph H 45 Cleveland, Mrs. Grover 197 Closing School 303 Coal Miner's Lot 371 Coins of the United States 437 Coins, First United States 451 Commercial Trip 382 Congress, Assembled in 179 Continental Money 438 Darn My Stockings 206 Debs, Eugene V 347 Decorating Graves of Heroes 72 Dimensions of Gold and Silver 450 Discovery of Printing 117 xiii 9. XIV ILLUSTRATIONS. ^ . ^ . . , X, PAGE. Doing Basiness with Boys 307 Dow, General Neal 372 Edison, Thomas A 13,5 Effects of Monopoly 394 Election Returns 232 Electric Lights on Warships 134 Electrical Execution 296 Events of 19th Century 108 Execution in China 292 Execution in I taly 290 Execution of Kempler 296 Fakir 440 Faneuil Hall 64 Father, Son and Mother 199 First Bicycle 132 First Farm in New England 74 First Hotel in Boston 77 First Railroad Engine 125 First Railroad Train 126 First Steamboat 120 First Telegraph Instrument 115 First Warship 79 Flags of United States 65-69 Foreigners 30 Foreign Ownership of Land 323 Franklin, Benjamin 28 Franklin Before French Court 63 French Typewriter 138 Frontispiece Fuller, Chief Justice 154 Fulton's First Steamboat 121 Fulton, Robert 123 Gerrymander District, First 243 Gerrymandering 242 Gould, Geo. J 267 Governor's House in New York 92 ILLUSTRATIONS. XV PAGE. Grandfathers' Voting Place 190 Great Tunnel 395 Guillotine Execution 294 Hamilton, Alexander 147 Hanging for Mutiny 286 Henry, Patrick, Addressing Congress 52 Henry, Patrick 42 Hill, James J 269 Homeless, but Willing to Work 380 Home of the First Law- Maker in America 37 Home of Our Grandmother 75 Honest Industry 38 Howe, Elias HI House of First Telegraph Instrument 116 House of Lords 172 Independence Hall 49 Jail Yard 297 Jay, John, Chief Justice 150 Jefferson's Desk 51 Killing Cattle at Armour's 87 Land Owned by Foreigners 323 Last of Their Race 95 Luxury 406 Lynch Law 34 Man's Fears Realized 207 Man Who Never Reads the Papers 107 Market Wagon, Fifty Years Ago 93 Massa Says We're Free 161 Military Training in Public Schools 413 Mitchell, John .349 Modern Dining Car 127 Modern Warship 80 XVl ILLUSTRATIONS. PAGE. Morse. Prof. Samuel F. B 114 Mortgage Grip ;J84 Mt. Holyoke Seminary 102 National Capitol 170 National Executive Committee 229 New York Harbor 83 New York in 1612 82 New York in 1846 83 No School in Reach 298 No Thanksgiving Here 230 Not Recognized 333 Old Style 90 Our Rights, "Clear Comfort" 39 Palmer, Senator John M 195 Panama Canal 257 Parkhurst, Rev. Dr 336 Parliament Building 174 Party Orator 226 Passing Stamp Act in Parliament 53 Piatt, Thomas C 178 Political Gathering 401 Political Map of 1894 231 Politicians Fixing Ticket 238 Prisoners at Work 284 Pueblo Smelting Works 104 Punishment in Olden Times 33 Reed, Thomas B 47 Remington Typewriter 138 Removal for Cause 325 Revenue Collector's Office 399 Roosevelt, Theodore 5 Russell, William 217 Scene in Congress 166 School Savings Bank 310 Sea Battle 316 ILLUSTRATIONS. XTvril PAGE. Shilling, New England 436 Shilling, New Hampshire 441 Shilling, Maryland 442 Signing Declaration of Independence 143 Simpson, Jerry • • • 324 Skeleton of a Frog 140 Sovereign, J. R 366 Stage Coach 131 Stevenson, Adlai 163 Stevenson, John 128 Sticking Hogs at Armour's 88 Strike of Coal Miners 340 Strikers Attacking Proprietor 342 Strike in Chicago 344 Strike in South Chicago 346 Strikes, Effects of 359 Successful Candidate 328 Sumner, Charles 23 Surveying Land 319 Sutler's Mill "78 Talking Politics 208 Teaching School, Old Way 299 Teaching School, New Way 301 Temperance Temple 377 Thanksgiving Sleighride 71 Township with Section Lines 321 Tramp, the Professional 379 Tramp Who Earned His Meal 381 Type-Setting Machine 136 United States Seal 439 Vail, Judge Steven 119 Valley Forge 61 Vanderbilt, Wm, K 264 Wall Street, New York 21» Waltham Watch Works 76 XVlll ILLUSTRATIONS. PAGB Ward Heeler 234 Washkigtons Fireplace 19 Washington's Official Carriage 62 Washington Resigning His Commission 2G Webster, Daniel 40 Whitney's Cotjon Gin 110 Wilson, W. L 408 Woman's Rights 205 Woman Who Would Vote 203 Woman Who Would Not Vote .' 201 Wright, Carroll D 277 Wright, Luke E 474 Young America's Idea of Liberty 99 CHAPTER I. THE CITIZEN. General Washington's Fire Place. Advantages and Responsibilities an American Citizen. of 1. Advantages. — Our age is indeed a golden age. We are favored as no other people. Our advantages greatly surpass those of the citizen of any other nation of the world. This is clearly seen in our natural facilities, our delight in scientific research, the increased intelligence and quicken- ing of the public mind, the diffusion and popularizing of knowledge through the press, as well as the demand for even a greater dissemuiation of knowledge among all classes. 2. Responsibilities.— These advantages bring with them corresponding responsibilities. Bound to allegiance on the one hand and entitled to protection on the other.the American citizen is of necessity compelled to inform himself on the principles of government, the progress and development of 19 aO DUTIES OF AN AMERICAN CITIZEN. the nation, including the living issues of the day. Our nation is what we as citizens make it. The citizen can make its future as the full blown flower of which the pres- ent is but the opening bud, or by a selfish neglect of duties he may permit imminent and threatening dangers to thwart the growth, if not to overthrow the nation whose possibili- ties were never equaled. Safe citizenship demands a care- ful study of our country and its peuijle, our government and all the questions of vital interest constantly pressing to the front. He who will not inform himself upon the living issues of the day and interest himself in these subjects so essential to national life, does not deserve the name of citi- zen, and by his very ignorance and selfishness becomes in fact, if not in intention, an enemy of his own nation. We rightfully boast of the grandeur of our nation, of the achieve- ments of the past, of a promising future, but we cannot make too emphatic the fact that great as are the advan- tages and possibilities; the dangers are correspondingly great and awful will be the calamity if the citizen fails to realize his responsibility as a member of the body politic. "England expects every man to do his duty," said Nel- son on the eve of a great battle. Our nation can expect nothing less of every indiviiluai citizen in the coming con- flict with ignorance and vice, (iivcn these conditions in which the citizen realizes his responsibilities and our future is no longer in the scale of doubt. Duties of an American Citizen. 1. Political Rights. — F^very American or foreign-born citizen of the United States has certain political privileges and inalienable rights. In order to sustain a good govern- ment everv man should exercise his political rights to the best of his kiunvlodge. As every citizen is protected by the government he shouli' not shrink from his duty in giving to the state certain protection whenever he may be called upon to do so. We need better citizenship, more educa- tion, and a better knowledge of our system of government. Every man should be able to vote intelligently. 2. Your Duty. — It is your duty as an American citizen to obey the laws, even if they are, in your belief, unjust or unwise. General Grant once shrewdly said that the best way to procure the repeal of an unjust or unwise law was to rigorously enforce it. It is your rii:jhtto expose the folly or injustice of a law, to demand its repeal, and to try to get a majority to repeal it. But while it remains a law, you are to obey it I>UT«i« OF AN AMERICAN CITIZEN. 21 3. Voting at the Polls.— It is the duty of every Ameri- can citizen to exercise his right to vote at all the primaries and all the elections to which he is eligible. The American people are too indifferent in nominating and supporting men lor office. To put up a ticket is too frequently left to a lot of "bummer" politicians, and the masses vote the ticket because it is gotten up by the "bummers" of their party. When selfish and unprincipled politicians control the election, incompetent and unworthy men are put up and elected to office. Indifference on the part of the people is the curse of American politics. Every citizen should go to the caucuses or primaries and insist upon the nomination of good men, and if incompetent or unworthy men are nominated refuse to support them. Every good citizen should support the best man for the office, regardless of politics, when it becomes a question of fitness, and refuse to vote for a man whom he knows to be unworthy and unqualified to fill the office for which he has been nomi- nated. It is a dangerous thing to vote for a man simply because he has been nominated by a certain party. Let merit and ability be the claim for office. 4. Prompt Execution of the Laws. — It is your duty to insist upon the prompt execution of the laws; to be ready, even at much personal inconvenience, to aid in their enforce- ment, if you are called upon by proper officers; and to resent with indignation every sign of lawlessness and vio- lence, and require its vigorous suppression. For instance, if a riot should break out in a city where you are living, you are not to go out of town until it subsides, but you are to hasten to offer your support to the authorities, and to require their prompt and decisive action to restore order. 5. Grand or Petit. — It is your duty — if you are a voter — to serve, when called on, as a grand or petit juror ; and this at even great inconvenience. 6. Act Generally with Some Political Party. — It is your duty to act generally vviih some political party and to exert your influence upon its leaders to induce the nomina- tion of capable and honest men for office. And it is your duty, if your party nominates a bad man, to vote against him and thus keep the public and general good before your eyes, and set an example of true public spirit before your fellows. 7. Watch the Conduct of Public Officers. — It is your duty to watch the conduct of public officers, to see that they perform their duties and observe their constitutional limita- tions ; and if they do not, then it is your duty to help to ^ POLITICAL TRAINING FOR THE CITIZEN. expose them and at the election to punish then?. For it is only by such vigilance that a nation can preserve its liber- ties unimpaired. These are your political duties, which you cannot neglect or abjure without disgrace to yourself and harm to the country. 8. Party Government, — As party government is inevi- table and necessary in a free country, it is the duty of every citizen to attend the primary meetings of the party with which he acts. If honest and intelligent men neglect the primaries, they thereby hand the control of their party over to bad men. It is important to the welfare of the country that all the political parties shall be controlled by wise and honest men; for a corrupt or debased minority can offer but a feeble opposition to the majority, and i» reality helps to strengthen and to animate the majority; whereas a powerful, honest and intelligent minority com^ pels the majority to govern carefully and honestly. The demoralization of the party which is in the minority may thus, as you see, bring calamities on a country. Political Training for the Citizen. 1. Duty of Citizens. — Since any male citizen of suitable age may become a legislator or an officeholder, while every citizen has an appreciable influence upon the politi- cal life of his neighborhood, it is evident that every citizen of the United States ought to have some intelligent com- prehension not only of the essential features of our own government, national, state and local or municipal, but also of the fundamental principles of political rights, political economy and political science. 2. Citizens from Two Sources. — We get our supply of new citizens from two sources — immigration and the grow- ing up of American children. We are all keenly alive to the dangers that threaten our government when ignorant and immoral foreigners are made citizens by hundreds and thousands. Our United States laws are explicit in requir- ing evidence of fitness for citizenship before naturalization papers are granted. "It shall be made to appear to the satisfaction of the court admitting such alien, (a) that he has resided in the United States at least five years, (b) and that during that time he has behavotl as a man of good moral character, (c) attached to the principles of the con- stitution of the United States, (d) and well disposed to the peace and good order of the same." That is the law. POLITICAL TRAINING FOR THE CITIZEN. 23 3. Making Citizens of Foreigners. — How safe we should be from the pernicious effect of much ignorance and vicious anarchism which now trouble us if committees of good citi- zens had attended at our courts of naturalization and had forced home upon the consciousness of all officers of the CHARLES SUMNER, America's Ablest Statesman. law who have power to grant naturalization papers, the will of the people, that this wise law be obeyed! But in practice these provisions of the law are a dead letter, as any one knows who has sat for a few hours in any of our large cities and has seen the purely mechanical method of making American citizens out of foreigners — ignorant, reckless, too 34 POLITICAL TRAINING FOR THE CITIZEN. often manifestly immoral and besotted. The process is " mechanical," because it is usually conducted in the interest of one or the other of the party " machines." By its agents the machine brings these undeserving candidates to the court and pays their way through, that it may " vote them " afterward. The shame and the danger to our government are manifest. 4. Obligations of State and School. — But the great majority of our citizens come to us not from the immigrant steamships, but from the public schools! What are our schools doing to provide the United States with citizens in- telligent enough upon matters political and patriotic enough to secure the permanent success of our form of government "by the people, for the people?" 5. Obligation of the State — The obligation of the state to maintain the school we hear often enough emphasized. Is the obligation of the school to support the state by using all right means to train good citizens as frankly recognized and as fairly met ? In our school system, is there a large enough place made for those studies which promote intelli- gent patriotism, voluntary obedience to law, and public- spirited interest in public affairs? 6. Germany's Admirable Plan. — In Germany it became a fundamental maxim of state policy a century ago "what you would have come out in the life of a nation you must put into the schools and the universities." The wonderful vigor of the national life of Germany in these last decades is directly traceable to her observance of this law of self- preservation applied by the state to Germany's educational system, in which patriotism is steadily and systematically inculcated, and in the fitting of young men for the proper discharge of public duties has an important place. 7. iPatriotism the Strength of a Nation. — Of our forms of government, as of everything else tliat is precious in life, it is true that "if we would preserve it we must love it." And intelligent study of the underlying principles of gov- ernment will stimulate a just pride in our own form of gov- ernment and will furnish a rational basis and a sure sup- port for that loyal spirit of true patriotism which is the strength of a nation. 8. The Principles of Good Citizenship.— All colleges which deserve the name now furnish full instruction in such themes. But important as is the influence of liberally edu- cated men upon the life of .America, it is but a small per- centage of our voters who in ihcir school studies rc.ich the college course, or even the high school. It is most im- portant that all citizens, girls and boys alike, in all our POLITICAL TRAINING FOR THE CITIZEN. 25 schools should have elementary instruction in the principles of good citizenship. It is the mothers of our boys and the early school life of our boys that largely determine the life- bias' toward good citizenship or bad citizenship for the great mass of our voters. 9. Value of Good Mothers. — An intelligent, public-spir- ited mother is almost by necessity the mother of patriotic sons and daughters. Given good mothers in this respect and good sons follow. To the ambitious mother who asked the witty English divine "how she could make sure that her son should one day become a bishop," he replied, " first get him born right." This goes to the root of the matter. And the next step, that we may have as many boys as possible early trained in the principles and the spirit of good citi- zenship, is to see that mothers, sisters and teachers are intelligently awake to the reponsibility of residence among a self-governing people. The girls and the women of our country should be (as we believe many of them are) intel- ligent patriots, with clear knowledge and sound convictions upon matters of public interest in the state. 10. School Life of the Boy. — In his school life the con- ditions are so essentially different from those of his home life that the boy virtually begins his social life when he enters school. At home in the family love self-denial was the law. In the school, as in the state, consideration of justice, of equity, of impartiality, must have the first place. "What relations with others, my equals, are possible for me?" is the question the schoolboy is practically answering, day by day, whether or not he puts it into words. The way he carries himself among his schoolmates, the standards of honor and of behavior which he accepts and helps to form, will go with him through life. The school by its tone and spirit, as well as by its studies, determines in no slight degree the nature of those relations with his fellows — relations just and harmonious, or selfish and discordant— which are to make or mar his life as man and citizen. 11. Responsibility of the Teacher. — Teachers with whom rests the responsibility of fixing these standards in school life, will not train their pupils intelligently for the duties and responsibilities of citizenship unless they have themselves given time and attention and loving thought to the principles of sound government and to the demands which popular government, if it succeeds, must constantly make upon the citizen for moral thoughtfulness, self-con- trol and public spirit. The study of the history of our country, with emphasis upon shining examples of patriotism and disinterested goodness; patriotic songs in the school- 26 POLITICAL TRAINING FOR THE CITIZEN. room; patriotic selections for reading and declamation, these help to form the true spirit and tone in the school. But more than this is needed. 12. Begin to Teach the Citizen Early. — There should be in all our schools (and in a " grade " not so far advanced that most children leave school before they reach it) simple, clear, convincing teaching of the elementary principles of government; of the purpose and design of law and govern- ment; of the ultimate foundation of all government upon / Washington Resigningr His Commission. justice, equity, righteousness,' upon the moral law, and of the supreme authority of that law over majorities as well as minorities, however '* free " the form of government may be. Every young citizen should early be taught that a majority has a right to do what it pleases only wlien it pleases to do what is right. Even in his early school d lys every future citizen should learn to feel the solemn responsibility which rests upon every citizen of a free state to govern himself thoughtfully, voluntarily and strictly. THE YOUNG STATESMAN'S OPPORTUNITIES. 27 13. Duty of Americans. — But whatever may be done or (eit undone by our schools, let Americans see to it that in the great svstem of public schools which is so closely con- nected with our national life there be early introduced, steadily pursued and strongly emphasized, such studies as tend directly to make moral, intelligent, loyal citizens, who understand and love not only their rights but also their duties as citizens of the United States. 6ur highest interests depend upon this. Then only can government by the peo- ple be carried on with safety to the people. If as is uni- versally conceded, " Salus populi lex suprema," — " The welfare of the people is the highest law" — then it is wisdom to direct the peaceful policy of national education so as to hold sacred this maxim in moments of crises and manifest danger to the state. The Young Statesman's Opportuni= ties. 1. Political Advantages.— What our country at the present time most needs is more thoroughly honest, com- petent and educated young men. Our legislatures are made up of men entirely unfit to make laws for the state. Our congressmen seem to lose sight of the principles of patriot- ism and statesmanship, in their partisan struggle for supremacy and power. In every department of government, both legislative and executive, there is not only room, but a serious need for a higher ideal of statesmanship. Every young man should fit himself not only to become a good citizen who can vote mtelligently, but he should prepare himself to assume the responsibilities of office. It is uncer- tain when he may be called uoon to serve the people in some higher capacity than private citizenship. This coun- try is rich in both political and financial opportunities. Every young man should become familiar with its past history as well as with the political questions of the day. 2. America is Another Name for Opportunity. — Its whole history appears like a last effort of the Divine Provi- dence on behalf of the human race. To have the age, in which so much has been done, brought to the intellectual conception of mankind as " new and exceptional," was a fine literary effort. But, above all these things to have it once and forever realized, not only by the people here BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, SCIENTIST, STATES- MAN, AND PHILOSOPHER. 28 THE YOUNG MAN'S FIRST VOTE. 29 themselves, but by the world, that "America was another name for Opportunity," imparted a comprehensive sweep and scope to the idea of how mankind might be benefited by this gift, in this age. It was a message specially designed, not only to stimulate the people of the continent itself, but to notify and guide the rest of the world to an appreciation of the chances of success that awaited them here. The Young Man's First Vote. 1. More than One Million Young Men will have their first opportunity next presidential election to cast a vote for a president of the United States. For all those of this vast army of our citizens of the future who participate in the coming election it will be their tirst entrance into national politics. And that first vote weighs many times as much as any one that will follow it. Of itself it counts no more in the bailot-box than any other vote, but it determines largely the character of those that will come after it. 2. Man's Conduct. — Man's conduct is regulated by a great variety of circumstances. In politics, once his choice of a party has been made, his associations, his pride of opinion, his sentiment of loyalty, all combine and are helped by other considerations to deter him from changing his party relations. 3. Your Political Future. — Men do break away from their early political associations, but they are exceptions. Consequently, the first vote will probably determine your political future. See that you make the right choice and ally yourself with the party whose history, achievements, and aims attract you to it. 4. Party Changes. — Most young men vote as their fathers do. They are Republicans, Democrats, Populists, or Prohibitionists because their fathers are, and the chances are that they will always vote that ticket. It is unfortunate that so little independent thinking is done. The few furnish the brains and the argument for the masses, and, conse- quently, the country is cursed with bad politics and badly enforced laws. 5. The Right Principles. — Young man, think for your- self and vote your convictions. Look over the field and vote for the best men. When you see an incompetent or unworthy man on your ticket, don't vote for him. Remem- ber that no party can rise above the moral character of the men that represent its principles. Vote for good men re- gardless of party, and you will do your duty as a good citi- zen. Bad men must be kept out of office. If your party puts up an unprincipled man, rebuke the party by refusing to vote for him. 3 30 CITIZENSHIP. l; OUR FOREIGN FRIEND FURNISHING MUSIC FOR THE PUBLIC. Citizenship. A citizen is a person born or naturalized in the United States. Men, women and cliildren are citizens. A citizen of tlie United States residin>j in any state of the Union is a citizen of that state. Naturalization conferring citizenship is a federal right, and is a gift of the Union, not of any one state. Citizenship does not carry with it the right to vote. All male citizens twenty-one years of age are voters, but all i NATURALIZATION LAWS. 31 voters are not citizens. (See table of qualifications for voters on another page.) Naturalization Laws of the United States. The conditions under and the manner in which an alien may be admitted to become a citizen of the United States are prescribed by the Revised Statutes of the United States. DECLARATION OF INTENTIONS, Ihe alien must declare upon oath before a circuit or district court of the United States or a district or supreme court of the territories, or a court of record of any of the states having common law jurisdiction and a seal and clerk, two years at'least prior to his admission, that it is, bona fide, his mtention to become a citizen of the United States, and to renounce forever all allegiance and fidelity to any foreign prince or state, and particularly to the one of which he may be at the time a citizen or subject. OATH ON APPLICATION FOR ADMISSION. He must at the time of his application to be admitted de- clare on oath, before some one ot the courts above specified, "that he will support the Constitution of the United States, and that he absolutely and entirely renounces and abjures all allegiance and fidelity to every foreign prince, potentate, state or sovereignty, and particularly, by name, to the prince, potentate, state, or sovereignty of which he was be- fore a citizen or subject," which proceedings must be re- corded by the clerk of the court. CONDITIONS FOR CITIZENSHIP. If it shall appear to the satisfaction of the court to which the alien has applied that he has made a declaration to be- come a citizen two years before applying for final papers, and has resided continuously within the United States for at least five years, and within the state or territory where such court IS at the time held one year at least; and that during that time "he has behaved as a man of good moral character, attached to the principles of the Constitution of the United States, and well disposed to the good order and happiness of the same," he will be admitted to citizenship. TITLES OF NOBILITY. If the applicant has borne any hereditary title or order of nobility, he must make an express renunciation of the same at the time of his application. 3J> KATUKALIZAXIUN LAWlfik SOLDIERS. Any alien of the age of twenty-one years and upward who has been in the armies of the United States, and has been honorably discharged therefrom, may become a citizen on his petition, without any previous declaration of intention, {.rovided that lie has resided in the United States at least one year previous to his application, and is of good moral character. (It is judicially decided that residence of one year in a particular state is not requisite.) MINORS. Any alien under the age of twenty-one years who has resided in the United States three years next preceding his arriving at that age, and who has continued to reside therein to the time he may make ap| licationtobe admitted a citizen thereof, may, after he arrives at the age of twenf-one years, and after he has resided five years within the United States, including the three years of his minority, be admitted a citizen; but he must make a declaration on oath and prove to the satisfaction of the court that for two years next pre- ceding it has been his bona fide intention to become a citizen. CHILDREN OF NATURALIZED CITIZENS. The children of persons who have been duly naturalized, being under the age of twenty-one years at the time of naturalization of their parents, shall, if dwelling in the United States, be considered as citizens thereof. citizens' CHILDREN WHO ARE BORN ABROAD. The children of persons who now are or have been citi- zens of the United States are, though born out of the limits and jurisdiction of the United States, considered as citizens thereof. CHINESE. The naturalization of Chinamen is expressly prohibited by Section 14, Chapter 12H, Laws of l^'^-. (.See ii.'ic on a succeeding pagej. PROTECTION ABROAD TO NATURALIZED CITIZENS. Section 2,000 of the Revised Statues of the United States declares that "all naturalized citizens of the United States while in foreign countries are entitled to and shall receive from this government the same protection of persons and property which is accorded to native-born citizens." THE RIGHTS OF AN AMERICAN CITIZEN. 33 Public Punishment in Olden Times. The Rights of an American Citizen. 1. Republican Principles. — Under this head the Bill of Rights declares: That all power is inherent in the people: That governments exist for their good, and by their consent; That all freemen are equal; That no title or nobility shall be conferred; That exclusive privileges shall not be granted except in consideration of public services; That all elections shall be free and equal. 2. Personal Security.— In the interest of the personal security of the citizen, it is provided: That the people shall be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and possessions, from unreasonable seizures and searches. That warrants to seize and to search persons and things must describe them by oath or affirmation; That there shall be no imprisonment for debts, except in case of fraud. 3. Private Property. — To secure the rights of private property, the bill declares: That private property shall not be taken for public use without just compensation; And in some states that long leases of agricultural lands shall not be made. 4. Freedom of Conscience. — To induce the entire free- dom of conscience of the citizen, it is declared: 34 THE RIGHTS OF AN AMERICAN CITIZEN. LYNCH LAW. Breaking Open the Jail and Publicly Executingr Two Criminals. That there shall be perfect religious freedom, but not cov- ering immoral practices; That there shall be no state church; That no religious test shall be required for performing anypublic function; That the rights of conscience are free from human control. 5. Freedom of Speech and of the Press. — To maintain the rightful freedom of the press, the bill guarantees: That printing presses may be used by all; That every citizen may freely speak, write, and print upon any subject, being responsible for the abuse of the right. 6. Freedom of Assembly. — The right of assembly is secured by the provision: That the people may peaceably assemble for the public good, to discuss questions of public interest; and That they may petition the government for redress of grievances. 7. Rights of the Accused. — Among the worst abuses of tyranny in all ages have been the corruption of the courts and the denial of the rights of common justice. To guard against these it is expressly provided: THE RIGHTS OF AN AMERICAN CITIZEN. 36- That the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended except when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it; That, except in capital cases, persons charged with crime may give bail; That no excessive bail shall be required; That all courts shall be open; That the accused shall have a speedy trial in the district in which the offense was committed; That the ancient mode of trial by jury shall be main- tained; but civil suits, by consent of the parties may be tried without a jury; That all persons injured in lands, goods, person or repu- tation shall have remedy bv course of law; That the accused shall be informed of the nature of the charges against him; That he shall be confronted by the witnesses agamst him; That he shall be heard in his own defense, and may have the benefit of counsel; That he shall not be required to testify against hmi self ; That he shall not be deprived of life, liberty or prop- erty except by due process of law; ^ That no cruel or unusual punishment shall be mflicted; That no one shall be twice placed in jeopardy for the same offense. ... • -i 8. Rights.— All citizens, says Peterman in his civil government, have a right to the full and equal protection of the laws. Each has a right to be secure in his person and properly; to demand that the peace be pre- served; to do all things according to bis own will, pro- vided he does not trespass upon the rights of others. No one in the fam- ily, in the school, in the civil district, in the country, in the state, or in the nation has the right to do or say anything which interferes with the life, liberty, property or happiness of another. Any act which interferes with the rights of others- .$^5N THE BEHEADING liLOCK. 36 THE RIGHTS OF AN AMERICAN' CITIZEN. is an offense against the common good and against the law. It is chiefly for the prevention and punishment of these unlawful acts that the civil district exists, with its court and its officers. 9. Legal Voters. — All legal voters of the district have the right to jjarticipate in its government by exercising a free choice in the selection of its officers, except in states where these officers are appointed. They have the right to cast tlieir votes without fear or favor. This is one of the most important and sacred rights that freemen possess. Free government cannot exist without it. The law guarantees it, and all the power of the state may be employed to main- tain it. Therefore whoever prevents a voter from exercis- ing the rights of suffrage does it at his own peril. 10. Duties. — A-; the citizens of the civil district have rights, they also have corresponding duties. As they may demand protection and the preservation of the peace, so it is their duty to obey the law and assist the officers in its enforcement, in order that the same protection may be ext-^nded to the whole people. Each should abstain from ac-s that injure others, and render cheerful aid to all in secur.ng their rights through the law. 11. Qualified Voters. — All qualified voters have the right, and it is also their duty, to vote. The voters elect the officers of the district, and are therefore its rulers. When they fail to vote, they fail to rule, fail to do their duty to the people and to themselves. Theduty to vote implies the duty to vote right, to vote for good men and for good measures. There- fore, men should study their duty as voters that they may elect honest, capable, faithful officers, and support the par- ties and principles that will best promote the good of the country. Every man should study his political duty with the best light that he can obtain, decide what is right, and then vote his sentiments honestly and fearlessly. If the district has good governn\ent, the voters deserve the credit; if it has bad government, the voters deserve the blame. OUR CIVIL AND TOLITICAL RIGHTS. 37 The Home of the First Law Maker in America. Our Civil and Political Rights. I. Inalienable Rights.— Our civil and political rights are sometimes called inalienable rights because they can- not be taken away, except as a punishment for some crime. They are our natural rights and are not conferred by any earthly power, but are given to every human being at his birth. They are: (1) The Right to Personal Security; that is, the right to be free from attack and annoyance; (2) The Right of Personal Liberty; that is, to go when and where he pleases, providing he does not trespass upon the rights of others; and (3) The Right of Private Property; that is, the right to use, enjoy, and dispose of what he has acquired by labor, purchase, gift, or inheritance. ^ OLK CIVIL AND POLITICAL RIGHTS. 2. Industrial Rights. — It is the right and duty of each person to provide in his own way, providing it is legal and honest, for himself and those depend- ent upon him. All business transactions, the search for homes, com- forts, and wealth; agri- culture, manu- facturing, min- ing and com- merce; the conduct of all professions.oc- cupations and industries; the interests of farm laborers, operatives in factf'ries, min- ers, clerks, and all persons engaged in mental or physical labor are based upon industrial rights and duties. 3. Social Rights. — Each member of society has rights as such, and these are called social rights. 1 hey include the rights of personal security and protection. They under- lie all efforts for the improvement of the social condition of the people. Society is interested in better schools, in public health, in the reformation of criminals, in good highways and streets, in safe buildings, in well-lighted cities and vil- lages, in the maintenance of charitable institutions, in the establishment of sources of harmless amusement, and in the preservation of peace and order. 4. Right of Eminent Domain. — This right of society, existing above the right of any of its members, is called the right of eminent domain. By it individual rights must yield to the rights of society, of the government, or of a corpora- tion. A corporation is an association of individuals author- ized by law to do business as a single natural person. Rail- way companies, banks, chartered cities and villages, and the counties of some states are corporations. 5. Moral Rights. — Man is a moral being; that is, he is conscious if good and evil. Therefore he has moral rights HONEST INDLSTRV. OUR CIVIL AND POLITICAL RIGHTS. 39 aod duties. He has rights of conscience, with which it is not the province of government to interfere. He naturally worships a being superior to himself, and feels the obliga- tion to deal justly with his fellowmen. He has a right tc do so and say all things which are not unlawful or wrong within themselves. It is right to worship when he pleases, whom he pleases, and as he pleases. "t^^^^^It^^^ OUR RIGHTS "CLAR COMFORT.' 40 HOW TO BECOME A PUBLIC SPEAKER. DANIEL WEBSTER. Born in N. H.. 1 7S2. Died 1852. How to Become a Public Speaker. 1. Great Orators. — It must be remembered that great orators who have astonished the world with their cutting wit and power of words were once obscure, timid and bashful boys. It must be remembeied, too, that the most of the great orators of the past came from the humble walks of life, They were not born in palaces nor inherited wealth nor were educated in luxury. They invariably were of poor parentage, but self made, and by hard struggle and untiring labor they worked their way to the front. 2. Every Young Man's Duty. — Every young man snould be able, with calmness and self-possession, to ej press himself in public. This can be done by a little e.xtra prep- aration and study. If a mjn hrs anything to say; HOW TO BECOME A PUBLIC SPEAKER. 41 JOHN C. CALHOUN. Born in S. C. 1782; Died, 1852. and knows what to say, he may experience some embar- rassment in making his first effort, yet he can always say it with credit to himself and to his friends. The great trouble is ignorance, and people are often called upon to say some- thing in public when they have nothing to say. It takes a reading and thinking man to speak in public. 3. How to Prepare for Public Speaking.— In the first place get ove^- the idea that you will never be called upon to say something in public. Overcome this thought, and it is one of the first steps toward oratory. It will, no doubt, happen many times in the course of your lifetime that you will be called upon to speak in a public gathering, or to preside over some public meeting. Study the parliament- ^ HOW TO BECOME A PUBLIC SPEAKER. PATRICK HENRY. Born 1736, Died 1799. ary laws as given in this book, and it will be a great acqui- sition. Read the papers, the magazines, and pick out parts and portions that impress you and study them so that you can remember them. Study the papers as well aS read them, and discuss the prominent subjects or topics of the day with your friends. It is wonderful what an amount of knowledge you can gain by simply improving your spare moments. 4. What Books to Read. — Read books of history, read the life of Napoleon Bonaparte, Matthews' "Getting On in the World;" Smiles' two bookt on "Duty and Character;" Ridpath's History of the United States; Macaulay's His- tory of England; Gibbon's "Decline and Fall of Rome," and there are various other books that you will find interesting, impressive, and highly instructive. Good public speakers ought to be extensive readers. HOW TO BECOME A PUI'.LIC SPEAKER. 43 5. Writing. — You should sit down and write an address or essay upon some subject of public interest, either polit- ical, Social, or otherwise. Afterwriting it study it over care- fully and re-write and re-write it several times; after each time be sure to study it over carefully and find pans or por- tions that can be profitably improved. This address or essay is not supposed to be delivered or read, though it is a good thing to keep and lay away for future reference. After writing a few of these addresses and committingthem to memory you will find to your surprise that you can think better, speak better and write better. It is a practice that excels all other methods of preparation. 6. Reading and Re-reading. — Next in value to the fre- quent use uf the pen is the practiceof carefully reading and re-reading the best prose writers and poets, and committing their finest passages to memory, so as to be able to repeat them at any moment without effort. The advantages of this practice are that it not only strengthens the memory, but fills and fertilizes the mind with pregnant and suggest- ive thoughts, expressed in the happiest language, stores it with graceful images, and, above all, forms the ear to the rhythm and number of the period which add so much to its impressiveness and force. 7. Melody. — It is the melody of a sentence which, so to speak, makes it cut, which gives it speedy entrance into the mind, causes it to penetrate deeply, and to exercise a magic power over the heart. It is not enough that the speaker's utterances impress the mind of the hearer, they should ring in his ears; they should appeal to the senses, as well as to the feelings, the imagination, and the intellect; then, when they seize at once on the whole man, on body, soul, and spirit, will they " swell in the heart and kindle in the eyes," and constrain him, he knows not why, to believe and to obey. 8. Oratorical Moulds. — Let the student of oratory, then, brood over the finest passages of English composi- tion, both prose and poetry, in his leisure hours, till his mind is surcharged with them; let him read and re-read the ever-varied verse of Shakespeare, the majestic and pregnant lines of Milton, the harmonious and cadenced compositions of Bolingbroke, Gratton, Erskine, Curran, and Robert Hall, Let him dwell upon these passages and recite them till they almost seem his own, and insensibly, without effort, he will "form to theirs the relish of his soul," and will find himself adopting their language and imitating them instinctively through a natural love for the beautiful, and the strong desire which every one feels 44 PARLIAMENTARY LAWS. to reproduce what is pleasing to him. By this process he will nave prepared in his mind, so to speak, a variety of oratorical moulds, of the most exquisite shape and pattern, into which the stream of thought, flowing red-hot and mol- ten from a niinii glowing with fire of declamation, will be- come fixed, as metal in a foundry takes the form of a noble or beautiful statue. PARLIAMENTARY LAWS. How to Conduct a Public Meeting; How to Organize a Debating Society or Other Literary Organizations. 1. The Ignorance of Parliamentary Laws. — It is sur- prising to see how few people understand the simple jirin- ciples of parliamentary laws. How often is a person called to preside in public meetings or is called up to take the chair in a social gathering when he is entirely ignorant of the first principles of a presiding officer. He is embarrassed, stammers, and his conduct becomes painful to his friends. A little study on the part cf the person will sufficiently qualify him to carry out the duties of a presiding officer with dignity and satisfaction to all. 2. How to Organize a Public Meeting, Occasional or Mass Meeting. — The first thing to be done in a common meeting^ is to organize. The time appointed having ar- rived, some one calls the meeting to order, and moves that A., B. or C. act as chairman of this meeting. If this motion fails another is nominated till a chairman is obtained and takes the chair. The next business is the election of a sec- retary. The chairman calls for nomination, which being made and seconded the vote is taken. The secretary being elected, no other officers are usually necessary in a meeting of this kind. The chairman asks what is the further pleasure of the meeting, when some one of those at whose instance the meeting has been called rises and states the object of the meeting, or better still, introduces a resolution previously prepared to express the sense of the meeting on the subject which has called them together. 3. Main Question. — All business should be introduced by a motion or resolution. This is called the " Main Ques- tion," or " Principal Motion." When a motion of this kind is pending,no other principal motion can be introduced. But there are certain other motions which would be in order, aiid in reference to some of these still other motions would be in order, while the main question is still pending. Some of these must be seconded, others need not be: some can be amended, PARLIAMENTARY LAWS. 4fi Hon. Joseph H. Cb.oate. of N. Y., Chairman of tl-J<9 State Convention of 1 895. others can not; some can be debated, others can not; t9 some the previous question applies, to others it does not; some can be laid on the table, committed, postponed defi- nitely or indefinitely, others can not; some can be reconsid- ered, others can not; some require a two-thirds vote, others are decided by simply a majority. 4. A Meeting of Delegates. — When the members of an assembly have already been appointed, the first business after a temporary organization, effected as above, is to appoint a committee on credentials to ascertain who are properly members of the meeting. Then proceed to a permanent organization, and the business of the meeting.^ 5. Privileged Motions. — So called because on account of their importance, they take precedence of aU other • Miestions. 40 PARLIAMENTARY LAWS. 6. Incidental Motions.— Incidental motions such as are incident to, or grow out of other questions, and must there- fore be decided before the questions which give rise t« tbem. 7. Subsidiary Motions.— Subsidiary motions, or such as Are applied to other motions for the sake of disposing of them in some otlier way than bv direct adoption or rejection. 8. The Main Question.— Tlie main question which has already been spoken of. 9. 'Miscellaneous Motions.— Miscellaneous motions, under which head come the motions, "To Reconsider," "T« Fill Blanks," and "To Renew a Motion." ^^ „ , ... By this is meant that any motion in the 2d, od, and 4tb classes yield to any motion in the 1st class; the 3d and 4th yield to the 1st and 2d; and the 4th to the 1st. 2d and 3d. TTiis is the general rule; but it is subject to some modifica- tions, as will hereafter appear. 10. The Privileged Motions.— The privileged motions in the order of their precedence are: . 1. To fix the time to adjourn. 3. Questions of privilege. 2. To adjourn '"4. Orders of the day. 11. The Motion to Fix the Time to Which to Ad- journ. — The motion to fix tlie time to which to adji'urn is HOt a motion to adjourn, but, as its name signifies, is simply a motion to fix the time to which the adjournment will stand, when the motion to adjourn is carried. Its form is "I move that when we adjourn we adjourn to" such a date or "to meet again at" such a date, naming the date. It takes precedence of all other motions, and is in order even after the vote to adjourn is taken, if the result has not been stated by the chair. 12. The Motion to Adjourn. — The motion to adjourn takes precedence of all motions except the foregoing, to which It yields; tliatisto say, it may be made when .nny other motionispendingexcepttbemotiontofixthetiineof adjourn- ment, but cannot be made when this latter motion is pending. 13. Questions of Privilege. — These must not be con- founded with "Privileged Questions." The latter embrace the whole list of motions in this class; the former is only one species in the class. As examples of questions of privilege the following may be mentioned: Whether disorder shall be restrained; whether an open window en- dangering the health of any one may i:ot be closed; whether charges against the official character of any member shall be allowed, etc., etc. The form of raising this cjucstion is (addressing the chair and obtaining the floor), '• 1 rise to a question ot privilege." 1 he chair requests the member to state his question; then he decides whether it is a question of privilege or not. THOMAS BRACKETT REED, of Maine, Speaker of House of Representatives 54th Congress, and Republican Orator. 14. Orders of the Day. — This expression is used to designate those subjects the consideration of which has been assigned to a particular time. When it is desirable to consider a subject at some future time the motion is made that such a subject be made "the order of the day" for such a time, fixing the precise time; or, if a regular business has been made the general order for such time, that the subject be made the "special order." It requires a two-thirds vote to make a subject a special order; but when so made k takes precedence of the general order. 15. Incidental Motions. — The incidental motioos ia lkii. Reel was later explained to be typical of the Mood patriots were ready to shed; white, of the purity oi tkeir cause, and blue of the favor of Heaven. ORIGIN OF OUR NATIONAL FLAG. 69 Contrasting colors, white and either blue or red, were necessary to be utilized for the color of the stripes. Red was preferred to blue, because it was more distinct at a dis- Flag of the Royal Savage. 1 776. tance. For this same reason, red, instead of white, was chosen as the color of the topmost stripe, and consequently of the lowermost, also. Red and white having thus been already used, the color assigned the Union was necessarily blue, and the stars in the Union were appropriately made white. The Union was made square and was brought down to the eighth stripe, that its blue might be showed against white (a contrasting color), the color of that stripe. Nailing the Colors to the Mast Head. The "Stars and Stripes." TO ORIGIN OF THANKSGIVING DAY. Origin of Thanksgiving Day. 1. Hebrew Feast of Harvest. — The Thanksgiving day of the Hebrews was called " Ihe Feast of Harvest," and was a grand annual festival. Probably the world has never witnessed the parallel of Heb'-ew anniversaries. A day of thanksgiving was occasionally observed by the Dutch and other Kuropean nations. 2. New England's Day.— The origin of this annual thanksgiving festival on the American continent is credited to the New England colonies. The early settlers endured many privations and difficulties, and had frequent days of fisting and prayer. An old colonist once suggested that they had brooded long enough over their misfortunes, and tnat the next be made a day of thanksgivings. It was done .^nd the custom was continued from year to year, but was confined to New England for many years. Different days were appointed by different governors. 3. National Day. — The first governmental recommenda- tion made by Congress was July 2l», 1775, and was continued annually until the close of the war in 1783. Then there was no observance of a national day until the adoption of the Constitution. In 1789 Congress appointed a committee to wait on the President and request that he would recommend to the people a day of public thanksgiving. Washington, in accordance therewith, named November 26. This was the first under the Constitution and the last Thanksgiving proc- lamation emanating from Congress. The next nationa' Thanksgiving was observed February 19, 1705. After that there was none observed until after the close of the war of 1812 ; Madison, in a proclamation, recommended the second Thursday of April, 1814. Then there was no national day ob- served uiitil .•\pril lU. 1862. which Lincoln recommended as a day of thank gi vi' gs for " signal victories to the land and naval forces engaged in suppressing an internal rebellion." 4. Last Thursday of November.— This was the begin- ning of the annual custom, and in 1864 the proclamation recommended llie last Thursday of November. 5. At Home. - Thanksgiving Day is the great "at home" day of the .American people. It is the day of returns to the "old place," the dav of dinners and reunions. "Com^ home, children, on Thanksgiving Day," slowly writes ths trumbling Hn^'ir of a venerable sire. The palsy and rheu- matism have not vet touched hi< hearty as one see? when, with glistening eyas, be reads the prompt answ.-r. 'We are ail coming " H X > Pi o o Ui r m o a 70 o 71 DECORATING THE GRAVES OF THE I'ALLEN HEROES WITH FLOWERS. WHAT THE AMERICANS HAVE DONE. 78 Origin of Decoration Day. On the 80th of May, thirty-three years ago, four women bearing flowers entered Arlington cemetery and decorated the graves of the dead soldiers. To-day countless thousand* actuated by the same loving spirit will lay a nation's tribute at the feet of the nation's martyred sons. Among all America's treasured anniversaries there is no other which holds the gentleness and sweetness of Decora- tion Day. One year after the fall of Fort Sumter, the day had its origin. May 30. 1862, Mrs. Sarah Nichols, of Dubuque, la., accompanied by the wife and two daughters of Chaplain May, of the 2d Michigan volunteers, laid flow- ers on the graves of dead soldiers m the national cemetery at Arlington. On the same day of the following year the same women observed the same beautiful service. The women of Fredericksburg took up the mission in 1863, and until the year 1874 May 30 was continuously observed in this manner, the custom in the meantime spreading. In 1874 Congress took cognizance of the day and set it apart as a national holiday. The beautiful and impressive flower service to-day will perfume the atmosphere of every cemetery which holds the country's dead heroes in commemoration of one of the greatest struggles in the history of nations. But after more than a quarter of a century there is no bitterness in the ob- servance. Even grief has become softened in the lapse of years. Humanitv's best sentiments become active on such an occasion as this, and the nation is the better for its influence. What the Americans Have Done. I. A Hundred Years Ago.— A hundred years ago the agricultural interests of our country were mostly in the hands of uneducated men. Science was not applied to husbandry. A spirit of improvement was scarcely known. Tne son copied the ways of his lather. He worked with no other implements and pursued no other methods of culti- vation ; and he who attempted a change was regarded as a visionary or an innovator. Very little associated effort for improvement in the business of farming was then seen. The first as>;ociation for such a purpose was formed in the south, and was known as the "South Carolina Agricultural Society," organized in 1784 A similar society was formed in Pennsylvania the following year. Now there are state, county, and even town agricultural societies in almost every part of the Union. 74 WHAT THE AMERICANS HAVE DONE. Clearing the First Farm in New England. 2. Agricultural Implements. — Agricultural implements were rude and simple. They consisted chiefly of the plow, harrow, spade, hoe, hand-rake, scythe, sickle, and wooden fork. The plow had a clumsy, wrought-iron share with wooden mould-board, which was sometimes plated with tin or sheet-iron. The rest of the structure was equally clumsy; and the implement recjuired in its use, twice the amount of strength of man a'^'^ beast that the present plow does. Im- provements in the construction of^ plows during the past fifty yearssaveto the country annually, in work and teams, at least $12,000,000. The first'patent for a cast-iron plow was issued in 1797. To the beginning of 1875, about four hun- dred patents have been granted. :*r>r'< H X tn X o tn o ij o c o JO > o o H PI -"*:•> '/ri. W ■•I ^Ml) JC«^| -r"=#^S^ ?J^^v; ,?-'« m ^ ■n every form from a nail to a locomotive. A vast number of machines have been invented for carr>'ing on these manufactures; and the products in cutlery, firearms, railway materials, and machinery of every kind, employ vast numbers of men and a great amount of capital. Our locomotive buiUlers are regarded as the best in the world; and no nation on the globe can compete with us in the con- struction of steamboats of every kind, from the ironclad war Steamer to the harbor tug. 5. Copper, Silver and Gold.— In the maimf^cture of copper, silver and gold, there has been great progress. At the close of the Revolution no manufactures of the kind existed in our country. Now, the manufacture of copper- ware yearly, of every kind, and jewelry and watches, ba* become a large item in our commercial tables. n Jt^ / T S ( VIA. ^. 78 WHAT THE AMERICANS HAVE DONE. 6. A Lust for Gold.— A last for g^old, and the knowl- cdge of Its existence in America, was the chief incentive to emigration to these shores. But within the domain of our republic very little of it was found, until that domain was extended far toward the Pacific ocean. It was unsuspected until long after the Revolution. Finally, gold was discov- ered among the mountains of Virginia, N\)rth and South Carolina, and in Georgia. North Carolina was the first state in the Union to send gold to the mint in Philadelphia. Its first small contribution was in 18u4. From that time until 1828 the average amount produced from North Caro- lira mines did not exceed $2,500 annually. Virgmia's first Sutter's Mill, California, where Cold was Discovered In 1848. contribution was in 1829, when thr.t of North Carolina for that year was $128,000. Georgia sent its first contribution in 1830. It amounted to $212,0<3O. The product so increased that branch mints were established in North Carolina and Georgia in 18."^7 and 18;J8, and another in New Orleans. In 1848 gold was discovered in the American fork of the Sac- ramento river in California and soon afterward elsewhere in that region. A gold fever seized the people of the United States, and thousands rushed to California in search of the Srecious metals. Within a year from the discoverv nearly ),000 people were there. Less than lave >ears afterwaro, WHAT THE AMERICANS HAVE DONE. 79 California, in one year, sent to the United States mint fully $40,000,000 in gold. Its entire gold product in this time is estimated at more than $800,000,000. Over all the far west- ern states and territories the precious metals, gold and sil- ver, seem to be scattered in profusion, and the amount of mineral wealth yet to be discovered there seems to be incal- culable. Our coal fields seem to be inexhaustible; and out of the bosom of the earth, in portions of our country, flow millions of barrels annually of petroleum, or rock oil, afford- ing the cheapest illuminating material in the world. The First Warship. 7. Mineral Coal. — Mineral coal was first discovered and used in Pennsylvania at the period of the Revolution. A boat load was sent down the Susquehanna from Wilkesbarre for the use of the Continental works at Carlisle. But it was not much used before the war of 1812, and the regular busi- ness of mining this fuel did not become a part of the com- merce of the country before the year 1820, when 365 tons were sent to Philadelphia. At the present time the amount of coal sent to market from the American mines, of all kinds, is equal to full 30,000,000 tons annually. K) WHAT THE AMERICANS HAVE DONE. 8. The First Canals,— The first canals made in this country were two short ones, for a water passage around the South Hadley and Montague Falls, in Massachusetts. These were constructed in 1792. At about the same time the Inland Rock Navigation Companies, in the state of New York, began their work. The Middlesex canal, con- oni[jleted i: ngth, was fi ... ...-v., c. c. ^^. -.. ,^,^.., _ aggregate of canals built in the United States is 3,200 miles. The Modern Warship. The first railway built in the United States was one three miles in length, that connected the granite quarries at Quincy, Mass., with the Xeponset river. It was com- {)leted in 1827; horse power was used. The first use of a ocomotive in this country was in 1829, when one was put upon a railway that connected the coal mines of the Dela- M-are & Hudson Canal Company with Honesdale. This was for freight only. The fir^t passenger railway was opened in 18:30. Now railwavs form a thick network all over the United States east of the Mississippi, and are rapidly spreading over the states and territories beyond, to the Pacific ocean. To these facilities for commer- cial operations must be added the electro-magnetic telegraph, an American invention, as a method of transmitting intelligence, and giving warning signals to the shipping and agricultural interests concerning the iKtual and probable state of the weather each day. The first line, forty miles in length, was constructed between WHAT THE AMERICANS HAVE DONE. 81 Baltimore and Washington in 1844, Now the lines are extended to every part of our Union, and all over our civil- ized world, traversing oceans and rivers, and bringing Pans and New York within one hour's space of intercommuni- cation. 9. Improvement of the Schools. — As the nation ad- vanced in wealth and intelligence, the necessity for correct popular education became more and more manifest, and as- sociated efforts were made for the improvement of the schools by providing for the training of teachers under the respective phase of teachers* associations, educational periodicals, normal schools and teachers' institutes. The first of these societies in this country was the Middlesex County Association for the Improvement of Common Schools, established at Middletown, Conn., in 1799. But little of importance was done in that direction until within the last forty-five years. Now provision is made in all sec- tions of the Union, not only for the support of common schools, but for training-schools for teachers. Since the civil war, great efforts have been made to establish common- school systems in the late slave-labor states that should in- clude among the beneficiaries the colored population. Much has been done in that regard. 10. Free Schools. — Very great improvements have been made in the organization and disciplme of the public schools in cities within the last thirty years. Free schools are rapidly spreading their beneficent influence over the whole Union, and in some states laws have been made that compel all children of a cercam age to go to school. Insti- tutions for the special culture of young women in all that pertainsto college education have been established within a few years. The pioneer in this work is \'assar College, at Poughkeepsie, N. Y., which was first opened in the year 1865. Besides the ordinary means for education, others have been established for special purposes. These are law, scientific, medical, theological, military, commercial and agricultural schools, and seminaries for the deaf, dumb and bhnd. In many states school district libraries have been established. There are continually enlarging means pro- vided for the education of the whole people. Edmund Burke said, " Education is the cheap defense of nations." 11. Newspapers. — Ihe newspapers printed in the United States at the beginning of the Revolution were few in number, small in size, and very meager in information of any kind. They were issued weekly, semi-weekly and tri- weekly. The first daily newspaper issued in this country was the American Daily Advertiser established in Phil- 82 THE GROWTH OF CITIES. adelphia in 1784. In 1775 there were thirty-seven news- papers and periodicals in the United States, with an ag- gregate issue that year of 1,2.000 were issued that year; of the weeklies, 6'KJ,0^ miles in extent. • A solifHil census of ("liicaRo in 1^192 stiowcii a populatiou of more thtta i.WO.OOO. and the same ccubus for lSi»6 is l.dlQ.'J'ZtS. THE GROWTH OF CITIES. 85 There are about 400 miles of street-railway tracks grid- ironing tlie city and furnishing transportation for upward of three-quarters of a million people. The floating population of Chicago averages 75,000 daily; the hotel and other accommodations for transients being great enough to care for 150,000. It is interesting to note the statistics bearing upon the shipping of Chicago. In 1891 there entered and cleared at New York 16,000 vessels, while at Chicago 20,OGO vessels entered and cleared. Practically Chicago is the terminal point of all the trunk lines of railway, north, south, east, and west, in the United States, Canada, and Mexico. Over 90,000 miles of railroads center in Chicago at the present time. It is admitted to be the greatest railroad center in the world. Estimates have been made showing that more passen- gers arrive and depart, more merchandise is received and shipped daily, than at any other point on earth. The commerce of the city for 1891 was $1,459,000,000, against S20,000,000 for 1850. In the same year the amount of money paid to employes in manufacturing establish- ments was $104,904,000, while the capital employed in man- ufacturing was 8240,302,000. Chicago is destined to be the first city in America. Is the largest cattle market in the world. Is the largest lumber market in the world. Is the largest grain market in the world. Is the greatest stove market in the world. Is the greatest packing center in the world. Is the greatest railway center in the world. Chicago has the largest stock yards in the world. Has the finest hotel buildings in the world. Has the largest office buildings in the world. Has a greater area than any city in America. Has the greatest elevator capacity in the world. Has the largest agricultural implement manufactory in the world. Has the largest mining machine factory in the world. Has the largest commercial building in the world. Has the greatest retail dry goods house in the world. Has the largest cold storage building in the world. Has the largest library circulation in the United States. Has the largest percentage of bank reserves in America. Has the most complete cable system in the world. Has the most complete water system in the world. r>-'^-')'4?, 00 O o < X u CATTLE KILLED AND DRESSED. 87 One of Chicago's Greatest Industries, The Stock Yards. Chicago has the largest stock yards in the world. This center of the live stock trade was opened in 1858. The yards cover nearly 400 acres, affording a capacity for 65,000 cattle, 160,000 hogs, 12,000 sheep, and 2,000 horses. To those unacquainted with these sights, a visit to the stock yards is exceedingly interesting and valuable. Killing Cattle at Armour's How 5,ooo Cattle are Killed and Dressed in a Day. The killing and dressing of beef will prove of much in- terest to all. Usually the cattle are left in the pens adjoin- ing the beef house twenty-four hours after having been driven from the yards. This insures an even, cool tempera- 88 CATTLE KILLED AND DRESSED. ture. They arc then driven into narrow passageways beside the pens, each compartment being only large enough to hold one anmial. Over head is a plank whereon walks the grim executioner. The cattle are killed either by shooting or by the stroke of a large hammer; sometimes by means of a heavy spear the spinal column is severed at its junction with the skull. In whatever way administered, death is immediate. Directly opposite the steer, as it falls, is a slid- ing door which is lifted and the animal is drawn onto the dressing floor by a chain attached to the horns. He is then raised automatically, by his hind quarters and suspended from a rail, and busy hands attack him. The head is cut off and the tongue removed by one man, the feet stripped by the next, the entrails are removed by another, the hide stripped off by one. and a general finishing touch given by another. The killing and dressing process is over. The steer still hangs suspended from the rails, on which it is now moved past the weighmaster, who records its weight and nature, and then it is slid along on the rail to the chill room. Here the air, by means of cold air machinery, is kept constantly near the ireezing point. Here the beef is allowed to hang from forty to eighty hours, and then, still suspended from the rails, is run out to the loading platform, divided into fore and hind quarters, careful. y inspected and trans- ferreifli-fi' '■" 'ij("''IHH|' H X PI r > H O 11 H m > o m t' 1 '' ^j>\. 95 96 OUR NATIONAL GREATNESS. swarming to our shores to share its blessings. It has gone to the islands of the sea; they have sent their living con- tributions to swell its busy population. It has reached th? Orient, and opened, as with a password, the gates of nations long barred against intercourse with other powers; and China and Japan, turning from their beaten track of forty centuries are looking with wonder at the prodigy arising across the Pacific to the east of them, and catching some of the impulse which this growing power is imparting to the nations of the earth. 6. Our Scenery. — Our flag floats over a land that is more Deautiful than any other. Behold our rivers, placid and turbulent, winding through the valleys of the east and threading the prairies of the west. Look upon our moun- tains, presenting views of grandeur and sublimity on every hand with occasional peaks where eternal snows crown their slopes and ice jewels their brows; visit our remarkable Yosemite and Yellowstone Park, where are found some of the greatest natural wonders of the world; glance upon Niagara with its torrent of water falling over the precipice and hastening away in the distance to the mighty ocean; then turn the eye toward the magnificent prairies of the west and look on thousands of acres in rolling splendor, voiced with vegetation that blooms and blossoms like the rose, here presenting vast acres of waving grain, gleaming at setting sun in tints of gold, awaiting to-morrow's reaper, and there bringing to view immense herds of cattle that will soon be hastened eastward to supply the markets of our cities and of the world; once again, glance over mighty lakes, burdened with a commerce almost unsurpassed, pass the granite hills and mountains of the east scattered by an Omnipotent hand to beautify the landscape and pause long enough to take a bird's-eye view of the immense manufac- turing interests of the Atlantic coast, where toiling multi- tudes are earning their daily bread and there has been exhibited to you a greater and grander variety of scenery than is found in a voyat;e around the globe. 7 Our Agricultural Products. — With the vast area of arable land much of which is exceedingly fertile there seems to be but a small percentat^e of food crops produced in comparison to what may be produced. We supply our people and send large quantities of cereals to European markets. The variety of climate gives the advantage of producing food plants of cold temperate to almost tropical regions. The variety of cereals, vegetables, and fruits is unsurpassed, while the quantity leads the world. 8. Our Mineral Resources. — Nor are our products > > JO H » o a c !? (0 O n V) 87 96 OUR NATIONAL GREATNESS. limited to our soil, for underneath the soil are found im- mense beds of minerals that need but be opened to be turned to wealth. Our coal fields are inexhaustible. Iron, copper, lead, zinc, and the precious metals are found in great abundance in different parts so that it is not an idle boast to say that in variety and richness of mineral re- sources our country is unsurpassed, yea, unequaled. 9. Our National Wealth. — The wealth of the United States is phenomenal. The total true valuation of all tangible property, not including bonds, notes, mortgages, stocks, securities, and corporate property, in the United States, exclusive of Alaska in the census of 1890 amounted to §65,037,091, 197 of which amount $39,544,644,333 represents the value of real estate and improvements thereon and the remainder that of personal property, including railroads, mines and quarries. In this respect we eclipse every other nation of the world so that comparisons are made with difficulty. Our increase in wealth is without a parallel in the world's history and yet we have but begun to develop our resources. 10. Our Constitutional Liberties. — Our creed declares that "all men are created free and equal," that they are "endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happi- ness." It has passed into adage that ours is a "government of the people, by the people, and for the people." Hence, in the United States, every man is a Ciesar, a sovereign, a king, not by decrees of men, but by letters patent from the court of Heaven, and by the authority of Almighty God. How glorious our her; ge! How enviable our lot! Once enrolled as itizens of this country, we may go forth hoping to win any position in the gift of the nation with ten thousand agencies awaiting our coming, which offer their unsought counsel and energy to urge us on our way. With us success is privileged. The humblest child from the most obscure home under the flag of our Union has an equal right to that patronage which should make him great among men. Of us Lord Bacon spoke when he said: "It remainelh for God and angels to be lookers on." For in an American race every man has a right to lead and a chance to rule. Birth and age are ruled out. V^otes bring in. The modern idea that the government exists for the in- dividual has abolished slavery anil elevated womanhood, so that at jiresent it is ditticult for us to believe that even in the early years of this century it was not an uncommon oc- currence for an Englishman to sell his wife into servitude. O G O JO o > D m > o DO m JO H •< 99 100 OUR NATIONAL GREATNESS. Incredulous to our age is the tollowing taken from The New Monthly Magazine lor ScfJtemhei, 1814; "Stiropshire.— A well-looking woman, wife of John Hall, to whom she had been married only one month, was brought by him in a halter, and sold by auction, in the market, for two and six- pence, with the addition of sixpence fur the rope with which she was led. In this sale the customary market fees were charge-t--^ m»" < o o a: 102 OUR NATIONAL GREATNESS. lOS unphManthropic ; but we do claim that, in open-handed and munificent philanthropy, the land of light and liberty, and tne cultured heart, leads the world. 14. Our Educational and Religious Institutions.— Edu- cation and liberty go hand in hand. The benigned influ- ences of the Christian faith, for which our fathers stood, have made us what we are. Without their influences west- ern civilization would never have reached the pinnacle it holds to-day. Our educational and Christian institutions are the bulwarks of our nation. Whoever strikes at these strikes at our government. He who proposes to Romanize our common schools, proposes to revolutionize our institu- tions — to revolve them backward — Rome-ward, slaveward and deathward. He who says, " Divide the public funds that we may educate our children as a foreign, un-Americanj anti-republican pontiff dictates," is guilty of treason; and he who says : "Away with your American educational insti- tutions," is an assassin in intent, and levels his sword at Columbia's heart. God preserve our educational and Christian institutions ! 15. America Holds the Future. — The United States has occasion for profound gratitude. Our heritage is rich beyond measure. Where will you find under one flag so many truly great men ? Where so many whose native air sweeps down from the summits of moral and intellectual Matterhorns ? Where more unique, compact, full-orbed, yet disciplined, sanctified, and consecrated individualities than in "the land of the free and the home of the brave" ? Let the magnifi- cent procession pass in grand review, while the nations of the earth uncover. Well may the earth tremble and rever- berate with loudest acclamations, and heaven even send down her choicest congratulation. As goes America so goes the world in all that is vital to its moral welfare. Our inheritance in our men, our Consti- tution, and our institutions, how great! Only the tongue of an angel could tell it ; only the pen of an archangel could record it. And yet we are only in our babyhood. What prophet can arise and tell us what the possibilities of the future are, when we shall have attained to national, educa- tional, moral, and spiritual maturity ? Let us hallow the memory of our ancestors, from whom we have inherited so much. Let us cherish, with loving fidelity, and with un- wavering patriotism our inheritance. / ■. ■^A- o o w Qi Q < o h o DQ W D KH THREATENING DANGERS. 1^ Threatening Dangers. 1. Immigration. — At the beginning of 1896 more than seventeen millions (17,101,425) of foreigners had come to our shores seeking a home in the land of the free. Many of these have become citizens of moral worth, and are in perfect harmony with our free and Christian institutions. They are doing their utmost in the pulpit, in the learned professions, in the trades, in our legislative halls, and in our homes to advance and to perpetuate American interests. But even the casual observer knows that this does not include the great mass of foreigners who come to our shores not to be Americanized or Christianized. With the idea that license to do wrong is American liberty, these hordes of the criminal and baser classes of Europe are crowding our shores. America's hope lies in our power to elevate these masses in the scale of civilization and to Americanize this foreign element. An exceedingly large per cent of our criminals are foreigners. True Americans must rise and bestir themselves if we are not to be overwhelmed by these undesirable and dangerous classes. 2. Intemperance. — This is not only an evil that degrades, demoralizes, and ruins the individual, but not content with its work of death upon the individual it seeks to perpetuate its work by controlling our politics. The New York Times says: "The great underlying evil which paralyzes ever]/ effort to get good laws and to secure the enforcement of these we have, is the system of local politics which gives the saloon-keeper more power over government than is possessed by all the religious and educational institutions combined.'' Let the moral and religious element combine and be as interested in the question as those carrying on the work and the danger in this respect will be averted. 3. Centralization of Wealth. — The great disturbances in labor circles result largely from an unequal distribution of wealth. In Europe the aristocracy is one of birth ; with us it is one of wealth. In Europe the wealth of the nation maybe in the hands of the few, but in our nation where equality is the watchword, popular discontent threatens the peace and safety of the nation, whenever the conditions of society are such that the many are controlled and governed by the influences of the few of unlimited means. The centralization of wealth in our country is strikingly shown by Mr. Thomas G. Shearman, in an article in the Forunt. It is clear that the {people do not own this country, but the millionaires do. Mr. Shearman gives a list of persons aod estates that are worth $20,000,000 or more. Here is his 106 THREATENING DANGERS. list, which, though its accuracy may be in doubt, certainly comes near enough to the actual figures to be interesting, to say the least : $150,000,000; J. J. Astor, Trinity Church. $100,000,000; C. Vanderbilt, W. K. Vanderbilt, Jay Gould, Leland Stanford, J. D. Rockefeller. $70,000,000; Estate of A. Packer. $60,000,000; John I. Blair. Estate of Charles Crocker. §60,000,000; \Vm. Astor. W. W. Astor, Russell Sage. E. A. Stevens Estate of Moses Taylor, Estate of Brown & Ives. $40,000,000; P. D. Armour, F. A. Ames, \Vm. Rockefeller, H. M. Flagler, Power & Weightman, Estate of P Goelet. $85,000,000; C. P. Huntington, D. O. Mills, Estates of T. A. Scott. J. W. Garrett. $30,000,000; G. B. Roberts, Charles Pratt, RossWinans, E B. Coxe, Claus Spreckels, A. Belmont, R. J. Livingston, Fred Weyerhauser, Mrs. Mark Hopkins, Mrs. Hetty Green, Estates of S. V Harkness R. \V. Coleman, I. M. Singer. 125,000,000; A. J. Drexcl, J. S. Morgan, J. P. Morgan, Marshall Field, David Dows, J. G. Fair, E. T. Gerry, Estates of Gov. Fairbanks A. T. Stewart, A. Schermerhorn. $22,500,000; O. H. Payne, Estates of F. A. Drexel, I.V. Williamson, \V. F. Weld. $20,000,000; F. \V. Vanderbilt, Theo. Havemeyer, W. G. Warden, W. P. Thompson, Mrs. Schenley, J. B. Haggin,H. A. Hutchiiis, Estates of W. Sloan, E. S. Higgins, C. Tower, Wm. Thaw, Dr. Hostetter, Wm. Sharon, Peter Donohue, H. O. Havemeyer. Mr. Shearman, in the course of his article, reaches the conclusion that 25,000 persons own one-half of the United States, and that the whole wealth of the country is practi- cally owned by 150,000 persons, or one in sixty of the adult male population ; and he predicts, from the rapul recent concentration of wealth, that, under present conditions, 50,000 persons will practically own all the wealth of the country in thirty years. We have no titled aristocracy in this country, but we are getting an aristocracy of wealth more dangerous. The conflict between Labor and Capital is not yet near its end. 4. Government of Large Cities. — Our large cities are increasing at an enormous rate. At the present rate the large cities of a state will soon control the politics of a state. This is already true in some states. The dangerous classes are found in our larger cities. Here the govern- ment is the worst. In ail the great American cities there is to-day as clearly defined a rulmg class as in the most aristo- cratic countries in the world. Its members carry wards in THREATENING DANGERS. 107 their pockets, make up the slates for nominating conven- tions, distribute offices as they bargain together, and though they toil not, neither do they spin, wear the best of raiment and spend money lavishly. They are men of power, whose favor the ambitious must court, and whose vengeance he must avoid. These men are not the wise, the learned, the good, who have earned the confidence of their fellow citizens by their pure lives, their brilliant talents, their faithfulness in public trusts, or their ability to solve the problems of government. They are rather the gambler, the saloon keeper, the men who control votes by buying and selling offices and official acts. De Tocqueville wrote more than fifty years ago, "I look upon the size of certain American cities, and especially upon the nature of their population, asa real danger which threatens the security of the Democratic republics of the New World." That danger has grown immensely during the last fifty years and is to-day more real and imminent than ever. 5. A Corrupt and Ignorant Ballot. — There is no greater or more surely destructive danger than that of the ballot in the hands of ignorant or wicked men. Here where the bal- lot counts for our liberties, nothing should be held more sacred. The importance of the subject demands its fur- ther consideration on a succeeding page. THE MAN WHO NEVER READS THE PAPERS, But Votes His Party Ticket Straight. CHAPTER III. INVENTORS AND INVENTIONS. Great Events of the 19th Century The chief glory of America is, that it is the country in which genius and industry find their speeilicst and surest reward. Fame and fortune are here open to all who are willing to work for them. Neither differences c.f birth nor of religion, neither class distinctions nor social prejudices can prevent the man of true merit from winning the just reward of his labors in this favoreil land. And yet we are not unmindful of the fact that only a few of the nation's great men are remembered in history and also of the fact that men of inventive genius were subjected to ridicule and scorn and often were compelled to labor in abject poverty and through years of disheartening hmdcrances before they succeeded in convincing the world of their true worth. 108 THE COTTON GIN. 109 "The madhouse is the proper place for him," was said of Charles Goodyear who under the most trying adversity dis- covered the secret of controlling India rubber. Edison was dubbed "luny" because of his inventive genius. Indeed before most of the useful discoveries and inventions of to- day were perfected the public regarded them as chimerical and the product of an unbalanced mind. Their projectors were despised and abused while only the Great Eye that reads all hearts saw the anguish that wrung the hearts of these noble men, and knew the more than heroic firmness with which in the midst of their poverty and suffering, they agonized to perfect their inventions and discoveries. Some of them were not permitted to see the ultimate tri- umph of their labors before remorse, neglect, and insolvency hurried them to an untimely grave. Otherslike Dr. VVm. T. G. Morton, who discovered the use of ether, and Goodyear were harrassed and their right trampled upon by a sordid and licentious class of infringers. To know the history of these great men and their works, to comprehend in a measure the privations and hardships of this worthy class to whom our marvelous prosperity is due, to realize the success attending others, cheers and en- courages every noble youth. The Cotton Gin. The Cotton gin is a machine for freeing cotton from its seeds, which adhere to the fibre with considerable tenacity. Originally, the cotton gin was an apparatus in which the cotton was passed between two rollers revolving in opposite directions. This, the "roller gin " is still used for ginning sea-island or black-seeded cotton, which is quite easily freed from its seeds. But green-seeded, upland or short-staple cotton, the species most generally grown, cannot be ginned by such simple means. In 1793 Mr. Eli Whitney, a native of Massachusetts, resident in Georgia, invented the saw gin, consisting of a hopper, one side of which is composed of parallel wires, between which revolve circular saws, the teeth of which drag the fiber through the wires, leaving the seed behind. This invention, which brought Mr. Whitney small profit and much litigation, has immensely increased the cotton industry of the world. The United States leads the world in inventive genius, and the vast cotton industry, which has so wonderfully cheapened the production of cot- ton cloth, is largely due to the pluck and perseverence of American skill. 8 no STORY OF THE FIRST SEWING MACHINE. Whitney's Cotton Gin. 1793, Mr. Whitney was bom in Massachusetts. His unusual mechanical genius aided him in overcoming the difficulties of poverty. By his own earnings he was enabled to gradu- ate at Yale in i792. Going south to seek employment as a teacher, his attention was called to the dithculties of clean- ing the seeds from the cotton. Despite many discouraging circumstances he succeeded in inventing a machine that brought many millions of dollars to the south. Piratical infringers robbed this greatest of benefactors and he would have died in poverty had he not turned his attention to the improvement of fire arras, by means of which he acquired a fortune. Story of the First Sewing Machine. I Elias Howe, Jr.— It would be impossible to follow Mr Howethrough all the details of his varied experience during his early years. Suffice it to say, that it was at Bos- ton, when in his twentieth year, and after he had learned the rudiments of his trade in one of the machine shops ot Lowell, and subsetiuently in Cambridge, working siile by side with Nath-iniel P. Hanks, tliat the thought of sewing by machinery was first suggested to his mind. ELIAS HOWE, INVENTOR OF THE SEWING MACHINE. HI 112 STORY OF THE FIRST SEWING MACHINE. a. The Origin.— In the year 1839 two men in Boston, one a mechanic and the other a capitaHst, were striving to produce a knitting machine, which proved to be a task beyond their strength. When the inventor was at his wits' end his capitalist brought the machine to the shop of Ari Davis, to see if that eccentric genius could suggest the solu- tion of the difficulty, and make the machine work. The shop, resolving itself into a committee of the whole, gath- ered about the knitting machine and its proprietor, and were listening to an explanation of its principle. Among the workmen who stood by and listened to this conversation— and in this instance at least the old adage concerning listeners appears to have been reversed— says Parton, was Howe; and from that time he was in the habit, in his leisure moments, of meditating devices for sewing by machinery. Having inherited a constitution hardly strong enough for the work of a machinist, and burdened even in his opening manhood with the care of a growing family, his attention was more and more concentrated upon the proj- ect of building a machine which would furnish him a liveli- hood more easily earned. In December, 1845, upon a small capital provided by the generosity of an old friend, he shut himself up in a garret at Cambridge and set himself seri- ously to the task of inventing a sewing machine. 3. Six Months of Incessant Labor. — Aftjer about six HioiUhs of incessant labor and reflection he produced the first machine that ever sewed a seam, and he was soon the wearer of a suit of clothes made by its assistance. This first machine, which is one of great beauty and finish, is still in existence, an object of peculiar interest to the curious who inspect it; and it will sew ten times as fast as a woman can sew by hand. 4. Begging a Shilling.— Having patented the machine, and finding the tailors of America averse to its introduction, he went to" England, where he succeeded in selling two ma- chines; but found so little encouragement that he would have starved to death but for the aid of friends, and he re- solved to return home or at least to send his family. So pinched was he while in London, that he frequently borrowed small sums of his friend, Mr. Inglis— onone occasion a shil- ling, with which he bought some beans, and cooked and ate them in his own room, and through him also obtained some credit for jirovisions. 5. Conspicuous Object of Public Attention.— Arriving home after an absence of about two years, he found that the sewing machine wasa conspicuous object of public attention; doubt had been succeeded by admiration of its qualities; PROF, morse's trial. 113 and several ingenious men having experimented, had finally improved upon the machine as originally constructed. A war of litigation ensued, and, after several years, Mr. Howe's claim to be the original inventor was legally and irreversibly established, the judge deciding that "there was no evidence which left a shadow of doubt that, for all the benefit con- ferred upon the public by the introduction of a sewing ma- chine, the public are indebted to Mr. Howe." To him, therefore, all other inventors, or improvers had to pay a trib- ute. From being a poor man, Howe, became in a few years one of the most noted millionaires in America; and his bust executed by Ellis, shows a man of marked persooM appearance and striking natural endowments. Prof. Morse's Trial. Prof. Morse was a man of remarkable ability and per- severance, and was largely respected in his profession as a teacher. When he took up the subject of the study of electricity, and began to discuss his discoveries with friends, they soon began to shake their heads with doubt, and ques- tion his sanity. But, like all other inventors, he was poor, and his ideas gained but little favor or consideration among his friends. He was ridiculed, denounced as a lunatic and a "crank;" but he was an American, and had inherited, with his inventive genius, the true American spirit of push and pluck. He persevered, and bravely trampled down the taunts and jeers heaped upon hmi, and when the grand day of triumph came all were ready to do him honor. The friends who had refused to assist him — the friends who had laughed at him and scorned his friendship — were now thie first boasting his praise. Prof. Morse went to Europe, and begged of the European authorities to consider his proposition, patent his invention, and receive the benefits of its wonder-working service. But he was turned away without encouragement; he returned home to his native land, and only at the last moment did Cengress favorably consider his proposition, and finally recognized his wonderful invention which has revolution- ized the business of the world. Prof. Samuel Morse, LL. D., was the eldest son of Rev. J. Morse, D.D., bom atCharlestowii,inl791. He was a graduate at Yale college. In 1810 he went to England to study painting, and in 1813 received a gold medal for his first effort in sculpture. He returned to Now York in 1815 and became president of the National Academy of DedigB, and PROF. SAMUEL F. B. MORSE, The Inventor of the Electric Telegraph, lU PROF. MORSE S TRIAL. 115 was soon appointed professor of the arts and designs in the University of New York. He did not give his entire attention to art, but was in- terested in chemistry, and especially in electrical and galvanic exper- iments, and on a voyage from Havre to New York, in 1832, he con- ceived the idea of a magnetic telegraph, which he exhibited to Con- gress in 1837, and vainly attempted to patent in England. His claims to priority of invention over Prof. VYheatstone, in England, have been the subject of considerable controversy. He struggled on with scanty means until 1843, when, as ho almost yielded to despair. Congress, at midnight, and at the last moment of the session, appropriated $30,000 for an experimental linobetween Washington and Baltimore. For his important telegraphic invention. Dr. Morse was rewarded by testimo- nials, honorary orders of nobility and wealth. The magnitude of his discovery being acknowledged universally, several European States joined in presenting him a purse of 400,000 francs; and splendid ban- quets were given him in London and I'aris. He died in New York, April 2, 1872. ^^^^^^^ The First Telegraph Instrument- 1 837. 116 STORY OF THE FIRST ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH. ll, ' 1^ The House where the First Telegraph Instruments were IVIade. Story of the First Electric Tele- g^raph. Samuel F. B. Morse of Xou- York, during a vovage home from France in 1832, conceived the idea of making signs at a distance by means of a pencil moved by an electro-magnet and a single conducting circuit, the paper being mov^ed uiuier the pencil by clockwork. He con- structed a working model of his invention in 18;?6. and ex- H X rj D ^H W srCD n <; ►nW t /U aX r» nO (N 1) 13 TJ S » U) l-H w 2 ?!^ So ow S'< Sio {Xc ■^H (/5P1 Si,:^ cO O HH qO o m 5-^ rz o^'< « - ^> •? CO o G H •H ^ 00 118 LAYING OF THE ATLANTIC CABLE. hibited it to several persons the same year, but not publicly until 1837. Several years were devoted to improving the invention and endeavoring to interest the pu])Uc in the proj- ect. It was not until 1S44^ that the first public line was completed between Washington and Baltimore (40 miles), and the first message transmitted May 27 of that year. Within a few years, however, lines were extended to the principal cities of the United States. The Morse telegraph was introduced in Germany in 1847, whence i,t has spread all over the Eastern hemisphere, and may ncAv be said to be the universal telegraph of th:. world. Laying of the Atlantic Cable. The success of this undertaking at once revived the suggestion of laying a cable across the Atlantic ocean from Ireland to Newfoundland. In 18-")4 the attention of Mr. Cyrus W. Field, of New York, was directed to the subject, and mainly through his efforts a companv was formed, principally of English capitalists, to undertake the enter- prise. The first attempt was made in August, 1857, but it was unsuccessful, the cable parting 3 lO miles from shore. The following year the attempt was renewed, and the enter- prise successfully completed August 5, 1858. The electrical condition of the cable was faulty at first, but signals and communications were exchanged with more or less facility until September 1, when the cable failed altogether. During this time 366 messages, containing 3,942 words, were inter- changed between Europe and America. Several attempts to pick up and repair the cable were made without success, and this disastrous result discouraged further enterprise in the same direction for a number of years. The experience gained, however, was of the highest value, and the success of the Malta and Alexandria (1861), Persian Gulf (1864), and other deep sea cables, led to the renewal of the attempt to cross the Atlantic in 1865, which again resulted in the break- ing of the cable after 1,186 miles had been laid out. The following year, however, a new cable was successfully sub- merged, being landed at Newfountlland in perfect working order July 27, 1866, and tlie great problem was thus at last definitely solved. In September following the lost cable of 1865 was picked up and completed. From that date such rapid progress has been made in the extension of telegraphic cables that at the present time no isolated system of tel- egraphs is to be found throughout the world. JUDGE STEPHEN VAIL, The First Manufacturer and Improver of Telegraph Instruments. 119 120 STORY OF THE FIRST STEAMBOAT. Different Submarine Lines. The first submarine lines were simply oruinary iron wires coated with gutta-percha to a diameter of half an inch. In the cable laid between Dover and Calais in 18-')1, four gutta-percha coated conducting wires were wrapped with hemp and enclosed in a wire rope for protection. This general plan has been followed in all cables since con- structed. The Atlantic cables are composed of a copper strand of seven wires, forming the conductor, surrounded by four layers of gutta-percha and covered by a serving of jute; outside of this is a protecting armor of ten wires of homogeneous iron, each enveloped in fine strands of manilla hemp. In shallow waters, where cables are exposed to in- jury from anchors, the armor is often made enormously thick and heavv, sometimes weighing as much as twenty tons per mile. There are now more than ten cables across the Atlantic. The First Steamboat in the World. The first application of steam to navigation that showed any evidence of success was made in this country in 1788, by John Fitch, of Philadelphia. Pa. Printing Telegraphs. The idea of a telegraph which should record message* in printed Roman letters is due to Alfred Vail, of New jer- sey (1837). The first model of such an instrument was made by Wheatstone (1841). House's Telegraph.- This was the earliest practical {printing instrument. It was introtluced in 1847, and largely used in the United States until about 18(>0. It is simple in principle, though somewhat compli- cated in construction. FIRST STEAMBOAT. 121 is a correct illustration, was 60 feet long, 8 feet wide, and 4 feet deep, and worked by paddles. The trial trip, at which the governor, and many distinguii-hed nien were present, was made over a mile course in front of Water street, Phil- adelphia. Although the experiment was considered suc- cessful, the project was abandoned, and it was left to Robert Fulton to practically de.iionstrate the theories of steam navigation. Fulton's First Steamboat. Fulton*s First Steamboat. t. Robert Fulton. — At what time Mr. Fulton's mind was first directed to steam navigation is not definitely known, but even in 1793 he had matured a plan in which he re- gosed great confidence. No one previous to Mr. Fulton ad constructed a steamboat in any other way, or with any result, than as an unsuccessful experiment, and although many have disputed his right to the honor of the discovery, none have done so with any semblance of justice. 2. Mr. Livingston. — The Legislature, in March, 1798, passed an act vesting Mr. Livingston with the exclusive right and privilege of navigating all kinds of boats which might be propelled by the force of fire or steam, on all the waters within the territory or jurisdiction of the state of New York, for a term of twenty years from the passing of the act, upon condition that he should, within a twelve- month, build such a boat the mean of whose progress should not be less than four miles an hour. 122 FIRST STEAMBOAT 3. Interesting Circumstances. — According to Mr. Living- ston's own account oi these most interesting circumstances, it appears that, when residing as minister plenipotentiary of the United States in France, he there met with Mr. Fulton and they formed that friendship and connection with each other to which a similarity of pursuits naturally gives birth. He communicated to Mr. Fulton his views of the importance of steamboats to their common country; informed him of what had been attempted in America, and of his resolution to resume the pursuit on his return, and ad- vised him to turn his attention to the subject. It was agreed between them to embark in the enterprise, and immediately to make such experiments as Avould enable them to deter- nine how far, in spite of former failures, the object was attainable. The principal direction of these experiments was left to Mr. Fulton. 4. Building a Boat.— On the arrival at New York of Mr. Fulton, which was not until 1806, they immediately en- gaged in building a boat of — as was then thought — very considerable dimensions, for navigating the Hudson. The boat named the Clermont, was of one hundred and sixty tons burden, one hundred and thirty feet long, eighteen feet wide and seven feet deep. The diameter of the pad- dle-wheels was fifteen feet, the boards iuur feet long and the drippings two feet in water. She was a queer look- ing craf^t, and, while on the stocks, excited much attention and no small amount of ridicule. 5. She Was Launched. — When she was launched and the steam engine placed in her, that also was looked upon as being of a piece with the boat built to float it. A few had seen one at work raising the Manhattan water into the reservoir back of the almshouse; but, to the people at large, the whole thing was a hidden mystery. Curiosity was greatly excited. Nor will the reader be at all surprised at the statement made by an eye-witness and narrator of tliese events, that when it was announced in the New York papers that the boat would start from Cortlandt street at six and a half o'clock on Friday morning, the 4th of August, and take passengers lo Albany, there was a broad smile on every face, as the inquiry was made, if any one would be fool enough to ro? 6. She Started. — When Friday morning came the wharves, piers, house-tops from which a sight could be obtained were filled with spectators. There were twelve berths, and every one was taken through to Albany. The fare was {7. All the machinery was uncovered and exposed to view. The after-part was fitted up in a FIRST STEAMBOAT, 123 ROBERT FULTON. rough manner for passengers. The entrance into the cabin was from the stern, in front of the steersman, who worked a tiller, as in an ordinary sloop. Black smoke issued from the chimney; steam issued from every ill-fitted valve and crevice of the engine. Fulton himself was there. His remarkably clear and sharp voice was heard above the hum of the multitude and the noise of the eigine; his step was confident and decided; he heeded not the fearfulness, doubts, or sarcasm of those by whom he was surrounded. The whole scene combined had in it an mdividuality, as well as an interest, which comes but once and is re- membered forever. Everything being ready the engme was set in motion, and the boat moved steadily but slowly from the wharf. As she turned up the river and was fairly under way there arose such a huzza as ten thousand throats never gave b»* 124 STORY OK THE FIRST RAILROAD. fore. The passengers returned the cheer, but Fulton stood upon the deck, his eyes flashing with an unusual brilHancy as he surveyed the crowd. He felt that the magic wand of success was waving over him, and he was silent. 7. The Complete Success. — The complete success at- tending steam navigation on the Ihulson and the neighlx)r- ing waters, previous to the year h^J9, turned the attention of the principal projectors to the idea of its application on the western waters; and in the month of April, of that year, Mr. Roosevelt, of New York, pursuant to an agreement with Chancellor Livingston and Mr. Fulton, visited those rivers with the purpose of forming an opinion whether they admitted of steam navigation or not. Mr. Roosevelt sur veyed the rivers from Pittsburg to New Orleans, and as his report was favorable it was decided to build a boat at the former place. This was done under his direction, and in the year 1811 the tirst boat was launched on the waters of the Ohio. It was called the New Orleans. 8. Rapid Growth. — From the date of Mr. Fulton's triumph in 1807 steam navigation became a fixed fact in the United States, and went on extending with astonishing rapidity. Nor could a different result have been rationally expected in such a country as America. Story of the First Railroad. 1. Business Changes.— Perhaps no invention of the present century has j.roduced such widespread social and business changes as that of steam locomotion on railways. Not only have places that were formerly more than a day's journey from each other been made accessible in a very few hours, but the cost of traveling has been so much .-e- duced, that the expense has in a great degree long ceased to operateas a bar to commi'.iication by railway for busi- ness or pleasure, and the usi.al channels of trade have been most profitably abandoned or superseded, with the greatest benefits to every interest involved. 2. The History of Railways. — That the history of rail- ways shows what grand results may have their origin in small beginnings, is no less true than that the power of capital is seen in this as in all other great material enter- prises. In evidence of the former truth. Dr. Lyell, men- tions the interesting, though of course, well-known, fact, that, when coal was first conveyed in the neighborhood of Newcastle-on-Tync, from the pit of the shipping place, the pack horse, carrymg a burden of three hundred weight, was the only niodeol transport employed as soon as roads STORY OF THE FIRST RAILROAD. 125 The First Railroad Engine- 1 829. suitable for wheeled carriages were formed, carts were in- troduced, and this first step in mechanical appliances to facilitate transport had the effect of increasing the load which the horse was enabled to carry, from three hundred to seventeen hundred weight. 3. Wooden Bars or Rails for the Wheels.— The next improvement consisted in laying wooden bars or rails for the wheels of carts to run upon, and this was followed by the substitution of the four-wheeled wagon for the two- wheeled cart. By this further application of mechanical principles, the original horse load of three hundred weight was augmented to forty-two hundred. These were indeed important results, and they were not obtained without the shipwreck of many a fortune. 4. Attachment of Slips of Iron. — The next step of progress in this direction was the attachment of slips ot iroa to the wooden rails. Then came the iron tramway, the up- right flange of the bar acting, in this arrangement, as a guide to keep the wheel on the track. The next advance wai an important one, and consisted in transferring tba 126 STORY OF THE FIRST RAILROAD. guiding flange from the rail to the wheel, an improvement which enahlfil cast iron edge rails to he used. 5. Iron Rails. — Finally, in 18'J0, after tlie lapse of many years, froni the first employment of wooden bars, wrought iron rails, rolled in long lengths, and of suitable sections, were made and in time superseded all other forms of rail- ways, coming finally to the superb steel rails of later days. Of the locomotive engine, which makes it possible to convey a load of hundreds of tons at a cost of fuel scarcely exceed- ing that of the provender which the original pack-horse consumed in conveying its load of three hundred pounds an equal distance, it may justly be called one of the crowning achievements of mechanical science. 6. The Locomotive Engine. — No sooner is a road formed fit for wheeled carriages to pass along, than the cart lakes the place of the pack-saddle; no sooner is the wooden railway provided, than the wagon is substituted for tl.e cart; no sooner is an iron railway formed, capable of carrying heavy loads, than the locomotive engine is ready to com- mence its wonderful career, and so on ad infinitum. •':>^Wac*3^^|^* The First Railroad Train. 7. The First Railroad. -The characteristic enterprise ©f Americans did not fail them in this era of transformatioH and advancement. The tirst railroad attempted in the United States was a crude and temporary affair in Boston — a double-track arrangement for removing gravel from Beacon Hill, and so contrived that, while one train de- scended the hill with its load, the empty train would thereby be hauled up for loading. A more positive effort in this Jinc, and more really deserving the name ©f railway, and STORY OF THE FIRST RAILROAD. 12) Modern Dining Car. consequently honored by historians with the term of priority, was that constructed in Quincy, Mass., for the purpose of transporting granite from the quarry at that place to the Neponset River, a distance of about four miles; it was a single-track road, with a width of five feet between the rails, the latter being of pine, covered with oak and overlaid with thin plates of wrought iron; and the passage from the quarry to the landing, of a car carrying ten tons, with a single horse was performed in an hour. This was completed in 1827, and the affair created much interest. 8. The First Use of a Locomctive. — The first use of a locomotive in this country was in 1829, and was used on the railroad built by the Delaware & Hudson Company. From this fairly dates, therefore, American railway travel, with steam as the locomotive power. So popular was this means of transit, however, that, in thirty years from the time of its small beginning, more than 80,000 miles of the iron road traversed the country in different directions; this number of miles increasing to some 80,000 in 1879, with nearly 15,000 locomotives, and a capital of rising four and a half billions. 128 STORY OF THE FIRST STREET CAR. 1 JOHN STEPHENSON. Story of the First Street Car. John Stephenson, who has just died at his home in New Rochelle, Westchester county, N. Y., had a career that is another instance of the business capacity, untiring energy and thrifty shrewdness of the people of the Scotch-Irish race. He was brought to this country when he was two years old, and though of foreign birth he was nevertheless in sentiment and training thoroughly American. A sketch of his hfe would be a history of the American street car — Ihe first one of which he designed and built from the intro- duction of such carriages to the present time, when they are to be seen in every civilized and modern city of the world. And what is more, the cars actually designed and built by him are now in use wherever street railroads have been adopted. STORY OF THE FIRST STREET CAR. 129 At seventeen he was taken from school and put in a shop, but before two years had passed his father saw that his mechanical tastes and ingenuity were going to waste behind a counter, and he was taken away and apprenticed to a coachmaker whose shop was in Broome street, where, by the way, the carriage business still flourishes. When his apprenticeship was over, which was more than sixty years ago, he was invited by Abram Brower, who kept a livery stable opposite Bond street, on Broadway, to open a shop next the stables and keep his vehicles in repair. Mr. Brower at that time ran a stage line in Broadway from Bleeker street to Wall street, the fare being one shilling. As a gen- eral thing, money went further in those days than it does now, but tliis did not apply to stage rides. The stages then were in the old post-coach style, the coaches resting on leather thorough-braces. The seats were crossways of the coach, and the entrances on the sides. At the outset Mr. Stephenson endeavored to improve on this old style, and shortly there appeared from his shop the first vehicle known as an "omnibus." The advantage of this style of stage was soon seen, and they were built as fast as the old coaches needed replacing. So important were these new stages considered that they were named as ships are, and the first three constructed were called Minerva, Mentor, and Forget-me-not. The custom obtained for a long time, and still prevails to some extent in southwestern cities, where the railway companies run omnibus lines for the pur- pose of gathering up and delivering passengers. A year after Stephenson's independent career began, his shop and Brov/er's stable were destroyed by fire, and, being without insurance, his entire capital was wiped out. He soon opened another shop, and in it he built his first street car, in 1882. The New York & Harlem Railroad was char- tered in 1831, and the first street-car line was opened in the Bowery in November, 1832. It ran from Prince to Four- teenth street. The car which Stephenson designed and built was named for the president of the road, John Mason, who was also president of the now rich and famous Chemical Bank. The opening of this road was a great civic event, and the mayor and common council of the city, with the officers of the road, made the first journey over the road, riding in Stephenson's car. The great success of the first American street car was heralded all over the United States. Orders from the Har- lem company for other cars soon followed, and in the same year came orders for the new style of cars from Paterson, 130 STOKY OF THE FIRST STREET CAR. N. J., Brooklyn and Jamaica, L. I., and from the New Jersey Railroad and Transportation Company (now the Pennsyl- vania Railroad Company). Orders also came from Talla- hassee, Fla., and from IVIatanzas, Cuba. These first cars were four-wheelers, and all of them were used on railroads except in case of the Harlem company, which were u.-ed in the streets. When Ross Winans, of Baltimore, introduced the eight-wheel car Mr. Stephenson's shop in Elizabeth street was too small for the work he had to do, so in 1836 he built a new factory in Harlem, at Fourth avenue and One Hundred and Twenty-ninth street. There he did a much enlarged business and built regular railway cars of all styles. His business now rapidly outgrew his capital, and the panic of 1S37 found him unprepared to meet his obliga- tions, when his debtors, chiefly railroad companies, could not meet theirs. He was compelled to go imo bankruptcy and paid 50 cents on the dollar. His Hariem property was sacrificed and his Harlem railroad stock brought onlj 18 per cent, of its face value. As he was only twenty-six years old at the time of this disaster he was not discouraged. By 1843 he had collected enough mo 'cy to resume business. He bought at that time the site on Twenty-seventh street, near F ourtli avenue, where the ^Stephenson sliops are still located. He paid what was then considered a high price, S400 a lot. These lots are now worth at least S2."),000 each. That is a very handsome ad- vance; or, as Mr. Henry George would say, a considerable " unearned increment." Though excused by law from recog- nizing the deb s which had been compounded, Mr. Stephen- son paid them all off as soon as he was able. One of his creditors, Jordan L. Molt, refused to accept payment, saying that the faimre was an honest one, and had been legally and morally wiped out by the bankruptcy proceedings. Some time after this refusal Mr. Mott ordeied a truck to be made. When it was finished Stephenson delivered it with the bill, endor^ed, " Received payment by the bank- ruptcy debt; John Stephenson." Mr. iNJott tried t') pay for the truck, but Stephenson firmly refused, so Mr. Mott had the truck draped in gay bunting, and drove it thnugh the streets of New York, with this legend, in large, white letters on both sides of the vehicle: "This is the way an honest bankrupt pays his debts; his name is honest John Stephen- son." All of the profits of the new establishment for seven years were net-ded to pay these debts. After the Harlem failure, Mr. Stephenson for several years devoted himself entirely to building coaches and omnibuses, and be continued building the latter till they STORY OF THE FIRST STREET CAR. 131 were entirely superseded in use by street cars. Street car roads were not profitable at first; but in 1852 they became more popular, and many new lines were built. In that year the Second, Third, Sixth, and Eighth avenue horse-car companies were chartered in New York, and Mr, Stephen- son received the order to build the cars that were needed. From that time to the present his works have pretty nearly always been run to their full capacity, and his cars were sent all over the world. The Old Stage Coach that Ran from Boston to New Yorh in Washington's Time. 132 A NEW ERA IN TRAVELING. A New Era in Traveling. The first bicvcle ever made is shown in the accompanying illustration, called the Draisine. It was not made to ride upon, but it was made to push along on foot so as to rest and steady the traveler m his travels. The bicycle, as the first steam-engine or first steamboat, has undergone a great many changes. The first bicycle made in this country was made of two cart wheels, and resembles the modern bicycle in many par- ticulars. It grew from that rude construction of cart wheels to the high-wheeled cushion tire; then the modern safety bicycle \vas invented. Some modern improvements have been made, and no doubt some will be made. The First Bicycle. 1 S I 6. Tlie safety bicycle is one of the revolutionizing inven- tions of this age, and it is in its way destined to accomplish as important social results as the electric street railway. From being exceptional, its use has become common, and trom lieing common it now bids fair to become well-nigh nniversal. Where the roads justify, workingmen have begun to appreciate the fact that the wheel relieves them of the necessity of living near the shop. So great is its speed that five or even ten miles is not a prohibitive distance between home and work. The young doctor in the town, and also in the country, where the roads justify. INVENTION OF THE ELECTRIC LIGHT. 133 visits bis patients on his wheel. Even the clergyman— again, where the roads justify — combines exercise and business by wheeling his round of parish calls. The wheelmen have taken the lead in demanding good country roads, and the construction of proper roads will remove one of the chief objections to country residence. Well-graded, smooth roads, properly drained and well cared for, are a public interest that demands universal attention. They are a prime factor of civilization. The churches should join in the chorus for highways made broad and smooth, in accordance with numerous Scripture injunctions. Good roads in a rural county mean better schools, better churches, better markets, higher prices for land, and better times every way. When the good roads are secured, the long-distance travel on bicycles will become something very considerable, as it already is in Great Britain. By the way, it is to be hoped that competition mayavail very materially to reduce the price of bicycles. If the makers would but reduce their prices by one-half, they would so greatly mul- tiply the army of riders who would clamor for good roads that nothing could resist the demand; and the good roads would in turn so stimulate the demand for bicycles that the manufacturers would make more money than ever. Invention of the Electric Light. 1. American Genius in the Line of Electric Lighting. — The evident priority of American genius in the line of electric lighting, it is safe to assert; though not alone in this country, but in Europe as well, electricity has been succes- fully employed in lighting cities, assembly halls, factories, depots, streets, parks, lighthouses, etc., and its adaption for marine purposes, as exhibited in the accompanying illustra- tion, is looked upon as likely to mitigate the perils of night and of fogs, and increase the facilities of ocean enterprise. 2. Mr. Edison. — The inventions claiming to realize the best results in this direction are very numerous and con- stantly accumulating. Acknowledging, as do all men of science, the practicability of the thing when applied on a large scale, and especially out of doors, the chief im- portance has seemed to be in application to indoor service. That this was accomplished by Prof. Farmer, in his home m Salem, Mass., in 1859, is abundantly demonstrated. To realize this object conveniently, agreeably, abundantly and inexpensively, many contrivances have been brought for- 134 INVENTION OF THE ELECTRIC LIGHT. Use of Electric Lights on Warships. ward, foremost among which may be said to be those due to the vvonder-vvdrkiiig brain of Mr. Edison. 3. Electric Illumination. — Already in this country and in Europe the various arrangements of electric illumina- tion which have seemed the most practicable have been put into operation, with the highest degrees of success, and in the case of large enclosures or areas, there appears to be no doubt as to its superiority. 4. Electric Power.— The street cars moved by electric power have superior advantages over every other system. Electricity will soon run most of the city elevators and no doubt to a large extent displace the steam engine in the factory. The time is liable to be very near when all the pas- senger traffic will be transferred to the electric railway and only heavy freight carried upon our present railroads. THOMAS A. EDISON. The Greatest Inventor of the Age. ^ 135 136 TYPESETTING MACHINES. Typesetting flachines. Although printing in some form was known to the an- cients, it was left to the present century to invent the modern machinery, without which it would now seem im- possible to get along. Type-setting machines were invented as early as 1822, but the defects of these early machines were too many and too great to permit a general use of the same. Within recent years composing machines have been constructed that have overcome the difficulties of the earlier machines. These machines, of latest invention, are being introduced everywhere in large printing establishments. TYPE SETTING MACHINE. DISCOVERY OF THE TELEPHONE. 137 Discovery of the Telephone. 1. Prof. A. G. Bell.— We coniC now to the telephone, the patent for which wonderful device was taken out at Wash- ington, in March, 1876, by Prof. A. G. Bell, affording fresh evidence of the versatility of American inventive genius. Though habitually sensitive to the honor and claims in this direction of its own countrymen, the London Westminster Review frankly admits that, of all modern inventions con- nected with the transmission of telegraphic signals, the tele- phone has deservedly excited the most widespread interest and astonishment, an instrument which undertakes not only to convey intelligible signals to great distances without the use of a battery, but to transmit in fac-simile the tones of the human voice so that the latter shall as certainly be recognized when heard over a distance of hundreds of miles as if^the owner were speaking to a friend at his side in the same room. The telephone— as the tens of thousands now in use show — does all this. 2. Marvelous Little Apparatus. — This marvelous little apparatus produces, as already remarked, cheap and instan- taneous articulate communication, that is, by direct sound, neither battery nor moving machinery, nor skill being required but merely the voice of ordinary conversation and attentive listening. It conveys the quality of the voice, so that the tone of the person speaking can be recognized at the other end of the line; it enables the manufacturer to talk with his factory superintendent, and the physician with his patient; establishes instantaneous intercourse between the main and the branch office, the home and the store, the country residence and the stable or any part of the grounds, the mouth of the mine and its remotest workings, in fact, between any two points miles apart. Story of the Typewriter. I. Ancient. — Typewriting history may be divided into two distmct eras— ancient and modern, theoretical and practical. January 17, 1714, Mr. Henry Mill, of England, was granted a patent for a machine, but it was rude and clumsy and led to no practical result. To the next inven- tion in the typewriter line, America is entitled. In 1829 William A. Burt, the inventor of the solar compass, was granted a patent for a writing machine called the "Typog- rapher." The next patent was granted a Frenchman of Marseilles. This was called a Kryptographic machine. 138 STORY OF THE TYPEWRITER. French Typewriter of 1833. 2. Modern.— The Remington Typewriter, invented in 1867, was the first of modern machines. The first ten years were spent in seeking to set aside the prejudice against the new mvention. Smce then progress has been so rapid that today the typewriter is indispensable in all lines of business and all occupations where considerable writing is required. New Remington Typewriter. THE X RAYS. 139 The X Rays. 1. Discovery. — The X Rays are so called for want of a better name — X standing for the unknown quantity in mathematical science. It is seldom that a discovery in science excites so wide an interest of not only scientists, but also those engaged with other pursuits. Since their dis- covery by Prof. Roentgen of Wurtzburg, Germany, in pecember, 1895, interest as to the possibilities of the prac- tical application to surgery has been unabated. Prof. Roentgen followed in the path of Crookes, Hertz and Len- ard, who by their arduous labors have brought to the notice of the world the subject of cathode rays, one of the most important in electricity. 2. Definition. — Briefly defined, they are rays produced by electricity in a peculiar manner in a vacuum. If two electrified wires are placed in an air-tight glass tube, and this connected with an efficient air-pump, it will be found that, as the air is gradually withdrawn from the tube, the character of the spark produced by contact of the wires un- dergoes a striking change. "The narrow, tortuous, thread- like spark lo-es its definite outline, becomes enlarged, hazy in structure, and takes on a rosy purple tint." It continues to become more and more nebulous in appearance as ex« haustion proceeds, and when the pressure within has been reduced to about one-hundreth of that of the ordinary at- mosphere, the luminous haze fills the entire tube. But before this result has been reached the discharge at the negative pole, or cathode, has begun to show its individu- ality, its light flowing backward, so as to form an envelope around the wire, and as exhaustion proceeds, it becomes quite independent of the position of the positive wire, or anode, and extends outward in every direction, showing a characteristic bluish light. These vacuum tubes had been made for some time by German physicists and experimen- ters in electricity, and the striking individuality of the cathode ray was noted long before its remarkable possibili- ties were dreamed of. 3. Crookes' Discovery. — Mr. Crookes, a British scien- tist, experimented with the mercury air-pump until he re- duced the pressure within the glass to no more than a few millionths of an atmosphere. This gave especial opportu- nity for the study of the cathode ray, and this study was pushed forward by scientists, particularly in Germany. 4. Lenard's Work.— The work of Phillip Lenard, at the University of Bonn, in 1894 and 1895, contained the origin of later discoveries concerning the remarkable photographic 140 THE X RAYS. power of the cathode ray. He employed the device of mak- ing a window in the vacuum tube, closed with a thin sheet of aluminum. The metal is pervious to the rays, and thus he was able to obtain them for the first time outside of the tube, and to experiment with them. He found that they penetrated many substances, even when opaque to light, and he obtained photographic pictures with ihem, taken through sheets of aluminum. Lenard published the first account of his experiments in Januarv. 1894, and a descrip- tion of later discoveries in October, 1895. 5. Roentgen's Further Discovery. — Professor Roent- gen followed in the line of experiments indicated by I.e« nax«, and, as his account was the first to attract public SKELETON OF FROG. attention, the credit of original discovery was prcn bim. His account of his experiments, which was published in the Journal of the Physical and Medical Society of Wartburg, THE X RAYS. 141 Germany, in the latter part of 1895, was admirably concise and lucid. He had proved the remarkable power of the rays to produce effects upon the photographic plate, after having passed through substances opaque to light, thus re- vealing the hidden structure of the substance. He had found It possible to obtain pictures of various parts of the human body, which showed the bones distinctly in their proper form amid the fainter image of the fleshy parts. These, with other results, opened a field so rich in possible results that they aroused the most intense interest through- out the civilized world. 6. Practical Use in Pathology and Surgery. — The prac- tical use of the new discovery to benetit suffering humanity cannot yet be accurately stated, but its importance in med- ical practice can hardly be overestimated. While many of the supposed possibilities may be visionary, it is safe to say, "First: That deformities, injuries, and diseases of bone cau be readily and accurately diagnosticated by the X Rays; but that the method at present is limited in its use to the thinner parts of the body, especially to the hands, forearms^ and feet. "Second: That foreign bodies which are opaque to ine rays, such as needles, bullets, and glass can be accurately located and their removal facilitated by this means. "Third: That at present the internal organs are not accessible to examination by the X-rays because of the thickness of the body, and because some of the parts are enclosed in more or less complex bony cases." It is hoped that with a better knowledge of the nature of the r^ys, and greater ability to make them more effec- tive, many obstacles will be overcome which will make them much more widely useful than at present. 7, Humorous Inquiries. — The humorists are still manu- facturing gayety out of the X rays, and most of the fun evolved is as light and inappreciable as the mysterious rays themselves. Here, however, are a couple of good ones. Anxious Mother (to the X-ray doctor): — "Oh, doctor, we missed one of our silver spoons, and, as baby has been very cross all day, we want you to look through him and see if he has it in him 1" — ' Grandma: — "You'll hardly think it possible, but I can remember the time when people couldn't see through a stone wall at all!" Little Granddaughter: — "Couldn't they, really ? What stranjre stories you do tell, grandma !" Some time ago, Mr. Edison received at his laboratory the hollow eye-pieces of a pair of opera-glasses, with the request that he " fit them with the X-rays " and return them to the Vermont sender. Evidently the Green Mountain individual had a desire to see things. CHAPTER IV. OUR GOVERNMENT. State Papers The Declaration of Independence. As Adopted by Congress. When, iu the course of baraan eveat^, it becomt's neet'S.sary for one people to dibsolvo the jiolitical bands which havo eoiiuectod thein with auother, aud to assume, ainout; the Howers of the eartli, the separate and equal station to wliich the laws of aaturo and of nature's God entitles them, a di-ceut respect to the •pinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation. Wo hold these truths to be self-evident— that all men are created eqnai; tliat they are endowed by theirlTeatorwith certaiu inalienable rights; that amoug tliese are life, liberty and tlio pursuit of happi- Boss. That, to secure tlieso ris^lits, governments are instituted among men, deriving tlieir just powers from the consent of the 1,'overned; fliat, whenever any form of government becomes destructiTe of these ends, it is the rigiit of the people to alter'or abolisii it, aud to insti- tute a now government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in sucli form as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long establi.-hecl should not bo changed for light and transient causes ; and, accordingly, all experience hath shown that Hien are more disposed to sutTer, while evils are snfferable, than to right tiiemselves by abolishing tlie forms to wliich they are accus- tomed. But wlien a long train of abuses aud usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a desire to reduco tliem under absolute despotism, it is their riglit, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient siifferanco of these colonists; and such is BOW the necessity which c(mstrain8 them to alter thoir former systems •f government. The history of the i)resent King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having lu direct object the establisiiment of an absolute tyranny over these statee. To prove this, h-t facts bo submitted to a candid world. 1. He has refused his assent to laws the most whole- some and necessary for the public good. 2. He has forbidden his Governors to pass laws of im- mediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operations till his assent should be obtained; and. when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend them. a. He has refused to pass other laws for the accommo- dation of large districts of people, unless these people would relinquish the right of represtiilation in the Legislature— a right mestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only. 142 144 THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 4. He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable and distant from the repository of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures. 5. He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people. 6. He has refused, for a long time after such dissolu- tions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise, the state remaining in the meantime exposed to all the dangers of invasion from with- out and convulsions within. 7. He has endeavored to prevent the population of these states, for that purpose obstructing the laws for the naturali- zation of foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migration hither, and raising the condition of new appropriations of lands. 8. He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers. 9. He has made judges dependent on his will alone for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries. 10. He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of officers, to harrass our people and eat out their substance. 11. He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies, without the consent of our legislatures. 12. He has affected to render the military independent of, and superior to, the civil power. 18. He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitutions and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation. 14. Por quartering large bodies of armed troops among us. f • L 15. For protecting them, by mock trial, from punish- ment for any murders which they should commit on the in- habitants of these states. 16. For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world, 17. For imposing taxes on us without our consent. 18. For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury. 19. For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pre- tended offenses. 20. For abolishing the free system of English laws m a neighboring province, establishing therein an arbitrary gov- THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. ernment and enlarging its boundaries, so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these colonies. 21. For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws and altering fundamentally the forms of our governments. 22. For suspending our own legislatures and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. 23. He has abdicated government here by declaring us out of his protecion and waging war against us. 24. He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burned our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people. 25. He is at this time transporting large armies of for- eign mercenaries to complete the works of death, desola- tion, and tyranny already begun with circumstances of cru- elty and perfidy scarcely pai-alleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation. 26. He has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken cap- tive on the high seas, to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands. 27. He has excited domestic insurrection among us, and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our fron- tiers the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions. In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress in the most humble terms; our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A prmce whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant is unfit to be the ruler of a free people. Nor have we been wanting in our attentions to our British brethren. We have warned them, from time to time, of attempts by their Legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the cir- cumstances of our immigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred, to disavow th^'se usurpations, which would inevitably inter- rupt our connections and correspondence. They, too, have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce m the necessity which denounces our separation, and hold them as we hold the rest of man- kind, enemies in war, in peace, friends. ■ "■ We therefore, the representatives of the Unity. \ States of America, in general Congress assembled, app^^'ling to 146 THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name, and by the authority, of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare that these United Colonies arc, and of right, ought to be free and independent States; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown and that all political connec- tion between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought tobe, totally dissolved; and that, as free and independ- ent States, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and do all other acts and things which independent States may of right do. And tor the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes and our sacred honor AMERIGO VESPUCCI, The man who visited America in 1499 and after whom the continent was named- THE CONSTITUTION. 147 •V "i^v ALEXANDER HAMILTON, One of the leading spirits in framing the Constitution of the United States. Constitution of the United States of America. PREAMBLE. We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessmgs of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America: ARTICLE I. THE LEGISLATIVE DEPARTMENT. Section 1. Legislative Powers- All Legislative Powers herein granted shall bo vested in a Congress of the United States, which ehall consist of a Senate and House of Eepresentatives. 148 THE CONSTITUTION. Section 2. House of Representatives.— The Honseof Represen- tatives hhall be cuiiipos.'d of uieuitx-rs clio.-en everj' wnrond year by the People of tliH scventl States, and tlie Electors in eacli .Stf representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand, but each Stat^ ^hall have at least one Representative, and until such enumeration shall be made, tlie State of New Hampshire sliall be entitled to choose three, MaRsachosetts eight, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations one, (V)nnecticnt five. New York six. New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten. North Carolina five. South Cart may make temporary appointments until the next meeting of the Leg- islature, which shall then fill such vacancies. Qualifications of Senators.— No person shall be a Senator who shall have not attained to the age of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, bo an in- habitant of that state for which he shall be chosen. President of the Senate.— The Vice-President of the United States shall he President of the Senate, but shall have no vote unless they lie equally divided. The Senate sliall choose their other ofBceri, and also a President pro tempore, in the absence of the Vice-President, or when he shall exorcise t he otKce of President of the United .States. Senate, a Court for Tria.1 of Impeachments.- The Senate shall have the sole Power to tTT all inipeacliments. When sitting for that purpose they sliall be on oath or iithrniat ion. When the President of the United State is tried the Chief Justice shall i)resi(le, and no per- son shall be convicted without the concurrence uf twu-thirds of the members present. i THE CONSTITUTION. 149 JudgmSiit in Case of Conviction.— Jndgmpnt in cases of im- peacliiiieut sliaJl not extend further thau to removal from office and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of lienor, trust or profit under the United States. But the party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment and punishment according to law. Section 4. Elections of Senators and Kepresentatives.— The times, places and manner of holding elections for Senators and Repre- sentatives shall be nrescribed in each State by the Legislature ther«)f ; but the Congress may at any time by law make or alter such regola- tione. except as to the places of choosing Senators. Meeting of Congress.— The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and such meeting shall be on the first Monday in Decem- ber, unless they shall by law appoint a different day. Section 6. Organizationof Congress.— Each House shall be the judge of the elections, returns and qualifications of its own members, and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do business ;_ but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized t» compel the attendance of absent members in such manner, and under eoch penalties, as each House may provide. Rule of Proceeding.— Each House may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its members for disorderly behavior, and witk tho concurrence of two thirds, expel a member. Journal of Congress.— Each House shall keep a journal of its pro. ceedings, and from time to time publish the same, excepting such parto as may in their judgment require secrecy ; and the yeas and nays of the members of either House on any question shall, at the desire of one-fiftk of those present, be entered on the journal. Adjournment of Congress.— Neither House, during the session of Congress, shall, without the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting. Section 6. Pay and Privileges of Members.— The senators and representatives shall receive a compensation for their services, to be ascertained by law, and paid out of the treasury of the United States. They shall, in all cases except treason, felony, and breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance at the session of their respective Houses, and in going to and returning from the same ; and for any speech or debate in either House, they shall not be questioned in any other place. . , ^, o. . r. ,. ^^ Plurality of Offices Prohibited.— No Senator or Representative fehall, during the time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the United States, which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have been increased, during such time ; and no person holding any office under the United States shall be a member of either House during his continuance in office. . ,, . . . v la Section 7. Revenue Bills.— All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives, but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments as on other bills. How Bills Become Law.— Every bill which shall have passed the House of li(!prew>ntatives and the Senate shall, before it becomes a law, be presented to the President of the United States. If he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with his objections, to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at largo on their journals and proceed to reconsider it. If after such reconsideration two-thirds of that House shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two-thirds of that Honse it shall become a law. But in all such cases thevot^of both Houses sliall be determined by yeas and nays, and the names of the per- sons voting for and against the bill shall be entered on the journal of each House r<56pectively. If any bill shall not be returned by tJi« Presi- 150 THE CONSTITUTION. JOHN JAY, First Chief Justice. dent within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it phnll have been pr^ Bsntetl to him, the sjime shall be a Jaw, in like manner aaif ho had eipnod it, unless iIkm oucresa by tlieir adjoarnment prevent its return, in whicli ca o it shall not be n law. Approval and Veto Powers of the President.— Every order, resolutidn or vot<> t > which concurrence of the 8onate and llouseof Representatives may bo necessary (except on a question of adjonrn- ment) shall be presented to the President of the United States, and b^ fore the «ime shall tike effect ; shall be approved by him,^ or beins dis- approved by him, shall be reuassed by two-tiiirds of the Senate and the Honse of Hepresentatives, according to tlie rules and limitations pre- Bcrih<'d in the ca>;« of a bill. Section 8. t'owers Vested in Congress.— The Congress shall kaTe tx>wert THE CONSTITUTION. To lay and collect taxes, dutK's. imposts and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States; bnt all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform thronghont the United States. To borrow money on the credit of the United States ; To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several states and with the Indian tribes ; To establii^h an uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies throughout tlie United States ; To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and fix the standard of weights and measures; To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the United States ; To establish post offices and post roads ; To promote the progress of science, and useful arts, by securing for iimited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their re- spective writings and discoveries ; To constitute tribunals inferior to the eupreme court ; To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and offences against the Law of Nations ; To declare -war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make irules coniH rning captures on land and water ; To raise ami support armies, but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than two years ; Powers Vested in Congress.— To provide and maintain a navy ; To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces ; To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrection and repel invasions; To provide for organizing, arming and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, reserving to the States, respectively, the appointment of tlie officers and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prtscribed by Congress; To e."^ercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular States and thf acceptance of Congress, becimio the seat of the Government of the United States, aud to exercihe like authority over all places purchased by the consent of the Legislature of the State in which the same siiall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dfick ynrds and other needful buildings : and To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers and all other powers vested by this constitution in the GoVernment of the United States or in any depart- ment or officer thei eof. Section 9. Immigrants, How Admitted.— The migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the ("ongrests prior to the year one thonsHud eight hundred and eight, but a tax or duty maybe imposefl on such importation, not exceedingten dollars foreach person. Habeas Corpus. -The privilege of the writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it. Attainder.— No Bill of Attainder or ex-post facto law shall be Direct Taxes.— No Capitation or other direct tax shall be laid, nnloes in proportion to the census or enumeration herein before direr tes any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligations of con- tracts, or grant any title of nobility. No State shall, without the consent of the Conpress, lay any imposts or duties on imports or exports, except vrhat may be absolutely neceeu sary for executing its inspection laws; and the net i>rvidace of all duties and imposts, laid by any State on imports or ex po.-ts, shall be for the use of the Treasury of the United States; and all sach laws shall be subject to the rpvij^ion and control of the Congress. No Stflte shall, without the consent of ("ongress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep troop.*, or ships of war in time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with another State, or with foreign jv.wer, or en- gage in war. unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay. ARTICLE II. THE EXECUTIVE DEPABTMEXT. Section 1. Executive Power, in Whom Invested.— The ex- ecutive power shall be vested in a President of th" United States of America. He shall hold his office duriutjthe term of four years, and to- gether with the Vice-President, chosen for the same term, be elected as follows : Electors.-Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the Legis- lature thereof may direct, a number of electors, equal to the whole number of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be en- titled in the Congress; but no Senator or Reiire. having one vote; a (juonini for Uiis purpose shall consist of ft nieuilier or nnnnbers from two-thirds of the States, and a majnrity of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. In every case, after the choice of the President, thejiersou h.-iving the greatest number of votes of the electors shall be the Vice-President. But if there should THE CONSTITUTION. 163 remain two or more who have eqnal votes, the Senate ehall chooee from them by ballot tho Vice-Prosident. Time of Choosing Electors.— The Congress may deteraaine the time of choosing the electors and tho day on which thfy ehall give their votes, whiclj day shall be the same throughout the United Stales. Qualifications of the President.— No person except a natural born citizen, or a citizen of the United States at the time of the adop- tion of this Constitution, shall be eligible to the office of President; neither ehall any person be eligible to that office who shall not have attained to the age of thirty-five years, and been fourteen years a resi- dent within the United States. Resort in Case of Disability.— In case of removal of the Presi- dent from office, or of his death, resignation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties of the said office, tho same shall devolve on the Vice-President, and the Congress may by law prf)vide for the case of removal, death, resignation, or inability both of tho President and Vice- President, declaring what officer ehall then act as President, and such officer shall act accordingly until the disability be removed or a Presi- dent shall bo elected. Salary of the President.— The President shall, at stated times, re- ceive for his services, a compensation, which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive within that period any other emolument from the United States, or any of them. Oath.— Before ho enter on the execution of his office, he shall take the following oath or affirmation : " I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States, and will to the best of ability preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of tlie United States." Section 2. Duties of the President.- The President shall be commander-in-chief of the army and navy of the United States, and of the militia of the several states, when called into the actual service of the United States; he may require the opinion, in writing, of the principal officer, in each of the executive departments, upon any sub- ject relating to the duties of their respective offices, and he shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for offences against the United States, except in cases of impeachment. * May Make Treaties, Appoint Ambassadors, Judges, etc.— He shaU. have power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties, ijrovided two-tliirds of the Senators present concur; and he shall nominate and, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint ambassadors, other public ministers and con- euls, judges of the supreme court, and all other officers of the United States whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by law, but the Congress may by law vest the appointments of such inferior officers as they think proper, in the President alone, in the courts of law. or in the heads of departments. May Fill Vacancies.— The President shall have power to fill np all vacancies that may happen during the recess of the Senate by grant- ing commissions which shall expire at the end of their next session. Section 3. May Convene Congress.— He shall from time t» time give to the Congress information of the stnte of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he ehall judge neces'sary and expedient; he may, on extraordinary occasions, convene both Houses, or either of them, and in case of disagreement between them with respect to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to suchtimc^asheshallthink j)ropor; ho shall receive Ambassadors and otherpnblic ministers; ho shall take care that tho laws bo faithfully executptl, and shall commission all the officers of the United States. Section 4. How Officers May Be Removed.— The President, Vice-President and all civil officers of the United States shall be re- moved from office on impeachment^ for, and conviction of, tzBasoD, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors. 154 THE CONSTITUTION. AETICLE III. THE JTDICI.VI. DEPAETMENT. Section 1. Judicia.1 Power, How Invested.— The jodicial power of tho United Stat, s eiiail be vested in oue supreme court ;:nd in such infeiior conrt-jaj the Congress may from time to time ordaia andeetab- lish. T!i9 jad':;es, bothof the stipreme and inferior courts, etiall hold tlieir otBcos daria? Bood beliavior, and shall, at stated times, receive for ther services, a compensation, which shall not be diminibhed during their continuance in oliice. J^ CHIEF JUSTICE FULLER. Section 2. To What Cases It Extends.-The judicial power shall extend to all cai*es, inlaw and eiiuity. arising under this Tonstitntion, the laws of the United States, andtreatiea made, or whicli sliall bo mrnle, under their autliority; toall cases aflectinR ambassadors, other public ministers, and cimsuls; to nllca^es of adminilty ami maritime juristlic- tion ; to controversies to which tlie United States shall be a luirty ; to Controversies between two or nmro States ; l>etween a Staleand citizen* ef another State ; between citizens of ditten-nL States, between c'tize^ THE CONSTITUTION. 156 of the same State claiming lands under grants of different States, and between a State or the citizens thereof and foreign Slates, citizens, or subjects. , ,, „ . . Jurisdiction Of the Supreme Court.— In all cases affecting Am- bassadors, ottier public miuibters and consuls, and those in ■which a State shall be party, the supreme court shall have original jurisdic- tion. In all the other cases before mentioned, the supreme court shall have appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and tact, with suchexcep- tions, and under such regulations as the Congress shall make. Rules Respecting Trials. —The trial of all crimps, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury ; and such trial shall be held in the State where the said crime shall have been committed; but when not committed within any State the trial shaU be at such place or places as the Congress may by law have directed. Section 3. Treason Defined.— Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war against them, or in a^'hering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. No person shall be convicted o{ treason unless on the testimony of two wituesse> to the same overt act, or on confession in open court. How Punished.— The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason, but no attainder of treasor shall work cor- ruption of blood, or forfeiture except durLag the lifeo^ the person at- tainted. ARTICLE IV. Section 1. Rights of States and Records.— Full faith and credit shall be given in each State to the public acts, records and judi- cial proceedings of every other State. And the Congress may by general laws prescribe the manner in which such acts, records and proceedings shall be proved and the effect thereof. Section 2. Privileges of Citizens.— The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States. Executive Requisitions.— A person charged in any State with trea- son, felony or other crime who shall flee from justice and may be found in another State shall, on demand of the executive authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered up to be removed to the State having jari=dic;ion of the crime. Law Regulating Service or Labor.— No person held to ser- vice or labor in one State under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the partv to whom such service or labor mny be due. Section 3. New States, How Formed and Admitted.— New States may be admitted by the Congress into thisL'nion; but no new States enall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other State; nor any State be formed by the junction of two or more States, or parts of States, without the consent of the legislatures of the Stat«fl concerned as well as of the Congress. Power of Congress.— The Congress shall have Power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property belnnaing to the United States ; and nothing in this ([on- stitution shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United States, or of any paiticnlar State. ... mi_ Section 4. Republican Government Guaranteed. —The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican form of government, and shall protect each of them against invasion, and on application of the legislature or of the executive (when the legislature cannot be convened) against domestic violence. 156 THE CONSTITUTIUK, ARTICLE V. Power of Amendment.— The ConsreAs, •vr'aenever two-thirds of both Housi'8 bltiUl d"t'in it nrK-eBsarj-, ehall nK.f.oiM amendments to this OoLiBtitution. or, on tlm application of the If-R'shitures of two thirds of tlie several States, shall call a convention for propoeinK amendments, 'which, in either case, shall be valid to all inft-nfs and purposes, as part •€ this ConstitntitJn, when ratified by th&lepislatnres of three-fonrthe of the several States, or by conventions in thrre-foarths thereof, ea the one or the other mode of ratification may be propoRed by Ifae CongrcBS provided that no amendment which may bo made prior to theyearone thousand eight huniiretl and eipht Fhall in any manner effect the trst and fourth clauses in the ninth section of tlie firstarticle; and tliat no State, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal enJSrago in the Senate. ARTICLE VI. Validity of Debts Recognized.— All debts contracted and en^gemeuts entered into before the adoption of this ("onstitntion eiiail Iks as valid against the United States under this Constitation, as MKler the Confederation. Supreme Law of the Land Defined.— This Constitntion, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and nil treaties made, or which shall be made, nuderUie authority of Iho United States, shall be the supreme law of the Land; and the indues in every State shall be bound thereby, aiiytliing in the C'onsti- tatioa of Laws of any State to the contrary notwithsUmdinp. Oath; of Whom Required and for What.— The Senators and Representatives before nieutioned, and the members of the several BtateLegislatures, and all executive and judicial officers, both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by oath or aflirmation, to support this Constitution ; but no religious test shall ever bo required as a qualification to any office or public trust under the United States. ARTICLE Vn. Ratification.— The ratification of the convention of nine Btates eka}l b(!sullicient for the establishment of this Constitution between tfas States so ratifying the same. AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. Article I. Religion, Free Speech, Redress for Grievances.— Con».'ress .'■hall make no law respecting an e.staljli.-hnient of religion, or prohibiting the free exorcise thereof ; or abriiigmg the freedom of speech •r of the press ; or tli« right of the people peaceably to as^mb^e, and to petition tliH government for a redress of grievances. Article II. Bearing Arms.— .V well-regulated militia being neces- sary to tiie security of a free Slate, the right of the people to keep and k^r arms i^hall not be infringed. ... . Article III. Soldiery.- No soldier shall, in time of peace, be i|narfy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an im- partial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have beca committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the natureand cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him : to have compolsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assifitanoe of counsel for his defence. Article VII. Trial by Jury.— In snits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed $20, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried by a jury shall be otherwise re-examined in any court of the United States, than according to the rules of the com- mon law. ARTICLE VIII. Excessive Bail.— Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excess- ive fines be imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishment inflicted. ARTICLE IX. Enumeration of Rights.— The enumeration in the Constitntion of certain rights, slmil not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people. ARTICLE X. State Rights.- The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people. ARTICLE XI. Judicial Power.- The judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to any suit in law or equity commenced or prosecuted against one of the United States, by citizens of another state, or by citizens or subjects of any foreign state. ARTICLE XII. Electors in Presidential Elections.— The electors shall meet in their respective States and vote by ballot for President and Vice-Presi- dent, one of whom, at least, sliall not be an inhabitant of the same State with themselves; they shall name in their ballot the person voted for as President, and in di^tinct ballots the person voted for as Vice-Presi- dent, and they shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as Presi- dent, and of all persons voted for as Vice-President, and of the number of votes for each, which lists they shall sign and certifj', and transmit sealed to the seat of the governmentof the United States, directed to the President of the Senate. The Pre«ident of the Senate shall, in the pres- ence of the Senate and House of Kepresfntatives, open all the certificates and the votes shall then be counted. The person having the greatest number of votes for President shall be the President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed ; and if no person have such majority, then from the persons having the highest nnmbers not exceeding three on the last of those voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall choose immediately by ballot thn Pres- ident. But in choosing the President the votes shall be taken by States, the representation from each State having one vote ; a quorum for this 11 158 THE CONSTITUTION. purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. And if thelloubc of Representatives shall not choosea President, when- ever the riglit of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next followiiip. then the Vice-President shall act as President, as in the case of tlie death or otherconstituti<.nnldibability of the Pres- ident. The person having the greatest nnmber of votesas Vice-Presi- dent shall be tlic Vice-President, if snch number be a majority of the ■wholi> number of electors appointed; and if no person have a majority, then from the two highest numbers on the list, tlie Senate shall choose the Vico-Presidint ; a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two- thirds of the whole number of Senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be necpssary to a choice. But no person constitutionally ineligible to to the office of President shall be eligible to that of Vice' President of the United States. ARTICLE XIII. 1. Slavery Forbidden.— Neither slavery nor involuntary servi- tude, except as a iiuniblimunt for crime whffeof the party shall have been duly convicted, siiall exist within the United States or anyplace enbject to their jurisdiction. 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation. ARTICLE XIV. 1. Equal Protection.— All persons born or naturalized in the United Stiites aud subjt-ct to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizeus of the United States and of the State wherein they resiers, counting the whole number of persons in each State, ex- cluding Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at any election for the choice of electors for President and Vice-President of the United States. Representatives in Congress, the execntive and judicial officers of a State, or the members of the Legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male members of such State, being of twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged, ex- cept for partiripation in rebellion or other crime, the basis of represen- tation therein shall be reduced in tiie proportion which the number of such male citizen.-^ shall bear to the whole number of male citiiens twenty-one years of agp in such State. 3. Public OfBcial Debarred.— No person shall be a senator or Representative in Congress, or elector of President and Vice-President, or holding any office, civil or military, under the United States, or under any State, who, having previously taken an oath, as a member of ('ongress oras an officer of the United States, or ns a member of any St*te LegisJat nre, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid and comfort to the enemiefi thereof. But Congress may. by a vote of two-thirds of each House, remove such disahilitv. 4. Public Debt Responsibility. —The validity of the public debt of the United States anthorizMl by law, including debts incurred for payment of oi-nsions and bountiesfor services in suppressing insur- rection or rebellion, shall not be (jnestioned. But neither the United States nor any State shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against tlie United States, or any THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION, 15J< claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave; but all such debts, obligations, and claims i^liall bo held illegal and void. 5. The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate legis- lation, the provisions of this article. AETiCLE XV. 1. Right of Sufifrage.— The right of the citizens of the United Staters to vt)to shall not ho denied or abridged by the Unitbd States or by any State on account of race, color or previous condition of servitude. 2. Tlie Congress shall have power to enforce the provisions of this article by appropriate legislation. Emancipation Proclamation by Presi- dent Lincoln, January i, 1863J * Whereas, On tlie twenty-second day of September, in the year of onr Lord one tliousaud eit-'ht hundred and siyty-two a proclamation was issued by the President of the United States. coiitHiuing among other thiut'S the following, to-wit : "That on the first day of January, in the year of our L'-rd one t'lousaml eight hundred and sizty-three, all persons hel'f as ^laves within any state. f>i- deaigua ted part of the state, the peoi,le whereof shall be in rebellion against the Dnited States, shall be then, tlieu'-eforward, and forever free ; and the execu- tive government of the United States, including thf/ military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maiitain fho Ireedom of such persons, antl will do no act or acts to repress such persons or any of them in any efforts they may make for their actunl freedom; that the executive will, on the first day of January aforcsiiid, by proclama- tion, designate the states, and parts of the states, if any, in which the people thereof, respectively, shall then be in rel;ellion ag 'inst the United States; and the fact that any state, or the people thereof, shall on that day be in good faith repres-ented in the ( ongress of the United States by the members chosen tl ereto at ejections wherein a majerity of the qualified voters of kicIi states sliall have participHted, shall, in the absence of strong rMninter-vailing tes- timony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such p\ate, and the people thereof be not then in rebellion against thn United i^t les." Now, therefore,!, Abraham Lincoln, PresideLt of tii. Cnited States. by the virtue of the power in me vested ascommander-m-chief of the aruiy ♦The tendency of the government of the people of the United States toward liberal sentiments and the general welfare of man is shown by the legislation, considered as a whole, of ( dngress and of the United States, but by no act more conspicuou.sly than by the abolition of the slavery in tlie United States. Slavery was a' olished t>y the thirteenth nmendmi nt to the constitution, but pr'limiiary t> the amendment was the Emancipation Proclamation, written and issued by President Lincoln. 160 DEPARTMENTS OF OUR GOVERNMENT. and navy of the United States in the time of actnal armed rebellion against the autliority and Kovemment of the United States, and as a fit and nece»isary war-mca.-^ure for suppressing said ri'bellion, do, ou thia first day of January, in tlie year nf our Lord iiuo thousand eight hun- dred and sixty-three, and in accordance with my purpose eo to do, publicly proclaimed for the fall period of one hundred days from the day lirnt above mentioned, order and designate as the states and part of states, wherein the people thereof, respectively, are this day in re- bellion against the United States, the following, to-wit : Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana (except the parishes of 8t. Bernard, Plaquemines, JofForson, 8t. Jolin, St. Charles, Bt. James, Ascension, Assumption, Tcrre-Bonno, Lafourche, Ste. Marie, St. Martin, and Orle.ins, includ- ing the city of New Orleans), Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia (except the forty-eielit counties designated as West Virginia, and also the counties of Berk- ley, Accomac, Northampton, Elizabeth City, York, Princess Anna, and Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk and Portsmonth), and which excepted parts are, for the present, left precisely as if this proclaniation were not issued. And by virtue of the power, and for the purpose aforesaid, I do order and declare, that all persons held as slaves within Baid designated states and parts of states are, and henceforth shall be free; and that the executive govornmentof the United States, in- cluding the military and naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintiiin tlie freecU)m of said persons. And I liereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free to abstain from all violence, unless in necessary self-tlefense ; and I recommend to them, that in all cases, when alloweii, they labor faithfully for reasonable wages. And I further declare and make known, that such persons, of suitable condition, will be received into the armed service of the United States, to garrison forts, positions, stations, and other places, antl to man vessels of all sorts in said service. And upon this act, sincerely believed to bo an act of justice, w.Trrnnted by the constitution upon military necessity, I invoke the considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of Almighty God. In testimony wliereof I have hereunto set my name, and caused the seal of the United States to be aliixed. Done at the City of Washing- ton this first day of January, in the year of <)ur Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-sovonth. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. By the President. William H. Steward, Secretary of State. Departments of Our Government. 1. Three Departments. — The United States is the most extensive and puuertul republic in the world. The j^^eneral government as well as the respective state governments are republican and representative in form. There are three dis- tinct departments in each — Legislative, Executive, Judicial. 2. The Legislative Department, — The Legislative de- MASSA SAYS WE'RE FREE." 161 162 HOW BILLS ARE PASSED AND LAWS MADE. partment or Congress consists of two distinct bodies — the Senate- and the House of Representatives. Laws are enacted by the con. urrrent action of both these houses, and the approval of the President, by signing his name to them. When a bill has passed both houses of Congress, and been presented to the President for his signaune. if he does not approve it, he may send it back to the House m which it originated, wi'h his objections. After this, if boh Houses pass the bill, by a two-th rds vote, it becomes a law without the signature of the President. If any bill is not re'urned by the President within ten days (Sumiays excepted) after being presented to him, it becomes a law without his signa- ture, unless Congress has sooner adjourne 1. 3. The Executive Department.— The Executive Depart- ment con'ists of the President and his c .bmet, appointed by him with the approval of the Senate, numbering eight, one beiig at the head of each of the foil. -win/ departments of the gMvernment : The state, treasury, war, navy, post- office, justice, interior, and agriculture. 4. The Judicial Department.— The Judicial Department consists of the supreme court and the inferior courts. The former is composed of one chief justice, and eight associate justices. It is the tribunal in the nation, and its decisions are intended to construe the true intent and meaning of the laws of the land, and to decide appeals from inferior courts. How Bills are Passed and Laws Made in Congress. I. The Framers of the Constitution.— Most of the framers of the Constitution were elected members of the first Congress. Their wisdom and patriotism did not desert them, and every bill that became a law was the subject of active debate by all. To prevent the hasty consideration of any measure, rules were adopted by the House of Repre- sentatives and the Senate, but while it is true that many of HOW BILLS ARE PASSED AND LAWS MADE, 168 ADLAI STEVENSON, Vice-President 1893-97. these early rules still remain in the manual of each Ho«se, their force has been lost in the needs and demands of in- creased legislation. It is seldom, indeed, that a bill is deemed important enough to arouse general debate, an4 a number of Southern states disfranchised the negroes, as a result of which many prominent statesmen advocated a reduction of represent- atives in such states, but the change was not made. CHANGES IN CONGRESS. 5. The Disadvantages of Having a New Congress. — The members of Congress are elected in November, but it is generally a year from the following December before they benefit the country with their law-making powersi Usually thirteen months intervene before the new Congress is called into power to act for the people. In 1892 the new Congress was overwhelmingly Democratic but the Repub- lican Congress continued to control till April 4, until their actions and theories had been repudiated by the people. In 1894 the Democratic majority in the Congress were overthrown and a surprising Republican majority elected, yet the Democrats after being overthrown and repudiated. i'i ASSEMBLED IN CONGRESS, were permitted to make laws until the first of March. When the people have lost confidence in the representatives of a party they should not be permitted to continue in power, but yield to the new elected representatives who represent the popular will of the people. The newly chosen Con- gress should enter at once upon work at New Year's so that the country may not be embarrassed by the privileges of an independent Congress. CHAPTER V. Voting, The Ballot, and Ballot Re- form, The History of Voting. 1. Origin. — Where did the ballot come from? Like Topsy, and most other institutions, it "growed." And in its growth it has taken such varied forms that it will make an interesting study. Of course, in the good, old times, when all civilized countries were governed by kings, there was no use for a ballot. A primitive, self-governiuL'' tribe, like those of the ancient Germans, were satisfied with viva-voce voting. The Jews, before they had kings, might be called a self- governing people. Strictly, however, their theory of govern- ment put everything into the hands of God, and in technical terms was a theocracy. If a public officer must be chosen, he was named by God's representative, the priest or prophet, or else lots were cast, and it was expected that God would send the right lot to the right man. It is not unlikely that such casting of lots gave the first hints of a secret ballot. 2. The Greek Ballot. — The ancient Greeks used the ballot in enacting laws and in courts, where there was a large number of judges. The ballot there was originally a pebble, whole for a yes vote, or pierced with a hole for a no. Some- times ther was only one stone, which was dropped into a yes or no box. Later the pebble was changed for a little bronze wheel. A few of these have been found in modern times, stamped on one side with the words, " Official ballot.' and 'on the other with the number of the judicial district. In electing officers the Greeks voted by show of hands. Often officers were appointed by lot. White and black beans were used for lots, and those who were understood to be hungry for office received the suggestive name of bean- eaters. 'I'he idea here was that every citizen was good enough to hold office, and this was the most impartial way 180 THE HISTORY OF VOTING. 181 of dividing the spoils. They never used a secret ballot to vote for candidates in the modern fashion, but only to vote against them. 3. Ostracism. — If party spirit was running high, and the power of a boss was growing dangerous, a vote of exile was ordered. Each citizen wrote a name on an oyster shell or a piece of broken crockery, and put this vote secretly into the box. Any boss against whom there was a sufficient majority must leave the country for ten years. This peculiar institution, called ostracism, is really the nearest approach tfie Greeks made to a modern ballot sys- tem. Ostracism went out of use because on a certain im- portant occasion the thunderbolt failed to hit either of the prominent leaders, but struck a comparatively obscure person. The details are not quite clear. It has been suggested, however, that the great bosses made a deal by which they were to let each other alone, and give all the votes to a troublesome third party man. This result was so unsatis- factory to the people that ostracism was given up. 4. Roman Ballot. — The ballot was introduced into Rome in the second century B. C. This was the real AustraliaH ballot. The voter received a sort of wooden slate covered with wax on which the names of all the candidates were scratched. He made holes in the wax opposite those of his choice and dropped his tablet in the box. After the downfall of the Roman republic, popular gov- ernment took a long sleep, and there was little use for a ballot till quite modern times. Still, some of the most curiously elaborate ballot systems known were developed in the small governing bodies of the middle ages. 5. Election of a Pope. — One of these is the form for electing a pope, which has continued to our own time. All the cardinals are locked up together in a suite of rooms at the Vatican, and forbidden to have any communication with the outside world till they have made a choice. Food is passed in to them, but if the pope is not elected within a few days, they are put on prison rations by way of quicken- ing their work. A ballot is taken every morning, followed by another, to give an opportunity for changing votes. Each cardinal re- ceives a printed blank. He first signs it, then folds it over so as to conceal the signature, and seals it. On the uncov- ered part of the paper he writes the name of his candidate. If there is not a two-thirds majority the ballots are burned, and the smoke tells the waiting crowd outside that there is DO election. 182 THE HISTORY OF VOTING. The same process is repeated every evening. When any candidate gets the necessary two-thirds, the sealed sig- natures are opened, to make sure that no unauthorized person has voted. Then the election is publicly announced. 6. Election in Venice.— This carefulness, however, is nothing to that which was used in electing a doge of Venice. The Venetian legislators, despairing of getting an election which would not be controlled by politicians' intrigues, called in the lot as their helper. When a doge was to be elected, the great council, of between four and five hundred members, was called to- gether. Those below thirty years of age were shut out and the names of the rest were written on slips of paper. A small boy was then picked up on the street and brought in to draw out thirty names. Out of these thirty, nine were chosen to go on with the election. They were to choose forty others. Four of them nominated five each, five of them four each; and each of the forty must be confirmed by a two-thirds of the nine. Out of these forty names twelve were taken by 1 it. The twelv e in the same way chose a new board of twenty- five, the chairman nominating three and each of the others two, a three-fourths vote being necessary to elect. Lots were again drawn for nine of the twenty-five. These nine in the same way chose forty-five others, of whom the lot picked out eleven. These eleven, still in the same form, nominated forty-one to elect the doge. Each of these must be confirmed by a majority of the great council. Then the forty-one were /ocked up together, to go on with their election. While they were locked up each of them was furnished with what- ever he asked for, regardless of e.xpense. But the same must be given to each of the forty-one. For instance, there was once an elector who wished to read in /Esop's Fables. He got his book, but not till all Venice had been ransacked to find the necessary forty-one copies. At another time one of them ordered a rosary. Forty-one rosaries made their appearance in due form. This treatment was expecteu to make the electors so unanimous that at least twenty-five of them would agree on a doge. When this took place the rigmarole was over. An evening newspaper, trying to follow the returns in Venice at that time, would have painful times. THE HISTORY OF VOTING. 183 7 Thfe . .lOdern Ballot. — Coming back to the ballot as used by common mortals, and coming down to this century, the Hungarian ballot of thirty years ago is one of the most interesting. The voter had given to him a stick from four to six feet long With this he went alone into a room where the ballot boxes were placed, each bearing the name and color of a candidate. In one of these he must place his stick. The object in having such a large ballot was to make sure that there were not two or three extra ones cone aied in the citizens' pockets. But this has now been replaced by prosaic paper. 8. Present Ballot of European Nations. — In Greece at the present day the ballot is a little lead ball. There is a box for ea'h candidate, divided into two compartments. A ckrk goes from box to box with the voter, carrying a bowl full of these balls. At each box the voter takes one, puts his hand into a funnel, out of sight, and drops his ball mto the yes or no compartment, making a vote for or against the candidate. If he wishes to vote for more than one party there is nohing to prevent him. In Italy, each voter, on registering, gets a ticket of ad- mission to the polling house. Here a stamped blue paper, with a copy of the law printed on the back, is handed to him. On this paper he must write his vote. The French hallot system is much like the American system five years aa:o. England uses the Australian ballot. 9. The Right of Voting in the United States.— The right to vote comes f r jiii the state, and is a state gift. Natural- ization is a Federal right and is a gift of the Union, not of «> n y— E •■■ 5-- — W) c JWN •a =-:; U f^-r o 6"— OS **m a c — a ■•■ — l-H i ■« CO •^ a u ta o -a 3 t> M M 0) a o to o a n 3 •r o S a V. C3 C 3 £2 •13 c s c — ■^ 5 c' a •»- o - :; o c % = £ S .2 •-•$,/= "> z ■'i- -^ 1 '■ c = — .- = r-. ^ o o c« .a o 3. c a to a 3 1.1 c . " a c? c i- - a >- a j^ - - - c -■ ^■- 2 "-"^ *-■ ^j:.'~ o a o o J3 a o a o a S" .S3 C. e -' aE = -X - o ~ i i — -3 M 3 -=•=- £5 = £ = :; C5», u _ - — O c ^ c *^ s-f £= •; = 3 a 5 S a'- M « 7. " lTu. ^ -5 °c£ ^s'r^-'^.^ .2 -3 e c 2 ..^ s ef aic- i > t:r a*- = 1- — — >. — -— --c-= J «: ;: - .- c t o 2 7'> = to'>-- .— r a ^ w a-3 ^ = = St. o o o M >■ u Ph o • Co cs -3 o o a c •-H a o cd •3 O e3 O C5 o a i-( rH ^H CO >> •a CS "3 8 S J. * >> o ■3 a -3 § g o a c3 a — ^3 Q o o E ^ o E = — • o a u o «.* to a . 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'" o -P ® tn.S « C-Q — ^ '-' «! STm ^S E^ L2-^ ©-«"" a tn © °>>to-3 1 tn-"Sa-^ * a^.2 « S « ri *j 0*3 o 0.2 s S C'J3='g2"'^u ^"S2ft-^£=^E © ^ J; -tf •'3 •- ® 2^®(^a cJ ^ a5-2^ Mas*- tcS" -3^5.2 £.2 "-'£ .*_* © - ©TI © • ■*-» M ©t: S "^ S 2 3 t 2 o 2 fl n'Sc .fl cn w X H < Q \v- ing grant school suffrage in various degrees: Connecticut, Illinois, Iowa, Idaho, Kansas, Kentucky, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Montana, Nebraska, Xew Jersey, New York, Ohio, Oregon, North Dakota, South Dakota, Vermont, Washington, and Wisconsin. In Delaware suffrage is exercised "by women in several municipalities. In Kansas they have equal suffrage with men at all munfcipal elections. About 50,000 women voted in 1890. TALKING POLITICS AT HOIViE. In Wyoming women have voted on the same terms with men since 1S70. The convention in 1889 to form a State Convention imanimously inserted a provision secur- ing them full suffrage. This constitution was ratified by the voters at a special election by about three-fourths ma- jority. Congress refused to reijuire the disfranchisement of women and admitted the state July 10, 1^90. CHAPTER VI. Rise and Fall of Political Parties. 1. History Repeats Itself.— "History repeats itself" is an old proverb, but it is true in too general sense to be a practical guide to America. No other nation ever came into existence as we did. The most active, adventurous, unselfish, original, and forceful spirits of the world came here, not to seek homes only, but to get out of an atmos- phere too conservative for merit to grow in. On their arrival new ambitions were awakened, new incentives quickened their thoughts, and new fields for political and even religious inquiries were opened before them. Words grew into new significance never before applied to them. 2. Name Pioneer. — It would fill a volume to describe the name pioneer in its grandness, since the pioneer spirit took possession of the American mind, and began the work of producing new States, bringing true merit to the front, and exalting the nation by growing up Washington, Jeffer- son, Abraham Lincoln, and other great men from the politi- cal germ of a virgin soil planted by pioneers. 3. Political Parties Are of Slow Growth in Europe.— Political parties are of slow growth in Europe, and their issues limited within the interests of a dynasty cemented together by religious holds on the conscience acting in con- junction with a financial grip that disperses bread to a nation of landless rent payers. 4. The Civil Rights of Man.— While we, like Europe, inherited science from Greece, neither we nor England inherited our political policy from her. She taught us astronomy but not the laws of a land tenure nor the civil rights of man. Civil rights have come to us under the quickening influence of nature's broad domain, spread out before us on the plains of the New Word. Here was an immaculate page on which to write the policy of a nation whose children and youth have rounded up into manhood's proportion, not lean with hunger nor plethoric with abused authority. 5. Political Parties.— Neither the Roman nor the Saxon nor the Norman invasion of England produced any popu- lar political parties. The people continued of one mind through all these changes as much as they were under the Druid Age. They had no opinion nor any knowledge of the situation as to any policy except the one foreshadowed by their rulers. But after a hiatus of inert years two oppos- ing elements came into collision with each other, not on political issues but religious — the Cavaliers and the Puri- tans. These were the first popular issues in England, but 2oy T?ISF AND RAGE OF POLITICAL ISSUES. a political issue took root with them, arraligtd under the names of Whigs and Tories. 6. Whigs and Tories.— The Tories, advocates of the Divine Rights of Kings, and the Whigs, though loyal to the Crown, wished to subject its authority to Parliament. This issue is still before the English people, and though in a modified form, was manifest m the late policy of Gladstone in his atteniDtsto establish Home Rule for Ireland, a great question not yet settled. The old Whijj party are now called Liberals, but the Tories have changed neither their name nor principles, being stalwart advocates of the pre- rogative of the Crown and defenders of the House Lords. .Such was and is now the partisanship of a nation whom we are proud to own as our parent state. During the Commonwealth of England, as might be supposed, the issue between the Whigs and^ Tories was taken up by the American colonies, but the Whigs were in the majority exce()t in the ^'irginia colony. ■7. The "Declaratory Act."— Moderation is a rare qual- ity 111 nations or even individuals when under the inspira- tion of success, and England was no exception to the rule. Her American colonies had always been loyal to her, and ^roni appearances at that time it seemeci manifested that a revenue might be drawn from them without disturbing the harmonious relations. Under this unfounded confidence in their submissive spirit, the English Parliament in 1763 passed what was termed "The Declaratory Act " the object of which was to make it legal to tax the American Colonies. Put this was not done without opposition. 8. The Stamp Act.— Not without a strong opposition in the Pritish Cabinet the Stamp Act was passed soon after the Enabling Act, and the time of its taking effect being set in 1765. During this interim able advocates of constitutional rights, both in England and America, have laid down principles which neither words could K>gically answer nor can time obliterate their force. They are as fresh now as when they came from the tongues of both the English and the American rejiresentatives of constitutional law at that time. Mr. Pitt, in his opposition to the Stamp Act, in re- ferring to the days of the French and Indian War, the suc- cess of which was due to his premiership, called attention to certain members of the Cabinet who, during that event- ful period, proposed to tax the colonics by means of a stamp act, used the following language: "Not that there were wanting some, when I had this honor to serve his majesty, to propose to me f<^ burn my fingers with the American Stamp Act." RISE AND RAGE OF POLITICAI. ISSUES. '^II 9. The Stamp Act Repealed.— The Stamp Act was re- pealed by Parliament as a palliative ere the time had elapsed for its enforcement, but other acts were passed, such as the revival of the navigation laws, which had long been a dead letter, but now to be actually enforced. These laws subjected certain articles of merchandise to an e.vcise duty, but the opposition to being taxed in this way was so great, and so many impediments thrown in the way of executing them, that the British Cabinet yielded to the inevitable fate and practically abandoned the policy that had been tried, but in vain. 10. The Article of Tea.— The article of tea was the only exception, and an attempt was made by the East India Company to introduce this trade into Boston, relying on suc- cess by making the price of tea, even with its duties added, cheaper than its market value in England. On it arrival in Boston harbor the whole town turned out, and from the thousands who beheld this subtle attempt to circumvent the will of the Bostonians, a few stalwart Whigs of the Anneri- can type, disguised themselves in the garb of Indians, boarded the tea laden vessels and emptied the politically cou.raband contents into the sea. Years passed away be- fore anyone ever knew who these men were. The last sur- vivor of this number died about forty years ago, and his iron framed picture adorns many a gallery throughout the country. 11. Firct Colonial Congress. — As the Chameleon changes color according to its contiguity to shades, so the public conscience, impelled by the evolutions of English law, first demanded redress, next independence, and next, to secure it, demanded a sword, the last argument to which manhood resorts. The Colonial Congress assembled in New York, 1765. The Continental Congress assembled in Philadelphia, 1774, at which latter place maturity of thought reached its limit in a declaration of independence, July 4th, 1776. This marvelous demand, without a parallel in history, struck not only England, but Europe and the world, with astonishment. 12. Articles of Confederation. — Two years later, July 4, 1778, articles of confederation and perpetual union were signed. American Whigs were now called rebels in Eng- land, while American Tories still retained the name in both countries. Most of them left America for their political home, and here it ought not to be omitted that these royalists were composed of a highly respectable element in society. 2]:l RISF. AND RAGE OF POMTICAL ISSUES. 13. The Sword Was Drawn. — Social ties were severed, lovers were parted never to meet again, and even kindred ties were absolved; for the sword was drawn, not to be re- turned to its scabbard till Europe was deluged in war, and till a new nation was born, and a new plan to be unfolded as the popular heart willed it. From that time to the present this nation has been mounting from strength to strength, and its inventive gen- ius, the admiration of the world, has furnished many a model to be copied by this world, or be left behind in the progress of grandeur. It is not always strange that a nation of thinkers should give birth to a variety of political parties, each holding themselves to be virtues of inde- pendence. 14. Declaration of Independence. — Seventy represen- tatives of the original proposers of purposes of this nation signed the Declaration of Independence, and in their Declaration none of the principles evolved in the govern- ments of Europe were borrowed, but the principles of popular thought in America were summarized into an epitome by Thomas Jefferson, none of which were more original with Iimu than with his peeis at that time, but his forcible style ot formulating them was the admiration of America and the astonishment of Europe. 15 Peace Commissioners. — During the war which followed the first substantial success that crowned the victories of Bennington and Saratoga, by the latter of which General Burgoyne's armies sent Peace Commissioners to .America, and to use a metaphor, gave the Continental Congress a blank sheet on which to write the terms on which peace could be made, promising to accept any- thing short of absolute independence This offer was declined. The next year the British renewed the offer during the darke-t hours of the war, but Congress was aa firm as ever in its original purpose, whereupon the Eng- lish Commissioners with an assurance that never had a parallel in history, asked of the cabinet the privilege to circulate documents among the people, embodying the substance of this offer. It was refused, nor was it compli- mentary to the cabinet to suppose it possible that it would grant any overtures that might create in the public mind, especially one at variance with the unanimous will of this firm body of men. 16. France —The best apology for this puerile piece of diplomacy on the part of our British fathers is that drown- ing men catch at straws. The tirst fruitage of the capture of Burgoyne's armi' wasoiir treaty with France, whereby that power made a' solemn cledge not to make peace with RISE AND RAd OF POLITICAL ISSUES. 213 Great Britain until our independence was secured. Later in the war Cornwallis and his army were taken prisoners at Yorktown by a timely union of the forces under Washing- ton himself and our generous ally La Fayette. This victory in effect won our cause; but the treaty by which peace was to be secured was long delayed on account of the compli- cated conditions of it, not only pertaining to France but also to Spain. The latter power had been reluctantly drawn into a war with England by events not within the scope of these pages. She was no friend to America, and it was political torture for her to fight the British when every gun she fired was indirectly assisting her rival on American soil for territory, as she then owned Florida and the entire territory west of the Mississippi, together with New Orleans and its surroundings east of that stream. 17. Other Impediments. — Besides these, other impedi- ments acted as friction to delay making a peace treatv which were the title and character by which the American Commissioners were to be rtteived at the negotiations for peace which were to be held at Paris. What were they? Were they the Plenipotentiaries of a nation, or commis- sioners from American colonies to treat for peace? If the former, the main question was concluded in advance, and there was little to treat on left. If thelatter, they went into the convention on humble terms which were degrading to the nation they represented. 18. The Illustrious Men.— John Adams, John Jay, Benjamin Franklin, and Henry Lawrence were the illus- trious men who held the honor of America in their hands, and they were equal to the occasion. After long delay the king consented to treat with the American Commissioners as representatives of a nation defacto. The question of boundary was not the only difficult one to settle, and Spain was the disturbing element in this issue. Her king was of Bourbon blood, like the French king, and by virtue of the family contract between these thrones they were to guar- antee to each other the integrity of the respective territory of each, and, although the demand of the American Com- missioners was the Mississippi, and its western limits in- volved no territorial loss to Spain, yet it gave the new nation a great start at the onset over herself as to territory, and Spain used her utmost influence to make the Alleghany Mountains the line, leavingthe territ<^- / intervening therein and the Mississippi open to the progress of future condi- tion. 214 RrSE AND RAGE OF POLITICAL ISSUES. 19. The American Commissioners. — But the American Commissioners were tirni in liiuirdemand of the Mississippi as the western line, and the treaty, after much delay, was signed to this effect by Messrs. Adams, Franklin and Jay on the part of America, Mr. Lawrence being not present, and by David Hartley on the part of England. 20. Treaty of Peace. — Thus closed the American Rev- olution at Paris, September 3, 1783, bringing a nation into the great family of nations with but one fiolitical party, but whose various interests were destined to develop others in the future. There was no one living at this date who fully under- stood or conceived the magnitude of the victory won by war and secured by the terms of the treaty. During the war, few if any one tried to forecast the future. The con- federacy of the colonies really had terminated its union when the war ceased. It was not fitted to the emergencies of a nation, as was soon proven. It could not deal with foreign questions nor had the government made any pro- posed plans to meet any such emergency and did not till a necessity for it existed. 21. Centraliztd Power. — The bitter expressions of the colonists brought to light when the strong arm of the crown tried to abridge their constitutional rights as English sub- jects, had made each of the confederated states jealous of centralized power lest it might set bounds to the authority of the state subversive of freedom, and under this convic- tion private citizens were reluctant to recognize any cen- tralized power above the state. 22. During a session of the Continental Congress held March 3, 1786, initial steps were taken to formulate a con- stitution. During the deliberation of this Congress arguments were made against the proposed measures on the ground that they would terminate in a constitutional monarchy. But such suspicions were quieted by the logic of Hamilton, Adams and Jay, who while deserving the chief credit for drafting our Constitution were ably assisted by many other of our model statesmen of that prolific age in the growth of eminent Americans. 23. Sacred to the Rights of Man. — Who but the pro- fouudest thinkers the world ever produced could make so perfect a framework wherewith to build a nation? Where >n Plnglish literature was ever the exigencies of a nation so amply provided for.-" What other monument was ever so sacred to the rights of man? The following account of the manner of this guide to national grandeur is copied from "The Rights of Man." bv Thomas I'aine: RISE AND RACK OF POLITICAL ISSUES. 215 "The powers vested in the governments of the several states, by the state constitutions, were found, upon experi- ence, to be too great, and those vested in the federal gov- ernment, by the act of federation, too little. The defect was not in the principle, but in the distribution of power. 24. A Continental Conference. — " Numerous publica- tions in pamphlets and newspapers appeared on the propriety and necessity of newly modeling the Federal government. After some time of public discussion, carried on through the channel of the press and in conversations, the state of Virginia, experiencing some inconvenience with respect to commerce, proposed holding a continental con- ference, in consequence of which a deputation from five or six of the state assemblies met at Annapolis, in Maryland, in 1780. This meeting, not conceiving itself sufficiently authorized to go into the business of a reform, did not more than state their general opinions of the propriety of the measures and recommend that a convention of all the states shouM be held the following year. "This convention met at Philadelphia in May, 1787, of which General Washington was elected president. He was not at that time connected with any of the state governments or with Congress. He delivered up his commission when the war ended, and since then had lived a private citizen. 25. A Federal Constitution. — "The convention went deeply into all the subjects, and having after a variety of debate and investigation agreed among themselves upon the several parts of a federal Constitution, the next question was the manner of giving it authority and practice. "They first directed that the proposed Constitution should be published. Second, that each state should elect a convention expressly for the purpose of taking it into consideration and of ratifying or rejecting it; and that as soon as the approbation and ratification of any nine states should be given, those states should proceed to the election of their proportion of members of the new federal govern- ment, and that the operation of it should then begin, and the former federal government cease. 26. Ratified the Constitution. — "The several states pro- ceeded accordingly to electtheir conventions; some of those conventions ratified the Constitution by a very large majority, and in two or three unanimously. In others there was much debate and division of opinion. In the Massa- chusetts convention, which met at Boston, the majority was not above nineteen or twenty, in about three hundred mem- bers; but such is the nature of representative government, that it quietly decides all matters by majoritv. . fter the 210 RISE AND RAGE OF POLITICAL ISSUES. debate in the Massachusetts conveution was closed, and the vote taken, the objecting members arose and declared 'that though they had argued and voted agaiust it because certain parties appeared to them in a different light to what they did to other members, j-et, as the vote had been decided in favor of the Constitution as proposed, they should give it the same practical support as if they had voted for it.' "As soon as the nine states had concurred and the rest followed in the ordt^r their conventions were elected, the old fabric of the federal government was taken down and a new one erected." 27. The Federalists and the Anti-Federalists. — While the convention was in session, the debates on such articles in it as might be prejudicial to the broadest principles of freedom, or to the individual rights, called forth nice distinctions between the rights of the masses and those of the high bred man of mind and of culture born to rule. These conditions, drawn from nature and education com- bined, cannot fail to have a controlling influence in juris- prudence; but constitutionally they irmst be subject to the same laws as govern other conditions. The old federal fathers of the nation were the brainiest men in the world; but the commoner element must have their voice in this matter, and the debates drew forth, and anticipated the wants of all classes; and, in doing this, erected two political parties, the Federalists and Anti-Federalists being the first political parties after the adoption of the Constitution. The anti- Federalists assumed the name Republicans about 1791. 28. First President.— The first Wednesday in January, 1789, was appointed for the choice of electors for President and Vice-President of the United States, and the first Wednesday in the following February for the voting of the electors. They were 69 in number, all of whom voted for Washington for President. John Adams had i{4 votes for Vice-President, and 35 were cast for other candidates. THE ORIGIN OF POLITICAL PARTIES IX AMFTTCA. THE HON. MR. RUSSELL, OF MASSACHUSETTS, The Origin of Political Parties in America. 1. The Bitterness of Party Spirit.— The bitterness of party spirit is nev^er to be excused or defended, much less commended, yet the existence of parties seems unavoidable .n the conditions of our people, and should not be regarded as necessarily an evil. They promote watchfulness on the part of the people, and render it next to impossible for those .1 power to betray their trust or to cherish abuses that im- peril the nation. 2. The Political Parties of the Colonial Period were transplants from the mother country, with issues allied to *hose which represented the divisions of public sentiment on the other side of the ocean. The Tory was the loyalist party in England, which supported the prerogatives of the Crown, and defended its exactions and tyrannies, often to •.he hazard of the liberties and prosperity of the people. 3. The Liberalists of that day, both in England and in :he colonies, were known as Whigs. They stood for f^" lights of the people, under constitutional governmei... against the aggressions of the Crown. In the estimation of the Tory, the people exist for the government; but in the estimation of the Whig, the government exists for the people. 4. The Revolution. — During the period of the Revolu- f.on the words Tory and Whig fitly expressed the senti- ments of the parties m their relation to the mighty struggle, ^-k «." ■ h u oi < U :^^-' 2l< THE ORIGIN OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN AMERICA. 219 Dut, after independence, the word " Tory " became too ob- noxious to loyal Americans ever to be used in this country as the name of a political party. The word " Whig " never incurred odium of any sort, but it lost much of its siirniP- cance in the new conditions which followed the war, par- ticularly under the Artick-s of Confederation. 5. The Federalist Party. — Those who favored the making of a constitution and secured its adoption, belie"ing in a sirong Federal government, were designated Federal- ists, while those who opposed it in the interest of larger jjow- ers for the states were called Republicans. These were ihe parties under the Constitution. The Federalists elected the first President, George Washington, and set the new gov- ernment in operation. They interpreted the grants of power made in the Constitution quite liberally, assuming that the purpose of that instrument was to constitute the United States an independent sovereignty. 6. The Opposition Grew. — The Federalist party, after incorporating its essential principles in the government, and electing Washington twice and" John Adams once, would seem to have had prestige and power enough to maintain itself and conquer opposition; but the opposition grew in intensity and virulence, and the party in power fell under odium through the unwise action of some of its adherents who, in its name, sought for enlargements of power not in the Constitution and never contemplated by the real found- ers of the government. 7. Democratic-Republican Party. — In the meantime the opposition, then known as the Democratic-Republican party, had acquiesced in the adoption of the Constitution, accepted its provisions, increased in public favor and gath- ered strength to gain control of the government by the election of Thomas Jefferson to the presidency. By this time the original issues between the parties had passed away, and new questions had arisen, so that "Federalist" and "Republican'' had come to mean something widely dif- ferent from the ideas which were attached to them m the earlier history of the parties. 8. The Party of Jefferson and Madison. — The party of Jefferson and Madison, the first competitor of the party which elected Washington and Adams, became the party of the government upon the accession of Mr. Jefferson, and, in the broadest sense, the National party, the events i)receding and causing the war of 1812 contributing largely to the expansion of its principles, as well as to its triumph, in the complete overthrow of the Federalist party. 2'2t THE ORIGIN OF POLITICAL l-AKliKS IN AMERICA. 9. Re-Elected Without Oppositicn.— The people who supported Jefferson and Madison approved tne enlarge- jiieiit of their ideas, carried the war to a successful issue, and elected Mr. Monroe to the presidency, leaving the remnant of the Fecieralist party scattered and powerless. Under Monroe's first administration the old issues became obsolete, and party organizations ceased to exist. He was le-elected substantially without opposition. In the fullest tense he was the President of the people. When his sec- ond term expired there were no organized parties to pu: candidates in the field, after the modern methods. The old Federalist party was dead; the old Republican party Lad outgrown itself as a party, had expanded its creed, pos- sessed the government and lost identity as a party in suc- cessful administration. No existing political party can possibly antedate this epoch in our national history — an epoch distinguished in our political annals as the era of peace and good-will. 10. The Democratic Party. — Such was the creed of the Democratic party when it first became a party. That creed, like all creeds, was a growth. It never sprang ma- tured from any man's brain. Its germinal ideas accorded with the principles which guided Mr. Jefferson's adminis- tration after "^is practical statesmanship had lifted him above the vagaries of his earlier years, and made his con- duct of the government wise and vigorous. Tiie real seed- thoughts of tlie party, however, were found in the adminis- tration of Andrew Jackson, or rather in the discussions ex- cited by his acts while in office. The doctrines promulgated by his followers,which were afterward formulated into a creed for the party, were not made prominent in connection with pending cjuestions, so as to be effective in his first election. 11. No Political Organizations. — When Mr. Monroe's successor was to be chosen there were no political organiza- tions to nominate candidates. In this condition of affairs what might have been anticipated came to pass. Several statesmen of high character were broui,'lit forward by their jtersonal friends as worthy to receive the electoral votes of the states. Adams, Jackson, Clay, Crawford and White became candidates, although the last two were scarcely recognized as such outside of their own states. The fir.-.*: three were the real competitors. They were all friends ot ihe administration; tiieir following was not partisan, but personal. The electoral votes were so divided that ni choice was mace and the election was carried into the House of Representatives. Jackson had the largest num- ber of votes, out not enough to elect him. THE ORIGIN OF POLITICAL PARTIKS IN AMERICA. 221 12. John Quincy Adams. — The friends of Adams and Cay united their forces and gave the election to Adams, ar.d Adams made Clay his secretary of state. This trans- s.ction had the appearance of barter and gave great offense to the followers of Jackson, who raised the cry of bargain and sale, and lost no time in determining to oppose the administration thus inaugurated. They rallied to the sup- port of their chief, determined to elect him at the end of four years, a purpose they pursued with tireless energy till it was accomplished. This organized opposition to John Ouincy Adams, in the interest of Andrew Jackson, was known as the Jackson party. The supporters of Adams •were known as the Administration party. 13. The Whig Party. — It was inevitable that political parties so distinctly marked and openly struggling for suc- cess, should have distinguishing names. These were soon found. The Jackson party took the name Democrat, and became the Democratic party. As an organization it re- mains till this day. The other party took to itself the honored name of the party of the Revolutionary patriots, and tecame the Whig party. Adams was its candidate for re- e.ection, but failed; Jackson was elected. He was the first Democratic President, using the term in its modern sense, 14. The Fate of the Whig Party.— The fate of the V.'hig party, coming as it did through complications with the slavery question, affords lessors of profound signifi- cance. As a party it comprised a large share of the intelli- cence and talent of the country. Its principles commanded the approval of the most gifted of the nation. Its methods were open and honorable; and, so far as it affected the legislation of the countiy, its influence was beneficial. A more patriotic party never sought the favor of the Amer- ican people; yet its success was limiteil, as it never enjoyed the privilege of an unbroken administration of the govern- ment. It el'^cted two Presidents, and both died in office. Its first President, General Harrison, died in a month aftei his inauguration, before his policy could be developed, and the Vice-President, on whom the duties of the presidency de- volved, proved untrue to the party which elected him, and defeated the measures on which the hearts of the people were set. 15. The Abolition Party.— The downfall of the Whig- party dates from its defeat in 1852. The influence of the " Third party" was something, but not a powerful factor in its overtnrow. The assumption that it was a chief agency is not supported by the facts. In 1840 and in 1844 the abolition party cast an inconsiderable vote, which did not 15 222 THE ORIGIN OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN AMERICA. amount to a disturbing element in the elections of those years. In 1848 the "Free-Soil" party was in the field with a broader platform and with a greater element of strength. i6. Large Free-Soil Vote. — The nomination of Gen- eral Taylor by the Whigs alienated the Ouakers and some other anti-slavery people from the Whig party; while the nomination of Lewis Cass by the Democrat.5 offended many in that party, particularly in the state of New York, and prepared the way for the large Free-Soil vote cast that year — the largest ever cast. Martin Van Buren bolted the nomination of Cass, and he and his special adherents expressed sympathy with Free-Soilism, probably as much to defeat his old competitor. General Cass, as to advance the cause of freedom. He was nominated by the Free-Soil party and accepted. His candidacy drew from the Demo- crats about as many votes as were drawn from the Whigs, and aided not in the destruction of the Whig party, but in the election of General Taylor. The Free-Soil vote of 1852 was much less than in 1S4>^. 17. The Know-Nothing Party. — Then came the Know- Nothing furor, which swept the country like a tornado, dis- rupting party lines as nothing had ever done before. It was not a third party, but a movement of extraordinary charac- ter, forming an anomalous chapter in the history of Ameri- can politics. The Whig party was already out of the field, and never again confronted its old competitor. 18. The Republican Party.— The Democratic party, though badly shattered, being in power, managed to survive as a party. Out of the debris came the Republican party, organized and drilled, ready for the fray, in 1856. Into it came the anti-slavery elements of all the old parties, includ- ing all the voters of the Free-Soil party, who were in it from principle. Pro-slavery Whigs went over to the Democrats. Thus after the culmination of the slave power, and after the sifting of the Know-Nothing storm, the lines of the parties were finally drawn upon the issues thrust upon the country by the aggressions of slavery. The practical question de- manding settlement was the extension of slavery into the territories. The Republican party squarely accepted this issue ; but, anti-slavery as it was, it proposed no interference with the institution in the states where it existed. 19. Lincoln and Johnson. — Looking backward from the present, the discovery that the Republican party has made mistakes is no evidence of superior discernment. It did not develop its own scheme of reconstruction. The death of Mr. Lincoln was followed by embarrassments through the defection of Andrew Johnson, that crippled its opera- THE ORIGIN OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN AMERICA, 223 tioni, and forced contentment with half-way measures. With his unquestioned loyalty to the Union, Mr. Johnson was at heart a Democrat, and in the crisis of reconstruction his Democratic instincts asserted themselves, throwing into confusion the counsels of those who had given him power. In debate he was the peer of the strongest men of his times, and having the courage of his convictions his exercise of the veto power was prompt and vigorous. With less of kindliness toward the south than Mr. Lincoln possessed, his sense of obligation to the whole country and to the future was dull in comjiarison with that which character- ized his predecessor, the illustrious martyr. In these cir- cumstances it was impossible for the party to carry into effect any measure that encountered his prejudices. Com- promise in reconstruction was therefore inevitable. 20. The Stamp of its Power. — Nevertheless the Re- publican party has been a success and as such it will pass into history whether it shall ever elect another President or not. Its fundamental principles inherited frcm the Whig party, and those developed in the fires of its conflicts, have been wrought into the fabric of the government, so that no party will attempt their elimination. The stamp of its power is in the Constitution, in the established rights of suffrage, in the national currency, and in everything to the mainte- nance of the national honor at home and abroad. 21. Other Parties. — There have been other parties which have figured more or less in the political field. The Anti-Masonic party has Lad an ephemeral existence, but never reached the dignity of a national party, and exerted only an incidental influence in public affairs. The same is true of the Abolition and Free-Soil parties, previously named. There was an American parly, the product of Know-Noth- ingism, which lingered for a while after the storm, and con- tributed to the confusion that reigned in political circles during the interval between the going down of the Whig party and the development of the Republican party. There was a "Union" party in the field prior to the war, known as the Bell-Everett party, from the names of the candidates; but it wasonly a temporary expedient, a sort of post-mortem wriggle of defunct Whigism, where the Republican move- ment was unable to obtain recognition. 22. The Prohibition Party. — The Froiiibition party came into the field at a later date, and exhibited greater persistency than some of the other "third parties," having under it a noble sentiment, and in it men of moral worth and philan- thropic aim; but even this party never had the prospect of reaching the goal of its ambition, and never made any direct contribution toward the destruction of political evils. 224 PAKTY GOVERNMENT. The Prohibition party, however, has tor more than a quarter of a century shown a tenacity and an unswerving hold to principle that will, sooner or later, give it prestige among the great parties, or incorporate its principles in sop''e other great partv, not vet formed. 23. People's Party.— The last experiment in this line, the so-called People's party, has puzzled and bev/ildercd many astute manipulators of public sentiment, yet inspiring a high degree of hopefulness with regard to beneficial results The practical lesson deducible from this summary of political history is that there is no foundation for a political party to stand upon that is either broad enough or strong enough to give the slightest hope of achieving success in controlling the affairs of the nation, except some principle of construing the Constitution of the United States, which is sufficiently far-reaching to touch every department of the government and to de'termine the character and genius of our institutions. Party Government. 1. The Purchased Vote.— Elections go by extremes; first one way and then the other. It is thus seen that a large proportion of the voting population is easily changed. In every national election thousands and millions of dollars are expended directly and indirectly in the purchase of votes. Large sums of money pass over the bars of the saloon at every election, left there by candidates or their friends, for this unrighteous purpose, and hence men are too often entrusted with an office because of their influence over the low and vicious classes rather than on account of their fit- ness and qualifications. 2. The Most Important Functions.— Among the most important functions of these organizations are the selection of candidates and the adoption of a platfcrm or declaration of principles. These responsible duties are intrusted to conventions, conijiosed of delegates chosen for the purpose at the i)arty elections, known as the primaries. 3. Divisions.— Those who have so far conformed to the rules of a partv as to be entitled to vote at its primnries may be divided into two classes, as follows: 1. Citizens who PARTY GOVERNMENT. 225 have no special advantages to gain, and whose only motive for participation is their desire for good government. 2. Those who are actuated by personal ambition or hopes of securing office, contracts, or pecuniary benefits. 4. Time and Labor. — In order to carry the primaries a considerable amount of time and labor must necessarily be expended. The voters must communicate with each other; views must be compared and harmonized; candidates sug- gested, interviewed and agreed upon; tickets prepared and supplied, and concert of action secured. 5. Trickery and Fraud.— But the majority of citizens, engrossed as they are with private business and family cares, have neither time nor inclination for such tasks. And when their reluctance is overcome, as it occasionally is by their sense of public duty, they are likely to find that their opponents have no hesitation in resorting to misrepresenta- tion, trickery, or fraud, in order to control the result. Under these circumstances a small but well-disciplined, energetic and unscrupulous minority can generally defeat the honor- able and patriotic majority. It is therefore not surprising that honest and industrious citizens are apt to conclude that it is useless for them to take part in such contests. 6. Party Leaders. — Public offices, contracts and pat- ronage are what they work for and what they must have, by fair means if possible, but if not, then by whatever means niay be necessary. For this purpose they are obliged to combine among themselves and to submit to such leaders as may seem best able to direct their efforts and to secure and apportion among them the prizes they covet. Having once acquired complete control of a nominating convention, their natural desire is, of course, to nominate such candi- dates as will best serve their own personal interests, and in the absence of factional fights among themselves, the only real check upon this desire is their fear of losing enough of the more independent votes to turn the scale in the general elections. 7. Candidates. — This conflict between what they would like to do and what they dare to do, usually results in their nominating such men as have no more honesty and inde- pendence than may seem to be absolutely necessary for ultimate success. And if they can secure candidates who are generally believed to be able and honorable, but who will really obey and assist the spoilsmen, the temptation to nominate them, and thus deceive and outwit the people, can hardly be resisted. 8. Party Platform. — In the construction of a party plat- form the leaders are naturally governed by similar motives. Filling the Party Orator with Political Wind. 'J'Jii PARTY CvAERNMIiNT. 227 and, instead of publishing a fraiik statement of their real objects and intentions, they are disposed to adopt whatever may seem most likely to attract the voters. In their effort to do this they seek to treat almost every subject of public interest, but there are necessarily some points in regard to uhich even the members of their own party are divided, and it is one of the defects of party government that while many voters find sentiments which they disapprove in each platform, they can see no alternative but to cast their ballots for one or the other and thus seem to endorse and support ideas to which they are really opposed. 9. Vote for the Best Men. — It would appear, therefore, that our system of political parties must necessarily tend to place the selection of our candidates and the declaration of our principles into the hands of a small minority of compara- tively selhsh and unscrupulous men. It is therefore evident that in order to secure good laws and preserve our free institutions we must vote for the best men, regardless of party. 10. Candidate Belongs to a Party.— Under such a sys- tem, if a candidate belongs to a party which happens to be on the most popular side of some leading question, like the tariff or silver coinage, his lack of integrity or personal ability must be very glaring to prevent his election. And when he takes his seat in a legislative body, and it becomes his duty to make a careful study of some important ques- tion, to sift the evidence and reach a wise and just con- clusion, he, who should be like an impartial judge or an unprejudiced juryman, may be found to be only the bond- servant of the leaders of his party, a mere automaton for the registering of their decrees. 11. The Remedy. — The business and industrious classes will have to take more of an active part in the elections. The farmer must leave his farm for a few hours and the busi- ness man his store or office and meet in the primaries and caucuses and defeat the wardheelers and unprincipled politicians who are always on hand to advance the interests of some unworthy candidate. The time has come when men must take an interest in the government under which they live and to which they must look for liberty and pros- perity; and the time must come when men must not vote for party, but for the best men; men who are honest and will fearlessly do their duty regardless of the party influences- A public officer must work for the interest of the people at large, and not solely for the party which placed him in power. The President of the United States, to be a good executive of the nation, must be a President of the United 228 PARTY GOVERNMENT. Stales in fact and not simply a president of the party which placed him in office— and the same principle should apply to every executive or le,i,nslative oHice in the gift of the people. 12. The National Parties. — The national parties as Macy in his Civil Government says, are the agencies which render it possible for millions of people to choose their rulers and express themselves on national questions. They are thoroughly organized. Each party has a national com- mittee, a committee in each state, one in each county and often one in each township. They hold caucuses, prima- ries, and conventions; select candidates for office; formulate political doctrines; hold meetings, persuade voters and in various ways strive to secure a majority of the votes. 13. TwoPartiesOnly.— It is desirable that the parties be only two in number. They are artificial agencies for obtaining majorities; and if there are more than two of them, this becomes more difficult. A third party may be organized for the purpose of advocating certain opinions, and of influencing the regular parties to adopt those opin- ions; but as soon as one of the parties may be induced to adopt the opinions of the third party, the latter should dis- band. If a third party attempts to keep up a separate or- ganization after it loses its distinctive principles, it becomes a source of confusion and corruption to the voters. 14. The Third Party. — A third party may be organ- ized for the purpose of displacing one of the old parties. Such a plan is almost sure to fail. We have in our history orie notable instance: the Republican party displaced the Whig party; but the circumstances were peculiar. It would be a great waste of jiolitical energy to disband all the counties of the state, and then organize new counties in their place. It is likewise a waste of political energy to disband an old party and organize a new party to take its place. There must be peculiar circumstances to justify iuch a waste. It is not an easy task to make seventy mill- ions of people acquamted with a new organization. 229 ^A^^<:^'^ ^'''V'* NO THANKSGIVING HERE^i892. Farmer Ben: " Great gosh, the turkey's gone!" The Landslide of 1892. Each party has its own exjilanatioii of tlie event. Each having in its time xperienced both reverses and vic- tories, understands that what now seems a most emphatic popular verdict may be reversed at the very next election. 9. Not Good for the Country.^-No one can think that the sudden and violent party changes to which tlie country is subject are cnducive to its political health and its ma- terial prosperity; nevertheless we must expect them to occur occasionally. 10. Changes of Political Issues. — Changes of political issues, and the condiiinns incident to a large and increasing foreign element in the population, have something to do in producing them. Thecaprice of a large number of men who are not sutliciently well instructed to have decided views on the great financial questions upon which parties are now divided, cause the most of the shifting of votes from cu>« side 10 the other. 230 •l?,l ><: A SUDDEN CHANGE IN THE ELECTION RETURNS. 2;i2 THE SPOILS SYSTEM IN AMERICAN POLITICS. 233 The Spoils System in American Poli- tics. The election of officers is secured by the united action of the voters — not all the voters. Hence the persons elected ordinarily feel indebted to certain active men of the com- munity and if they do not do all in their power as a public officer to reward their supporters, they are looked upon as ungrateful. Thus has grown up a system of vassalage, or a feudal tenure of office. In this way, after parties have come into power, their ability to dispose of patronage acts as a cement to keep the party together. 1. Loaves and Fishes. — As soon as a party succeeds in electing its candidate to office there are plenty within its ranks to look about for loaves and fishes. And the more power the officer has to distribute good things by creating or filling vacancies in minor offices, the more he is besieged and the more likely he is to serve his party rather than the people in the administration of his office. The result of the spoils system is that many elections, involving no policy of government except the honesty and ability of the candidates, degenerate into desperate struggles between members of two parties for a means of livelihood. In any consideratio« of the spoils system it is important to examine its cloak. 2. The Curse of National Politics. — How absurd it is to drag national politics into local elections; to elect a mayor because he favors tariff reform or to defeat a candidate for constable because he thinks the national government should enter upon the free coinage of silver. Such a practice caa- not be excused except from a party standpoint. For it I can see but two motives: first, the securing of office and patron- age as spoils and, second, the holding of voters together so that they can be relied upon when national issues do arise. In this way many a person who would be the choice of the people to perform the duties of an office has been defeated, much to the detriment of the public service. The existence of these facts indicates a weakness in our elec- tion machinery which should not be overlooked by the voters of this free land of ours. 234 THE SPOII-S SYSTEM IN AMERICAN POLITICS. The Ward Heeler Demanding a Contribution for PoUtl' cal Purposes. 3. Bribery and Corruption. — By the use of the Aus- tralian system o£ votiiiLT, the danger of bribery and corrup- tion in elections has been overcome to a considerable ex- tent. The secrecy enforced in voting is the point of safety. BEFORE ELECTION. The Politician is Pleased to See Mr. Jones. 18 2.35 THE SPOILS SYSTLM IN AMERICAN POLITICS. 237 By that simple device the would-be purchaser of a vote is deprived of the means of absolute certainty that the vender of a vote voted according to contract. But, notwithstand- ing the secrecy incident to voting, practical politicians assert that many votes are still bought. Probably the in- struments now most conducive to the purchase and sale of votes are the separate party ballots and the paster ballot. But as these are already in much disfavor, it is to be hoped they will soon disappear. 4. Trading Votes. — "If you will vote my ticket for mayor, I will vote your ticket for governor." How often is such a proposition made and accepted between voters of good standing in the community, but of opposite politics! Such a transaction does not come within the statute relat- ing to bribery; but I do not believe it can be defended from an ethical point of view. If as is generally conceded, the state can rightfully claim that it is the duty of citizens to vote, it necessarily follows that each voter is under obliga- tions to pass upon each matter according to his best judg- ment. What would be thought of a judge if he should an- nounce that he would decide a certain case upon the merits of some other? If judges cannot properly trade decisions, voters should not trade votes. 5. Parties as They are Managed. — Parties go on con- tending because their members have formed a habit of joint action, and have contracted hatred and prejudices and als« because the leaders find it to their advantage in using these habits and playing upon these prejudices. The American parties continue to exist because they have existed. The mill has been constructed and the machinery goes on turn- ing, even where there is no grist to grind. But this is not wholly the fault of the men, for the system of government requires i)arties just as that of England does. These sys- tems are made to be worked, and always have been worked by a majority. The majority must be cohesive, gathered into a united and organized body. Such a body is a party. 6. The Political Boss. — "The evil to be remedied is the dictation of the political boss. As parties are now consti- tuted, nominatio; s are made, not by the community or any considerable portion of it, but by a single man, who for the time being is in control of the party machine. No man can hold office except by the consent of such a boss, and when rebelled against it means defeat. I know of no remedy for this state of things because the public stand idly by an D D D D d'd'd D D D D . R R .... R R D D D Arkansas D D D D D D D D D D California .... D D R R R R R D R R D R R R Colorado i I....I. .. R R R R P D D R Connecticut R N RD VV W vv D R R R R R D R D D D R R R Delaware , K N R W w W vv u D D DDR D D D D D K R R Florida WD D D R R R D D D D D D D Georgia D D W w D WD DD D D D D D D D P D D D D D Idaho. R TllinnU D D D D D W D w D D b D d!d b R R R R R R R R R R R D R R R R R D R R R R D U R k R R R R R R Tnf]i,nnn D R R R R Iowa D D R Kansas R R R R R R R P D R R Kentucky D D R R R N R W D D D D N R W N R W w \v w \v w W D D W W VV VV D VV VV VV D D D VV D D R A R U D R D R D R R R D D R D R R D R R D D R D R D D R D D R D D R D R R D K R R D D R R R L> Louisiana D Maine R Maryland . D D D D D Massachusetts.. R R R R R Mirhig.-in D w D D D R R R R R R R R R R R R R w D D R D R R R R g R D R D R D R D R D S R Mississippi I) D D D D D Missouri D D D D D D D D D R R D D D D D D R D D D D R Montana R Nebraska . .... .... .... R R R R R R R R D R R R R R P D D R D R Nevada R New Hampshire K D D O D D D R R R R R R R R R R }< R R New Jersey R D W W W VV D D D D D R D D D D D R R R R New York I) n T) w D VV D R R R D R D R D R D R R North Carolina.. 1) D D w W VV D D D R R D D D D D D D D NorthDakota.... 1 P R R R Ohio D D W \v VV D b R R R R R R D R R R R R|R R R R R R R R R R R R Oregon R Pennsylvania .... I) I) n w n VV b D R R R R R R R R R R R R Rhode Island ... H N R T) w vv VV D R R R R R R R R R K R R R South Carolina.. i) \V \V I) D D D D D R R R D L> D D D D D South Dakota... .... .... 1 R D R R Tennessee 1) D \V w VV VV W b U R D b b b b D D D L> Texas D D D D D D D'D D D D D U Utah ...}. 1 D D R R Vermont K A M W w vv,\v VV R R R R R R R R R R R R R Virginia T) D D D D D D D U R D D D D D D D L> Washington .... .... .... .... R R R R 1 R R 1 b b R|R D R R D D D R R R R R R West Virginia ... Wisconsin „. R D D R R R R R Wyoming .... .... — ""\"" 1... 1 R ^ R R S5 1889 1889 1893 1893 1897 1897 1901 1905 1905 Secretaries of State Secrrlaries of the Treasury Secretaries of War Millard Fillmore Daniel Webster Edward Everett Thomas Corwin Jaracs Gutnric CM. Conrad Fr;ml-;lin Pitrcc fWilliam R. King W. L. Marcy Jefferson Davis ■ amcs Buchanan ] ohn C. Breckinridge Lewis Ca?s J. S. Blaci Howell Cobb Philip F.Thomas John A. Dix Salmon P.Chase \V. P. Fcssenden HughMcCuUoch John B. Floyd Joseph Holt ♦tAhraham Lincoln Hannibal Hamlin Anilriw Johnson W. H. S.ward S. Cameron E. M. SiantoQ Andrew Johnson W. H. Seward HughMcCulloch E. M. StantoQ U. S. Grant L. Thomas J. M. SchofieU ♦Ulyssts S. Grant Schuylir Colfax tUeary W lison E. B.Washbume Hamilton Fish Geo. S. BoutwcU W.A.Richardstm Benj. H. Bristow Lot M. MorriU J. A. Rawlins W. T. Sherma* W. W. Belknap .Mphonso Taft J. D. Cameron Rutherford B. Hayes William A. Wheeler W. M. Evarts John Sherman G. W. McCrary Alex. Ramsey t James A. Garfield Chester A. Arthur James G. Blaine Wm. Windom R. T. Lincoln Chester A. Arthur F.T. FreUnghuy- scn Chas. J . Folger \V. Q. Gresham HughMcCulloch R. T. Lincoln Grovt-r Cleveland tThos. A. Hendricks Thos. F. Bayard Dan Manning Chas.S.Fairchild W. P. Edicott Benjamin Harrison Levi P. Morton James G. Blaine John W. Foster Wm. Windom Charles Foster R. Proctor S. B. Elkins Grovcr Cleveland Adlai E. Stevenson W. Q. Gresham Richard OIney John G. Carhsle Lyman J . Gage D. S. Laraont *tWilliam McKinley tGarrel A. Hobarl Theodore Roosevelt John Sherman Wm R. Day John Hay John Hay R. A. Alger EUhu Root Theo0S for Cowdrey, 1,591 for Curtis and 9,S45 scattering. Harrison had 98,017 less than Cleveland. Of the whole vole Harrison had 47.S3 per cent., Cleveland 48.03, Fisk 2.21 and Streeter 1.28. 1892— Cleveland had 5,556,918 to 5,176,108 for Harri.^on, 204,133 for BidwcU, 1,041,028 lor Weaver and 21,104 for Wing. Cleveland had over H.irnson 380,>>10. < )f tiie whole vote Cleveland had 45.73 p^r cent., Harrison 42.49, Bidwell, 2.17 and Weaver 8.07. 1890— .McRinlcv had 7,104,779, Rrvan 6,.')02,925, Levering 132,007, Bcndey 13,909, Matthett 30,274, I'almcr 133,14.S. Mci'winley had over Bryan 001,854 votes. Of the whole vote Mckinley had 50.49 per cent, and Bryan 40.20. 1900— McKinlcy had 7,217,810 to 6,357,820 for Bry.in, 208,791 for Woolley. 50 21.S lor Barker, 87,709 for Debs, 39,944 for .Malloney, 518 for lxon.ird and 5,0J8 for Fliis. McKinlev over Bryan, 859,984. Mctvinley's majority over aU, 3j/,OiO. Of the whole vote McKinlcy received 51.06 per cent, and Bryan 45.51 per cent. 1904— Roosevelt had 7,020,785 to 5,080,304 for Parker, 257,419 for Swallow, 387,644 for Debs, 109,742 for Watson, 42,200 for Corngan and .^oO for Hol- comb. RooseNiU over Parker, 2,540,4bl. Koosevell's majority over all, 1,742,040. Of the whole vote Roosevelt received 57.13 per cent, and Parker 38 per cent. Of the presidents, Adams, federalist; Polk, Buchan.in .ind Cleveland, dem- ocrats; Taylor, whig; Lincoln (first urm), Haye.s, tlarlield and Harrison, repub- licans, did not, wh> n elected, receive a majority of the popular vote. I he high- est percentage cf iK)pular vole received by any president was 5( .13 for Roosevelt, republican, in 1901; the lowest. .39.91 for Lincohi, republican, m ISOO; Buchaa- aa. democrat, next lowest, with 45.34. PRESIDENTIAL VOTE. 251 [PRESIDENTIAL VOTE (1828-1904). Yr. 1828 1828 1832 1S32| 1832' 1832 1830 1836 183(5 1836 1836 1840 1840 1840 1844 1S44 lS4t 1848 1848 1848 1852 1852 1852 1856 1856 1856 1860 1860 1860 1860 1864 1864 1868 1868 1872 1872 1872 1872 1876 1876 1876 1876, Candidate Party Popular Vole r^ Yr. Candidate Party Jackson. Adams JacKson. Clay. Flovd. Wirt VanBun-n.. Harrison.... White Webster Mangum.... VanBurcn.. Harrison.... Bimey Polk .. Clay .. Birney Taylor Cass VanBureru. Pierce Scott Hale Buchanan.. Fremont Fillmore .... Douglas . .. Brcckinr'gc Lincoln Bell McClellan. Lincoln Seymour.... Grant Greeley O 'Conor Grant . Black .. Tilden. Hayes . ' Cooper ■ Smith .. Dem Fed'l.... Dem .... ■ Whig .. ]\Vhig .. L-\nli--\I Ucm ... Whig .. Whig .. Whig .. Whig .. Dem.... Whig .. Lib'ty.. I Dem.... iWhig .. I Lib'ty.. Whig .. Dem.... Free S. Dem.... Whig .. Free S. Dem.... Rep .... -Amer'n Dem.... Dem.... Rep .... L nion.. Dem.... Rep .... Dem.... Rep ..„ Dem.... Ind.D. Rep .... iTemp.. Dem.... Rep ... G. B._. Prohib 736,65Gi 647,231 178 50.^,0^7 83 6Sr.502 21'J 530,189, -19 11 33,108, 7 761,519 170 I 73 26 14 ' I 1' 1,128,702 60 1,275.017 234, 7.0.59 1.337,243 170 1,299,068 105, 62,300 1 1,360,101,163 1,220,544, 107 1 291,263' I 1,601,474 254 1, .380,6781 42 156.149 ! 1,838 169 174 1,341,264 114 874,534 1,375,157 84.5,763 1,866,352 ■5S9,.581| 1,808,725 2,216 067'216 2,709,6131 80 3,015,071 214 2,834,079*66 29,40S' 3,597,070 292 5,608' 4,284,885 184 4,033,950 185 81,740—.. 9,522 ...._ 8 12 72 180 39 21 1876 1880 1880 18S0 1880 1880 1884 1884 1884 1884 1888 1888 1888 1888 1888 1892 1892 1892 1892 1892 11896 1806 1890 1890 1 1896 1896 1900 1900 1900 1900 1900 1900 1900 1900 1904 1904 1904 1904 1904 1904 1904 Walker ' Hancock .... Garheld .... Weaver Dow Phelps Cleveland.. Blaine Butler St. John Cleveland .. Harrison.... Streeter Fisk CoW'drey .... Cleveland .. Harrison .... Bidwell Weaver Wing McKinley.. Bryan Levering .... Bentlcy Matchett.... Palmer McKinley .. Bryan Woolley Barker Debs Malloney... Leonard .... Ellis Roosevelt .. Parker Swallow .... Debs Watson Corregan.... Holcomb.... .Amcr.. Dem .. Rep ... G.B... Prohib Amer Dem .. Rep.... G. B Prohib Dem .. Rep. U. L Prohib U. L... Dem . Rep... Prohib Pcop .. Soc... Rep. Dem Prohib Xat Soc. L Nat.D Rep ... Dem. Prohib Pcop Soc. D Soc. L U.Chr U.R.... Rep .... Dem Prohib Soc... Pcop Soc . . Con . Popular Vote 2,636 4,442.035 155 4,449,0.53 214 307,306, 10.487 707! 4,911,017 219 4,848,334 182 133,825 151,809! 5,538,233; 168 5,440,216,233 141,105' 249,937 2,808 5,.556,918,277 5,176,108,145 264,133..-.. 1,041.0281 22 21,i64l 7,10S,779,271 6.502,925 17i> 132,107 13.969 36,274 133,148 7,217,810 292 6,357,826 155 208,791 50,218 87,769 39,944 518 5,098 7,620,785 5,080 304 257,419 387,644 109,742 42,206 830 336 140 *0win2 to the death of Mr. Greely, the 66 electoral votes were variously cast. Thomas A. Hendricks received 42, B. Gratz Brown, IS; Horace Greely, 3; Charles J. Jenkins, 2; David Davis, 1. ABBREVIATIONS.— Dem., Democratic; Fed., Federal-, Anti-M., Anti- Mason; Lib'ty, Liberty; Free S., Free Soil; Rep., Republican; Amer., American; Ind. D., Independent Democratic; Temp., Temperance; G. B., Greenback; Prohib., Prohibition; U. L., Union Labor; Pcop., People's Party; Soc, Social- istic; Nat., National; Soc. L., Sociahstic Labor; Nat. D., National Democratic; Soc. D., Socialistic Democrat; U. Chr., United Christian; U. R., Union Re- ptibhcan; Con., Continental. 352 ELECTOR.\L VOTE BY STATES. ELECTORAL VOTE BY STATES. 1904. 1 1900. 1890. STA TE. 1904. 1900. isdo. STATE. r a' 3 3 1 >! f a Q- b '■i (3 &• 5- b b >3 >> >i ?0 ■ 50 Ahbaraa 11 11 11 Nebraska 8 8 8 Arkansas California q s K 3 3 'A 10 9 "s 1 N.Hampshire 41 4 4 Colorado 5 4 4 New Jer.sty... 12 '." lU — Connecticut .. 7 6 6 New York 39 36 36 Delaware 3 3 3 N. Carolina . 12 11 11 5 13 4 13 3 :::: 4 13 3 N. Dakota Ohio 4 3 1 3 '\ 23 4 23 4 Idaho 3 Oregon Illinois 27 24 24 Pennsylvania. 34 32 32 Indiana 15 15 15 Rhodelsland.. 4 4 4 Iowa 13 10 13 10 13 1 10 'S. Carolina .... iS. Dakota ■""■■4 9 : 9 4 — tf Kansas .._ 4 Kentucky 13 13 12 li Tennessee 12 ! 12 12 Louisiana Maine 9 s K Texas. IS ll> li 6 1 ■y 6 S 6 8 Utah 3 4 3 4 "4 3 Maryland Vermont "V^ Massachus'tts 16 15 15 1 Virginia 12 1 12 12 Michigan 14 14 14 .Washington .. i) 4! 4 Minnesota 11 9 9 W. Virginia.... V 6i b — Mississippi .... 10 9 9i \\ isconsin 13 12:.._. 12i.. Missouri 18 .; 1 17 3 17 i 3 Wyoming 3 3I 1 ^ Montana 3 1 1 1 Total 330 140 292 155 271il76 IMMIGRATION IXTO THE UNITED STATE.S. 253 IMMIGRATION INTO THE UNITED STATES. Fiscal years ended J une 30. 1'903. 1904. CO VNTRY. Male. 147,984 2,308 4,554 3,513 24,861 13,034 180,906 2,499 16,249 5,829 5,313 92,935 1,699 1,733 29.808 2,790 1,453 15,-593 15,956 3,963 835 3 580,484 Female J Total. 58,027 206,011 Male. Female. Total. 118,783 2,593 5,594 5,305 26,565 10,949 150,068 3,164 15,070 4,165 3,755 59.533 1,414 3,103 4,017 19,9.55 501 44,087 1,719 8,058 2,.549 3,541 49,575 94 480 13,020 1,720 160 14,928 20,229 4,305 644 1 178,316 1.152 2.604 2,065 15,225 456 43,656 1,499 8,212 3,478 3,997 43,158 62 347 16,220 1,187 76 10,626 19,344 2,190 440 2 234,023 3,400 7,158 5,578 40 080 14,090 230,022 3,998 24,461 9,307 9,310 4,007 8,097 9,322 German Empire ~ 40,520 11,450 Ttalv 194,155 MpthprlanHs 4,883 23,728 6,714 7,296 136,093 94,563 1,761 1,372 2,080 2.758 40,028 14,798 144,138 1,466 3,238 27,824 3,983 1,529 26,219 35,300 6,153 1,275 5 3,290 3,988 22,937 10,502 6,748 1,185 3 5.016 4,14S United Kingdom— England.... 1 rplanrl 37,805 30,731 11,113 \Val*"S 1,820 Europe, not specifieci — 4 Total Europe.- 814,507 514,161 254.299 768,460 2,167 15,909 79 5,114 507 23,776 42 4,059 15 2,004 70 2,209 19,908 94 7,118 577 29,966 3,647 11,417 237 3,989 1,820 21,110 112 1,029 18 1,070 201 3,759 13,046 255 5,659 Other Asia 2,021 6,190 3,630 24,740 Africa 121 796 123 58 728 477 416 405 5,743 19 55 354 9 41 300 199 112 184 2,427 176 1,150 132 99 1,028 076 528 589 8,170 25 610 1.045 260 109 3.114 517 754 1.430 7.008 35 83 498 8 30 1,190 236 249 619 3,617 23 264,482 693 Au'^tralia. etc 1,543 26« Pirifif Islands 199 Brilisli North America 4,304 Central .\merica 753 Mexico 1,003 South America 2,056 Other countries 11,28« 58 Grand total 613,146 243,900 |857,046 550.879 815.361 1 IMMIGRATION SINCE 1870. 1870 _ 3<^7,203 1877 . 1871 321, S.W 1878. 1872 . 411.806 1879 1873 4.^^,803 1880 . 1874 . .313,339 1881 1875 227.498 1882 . 1870... 109,986,1883. The total recorded im of the government is. in Years ended June 1884. 1S85. .141.857 .138.409 .177.820 ISSO ..457.257,1887 .009.431,1888 .788,992' 1889 .603.322 1890 .518.592 .395.340 334,203 490.109 .540,889 444,427 30. 1891 500,3191 1892 623,084 1893 .502,917 1894 285,0311 1895 258,.530 1896 343,267 .455.302,1897 230,832 1898 229,29« 1899 311,715 1900 448,572 1901 487,918 1902 648,74a 1903 857,04* 1904 815,361 migration into the United States since the orgaoiteticm round numbers, 20,000.000 piTsons. 254 lAMILIES, DWELLING.S AND OW.M-RSHIP OF HOMES. FAMILIES. DWELLINGS AND OWNERSHIP OF HOMES. (Census rJOO ) IX THE STATES AND TERRITORIES. ST A TE. Faniiiics. Dwellings. Homes oj Private Familits. Total. Owned. "722,449 7,212 15,317 119,827 146.994 54,905 76.855 13,641 12,908 50.930 120,007 6,321 24,370 451. .597 312,283 24,531 282.760 183,280 218,142 83,575 102,537 90,702 200,127 330,270 208,189 102,645 322,244 28,503 120,705 6,511 50„593 130,0.55 29,223 521,537 16,5,222 49,163 481,592 59,762 50.174 5.23,843 20,009 77,054 50,785 179,175 261.933 36.724 47,751 170,574 57,204 98,469 274,010 9,674 7,218,755 Hired. 231,180 1,644 10,545 130,411 162,275 61,386 119,094 23,835 40.753 55,920 291,447 21,086 9,218 547,309 242,.5S8 47,746 183,0.53 126,240 204,009 181,577 55,028 135.353 379.696 198.078 118,034 194,037 307.492 20,556 90,711 3.134 42,840 259,848 13,118 1,043,800 188,162 11,863 431,301 23,157 33,745 742 385 04,362 174,448 22.610 205 Texas Utah 20,810 1.472 Vermont 1,794 Virginia 13,088 Washington W. N'irninia Wi'^consin 4,854 4,552 9,308 Wyoming 1,576 Total 111,2.39,797 14,474,777 8,246,747 .'.40,935 REUGIOUS DENOMINATIONS. 266 RELIGIOUS DENOMINATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES IN 1903. SUMMARY FOR 1903. DENOMINA TION. Advemisis (ti boa.es) Baptists (l;< bodiL-s) Brcthrun (.Kivtr, 3 bodies) Brethrun (l'lyniouth,4 bodies) . Catholics (.8 bodies) ..._ Catholic Apostolic Chinese Temples Chrisladelphiuns Christian Connection Christian Calhohc Cliristian Missionary As.sociat'n Christian Scientists Church of God Church of thcNewJcrus.ilem. ... Communistic Societies(6 bodies) Congrcgalionalists Disciples of Christ Dunkards (4 bodies) „ Evangelical (2 bodies) Friends (4 bodies) Friends of the Temple German Evangelical Protestant German Evangelical Synod Jews (2 bodies) L.atter-Day Saints (2 bodies).... Lutheran (22 bodies) Swedi'?h Evangelical (Walden- strom ians) Mcnnonitcs (12 bodies) Methodists (17 bodies) Moravians Presbyterian (12 bodies) Protestant EpiscojMl (2hd.=) Reformed (3 b(xlies) Salvation Army SchwcnkfclJians Social Brethren Society for Ethical Culture Spiritualifts Theosophical Society United Brethren (2 bodies) Unitarians Univer.salists In«lependent Congregationalists Grand total in 1903... Gra«d total in 1902... l,5,9 580 144 22 5,891 11,157 1,171 2,042 1,093 4 155 1,213 570 1,324 12,275 307 073 57,572 115 15,452 0,807 2,491 690 4 20 4 334 70 4,801 45? 780 150 89,476 4 72^,775 3,00.. 001 9,891,809 1,491 "i','277 101,59 40,000 75 00,283 38,000 7,909 3,084 6.59,704 1,235,798 115,194 102,998 116,555 340 20,000 209,791 143,000 342,072 1,715,910 33,400 59,892 6,192,494 10,095 1,661,522 782,543 390,578 25.009 30(i 913 1,500 45,030 1,900 280,114 71,000 53,538 14,126 2 265 340 197 49 102 *0 198 90 181 *0 232 17 20 374 1 180 79 13 *149 20 ♦lO 149,963 19fi,719 29,323,15H 2,340 2,64" 482,459 147,732'l94,072'28,840.699'l,33J 1,217 555,414 0^ 5 333 188 *9,011 61,146 160,110 *177 00 "■51 '*13 70 200 100 103 34 "'l-J 475 10 753 9 137 142 17 81 *1 4,390 "8,'675 77 6,855 28, '21 9,000 902 *l,75l 035 "'r,'572 30,567 1,300 618 112,940 590 26,. 506 15,209 5,510 2,475 271 2,702 594 ♦Decrease, CHAPTER VII. National and Private Enterprises, The Panama Canal. The proposed Panama Canal is to be very nearly fifty miles long. The north end is at Colon on the Caribbean Sea and the south end at Panama on the Pacific Ocean. Its depth is to be forty feet, thus permitting the very largest vessels to pass through it. The width of the canal at the surface is to be from two hundred to two hundred eighty feet. The narrower parts are where the canal is straight, and the wider parts are at the curves. It is understood that the canal is far from being straight in all its course. There are two general plans now under consideration, viz : Shall the bottom of the canal be forty feet below sea-level or shall it be in its highest level some ninety feet above sea-level ? The second proposition takes three forms, to wit: Shall the canal be ninety feet, si.xty feet or thirty feet above sea-level. Should the canal be at sea-level no locks would be necessarj'. Ships could sail through it from one sea to the other without the use of locks, as is now the case in the Suez Canal. But in order to make it a sea-level canal a verj' deep cut through a rock ridge about eight miles broad must be dug. This is known as the Culebra Cut. This cut is necessarj' even though the canal be lifted ninety feet, but if sunk to the sea-level the cut must be so much deeper. If locks are used it is proposed to build an immense dam at Bohio (Bojio). This dam would extend nearly half a mile between two mountains or high hills, crossing the channel of the Chagres River. This dam would thus form a large lake by checking the flow of the river. Between Bohio and Obispo the country is almost level and is shaped like a dish, with a rim of 256 The Panama Canal. ATLANTIC OCEAN s*., -f^ / *s> ,i ■^ f^ / n ff." ' • si ^ c' #«» . »/ 1 -J« PACIFIC OCEAN \ 267 258 THE PANAMA CANAL. higii ground surrounding it. In this dish-shaped space would be the lake, nearly thirty square miles in area, and it would form a part of the canal for about eight miles. Double locks would be constructed at Bohio (Bojio) in order to lift the ships to the lake. Locks would also be necessary at the other rim of the lake near Culebra. From Colon to Obispo, a distance of twenty-nine miles, the country is low and marshy, covered with very dense tropical growth of trees, vines and underbrush. During the rainy season the larger part of this surface is covered with water. The ground is a soft, rich loam, the result of thousands of years of deposits from tropical forests. In these dense undergrowths, where the sun never reaches, the mosquitoes swarm in unendurable myriads and their bite is poisonous and causes malarial fevers. \'enom- ous snakes are also found in large numbers. No white man could work or live in these jungles in this torrid heat and fever- breeding atmosphere. On the Pacific side from Panama along the Rio Grande to near Culebra, a distance of nine miles, simi- lar conditions e.xist, but not so bad. Through these two low sections, about thirty-eight miles in all, the canal is to be dug and can all, or nearly all, be done by means of dredging; and if the health conditions were favorable the problem would be as simple as digging the Suez Canal through the sands of Egypt. But it is not as simple. Some think the work through the rocks of Culebra will prove a simpler problem than digging through the fever-breeding low lands. It is estimated that the sea -level canal will cost $300,000,000, ■while the lock canal ninety feet above sea-level will cost S200, - 000,000. But to offset this extra cost for the sea -level canal, it is estimated that the annual cost of caring for the lock canal will be two or three million dollars more than for the sea-level canal. Another item to be considered is the time which it will save in passing a ship through the canal with no locks. The lock canal would also be in greater danger of injury during war or earth- quake. At this writing the indications are that the sea-level canal will be built. It is estimated that 300,000,000 cubic yards of earth and rock will be excavated in building the sca-lcvel canal. Tliis would build a wall eight feet high and seven and one-half feet thick once around the earth at the equator, with some to spare. The tides on the Pacific coast are higher than on the Atlantic and with a sea -level canal a strong current would be forced through it to the Caribbean Sea. In order to avoid this a lock will be necessary at Panama. ^. "^ In all the plans for the Panama Canal how to control the Chagres River has been a serious question. During the rainy season, wliich is about three iourlhs of the year, it is a raging THE PANAMA CANAL. 259 torrent. If permitted to flow into the canal it would soon fill it up with rubbish. By means of the Bohio dam a lake would be formed and thus the flood-waters would be held, to be used to feed the canal during the dry season. Thetjamboa dam is to be built in case either plan is adopted. In case the sea-level plan is adopted the Bohio dam will not be necessary. The Gam boa dam is to guard the canal against the flood-waters of the Chagres River. The Gamboa dam is to catch the waters of the Chagres River before they reach the canal, and by means of tunnels through the lateral mountains will keep the surface of the artificial lake below the level of the top of the dam, by drawing the waters off in another course. The water drawn otTby the conducts through the dam will be made to generate electric power, and at the same time, will reduce the level of the water above the dam. In case of a high-level canal it can provide the necessary water to supply the summit-level, or the artificial canal-lake spoken of on the preceding page. There are many side problems to be solved. The City of Panama must have a new sewer system and a system of water works in order to make the city healthful. The whole city must be raised several feet in order to obtain proper drainage. In furnishing Panama City with water, it is brought ten miles from Rio Grande Lake, near Culebra. A new harbor at Colon, on the Atlantic side of the canal, must be dredged and massive breakwaters constructed. At the Gamboa dam a great electric power plant is to be erected. By means of this, electric lighting and electric power will be supplied to the whole canal zone. All machinery necessary in the con- struction of the canal and the railroad will be run by this power. The whole canal will be lighted so that work may be done during night, as well as day. GOVERNMENT OF THE CANAL ZONE. The canal zone is ten miles wide, five miles on each side of the canal, and extends from the Caribbean Sea to the Pacific Ocean. The United -States, by treaty with the State of Panama, has complete control over the canal zone, and in times of war may fortify and hold it against an enemy. The canal, however, is to be neutral to all nations, ex- cept when the I'nited States is at war. The canal will be a great benefit to commerce; but if that had been the only reason for digging it, there would have been no canal for several generations. Its benefit to the United States is largely in the nature of a de- fense. The lesson learned from the famous trip of the OljTnpia around South .America has not been forgotten. ' The control of the canal-building and the government of the canal zone is largely in the hands of the President of the I'nited States. 260 NATION.\L IRRIGATION. National Irrigation. In 1902 Congress passed an irrigation law for the purpose of reclaiming the arid land< of the great west. By this law all the money received from the sale of public lands is to be applied to build reservoirs ft)r the imi)ounding of the flood-waters, to be used as needed for the irrigation of arid lands. What has been done under the law? The entire western half of the United States has been studied by experts and their assistants, and all possible information for the water sujiply and the lands j)()ssiblc to be reclaimed have been considered. It is not sufllcicnt merely to build dains and turn the water into the irrigation ditches. The land must be reclaimed, sold and the money returned to the irrigation fund, to be used over and over again in doing other irrigation work. The Secretary of the Interior may fix the amount each actual settler may purchase ; this cannot be more than 160 acres, nor less than 40 acres. None but actual settlers under strict regula- tions can obtain this reclaimed land from I'ncle Sam. This law covers tliirteen states and three territories. " SOME WORK ALREADY IN VIEW. In Arizona the great storage dam on Salt River for impounding the flood-waters until they are needed is well on the way to completion. In Colorado the construction of a great tunnel from (lunni- son River to the desert region of the Uncompahgie \'alley is ia course of construction. In Idaho a great dam across the Snake (or Lewis) River is to be built and its waters will be distributed over a large arid region. The Truckee and Carson Rivers in N'cN'ada will l)e made to spread their waters over that part of the Great Interior Basin. The cf)untry where now only the sage brush grows will be made "to rejoice and blossom as the rose." All the works built by the national government are for the purpose of storing or regulating tlood-waters, or for lifting the waters to a higher level, so that the lands may be flo3 135,470 605,878 $4,438,352 19,181,610 11,758,703 5,120,399 4,683,073 1.537,559 4,165,312 1.843.7.57 5.865.302 1.722.369 3.973.165 247 250,84.688.298 61,854 262,848 136,061 111,027 189,540 65,883 51,052 65,883 81,891 19.492 167,233 $ 249.946 California Colorado 1.708,720 1,754,755 7 13, .595 1,140,694 570,001 254.945 439 981 711,181 154,962 773,111 23,772,1.57 14.7.58.997 6.190.071 5.576.975 1,706,212 4,301,915 2.089,609 7,252,.582 2,339,758 4,701,049 4..590.547 3.093.021 Idaho 1.069.672 Montana. Nevada. New Mexico.... Oregon 893.902 168.653 136.'.03 16"<.653 Utah 1,3><7,28(I Washington .... Wyoming 608.^89 727,884 Arid states Kan'^as . .. 7,263,273 23,620 148,.53S 4,S72 2.7.59 43.676 49,052 64,289,601 520.755 1,310.69S 17.980 21.872 284.747 1,027,608 3,192,660 2,50.213 2,529.319 112,771 1 851,509 8,469,198 28.922 245.910 10,384 3. 328 53.137 230,170 77,368,623 599,098 2.463 748 45.087 36,770 381,. 569 5.276.152 1.198,502 5,302 98,272 5,512 569 9,461 180,518 13,108,749 69.343 Nehr.i.ska North Dakota. Oklahoma South Dakota. Texas* 1,1.59,3.50 27.107 14.898 96,822 4,248,544 Scmiarid states Georgia 273,117 7,856 201,685 3,283 29,690 571,851 8,581 387,.580 3.422 38,220 8,802,424 274,990 4,747.3.59 112,905 1,343,104 299,634 725 J 85.895 134 8.530 5,616,064 24,777 Louisiana N. CaroHna... S. Carolina 2.218.040 134 491,595 Rice stales United States . 242,514 7,782,0,59 ' 3.743.812 437,803 71.514.754 9,478,852 6,478.3.58 92.649,405 195,289J 2.734.546 1.694.981 21.776,933 ♦Tliis includes rice irrigation. GREAT RAILWAY COMBINATIONS. 263 Great Railway Combinations. It is a natural tendency for railroads to combine, especially so where such combinations tend to form a continuous line of traffic. There is also a tendency to such combinations where the lines are parallel. The combinations in this case are for the pur- pose of killing off competition. A third reason for combinations is the tendency of the age to form trusts. It is in the very atmosphere. None of the great railway systems was built by one single company working to a single plan. The railroads were, as a rule, built as short, detached lines, but by purchase and com- binations most of the railroads of the United States have been united into ten great systems, usually known as follows: The Vanderbih System, the Pennsylvania System, the Morgan System, the Morgan-Hill System, the Harriman System, the Gould Sys- tem, the Belmont System, the Chicago, Milwaukee and St. Paul Railway, Chicago, Rock Island and Pacific Railway, Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railway. The following are the tables as given by II.T. Newcomb, editor of the Railway World, and pub- lished in American Review of Reviews : VANDERBILT SYSTEM. Miles. Boston and Albany 394 New York Central and Hudson River 3,092 Delaware, Lackawanna and Western 920 Lake Shore and Michigan Southern 1,594 Michigan Central 1,658 New York, Chicago and St. Louis 533 Cleveland, Cincinnati, Chicago and St. Louis 2,335 Lake Erie and Western 881 Chicago and Northwestern 8,048 Total 19,455 ItiLKbLLn, OREAT RAILWAY COMBIN/iriONS. 16T TERRITORY OF VA-XDERBILT SYSTEM. 364 GREAT RAILWAY COMBINATIONS. Wm. K. Vasderbilt. PENNSYLVANIA SYSTEM. Mile*. Pennsylvania Railway 4,763 Baltimore and Ohio _ 2,686 Long Island..- „ 4 1 9 Penn.sylvania Company 1,368 Western, N. T. and Pennsylvania 643 Pittsburg, Cincinnati, Chicago and St. Louis 1,569 Baltimore and Ohio Southwestern 923 Cleveland, ,\kron and Columbus 205 Grand Rapids and Indiana _.. 584 Terre Haute and Indianapolis 613 Total 13,772 GREAT RAILWAY COMBINATIONS. 265 ^^ THE PENNSYf.VANtA SYSTEM. MAP O^ XnB HABKIMAW SVsTEM. 266 GREAT RAILWAY COMBINATIONS. HARRIMAN SYSTEM. Miles. Illinois Central 4,648 Chicago and Alton._ 844 Union Pacific 3,177 Southern Pacific , 7,634 Oregon Railway and Navigation Co 1,059 Oregon Short Line ^ „ 1,438 Total „ 18.800 L » I s c ^s/ valued ai $tjUO,UUO,000, an amount that would give every family in the land $40. The corn crop is even greater. The value of com raised every year would pay the national debt, with interest for one year, and leave a sufficient sum for the ex- penses of the Government for four or five years. RICE AND MACARONI. Rice is a cereal which is not used very much in .American families, yet it was grown in 1904 to the €.\tent of 650,000 pounds. Macaroni is a foreign product, com- paratively new here, and not e.xtensively used, yet the "crop" of it would fill a bin^lOO feet wide and high and a quarter of a mile long. THE AMERICAN HEN. The .\merican Hen may seem insig- nificani in herself, but in one month the hens of the country lay enough eggs to [lay the interest on the national debt. One and one-third billion eggs a year are placed to her credit. HORSES AND MULES. The automobile is all very well in its place, but there is still a little value in the horse and mule. There is an average of $65 in horse-flesh for every family in the land, the whole amounting to almost $1,300,000,000. TOTAL VALUE $5,000,000,000. In 1904 the total products of the farm wire worth fiir bUlioii dollars. That is nearly equal to the value of the capital stock of all the railroads before the 1900 boom, and is si.x times more than the coiubined capital of the National Banks. It is three times greater than the gross earnings of all the railroads, and nearly as great as the cost of all the manufactures in 1904. less the cost of raw material. In two years the farmers of the I nited States have produced wealth greater than the value of the gold taken out of all the mines in the world sin, e the discoverv of .Vmerica. THE FARMER. 277 CARROLL D. WRIGHT U. S. Commissioner of Labor. SAVINGS AND INCREASE IN CAPITAL. In six years sa\'ings have increased all over the land in about this ratio: In Iowa, one hundred and sixty four per cent.; in Kansas, two hundred and nineteen per cent.; in Mississippi, three hundred and one per cent. The increase of farming capital has been immense, and although the exact figures cannot be ascertained, it is estimated to amount to three or four hundred millions. Farming deals in figures which make ordinary sums and ordinar" business tran- sactions look small and insignificant. NUMBER AND VALUE OF FARM ANIMALS IN THE UNITED STATES. The total value of horses, mules, tattle, sheep and swine in the United States amounts to $3,006,586,737. On the following i)ages will be found statistics showing the number of these animals, together with their average price per head, and total value in each state, on January 1, 190-5. 278 NUMBER AND \ ALL'E OF HORSES AND ML'LES. NUMBER AND VALUE OF HORSES. 1 il ILES. Stales ' and Tirritories. t C "^ C 2 -ij "il ^ 1 t3 r; >> "s^ - Al:ihama 147.7.54 $71.33 $ 10,539,723 161,599 $97.52 $ 15,758,485 Arizona 106,005 25.50 253,419 50.52 2,718,271 14,322,391 3,923 15,S,.505 47.77 78.67 187,385 Arkansa,*! 12,409.563 California 303.339 07.48 24,518,741 66,361 76.39 5,009,044 Colorado 219.540 41.96 9,211,315 9,280 62.51 580,112 58,002 35,089 93.26 5,409,438 2,823,805 Connecticut .. Ocl'i warp 80^48 5,387 98'30 529;56i i,/(. I4I rl tXl C .. .. - Florida 47,413 123,141 145,195 1,232.304 636,141 80.99 99.42 43.44 85.04 87.42 3„S39,931 12 243,293 6,307,422 104,795,102 55.008. .572 7,949,206 10,025 120.87 1,936,948 Oeoriria. 201,000 1,5S2 127,570 57,435 44,707 117.96 50.52 87.17 87.21 73.99 23,716,413 Ickilio 89,4ie Illinois 11,120.700 Indiana 5.009,084 Indian Ter 193,849 41.01 3,308,022 Iowa 1,144,4501 74.49 85.2.50,740 44,096 80.05 3,529,756 kansas 880,027 05.92 .58,0.52,2.53 107,112 75.67 8,105.476 Kentuckv 395,352 71.15 28,127,471 177.030 86.20 15,200..524 Liouisiana 183,00S 52.93 9. 090, .587 137,-574 104.51 14,377,177 Maine 130,150 82.08 11,175.449 11,4.52,476 — Maryland 143,083! 79.71 18,080 100.93 1,824.7-45 Mass'chuSvtts 143,139,110.45 15 809,296 .„ Michigan Minnesota ... 553 495 87.71 48,545.800 2,632 68.49 180,272 0.><8,700 75.97 52,320,8.58 8,082 75.59 610.957 Mississippi ... Xlissouri 252,220 62.98 15,886,143 219,902 95.13 20.919,089 809,887 09.14 5.5,995,599 243,406 79.92 19, 4, ■)7. 407 Moniunj 230,781 3S.37 9,084,698 3,424 57.17 195,7.>t Nebraska 795,552 62.26 49,534,.566 52,844 75.11 3,969,198 Nevada 76,020 63,025 42.62 79.08 3,205.645 5,031,342 2,239 50.13 112,252 New Hamp ... New Jersey ... New Mexico.. 94,278 98..58 9,293,580 ~'4.974 113;45 564,316 112,454 22.68 2,-5.50,612 4 940 40,79 201,72« New York .... ()37,000 94.22 00,077,605 3.7S7 102.20 387,252 N. Carolina .. 104,030 87.25 14,311,389 142.217 102.92 14.030.500 N. Dakota... 391,705 70.00 27,443.401 7.4,57 83.77 024,707 Ohio 785,893 354,976 87.28 52.08 68,. 590, 001 18,701,121 10,454 62,409 80.83 73.79 1.42.8,700 Oklahoma .. 4,ti0.'.,362 Oregon 215,017 54.42 11,700,376 6,805 63.15 429,7(2 Pennsylvania. 607,.500 92.50 56,231,811 38,532 99.87 3,848,129 Rhode Island 15,704 90.76 1,430.099 S. Carolina .. 74,731 88.45 6.(ilO,239 ■■id6,.592 lio'M 11,746,672 .S. Dakota 407,258 58.59 27,37.5,247 0.902 68 00 47.3.440 Tennessee .... 272,326 78.61 21. 408.453 103.991 93.84 15.389,206 Texas 1,277.768 35.46 4.5,308,700 391,038 6087 23,803.473 Utah 101.256 39.05 4.071.521 2,004 32.20 66.461 \'ermont 90.894 79 74 7.248.213 \'iri{inia.. 2ti2,,506 74.80 10,635,,500 ""42!015 93.46 3!926.S84 Wa.-ihin^ton .. W. \irt{inia.... 22.5,7.55 03.10 14.244..307 2.4.';5 65 97 160.635 169,030 74.64 12.616.713 9,888 82 00 8l0,79e Wistunsin 567,554 86.20 48.921.705 4,748 72.33 343.442 Wyoming 101,237 29.92 3,029,508 1,481 51.05 75,606 United States 17,057,702l$70.37 ,$1,200,310,020 2,888,710 $87 18 $251840,37* NUMBER AND VALUE OF MILCH COWS AND CATTLE. 279 Slatfs and Territories Alabama Arizona Arkansas California Colorado Connecticut Delaware Florida Georgia Idaho IlliDois Indiana Indian Ter... Iowa Kansas Kentucky Louisiana Maine Maryland Massachusetts .. Michigan Minnesota Mississippi Missouri Montana Nebraska Nevada New Hampshire New Jersey New Mexico .. New York North Carolina North Dakota.. Ohio Oklahoma Oregon Pennsylvania .. Rhode Island . South Carolina. South Dakota . Tennessee Texas ... Utah Vermont Virginia Washington West Virginia... Wisconsin Wyoming _ United States NUMBER AND VALUE OF MILCH COWS. 'r- a 230,120 19,233 280,863 354 559 120,557 130,863 35,127 87,010 277,295 59.020, 99.5,429 547,584 99,418 1.335,832 671,276 280.716 166,320 189,125 147.423 190,027 .556,149 830,848 272.004 569.787 55,030 669.334 10,0.55 129,900 184,018 20,374 1,721.541 193,482 194,332 790,095 180,730 138.923 1,080,723 25,400 109,704 401,703 282,529 838,431 72,971 285,315 2.52.727 159,088 180,379 1,095,862 20,167 OTHER CATTLE. $19.63$ 35.50 17.27 36.57 30.53 34.94 29.25 23.48 24.73 30.35 29.53 29.63 24.67 27.90 23.69 24.00 22.84 29.16 29.54 36.34 28.77 24.65 22.50 24.53 32.88 25.83 37.56 32.34 39.33 31.08 31.72 20.90 20.18 31.81 19.35 27.59 29.91 41.70 24.64 24.65 21.88 19.82 31.12 24.06 24.92 31.31 28.05 27.85 34.58 4,517,256 682,772 4,850,504 12,966,223 3,080,605 4,572,353 1,027,465 2,042,995 6,857,505 1,809,407 29,395,018 16,224,914 2,452,042 37,209,713 15,902,528 6,881,184 3,798,749 5,514,885 4,354,875 6,927,385 16,000,407 20,028.303 6,120,090 13,970,875 1,809,380 17,288,897 625,502 4,200,900 7,201,026 033,224 54,007,281 4,043,774 5,087,612 25,152,008 3,013,400 3,832,880 32,503,885 1,001,932 2,703,107 9,901,979 6,181,735 16,617,702 2,270,8.58 6,804.679 6,297,957 4,981,0^5 5,0.59,03 30.519,757: 697,375 a, a: 367,972 S7.82 512,294 16.11 473,6541 7.54 1,122,218 19.29 1,273,180 17.53 85,743 17.33 20,962 17.44 17,.572,464 $27.44 $ 482.272,203 43,669,443 512,075 629,139 358,251 1,666,872 985,141 474,841 3,407,,507 2,682,299 512,989 400.896 121.216 133.979 92,447 699,914 941,806 389,281 1,490,089 1,048,455 2,379,478 390,020 104,254 79,599 851,908 917,574 301.524 598,705 1,096,00 1,284,399 581,501 774,496 10,444 173,071 1,470,503 424,880 8.249,749 254,301 225,870 431,827 306,4.38 3.38,305 1,148..583 812,061 9.12 10.28 16.39 20.74 19.56 13.57 19.42 17.21 15.54 9.;8 16.16 17.69 16-2 14.b2 11. iS 8.L0 17.21 18.42 17.34 16.49 16.31 20.00 13.84 10.19 10.37 16.47 19.56 13.32 14.69 15.95 17 10.92 16..59 10.94 10.09 16.69 14.37 16.00 16.27 19.73 13.08 21.33 I $ 2,876,660 8.:i52,.594 3,570.070 21.648,25S 22,322,790 1,485.702 365,614 4,671,966 6 467.927 5 8/1.095 34 573.093 19 266,:09 6 445.; 04 67 348 46 159.94/ 7972.8iS 3 922,^6a 1959.1 91 2 369 9.:8 1 546 o;3 100 9.412 10o29.:03 3,191,832 25,642.496 19.314.006 41.249,675 6,429.481 1.700,182 1,591,732 11,788,082 14.855.1.58 3. 1 2().860 9,8.)8.87S 21,451,600 17,102.925 8,544,232 12,350.887 184.9.39 1,890,053 24,389,434 4,650,169 83,260,593 4,243,297 3,246,005 ^ 7,100,172 *• 4,986,006 6,674,805 15.714,44.1* 17,321,264 15.15 $661,. 571, 30R 280 NUMBER AND VALUE OF SHEEP AN'D SWINE. NUMBER AND VALUE OF States SHEEP. S]VINE. and Tcrritorilies t C 3 11 £ ^^=3 V '^=: V '< - t :2 ^ :S Alabama 189.900 $ 1.65 1 312.424 1,0.34,092' $4.53 $ 4.084.437 Arizona 810,141 204,065 2.55 1.60 2.083.771 327,075 18,184! 7.44 1,031.245; 3.63 135.2«9 Arkansas 3.743.419 California 2,180,399 2.67 5,824,718 521.384 b.lU 3.180.442 Colorado 1,4.58,749 33,569 2.68 4.19 3,911,344 140,500 77.3.57 V.22 55S,518 Connecticut 46,036 12.00 552.432 Delaware 10.512 3.92 41,237 45.1281 7.89 356,060 108,736 273.893 2,978,068 1.95 1.81 2.62 212.177 496.102 7. 796.285 3.S3.741! 3.49 1,339.2.5« 1,. 396.922 113.703 1 5.14 7.05 7.180,179 Idaho 801,606 Illinois 705,3.58 1.134.771 4.27 3.81 3,010.821 4,320.074 3.747.120 2.631,470 6./4 5.77 25,255,589 Indiana 15.183.582 Indian Ter 26.560 2.90 76.978 708.823 4.73 3.352.733 Iowa 698,316 229,001 054,999 174,888 270.025 147,208 40,818 3.80 3.10 2.75 1.79 3.02 3.66 3.86 2.6.52.483 709,583 1,800,592 313,907 815,043 538,267 157,.533 7,290.ti25 1.949.782 l,185.63(i 655.866 64.701 6.71 6.25 3.99 4.78 9.45 48,920,094 12,186,138 4,730,688 3.135.039 Maine 611.434 Maryland 290,324 7.41 71,920 11.28 2.151.301 Massachusetts .. 811.258 MirhiKan 1,759,()75 3.50 6,163,789 920,447: 6.67 6,139.381 Minnesota 385,003 3 12 1,202,. 558 l,268..)i)l 7.05 8.943.355 Mis.sissippi 183,739 1.57 287,736 1,087,7,S0, 4.80 5.221.344 770.340 5.638.967 419.339 1.345,791 75.997 3.13 2.94 2.98 2.51 3.22 2,409.624 16..55 1.495 1.248,666 3,378.608 24.5.158 3,110,.582 4.50 57,.592: 8.11 2.888.844: 6.51 14.157) 8.47 50.220 9.44 13.997.619 Montana 467,071 Nebraska 18,806.374 Nevada ... . 119.910 New Hampshire 474.077 New Jersey 43.344 4.36 18,8.841 150,988 10.40 1.570,275 New Mexico .. 2.S56.745 1.98 5,656.356 21,126 5.80 122,.531 New York 985.480 4.07 4,009.525 675,613 8.36 5,648.125 North Carolina 209 118 1.99 415.727 1,0.58,146 4.85 5,132,008 North Dakota .. 702.290 3.08 2.159.823 191,540 7.37 1.411.650 Ohio 2,601.010 63,600 3.41 2.79 8.865.284 177..508 2,701,2.50 496.343 6.30 5.47 17,017,875 Oklahoma 2,714,996 OrcRon 2,546.662 895.982 2.30 3.81 5.868.274 3.41.5,394 268,933 980.0,80 6.06 8.28 1,629,734 Pennsylvania ... 8,115,062 Rhode Island .. 8.216 4.11 33,748 12,.569 12.22 1.53,.593 South Carolina ,58.857 2.05 120.374 664.907 5.52 3,670,287 South Dakota .. 806.704 2.99 2.413,095 836.824 6.63 5,548,143 Tennessee 297.374 2.27 676.288 1.011.516 470 4,754,125 Texas 1,617.125 2,344.108 214.445 2.08 2.52 3.28 3.3.56.344 5.908.5.58 703.680 2.52.5.048 56.2.50 90.405 4.68 7.62 7.85 11.817,225 Utah 428,625 \'irmont 709.679 VirRinia 452.128 3.10 1.40.3.813 767.163 4.97 3.812.800 WashinRtnn .. 8;9.6I8 265 2.253.017 174.128 7.68 l.;«7,303 West VirRinia .. 512,671 3.19 1.635,061 .306,4.59 5.33 I.6.33.421J AVIsconsin 921.632 3.26 3.007,838 1.653,316 7.78 12.862,798 Wyoming 3,267,887 2.46 $ 2.82 8,034,754 15,665 47,320.511 805 $5 99 126.103 United States ... 45.170.423 S 127,331,850 $283,254,978 CHAPTER VIII. Current Problems and Topics. EDUCATION AND CRIME. 1, Percentage of Illiterate Persons and Prisoners in the Different States.— In 1890, 6,824,702, or 13.3 per cent, of the 47,413,559 persons in the United States, 10 years of age or over, were illiterate, and .17 per cent., or 82,329, were prisoners in penitentiaries, jails, etc. In the north Atlantic states only 6.2 per cent., or 859,989 persons out of the popu- lation of 13,888,377, 10 years of age or over, were illiterate, while 28,258, or .2 per cent, were prisoners. The popula- tion of the south Atlantic states, 10 years of age or over, was 6,415,921, of whom 30.9 per cent., or 1,961,888, were illiterate, and only .17 per cent., or 11.409, prisoners. The north central states had a population of 16,909,613, 10 years of age or over, of whom 5.7 per cent., or 964,268 were illiter- ate, and .12 per cent., or 19,954, prisoners. The south cen- tral states, with a population of 7,799,487, 10 years of age or over, of whom 29.7 per cent., or 2,318,871, were illiterate, had .2 per cent., or 16,084 in prison; and the western states, with 8.3 per cent., or 199,686, illiterate in a population of 2,400,161 persons, 10 years of age or over, had .28 per cent., or 6,724, prisoners. 2. Prisoners.— Of the 82,329 prisoners in 1890, 84.3 per cent, were confined in the north Atlantic states, 13.9 per cent, in the south Atlantic, 24.1 per cent, in the north cen- tral, 19.5 in the south central, and 8.2 in the western states. Louisiana shows the highest percentage of illiteracy, 45.8 and 1,608 prisoners, or .2 per cent, of her population. South Carolina follows closely in percentage of illiteracy with 45 per cent., and has 1,184, or .14 per cent, of her pop- ulation prisoners. New Mexico comes next, with 44.5 per cent, of illiterates and 205 of population, or .18 per cent, prisoners; then Alabama, 41 per cent, illiterate and 2,518, or .23 per cent, prisoners; Mississippi. 40 per cent, illiterate and 1,777, or .13 per cent, prisoners; Georgia, 39.8 percent, illiterate and 2,9.38, or .22 per cent, prisoners; North Caro- lina, 35.7 per cent, illiterate and 2,033, or .18 per cent, pris' oners, and Virginia, 30.2 per cent, illiterate and 2,000, or .17 per cent, prisoners. 281 282 EDUCATION AND CRIME. 3. Read and Write.— Of the 82,329 prisoners tn the United States June 1, 1890, 7,:386, or 8.97 per cent, were charcjed with homicide, of whom 61.73 per cent, could both read and write, 4.84 per cent, could only read, and 33.43 per cent, could do neither. Of the neproes charged with homi- cide, more than one-half could neither read nor write; of the Indians, nearly two-thirds. 4. Foreign Born.— The percentage of the illiteracy among the foreign born was nearly three times as great as among the native whites. Of the 47,413,559 persons in the United States in 1890, 10 years of age and over, 6,324,702 were illiterates. Of this number 3,212,574 were white and 3,112,128 colored, 2,065,003 native white and 1,147,571 foreign white. Of the prisoners confined on a charge of homicide, 253, or 3.44 per cent., had received higher education. 5. The Occupation. — The occupation of 6,546 prisoners prior to incarceration was ascertained, of whom 102 were classified as professional, 38 official, 1,893 agricultural, 29 lumber, 212 mining, 19 fisheries, 173 trade and commerce, ;380 transportation, 1,086 manufactures and mechanical in- dustries, 690 personal service, 2,253 unskilled labor and 21 miscellaneous. The number employed at the time of their arrest was 5,659, unemployed 1,225, unknown 467. 6. Intoxicating Liquors. — The habits of the prisoners in respect of use of intoxicating liquors at time of arrest, as far as ascertained were: Total abstainers, 1,282; occasional or moderate drinkers, 3,829, and drunkards 1,267. Nearly one-half of the homicide prisoners were unmarried. The number of married was 2,715; unmarried, 3,615; widowed 703 and divorced, 144. 7. Ignorance. — Ignorance is a cause of crime, neverthe- less 66.57 per cent, of ill prisoners charged with homicide received the rudiments of an education m English of their own tongue, and 3.44 per cent, received a higher education. Ignorance of trade is a cause of crime, but II. IV) per cent, of the prisoners were mechanics or apprentices and a much larger number had the necessary skill to follow mechanical pursuits. 8. Intemperance.- -Intemperance and idleness are no doubt the cause of more crime than all the other agencies com- binetl. Very few criminals there are who cannot trace their first crime to an idle hour or to some sparkling glass. The hot beds of crime are found in the cities in those low dives where morality and temperance are never thought of. Intemperance is the curse of mankind and if the saloon and intemperance could be eradicated nine-tenths of our jails and peniitntiaries would be without inmates. PRISON LABOR AND PRISON REFORMS. 283 Prison Labor and Prison Reforms. 1. Convict Labor. — As in this country, prison labor has been the subject of much discussion abroad. The labor system is the weak side of the otherwise strong system in England. This is seen in the use of the fly wheel. Prison- ers sentenced to hard labor may fulfill the sentence by turning the crank of a fly wheel so many thousand revolu- tions registered on an indicator. No prison official of the present day favors this plan. It cannot be called thrifty for the prisoner or for the prison. Nearly every applica- tion of labor for productive purposes in England is in making articles for the government. Everything used in the army and navy, in the post office, and other de- partments, that can be made in prison, is made there. Hand labor is chiefly used, but this work is of but little use in educatmg the prisoner for outside labor. 2. English Labor Agitators.— It is strange that English labor agitators, so generally intelligent in regard to indus- tria.1 and economic questions, are so easily deluded into the belief that prisoners who labor for the government are re- movedfromthearenaof competition. The indifference to pro- ductive laborinEnglandmakesthe system an expensiveone. 3. The Right Principle. — On the other hand there is no greater fallacy than that which assumes that the prison which pays all expenses is the best one or the cheapest. In some of our states the determination of legislators that prisons shall be self-supporting has been a barrier to reform. The prison is cheapest hnancrally, as well as best ethically, which succeeds in reforming the largest number of prisoners. 4. Extreme Severity or Brutality.— Nothing is clearer to penologists there and here than that extreme severity or bruulity of any sort does not produce the best results. A prison discipline mav be strict, exacting, uniform, and at the same time stimulating and humane. Nowhere in Europe is found a discipline so thorough and one which at the same time furnishes so many incentives to the prisoner, as in the Elmira Reformatory of New York. It is interest- ing to note that the managers of every reformatory regard :his as a model. 5. Commutation of Sentences. — In England and on the continent the method of commutation of sentences has been generally adopted; that is, a sentence for a definite number of years is reduced according to a certain scale by the good behavior of the prisoner. This system is in vogue in a number of our own states As to a system of probation there is nothing equal to that in use in Massachusetts, •284 PRISON LABOR AND PRISON REFORMS. 285 where a large number of first offenders are released on pro- bation and officers are appointed in every county to ex- amine and take charge of such cases. 6. Capital Punishment. — In regard to capital punish- ment it is interesting to note that while the death penalty, is in force in all but three of our states, and in some of them not only for murder, but for arson, mayhem, rape and burglary, it has been stricken from the codes of several Eu- ropean countries. Capital punishment for ordinary homi- cides has been abolished in Russia for more than a century, although it is still the punishment of treason. In 1874 it was abolished in Switzerland; permission to restore it was given to the cantons in 1879, but up to lb90 no canton had availed itself of the permission. Holland abolished the death penalty in 1870, Italy m 1889, Portugal in 1867. Facts collected by Mr. William Tallack,of the Howard As- sociation of London, show that in most of those countries capital punishment had long ceased to exist before it was abolished. The general testimony is that there has been no increase of murders in any of these countries since such abolition. 7. Death Penalty.— Again it appears that in countries where the death penalty exists the number of executions for murder is very small. In Austria the average is 4 per cent, on convictions; in Prussia less than 8 per cent.; in Sweden, Norway and Denmark there is one execution in every twenty sentences for murder. In England, out of 672 committed for wilful murder, 299 were convicted and sentenced to death, while 373 were either acquitted or found insane; of the 299 condemned to death, 14."), nearly one- half, had their sentences commuted. 8. Suggested Reforms.— As a result of this compara- tive study, the penological reforms and improvements which seern to be needed in this country, are the improve- rnent of jails; the abolition of the lease'system; the exten- sion of the reformatory plan; the adoption'of the indetermin- ate sentence with the parole system; the extension of the probation system both for youths and adults, as in Massachusetts; work for prisoners committed to jail on short sentences; a higher grade of prison officers; the abolition of the spoils system in relation to prison manage- ment; an allowance to prisoners of a portion of their earn- ings, and its application to the needs of their families; the extension of manual education and industrial schools among preventive measures, and the organization of socie- ties for aiding discharged convicts, mainly in the direction of ])rocuring them employment. 286 DIFFERENT METHODS OF CAPITAL PUNISHMENX. *>»*>- - '^3, \ ■i\ -kS 5^ -Zr Hanging for Mutiny. The Different Methods of Capital Punishment. I. Rights of the Many.- The rights of the many against the criminal lias been held from the earliest times to the present, and it has been the basis of tliis general idea that capital punishment fiiuls its plac e in the jurisprudence of every time and of every nation. "An eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth; yea, all that a man hath will he give for his life," is the formulated statement that makes the execu- tion of a fellow-man a possibiiitv in a civilized couutry. DIFFERENT METHODS OF CAPITAL PUNISHMENT. 287 2. Methods of Taking Life. — When once primitive .nan had decided in his own mind that justice demanded a life for a hfe, he apparently exercised his ingenuity in de- vising methods to make the life-taking process as hideous and painful as he possibly could. The Cambodian stood with sword in hand and with several strokes cleft his victim in twain. Dr. Guillotin gave to the instrument which he devised a name which is a part of the language. The Prussian, with the directness which characterizes the Teuton, simply beheaded his victim with an ax, while the more resourceful mind of the Hindoo laid his victim in the street to wait the slow tread of the elephant whose lumbering hoofs were to crush from his body the vital breath. In Armenia the swift, bright blade of the razor gleamed as the last sight that greeted the eyes of the doomed. The modern view of cap- ital punishment has a two-fold object: First, to deprive-the dangerous man of a life that might again find itself bent on mischief; then to warn those whose tendencies are similar that their end would be the end of disgrace. It was because of the deterrent effect that is supposed to reside in the tak- ing of life that Moses tabulated his series of punishments by death. 3. The Draconian System. — Under the Draconian sys- tem the lightest crimes were held so heinous that the pen- alty of death ran almost through the entire gamut. But this was subsequently so modified through the one adopted by the Athenian law that men were not only not deterred and prevented from committing crime, but exile for life was a commutation easily secured. In more modern times in England, after capital punishment was an accepted fact and a public exhibition, horse stealing, cattle stealing, steal- ing from houses and forgery in general were capital offenses. From these crimes down to the picking of pockets no wrongdoer was exempt from death. The list would be tedious to enumerate, but suffice it to say that one hundred and sixty forms of violation of the law were punished by the execution of the individual. 4. Horrors of Persecution in Massachusetts. — In our own country, in 1650, in the colony of Massachusetts, the list had diminished until it contained only idolatry, witchcraft, blasphemy, murder, manslaughter, poisoning, stealing, false witness, treason, cursing and smiting of parents, rebellious sons, Quakers and Jesuits returning after banishment; and in the year 1790 this list had been reduced to treason, mur- der, burglary and arson. 5. Different Methods. — The modes by which the pun- ishment is inflicted vary in every country, from the prim- 288 DIFFERENT METHODS OF CAPITAL PUNISH MENT. itive method of beating the subject with clubs until life is extinct up to the application of the swift messenger elec- tricity, that iloes its work almost as quickly and subtly as human thought. The killing of a victim by beating to death is the legal mode among the Hottentots, and the scene which precedes execution is almost impossible to imagine. The criminal is seized and placed in a circle composed of the leading men of his tribe. His sentence determined upon, the chief strikes the first blow, and thereafter his judges rain upon him a succession of strokes that cease only when the bruised and mangled victim falls to the ground exhausted. More skillfully barbaroiis, but by no means as brutal, was the punishment of boiling the victim to death. This was imposed during the reign of bluff King Hal, without benefit of clergy, upon prisoners. Those con- demned to this mode of punishment were subjected to the process in boiling water, oil, molten lead, and sulphur. An- other scarcely less humane mode of depriving a humar. being of life is that of blowing the condemned from a cannon, a subject that hasbeen made painfully realistic by Vereschagin's great picture. 6. Burning. — Burning is one of the lowest, and to the average mind, the most dreadful forms of loosening the human soul from its environs. The ancient Romans, the Jews, the Britons and other nations have made use of it in their scheme of capital punishment. The Britons threw their victims, many in number, into wicker cages made in the form of some well-known idol. The wood was heaped around it and the fire lighted. As the flames rolled upward and mingled their roar with the impotent groans of the vic- tims the likeness to the god was lost, but to him was ac- credited the vengeance imposed on the sufferers. 7. Burying Alive. — Another horrible method of inflict- ing the death penalty was by burying alive. It seems almost incredible that, not satisfied with interring the con- demned, some barbarous tribes buried to the hips or shoulders, packing the earth firmlv in, and left their victim lielpless, to meet a lingering death of ex jiosure and starvation. 8. Crucifixion. — Crucifixion, which the story of Christ has carried ovcrthe round world, is a form of punishment so repellant to modern ideas that it is almost an argument for those who deny tlie divinity of the Saviour who suffered. Yet Dr. Lyman Abbott has presented this practice as it ex- isted at the time of Christ in his brilliant and interesting description: " of all the cruel punishments of a barbarous age, cruci- fixion was the most barbarous. It possessed a bad pre- DIFFERENT METHODS OF CAPITAL PUNISHMENT. 28r:> eminence of cruelty in an age when fashionable audiences crowded the vast amphitheater to applaud the fearful horrors of gladiatorial combats, and fair women gave the death signal, and feasted their sanguinary eyes on the ebbing life of the defeated. It was in this age that Cicero called crucifixion a punishment most inhuman and shock- ing, and wrote of it that it should be removed from the eyes and ears and the thought of men. Too horrible for a Roman citizen, no freeman might be subjected to it. It was reserved, with rare exceptions, for slaves and foreign- ers. Upon this Gentile cruelty the Jew looked with special horror. The cross, like the eagle, was a sign of degrada- tion. Its iniliction by the Romans was a badge of Israel's servitude. The ancient law of Moses fixed a peculiar curse to it. To crucify even a corpse was to subn^it it to the greatest possible indignity. Thus the agony of pain was intensified by the agony of a peculiar shame. The physical agony of the cross was that of a lingering death. The victim's life was wrested from him in a fierce, but pre- determined battle, that lasted many hours, often several days. E.very moment of the hopeless contest added new agony to an anguish at first almost unendurable. The form^ of the Latin cross is as familiar as it is sacred to all Christendom. The sufferer was usually bound upon it as it lay upon the ground. The hands and feet were then firmly nailed to the wood. Lest this fastening should prove too frail, a transverse piece of wood between the thighs afforded additional support. The cross was then elevated, with the sufferer upon it, and fastened firmly in the ground. In this act the body was terribly wrenched. The concussion often dislocated the limbs. Then hanging between heaven and earth, the victim was left to die. The hot rays of an Oriental sun beat down upon his naked body and unshel- tered head. The ragged edges of his undressed wounds festered and inflamed. From these wounds shooting pains ran along in accelerating waves of increasing anguish. Every attempt to secure any relief from the unnaturally constrained position increased the torment. The blood, im- peded in its circulation, flowed in slackened and laborious currents. An increasing fever consumed the body with in- ternal fires; the head throbbed with anguish; the parched Hps burned with a raging thirst. As death drew nigh insects swarmed upon the body, and birds of prey commenced to feast upon it before life was yet extinct. Yet no vital organ was directly touched, and the stubborn life surrend- ered to its invincible foe only after a long and protracted siege. Even the pitiless and stolid Roman endured not > < ■z o H (J U4 2VK) DIFFERENT METHODS OF CAPITAL PUNISHMENT. 291 long the siglit of sufferings at once so protracted and in- tense. For death, if not hastened by other means, did not usually take place for four or five days. Rarely, however, was the wretched criminal suffered to die by the mere in- fliction of the cross. A thrust with a spear or a blow with the club at length put an end to tortures which wearied even the patience of the spectators. Crucitixion was not, however, uncommon in an age when no discrimination was made between punishment and revenge, and when ingenu- ity was exhausted in the endeavor to intensify the suffer- ings of those condemned for crime, or even captured in war. At the time of the siege of Jerusalem hundreds of Jews were crucitied together, and left to hang in sight of the city walls." 9. Crucifrangium. — There was a peculiar punishment, and perhaps a capital one, called crucifrangium by the ancients, inflicted on Roman slaves and Christian martyrs, as also on women and girls. Under Diocletian twenty- three Christians suffered martyrdom in th's manner. The legs of the criminal were laid on an anvil, and by main force fractured by a heavy hammer, somewhat similar to the more modern custom of breaking the bones of offenders on a wheel by an iron bar. 10. Beheading. — Beheading is of an ancient date, and was certainly known among the Greeks and Romans. Xenophon says that losing the head was looked upon as the most honorable death. The decollation, as it was called of St. John the Baptist shows the existence of this punish- ment among the Jews under the Roman governor of Judea. Suetonius tells that Caligula kept an artist in beheadings who decapitated prisoners in his presence, fetched indis- criminately for that purpose from the jails. The mode formerly practiced in England, by the ax and block (and still in use in Germany), and that which originated in France late in the eighteenth century and was gradually adopted in many other European countries — the guillotine — are de- scribed more in detail elsewhere. 11. Breaking on the Wheel. — Breaking on the wheel is a mode of execution that has acquired some notoriety from the frequency with which it is mentioned in histories nar- rating the cruelties common in the Middle Ages, but it is really only one form of beating to death. The condemned was lashed upon the periphery of a large wheel, which was caused slowly to revolve, and as it revolved, he received a succession of blows from clubs in the hands of the execu- tioners, or from bludgeons worked by clumsy machinery such as the times furnished; thus bruising the flesh, break- I'-' ir EXECUTION IN CHINA. Ol)-> DIFFLRENT METHODS OF CAPITAL PUNISHMENT. 29:J ing the bones, and steadily reducing the body to a mangled, formless corpse. The "wheel" was for centuries a common instrument of torture and death in several countries of Europe. 12. Bisecting. — Bisecting such as is practiced by the Cambodians is thus described: "Samuel hewed Agag in pieces before the Lord;" also as instanced in the subjecting of the Rabbites to saws and axes and a roasting in a brick kiln. Thus used, the terms seem to include any rude, untaught mode of cutting the body asunder with an implement like a sword, or with a wooden saw; a martyrdom said to have been inflicted upon the Prophet Isaiah, and to have been a not uncommon fate of early Christians. Ep. Heb. xi, 37, says that "many were stoned, were sawn asunder." It is men- tioned as a Babylonian custom. 13. Drawing and Quartering.— Drawing and quartering w-as not a distinct punishment, but an adjunct or circum- stance of aggravation formerly superadded in England to lianging for the heinous crimes, particularly high treason. In the ancient and severer form, sentence involving draw- ing and quartering directed that the offender should be drawn on a hurdle to the place of execution, and there hanged by the neck, but not until dead; that he should be taken down again, and while yet alive his bowels should be taken out and burned before hisface; and that afterward his head should be severed from the body, and the body divided into four ([uarters, and his head and quarters should be at the king's disposal. 14. Stripping the Skin. — Stripping the skin from the body of the condemned while he yet lived was formerly the custom in England. It was, however, a barbarous mode of torturing an offender to death, rather than a punishment in a judicial sense. The mode of punishment which includes flogging and the "knout," recently abolished in Russia, also covered by the terms "scourging," and "whipping," has not been used, primarily at least, in the other European countries in modern times as "capital punishment;" that is, has not been used where the sentence or judicial design has been to inflict death.. 15. The Garrote. — The mode of execution by the gar- rote seems to have been originally devised by the Moors and Arabs, and to have been taken from them by the Spaniards, by whom it has been transmitted to the Spanish colonies in America. In the earliest form it consisted of simply placing a cord round the neck of the criminal, whO' was seated on a chair fixed to a post, and then twisting the 27 THE GUILOTINE EXECUTION IN FRANCE. 2!n MORTGAGE DEBT." 295 cord by means of a Slick inserted between it and the back of the neck till strangulation was produced. Afterward a brass collar was used containing a screw, which the execu- tioner turned till its point entered the spinal marrow where it unites with the brain, causing instant death. i6. Hanging.— Hanging is, and has long been, the mode of capital punishment employed in England and America. In its simplest form, that of suspending the criminal by a cord around his neck from the branch of a tree, must have been of very early origin. Accounts vary as to the date of the introduction of the gallows as the instrument. This seems to have occurred in Roman dominions soon after the Emperor Constantine abolished crucifixion. An early form of this seems to have been a crude imitation of a tree — a tall post bearing at its top a projecting beam, from the end of which the fatal cord could be suspended. In the fifteenth century the gallows beam balanced, like that of a pair of scales, at the top of the post, from one end of which depended the halter, and from the other a heavy weight. When the rope was pulled down and put around the offender's neck, the weight at the other end lifted him from the ground. 17. Execution by the Guillotine and by Electricity. — Far superior to hanging as a means of taking life judicially is execution by the guillotine and by electricity. The guil- lotine is at the present day employed in P^rance and her colonies, in Belgium, Norway, Sweden, and in Denmark. The accompanying illustration gives a clear idea of its workings. The electric chair is so far in use in the state of New York only. Although its operation was attended with some bungling at the outset, a consensus of opmion pro- nounces it now the safest and most humane method of taking life; and, judging by the several reports from the other side, the probabilities are that the system will soon be introduced into several European countries. Mortgage Debt. The census of 1890 gives the aggregate mortgage debt as $6,019,679,985. Debt of public corporations S6,000,000,000. The remaining private debt is estimated at §5,000,000,000, making the total private debt more than $17,000,000,000. The public debt amounts to 82.027,170,546. New Yorkers owe more than one-fourth of the mortgage debt, Pennsylvanians a tenth. These two states, with Massa- chusetts, New lersev, and Ohio, owe more than one-half of the debt, so that western and sc Jthern people need not feel that they mone have debt. • • \ THE EXECUTICM CF KEMLER. The First Electrical Execution in America, New York Citj. 206 HISTORY OF THE SCHOOL SYSTEM, 297 M:^^f^ ^% ' ■■ '' ill i' 'it* ' ' ■ 1 V'ft' IN THE JAIL YARD. The Schoolhouse Makes No Criminals. The Origin and History of the Com- mon School System. The thought that man as man, without reference to any special practical end, should be educated seems to hava occurred first to the Greeks, but it was not until the Refor- mation that men began to hold the opinion that every man's intellect should be so trained as to be able to read and inquire and think for itself. During what are called the dark centuries a state of aeplorable ignorance prevailed all over Europe. It is re- freshing to find in the history of this dark middle age two r>^onarcns who strove to give to their subjects the inestima- hl<^ privilege of lifting themselves out of the depths of ignor- ance m which they were immersed. At the accession of Charlemagne to the throne of France no means of educa- tion existed in his dominions. This monarch, who it is said was incapable of writing, invited men of letters from abroad 298 HISTORY OF THE SCHOOL SYSTEM. to come and reside at his court and instruct himself and his family. He also established schools in various cities of his empire. In the ninth century Alfred the Great, of England, made similar efforts, but they died with him, his successors being too much occupied with warfare to continue the educational work thus initiated. «, ,,||:Jrjri;?'!'l^-I,v3V'rJiM]' to"!,''.! ■^ I i'll; i-i' 'I '. ' . ' NO SCHOOL IN REACH. Down to the time of the transitional movement in Europe from the niedia-val aires to tlie modern world, there is liv.le v{ interest to the cause of popular education to rect^rd. The influence of the reformation upon education v^.\s made manifest early in the seventeenth century. In 1618 HISTORY OF THE SCHOOL SYSTEM. 299 the Scotch Parliament adopted measures for settling and supporting a public school in each parish at the expense of the heritors or landed proprietors. The legislation was repealed at the restoration of Charles 1 1., but was re-enacted by the Scottish Parliament in 1696. Lord Macaulay says: " By this memorable law it was, in the Scotch phrase, statuted and ordained that every parish in the realm should provide a commodious schoolhouse and should pay a moderate stipend to a schoolmaster. The effect could not be immediately felt, but, before one generation had passed away it began to be evident that the common people THE OLD WAY OF TEACHING SCHOOL. of Scotland were superior in intelligence to the common people of any other country in Europe. To whatever land the Scotchman might wander, to whatever calling he might betake himself, in America or in India, in trade or in war, the advantage which he derived from his early training raised him above his competitors. If he was taken into a warehouse as a porter, he soon became foreman. If he enlisted in the army he soon became a sergeant. Scotland, meanwhile, in spite of the barrenness of her soil and the severity of her climate, made such progress in agriculture in manufactures, in commerce, in letters, in science, in all 300 HISTORY OF THE SCHOOL SYSTEM. that constitutes civilization, as the Old World has never seen equaled, and as even the New World has scarcely seen surpassed. "This wonderful change is to be attributed, not indeed solely, but principally, to the national system of educa- tion." Since then every power of the civilized world has adopted some system of public schools. What little objection has been made to taxation for universal education in this country has come from wealth, which says it cannot properly be taxed fur the edu- cation of the people. We must not forget that without [aw the ownership of that wealth could not exist. Jeremy Bentham says: "The idea of property consists in an established expectation, in the persuasion of being able to draw such or such an advantage from the thing pos- sessed, according to the nature of the case. Now this expectation, this persuasion can only be the work of the law. I cannot count upon the enjoyment of that which I regard as mine, except through the promise of the law which guarantees it to me. Property and law are born together and die together. Before laws were made there was no property; take away laws and property ceases." The words, "I cann-'^it count upon the enjoyment of that which I regard as mire, except through the promise of the law which guarantees it to me," come home with significant meaning in this day of socialism and ot clashing between capital and labor, which now so often occurs in the mon- archies of the Old World, and even in our own land. The law guarantees the right of property, but instantaneous with the creation of the right of properly must exi^t the paramount claim of the government to such portion of It as may be necessary fully to effectuate that guaranty. The law must be upheld and respected, or else all rights of ownership are in jeopardy aiid industry paralyzed. To maintain the law, education of the people is more potent than standing armies. Lord Brougham, in the House of Commons, said : " There have been periods when the countrv heard with dismay that the soldier was abroad. That is not the case now. Let the soldier be abroad; in the present age he can do nothing. There is another person abroad — a less important person in the eyes of some, an insignificant jierson, whose labors have tended to produce this state of things. The school- master is abroad I And I trust more to him, armed with his E rimer, than 1 do the soldier in full military array, for up- olding aii-d extending the liberties of his countrv." HISTORY OF THE SCHOOL SYSTEM. 301 "It is intelligence," said Daniel Webster, "which has reared the majestic columns of our national glory, and this alone can prevent them from crumblintr into ashes." State education, being so important to national exist- ence, is tlierefore a very appropriate object of taxation. In the English colonies of this country the people were accustomed to support the church by taxation. In many of the New England towns they had their church, and the town chose its pastor and supported him, and in many cases the pastor was also the schoolmaster. In the course of time, however, the sects multiplied, and the church in conse- THE NEW V/AY OF TEACHING SCHOOL. quence became disconnected from the town government; but the work of education by the government was continued. One of the first legislative acts of the Continental Con- gress was in 1787. It was enacted that schools and means of education should forever be encouraged, and in pursu- ance of tnis policy the government set apart the sixteenth section in each township for the support of public schools. This enactment was for the territory north of the Ohio river. Notwithstanding the educational interests begun in this small way, it has developed great results. It was in this way that education was extended to the west, and since the abolition of slavery in the Southern states our public school system has been carried South, and the youth of all the states of the Union are now blessed with the privileges of a free public school, 2tt 302 THE HOPE OF OUR PUBLIC SCHOOLS. The Origin of the School District.— Children caiinot properly be required to go further than two miles to school, and wherever the rectangular survey prevails, of course, there is a regular system of locating schoolhouses. The township is six miles scjuare. It is customary to locatea public highway on each section line. These highwjiys divide the township into little squares of one mile each, and it is customary to locate a schoolhouse at each alternate cross-roads. This plan gives to each township nme school- houses twomilesapart. A school district is thus made two miles square with a schoolhouse in the center. But this is an unfavorable shape. Those who live at the corners of the district are two miles from school. A more convenient method for forming district is recommended by Jesse Macy. By this plan a district is formed, containing five square miles insteid of four, and no one who lives upon a public highway can be more than a mile and a half from school. On this plan the children living on the same highway go to the same school, while on the other plan they often goto differ- ent schools.- The Hope of Our Public Schools. 1. The Safety of American Institutions. — When the American people gained their independence they estab- lished the free public school. The founders and fathers of our country early saw that the safety and perpetuity of our country depended upon education. The nations that lead in civilization, in prosperity in invention and in general progress are those who have adopted some system of com- pulsory education and what is true of other nations is also true of ours. If civilization advances the public school must leail the way. 2. What Is Education. — It is the uplift of one soul by the personal contact and effort of a superior soul, wvt in a material, but in a moral and intellectual sense. And no appliance or method can take the place of the superior soul. How infinitesimal appear all educational machinery when Arnold of Rugy arises before us. To rub against such a man for an hour was worth all the machine work of a whole year. 3. Our Supreme Need. — Our supreme need in the schools of to-day is men, not machinery, not methods, not appliances. We need men of character, of conviction, of steadfastness of purpose. THE SCHOOL TEACHER CLOSING SCHOOL. 303 304 THE HOPE OF OUR PUBLIC SCHOOLS. If right character is to be produced in the public school, it must be through the influence of those who have a right character. The great mass of America's youtr. receives nothing beyond that which tlie [)ubhc school offers. It is therefore an essential that our youth be trained in the pub- lic school in all that tends to make true citizenship. 4. Knowledge not Education. — .Vlthough every great teacher, from .'\ristotle until now, has insisted on a more rational method, we are still tyrranized over by the tradi- tion that etlucation is synonymous wi h the acquisition of knowledge. It is not an education to know many things. The brain may be loaded with a mass of heterogeneous facts.date added to date, mountain height to mountain height, river length to river length, population to population — until time or finance fails, and then the education is far from complete. Digestion and assimilation are as necessary to mental as to physical health. Only applied knowledge is power. He is most truly and really educated who is pre- pared for the great work of life. 5. Moral and Religious Training.— Saying nothing of creeds and dogmas, the youth of our nation must be under the charge of teachers who inculcate the principles of man- hood. Honesty, integrity, the duty of man to man and of man to God must be impressed upon the mind in the forma- tive yeai s or the youth develops to be a burden and a curse to the community which he should assist to enlighten and to elevate. 6. Responsibility of Teachers. — He who has not been overwhelmed with the importance of the great and sacred work of instructing the youth, lacks the first elements of fitness for it. Pyramids crumble but the proudest achieve- ments of the architect are surpassed by the teacher. His work tends to the building of the character of the individ- ual and the enlightenment and Christianizing of the com- munity and the nation and in this respect sweeps into eter- nity. Let our schools be presided over by patriotic teach- ers who are sound in morals and withal whole-souled Chris- tians and the future of our country is determined. 7. Value to National Life "and Prosperity.— Joseph Cook aptly and truly says : " There are no proper concep- tions, 1 think, in society at large, of the value of educating the uncicane.st poor. Why, where have many of the great- est inventors come from? Who was Robert Burns? Who is the American Edison? Who was Fer>:uson when he lay on his back and stretched a thread before him, put beads upon it and marked the positions of the stars and made a map of the constellations in the peasant's hut? Who was THE HOPE OF OUR PUBLIC SCHOOLS. 305 that railsplitter who was assassinated in Washington at the end of a civil war, and over whose eloquence as well as over whose statesmanship, every zone of the planet stood hushed in wonder? The talent that lies in the lowest population — how are we ever to know how great it is unless we bring Burns out from under the thatch, and Ferguson up from his peasant's hut, and our Edison into proper employment, and our Lincoln from his hovel up and up, until he finds the place God made for him at the summit of political power in the foremost nation of modern times? Where are the lax executors of law, and the fleec- ers and tempters of the poor, who keep the vail of vice or ignorance hung over the eyes of the lower populations? A man very rarely finds out what great things are in him un- til he drops all the weights that impede his race. He does not know how swift he can be until every bad habit is sloughed off. Where are the men who execute the laws against intemperance? Shut your grog shops, open your schools, and God knows what flashing jewels you may yet dig out of the neglected ores at the very bottom of the un- wrought mine of the modern world." 8. Incentives to Higher Education. — Our public schools are the incentives to higher education. Our colleges and universities, scattered all over the Union, controlled princi- pally by Christian denominations, and conducted on broad and liberal plans, must depend largely upon the public school for their patronage. In the public school the desire for higher education is awakened and if fostered by the teacher, leads to noble and enlightened citizenship. Why can we fill so many institutions with students, if not for the fact that in the public school, the youth is led to see the ad- vantages and possibilities of a truly educated man. 9. Importance of Schools. — The schoolboy of to-day becomes the voter of to-morrow. The millions of youth now in the schools of America are soon to decide all the grave questions of national interest which concern us as a people. The ballot more than the bullet must determine the destiny of our country. The ballot in the hands of the ignorant may do more mischief than the torch of the incen- diary in the towers of the metropolis. Our schools are the palladium of our commonwealth. 306 SCHOOL SAVINGS BANKS. School Savings Banks and How to Organize Them. 1. What Parents Owe to Their Children. — It is a lamentable fact that few children have any knowledge of the value and use of money. Few parents give their chil- dren little, if any discipline, in the art of saving money, and consequently children grow from childhood to manhood and womanhood without any knowledge of business. 2. Teaching Children the Value and Use of Money. — Children should be taught the practical lessons of business in connection with their school studies. The study of arith- metic is but a theoretical system of business, and if the les- sons can be made practical and applied, there will be ten times the benefit to pupils. There is nothing better than a school savings bank to bring out that which will be most available later in life. Business training cannot be begun too young; every school should have a school savings bank, and no doubt it will be the means of making many prosper- ous and successful business men as well as furnishing val- uable lessons to the girls, which will make them competent and available in supporting themselves, should it ever be necessary to do so. 3. The School Savings Banks System. — The school savings banks system, so favorably known and acceptably used in some European countries, has attracted consider- able attention in the United States during the past year. Its experimental introduction in a few schools here has proven it a successful and valuable educational factor. It would appear that only a wider knowledge of the simplicity of inculcating thrift, in connection with book learning, was recjuircd to insure its general adoption. 4. In Three Hundred Schools. — School savings banks are in use in three hundred schools in this country, and the 28,000 scholars who are depositors have about $140,o00 to their credit. These school banks are in eleven different states, Pennsylvania having one hundred and forty of them and New York sixty-five; the others being in Nebraska, Xer- mont, Maine, Indiana, California, Oliio, North Dakota, Massachusetts and New Jersey. These have, with few exceptions, been established since 1888; most of them dur- ing 1890, 1891 and 1892. F"requent inquiries as to the prac* tical working and advantages of the system beK)ken pop- idar interest in this method of teaching economy. 5. Noble Examples.— Madame Carnot. wife of the late r rcnch president, gave a Chnsimas entertainment in 1^68 SCHOOL SAVINGS BANKS. SOT to 400 of the poorest school children in Paris at Elysee Pal- ace, and gave each child a school savings bank book with credit of 10 francs. Many lesser instances of practical en- couragement to the poor are cited by the French press. The greatest assistance that can be extended to an individ- ual is to teach him to help himself, to see and understand his own resources and responsibilities. Pope Leo XIII. at a papal jubilee gave a bank book and 100 francs to each DOING BUSINESS WITH SCHOOL BOYS. boy and girl in a certain district, born on New Year's day. A contribution of one franc or a half franc to start a school account, given to a child, or better, an opportunity shown him to earn the same amount, instills the initial lesson of economy quite as effectually. 6. How to Establish a School Savings Bank. — In order to establish the system successfully it is necessary to have the co-operation of a bank and the approliation of the school authorities. The distribution of a few facts in regard 308 SCHOOL SAVINGS RANKS. to the practical economy through printed literature.the news- papers or a little meeting called to present the work seldom fails to win the desired support. The banks in most towns are so anxious to secure the children's deposits that they have ^^ladly assumed the expense of printing the required forms; mdeed, in some instances it has been a delicate matter to decide which bank should have the privilege. The managers realize that if the children deposit with them they are likely to become customers in later life, and from a business stand- point they are always ready to encourage habits of thrift. 7. School Authorities Endorse It.— The school authori- ties are usually in glad accord with the idea of teaching economy in the schools; the teachers themselves, in most instances noted, ate enthusiastic in the work. The children enter with zest into the accumulation of their earnings and savings, while the development of their individuality and self-dependence is a matter of general comment. When the system is about to be instituted the teacher explains to the scholars the end and aim of the school savings banks; that it is to teach them the practical value of money, how it grows by attention, the benefit of industry, the delight o) giving and spending wisely, with other salutary lessons ir, thrift as oiiportunity occurs. The roll is called every Monday morning lor the collection of the children's savings. This occupies only a very short time, even the morning the work is instituted. Each child who is a depositor has tlie little copyrighted savings bank card, on the face of which is his name, that of the teacher and the school. On the back are the regulations. The card is folded, and on the inside is the date for each Monday in the school year, with space opposite for amount of dcjiosit. 8. Names Are Called.— When the names are called by the teacher each pupil who desires to deposit steps up with his card and money, hamling them cjuickly to the teacher, saying, " Yes, 5 cents," or whatever the sum may be. She with a figure credits the amount on the child's card and on her roll book; passing the card back to the child, who keeps it always m hand as a memorandum and receipt. The first collection in the scho (-♦■ (t> p. p ?; & CD a o tD W o M O o o W > w c o p CO p o e O D" (T •-J P" O i'. 5J .r EH 00 o o w' = o i: a. p c- o ./ncxa'Bonpa luoTiBJCd enn is jo ii'ed iTsiiuassa u'b si Stiia'Bs jo aTQB^ aqi, "The masses know how to earn better than they know how to save." zr. o B 3 P- CD O P P' o 3 a V . CD P p. P» a cr o p TO e = o ■p p- p o 1-1 S" p c^ P- o p- o p •a p cr ^ C p- CD g cr p p p- O P 1 P o p' V a p 5' B c (D o p •< D" O B » 01 o ►1 p p «< o p p p- p 3 o B v: c c B o o p TO C a> r^ p- CD << p- (D P P •P B P O P o o CD B B TO o> W p B p- IE f- , * & V a p o p p a- CD ►" _. c E CD o TO H= P p i-l B ►J O o p- o p P P- CD P P CD P P* P- O CD P o P- o o- p p p cr p p PT cr V3 p- CD (D P O o p p c TO 'i t: — CD C — P- o CP r- 5' C5_ •5' p p- o 3 S > H O z X n n* o Ui < s TO m CO 9> S (A o & p- CD c B 3. S P o E p' Tl ,"B9Aieetnamjo divo aJit'x iiia^sj'biiop am pn'c saTiitiad aqi jo sivo aK«l,» 28 310 SCHOOL SAVINGS I'.ANKS. Depositors" is sent by each teacher to the principal of the school, and by him to the bank with the children's bank books that individual credits may be properly made. These lists are returned by the bank to the principal with the sdiolars' bank books during the week. The bank books are given to the children to take to their homes the last Friday of the month, to be returned with the following Monday deposits. II. Signature of Parent or Guardian and Principal. — The check with which pupils withdraw their money rccpiires A SCHOOL SAVINGS BANK. the signature of parent or guanlian and principal. The principal uses tlie general school fund bank bt)ok, received when the first scliool deposit was made. It is always sent with the week's deposits and returned to him by messenger with full amount or credit. This frees him from responsi- bility, and the arrangement is such that any ermr can be at once traced tii its source. 12. No Power to Withdraw Money. — The principal or teacher has no i)()wcr to withdraw money personally. The bank books taken into tiie home once a month arouse family interest, and parents often have been interested to curtail needless expenses by the practical lesson in the accumula- tion of small savings thus taken to them. Ihe ciiildren SCHOOL SAVINGS BANKS 311 enjoy this instruction which fits them for everyday life and must develop to more self-reliant manhood and woman- hood. 13. A Thorough Trial.— This system has been on trial for two years in Montgomery county, Pennsylvania, now having it in use in sixty of the schools. We have heard no discouraging word of it save from the cigarette and candy vendors, who complain that it injures their trade. The teachers express much gratification in the credits of the scholars, and have themselves acquired some practical knowledge of banking. 14. The Young Man with a Future. — One principal tells us of a boy who was obliged to stop school to learn a trade at fourteen preparatory to family support, but who is so interested in his school fund that he walks to it, ont. and a half miles, every Saturday evening for a year past with 25 cents to add to his account. This boy will doubtless make a provident successful man, and is only one of the many who are being aided through this easy instrumentality to know the value of systematic thrift. 15. May Solve the Problem of Daily Existence. — The child becomes an active rather than a passive agent; he is a recognized part of the nation, an individual factor, gainmg with his book learning an acquaintance with the principles of thrift, a knowledge wherewith he may solve the problem of daily existence. The average boy and girl who have thus deposited their small savings go out into the broader life from the public school having $100 or $200, perhaps more, to his or her individual credit. 16. Rich and Poor Children.— The children of the rich and the children of the very poor perhaps need this econo- mic instruction most, though there are many women and some men in the middle walks of life to-day who cannot without aid make out a bank check and endorse it or give the simplest receipt in form. This instruction gives the children familiarity with these forms, through practical use, with their earliest learning. The children of well-to-do people, who have money given them as a regular allowance, have surprised their parents by the amount saved in this manner. In some cases they have kindly given, in an un- ostentatious fashion, pennies to schoolmates, enabling them to start accounts. 17. Voluntary Deposits. — The deposits are all voluntary on the part of the pupils. From one-third to one-half of the scholars in the schools where the system has been intro- duced become depositors, some making additions weekly, others less frequently. The work is entirely philanthropic. 312 bringing reward to the children, the neighborhotA^s, ancj through them, to the nation — our nati,000,000 acres of land in Illinois, Iowa and Nebraska; a London syndicate owns 3,000,000 acres of land in Texas; Sir Edward Reid owns 2,000,000 acres of land in Florida; another English syndicate owns 1,800,000 acres in Mississippi. The Anglo-American syn- dicate owns 750,000 acres in Missouri, Kansas and some of the other western states; Piryan H. Evans owns 700,000 acres in Mississippi; the Duke of Southcland, 12.5,000 in the southwestern states; the British Company, 320,000 acres in Kansas; the Missouri Land Company, 300,000 acres in Missouri; Lord Houghton owns 60,000 acres in Florida; the 324 LAND OWNED BV FOREIGNERS. JERRY SIMPSON, Ex-Member Congress from Kansas. English Land Company, 50,000 acres in California, and 50,000 acres in Arkansas; Alexander Grant, of London, owns 35,000 acres in Kansas; a foreign syndicate, of which the l{!arl of \'emlan and the Earl of Lankeville are at the head, owns 110,000 acres in Wisconsin; M, Effenhauser, of Halifax, Nova Scotia, owns 600,000 acres of land in West Virginia; a Scotch syndicate owns 50,000 acres in Florida. 3. Grand Total. -It is claimed that fully 'iO,000, years me mayor and aldermen ot Boston have been but a committee of the places for gambling and of the liciuoi shops of the peninsula. The year 1900 will not hiss W eo» dell Phillips. strikes. CHAPTER IX. Issues of the Day. A COMPLETE HISTORY OF STRIKES. 1. American History. — It is the very generally ac- cepted opinion that the disturbance in New York City, in 1803, popularly known as the "sailors' strike," was the earliest example of the strike known in this country. This opinion may be authoritatively controverted by facts, which afford proof of a series of strikes among the boot and shoe makers of Philadelphia, beginning in 1796, and make it reasonably certain that a strike occurred among the bakers of New York City as early as 1741. 2. Strikes Grew. — From these beginnings the practice of striking by employes who desired some concession regard- ing their wages, or were otherwise dissatisfied with the con- ditions under which they worked, grew, until in 1835 strikes had become so numerous as to call forth remonstrant com- ments from the public press, the New YoxV Daily Adver- tiser, on June 6, observing that "strikes are all the fashion," and that "it is an excellent time for the journeymen to come from the country to the city." From this period up to the present time strikes have been common, their frequency depending upon the industrial conditions which prevailed. 3. Strikes in England. — History shows that strikes took place shortly after the plague of 1349. The crops then rotted on the ground for lack of reapers ; whole flocks and herds perished for want of care-takers, houses were left unfinished by the builders, even the workmen employed at the King's palace deserted their business, and unless for wages which were considered "outrageous," labor was not to be had in country or town. These strikes in the fourteenth century were encountered with measures which illustrate the funda- mental differences between mediaeval and modern political economy. ^^ 340 A COMPLETE HIbTORY OF STRIKES. 341 4. Statute of Labor. — A statute of labor was passed, ordaining that every man and woman, free or bond, within the age of threescore years, and not having landed property or other means of livelihood, should work for any employer requiring their labor at the old rate of wages. This statute was followed by a series of enactments, royal mandates, and municipal regulations rigorously suppressing combinations of workmen, and inflicting fines, imprisonment, and the pun- ishment of the stocks on all artificers, laborers, and servants refusing to serve for the ancient wages, or even leaving the village or town wherein they had hitherto dwelt. 5. Conflicting Facts. — In place of new restraints on the movements and combination of workmen, old restrictions have been repealed, trades-unions have been legalized, and the classes most opposed to strikes have contented them- selves with denouncing them as at once mischievous and ineffectual. On the last point the actual results have been conflicting. Many strikes have been successful in raising wages or reducing the hours of work, but on the other hand many have failed; in not a few cases it has been demon- strated that the state of trade, prices and profits left no margin for compliance with the demands of the workmen, and in some it is certain that employers were positive gain- ers by the suspension of business. These conflicting facts, and ihe public attention which strikes have engaged, have led to a whole literature on the subject, but the matter of it may be stated in a few wurds. 6. Wise Propositions. — The proposition which may with best reason be affirmed is that the chief benefit to the working classes from past strikes is that they have contrib- uted to bring about measures which, besides other beneficial resulis, tend to prevent their occurrence in the future. Co- operation, industrial partnership of capitalists and work- men in various forms, boards of conciliation and arbitration, wiser rules and policy on the part of trades-unions, all owe something to the lessons learned from the strikes. No panacea is likely to be discovered in our age which will put an end altogether to disputes between labor and capital, but something has already been done to render their rela- tions more harmonious in many trades. 7 Expense of Strikes. — In 1888 Mr. Adolph Strasser, the president of the Cigar Makers' International Union, testified before the United States Senate Committee on Labor and Capital that there had then been 362 strikes among the cigar makers recognized by his organization, of which 204 were successful, 187 lost, 12 compromised, and 10 then in progress. The expenditures for the strikes amounted to 342 THE GREAT PULLMAN STRIKE. 343 81,800,000 per annum, and the reductions prevented, to at least §500,000 per annum. Prof. Sartorius von Walters- hausen has made a study of the strikes in the United States from November 1, 1879, to October 1, 1880. Of the 121 for an increaseofwages,80 were won and 19 compromised; of the26 agamst a reduction of wages, 21 were lost, 3 compromised, and 2 won. It is seen that strikes fail sometimes, and are sometimes won, but in both cases there is serious loss to somebody, and it would be a gain to everybody if the result of the strike, whatever it may be, could be reached without the strike. The Great Pullman Strike, The great Pullman and railroad strike of 1894 originated in a demand for an increase of wages by the mechanics em- ployed in the car manufacturing shop of the, Pullman Palace Car Company, at Pullman, 111. 1. The Demand Was Refused, and 2,000 men laid down their tools on the 11th of May. Anattemptatarbitration was made a few days afterward, but it failed. Matters stood thus until June 15, when a committee of the strikers again sought the officers of the Pullman company with a proposition to arbitrate the dispute. They were met with the reply that there was nothing to arbitrate. 2. The American Railway Union. — Before the strike began the labor organization known as the American Rail- way Union had assured the Pullman men that in the event of a strike theunion would support them by declaring a boycott against the Pullman cars; that is, that the members ot the union, employes of the railroads, would refuse to handle trains made up in whole or in part of Pullman cars. On June 26 the boycott was declared, and the general strike began. 3. The Mob.— During the strike more than a thousand freight cars were set on fire and burned. Forty-five trains were stoned and fired upon by the mobs along the line of the railways. Buildmgs, station houses and railroad prop- erty were set on fire and burned. Innocent people travel- ing in the cars were injured by rocks and pieces of iron and bullets thrown through the windows of the cars. Locomo- tives were started on the tracks and sent wild along the roads, endangering the lives of hundreds of people. On July 5 a mob of ten thousand people gathered in one part of 344 THE GREAT PULLMAN STRIKE. 345 the city and moved nearly three miles along through a dense part of the city, destroying and burning property, and the universal cry of that mob was: " To hell with the govern- ment ! " How near this comes to the carrying out of the declaration of the anarchists of Pennsyh^ania, who pro- claimed that they were "opposed to all private property, and, as the state is the bulwark of property, they were opposed to all government," I need not stop to inquire. 4. The Next Three Weeks. — It would be impossible, in the spaceat our disposal, even if it were necessary, to tell in full the story of the next three weeks. The disturbance was greatest at Chicago, but it extended to many points in the West and to a few points in the East. 5. Attempt to Prevent the Running of Trains. — The at- tempt to prevent the running of trains was accompanied by violence in which, it is said, many of the strikers took part; but by far the greatest part of the disorder was the work of the lawless element of the population, consisting largely of foreigners, which is always at hand to take advantage of occasions to plunder and destroy. 6. State and United States Troops. — Both State and United States troops were called to arms at various points in the West to quell riots and to protect property. The employment of the national aTces for this purpose was warmly criticised in some quarters; but both Houses of Congress have approved or the President's action by a formal vote. 7. The Strike Failed. — The reasons of the failure are evident. However strongly the wage earners of the country may have sympathized with the strikers in their grand ob- ject, namely, to obtain higher wages, a vast number of them did not think the strike expedient. When ordered to strike in support of it they did not obey, for in these days of busi- ness depression, they knew that their places could be quickly filled from the ranks of the unemployed. 8. The Leader of the Movement. — Moreover, so far as can be judged by impartial observers, they seemed not to have confidence in the discretion of the leader of the move- ment. As for the strikers themselves, they could only succeed by preventing the running of trains; and when the military force was employed to aid the railroads in their operation, the last chance was removed. 9. Great Inconvenience and Loss. — The strike is another example, cf which there have been so many, of the fact that the whole community may be put to great inconvenience and loss by disputes and conflicts over which the law has assumed no jurisdiction. If a policeman sees two dogs 34G THE GREAT PULLMAN STRIKE. 3i7 EUGENE V. DEBS, The Leader of the Railway Strike in 1894. fighting, he can part them. If two men have a feud and attempt to shoot each other, both can be arrested. If aa employer tries to defraud or oppress one of his men, or if one workman tries to destroy his employer's property, thij law intervenes with a strong arm. But if wrong be done 00 348 THE AXTHR.\CITE COAL STRIKE. a large scale, or by a large number of men, there is no law which authorizes the community to put a stop to it. Why is not a law of compulsory arbitration justified by the laws now in force, which shall prevent any one man who thinks he is wronged from taking the law into his own hands ? 10. The Wage Earners of the country are strong enough in numbers to make almost any laws they see fit to make. Doubt- less the time will come when they will by peaceable means have a controlling voice in national legislation. But they can never win popular support until they not only refrain from violence themselves, as most of them now do, but take the lead in prevent- ing reckless, injudicious friends from employing force. The Anthracite Coal Strike. " Three ink blots on the eastern end of the map of Pennsyl- vania, between the Delaware and the Susquehanna Rivers, rep- resent all the anthracite coal of the United States. The coal beds cover an area of 488 square miles, and produced in the year 1900, 153,500,000 tons of coal — truly infinite riches in a lit- tle space. They are popularly known as the Wyoming, Lehigh, and Schuylkill regions. Their limits are so sharply defined that one can pass in five minutes through one of the notches in the surrounding mountain wall and find himself as much out of the coal regions as if he were a hundred miles away." "The coal measures are composed of alternate layers of rock and coal piled u])on each other like the layers of a jelly cake, in which the thick layers of cake represent the rock strata and the thin layers of jelly the coal beds. The thickness of the coal beds varies from one foot to thirty-two feet, and that of the rock from a few feet to two hundred feet." The coal miners in former years were Irish, Welsh, and Eng- lish, who had worked in the English mines, and had come to .America to improve their condition. But some years ago the " Coal Barons," as the operators are called, imported a cheaper labor from .\ustro-Hungary, and other parts of Europe. But many of the old coal miners and their descendants still live in the coal regions, and are a prosperous class, being superintend- ents, engineers, and the like. The miners struck in 1900, but settled in a short lime ; but the peace was not lasting. HISTORY OF THE GREAT STRIKE OF 1902. The occa- sion >i! the strike of 190.1 was the litnianii oi the L'nited Mine Workers of America for an (1) increase oj wages, {2) a decrease THE ANTHRACITE COAL STRIKE. 349 JOHN MITCHELL President United Mine Workers of America. in time, and the (3) payment for coal by the weight wherever practicable, and where then paid by car. Though the strike of 1900 had resulted in an advance of ten per cent, in the wages paid to all classes of mine workers, neither the miners nor the operators were satisfied. In the struggle between the coal miners and the operators, John Mitchell, President of the Mine Workers of America, acted for the miners, and the presidents of the coal- carrying railroads acted for the operators. The railway presi- dents were : W. H. Trucsdale, of the Delaware, Lackawanna and Western; F. D. Underwood, of the Erie Railroad ; Geo. F Baer, of the Philadelphia and Reading ; R. M. Olypliant, of the Dela- ware and Hudson Company; and E. B. Thomas, Executive Department of the Erie Railroad. 350 THE ANTHR.\CITE COAL STRIKE. After much discussion and correspondence between Mitchell and the railway presidents the strike was called for May 12, 1902. This strike lasted from May 12 to October 23, 1902, live months and eleven days. About 147,000 men abandoned their work. LOSSES FROM THE STRIKE. There was a decrease of ship- ment of coal during the strike of over twenty-four and one-half millions long tons, or forty per cent, loss for the year. This in value to the operators was a loss of over $46,000,000. The loss in wages to the miners was $25,000,000. The loss in freight to the coal-carrying roads was $28,000,000. The relief fund amounted to nearly $2,000,000. All of the losses amount to $101,000,000 as the result of this strike, the greatest, perhaps, on record. DEMANDS OF THE MINE WORKERS. The demands in the statenuni of claims made by ilic union mine workers are as follows : First. — An increase of twenty per cent, upon the prices paid during the year 1901, to employees performing contract or piece work . Second. — A reduction of twenty per cent, in hours of labor without any reduction of earnings for all employees paid by the hour, day or week. Third. — The adoption of a system by which coal shall be weighed and paid for by weight wherever practicable ; the mini- mum rate per ton to be si.xty cents for a long ton of 2,240 pounds. Fourth. — The incorporation in an agreement between the United Mine Workers of America and the anthracite coal com- panies of the wages which shall be paid and the conditions of employment which shall obtain, together with satisfactor>- meth- ods for the adjustment of grievances which may arise from time to time, to the end that strikes and lockouts may be unnecessary. These demands were rejected by the railway presidents and operators. SHORTAGE OF ANTHRACITE COAL AND ITS EFFECTS. The price of coal rose rapidly; pooT people needed but little dur- ing the summer. But when October came the situation grew serious. Many industries used hard coal, and it was dilhcult to ad- just furnaces and the like to soft coal. But more than all, soft coal also rose rapidly in price, and the supply was none too abundant. Prospects looked gloomy, for our cold .American winter lay just ahead with a shortage of fuel supply. The prospect was a win- ter of suffering for the fxxjr, to say nothing of supplying the demand for coal in all forms of manufacturing. What was to be done? The railroad presidents would not meet Mitchell to arbi- trate. The interest of the general public in the coal strike THE ANTHRACITE COAL STRIKE. 351 became vastly errater than the interest of either party to the strike. The striking miners were supplied with the necessaries of life by the union miners in the soft coal regions and by other organized bodies. So the miners' confidence was firm and ihey showed no sign of yielding. The operators on the other hand were leagued in a firm and closely organized monopoly, with absolute control of the anthra- cite coal trade. They seemed to be heedless to the cry of the needy public and to the demands of the miners. J. P. Morgan, of the firm of J. P. Morgan & Co., had organ- ized the coal-carrying railroads and the anthracite coal trust into one mighty combination in order to control the anthracite coal trade of the United States. To Morgan, therefore, the people looked for aid in settling the strike and putting the miners to work. He alone, with his financial backers, had power over the obstinate railroad presidents. PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT'S WORK. President Roosevelt in- vited Mr. Mitchell and the railroad presidents to meet him at the White House for consultation. The invitation was accepted, and a meeting was held October 3. The President appealed to both parties to the controversy to arbitrate their difficulties. Mr. Mit- chell, for the miners, promptly offered to abide by the decision of any arbitrators the President might select, and to immediately resume work pending the decision of the arbitrators. But to the surprise of the President and the indignation of the people at large, the group of railroad presidents each arose in order and read a typewritten lecture condemning strikes, refusing arbitra- tion at Roosevelt's hands, and demanding of the President pro- tection by federal troops, claiming that if their workmen could be protected they would be able to open their mines. Governor Stone of Pennsylvania called out all the State National Guard, ten thousand in number, and so distributed them as to protect all the anthracite mines. But no miners went to work. AH the available miners belonged to the miners' i' lion and all stood together in support of the strike. So the ' pera- tors' challenge failed. ~ Force now began to be used against the coal trust. Steps were taken under the Sherman anti-trust law to prosecute the leaders in the coal trust. The politicians tried their hands at compelling the trust to arbitrate the coal strike. But all to no purpose. Finally Mr. Morgan told the presidents to mine coal or arbitrate. He went to Washington and consulted with Presi- dent Roosevelt. The outcome was that the presidents of the coal roads agreed to leave all issues concerned to a board of arbitra- tion to be appointed by President Roosevelt, but limited the choice of arbitrators to certain classes of men. At first Mr Mit- chell objected to such a one-sided proposition, but the President 352 THE STOCK-YARDS STRIKE. finally persuaded him that a good board could be selected from these classes. The President chose the following board, which was satisfac- tory to both parties: Gen. John N. Wilson, no represent the army ; Judge George Gray, lo represent the judicial depart- ment ; Edward E. Clark, as a sociologist ; Thomas H. \\ aikins, a practical operator ; PIdward W. Parker, as a mining expert ; Bishop John L. Sj^alding was added by President Roosevelt, as most of the miners arc Roman Catholics, and Bishop Spalding had a special interest in the miners of his own district around Peoria, Illinois. THE STRIKE ENDS. .% soon as these arrangements were made the nun v.cni back to work, each parly agreeing lo abide by the decision of the Labor Commission, as it would take sev- eral months to reach a decision. But coal came to market very slowly. Many of the mines had been flooded and these must be put in a condition to work. During the winter of 1902-3 coal of all kinds was scarce and high, as the market could not be supplied. It was not until the following winter of 1903-4 that normal conditions prevailed. THE DECISION OF THE COMMISSION. First— An increase of ten per cent, was awarded the miners of all grades. Second — Nine hours shall constitute a day's work. Third — The prtsent methods for payment of coal mined shall be adhered to, unless changed by mutual agreement. Fourth — The Commission ad- judges and awards : That any ditficully or disagreement arising under this award, either as to its interpretation or application, or in any way growing out of the relations of the employers and employed which cannot be settled or adjusted by consuUation between those interested, shall be referred to a permanent joint committee, to be called a Board of Conciliation, to consist of si.\ persons appointed as provided. THE STOCK-YARDS STRIKE. The employees of the packing houses uf Chicago struck on July 12, 1904, for the purpose of obtaining better wages and better hours. The men were idle from July 12 to September 8, nearly two months. The strike spread to Kansas City, Omaha, St. Paul and Sioux City, and was against great packing firms, usually known as the " Beef Trust" or the " Big Four." The independent companies were not involved in the trouble. The teamsters of the different companies refused to deliver meat to the people of Chicago or to be shipped abroad by cars. This aided the strikers very much but it caused much disturbance and some violence. The labor unions lost the strike because the men were not financially able to hold out, and the packers were able to supply themselves with "strike breakers." Some 50,000 men were involved and the total lo6S lo all interested was more than $10,000,000. STRIKES AND LOCKOUTS. 353 STRIKES AND LOCKOUTS IN THE UNITED STATES. From January 1, 1881, lo December 31, 1900. [Compiled from sixteenth annual report of t H- Commissioner of Labor.] STRIKES. LOCKO UTS. YEAR , Thrown out oj work. , Thrown out oi work K K -» ■s to w ■~. .- 5 3 -2 t3 s; S I? ■St i: S ^ ^g E^S 9 4. OS 5^ 5.92 ^ tiii ft. S <4 1881 471 2,928 129,521 6 9 655 83.2! 16.79 1882 454 2,105 154,671 92.15 7.S5 22 42 4,131 93.80 0.20 1883..._. 478 2,759 149,703 87.66 12.34 28 117 20,512 73.58 26.42 1884 443 2,367 147,054 88.78 11.22 42 354 18,121 78.93 21.07 1885 645 2,2S4 242,705 87.77 12.23 50 183 15,424 83.77 16.23 1880 1,432 10,033 508,044 S6.17 13.83 140 1,509 101,980 03.02 36.98 1887 1,436 6,589 379,676 91.77 8.23 67 1,281 59,630 94.70 5.24 1888 906 3,506 147,704 91.50 8.50 40 180 15,170 79.53 20.47 1889 1,075 3,786 249,559 90.48 9.52 36 132 10,731 73.91 20.09 1890 1,833 9,424 351,944 90.53 9.47 64 324 21,555 72.49 27.51 1891 1,717 8 116 298,939 94.90 5.10 69 646 31,014 .59.13 40.87 1892 1,298 5,540 206,071 93.57 6.43 61 716 32,014 90.02 3.98 1893-.._. 1,305 4,555 265,914 93.06 6.94 70 305 21,842,84.95 15.05 1894 1,349 8,196 660,425 90.14 9.86 55 875 29,619 84.94 15.06 1895..._. 1,215 6,973 392,403 84.56 15.44 40 370 14,785 07.07 32.93 1896...... 1,026 5,462 241,170 87.08 12.92 40 51 7,668 89.95 10.05 1S97..._. 1,078 8,492 408,391 88.89 11.11 32 171 7,703 91.34 8.06 1898 1,056 3,809 249,002 85.78 14.22 42 164 14,217 88.85 11.15 1899 1,797 11,317 417,072 89.42 10.58 41 323 14,817 93.20 0.80 1900 1,779 9,248 505,066 94.80 5.20 60 2,281 02,053 93.17 6.83 {Total 22,793 117,509 6,105,694 90.00 10.00 1,005 9,933 504,307 80.24 19.76 Note. — Of the total number of strikes 14,457 were ordered by organizations and 8,320 were not so ordered. Of those ordered 52.80 per cent, succeeded, 13.60 per cent, partly succeeded and 33.54 per cent, failed; of tho.se not ordered, 35.56 per cent, succeeded, 9.05 per cent, partly succeeded and 55.39 per cent, failed. WAGES IN EUROP EAN AND AM ERICAN CITIES. Amounts paid per weel: in fifteen skilled occupations in recent years according to the statistical office of the British Board of Trade. In Lccdi) ig Cities. In Otka Cities OCCUPATION. N.Y. London Paris Berlin U.S. BrU'n Fr'nce Ger. S19.82 28.80 20.94 25.78 22.38 15.00 18.00 15.00 16.94 18.00 16.80 17.38 18.00 19.00 25.00 •SI 0.50 10.50 8.75 12.80 10.34 9.12 8.04 9.12 9.12 10.08 10.25 10.08 10.70 9.12 9.60 % 9.80 8.20 8.30 ""i'M 9.50 SO. 00 S17.00 20.35 17.58 21.00 23.70 IS.OO 15.90 12.68 12.68 16.50 13.96 12.62 13.26 13.50 20.46 S9.15 9.37 8.39 9.39 9.15 8.61 8.01 8.37 8.37 8.85 8.49 8.61 8.61 7.71 8.13 .?5.05 5.19 5.19 5.23 5.19 5.78 $5.20 6.01 Painters Plasterers ■5;b2' 6.30 5.38 5.74 5.02 5.38 5.54 6.78 6.36 6.46 6.61 Blacksmiths 5.11 4 7'i Machinists (fitters) Machinists(tumers Patternmakers Cabinetmakers Coopers Upholsterers _... 8.64 5.68 10.52 0.81 7.60 10.36 8.06 9.84 5.19 5.78 5.43 5.78 4.71 6.18 5.78 7.02 4.81 4.81 5.05 5.41 5.44 6.71 5.51 Lithographers „. 5.67 354 THE CHICAGO tea:msters' strike. The Chicago Teamsters' Strike. This was a so-called "s\Tn pathetic" strike and one that was absolutely unwarranted and inexcusable. We will not attempt to give a detailed histon*- of this unfortunate struggle, but rather state a few facts that will serve as a key to the industrial conditions of the times. Early in the Spring of 1905, the Teamsters' Unions of Chicago directed a vigorous boycott strike against the mail order firm of Montgomery Ward & Co. .\ little later, C. P. Shea, President of the Teamsters' Union, called a general strike which seriously crippled shipping facilities and paralyzed business in general. When pressed for an explanation the union leaders stated that the strike was "sympathetic" in favor of the Garment Workers, who had slight misunderstandings v.-ith emplovers at that time. BRIBERY AND CORRUPTION. After several Months of fighting, murdering and inestimable financial loss, it was discovered that the real cause was high-handed "graft" and bribery, as shown by the following quotation from a current periodical: "Evidence of an indicating character has been received by State's .Attorney Healy, .Assistant State's Attorney Fake and the Grand Jur\' in investigation of the charge that a large eniploying firm purchased from President C. P. Shea and other Teamsters' L'nion leaders not only immunitv from a strike but trouble for a rival firm. The charge is that $30,000 was paid in installments of $10,000 for the immunitv and $20,000 for "soaking' the rival." "KENTUCKY" HOME." This was a hotel conducted by women detectives who lured President Shea and other laljor leaders into their tra])s and drew from them secrets of the strike situation, as the following quotation proves: ".\nother interesting feature of the type-written statements of the inmates of the 'Kentucky Home' is that they disclose, it is said, a conspiracy within a conspiracy, or, in other words, that the strike leaders, after com- pleting the alleged conspiracy with Sears, Roebuck & Co., talked in the presence of the women that they would 'play both ends" and hold up Montgomery Ward & Co. for $30,000 in an agreement to settle the strike." GRAND JURY INVESTIGATION. State's .Attorney Healy said: "We have been investigating the initial features of the strike before the .April and May Grand Juries, but results were not obtained until the June Grand Jury convened. Every line of information secured by the .Afiril and May Grand Juries con- cerning this alleged conspiracy between a certain employing firm and the strike leaders has been followed by the present Grand Jury and I do not deny that the material points have been sulTi- cienily corroborated to warrant the continuance of the inquiry. Wc had important facts showing a conspiracy against Mont- gomery \\'ard & Co. from the beginnning of this investigation, and now that tangible results ha\e been obtained we are satisfi'Hl." A 355 Preventing Strikes. ARBITRATION LAW EFFECTIVE. Working of the System in Massachusetts During Eight years. — Employers and Employed Find Their interests Protected. 1. No Complications. — Since the board of arbitration ^nd conciliation wai established in Massachusetts, 18tt6- lb94, neither the militia nor the police have been called upon to interfere in labor troubles. Before that organization existed there were continual appeals for their existence in preserving the peace and protecting property. Formerly the constant disputes between employers and employed over wages, hours of labor, the employment of non-union work- men and other sources of friction cost the state treasury many thousands of dollars annually, often several hundreds of thousands, for Massachusetts is the fourth manufacturing state in the I'nion. 2. Money Saved.— During the last eight years the ex- penditures on this account have been less than $9,000. Last year they amounted to ?.^.9S(), of which ^(l.WM) represented the salaries of three members of the board of arbitration, ^L200 the salary of its secretary and the remainder con- tingent expenses, such as railroad fare, hotel bills, stationery and printmu'. 3. Costs of Strikes. — It i:? impossible to ascertain and difficult to estimate the amount of money that M-as lost an- nually by the stoppage of work, owing to strikes and labof I PREVENTING STRIKES. 357 disputes before this board was organized, but last year it settled controversies involving §1,652,246 in the wages of men and women and $8,687,625 in the product of their labor. In 1892 the board cost the state ?10,430, and it settled disputes involvmg a product valued at §8,986,210 and wages amount- ing to $2,034,804. In 1891 it cost the state $8,108, and settled disputes involving $12,044,525 in products and $4,056,- 195 in wages. All of which shows that as a financial invest- ment the Massachusetts plan of arbitration is a good thing. 4. The Law. — The first section of the law authorizes the governor to appoint "three competent persons to serve as a state board of arbitration and conciliation in the manner hereinafter provided. One of them shall be an employer or selected from some association representing employers of labor, one of them shall be selected from some labor organ- ization and not an employer of labor, the third shall be ap- pointed upon the recommendation of the other two." The commissions are so dated that one vacancy occurs each year, but at no time is the board without two members of experience. As a matter of fact Mr. Walcott and Mr. Barry have served continuously from the beginning. There have been three other appomtments in eight years 5. Conditions. — The bill declares that whenever any controversy not involving questions which may be the sub- ject of a suit at law exists between an employer and his employes, if he employs twenty-five persons, the board shall, upon application, as soon as practicable, visit the locality and make careful inquiry into the cause, hear all persons interested, advise the parties what, if anything, ought to be done to adjust the dispute, and make a written decision. This decision shall at once be made public, re- corded by the secretary of the board and a copy filed with the clerk of the city or town where the business is carried on. 6. Assistants. — When notice has been given as afore- said, each of the parties to the controversy, the employer on one side and the employes interested on the other side, may in writing nominate and the board may appoint one person to act in the case as expert assistant to the board. The two persons so appointed shall be skilled in and conversant with the business or trade concerning which the dispute has arisen. It shall be their duty, under the direction of the board, to obtain and report to the board information con- cerning the wages paid, and the methods and grades of work prevailing in manufacturing establishments wuhin the com- monwealth of a character similar to that in winch the mat- ters in dispute have arisen. The expert assistants shall be 358 THE RIGH r AND WRONG OF STRIKES. sworn to the faithful discharge of their duty. They shall be entitled to receive from the treasury of the commonwealth such compensation as shall be allowed and certified by the board, together with all necessary traveling expenses. Should the petitioners fail to perform the promise made in the application, the board shall proceed no further without the written consent of the adverse party. 7. Witnesses. ^The board is authorized to compel the attendance of witnesses antl the production of books, rec- ords and papers, and administer oaths. Section 5 provides for the publication of the decision. Section 6 is very im- portant, and provides that all decisions of the board shall be binding upon the parties who join in said application for six months, or until either party has given the other notice in writing of his intention not to be bound by the same at the expiration of sixty days therefrom. Said notice may be given to said employes by posting the same in three con- spicuous places in the shop or factory where they work. 8. No Compulsion. — There is no penalty provided for refusing to submit to the decision of the board, nor is there any method of eiift)rcing its decrees. Everything that points to force or compulsion seems to have been carefully omitted, and the sixth section, which provides that the de- cision shall be binding for only six months, seems to be a weak spot in the law. The Right and Wrong of Strikes. 1. Complete Equality. — In any contract or business re- lation between the wage-laborer and the wage-payer, the two parties meet on terms of complete equality in respect to the law, to natural common rights, to the claims of re- spect and courtesy, to all the obligations of fair and patient consideration. 2. Class-Feeling. — This excludes on the part of the wage-laboier, jealousy, suspicion, eye-service or sham work, under the influence of class-feeling or resent- ment. It excludes on the part of the wage payer, contempt, national or sectional or personal prejudice, all taking ad- vantage from a sense of superior power or social standing, or from any traditional sentiment due to past social dis- tinctions. 3. No Transaction is Righteous. — No transaction is righteous where the necessities, the weakness, the depend- THE RIGHT AND WRONG OF STRIKES. 3)9 ence of the laborer are directly or indirectly made to re- duce the price of his service below an equitable mark, or to delay pavnient. 4. Effects Far Beyond the Immediate Issue.— In cases of difference, however exasperating, a wise forecast will keep both parties in mind that every such struggle has The Effects of Strikes. effects far beyond the immediate issue, and that, in the present and prospective state of public feeling, any settle- ment brought about by sheer coercion is to be deprecated as leaving behind irritation instead of mutual good will, and the discontent of an unhealed wound instead of mutual con- fidence. -360 THE RIGHT AND WRONG OF STRIKES. 5. What Is a Strike?— A strike is a concerted sus- pension of work by wage-workers of either sex in the em- ploy of wage-payers for an alleged non-fulhllment of a con- tract, or as a protest at the alleged imposition of new de- mands, or for the sake of obtaining some benefit declared 10 be deserved on account of new conditions in the line of industry pursued, or in the cost of livmg, or for the correc- tion of personal offenses against wage-workers. 6. A Great Evil. — Taking into account the disturb- ances, the damage to related branches of business, the risk of loss, temporary at least, to one or both parties, the un- certainty of the result, and the probable provocation to ill- temper and consequent alieaation, the strike must be re- garded as an evil — a measure to be resorted to only in the last extremity, when all other modes of remedy or satis- faction have first been tried. 7. How to Prevent Strikes. -^The primary preventive of strikes is definiteness and particularity in the original agreement of contract between the employer and the em- ployed. The specifications could easily be made to meet ordinary cases of difference, and forestall a rupture. 8. Reduced Wages. — Xo strike can be justified on the ground of reduced wages where it can be proved by the board of arbitration, or otherwise, that the market value of the product of the industry is insut^cient to sustain wages at the regular rate. The employer should show his books, the workman what it costs him to live, and fully explain his •embarrassment in meeting present prices. 9. Needless Element. — Justice demands that, except in extreme necessity, the act which, on either side, dis- solves the contract or suspends the work should not be sud- den. The suddenness is a needless element in the injury. Unless there is a patent or actual outrage, notice ought to be given and an opportunity afforded for an amicable ad- justment. Either party may appreliend that the other will take advantage of the notice to secure itself and damage the antagonist. 10. Serious and Needless Losses. — Serious and need- less losses are sulfered among workmen .uid thv ir families by haste, indiscretion and assumption in exciting and or- dering strikes where they are not warranted by sufficient cause. If organizations are needed to prevent this mischief, organization becomes an imperative duty. Xo rash indig- nation, no appeals to pride or class spirit, no false loyalty to an irresiKinsible society, will excuse a wanton waste of time and family comfort. Workingmen lose by it not only what -they cannot afford to lose in their own welfare; they lose THE RIGHT AND WRONG OF STRIKES. 361 the respect and sympathy of the wiser part of the com- munity standing ready to befriend them. II.' Rights of Labor. — That any number of men in this country have a right to combine, organize and act together for the lawful promotion of their convictions or their com- mon interests, ought by this time to be beyond dispute. If a number of men may combine to raise or keep up the price of oil, wheat or sugar, then there may be a union to raise or keep up the price of labor. An organization of workmen for that purpose is far less likely to do mischief than are the m.anufacturers or traffickmg monopolists who overtax the many for the aggrandizement of the few. It will be likely to have in it manlier men, better characters, and a more disinterested public spirit. 12. Politicians. — Politicians, who have no scruples in damaging and obstructing one another's parties by all sorts of devices, are shocked when they hear, and sometimes when they only suspect, that labor men are doing the same thing. The game is bad for both of them. It takes time to convince unwilling minds, but time and experience will do it. . . 13. Discharging Employes. — Membership m an asso- ciation representing a social theory, or a plan of mutual support, without any hostile purpose toward any particular institution or enterprise, is no more a justification for dis- charging workmen than is membership of the officers of a railroad in a political club a justification for an abandon- ment bv the workmen of their work. 14. ' Capital and Labor. — It sounds well to say that labor cannot live without capital. In point of fact, taking capital in its technical scientific sense, there is a conceivable, and not impossible, industrial and social state where labor can live without capital independently and comfortably. It has done so, and may do so again. At any rate, capitalists know very well that without labor their capital would not, in most cases, have been created, and if created, w^ould speedily disappear. < 15. Sharp Policy. — We hear it offered as an excuse tor a sharp policy on the part of capital that the working classes are in no danger of depression, in fact that they rather need to be kept down by the strong hand. Is it true? By a recent report of the Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics of Labor, "one-third of all the persons engaged in remunerative labor are unemployed at their principal occupation for about one- third of their working time." The average annual wages of the operatives in ninety manufacturing establishments in New England, as shown by a professor of the Massachusetts 362 BOARDS OF LABOR CON'CILIATION. State Agricultural College, was in 1888,8441; of the proprie- tors, $4,983. Two hundred and fifty thousand families con- trol 75 to 80 per cent, of our national wealth, while 75 per cent, pay but 27 per cent, of taxes for the support of the government, and the owners of but a quarter of the property pay 73 per cent. Boards of Labor Conciliation. 1. Use of Boards of Conciliation. — It is surprising that we, in this country, have as yet made so little use of boards of conciliation. In England they are found in many of the large trades, and, as a direct result, in many businesses strikes have become a thing of the past, and both the wage- workers and the employers are outspoken in their expres- sions of thankfulness for the more intelligent relations and better feelings that have ensued. 2. Arbitration. ^Arbitration is not the same as concili- ation, but may be used when conciliation has failed, or where there has been no attempt at conciliation. Arbitra- tion is "after the fact," and implies that a cause of differ- ence and a dispute have arisen. By arbitration this maybe settled, a compromise effected and war averted; and that whether the dispute relates to past arrangements, as to what are the terms or an existing contract, the just application of those terms to a new state of things, or whether the difficulty is to agree upon future prices or conditions of labor. 3. Conciliation. — Conciliation aims at something higher — at dmng before the fact that which arbitration accom- plishes after. It seeks to prevent and remove the causes of dispute before they arise, to adjust differences and claims before they become disputes. Arbitration is limited to the larger and more general questions of industry, those of wages or prices, or those concerning a whole trade, A board of conciliation deals with matters that could not be arbitrated upon; promotmg the growth of beneficial cus- toms; interfering m the smaller details of industrial life; modifying or removing some of tlie worst evils incidental to modern industry, such, for example, as the truck svstem, or the wrongs which workmen suffer at the hands of middle- men and overseers. 4. Formation of a Board of Conciliation. — Of course, for the formation of a board of conciliation it is necessary that the wage-workers and (unless the board is confined but to one shop in the trade) the employers should be organized. PRINCIPLES OF ORGANIZED LABOR. 363 in order that accredited representation from both sides should find place on the board, say three representatives from each side to be appointed as may be agreed upon. Organization and combination is, however, the order of the day, and when it is understood to be essential to the highest interests of the wage-payer and wage-receiver, suspicion and jealousy on this score may be expected to disappear. 5. The Proceedings of the Board of Conciliation. — The proceedings of the board of conciliation are very informal, not like a court, but the masters and men sit round a table, the men interspersed with the masters. Each side has its secretary. The proceedings are without ceremony, and the matter is settled by what the men call a "long-jaw" dis- cussion and explan? tion of views, in which the men convince the masters as often as the masters the men. Oi course, this does not mean that every member of the board is always convinced, though it seems that even this is often the case, but when they are not they are content to compromise. It is in fact conciliation, and is better than the decision of a court or of an umpire. The "long-jaw" ending in an agree- ment, may take a longer time, but it is the true practical way out of the difficulty. The Principles and Declarations of Organized Labor. 1. The True Standard. — To make industrial and moral worth, not wealth, the true standard of individual and na- tional greatness. 2. Sufficient Leisure. — To secure for the workers the full enjoyment of the wealth they create; sufficient leisure in which to develop their intellectual, moral and social faculties; all of the benefits, recreation, and pleasure of as- sociation; in a word to enable them to share in the gains and honors of advancing civilization. 3. Bureaus of Labor Statistics. — The establishment of Bureaus of Labor Statistics, that we may arrive at a correct knowledge of the educational, moral, and financial condi- tion of the laboring masses. 4. Public Lands.— That the public lands, the heritage of the people, be reserved for actual settlers; not another acre for railroads or speculators; and that all lands now held for speculative purposes be taxed to their full value. 3t:i PRINCIPLES OF ORGANIZED LABOR. 5. Capital and Labor. — The abrogation of all laws that do not bear equally upon capital and labor, and the removal of unjust technicalities, delays, and discriminations in the administration of justice. 6. Health and Safety. — The adoption of measures pro- viding for the health and safety of those engaged in mining and manufacturing and building industries, and for indem- nification to those engaged therein for injuries received through lack of necessary safeguards. 7." Protect Their Rights.— The recognition by incor- poration of trades-unions, orders and such other associations as may be organized by the working masses to improve their condition and protect their rights. 8. To Pay Employes Weekly. — The enactment of laws to compel corporations to pay their employes weekly, in lawful money, for the labor of the pre- ceding week, and giving mechanics and laborers a tirst lien upon the product of their labor to the extent of their full wages. 9. The Abolition of the Contract System.— The aboli- tion of the contract system on national, state and municipal works. ID. Arbitration. — The enactment of laws providing for arbitration between employers and employea, and to en- force the decision of the arbitrator. 11. Employment of Children.— The prohibition by law of the employnientof children under fifteen years of age in workshops, mines and factories. 12. Convict Labor.— To prohibit the hiring out of con- vict labor. 13. Income Tax.— That a graduated income tax be levied. 14. National Monetary System,— The establishment of a national monetary system, in ^vhi':h a circulating medium in necessary quantity shall issue direct to the people, without the intervention of banks; that all the national issue shall be full legal tender in payment of all debts, public and private; and that the government shall not guarantee or recognize any private banks or create any banking corporations. 15. Interest Bearing Bonds.— That interest bearing bonds, bills of credit or notes shall never be issued by the government; but that, when need arises, the emergency shall be met by issue of legal tender, non-interest bearing money. 16. Foreign Labor.— That the importation of ioreigD labor under contract be prohibited. LABOR LEGISLATION. 365 17. Post Office. — That, in connection with the post office, the government shall organize financial exchanges, safe deposits, and facilities for deposit of the savings of the people in small sums. 18. Government Purchase, Telegraphs, Telephones, Railroads. — That the government shall obtain possession, by purchase under the rights of eminent domain, of all tele- graphs, telephones and railroads; and that hereafter no charterer license be issued to any corporation for the con- struction or operation of any means of transporting intelligence, passengers or freights. And while making the foregoing demands upon the state and national government, we will endeavor to associ- ate our own labors. 19. To Establish Co-operative Institutions.— To es- tablish co-operative institutions such as will tend to super- sede the wage system, by the introduction of a co-operative industrial svstem. 20. Both Sexes Equal Pay. — To secure for both sexes equnl pay for equal work. 21. To Shorten the Hours of Labor. — To shorten the hours of labor by a general refusal to work for more than eight hours. 22. To Persuade Employers to Arbitrate. — To per- suade employers to arbitrate all differences which may arise between them and their employes, in order that the bonds of sympathy between them may be strengthened, and that strikes may be rendered unnecessary. Labor Legislation. ANTI-BOYCOTTINQ AND ANTI=BLACKLISTINa LAWS. The states having laws prohibiting boycotting in terms are Illinois and Wisconsin. The states having laws prohibiting blacklisting in terms are Colorado, Florida, Georgia, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Mis- souri, Montana, North Dakota, \'irginia and Wisconsin. The following states have laws which may be fairly con- strued as prohibiting boycotting: Alabama, Connecticut, Georgia, Indiana, Maine, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, Montana, N«w Hampshire, New York, North Dakota, Ore- gon, Rhode Island, South Dakota, Texas and Vermont. 366 LABOR LEGISLATION. J. R. SOVEREIGN, Grand Master of the Knights of Labor. The following states have laws which may be fairly con- strued as prohihitiiis blacklistint;:: Maine, !\Iichi_£jan, Min- nesota, New Hampshire, New York, Oregon, Rhode Island. South I)akota, Texas and \'ermont. In New York it is a misdemeanor for any employer to exact an agreement, either written or verbal, from an em- ploye not to join or become a member of any labor organ- ization, as a condition of employment. EIGHT-HOUR LAWS. Alabama. — Eight hours of labor constitute a day's work for a woman or a child under eighteen (18) years of age in a mechanical or manufacturing business. LABOR LEGISLATION. 367 California. — Eight hours of labor constitute a day's work, unless it is otherwise expressly stipulated by the par- ties to a contract. A stipulation that eight hours of labor constitute a day's work must be made a part of all contracts to which the state or any municipal corporation therein is a party. But m the case of drivers, conductors and grip- men of streetcars for the carriage of passengers, a day's work consists of twelve hours. It is a misdemeanor for any person having a minor child under his control, either as ward or apprentice, to require such child to labor more than eight hours in any one day, except in vinicultural or horti- cultural pursuits, or in domestic or household occupations. Colorado. — Eight hours constitute a day's work for all workingmen employed by the state, or any county, town- ship, school district, municipality, or incorporated town. Connecticut. — Eight hours of labor constitute a lawful day's work unless otherwise agreed. District of Columbia. — Eight hours constitute a day's work for all laborers or mechanics employed by or in behalf of the District of Columbia. Idaho. — Eight hours' actual work constitute a lawful day's work on all state and municipal works. Illinois. — Eight hours are a legal day's work in all mechanical employments, except on farms, and when other- wise agreed; does not apply to service by the day, week or month, or prevent contracts for longer hours. Indiana. — Eight hours of labor constitute a legal day's work for all classes of mechanics, workingmen and laborers, excepting those engaged in agricultural and domestic labor. Overwork by agreement and for extra compensation is per- mitted. Kansas. — Eight hours constitute a day's work for all laborers, mechanics or other persons employed by or on behalf of the state or any county, city, township or othei municipality. Nebraska. — Eight hours constitute a legal day's work for all classes of mechanics, servants and laborers, except those engaged in farm or domestic labor. New Mexico. — Eight hours of labor actually performed upon a mining claim constitute a day's work, the value of the same being fixed at four dollars. New Jersey. — Eight hours constitute a day's labor on any day whereon any general or municipal election shall be held. New York. — Eight hours constitute a day's work for mechanics, workingmen and laborers, except in farm or domestic labor, but overwork for extra pay is permitted. 368 COMPETITION THAT KILLS. The law applies to those employed by the state or munici- pality, or by persons contracting for state work. Ohio. — Eight hours shall constitute a day's work in all engagements to labor in any mechanical, manufacturing or mining business, unless otherwise expressly stipulated in the contract. But in case of conductors, engineers, firemen or trainmen of railroads, a day's work consists of ten hours. Pennsylvania. — Eight hours, between rising and setting of sun, constitute a day's work in the absence of an agree- ment for longer time. The law does not apply to farm labor or to service by the year, month, etc.; but in case of employes of street railroads a day's work consists of twelve hours. Utah. — Eight hours constitute a day's work upon all public works. Wisconsin. — In all engagements to labor in any manu- facturing or mechanical business, where there is no express contract to the contrary, a day's work shall consist of eight hours; but the law does not apply to contracts for labor by the week, month or year. In all manufactories, workshops or other places used for mechanical or manufacturing pur- poses, the time of labor of children under the age of eigh- teen, and of women employed therein, shall not exceed eight liours in the day. Wyoming. — Eight hour's actual work constitute a legal day's work in all mines and public works. United States. — Eight hours shall constitute a day's work for all laborers, workmen and mechanics who may be employed by or on behalf of the United States. Competition That Kills. 1. Cloakmakers.— The cloakmakers who lately went on strike in New York had been forced to work under most unhealthy conditions from twelve to sixteen and even eigh- teen hours a day, and often seven days in a week, to make a bare living. They earned from $7 to §10 weekly; and as they were often out of work, $5 a week may have been a fair average for their wages the year around. 2. " Sweating " Dens. - In Philadelphia there are even more "sweating" dens for clothing-makers than in New York. A Philadelphia minister states that there are six hundred of these dens to the square mile in which his church stands. EMANCIPATED LABOR. 369 3. Ill-fed, Unwashed. — The same witness describes the workers as ill-fed, unwashed, half-clad, their hands damp with slow consumption. The children work as soon as they can draw a thread, and as the factory age in the sLate is. thirteen, even those who cannot speak plainly will say "thirteen " mechanically when asked their age. 4. Small Employers. — It is also well known that when one of the small employers was urged to repair his roof in order to save his employes from exposure and disease, he replied: "Men are cheaper than shingles; no sooner does one drop out than a dozen are ready to take his place." 5. Is There No Remedy? — These are illustrative facts. They indicate, but do not describe, a widely prevailing con- dition. Is there no remedy? Is the law of competition not capa- ble of being controlled in the interest of public health, de- cency, and well-being? Must we continue to welcome the- weaklings of other nations, who here fight with each oiher to obtain even the unwholesome task-slavery of the sweat- shop? Emancipated Labor. 1. Man's First Appearance. — In the long history of our planet, since man's first appearance upon it, the era which we call antiquity seems little more than of yester- day; while the distance between the denizen of the ancient and the citizen of the modern world, as far as institutions, like those of government, literature and art are concerned, is in many ways insignificant. Yet when we consider the workman of antiquity, and compare him with the toiler of our own time, the iwo seem to be separated by an immense interval. 2. Serfdom. — The industrial arrangements of the ancient civilizations were all based on the serfdom that sprang from war. For when men reached the agricultural stage, they no longer killed captives taken in battle, but employed them in the tilling of the ground, and later in the construction of public works. 3. Knew Nothing of Free Labor. — Empires like thase of China, Assyria, Egypt, Greece and Rome knew nothing of free labor, in the modern meaning of that term. It was slaves who built the Great Wall of China, slaves who reared the Pyramids, slaves who erected the classic monuments still visible in the peninsulas of the Mediterranean, and slaves again who scattered all over England the memonil*. of the Roman invasion. 370 ilMANCIPATED LABOR. 4. Slavery of Labor. — Nor did the slavery of labor belong only to the ancient world. The same spirit of mil- itarism that entrenched the institution there perpetuated it through the middle ages, down to a comparatively modem period. It lingered long m Germany and England and showed signs of breaking up only with the decay of the feudal system, with the rise of the towns, the development of the burgher class, and the formation of trades guilds. By the end or the fourteenth century serfdom became prac- tically extinct in western Europe, and with its extirpation the labonng classes began to recover from the effects of their long enchainment. 5. Modern Industrialism. — It is true that the rise of the modern industrialism at the opening of the eighteenth cen- tury led to many abuses and hardships, yet efforts were sooner or later made to remedy them by process of law, and the same English legislature which set out by endeavoring to fix the wages of working people ended by passing enact- ments for their protection. 6. Protective Legislation. — To-day this protective leg- islation is of wide-reaching import. It restricts hours of labor, prohibits the employment of young children, provides holidays, compels the employer to fence in dangerous machinery, enables a workman to sue for damages, and permits those combinations of laborers which were once forbidden and punished as crimes. 7. Improvement of the Conditions of Labor, — Step by step with this improvement of the conditions of labor has gone an important amelioration of the political status of the workingman. Absolute power has been mtxiified and militarism everywhere weakened by industrialism. The rights of the old feudal lords have largely passed to the land owners and later to the capitalists, who maybe re- garded as their successors, while in European countries some of the power of the upper classes was transferred to the middle classes. 8. Abolition of Serfdom.— But the chief and latest product of the movement that began with the abolition of serfdom has been the gradual extension of political power to the whole body of the people, so that the workman who formerly "did not own himself" now not only enjoys the protection of the law, but himself has a share in the work and the responsibilities of government. 9. Fairer and More Equal Chance. — The net result of this advance of labor improvement of its conditions on the one hand, and the conferring upon it of rights and privileges on the other — ha3 been to secure to workingmen a fairer EMANCIPATED LABOR. 371 and more equal chance in tbe struggle of life than they ever enjoyed before. And though the upward movement is by no means ended, it has already gone far enough to teach the lesson that no difficulties are henceforth likely to arise between capital and labor, which fairness, business sagacity and the spirit of compromise may not triumphantly over- come. The Coal Miner's Lot. 372 TEMPERANCE, GEN. NEAL DOW, of Maine, Author of the Maine Temperance Law. Intemperance. /. Importance of Question.— One uf the greatest and most important tiuestioub bclore the American people, and one which more widely concerns the interests of the labor* ing classes than any other, is the temperance question. INTEMPERANCE. 373 2. Blighting Curse of Labor. — The fact that intemper- ance is the blighting curse of labor, and one of the deadli- est foes of the workingmen of this country is impressing itseF more and more upon the minds of labor organizations and their leaders. It is among the poor, the laboring classes, that intemjierance does its most destructive work, 3. Strength of the Saloon.— The hold that the saloon has upon the laboring classes is realized only when we at- tempt to estimate the proportion of their earnings that the saloon receives. Then again, rich men have their social clubs, but especially in our large cities is it true that the saloon attempts to provide for social gatherings. In this way thousands are misled. 4. Saloon in Politics. — What makes it all the more powerful is that very frequently the saloon controls politics. Political parties must at least be silent on the temperance question, or else they will lose the vote of the laboring classes. In many cases the saloon dictates the platforms and candidates. 5. Economic Aspects. — Viewing it only as to its eco- nomic aspects it towers above every other question. The magnitude of the liquor traffic is immense and the cost is paid not by the millionaire but by the industrial classes. 6. Estimates of Cost. — It is estimated that the direct cost of the drink traffic for 1890 was $765,000,000. Besides this the indirect losses from drink through loss of work by hard drinkers, poor workmanship of drinking classes, death of drunkards, and the poverty and crime induced by drink for the same year reach §453,000,000. This makes a total loss of $l,21b,000,000 in one year to the country because of strong drink. Whether it is a sound financial policy to en- courage or even to permit a positive loss of nearly one and one-quarter billions of dollars to the people in order that the government may gain a revenue of §137,263,974, the revenue for 1890, is a question easily answered. 7. The Moral Aspect — The moral aspect cannot be reckoned in dollars and cents, but a study of the question will demonstrate the fact that the financial ruin that it brings upon the nation is slight compared to the demoralization and utter ruin of noble manhood. 8. Universally Recognized Evil. — That the drink traffic is universally recognized as an evil is a fact, but the many dif- ferent plans, ideas, and opinions of men as to how to re- move the evil has prevented a united effort on the part of the better element of society, and has thwarted much of the work that has been done, and hindered the proaress of the work in general. 374 INTEMPERANXE, 9. The W. C. T. U. — Among all the agencies at work to suppress the drink traffic none is more widely known and none has had such an influence in bringing to public notice the evils thereof and in awakening the conscience of the American citizen as the Woman's Christian Temperance Union. 10. Organization, Methods and Scope. — It was organ- ized in lb74. Its nieihods are preventive, educational, evangelistic, social and legal. With its forty departments it has widened its scope until there is no wrong against which it has not lifted up its voice, nor good with which it is not allied. The importance of the organization prompts us to give an outline of the work of a few of its many de- partments. 11. Preventive. — This Department aims to extend the reverent study of God's health decalogue, with a view to best methods of daily living, and by wise and careful woids to teach the power and force of Heredity in races and indi- viduals, and its relation to healthy and diseased conditions, through Heredity institutes, the circulationof literature and addresses by lady physicians, especially to mothers. 12. Scientific Temperance Instruction. — This Depart- ment aims to secure such legislation, local and state, as shall make the study and teaching of the laws of health, with special reference to the effect of stimulants and nar- cotics upon the human body, obi gatory throughout the en- tire system of public education, and to secure active per- sonal sympathy and co-operation in temperance work, on the part 01 the college students of the land. Its plans in- clude addresses, leaflets, open letters, circulation of litera- ture, and organization wherever practicable. That it has succeeded is clearly and forcibly shown by the accompanying map. 13. The Press. — This department aims to provide the press, both religious and secular, with the latest and most miportant news concerning the Woman's Christian Tem- perance Union work in every department. 14. Narcotics. — The aim of this department is to edu- cate the people in regard to the effects of tobacco, opium and other narcotics upon the body and the brain, with a view to the extermination of the habit of using and of the traffic in the same. Also to secure laws governing the sale of Narcotics. 15. Penal and Reformatory. — This Department aims to carry (Gospel Temperance to the inmates of prisons and jails; to co-operate in the work of Prisoners' Aid Associa- tions; to aid in establishing Women's Reformatory Prisons and Industrial Homes for the criminal classes; to secure INTEMPERANCE. 375 the appointment of women on State Boards of Charities and the maintenance of matrons in all prisons and police stations where women are arrested or imprisoned. i6. Purity. — This department aims to exhibit the rela- tions existing between the drink habit and the nameless habits, outrages and crimes which disgrace modern civili- zation; and especially to point out the brutalizing influence of malt liquors upon the social nature. It seeks to estaUksh a single code of morals, and to maintain the law of purity as equally binding upon men and women. It has in view a distinct effort to impress upon the minds of men and women, youth and maidens, the abso lute demands of religion and physiology for purity in thought, word and deeii. It will endeavor to secure legislation of a character cal- culated to protect the honor and purity of the young, and defend women and girls from the depravity of brutal men, 17. Legal. — This departmentaims to secure prohibition by constitutional and statutory law in every state and terri- tory, and to secure a prohibitory amendment to the National Constitution. Methods are varied, as the manifold work of the W. C. T. U, As all roads once led to Rome, so every purpose and plan points to the consummation defined un- der this all-embracing "aim." 18. Christian Citizenship. — Object. — To study the science of government and the rights and duties of citizens, to educate and influence voters, to combat the evils of organized society at the caucus, con- vention and ballot-box. Standpoint. — This is Christian. Christian principles and ethical standards must be introduced and maintained in all the social and political relations of mankind. 19. Temperance Temple. — The meetings of the Chicago W. C. T. U. were held in the old Farwell hall until it was set apart exclusively for young men. Through the untiring energy and zeal of the president of the Chicago Union, Matilda B. Carse, an im- mense office building known as The Temple has been erected at a cost of §1,265,000. Friends of the W. C. T. U. throughout the wide world are paying for this building. Its yearly income from rental of offices when fully paid for will be over $200,000, all of which is to be used in carrying on the temperance work. Every day at noon a meeting is held in Willard Hall, in this building, that results in the rescuing of many from a drunkard's grave. This Temple is known everywhere as the national building of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union. 376 INTEMPER.\NCE. THE NATION S DRINK BILL. 1904. Ben. Spirits and Wims. YEAR. Gallons. Per cap ill. Gallons. ^^^ 1894 1,036,319,222 1,043,242,100 1,080,020,165 1,009,310,262 1,164,226,462 1,135,520,029 1,221,500,100 1,2.58,249,391 1,381,875,437 1,449,879,952 15.32 15.13 15.38 14.94 15.96 15.28 16.01 16.20 17.49 18.04 111,834,333 97,472.610 89,753,283 111,755,190 102,054.904 113,070,924 127,075,873 131,877,988 157,200,.554 149,883,302 1.06 1895 1.41 1896 1.37 1897 1.56 1898 1.39 1899 1 53 1900 1.67 1901 1.69 1902 1.99 1903 1.86 The total cost to the nation for stimulants in 1903 was $1,451,633,379, of which $1,242,943,118 was for alcoholic drinks. $1.56,090,201 for coffee, $45,- 000,000 for lea and 57,000,000 for cocoa, chocolate, etc. The per capita cost of beverages in 1903 was $18.15, or $19.75 for each family. The total for 1902 was $1,309,098,270; for 1901, $1,273,212,386; for 1900. $1,228,674,925; for 1899, $1,146,897,822, and for 1898, $1,177,661,366. WINES AND LIQUORS CONSUMED IN THE UNITED STATES. Wines. Malt Liquors. Distilled SpirUs. Total -uines and liquors. "-5 "i << Consump- lio'i. Consumption. W.5 Consump- tion. W.5 5 3 1840 18.50 I860 1870 1880 1890 1891 1892 1893 1894 1895 1896 1897 1898 1899 1900 1901 1902 1903 Gallons 4,873,096 6,315,871 11,059,141 12.225,007 28,329,541 28,956.981 29,033,792 28,467.800 31,987,819 21,293,124 19,644.049 18.701.400 38,5.><8.307 20.507.317 26.360.090 30,427.491 28.7 r H > ca o o z o 11 o > 11 > H 380 THE PROBLEM OF THK AMERICAN TRAMP arm is all that is necessary to make life a success. Wipe out the saloons and you will destroy one of the most fruitful sources of the present tramp nuisance. 6. Mistaken Ideas. — It must be remembered that every man who is traveling over the country in search of employment is not a tramp; many of them are honestly seeking employment, this has been demonstrated repeated- ly and every man deserves respect until by some work or act he has proved himself unworthy. i'i HOMELESS. BUT WILLING TO WORK. The author and compiler of this work was once a boy tramp. He tramped the country with all his worldly pos- sessions under his arm in search of employment, but when employment was found he faithfully served one emplover, six years at hard farm labor. If a sober-looking fellow with an honest-looking face comes along and you need help give him a fair trial. The writer found one of the best antl most faithful of men by giving breakfast to a hungry man and then set him to work. Be charitable and thank Cn id that your lot is not that of a poor man out cf employ menu THE TRAMP WHO HAD TO EARN HIS MEAL. 381 382 THE PROBLEM OF THE AMERICAN TRAMP. 7. The Great Problem. — What shall be done with the tramp wlio will not work, who is not seeking to better his present condition, but has drifted into this habit of a tramp simply because he does not care to be anything else? is the great problem staring the people of this country in the face. Laws have been enacted by different municipal cor- porations to work the tramps upon the streets; imprison- ment and other punishments have been tried, but yet the tramp nuisance increases, it is growing instead of becoming less. There is not a scarcity of work, but the difficulty lies in a proper adjustment between labor and capital. It is no doubt true that the present revenues lost to the legitimate business of the country by the manufacturing sale of liquor would feed and clothe and give employment to every man willing to work. 8. The Best Remedy. — Never feed a tramp unless you first have him earn his meal. It is an education that has a good effect upon a hungry stomach and it is a proper time to impress a good wholesome lesson. If you have nothing to do buy a cord of wood and keep it in readiness for the hungry tramp. Thirty minutes' work will fully demonstrate his worthiness for charity. By enforcing this rule — no work no meal — you will soon cease to be annoyed by the profes- sional tramp. sKv ON A COMMERCIAL TRIP. Trusts. Causes and Effects of Trusts. 1. Original Meaning.— Trust, in its original meaning, is a good word and means a good thing, but it has got into bad company. Perhaps it would be more accurate to say that there is a party of well-born and well-bred words which are sowing wild oats, and which there is every reason to fear will go to the bad. The other prominent members of the company are the words "combine" and "deal;" but "trust" is the ringleader. 2. What Is a Trust?— Let us define it as a corporation of corporations, or a corporation of the second degree. A corporation is an artificial person. It is a creation of the law. It has some of the civil rights of individual citizens, and is subject to a corresponding degree of obligation. The corporation may sue and be sued; it is entitled to the pro- tection of its property; it is required to pay taxes. Where- as a man has certain natural rights, a corporation has those only which ar^i conferred by the Legislature. 3. Our Grandfathers.— Our grandfathers watched the beginning and the growth of corporate wealth and power with extreme jealousy. More than one state political con- vention in the first half of this century declared its opposi- tion to the chartering of any corporation for business pur- poses. The "trust" is an extension of the principle of the corporation. But it does not follow that, because some of the early objections to corporations were unreasonable, therefore the hostility to trusts will be found to have been based on prejudice and passion. 4. Without the Permission of the State.— A trust is a combination of corporations, banded together under one management for the purpose of controlling the manufacture 383 ^^-^ ;4^^ 384 CAUSES AND EFFECTS OF TRUSTS. 385 of or trade in some article of extensive use. Usually it is not charterecJ, that is, it is not a corporation in the ordinary sense of the word, but is a voluntary association, which keeps secret its organization, its doings and its profits. Thus it may be, and in some cases is, an "artificial person" which exists without the permission of the state. 5. The Chief Objection. — The chief objection to the trust is that a practical monopoly may be created. In fact, if a monopoly is not established the purpose of organizing the trust fails of accomplishment. For example — to take an illustration from a trade in which there is no trust — there are 1,200 or more corporations, firms and persons in this country engaged in the cotton manufacture. Some of the corporations are huge affairs. One in New Hampshire is the greatest in the world which is engaged in this trade. No harm results from the existence of these great corporations because, being scattered over the country and having diverse interests, they compete with each other. But if they were all to combine they would control the labor of spinners and weavers, they would regulate production in such a way as to maintain prices at a surely profitable level, and in various other ways would deprive the community of the ad- vantages of competition. 6. Concentrating Great Capital. — Moreover, there is a strong feeling in the minds of many people who are by no means infected with socialistic views that discouragement and not encouragement should be given to the practice of concentrating great capital, and consequently great power, in the hands of a few men, oflficers and managers of such aggregates of corporations. 7. Grander Scale. — These are the reasons urged against sanctioning trusts. There is something to be said in their favor, namely, that they make industrial developments pos- sible, on a grander scale than ever. But not many men hold that this advantage counterbalances the necessary evils; and no person, at least no one who desires political preferment, ventures to say even as much as that in their favor. 8. High Protection.— It is no doubt true that the sys- tem of high protective tariff has a tendency to produce trusts. Trusts are nothing more nor less than schemes to rob the consumer. The poor simply are compelled to con- tribute to the wealth and support of the privileged and pro- tected classes of manufacturers. 386 THE SHERMAN ANTITRUST LWV. THE SHERMAN ANTITRUST LAW. Passed by ihc olsl Congress and approved July 2, 1S90. Section 1. Even,' contract, combination in the form of trust or otherwise, or conspiracy, in restraint of trade or com- merce among the several states or with foreign nations, is here- by declared to be illegal. Every person who shall make any such contract or engage in any such combination or conspiracy shall be deemed guilty of misdemeanor, and, on conviction thereof, shall be punished by line not exceeding $5,000 or by imprisonment not exceeding one year or by both said punish- ments, in the discretion of the court. Section 2. Every person who shall monopolize or attempt to monopolize or combine or conspire with any person or per- sons to monopolize any part of the trade or commerce among the several states or with foreign nations shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and on conviction thereof shall be punished by fine not exceeding $5,000 or by imprisonment not exceeding one vear, or by both said punishments, in the discretion of the court. Section 3. Every cmtract, combination in form of trust or otherwise, or conspiracy in restraint of trade or commerce in any territory- of the United States or of the District of Colum- bia, or in restraint of trade or commerce between any such ter- ritory and another, or between any such territory' or territories and any state or slates or the District of Columbia or with foreign nations, or between the District of Columbia and any st.-tc or states or foreign nations, is hereby declared illegal. Every person who shall make any such contract or engage in any such comlnnation or conspiracy shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and on conviction thereof shall be punished by fine not exceeding $5,000 or by imprisonment not exceeding one year or by both said punishments, in the discretion of the court. Section 4. The several Circuit courts of the United States arc hereby invested with jurisdiction to prevent or restrain violations of this act; and it shall be the duty of the several district attorneys of the United States, in their respective dis- tricts, under the direction of the attorney -general, to institute jiroceedings in equity *o prevent and restrain such violations. Such proceedings may be by way of petition setting forth the case and praying that such \-iolation shall be enjoined or other- wise prohibited. When the i)arties complained of shall have been duly iiotified of such petition the court shall proceed, as soon as may be, to the hearing and determination of the case; and jiending such petition and before final decree the court may at any time make such temporary restraining order or pro- hibition as shall be deemed just in the jiremises. Section 5. Whenever it shall appear to the court before EVILS OF MONOPOLY. 387 which any proceeding under section 4 of this act may be pend- ing that the ends of justice require that other parties should be brought before ihe court, the court may cause them to be sum- moned, whether they reside in the district in which the court is held or not; and subpoenas to that end may be served in any district by the marshal thereof. Section 6. Any property owned under any contract or by any combination or pursuant to any conspiracy (and being the subject thereof) mentioned in section 1 of this act and being in the course of transportation from one state to another or to a foreign country shall be forfeited to die United Stales and may be seized and condemned by like f)rocecdini;s as those provided by law for the forfeiture, seizure and condemnation of property imported into the United States contrary to law. Section 7. Any person who shall be injured in his business or property by any other person or corporation by reason of any- thing forbidden or declared unlawful by this act may sue there- for in any Circuit court of the United States in the district in which the defendant resides or is found, without respect to the amount in controversy, and shall recover threefold the dam- ages by him sustained and the cost of suit, including a reason- able attorney's fee. Section 8. That the word "person" or "])ersons" wherever used in this act be deemed to include corporations and associa- tions existing under or authorized by the laws of either the United States, the laws of any of the territories, the laws of any state or the laws of any foreign country. Evils of Monopoly. Monopoly in private hands is bad, and always bad. There are no good monopolies. There can be no good monopolies in private hands until the Almighty sends us angels to preside over us. There may be a despot who is better than another despot, but there is no good despotism. One trust may be bet- ter than another trust, but there can be no good monopoly in private hands ; and it is not safe for society to pernut any man or set of men to monopolize any article of merchandise or any branch of business. A DANGER TO WORKMEN. After the trusts have bought out all the factories, they can close some of them and turn out of em- ployment the men who are engaged in them. In case of local strikes or of fires the work goes on elsewhere, thus preventing serious loss to the trust. If the people employed in one factory are not satisfied with the terms fixed by the monopoly they have no remedy; the shops may be closed without loss to the trust. 388 EVILS OF MONOPOLY. as the woi can go on in other establishments under the same trust. This means that when one set of strikers are frozen out and are compelled to return to work at reduced wages, another strike may be provoked in another place and there also the work- men are frozen out until they return at reduced wages. And so the rounds may be made in order to depress the wages of the workmen. INVENTIVE GENIUS KILLED BY TRUSTS. As a result of the ceaseless and heartless grind of the trusts in the almost insane desire to control trade, ambition and inventi%-e genius will be deadened and killed. The trust is the creator of individual slavery. The master is the trust manager or director. It is his duty to serve the soulless and nameless being called the stock- holder. Dividends are of more importance than the happiness or the prosperity of anyone. The slave is the former merchant or business man. the artisan or mechanic, who once cherished the hope that he might some day reach the happy position of independent ownership of a business or of a cottage home. COMMERCIAL FEUDALISM isa logical outcomeof the trust, and the trust manager is the feudal baron. It is better to be forever poor, but independent and happy as individuals, than to lay the foundations for individual tyranny and slavery. Personal liberty is rather to be chosen than great riches. Equality of opportunity to all men is better than the control of the world's trade. The effect of the trust upon our national life and citizenship will not be sudden. It will rather be a silent and gradual change. Increase of the wealth of the country is greatly to be desired, but if the people are to be degraded to industrial slavery, wealth under such conditions is a curse. If our independent and intel- ligent business men and artisans are to be crowded out of exist- ence as a class by the trust, there is no remedy too drastic for the trust. We have given the private corporation " too much rope." Some mav sav, "(live it more rope and it will hang itself." That is to say that if left alone it will work out its own solution. But this will hardly do. There is too much at stake. The most important element of our citizenship is in the balance. We can- not afford to sap the strength of our democracy in order to for- ward an experiment. We should care more for the independence and manliness of the American citizen than for ail the gold and silver in the world. It is better to cherish the hapi)iness of the .\merican home than to control the commerce of the world. The degrading process of the trust means much to the future of a repubhc founded upon democratic jirincii)les. TRUST A MAN-MADE MAN. Man is God's dimax to cre- ation. i>ut man not being satisUed made a fictitious man and EVILS OF MONOPOLY. 389 called it a corporation, or a company, or a trust, or a monopoly. The real man can live but the three score years and ten, but the corporation-man has no limit to his age. The real man has a soul to feel for his fellow man and he knows that he must give an account in the next world for the way in which he uses it in this ; but the corporation-man has no soul with which to feel in this world or to suffer in the next. But the power that created the man-made man has also the power to control him or to destroy him. WTiat the government gives it can take away. That is the only hope in the matter of personal monopoly. A BALANCED STATEMENT. The foregoing statements are openly opposed to the trusts, as given by different speakers and writers. Much more, very much more could be said bearing on that side of the subject, but it is only fair that other opinions should be presented. In almost every form of business industrial power is concen- trating itself and organizations are growing in size, and small enterprises are being crowded to the wall; the sphere of compe- tition is constantly being narrowed. If this tendency toward consohdation be natural, legislation should apply itself to the control of the industrial forces thus brought together. If, on the other hand, this tendency be artificial, the legisla- ture in deaUng with the situation, must seek to restore those con- ditions under whi h individual enterprise may be able to main- tain itself. Some industries tend naturally to consolidation and combi- nation, while others are well fitted by their character to continue a separate and competitive existence. All forms of transportation belong to the first class; the manufacturing industries are usually of the second class. Railways by their very nature tend toward combination and consolidation, h hundred manufacturing in- dustries are well fitted for individual management and adminis- tration. 1. — Does the consolidation of manufacturing industries tend toward the reduction of the cost? 2.— Will manufacturing under trusts tend to guard society from the evils of commercial panics and commercial depression? 3. — Are trusts in harmony with a democratic organization of society? Manufacturing combinations contribute nothing to the reduc- tion of the cost of manufacture beyond what would be contrib- uted should each of the industries continue its independent com- petitive existence. That is to say, when the normal maximum efficiency is reached in the division of labor and in the use of machinery, a further enlargement of the plant would not cheapen the cost of the product. 390 EVILS OF MONOPOLY. THE TRUST PROBLEM STATED. Firs/.— We may leave the entire inatli-r alone, in the hope that many of the trusts will go to pieces through their own weakness. But the trust movement is likely to become stronger and stronger if left undisturbed. Second. — We may adopt the I-nglish solution. The trust and labor unions may combine and the two continue to rob the con- sumer. Matters are tending in that direction now. The trusts readily meet the demands of the labor unions for higher wages and then turn to the consumer to compensate them for this e.xtra cost of production, each party thus climbing higher in wages and prices, all at the expense of the consumers. Third. — We may smash the trusts or attempt so to do. But this may be flying in the face of an opportunity to improve our industrial progress and check its natural evolution. Fourth. — We may remove the tarifls upon which the trusts depend largely for their existence. Fi/lh. — We can stop the granting of secret rebates and other special privileges by railroads to large shippers, and more especially to trusts and combinations. Perhaps the two greatest evils that make trusts possible and especially injurious, are tarilT protection and special privileges and rates. Si.xth. — Direct regulalioii of trusts is perhaps the most hopeful and the most practical of all remedies. REGULATION OF TRUSTS. Monopolies are inherently e\-il, and trusts that are true monopolies have an evil element in them. There is evidently a difference between an apparent monopoly and a true one. All the goods of a certain class may be manu- factured in one large establishment and yet it may not have a monopoly of the goods manufactured. If the output of the goods is curtailed at will, and the price raised to the point that yields the largest piossible profits, that would be a monopoly. K.xtortion from the consumer and depres- sion of the laborers' wages would result. If a trust cannot thus control output and price it is not a true monopoly, and can prac- tice Uttle, if any, extortion. The ordinary trusts have only a limited monopoly price and it is a survival of competition that holds them within limits. Latent competition has its influence in keeping down prices. Not a boat load of grain may be shipped from Chicago to the east bv the great lakes during a whole season, yet the possibility of stjch a carrying trade keeps the railroad rates within bounds. It is a latent competition. So new mills may not be built, but the possibility that under favoring conditions they may be built keeps the trusts within bounds. MONOPOLIES ARE AGAINST PUBLIC INTEREST, and trusts must not survive if that means monopoly. .\ trust can do many things that are evil, but it could do almost none of them if it were forced to treat all its customers alike. At present the trust caa EVILS OF MOXOPOLV. 391 make ruinously low prices in one small area where some compe- tition is operating, while sustaining itself by profits made in twenty other areas where it has a full possession of the market. If it were under the single necessity of making one price for all buyers it would ruin itself by any attempt to compete in the cut-throat way as quickly as it could ruin a competitor. Prof. J. b! Clark closes his statements regarding the Regula- tion of Trusts in the following words : "There is much to be said in the elaboration of the plan of action that I suggest in a way that is too unique to win for it any adefjuate hearing. It would require a federal law and possibly an amendment of the federal constitution. It would require for elliciency a commission en- dowed with greater power than most bodies of this kind possess. It would ref|uire a vigorous prosecution of the work that our peo- ple meant to entrust to the inter-state commerce commission, and the suppression of corrupt dealings between favored mediums and corrupt carriers. We would reciuire the overcoming of many prej- udices. We shall have the trust forever. The economy inherent in its plan of production will save it. We shall yet have more than a trace of monopoly. Under the shelter of laws that seem strange to-day, but will seem natural when e.xperience shall be ripe or the full benefit of competition will be secured by the pur- chasing public and by the wage-earning classes, the wastes of the present type of com[jetition will be avoided, and yet the \)vo- tection that it affords will be retained. The possibility of having trusts without true monopoly will make socialism unnecessary." TRUSTS AND POLITICAL POWER. Perhaps the greatest danger arising from trusts is the ])ower they can wield in legisla- tive halls. These great corporations are seeking the avenues of political power. They are seeking to enhance their fortune by purchasing legislatures and by corrupting othcials. ".\ll protective tariff is the mother of trusts" is one statement. " The railroads with their rebates and special rates are the bul- wark of the trusts," is another statement. "Special privileges make trusts possible," is another way of putting it. The last statement includes both the others. The remedy then would be (1) to remove the tariff from all trust-made goods; (2) to pass, laws forbidding discrimination by all railroads ; (3) to remove all laws that in any way favor one class of citizens as against, any other class. But here lies the difliculty; these great corporations and those classes who now enjoy special advantages are too powerful in our legislative halls ; the people cannot get back their own. So we must commence at the foundation — with the people themselves by the aid of the initiative and referendum. SOME REMEDIES NAMED. BOURKE COCHRAN'S REMEDY: (1) publicity for corporate mismanagement ; (2) prohibition un- 392 EVILS OF MONOPOLY. der penalties for special favors ; (3) right of action against any corporation whose service is susf)ended, except an absolute defense proved that it was at times ready to discuss \\ith the employees questions at issue between them by agencies of their selection. The demand for secrecy in discharging a duty for another is the badge of fraud. No corporation has a right to secrecy in the discharge of its duties. No corporation an.vious to perform honest service to the public and its stockholders will seek secrecy or will insist upon it. MONOPOLY is a word which suffers from a very bad name, and correctly so. In the language of President Roosevelt. "Every man is entitled to a fair chance — no more, no less." " Iree op- portunity for all, and special privileges to none." EDITOR ROSEWATERS REMEDY. To make trusts hannless by (1) the creation by act of Congress of a bureau of supervision and control of corporations engaged in inter-state commerce, with powers for its relief similar to those exercised by the comptroller of the currency over national banks. (2) Legislation to enforce such [)ubhcity as will effectually prevent dishonest methods of accounting, and restrict trafBc and competition within legitimate channels. (3) The abrogation of all patents and copyrights held by trusts whenever the fact is established before a judicial tribu- nal that any branch of industry has been monof>olized by the holders of such i)atcnt3 or copyrights. (4) The enactment by Congress of a law that will compel every corporation engaged in inter state commerce to operate under a national charter that shall be abrogated whenever such corporation violates its pro\-i sion. (5) The creation of an inter-statc commerce court with exclusive jurisdiction in all cases ari.sing out of the violation of interstate commerce laws. (6) Revision of the constitution of the United States. PROF. CLARKS REMEDY. "Railroads have the power to handicap the potential competition, and it is an open secret that they are doing it. Piscrimiiiathr rales for carrying freight are an intolcraljle evil, and they tend distinctly to build up real mo- nopolies. If legal acuteness backed by popular energy can secure it, this evil must be suppressed. " There is another type of law that is of even greater conse- quence than any that isWfore the public. The ability to make discriminating; prices puts a terrible power in the hands of a trust. If in my small field it can sell goods at prices that are beluw the cost of 'making them, while it sustain.s itself by charging higher prices in a score of other fields, it can crush me witlviut itself su.staining any injury. It, on the other hand, it were obliged, in order to attack tne, to lower the i>rice of all its goods wherever EVILS OF MONOPOLY. 393 tkey might be sold, it would be in danger of ruining itself in the parsuit of its hostile object. 'Many a small competitor is in a position to beat a trust in a contest of cut-throat competition, if only the trust were com- pelled to make its low prices uniform for all customers. "Akin to the power to make prices low in one place and high in many others is the power to reduce the [)rice of one grade or variety of goods, and to sustain them on other varieties. My mill may make only one speciaUzed product, and the mills of the trust may make that kind of goods and twenty others. If it is willing to lose money for a time on the goods that I ]3roduce, and to raake money on all other kinds, it can ruin me if it will. ".■\kin to these resources for predatory warfare is the power to boycott customers who will not give their whole patronage to the trust, or to make special rebates to those wholesale or retail merchants who will refuse to buy any goods from independent producers. Such producers may find most markets closed against their goods, however cheap and excellent they may be. " Predatory competition that is evil and that crushes produ- cers who have a right to survive rests mainly in one of these three methods of discriminating and unfair treatment of customers. That power must be destroyed. With a fair field and no favor the independent producer is the protector of the public and the wage- earner; but with an unfair field and much favor he is the first and most unfortunate victim. Save him and you save the great interests of the public. Vou can do this if you find or make a way to success in that type of legislation that will prevent the single evil, discrimination in the treatment of customers. Put them all under what in diplomacy would be called a most fa- vored nation clause. Secure to all of them the benefit of the best treatment that the trust gives to any of its customers, and you may forego all other attempts to regulate their charges. It will keep prices and wages at or near their natural levels and that, too, without sacrificing the prosperity that a high organization of industrv' insures." 394 SHALL THE GOVERNMENT OWN THE RAILROADS? The Effects of Monopoly. Shall the Government Own the Rail= roads? 1. This question is coiisidcrab'y agitated and various opinions are held, and there are many strong points on both sides. 2. Agitation for Government Ownership. — The agita- tation for government ownership for railroads has always been, in this country, more active and general. The demand has recently been repeatedly made by the national state conventions of the Populist party. There are mnv repre- senting that party in Congress thirteen senators and repre- sentatives. There are many peojde also outside of this organization that would like to see the government own and control all the railroads of the country. 3. A Surprising Fact. It is a surprising fact that in most cnunlrics of the world that states own and operate their own railroads. Great Britain, United States and Spain, Switzerland and Turkey are the only countries where railroads are not owned and operated by the government. Railroads in all the other countries are owned, controlled and operated by the government. In countries where the government owns the railroads, it is claimed they have not as good accommodations for the public as where they are owned by private corporations, as government ownership destroys all competition. In answer to this we say that our mail system is the best in the world, and it is entirely beyond competition, as it is exclusively a government enter- prise. SHALL THE GOVERNMENT OWN THE RAILROADS? 395 4. Private Enterprises. — It is admitted on all hands that railroads are not purely private enterprises. The com- fianies which own them have received valuable privileges rom the public — the right to buy land whether the owner did or did not wish to sell, the right to cross highways, and a certain monopoly of the public travel. States, counties and cities have burdened themselves with debt in order to provide themselves with railroad comnmnication. 5. Great Britain. -Great Britain differs from its own colonies in this regard, for in nearly all of the British de- pendencies the governments own the railways. But in every country — even in England and the United States, where the railroads are freest from public control — is the principle fully admitted that the government may decide what is for the interest of the public, and may require the railroad cor- porations to conform thereto. The Great Tunnel. 6. How Much Control? — Since, then, government may, must and docs assume somo control of the railways, the only question left is, How much control? When our legis- lators come to answer this question they are confronted with the fact thiit they cannot, if thev would, do what the lawmakers of France or Germany do. 396 RIGHT OF GOVERNMENT TO CONTROL RAILWAYS. 7. Confusion to Our Home Commerce. — It is agreed that only confusior, would result to our home commerce from the ownership of the railroads by the separate states. Has Congress power to buy them up? If it has the power could the government safely assume the cost of purchasing them? They were capitalized at the latest estimate at over ten billions of dollars. 8. Individual Enterprise. — It is urged by the advocates of private ownership that this system not only is the sole system that is adapted to our political and social principles, which leave individual enterprise as free as possible from government control, but that it has, both in the United States and England, resulted in a more convenient, ample, cheap and expeditious service of the public than is usual in countries where railroads are owned or operated by the state. 9. Competition.— They urge that those who have to compete for the business of the people will, from self- interest, do all they can to serve the people well, and they maintain that pooling arrangement and trusts which might neutralize this competition are already prevented by legis- lation, even to the extent of making their business unprofit- able. They also urge the great political danger of adding the vast army of railway employes, who numbered eight hundred and seventy-three thousand in 1893, to the civil service of the government. These are the two sides of the question. It is a very large question, incapable of settlement in any brief or sum- mary way; it involves re great number of practical and com- mercial considerations, as well as considerations of govern- ment and statesmanship. Right of Government to Control Railways. 1. The Constitution.— When the Constitution gave to Congress the exclusive power of regulating commerce between the states, the stage-coach, the road-wagon and water-craft were the only vehicles used in carrying on traffic between the citizens of one state and those of another. ^ 2. First Assertion of Authority. — Many years after railways liad replaced the stage-coach the government began its first assertion of authority over these steam high- RIGHT OF GOVERNMENT TO CONTROL RAILWAYS. 397 ways. That assumption of authority was made necessary by the wide development of the railway postal service, and also by the use of some of the railways as military highways. These were roads which had received land grants ana other government aid. 3. Examples of the Extension of the Power. — Our national history is full of examples of the extension of the power of the general government in ways which the framers of the Constitution could not have foreseen. Robert Fulton's assumption of the monopoly of the Hudson river for his steamboats was followed by the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, giving to the government exclu- sive control of all navigable waters. Thus it was that our great rivers and lakes became free water highways, subject only to the laws of the United States. 4. Discriminating Taxes, — The refusal of a commercial traveler to pay a license demanded by the authorities of one of the southern citiesbrought forth after long litigation, an opinion from the Supreme Court which put an end to all attempts by the citizens of one state to make discriminating taxes against those of another state. 5. Authority Enlarged. — In many other cases decided by the Supreme Court the authority of the nation has been seemingly enlarged, although the judges have frequently asserted that there is no power in the courts to enlarge the powers of the government. The Supreme Court can only determine with precision those powers. 6. Pullman Strike, — It is under decisions of the United States judges that the government in the Pullman strike asserted its authority to call out Federal troops thereby to prevent interruptions to the commerce between the states, which is carried on mainly by the railway companies. 7. Powers of the Constitution, — Of course the powers of the Constitution could have had no specific purpose of giving the government such authority, since the first steam railway was not operated in the United States until nearly forty years after the Constitution was adopted. But the authority is a necessary one for the supreme government to exercise in the interest of the people, and it is inferred log- ically from the language of the Constitution. 8. Right to Control Railways, — The assertion of a right to control railways, which was the justification of the Interstate Commerce act, carries with it the idea that such lines of communication are essential to the public convenience, and, therefore, implies a duty to protect the roads themselves, if not the corporations which own them. 398 KIGHT OF GOVERNMENT TO CONTROL RAIEWAV;. 9. Treason. — Hence, the intimation by the President is well sustained, that those who so obstruct railways as to paralyze commerce between the states, are public enemies. And the short name of the offense of citizens who become public enemies is treason. 10. Civil Service. — The central authority now has con- trol over more than KXI.OOO employes in the civil service. To increase that number by adding nearly a million ser- vants mif^ht correct evils in railway mana^^ement at the expense of the government itself. Moreover, if the govern- ment took charge of the railways it would hereby be com- pelled to bring the telegraph and express service under its control. That is a consummation which some men earnestly desire, but it is also one to which many far-seeing men look forward with sincere and deep solicitude. ''.:^ -^W%^^^^ 'i 7. r HON. THOS. F. BAYARD, Ambassador to England under Cleveland. THE PRINCIPLES OF PROTECTION. 3y9 Revenue Collector's Office. The Principles of Protection. Protection. i:i relation to the industries of a country (in which sense the word is generally used), means the preven- tion of ruinous foreign competition. This may be accom- plished (1) by absolutely prohibitmg the importation of cer- tain articles; (2) by levying a duty on them that is practi- cally prohibitive; (.T) by granting premiums on certain ex- ports; (4) by granting drawbacks, which are rebates of the whole, or nearly the whole, duty that has been paid on im- ported materials when these have been manufactured at home and exported; or (5) by soarrangmg the rates of duty on importations as to make their cost to the consumer equal to or greater than the C()=t of similar domestic products. The first three methods are not relied upon in this country for purposes of protection, while the last two have been and are still extensively used The last method is the more 400 THE PRINCIPLES OF PROTECTION. prominent, and around it the arguments for and against protection group themselves. The reasoning of the protec- tionists is long and complicated. A few of their more im- eortant propositions may be briefly stated, as follows: the United States as a nation is bound to secure advantages for its own citizens before regarding other countries; protective duties compel foreigners to pay part of our taxes; without protection we should become chietly an agricultural coun- try, and such countries are comparatively poor and weak; diversified industries are called into being or strengthened by a piotective tariff, and these are valuable to a nation in time of peace and necessary in time of war; the destruc- tions of protection would mean that the labor of this country would have to compete with the cheaper labor (usually called "pauper labor") abroad; wages would fall, and the Amer- ican laborer would be reduced to the low level of life com- mon to laborers abroad; the investment of capital at home is encouragetl by protection, and on this the working classes depend; even if protection were a questionable policy to inaugurate, now that it is established in thiscoun try it should be continued, for the sake of justice to invested capital and to prevent the financial disasters that would result from a revolution in our industries. To the arguments of the free- traders they reply that governments have very generally found it necessary or advisable to regulate to some extent thetrade of their citizens or subjects; that protection benefits the whole nation, not merely a part, by keeping \ip the price of labor; that no free-trade argument can be drawn from inter-state commerce, since the localizing of industries can do no harm when all the localities are parts of a single whole; that competition between home industries will keep prices down to a fair point. Since the Civil war the Repub- lican party had been practically a unit in supporting a pro- tective tariff. Before that period members or both parties were found on each side of the line. The tariff has never been the main issue in a jiresidential election, though in 1880 and 1884 the Republicans strove to increase its impor- tance. THE PRINCIPLES OF FREE TRADE. 401 ^^ ^ .. jy .... ■■ ■ , f^ A Political Gatherinfj Listening to Tariff Speeches. The Principles of Free Trade. Free trade is the doctrine of political economy main- tained by those who hold that trade should be unrestricted by governmental regulations or interference. The term is generally used with reference to governmental exactions on importations. Theoretically free traders hold that our commerce with other nations should be as unrestricted as commerce between the various states of the Union, but practically they admit that duties on imports are a conven- ient way of raising a revenue; so that as the term is gener- ally used in this country, a free trader is one who believes in so regulating the tariff as to raise the necessary revenue with the least restrictions on foreign commerce and with 402 THE PRINCIPLES OF FRF.E TRADE. absolutely no attempt to protect home industries. He be lieves strictly in a tariff for revenue only, or a fiscal tariff, as it is sometimes called. A brief outline cf some of the most important propositions on which. the free trade argu- ment rjsts may be given as follows: Every man has a natural right to buy m the cheapest market and to sell in the dearest; all attempts to check this right on the part of the government result, sooner or later, in an artificial commercial condition and consequent finan- cial disaster; labor, production, manufacture and com- merce, being governed by natural laws, will regulate themselves best if not interfered with; a nation should devote itself to industries which are natural to it; to attempt to force others to growth is an artificial stimulus and a waste of energy; if other nations can produce articles cheaper than we can', it is an unnecessary national extrava- gance to waste, in maknig themathome.strength that could more profitably be devoted to other pursuits. Protection laenefits only a minority of the nation at the expense of the large majority. The advantages which have resulted from free trade between the several states of the Union prove that similar advantages would follow from free trade with foreign nations. In answer to s. me of the arguments of the protectionists, free traders say that it is ridiculous and un- true to insist that protective duties compel foreigners to pay part of our taxes; that diversified industries are proven by history not to be necessary for a nation, since with wealth all things can be i>urchased in these days, and the nati(;nwill gain wealth more rapidly if it devotes i. self to natural pursuits and avoids wasting its energy in unnatural ones; that high wages in the United .States are due to oui" natural advantages, not to protcciion; that, in any case, with free trade the workman's necessaries would cost nmch less and hiswages would go as far as before; that it is unjust to tax the whole country to pay large profits on invested capital which could be equally well employed in other chan- nels. A large majority of the Democratic partv are free traders in the sense in which the term is usetl here--of favoring a tariff for revenue only, but a ininority, powerful in intiuence if not in numbers, are protectionists. ii HISTORY OF AMERICAN TARIFFS. 403 The Complete History of American Tariffs. 1. Two Classifications.— Tariffs are divided into two classifications: Revenue Tariffs and Protective Tariffs. Each of them are a tax on the manufacture or produc- tion from the soil of articles of consumption or use; the former being for the benefit of the state and the latter for the benefit of the manufacturer to a limited extent, at least incidentally. Previous to the American revolution nearly every kind of manufactrring carried on in the colonies was subjected to duties paid to the crown for such privileges, or, if ille- gally done, to fines and penalties. 2. Our Tariff Legislation Slightly Modified.— These conditions were only introductory to the subject. Our tariff legislation began in 17!59, at the time when we were exchang- ing our form of government from the slip-shod form of a confederacy, if the expression is admittable, to that of a centralized power to subordinate the whole on all issues that affected the whole by the adoption of a constitution alike binding on all; then it was that a tariff act was passed by Congress bearing date of July 4, 1789, the object of which was stated by Congress to be for the encouragement and benefit of manufacturers, although it was barely sufficient for revenue only. It was slightly modified August 10, 1790. For two fiscal years, ending September SO, its percentage on all importa- tions averaged 15.34. ]\lay 2, 1792, another bill was passed which reduced this rate to 13.44 for the next three years. Revenue only had thus far been the result, but protection began now to be considered, to accomplish this the next change was made March 3, 1797, which increased the rates to an average of 18.43 for the next three years. May 13, 1800, another tariff bill was passed, increasing them to 21.30 for the next four years. The next tariff bill was passed March 2G, 1804, raising the rates also as to average 23.62 for the next eight years. 3. Retributive Measure. — This brings us near to the war of 1812, when Congress demanded an increase in the rates of the tariff, as a retributive measure, to offset English restrictions on the laws of trade, but these laws were not made to injure America, but to retaliate on Napoleon for his decrees of Berlin, though they affected America as much as France, and caused much popular indignaticn against Eneland. 404 HISTORV OF AMERICAN TARIFFS. 4. New TariffBill. — These, added to the resentful feel- ings against England for the impressment of American sea- men into the British service, were the real incentive to increasing the tariff rates at that time more than any- economic necessity, and so strong was this feeling that the extreme RepubHcans advocated a tariff law which should claim higher duties on English importations than upon those from other countries, but this radical measure was voted down by the Federalists and a few moderate Repub- licans, and the new tariff bill was passed without any partial discrimination. It bore date of July 1, 1812, seventeen days before the war was declared. It raised the duties for the next four years so as to average 30.18 per cent. 5. The Effect of the War.^The rate would have aver- aged higher but for the fact that the effect of the war had been to change the importations to a class of goods on which .ow tariff rates had been laid. Previous to this date the percentage on importations has been given on both dutiable and free goods fcr the reason that tlie government statistics have not given the two kinds separately. Prob- ?bly the average might be about two per cent, less could it have been made on dutiable goods only. A very slight change might also have been made, from the fact that the terminations of fiscal years, for which calculations had beec made, did not always correspond with dates of new tariffs, but this could not change the gross average ^ut a fraction. 6. The Beginning of the Real Tariff Issue. — The war cam** ♦o an end in 1814. and could no longer be brought into requisition to affect the tariff, and at this time began an issue that has ever since been a prolilic source of agitation on jarring interests to which political partisanship has been tenaciously allied, whether from patriotic mo.ives or for party preferences, may be considered a matter of opinion. During the Napoleonic waisthe manufacturing interests v{ America had assumed unexiRCtcdiy large proportions, owing to the restrictive laws of Congress, such as the Embargo Act of 1807, which interdicted all trade with Eng- land, and although the measure caused much stringency in business as well as agricultural interests, it stimulated manufacturing as a matter of necessity, as it cut off all importation during the nineteen months in which it lasted before it was repealed. As might be expected, increased manufacturing created advocates for mcreased duties for pnjtectiou of infant industries, a term then muoh Quoted. HISTOKY OK AMERICAN TARIFFS. 405 7. For Revenue Only.— At this particular epoch ia American finance, the south had not formulated their policy but Mr. Calhoun, whose influence was potent, soon took the matter into consideration and became their expo- nent At first he joined hands with the New England tariff men and favored increased duties on cotton goods under the impression that it would raise the price of the raw material, cotton, which was then the principal staple of the south, and the tariff bill of April '27, 1816, was the result. It materially raised the rates on cotton goods but lowered them on others, with a result, that in the next eight years the ad valorem rates on all importations averaged about the same as those of the four years previous. Until the tariff of 1816, revenue only had been tbe object and protec- tion incidental to it, but this had transposed these condi- tions and fairly committed the government to the new policy. 8. Tariff Bill of. 1824. — Henry Clay was then a rising power in political ciicles and chiefly through his influence a new tariff bill passed May 22, 1824, increasing duties still more than the last. The opposition against this bill was very strong, and it was only by a bare majority that it became a law. Under it the average rate on dutiable goods for the next four years was 50.84 per cent. May 19, 1828, another bill passed whose changes produced the following results: for 1828, 47.59 per cent.; for 1829, 54.18 per cent.; for 1830, 61.69 per cent., each, average rate on all dutiable goods. 9. South Carolina Nullification. — This tariff reached the limit of Southern endurance, and Calhoun now became outspoken as an anti-tariff man, and the South Carolina nullification grew out of it, by which President Jackson gained a reputation for loyalty to the Constitution and Cal- houn a reputation for a vindicator of the right. The hostile ieeling that grew up between these two distinguished Dem- ocrats on this issue never was placated, but Henry Clay, the great compromiser, came to the rescue the next year, and by his influence secured the passage of a bill by which the tariff should be graduated down to an averge of 20 per cent, on all dutiable goods after 1842. 10. The Extreme Limit Never Reached. — This extreme limit never was quite reached, owing to the panicky times that resulted from the hybrid bank legislation of 1836 and 1837, by which neither metallic currency nor sound paper currency was established. But the "American System," as protection was called, was broken up, and a tariff for rev^ enue only was substantially the law until 1861. From 1857 to this date the rates on dutiable goods had averaged but 20.55 per cent. 406 HISTORY OF AMERICAN TAKIFFS. LUXURY. The Right Principles of Taxation.— Tax the Luxuries and Admit the Necessaries Free. 11. Tariff Acts of 1846 and 1857. — "^^^^ country vra.s satisfied with the tanlY acts of this period and this mod- erate tariff was at least one of tlie elements that contributed to the tjeneral welfare. 12. The Morrill Bill.— In 1861 the Morrill Tariff Act began a change toward a higher range of duties and a stronger application of protection. The Civil War made additional revenue necessary. The exigency of the times made it cosy to cany through Congress measures for in- creasing tariff. Protection ran riot. Every domestic pro- ducer who came before Congress got what he wanted in the way of duties. 13. After the War.— .After the war Congress set to work at re[)ealmg and modifying the internal tax system, but failed to make a reduction of import duties. High pro- tection seemed to carry the day and no material change was made. MCKINLEY TARlFi.-* AND WILSON LAW. -iOT 14. The Financial Situation. — The connection between lariff legislation and the state of the revenue is very dis- tinctly seen in our history. In 1847 an empty treasury was followed by high tariff legislation. In 1857 an overflowing Treasury caused a reduction. In 1864 money was needed and there was an increase in the tariff. In 1872 the redun- dant revenue brought about a reduction. The financial sit- uation has largely controlled the tariff rates up to the present. The Difference Between the flcKinlejr Tariff and the Wilson Law. The List Congress, elected in 1888, which came in with »he Harrison administration March 4, 1889, had, in the House of Representatives, 173 Republicans, 156 Democrats snd 1 Independent. This was the Congress that passed the McKinley bill. It was elected on the pledge of the Repub- licans, in their press and on the stump, that they would reform the tariff, upon the claim that that system should be corrected by its friends rather than by its enemies. The McKinley law, the highest protective tariff measure the rcuntry ever had, was the way the Republicans kept thei/ ] romiscs of reform to the people. The Llld Congress was elected in 1890. and the people fhowed their appreciation of the way the Republicans had kept their promises regarding tariff reform by electing a House of Representatives that stood 88 Republicans, 235 Democrats and 'J Alliance. To emphasize the popular wish for reform of the tariff Mr. Cleveland was elected President in 1892, and the lower house rf Congress elected at the same lime stood 129 Republicans, 216 Democrats, 8 Alliance or Populists, with two vancancies. There has been since 1889 no abatement in the popular wish for an improvement in a substantial reduction of the tariff, and the demand is as strong to-day as it was in 18S9 for a radical departure horn war taxation and the Morrill law of 1861. While this is true it does not indicate any disposition on the part of the people to adopt the free-trade notions of Great Britain, but 3t is a protest against the enormous taxation of tne many for the benefit of the few. The New Tariff. — As a result of the persistent effort of the people, the Wilson tariff was passed. 408 MCKINLEY TARIFF AND WILSON LAW. Cleveland's Second Term, 1803-1897. — When President Cleveland again came into office, he found both the Senate and the House in harmony with his views. It now became the duty of the Democratic administration to revise the tariff laws. After much discussion, Congress passed a law THE HON. W. L. WILSON. Author of the Wilson Tariff Law. known as the Wilson Bill. This law did not meet the ex- pectations of a large number of the party, but it was the best they could agree upon. This law incorporated as one of its provisions, a ta.K on ail incomes above $5,000. The income ta.K is, according to Adam Smith, the most just of all forms of taxation ; but the law is unpopular in the United States. For ten years during and following the civil war, we had an income tax ; but as it was considered a war-measure, it did not meet with serious objection. Is TARIFF RATES COMPARED. 409 an income tax a direct or an indirect tax? The Constitu- tion says, "Direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states . . , according to their respective «W/^i^^r^," etc. A test case was brought before the U. S. Supreme Court, which decided that it was a direct tax, hence un- constitutional. As a result of this decision, the Wilson Bill did not produce sufficient revenues to meet the expenses of the government. By necessary gold purchases and by the shortage in revenues, the public debt, during Cleveland's administration, was largely increased. Tariff Rates Compared. Schedule. Cotton. Flax. Wool. Silk. Wilson bill per cent, ad valorem 41 32 41 46 McKinley tariff 55 42 99 53 Mills bill 33 25 40 50 Tariff of 1883 35 31 67 45 The sugar bounty was abolished, and a duty of 40 per cent, ad valorem imposed upon raw sugar, which before was free, while refined sugar pays one-eighth of a cent a pound and 40 per cent, against one-half a cent under the late tariff. Wool, raw hides and many other articles were duty free. Reciprocity. — The Wilson Law also repealed what was known as the "Reciprocity Section" of the McKinley Law, which had been intended especially to gain the trade of Central and South America for the United States. This section provided that "whenever and so often as the Presi- dent shall be satisfied that the government of any country producing and exporting sugar, molasses, coffee, tea and hides, raw or uncured, or any such articles, imposes duties or other exactions upon the agricultural or other products of the United States, which in view of the free introduc- tion of such sugar, molasses, coffee, tea and hides into the United States he may deem to be reciprocally unequal and unreasonable, he shall have the power, and it shall be his duty, to suspend by proclamation to that effect, the provis- ions of this act relating to the free introduction of such sugar, molasses, coffee, tea and hides, the production of such country for such time as he shall deem just, and in such case and c'urins such suspension duties shall be levied. 410 TARTFF RATES COMPARED. collected and paid upon sugar, molasses, coffee, tea ani hides, the product of, or exported from such designate-1 country as follows," etc. Under This Provision of the McKinley Law, reci- procity treaties had been negotiated with Spain, Brazil, Honduras, Salvador, Guatemala, Nicaragua, San Domingo, Germany, Austria-Hungary and Great Britain for Jamaica, British Guiana and her other West Indian colonies. The favorable effect of tlie treaty with Spain is best given in the language of the British consul-general at Havana, who is quoted as saying: "British trade with Cuba has also become a thing of the past; and under the recent reci- procity treaty the United States of America practically supplied all the wants of the island and receives all its produce. The effect has been to throw nearly the entire Cuban trade into the hands of the United States traders, with whom importers of goods from less favored nation a cannot compete, having to pay by terms of such treaty higher import duiies." Under the Wilson Law Spain at once abrogated the treaty, Brazil soon afterwards gave three months' notice en abrogation, and all the treaties based on reciprocity havi termmated. 'Ihe effect was detrimental to thecommer:.' of the United States. Tariff Commission League. Such a league is being endorsed by boards of trade, chambers of commerce, and similar commercial organiza- tions all over the countrv. The objects of this league are very well set forth in the following statement, signed by everv one on becoming a member of the organization: Thereby agree to unite with a body nf busincbS riien to organize "The Tariff Commission League," the object ot which shall be to promote a movement in favor of a consti- tutional amendment that will place our country on a per- manent protective tariff basis, take the Cjuestion of "tariff' out of the arena of politics, and place it in the hands ff i permanent commission that shall be composed of busuioss men who shall ecpialiy represent capital, labor and the farmer. The first national convention of this organization was held in Detroit, June, 1>96. It would seem tliat the object i,nd work of this organization should commend itself to ai" truly American citizens. MCKINLEY, WILSON AND DINGLEY TARIFFS. 411 t E H O o s O n z H (>. (K M Q a H c m li< M <: H >< u c p Q < ?! 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If ■ B C«» x X ^- ■" _ r r* •^*!- - = = C '' i o_^ - -f a £ E= .2 E-=l '•^ J S s 9 9 ' els a at^-u ^00000 c. — .i; a a ■ tit^-a ^7} £-■'; irs r:*^ c 3! ■3 ^ a a a a = 55 9 -^ -.^ -^ o c ao c c u t. t. £ r).— ■-•0 a: C jj I oi a ^i=-^a c - c « a ' o c c C 4^ AJ ■*,> .-> a c o o o 5^r Baa ■Xl> a a a a 000 ■*-> ^ ■*,> 000 000 o a o a MCKINLKY, WILSON AND UUNGLEY TARIFFS. 413 C > ©-* "So"! ■9 " i'a s s-^- + + - 01 ^9 01 TT 0. . bi - ^ ■z. s-g^ u-:"^ C8 CO (- « . -2- -2 2'3 ■M ^■^ t.- ^ — " >-. O U t- ■a a a 11 0, o o "o ii« ^ a o •a (A M -1 a u« ■*! o Q ^"i s €^ i: & rt^ t: a;.- ;: c i;r3 g S a— aaa-a "^as-a 5 o c c 5g« ""tS ? - :e' «'-.0 !- £ 2 ^ (E 2 a — _;■- - .ij 3 414 MCKINLEY, WILSON ANQ DINGLEY TARIFFS. c ■ a n o «) c Out ift a S-. . C'C 1£ C I. o p. o o ^ C O' X px e b u — c a —in - c • <^ ?i tr: — ♦«'•: c i a o 1 a S) u "3 C3 C A CCIM-* • L. O- - . , c u- ' - ' p. g o f* ■--co-? — 0/- c5 c a c a p"* r I- t- u u . t- a» if ~ - t 1 r C a o . 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C^l >- c t- ^ ,-U X a , 01 S.O ^^ I t- -" vT. o o o a a §g5 - fc. t. t- ® a, o _u aaft as ^ to C^ C<1 ■— ■ CC go *^ t" ^» C 3 _ ao, ^ "CO a T- d a s 29 _2_C .O .D-O C l! u tN ^' a aaa a c o a o o o ^ ^ ^ Q f; -t -.O »- Z _: a. a a d M a a o o o c t4 tfj en 'X v. w 3j — 2 ^ OP d, -:3 o o o c 3 a a ^■Sd . X o o o .-■--jcjot-ssax .adosajaoicc X S a as ® 3 X! s a X (E - tit ad s =^ t.1 a*' S :j3 : a 1' • u d'S > X a! „ o 5 ^ ^ ^ 3 3 ■='-1 a a! ai^a a c t- o d d d o - ^ ^ 0^ X S a a d c j^j-:^s««^ ■:i§i| • a"" 2 X §_ ^— ■ a a a ••5 a =2::: a . cj a r, a rt ii >.-r; a ;^ -J a 3 CcM o o'S d S ■3" . o . a S 2 SJ 2 « fl So *" a 4j> a X ^.d ^ OS a a^_2^>2 '^•^ 416 MCKINLET, WILSON AND DTNGLEY TARIFFS. 1. r § . IS a c. a •a ce •^^ (L *^ > . o o in lo irt O --^ r. O O O O Q O r? "? O hi O, 5 a « a -■ = -■ 5 -■ 2 . -^ *^' in lo irt o --^ rr o o o o o o -< ir; r^" o i.- ,7 o 3 «- - u ^ t. <-- I- u: " U"" CUCUtiO* I- o a^^ao^aa ^ 0000 *" »^ L— Lt Lt l^ l/t l^ O m -T" C iT? ( C . J) S^ >- -Zi (DC £ a aa l! . CJ ^ ..-0 ■c^eg. —■10 >*: : -3 •a "3 a JfJO O ,;= =1 «— • ^ X • e o g a I. " t, o C Ih 0. b . <-> , a i a c o c) a, „-„aa;ac.- a (E u ri* m o I." m c; c; r7 i^ ^^' sj a > c!^ CI ?; o * a; t, Cl '-' • aS * 5=; <= o a" a ® ^ j Q i"-: O i-r " >-" — ^ i^ r- Sr. G * »- cc c^i CJ ec e^i ^^ ^ g^ "— ^* t^ g^ *— ' c^c^^^ I a a o u. . U b & 0^ ^ o PiaSi a O OrJ'mmio jSiS.ft O hi a eg (t g aj ® jj a p a 0, a a ID O hi o a o -■ a c a'* i5 a ■s : a . c :a :e ■ ^ * •£'0'=' u SK £ S I n = •Q b> X .a . . X a o O ~:a = 3 = c c " 73 c CO r a *• a)*^ 5 ~-- ^ i> a £g u« a. 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A Complete History of the Financial Panics in the United States. 1. Financial Disturbances. — Financial disturbances in any country are governed by the simple laws of cause and effect, and are by no means peculiar to the United States. A glance at the history of England or France, for example, ■vr'Al reveal the fact that these disturbances, sufficiently marked to be called panics, have occurred at somewhat regular intervals and, as in this country, have followed periods of speculation and of abnormally inflated values. That panics have been more common in our own countrv, however, than in the (^Id World is true and not at all strange, ■when it is considered that we are comparatively a new country, scarcely mure than a hundred years old since a stable government was formed, and subject to the experi- ments and diverse schemes of a republican government of the people by the people. During the first 50 years of our history the expermicntal stage was of course more marked, and it now may be truthfully said that we as a people are better equipped by reason of our abundant and ■\aried resources and by reason of commanding ability on the part of our financiers than almost any country in the world. History shows that, however sound the monetary system of a country may be and however carefully the government may provide for an adequate revenue and a stable currency, panics as a matter of fact recur at tolerably regular periods. In this country these financial disturbances have occurred on an average about once in 10 years, vary- ing in duration from one to three years. 2. Over-Trading. To briefly trace the history of these panics from the beginning of our national life to the pres- ent day is the object of this chapter. By way of preliminary observation it may be stated in general terms that panics affecting th_ entire business of our country have been usu- ally due to one of two causes, viz.: first, over-trading, call- ing for an excess of either manufactured or imported prod- ucts and consequent inflation of the currency used in this over-trading; or, second, to marked changes in the tariff regulations tending to unsettle manufacturing and with it the buying and selling interests of the community for such length of time as may lie necessary to bring about an ad- justment of business to the changed tariff regulations. With two or three noted exceptions, the last of which had its beginning in 1893, the depressions caused by tariff cliaiiges have not, however, been so marked in tnis counttf HISTORY OF THE FINANCIAL PANICS. 42i as from the first cause above named. For instance, from 1814 to 18'J3 there have occurred at least ten distinct panics at more or less regular intervals concurrent in the United States, in England, and in France, all of which were due to inflation or what we conveniently call " booming " or over- trading. 3. "The Panic of 1814-15. — During the first year of the Revolutionary War, Congress authorized the issue of "con- tinental currency" or paper money to the extent of $3,000,- 000 for the purpose of carrying on the war, which amount was increased in three years to §160,000,000 and by 1780 had reached the large amount of $359,000,000. Depre- ciation in the face value of the currency gradually took place until in 1779 Congress undertook to decree that it should be taken at its face value, but as in 1780 government ceased to take it for custom dues it rapidly went down, until in 1781 it was practically worthless. This state of affairs led Congress during the latter year to form the Bank of North America on a plan formulated by United States Treasurer Morris. The capital was fixed at §10,000,000. The bank, hampered from the first by the large loans re- quired by the government, w-as not a success, and having an madequate capital continued to increase its note circula- tion during the succeeding seven or eight years until the people finally refused to take its issues at par or anywhere near it. Hard money was in general demand, causing a. hoarding of the precious metals and consequent stagnation of business and an era of general bankruptcy followed. In. 1790, Alexander Hamilton, the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States, came forward with a proposition for the founding of a National Bank which Congress duly authtsr- ized, and in 1794 it commenced business as the "Bank of the United States." It had a capital of §10,000,000, one- fifth of which was subscribed by the government and the other three-fifths by private individuals. Two of the latter §8,000,000 were to be paid in metallic money and §6,000,000 in 6 per cent, state bonds. The charter was to expire in 1811. It was, however, afterward extended. For several years transactions of the United States Bank were profitable, for it paid an average of 8 per cent, on its capital. 4. State Banks.— In the meantime, soon after the establishment of the national bank, in 1781, state banks, notably in Pennsylvania, began to be organized, and by 1811 there were 88 of these in existence with an aggregate capi- tal of §77,258,000. Speculation ran high, paper money was abundant and the apparent prosperity of the country was. attributed to the issue of paper money both by the ef^vern- 422 HISTORY OF THE FINANCIAL PANICS. n^ent and the state banks. Then came the War of 1812. At iis beginning the exportation of the precious metals nearly ceased, the banks increased their issues and made great profits for the stockholders. The Farmer's Bank of Lan- caster, Pa., yielded a round 12 per cent, on its stock, and a widespread mania prevailed among all classes to invest in bank stocks and to engage in visionary financial schemes generally. In 1818, 41 banks were chartered in Pennsyl- vania with a capital all told of only $17,(KX),000. These banks had no adequate specie basis, and yet continued the issue of notes on a liberal scale. On the other hand the New England states, with more prudence, had en- acted stringent laws governing banking and the redemption of bank notes and when under the pressure of war times and a surfeit of practically irredeemable currency the banks of the other states suspended payment in the early fall of 1814 the New England banks remained solid. A temporary arrangement was made between the business public and the banks, especially in Philadelphia, for the restoration of confidence based on the iigreement of the latter to resume payment of their notes at the close of the war and for a time money continued plentiful, limes were apparently good, inflation of values extending to goods and to real esta'e was the rule everywhere and speculation was universal. Everybody could borrow money and few looked forward to a ('ay of reckoning. When in 1815 the reaction came, people found that while the value of hard monty had increased they Juui little of real value, as judged by the metallic standard, left to show for their great apparent j:ains. 5. The Large Loans to the Government. — The large loans to the govennncnt by the banks f.ir the prosecution of the war, amounting to nearly §63,0U'_i oUi'. Iielped along the inflation of currency, the banks advancing money beyond their resources, thus augmenting their circulation. When the crash came, the L'nited States Hank, whose man- agers had taken warning in time and reduced its discounts aiid circulation, was found to be in fairly sound condition. By the middle of 1815, after peace had been declared, ocean commerce had resumed its activity and general business was in full swing, although the promise of the state banks to resume specie payment had not been ftiltilled. 6. Reorganize the United States Bank. — Early in this year a proposition was made to reorganize the United States Bank, and in April, 181H, an act was secured for the organization of a company with a capital of $.'t"),000,000, in shares of ^100 each. The government look TO.OCK) shares HISTORY OF THE FINANCIAL PANICS. 423 and the general public the other 180,000 shares. The latter were payable in gold or silver to the extent of 87,000,000 and $21,(K)0,000 either in the same kind of money or in the United States' consolidatetl debt bonds at par or in other government securities at values varying according to the interest rate which they bore. Thirty dollars per share had to be paid on subscription, of which $5 were in gold; in six months S35 more was due, of which $10 had to be in specie, and the remaining §35 was payable in 12 months on the same terms. The charter was to run until March, 1836. Of the 25 directors, five were to be appointed by the President of the United States and confirmed by the Senate, and the rest were to be chosen by the stockholders and some of the states, no state being allowed to name more than three directors. In the contraction of any debt the bank was limited to §35,000,000 in excess of its total deposits; could not buy and sell the securities of other countries not capable of being at once realized upon; was confined to 6 per cent, interest on discounts and loans, and was restricted to $500,000 as the maximum amount to be loaned to the United States, §50,000 to each state, and loans to foreigners were entirely prohibited. Bank notes not exceeding §100 each were payable on demand, while larger denominations were allowed sixty days for payment. The smallest bank note was for $5. Bills of exchange and sight drafts were receivable at the United States Treasury. The bank was to receive and disburse the public moneys, and to act as an agent for any state in the negoti- ation of a loan. Suspension of payment of bank notes or deposits could not be authorized either by Congress or by the directors. As a bonus for the charter, the bank was to give the government 81,000,000, in three installments. Upon the demand of the state Legislatures, branches were to be established wherever 2,000 shares of the stock were taken. 7. The Panic of 1818. — It soon appeared that extensive speculation in the shares of the bank was going on. By September, 1817, the shares sold as high as 8156.50 and so continued until December of the following year when they fell back to §110. This result was largely brought about by the knowledge that some of the directors were treely loan- ing §125 or more on the-e §100 shares and the speculation ^lania ran high and precipitated the panic of 1818. Over-issue, or at least imprudent issue of bank notes upon a limited basis of specie began to be felt even before October, 1818, when the payment of the foreign debt of Louisiana withdrew a large sum from the United States Ranlt -J24 HISTORV OF TFIi: FINANCIAL PANICS Evidenceof the depreciationof the currency also began to be seen in the large advance in the price of foreign goods, espe- cially those from India and China. As invariably happens, as soon as these indications of depreciation in the circulating medium were observed, a general demand for specie pay- ment set in. The bank had no alternative but to meet the demand, and to do this it strained every nerve, meanwhile reducing its circulation as rapidly as possible. The s;ate banks did likewise, necessarily, and the result of the general contraction was a general stagnation of business. In order to pay the notes of the bank and its various branches, the national bank emptied its vaults of more than §7,000,000 and the state banks of more than S3,000,OiJO in specie in a single year. 8. Investigation by Congress. — The management of the United States bank was finally made a subject of inves- tigation by Congress and a committee appointed by that body in the latter part of 1818 reported that the directors had violated several of the provisions of the charter. The result was the appointment of new directors and a change of management. The panic continued through 1819, and the country suffered severely. Real estate depreciated to about one-half its value, failures among business men of nearly all classes were almost universal and men of wealth speedily became poor, while the middle class were gener- ally impoverished. Manufacturing dwindled and the lalx)r- ing classes were either idle or poorly paid. In January, 18'J0, the Legislature of Pennsylvania, which for some years had fostered a loose system of banking,adopted a conserva- tive course and decided that banks should be restricted in their note issues to one-half their capital, that no director should be re-elected until after a three years' interval, and that their books should be annually inspected by state ex- aminers. Other states adopted similar regulations and the national bank now being under a new management and public sentiment in a condition of healthy conservatism on the subject of banks and business, an improvement soon took place and the country gradually resumed its former prosperity. It is worthy of note that, during the general depression through 1818-1!*, the government securities kept up to 10:? and 1(14 9. The Panicof 1825.— In 1825anotherfinancial panicset in. The prosperity of the country for the preceding tour or five years encouraged the formation of numerous banks, and, forgetting the lessons of the past, new banks were formed in I'ennsylvania. and in 18'_'4 the Legislature passed a bill je-establishing the charters of most of the banks which had HISTORY OF THK FINANCIAL PANICS. 425 failed 10 years before; while in New York, to "start a bank " was a kind of mania. Various stock companies of a speculative character were organized and stock speculation became rife. By 1825 the reaction set in, helped along materially by financial embarrassments in England, owing in part to speculations in America, cotton and mines and the ruling or money exchange in London, which rose from 5 to about 10 per cent. Cotton fabrics declined from 18 to 13 cents per yard, and many of the factories closed. This panic, however, was not of long duration, general liquidation and readjustment of values occurring during 1826, and during the latter part of that and in the following year times were again good, and money, in a commercial sense, easy. ID. United States Bank Putting in Circulation Large Amounts of Drafts. — Although gradually the banks generally had become established on a better basis and hard money was plenty, yet by 1828 there began to de- velop a condition which, under other circumstances, would doubtless have led to a serious panic. This condition was largely caused by the course of the United States Bank in putting in circulation a large amount of drafts issued by the branch banks which circulated freely, taking the place of the bank notes put out by the local banks, merely displacing this circulating medmm without increas- ing the general circulation. Naturally the issues of the local banks were freely exchanged for these drafts of the national bank, or rather of its branches, and the former having a comparatively limited circulation suf- fered thereby. This disturbance was, however, more in the nature of competition between the local banks and the na- tional bank than otherwise, and while causing some depres- sion to business from scarcity of currency did not rise to the proportions of a panic. Gold and silver money being comparatively plenty no doubt helped to prevent more seri- ous complications. During the next two or three years business was very active and the country prosperous. Wars in Europe, the cholera and other causes combined to make more productive the use of capital in the L^nited States and the line of bank loans and discounts rose in proportion both among the state banks and in the United States Bank, the discounts of the latter rising from 824,000,000 in 1826 to $44,000,000 in 1831, and the circulation from 89,000,000 to $22,000,000. The New York banks had a surfeit of money by 1830, and all the banks extended their operations, thus making the obtaining of credit in business circles compara- tively easy. 426 HISTORY OF THE FINANCIAL PANICS. 11. A Reaction. — By 1831, however, over-trailing, as usual, produced a reaction and the party opposed to the United States Bank, led by President Andrew Jackson, maintained that the influence and operations of the institu- tion were calculated to embarrass rather than to promote the interests of the country at large. 12. The Panic of 1837. —Matters pertaining to the United States Bank continued much as formerly, the contentions of the bank and the anti-bank party going on until 1832, when it having transpired that the president of the bank had sent an agent to London to negotiate a loan of §6,000,000 from the Barings and its practical insolvency being charged. President Jackson strongly opposed the renewal of its charter, which was to expire in 188fi. 13. Congress Antagonized the President. — Congress, however, antagonized the President and voted to renew the charter. The President, with characteristic firmness vetoed the bill passed by Congress. In the following year, 1833, President Jackson ordered the withdrawal of the govern- ment deposits from the bank, which after considerable wrangling in Congress, the .Senate o{umed payment. The shrinkage of collaterals deposi ed by the banks may be seen when it is stated that these collaterals, in iy."j»'., represented $2,50n,CK30, on which notes from borrowers were accepted of 82 OOO.OUO, while the same collaterals in 18-''>7 were valued at S-")60,000, on which only 83S3,0^ in April. Bank discounts, which amounted to 8300,000,000 in September, 1871, were reduced to $278,000,000 hv September, 1873, and deposits which in July, 1871, were §248,000,000 stood at $108,000,000 in Septem- ber, 1873. During this month the Xew York Stock Exchange was closed for 10 days, during which time the "legal ten- der" notes were at a premium of from one-fourth to 3 per cent. 22. Withdrawal of Deposits.— The withdrawal of de- posits everywhere caused a "run" on the banks, and the government stepped in to ease the situation by buying $13,500,000 of its 5-20 bonds, which afforded only temporary relief. Following the Jay Cooke failure came the closing up of Fiske & Hatch, the Union Trust Company, the Na- tional Trust Company, the National Bank of the' Common- wealth and other large institutions. By the 1st of Novem- ber discounts which on the 12th of September had been 819y,000,000 fell to $169,000,000, and stagnation of business was general. During the depression the national govern- ment put on the market a new issue of 5 20 bonds, most of which were taken by Germany, and this helped to relieve the stram. Throughout all the trouble government bonds not only held up but advanced from 91 per cent, in April, 1873, to 96 in October, when the panic was at its worst, showing the general faith in the stability and resources of the nation. State bonds also, as a rule, maintained their integrity and were freely taken whenever offered abroad. Railroad securities, excepting those of the old established lines, were much depressed and with good cause, for about 90 compmies failed to jiav their interest coupons when due. 23. Wholesale Manipulation of Stock. — Doubtless the situation as regarded the railroads was made much worse than it would naturally have been by the wholesale manip- ulation of stocks, by combinations, notably that of the Van- derbilts, whose managers drove shares of some good roads down to a low point so that they might buy them up at their own figure. The stable character of the finances of the national government and the era of retrenchment which soon set in on the part of the people, who had over-traded HISTORY OF THE FINANXIAL PANICS. 43;I' extensively, soon brought about a better state of affairs and gradually business again became active, based more nearly on real values in place of the former fictitious ones. 24. The Panic of 1884.— Following the panic of 1873r the financial condition remained in a satisfactory condition until May, 1884, when a financial disturbance occurred, having its center in New York, but more or less affecting the entire country. It was, in the main, a panic of which the stock speculators of Wall street were responsible rather than because of any real weakness of the banks or of over-trading in business circles or of overproduction by the manufacturers. The era of railroad speculations had reached its culmination in this country in 1880, and the excessive competition m rates among new lines by 1881 had caused a retrograde movement to set in. Some of the large concerns in New York which had been reckless operators in railroad securities and had forced prices far above real values, found they could no longer perform the impossible feat of making water to run up hill and, in the language of the street, laid down. In May, 1884, the stockbroker firm of Grant & Ward, of which General Grant had unfortunately become a nominal member, failed through the crooked speculations of Ward, and for which General Grant after- ward made all the reparation in his power. The firm was closely connected with the National Marine Bank, which on the oth of May failed. Then followed closely the suspen- sion of the Second National, the Metropolitan and a number of smaller banks which were intimately connected with these institutions. Before the close of the month the sav- ings bank of Fiske & Hatch and several banking and brokerage firms failed. 25. Credits. — The panic among the banks so mti- mately associated became extensive, and getting credits even for fegitimate transactions was next to impossible. Securities heretofore readily received as collateral were refused, and even on the offering of those of unques- tioned value no money could be had. In this emergency the Clearing House of the Associated Banks promptly arranged to issue certificates receivable in behalf of the crippled members of the association and supplemented this action by receiving through a committee bills and securities as collateral in exchange for which certificates of deposit bearing 3 per cent, were issued up to 75 percent, of the deposit. This action not on^y prevented many failures but soon restored confidence and enabled the Metropolitan and other banks to resume without loss 28. A New Tariff Bill. — As was expected the party id power, controlling both branches of Congress, proposed a new tariff bill, and during the long session of 1894 most of the time of Congress was taken up with its consideration. The uncertainty of its passage and the form which the pro- posed law would take if passed kept the country in a state of uncertainty all through the summer and fall. A large number of business failures occurred and many banks of the smaller variety closed up either temporarily or perma- nently, though the banks at such centers as New York, Philadelphia, Boston, Chicago, and St. Louis remained solid. In fact, rarely have the banks been in better condi- tion than since the beginning of the recent trouble. There was no lack of money in 1894-5, but for a time it was ex- ceedingly ditficult to negotiate loans from the banks on any class of securities. A general policy of hoarding money among the people prevailed, and all who could put their surplus into first-class securities and stored them away in safety deposit vaults and elsewhere. 29. A General Distrust. — A general d'":rust of the future prevailed and consequently traders did business on a narrow margin, buying small stocks at short intervals, thus adding to the uncertainties of the manufacturing inter- ests. To make matters worse wheat, under the intiuence of a large supply and a limited foreign demand, declined from time to time, varying for months from 63 to 64 cents, other products following in a less marked decline. To add further to the complications the great railway strike of July and August, 1894, initiated by the American Railway Union under the leadership of Eugene V. Debs, with its storm center in Chicago, took place and kept the country in a demoralized state, while extensive coal strikes in Pennsyl- vania, Ohio and Illinois added to the troubles. At last, just before adjournment in October, 1894, Congress passed a new tariff bill so long pending, though with much less sweeping reductions than were anticipated, and a settled policy on that question having been adopted, the country experienced the relief which certainty brings. The finances of the govern- ment, however, owing to inadequate revenues and the con- stant drain of gold from the United States Treasury, most of which found its way to Europe, operated unfavorably to rapid recovery from financial depression. In December government issued 8100,000,000 of 3 per cent, bonds which were taken by a syndicate of New York bankers and afforded temporary relief. -43fi MONEY. Money. — First Issue in America. 1. Codfish. — The first American money that histor/ informs us of was wampum and the dried codfish of New- foundland. The latter were in general use as money, and answered the purpose better than any other material that could have been procured in that rei^ion, A single fish was a sufficiently small change for small transactions, and a mass of them not cumbersome, Superior convenience made its adoption for money natural. 2. Wampum. — This consisted of small shells like beads. They were of two kinds, white and black. The white was the periwinkle; the black was made with more labor out of the black part of a clam shell and was double the value of the white. Strings, groups of strings and belts made of them were the money known as wampum. Wampum was made a legal tender in the Massachusetts colony for 12d. only. A belt of it was six feet long and consisted of 360 beads. The whites afterward caused an inflation by import- ing the beads l)y the barrel. 3. Corn.— In 1641 corn was made a legal tender in the Plymouth colony for the payment of debts, " to save the eeetmtitifJ'CltiX' cxfilr, %ent «;75'Z^ IX '^HILL im obtaining gold or silver coins, or any- thing else their fancy craved that was in sight or known of. It (lid not lessen the value of any pile of land or other property. It was a new birth. A new creation. .A. public benefit, as it increased by its volume the sum of circulating medium, whi<'h was too { (c>^ fi<^^: -FAKIR- "Here is where you get your money's worth," Paper Money in the United States. The English colonies soon after their settlenient issued paper money. Massachusetts took the lead, in order to secure funds to besies/e C^ucbec. The circulation of pa[)cr money increased until hard money became in great demand, and much of the paper money was not worth 10 per cent, of its face value. In the War of Independence, Congress first issued three million of paper dollars. It was increased to 8160,000,000, then to 8-^)9,000,000, and in 17S1 it had no rating and wa« not taken at 1 per cent, of its face value. PAPER MONEY. ^^^ BANK OF NORTH AMERICA. Upon the adoption of the United States Constitution the issuing of paper money ceased, and gold and silver became the new circulating medium. The Bank of North America, organized and controlled by the United States, with a capital of $10,000,000, was greatly embarrassed, and, owing to its loans to the government, it was compelled to increase its note circulation to an enormous amount. This increase of paper money aroused suspicion; people refused the notes; every one struggled to obtain hard money, hence it became impossible to borrow money, and bankruptcy followed. In 1790 Mr. Hamilton, Secretary of the Treasury, pro- posed the organization of the national bank to Congress, and m 1794 it began operations under the name, " Bank of the United States," with a capital of $10,000,000, $8,000,000 being subscribed by private individuals and $2,000,000 by the gov- ernment. New Hampshire Shilling, Coined 1776. Two million of this sum were to be paid in metallic money, and $6,000,000 in state bonds; the charter was to continue till March 4, 1811. This bank paid an average dividend of 8 per cent. The success of the bank led peo- ple to believe that it was all owing to the issuing of paper money when the true cause was the prosperity oi the country. In consequence, the "Farmers Bank of Lancas- ter " was founded, with a capital stock of $300,000; others rapidly followed and great excitement prevailed. In 1812 the capital of the banks had risen to nearly $80,000,000, and there were already eighty-eight banks in existence. After the declaration of war with England (June, 1812) there was a great demand for dollar pieces, owing to the East Indian aad Chinese trade, and when this demand was made for coin, it was a warning to the banks, who found it difficult to meet the demands of their creditors by redeeming their notes in gold or silver. 442 DIFFERENT COMMODITIES USED AS MONEY. The war, however, put a stop to the exportation of precious metals, and to a certain degree limited the circulation of paper, consequently loans, and enormous sums of money were distributed among individuals and among the states. Trade everywhere was stimulated, people were carried away with speculation, and every one seemed to indulge in golden dreams. In Pennsylvania in 1813 forty-one banks with a capital of 117,000,000 were authorized by a large majority. The banks soon discovered the method of discounting their own stock. They thus increased the amount of notes, which depreciated in comparison with hard money, and dissipated on all sides the hope of exchanging with it, and in the absence of the demand from abroad for hard money, the demand came from within our own borders. All remittances in New England could only be made in hard money, and the laws of New England compelled all banks to pay a penalty of 12 per cent, upon the annual m- terest payments of those persons who did not pay their notes. Consequently the banks were not able to respond to the demands for redemption, and hence suspension of the banks followed. The Maryland Shilling, Coined In 1659 by Lord Baltimore. Different Commodities Used as Money. Any article of wealth — /. e. anything which has value — may be used as money. Tin was thus employed in ancient Syracuse and Britain, while to the same purpose wc tind iron in Sparta, cattle in Rome and Germany, a preparation of leather among the Carthaginians, platinum in Russia, lead in Burmah, nails in Scotland, pieces of silk among the MONEY. 443 Massachusetts Cent, Connecticut Cent, 1787. 1785. Chinese, cubes of pressed tea in Tartary, salt in Abys- sinia, cowrie-shells on the coast of Africa, slaves among the Anglo-Saxons, tobacco in \'irgiuia, codfish m Newfound- land, Dullets and wampum in the early history of Massa- chusetts, logwood in Campeachy, sugar in the West Indies, soap in Mexico, etc. But from'the time of Abraham, when he paid (Gen. xxiii., 16) to the children of Heth 400 shekels cf silver, " current money wiih the merchant " — tlie earliest historical record of a purchase with money ti 1 now, gold and silver have been the money with civilized and com- mercial people. Philosophy and Laws that Govern and Control the Value of Money. r. Good Government. — The great majority of people desire good government, and they work and vote with a view of securing the same. Parties are organized by men for the purpose of promulgating ideas, which if carried into effect, will give the people good government. 2. Trusts and Combinations of Capital.— The people give to members of Congress the power to act for them and to protect their interests in all legislation. Xo sjoner, how- ever, is a party installed in office and power than men who have associated themselves together and organizi-d corpora- tions, trusts and combinations of capital, seek to secure such legislation at the hands of Congress as will be favor- able to their respective interests. 444 MONEY. 3. Philosophy of Money. — The legislation on the peut of Congress concerning money has been secured by very questionable methods, and while there has been very much public discussion on the subject at times the people seem to have no adequate conception of the philosophy of money and the laws that govern and control the value of money. Most congressmen have no clearer understanding of the subject than the people whom they represent, and they are, therefore, easily persuaded to adopt the theories and con- clusions of the "great financiers" of this country and o£ Europe, and to enact the same into laws. 4. No Greater Question. — There is no greater or more important question for the consideration of men at tiiis time in this country than the money question. It is the paramount question and the one that is the least understood by the people. It affects all interests and all classes of people. Never before in the history of this country has the question been so generally considered by the people as at the present time. As much as there has been written and said on the subject during the past thirty years, the people have appar- ently learned nothing concerning the matter. The trouble has been that the people have followed the advice of those who have secured financial legislation in ilieirown interests, and they have refrained from investigating the question themselves, and therefore have not learned or liecome familiar with the laws that govern and control money and its value. Instead of thinking and acting for themselves they have permitted others to think and act for them upon the subject. They have been so busily engaged in the pursuit of money that they have had no time to consider the philos- ophy of money or the laws affecting money, and are quite content to turn the whole matter over to the "able and suc- cessful financier." 5. Financial Panics. — Financial panics come and go, and still people do not seem to understand what it is that pro- MONEV, 445 daces them. During such times one hears on every hand the statements that "times are hard," "money is scarce," "there is no business," and the like. All sorts of reasons are given for financial panics except the right one. Among the various reasons alleged are "overproduction," "lack of confidence," "tinkering with tariff," "extravagance of the people," " too much money," "change of administration," "too much immigration," etc. 6. The Money Owners and the Owners of Bonds issued by nations and municipalities understand full well what it is that produces financial panics. It is they, and they alone, who, through the manipulation of the volume of the money and the legislation affecting the same produce financial panics. Their greatest opportunity for making money is during the period of a money famine, and the more fre- quently they occur the more of the wealth of the world they are able to secure. Such people mak*^ no public speeches, write no essays and they are not interviewed by newspapers on the subject of money. They employ others to do that work for them. They have more effective methods of securing what they want, and those methods are not understood by the people. The people feel the effect, but they do not comprehend the cause of a financial panic. They fail to understand that a financial panic is simply a money famine, and that it is produced by the retirement of a large volume of money from circulation in the country where the panic occurs. No financial panic ever was, or ever can be pro- duced, in this or any other country, except by taking out of circulation a large volume of money. 7. All Money the Creature of Law. — All money, except such as is used by common consent is the creature of law, manufactured and put in circulation by the government in pursuance of law. Under our Constitution money may be coined out of any material that Congress may designate, and when any material is manufactured into money by the government in pursuance of law and made a legal tender for all debts, public and private, such money becomes, when put in circulation, a medium of exchange. But we must remember that money has two essentially distinct offices. First, it \s Zl medium of exchange ; and second, it is a measure of values. A measure of anything must have the property which it attempts to measure. That is. value can be measured only by that which has value. We speak of greenbacks and bank bills as money ; so they are in the broader sense as media of exchange ; but they have no value in themselves ; their value lies in what they represent. 446 MONEY. The national government designates what shall be ihe media of exchange, and says how much of one of these media shall be the unit of measure for values, but it has no power to place a value on that measuring unit. It may attempt so to do, but it will fail. Nature's laws are above those of man. The law may say that certain coins of gold and silver, and certain forms of debts, as greenbacks and bank bills, shall be the media of exchange. Also, that a certain num- ber of grains, coined gold (the dollar) shall be the stand- ard, but it can not place a value upon the gold in the dol- lar. The laws of demand and supply do that. 8. Price is value measured by a standard. The price of an individual piece of merchandise depends upon supply and demand for these goods. The average price of all objects of value entering into free competition in the world's markets depends upon the value of the gold in the dollar — the measuring unit of all values. 9. Making Money. — People talk about making money in some enterprise, as though they really made, manufac- tured it; but, of course, that is only a figure of speech. If the government had never made any money, other means would have been resorted to in order to effect ex- changes of property. ID. Prices Rise and Fall. — Money is the blood of com- merce. Its quantity must be sufricieni for health ; its qual- ity must be good; its circulation should be natural and free. Too much money in circulation leads to extravagance and speculation ; in due time comes re-action and panic. Insufficient money with which to meet the demands of legitimate business brings a congested condition of the money market. 11. The purchasing power of money depends upon the value of the circulating medium I'.belf. Cheap money makes dear goods and high wages; but it pays debts more easily. Dear money brings cheap goods and lower wages. In short, after the financial conditions are fully adjusted to a sound financial system, the question of the kind of money plays but a small part in business. Money is an expression of ratio between values. The ratio should be as firmly fixed as possible. When that is done, money has little to do with its second function — to measure values. This leaves ihe laws of trade to act freely and naturally. Prices rise and fall because of demand and supply, and not according to the changing ratio of money. 12. Money Famine. — There are three classes of people who are always benefited by a money famine — the money MONEY. 447 owner and the bond holder out of debt, the annuitant and recipient of fixed incomes, and public officers and others who receive fixed salaries. The amount such people receive by way of income or salary, or interest enables them to buy more and more property and labor as the prices of property and labor fall. Nearly all such people are anxious to have pro- perty decrease in price, since they would then be able to live better and purchase more with their money. Those who are benefited most are they who receive the largest incomes. The money owners and bondholders are among those who have secured legislation in this country under which a large portion of the volume of money in the country has been destroyed, by reason of which prices of property and labor in general have fallen more than one-half since 1869. 13. Falling Prices. — It is to the interest of the money owner and bondholder out of debt, and the man with fixed income, to have a constantly shrinking volume of money, for the reason that there would be constantly falling prices and therefore they would be able to live better and better, year by year, at less and less cost. Such people, and those who depend upon them, are they who are working assiduously to prevent the manufacture on the part of the government of more money and at the present time they are having their own way about the matter. 14. The Panic of 1857 was brought about by an act of Congress demonetizing more than 8200,000,000 of foreign coin, which up to February 21, 1857, had been a legal tender, under act of Congress, in this country, for all debts, public and private, and for no other cause whatever. 15. The Panic of 1873 was produced by the destruction, under the laws of Congress, of more than §1, 300,000,000 of paper money and the act of February 12, 1873, which pro- hibited the further manufacture of silver into money. The destruction of money continued under said acts of Congress after that panic commenced until the Bland act was passed in 1878, which authorized the manufacture of silver into dollars at the rate of not less than two million a month. If it had not been for that law what would have been the con- dition of the countrv now? No human being can tell. 16. The Panic of 1893 was made possible by the laws enacted by Congress concerning money since April 12, 1866. The question is. What produced the panic of 1893? Many say it was "want of confidence," " fear of tariff legislation," " Democratic ascendancy and incompetency " and "fear oi destroying the tariff or changing it in such a way as to de- stroy protected interests." All such statements are the merest twaddle. Everybody has confidence in money, but 448 MONEY. nobody seems to have had confidence in property, for the simple reason that properly was constantly falling in price. All the propeity in the country was ready to be ex- changed for money, and everybody seemed to be anxious to get money, but was unable to do so. The manufacturer could not employ men because he had no money with which to pay them. He was perfectly willing to manufac- ture, but he was unable to sell his products when manu- factured, because the consumer had no money to buy his products. There was an abundance of labor. Men were willing and anxious to work, but there was no money with which to pay them, and, therefore, they were idle. Mer- chants were anxious and willing to sell their wares, but they could not do so because the people had no money with which to purchase them. What was the trouble then? Simply and solely a scarcity of money ! It was stated upon every band that there was just as much money in the country as ever. This statement was not true ; but if it were true, it does not follow that there was enough money, or that the shortage of money had not produced this condition. 17. The Panic of 1893 was doubtless caused by the fear of the working of the Sherman Silver-Purchasing Act of 1890. By this act the national government was com- pelled to purchase a certain amount of silver each month, and to issue silver certificates for the bullion thus brought into the national treasury. It was feared that, if these pur- chases continued, we would soon be on a silver basis. There were, perhaps, many other minor causes for the panic, but the fundamental cause was. in this, as in others, the dis- turbing influence of doubt as to the medium of exchange. 18. The Evil Results of the Panic of 1893. — Run on banks caused many of them to fail, factories and machine- shops closed, or run on short time. Workmen were thrown out of employment. All the sufferings common to all panics fell on the nation. The depressing effects of this panic dragged its slow length along for several years. 19. The Panic of 1893 the Same as 1873.— The panic of 1893 is simply a continuation of the panic of 1873. The panic of 18'J3 was produced in the same way that all other panics are produced, viz.: By taking out of circulation a large volume of money; nothing moreornothingless. Thenucstion is how was it done? Easy enouLjh! The quantity of money in this country is so small that the reiiremcnt of a small amount from circulation would produce a panic at any time. Indeeii, lor years panics have been averted by the Secretary of the ireasury from time to time coming to the relief of DIMENSIONS OF ALL THE GOLD AND SILVER. 449 Wall Street and paying out of the treasury larpc sums of money to assist the banks and moneyed men in Wall street in their financial troubles. Was this paternalism? If not, what was it ? 20. Value of All Property. ^It is estimated thatthe value of all the property of this country, real, personal and mixed, is about 864,000,000',000. It is safe to say that the price of all this property has shrunken since January 1, 189S, as a con- sequence of this financial panic not less than 810,000,000,000, and possibly a great deal more, saying nothing of the loss of wealth that might have been created by the millions of men who have been forced out of employment since the panic commenced. Dimensions of All the Gold and Silver in the World or Proportions of the Metals. 1. Gold and Silver. — We find on authority of the direct- or of the United States mint that all the gold (coin and bullion) in the world in 1890, available for money, was less than $3,900,000,000, or in weight 188,651,368 ounces. Also that all of the silver (coin and bullion) so available was practically §3,820,000,000 or, 2,954,558,290 ounces. There are therefore in existence practically (less than) 16 ounces of silver for each ounce of gold, and, at this ratio less than $80,000,000 difference between the total values of the two metals. 2. Both Metals Equally Imperishable.— The silver man says, both metals being equally imperishable antl otherwise fitted for use as the basis of more convenient money than either, is it right and healthy that gold should be double in purchasing power, while silver, the world-wide money metal of the middle and poorer classes, is robbed of its money value and debased? 3. Bulk.— But what of the alleged overbulkiness of silver? All of the gold in the world available for money, cast in a solid block, would scarcely equal a cube of 22 feet, while all the silver so available would make a solid cube of but 66 feet, neither one very large, and the accompanying sketch not only disposes of the "bulk" bugaboo, but sug- gests several pertinent questions — for instance: Which, a national currency based upon the smaller cube (gold) or one sustained by both cubes (gold and silver), would be the most stable, elastic, and least readily cornered and speculated with? 450 DIMENSION'S OF ALL THE COI.D AND SILVER. DIAIEN5I0NS OF ALL flOLD AND SILVER IN THE WORLD AVAILABLE FOR MONEY IF CAST IN SOLID CUBES. 5ILVEQ VJew^cC\.t>2,'i54-,558r»10 OuvtttS Igg.fe5\5b8 ouutta •0 CHIEF COINS OF THE UNITED STATES. 451 The First United States Coins 1783. Silver Weight. 1 10 Grains. Chief Coins of the United States. The dollar is the unit of the United States. The United States has six gold coins, as follows: The eagle, value $10; the double-eagle, authorized by act of Congress, March 3, 1849; the half-eagle, act of Con- gress, 1837; the $3 piece, act of 1853; quarter-eagle, act of January, 1837; and the SI piece, act of Congress, March 3, 1849. The eagle, half-eagle and quarter 'sagle were first author- ized by act of Congress, 1792. *■ The gold dollar, being so small as to be inconvenient, is used for specimens only. This coin was largely issued in 1849, when there was a great influx of gold from California. Our silver coins are as follows: The dollar, act of 1837; the half-dollar, act of 1853, and legal tender not exceeding $5; the quarter-dollar, also legal tender not exceeding S5; the dime and half-dime, legal tender not exceeding $1. The three-cent piece, legal tender for 30 cents, proved too small for convenient use, as did the half-dime. The twenty-cent piece was too near the size of a quarter of a dollar, and its coinage was discontinued. The first silver dollar of the United States was authorized by act of Congress, 1792, and coined in 1796. The half- dollar and quarter-dollar were first authorized in 1792. The 5-cent piece of the United States is made of copper and nickel, authorized by act of May, 1866, legal tender to the amount of a dollar. The cent is 88 per cent, copper and 12 per cent, nickel, authorized by act of 18.j7. The two-cent piece, same date, is legal tender to the amount of 20 cents; the one-cent to the value of lU cents. 452 STOCK OF GOLD AND SILVER. STOCK OF GOLD AND SILVER IN THE UNITED STATES. Fiscal year ended Population. Total Coin and Bullion. Per Capita. June 30. Gold. Siher. Cold. SUVCT. 80.15 2.96 7.39 8.16 8.70 9.20 9.13 8.97 8.81 8.70 8.56 8.38 8.42 8.50 8.48 8.38 Touii. 1873 41,077,000 50,155,783 62,022.250 63,975,000 05.520.000 06.940,000 68,397,000 69,878.000 71.390,000 72,937,000 74,.522,000 76.14.S,000 70,891,000 77,754,000 79,117,000 80,847,000 $135,000,00 351,841,206 095 503,029 040,582,852 064,275,335 597,097,085 027,293,201 030,229,825 599,597,904 090,270,542 801,514,780 902,805,505 1,034.439,204 1.124.052,818 1,192,395,007 1,249.552.7.50 $6,149,305 148,522,078 403,211,919 522,277,740 570,313,544 015.801,484 024,347,7.57 025,854,949 628,728,071 034,509,781 037.072,743 039,286,743 047,371,030 001,205,403 070,540,105 077,448.933 $3.23 7.01 11.10 10.10 10.15 8.93 9.18 9.10 8.40 9.55 11.56 12.63 13.45 14.47 15.07 1545 $3.38 1880 1890 9.97 18.49 1891 . 18.28 1892 18.85 1893 18.13 1894 1895 18.31 18.07 1896..._ _. 1897 17.21 18.25 1898 20.12 1899 1900 1901 21.01 21.87 22.97 1902 23.55 1903 23. .s3 GOLD AND SILVER COINAGE IN THE UNITED STATES. By calendar years. Yi:.AR. 1873 1874 1875 1876 1877 1878 1879 1880 1881 1882 1883 1884 1885 1886 1887 1888 1889 1890 1891 1892 1893 1894 1805. 1896. 1897.. 1898... 1899... 1900.... 1901.... 1902., Gold. $.57,022,748 35.254.1)30 32.951.940 40.579,453 43.999. S04 49,780.052 39,080.080 02,308.279 96,850,890 05,887.085 29,241,990 23,991,750 27,773,012 28,945.542 23,972.383 31.380.808 21,413.931 20.407.1S2 29,222,005 34,787,223 50,997,020 79,546, U>0 59,610,358 47,053,000 70.028,485 77,985.757 111,344.220 99.272,942 101,735,188 47.184.932 43,(iS3,9:0 SUver. $4,024,748 0,851,777 15,347,893 24.503.308 28,393,045 28,518,850 27,509,770 27,411,094 27,940,104 27,973,132 29,246,968 28,534.860 28.902,176 32,080,709 35,191,081 33.025,006 35,490,083 39,202,908 27,518,857 12,641,078 8,802,797 9,200,351 5,098,010 23.089.899 18.487.207 23,034,033 20,001,520 30,295,321 30.838,401 30,028, IhT 19,>r4,440 PR©DUCT OF GOLB AND 9K-VER. ^53 PRODUCT OF GOLD AND SILVERJNITHE UNITED STATES. , Approximate distribution, by producing states and territories, for the calendar year 1902 as estimated by the director of the mint. GOLD. SILVER.! Total Slate or Territory. (commer- cial value silver.) Fine ounces. Value. Fine ounces. Coining value. Cotn mer- cial value. Alabama .. 119 $ 2,500 100 $ 129 $ 53 $ 2,.553 Alaska 403.730 8,345,800 92,000 118,950 48,700 8,394,500 Arizona .... 198,933 4,112,300 3,043,100 3,934,513 1,012,843 5,725,143 California. 812,319 10,792,100 900,800 1,104.671 477,424 17,209.524 Colorado .. 1,377,175 28,408,700 15,076.000 20,207,900 8,308,280 36.776,970 Georgia .... 4,730 97.800 400 517 212 98,012 Idaho 71,352 1,475,000 5.8.54,800 7,569,842 3,103,044 4,578,044 Maryland.. 121 2,500 2, .500 ii(j,80b 13,243,800 143,2.57 17,125,297 58,724 7,019,214 58,724 Montana .. 211,571 4,373,000 11,392,814 Nevada .... 140,059 2,895,300 3,740,200 4,843,572 1,985,480 4,880,786 New Mex.. 25,093 531,100 457,200 591,127 242,316 773,410 N. C 4,390 90,700 20,900 27,022 11,077 101,777 Oregon 87.881 1,810,700 93.. 390 120,630 49,449 1,866,149 S. C 5.896 330.952 112,900 6,905,400 300 340,200 388 439,855 1.59 180,300 122,059 S. Dak 7,145,700 Tennessee 12,308 440,200 10,831,700 5,900 15,903 570.905 14,004,622 7,028 0,519 230,480 5,740.801 3,127 6,519 236,486 Utah 173,886 148 3,594,500 3,100 9,335,301 Virginia .... 6,227 Wash 13,100 272,200 619,000 800,323 328,070 600,270 Wyoming.. 1,879 38,800 5,000 6,464 2,0,50 41,450 Total .... 3,870,000 80,000,000 .55,.500.000 71,757,.575 29,415.000 109,415,000 CIRCULATION OF MONEY OF ALL KINDS IN THE UNITED STATE4. JUNE 30 'Amount. Per capita JUNE 30. Amounts Per capita. 1873 $751,881,809 $18.04 1889 SI. 380. 30 1.049 $22.52 1874 770,083,031 18.13 1890 1,429.251,270 22.82 1875 754,101,947 17.16 1891 1,497,440,707 23.41 1870 727,009,388 16.12 1892 1,601,347,187 24.44 1877 722,314,883 15.,58 1893 1,590,701,245 23.87 1878 - 729,132,0.34 15.32 1894 1,604,061,2.32 24.33 1879 818,031,793 10.75 1895 1,000,179,550 23.02 1880 973,382.228 19.41 1890 1,. 500, 03 1,020 21.10 1881 1,114,238,119 21.71 1897 1,040,028,246 22..57 1882 1,174,290,419 22.37 1898 1,843,435,749 24.74 1883 1,230,305,096 22.91 1899 1,932,484,239 25.38 1884 1,243.925,969 22.65 IQOe 2,062,425,496 20.50 1885 1.292,508,615 23.02 1901 2,177,266.280 28.00 1886 1.252,700,525 21.82 1902 2,246.529,412 28.40 1887 1,317,539.143 22.45 1903 2.370.323.210 29.3t 1888 1,372,170,870 22.88 1904 2,521,151.527 30.g0 454 GOVERXMEXT RECEIPTS AND EXPEKDITTRES. RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURES OF THE GOVERNMENT (1892 1904.) REVENUE BY FISCAL YEARS. Excess of YEAR Customs. InlcTiial Miscel- Total revenue over rcxcnue. laneous. revenue. ordinary ex- pendilures. 1892... $177,4.')2,9(J4 $153,971,072 $20,251,872 $354,397,784 $9,914,454 1893... 203,355,017 101,027.024 18,253,898 38.),818,029 2,341,074 1894... 131,818,531 147,111,232 17,118,018 297.722,019 *09,803,2t)O 1895... 152,158,017 143,421,072 10,700,438 313,390,075 *42,805,223 ISOti... 100,021,751 140,702,804 19.180,000 320,970,200 ♦25.203.245 1897.. 170,554,120 146,008,774 23.014,422 347,721,905 * 18.052,2.54 1S9S.. 149,575,002 170,900,641 83,602..501 405.321,335 *38.047,247 l.S!"9 200,128,148 273,437,161 34,716,730 515,900.620 ♦89. Ill, .5,59 1900 . 233,104,871 295,327,920 35,911,170 567,240,851 79,527.060 19ni .. 238,585,450 307,180,004 41,919,218 587,685,338 77,717.984 1902.... 254,444,708 271,880,122 36,1.53,403 562,478,233 92.1.37.587 1903.... 284.479,.582 230.810.124 45,106,968 560,396,674 54,297,667 1904... 262.013.079 232,873,721 40,028,844 541,515.644 41,079,601 ♦Expenditures ia excess of revenue. EXPENDITURES BY FISC.\L YE.\RS.* 1892 1893 1894 1895 1,890 1897 1898 1899 1900 1901 1902 1903 1904 Civil and Mis- cellaneous. $99,846,988 103,732,799 101,943,730 93,279,730 87,210,234 90,401,207 90,520,-505 119,191,2.55 105,773,190 122,30.5,571 113,409,324 124,944,290 180,805,038 War depart- ment. $46,895 49.041 54, .507 51,804 .50,830 48 950 91,992 229,841 134,774 143,740 112,272 118,(il9 115,153 450 ,773 930 ,759 ,920 207 000 254 707 433 217 520 498 Navy depart- ment. \ Pensions. $29 30, 31, 28, 27, 34, 58. 03, 55, 01, 07, 82, 102, .174 130, 701, 797, 147, .501, 823, 942, 9.53, 339, 803, 018. 942, 139 $134,583 084 294 795 7321 540 067 104 07 449 128 034 159,35 141.177 141,395 139,434 141,053 147,452 139,394 140,877 139,312, 138,488, 138,42,5 Interest on public debt. 003:3142,558 ,053 .585 ,2851 228| 000 104i 308 1 929 310 .527 500 040 008 ! $23 27 27 30 35 37, 37, 39. 40, 32, 29. 28 24, Total ordi- nary ex- penditures. ,378.110; ,204,392 ,841,400* 978,030 385,02,8 791,110 585.050 890,925 100333 447.274 108,045 .550,349 041,121 $345,023 330 383.477,954 30.5,195,298 350,195,290 352,179,448 305,774,159 443,368,582 605,072,179 487,713,791 510,038.701 471,190,858 500,099.007 582..595,245 ♦The expenditure for Indians, which is an average of eleven and one-half milliuud yearly, is nut given in ttiu Ubie, but is included in the lotiii expenditures. HISTORY OF GOLD AND SILVER LEGISLATION. 455 A Complete History of Gold and Silver Legislation in the United States. 1. England's Double Standard. — When the Puritans came to Massachusetts Bay in I60O, England alone of all the nations of Europe was endeavoring to maintain the double standard. In all continental countries silver was the accepted standard. England struggled for years with bimetallic difficulties in its attempt to sustain the two metals. In 1798 the coinage of silver was suspended and the recep- tion of silver to be coined prohil)ited. Gold becomes the single standard of a country when the mints are closed to private coinage of other metals, and consequently the gold standard was formally adopted in 181t). Silver is still legal tender in Great Britain, but only to the amount of £2. 2. Bimetallism in the United States. — The experience of the government of the United States with bimetallism during the first eighty years of its history was somewhat similar to that of France. It had a theoretical double stand- ard, but was practically monometallic. The two political enemies, Hamilton and Jefferson, agreed that both metals should be used, and that the ratio should be lo to 1. Both metals were agreed upon, because gold and silvei had been the money metals of the world. 3. Silver Monometallism. — The first coinage act of this country was passed in 1792, but the first silver was actually coined in 1794. From 1792 to 18o4 we really had silver monometallism under a double standard. Gold disap- peared from circulation. Specie payments were suspended in 1814 and metallic money was practically unknown. 4. Gold Monometallism.— From 1834 to 1873 wc have practically had gold monometallism under a double standard. In 1834 a movement began in the interest of gold. Congress changed the ratio from 15 to 1 to 16 to 1. Silver became the more valuable metal and disappe;ire< grain dollars.'' Free coinage was defeated. President Hayes vetoed the bill, but on the same day that he vetoed it both houses passed it over his veto. Under this act the treasury never coined more than $2,000,- 000 worth of silver a month. 7. Bill of Free Coinage.— The friends of silver were not satisfied. They insisted that the government should do something more for their favorite metal. On June 17, 1890, the senate passed a free coinage bill by a vote of 42 to 2.S. The house did not concur and there was a compromise measure agreed upon by a conference committee, which became a law, known as the Sherman act. This law required the monthly purchase of 4,.")00,000 ounces, and the coinage every month of 2,000,000 ounces of the bullion so purchased until July 1, 1891. After that, bars were to be coined for the redemption of the legal tender treasury notes authorized by the act. The act recited further that it was the "established policy of the United States to main- tain the two metals on a parity with each other." 8. Effect of Sherman Act.— The operations of the Sher- man law were quickly felt. Holders of American securities became alarmed, lest they would be obliged to accept pav- ment in silver, and a general hoarding and exportation of gold followed. The business disaster which followed the loss of confidence in our securities and inevitably in each other, and in everything else that usually commanf'.s the respect of business men, will not so speedily and readily be disposed of as desired. 9. Repeal of Sherman Act.— Congresswascalled together in the summer of 181X5 tor the purpose of repealing the Sher- man act. After many vexatious delays, involving disaster and loss to the business interests of the country, a bill was passed unconditionally repealing the purchasing clause of the law. 10. Bimetallism not Practical. —Thus, from 1792 to 187;^, the country e.xpcrimcntcd with a nominal double sUndird. LEGAL TENDER. 457 Since 187S there has been a single standard, but since 1878 more silver has been in use than in the old days of the double standard, when the silver dollar was worth 103 cents and would not circulate, and, therefore, the cheaper 100-cent gold dollar drove it out. That is the weakness of the double standard. If the two metals are not tied together so closely that they do not pull apart, one is sure to get the better of the other. As they have equal debt-paying power the cheaper metal will be given the preference for that pur- pose, and will drive the other out, as gold did silver. The only way to prevent that, and keep both in circulation, is for the government to guarantee that the coins of the cheaper metal shall be redeemed in the other if desired, and thus kept at a parity. Whether a government can give such a guarantee with safety depends on the number of coins and the extent of the divergence in values. This govern- ment will not guarantee to redeem innumerable 50-cent silver dollars in gold dollars, and if it permitted the former to be coined, without a guarantee, all the gold would dis- appear at once. II. Reflections.— These developments raise the point as to whether the whole question of bimetallism as com- pared with a single standard either of gold or silver, is not being satisfactorily answered by the course of events out- side of legislation. From now on the offi ;es of legislation are two— either so to adapt the administrative functions as to effectuate the rapidly developing unwritten law of com- merce, and thus to keep a people at the very fore front of civilization; or, either to refuse thus to serve it, or to ob- struct it in serving itself, thereby keeping it at an increas- ing disadvantage. We must look to commercial develop- ment rather than to legislative, for signs which are to frame our expectations. Legal Tender. The term " legal tender " is a technical expression sig- nifying that which the law prescribes to be paid or tendered in order to discharge a debt, satisfy a judgment, fulfill a money contract or pay taxes. The very object of a legal tender law must necessarily be to establish a fixed measure or standard by which the value repaid or returned may be compared with and made equal to the value received. Hence, when a law gives legal tender force to several kinds of money, these kinds of money must always be preserved at equal value, for If they 458 16 TO 1. ar« not so preserved the nature of the legal tender law i« violated and its object defeated. The Motor of Industry is not money but moneys worth, not the dollar but the dollar's worth, not the name of the coin but its value; equality of value not the same sub- stance is what justice asks. What *'i6 to r' Heans. People who do not keep themselves closely informed upon current political discussion, sometimes ask what is meant by the phrase, " 16 to 1," so often heard nowadays, in con- nection with financial discussions. We append a brief ex- planation. The standard gold dollar of the United Slates weighs 25.8 grains, and nme tenths of this, or 23.22 grains is pun- gold. The standard silver dollar weighs 412.5 grains, and nine tenths of this, or 371.25 grains, is pure silver. Divid- ing the 371.25 grains of pure silver in a silver dollar by 23.22, the pure gold in a gold dollar gives 15.98 or (practi- cally) 16, the ratio in weight of the two metals used. The term " }'2 to I. As a result the silver owners of the United States shipped all their product to Europe for coinage, and until l?57.'i, when the revision of the coinage laws was nude, only abwui a,000,000 silver dollars had been coined. WILLIAM J. BRYAN, P^TOPCfatic Cftfl ^ o S S c 3 ft O O ^ E. p ■1 <* o* -.c «> !" ''' ft |U T tr r^ D"^ o ft e o IS 5' D & < ft U5 ft ft •O 3 ft ft p ft ff s-o -.p o ft i^ft S p "■ c •n o 8 ns ft cr p -t ii- n> p "^ '^' o '< 2. P>5 a ft g-ft a p So »-»■ o c p £■5 5 ►*< in ^ c 2.5 2?. 5.^—2 3 E.B. ^ - C f' <5 g g S && P- • (KICK N^ -"3 rt-. rc rf-. tc*^ M rf^ -J ccj^ C5^ ( o ft 5i>_. tc w OS *^ >-' o w to to 2; to g Is s s sg g § s § § § g 8 8 _ _: O OC . cooooocoooooooi; ;co£oo l_ !_. to*;!—* tb. CntOtOCEI-'MCnH-Oi-ftO 00 cn 1^ t-* 05 '— **05Ut o**5^ t^ t^ ^ oV OD-ccb; 22 22 SSi Si's ?S c o o o o o o op pp CO _ p SSSiSSSSSSSSSsS tn t-i t-t *^ t^ *; O CT C. CO V ^. Ul .^ d -.J ^^ Oc X ^^^ SsSoSSopepoppp S3=3=;=t5'°^?--oo5ooo iSeiooooooooo ^ tiOIH^MO'CoaoMOiCsOOtO'— *»«o ~ ^ O O a DO f K CO 02 P3 O Gold— PEE Capitju Sil\t;r— PEK Capita. £jrt*:5S£iu>coO=iOc.-tiO Paper— PEB Capita- — — — ST sssssssssssssss BankCked- 1T8 — PEE Capita. X) o n c 1 ft o o c a n a •— • a •-• ft ft > f^ Cffi ft 1 <5 crq < v> •o ft o Total— PEB Capita. 464 SOUND MONEY. Sound Money. Hon. John G. Carlisle, Secretary of the Treasury, deliv- ered a speech on sound money at the Auiiitorium, Chicago, April 1'), 189G, from which we quote the following: 1. Affects Poor Man.— It is the poor man, and the man of moderate means, the man who has not been fortunate enough to accumulate property or money, but who depends upon his wages, or upon the products of his own labor, for the means of supporting himself and his family, that always feels the lirst and most disastrous effects of a busi- ness or industrial depression, no matter whether it results from a depreciated and fluctuating currency or from other causes. 2. Labor His Capital. — Such a man has nothing to dis- pose of but his labor, and nothing with which to support himself or his family but the wages or the proceeds of his own labor, and any policy that even temporarily suspends or obstructs the industrial progress of the country, by dimin- ishing the demand for the products of labor, or by impairing the capacity or disposition of capital to employ labor, must be injurious to his interests, and must intiict more or less suffering upon all who are dependent upon him. 3. Labor Must be Steady.— Labor cannot be hoarded; the idle day is gone forever; lost wages are never reim- bursed; and therefore steady employment and good pay in good money are essential to the comfort and happiness of the American laborer and his wife and children, and he will be unfaithful to himself and to them if he does not insist upon the adoption and maintenance of such a policy as will most certainly preserve the value and stability of all our currency, and promote the regular and profit- able conduct of all our industrial enterprises. 4. Financial Depression Brings Ruin.— He cannot pros- per when the country is in distress, when its industries are prostrated, its commerce paralyzed, its credit broken down, or its social order disturbed; nor can he prosper when the fluctuations of the currency are such that he cannot certainly know the value of the dollar in which his wages are paid, or estimate in advance the cost of the necessaries of life. 5. Silver Advocates.— Their naked proposition is that tne United Slates shall coin, at the public expense, for the exclusive benefit of the individuals and corporations owning the bullion, all the silver that may be presented at the mints into dollars worth about 61 or 52 cents, and compel all the other people in the country to receive these coins at a valu- ation of 100 cents each in the payments of debts due them for property sold, for labor, ana services of all kiods. SOUND MOKEY. 4f>5 6. Currency Contracted.— To say nothing of the gross partiality and manifest injustice of such a policy, its imme- diate effect would be to contract our currency to the extent of about 8620,000,000 by stopping the use of gold as money. 7. Depreciating Currency. --While the sudden expul- sion of $620,000,000 in gold from our stock of money would itself be sufficient to create a fmancial disturbance unpar- alled in the history of this or any other country, the situation would be very greatly aggravated by the fact that the pur- chasing power of alT the remainder of our currency would be suddenly reduced about one-half; we should have only two-thirds as much currency as we have now, and at the same time it would be so depreciated in value that it would require about twice as much as we have now to transact the business of the country, provided there should be any busi- ness to transact. 8. Failure of Double Standard.— The attempt to main- tain what is called the double standard of value, that is, the attempt to keep the legal tender coins of the two metals, gold and silver, in use as money at the same tmie, upon the ratio of value fixed by law, has repeatedly been made by kings and parliaments in every civilized country in the world, and it has failed again and again in every one of them; and it requires no gift of prophecy to foresee that it must continue to fail so long as self-interest constitutes a controlling factor in the business affairs of men. 9. Value of Money.— Money received for wages, like money received on every other account, is valuable only to the extent that it can be exchanged for other commodities, and it is scarcely necessary to suggest that a dollar worth 50 cents will not purchase as much in the markets as a dollar worth 100 cents. 10. Affects Past Earnings as Well.— If the solution of this question affected only the character and amount and purchasing power of the future earnings of the American laborer, it would still be a subject of the greatest impor- tance to him; but its importance is greatly increased by the fact that the safety and value of a very considerable part of his past earnings are also involved. The thrifty and provident working man, anticipating a time when he may be disabled or deprived of employment, has endeavored to save something out of his earnings in order to provide for the comfort of his wife and children in the future, and has laid it away at home or deposited it in a bank or building association, or invested it in a life insurance policy, 01 loaned to some friend in whom he has confidence. 4C6 FREE SILVER. 11. BaiiKS and Trust Companies. — The banks, trust companies, building associations, and other similar institu- tions owe the people of the United States today $5,353,138,- 521 for money actually deposited, a sura nearly eight times greater than the total capital of all the national banks in the country; while the life insurance policies held by the people in the various kinds of corporations and associations and in force today amount to S1U,'213,804,357, a larger sum than there has been actually invested in all our railroads, and about fifteen times larger than the capital of all the national banks. 12. Means 52 Cents on a Dollar. — In view of these facts, which cannot be successfully disputed, I submit that you ought seriously to consider all the consequences to yourselves and your fellow-citizens before you agree to the free and unlimited coinage of legal tender silver at a ratio of 16 to 1, in order that these great corporations and associa- tions may have the pri\nlege of discharging their debts to the people by paying 51 to 52 cents on the dollar, for that is exactly what it means. 13. Utter Ruin. — But if free and unlimited coinage of legal tender silver at the ratio of 16 to 1 is established in this country a very large part of the money deposited in these various kinds of savings institutions will not be repaid in depreciated silver, but will be wholly lost, because such a reckless monetary system would precipitate a financial panic, which very few, if any, of the depositories could sur- vive. 14. Not Possible in America. — It cannot be possible that in the closing years of the nineteenth century and in this great and free republic, the people themselves, will imitate the bad examples set by the corrupt potentates of Europe, who have made their names forever odious in his- tory by debasing the money of their subjects and robbing the industrious poor of the just rewards of their labor. Free Silver. The following are extracts from a speech delivered by Hon. Henry M. Teller, of Colorado, in the Senate of the United States, January 22, 1896. I. Danger Ahead. — I do not suppose there has ever been a time in our history when the productive enterprises of the country were less remumerative than at this hour. FREE SILVER. -ing of any tariff on commerce between the states. Shall the taxes in our island possessions be the same as those in the states? Can a tariff be levied on imports into the states from any of the islands named? The answer to both questions hinges on the defmition of " United States " as used in the Constitution. The Supreme Court of the United States has decided that the term " United States " covers only the states in the I'nion, and as represented in Congress. According to this interpretation neither the territories nor our island possessions are a part of the United States in a political sense ; nor does the restrictive clause about "uniform" taxation apply to these parts. A tariff, there- fore, may be levied by any of our island possessions even on goods from the United States. We may also levy, and we have levied, a tariff on imports from the islands named. But no dis- tinction has ever been made in these matters, either as to citizen- ship or ta.xes, between a territory and a state. '- PORTO RICO, OR PUERTO RICO. This island was discov- ered by Columbus on his second voyage in 1493. It was con- quered by the Spanish under Ponce de Leon and was held by Spain until 1898, when it became a part of the United States as a result of the Spanish-American war. Its government is not unUke that of an ordinary territory. But there are some varia- tions. According to the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States. Porto Rico is a territory appurtenant and belong- ing to the United States, but not a part of the United States within the revenue clause of the Constitution. t. 476 GOVERXMENT OF OUR INSULAR POSSESSIONS. Civil government, under the law of Congress passed in 1900, is administered under the usual three departments. The Gover- nor is appointed by the President and Senate. The members of the Upper House, or Senate, are also appointed by the same power. This Upper House has also some of the functions of the e-xecutive and a part of it is known as the Executive Council. The Council or Senate consists of eleven members, six .Vmericans and five Porto Ricans. Si.x of these are cabinet oflicers of the Go% - emor. The Lower House is made up of thirty-five delegates elected by the people. P^very two years an officer known as the Resident Commission to the United States is elected by the people of Porto Rico and sent to Washington to look after the interests of the island and its people. He has no seat in either house of Congress. Porto Rico has a Supreme Court of its own and appeals from it may be carried to the Supreme Court of the I'nited States. There is also a United States district court which is a part of the federal judiciary. In due time, when the Porto Ricans show themselves capable of self-government complete territorial gov- ernment will be given them ; and it is possible that at some future time Porto Rico may become a state in the Union. ALASKA now has an organized territorial government, pat- terned after that of the ordinary territory, but it has no legisla- tive power. Congress assuming to give it a code of laws. But the people have been given local government in the more thickly settled parts. Commerce now is free between the Lnited States and .-Maska, Porto Rico and Hawaii. But the tariff walls still stand between the Philippines and the federal government. HAWAII ISLANDS are twelve in number and have an area of 8,000 square miles. They were discovered by the Spaniards in 1542. These islands were i>olitically independent of each other and of other nations until 1 790, when they were united by the chief Kamekameka, whose dynasty held the throne imtil 1872. They were by their own choice made a part of the lnited States in 1898. Their government is practically that of the ordinary terrilor)'. No tariff walls can he built between the general gov- ernment and Hawaii, as it is forbidden by the treaty of admission. THE PHILIPPINES. These islands have an area of 114,000 square miles, or 833,000 square miks, counting the land and water of the archipelago. The population is about 7,600,000. These islands were discovered in 1521 by Magellan on his famous voy- age around the world. They remained a Spanish colony until they came under the control of the United States at the close of the Spanish-American war of 1898. «.' The govermnent of the Philippines has been more of a prob- lem than that of any other colony or territory. The final outcome THE WORLD'S RICHEST MEN. 477 is not yet in sight. The Mohammedan islands at the south arc not included in the general plan of government. The govern- ment of the Philippine Islands is in the hands of a Commission appointed by the President of the United States. It is composed of seven members, four Americans and three from the Philip- pines. This Commission is both the executive authority and the law-making power of the islands. If all goes well in 1907 the Philippines will be permitted to elect a lower hou.se of a legisla- ture, similar to the plan in Porto Rico. This, \\ith the Commis- sion, will constitute the legislative department. The islands have a Supreme Court and other inferior courts. The diUerent departments have well organized local governments in most of the more civilized parts. These were organized as a test to see if these people could govern themselves, and also to give them a training in self-government. Public schools in the islands are pretty well organized and are doing a good work in the preparation of the young for citizen- ship. In a generation or two it is hoped these people will be ready for complete self-goverimient. THE WORLD S RICHEST MEN. No two compilers have made similar lists of the millionaires of the world. China, England, France, Russia and ihc Uniti-d States each claims to be the home of the richest man. The hst compiled by James Burnley, the Enghsh author, is as follows: Alfred Beit, diamonds, London 1500,000,000 J. B. Robinson, gold and diamonds, London . 400 000,000 J. O. Rockefeller, oil. N. Y., {.rated in America at $1,000,000,000) 2.50.000,000 \V. W. Astor, land, London 200 000 000 Prince DcmidotT, land, St. Petersburg 200.000.000 Andrew Carnegie, steel. New York 12.'j 000.000 W. K. Vanderbilt. railroads, New York 1 100.000,000 J; J . .Aster, land, New York .. T.'i.OOaOOO Lord Rothschild, money lending, London 7.j 000 000 Duke of Westminster, land, London TVOOO 000 1. Pierpont Morgan, banking. New York 7.") 000.000 Lord Iveagh, beer, Dublin \ 70 000.000 Senora Isidora Cousino, mines and railroads, Chile 70 OOO 000 M. Heine, silk, Paris 70.000,000 Baron Alphonse RotLschild, money lending, Paris 70 000,000 Archduke Frederick of Austria, land, Vienna 70 000.000 (}eorge J. Gould, raiboads. New York 70.000.000 Mrs. Hetty Green, banking. New Y'ork _ .5.).000.000 James H. Smith, banking. New York .W.OOO.tKK) Duke of Devonshire, land, London 50 000.000 Duke of Bedford, land. London 50.000,000 Henry O. Havemeyer, sugar. New York 50.000,000 John Smith, mines, Mexico 45,000,000 Claus SpreckeLs, sugar, San Francisco 40,000.000 Archbishop Conn, land, Vienna 40.000.000 I^usseU Sage, money lending. New York 25.000,000 Sff Ttwiaas LiptOD, groctties, Loadgu ..- - «- 25,000,000 478 GRAND ARMY OF THE REPL-RUC. GRAND ARMY OF THE REPUBLIC MEMBERSHIP. DfparltntrU. I'csls. Mi.mbi.ri New Jersey 110 5.734 New Slexico 7 192 New York 615 29,227 North Dakota 28 510 Ohio 494 22,972 Oklahoma 74 1,527 Oregon 50 1,735 Pennsylvania 523 25,358 Poiomnc 17 2,348 Rhode Island 26 1,547 Total Dcpartmer.l. I'oiii. Memitrs. South Dakota 79 1,699 Tennessee 54 1,493 Texas 32 637 Utah 5 238 Vermont 100 3,010 Virginia and N. C 42 74" Washington and Alaska 56 2 197 West Virginia 38 1.129 Wisconsin 217 8,109 6,149 246,201 MEMBERSHIP BY YEARS. 1878. .. 31,010 1884 . ..273,168 1890 . .409.489 1895 . .357,639 1900 . .276.662 1879. .. 44,752 1SS5 .294,787 1891 . ...407,781 1896 . ..340,«10 1901 , .269,507 1880. .. 00,1)34 ISSO . ..323,57l!lS92 . ...399.880 1S97 . .319.456 1902 , .263,745 1881 . .. 85,S5u l.H*<7 .3o5,9iG 1893 . ..397,223 1898 . ..305.H03 1H03 ..256,510 1882. ..134 701 18SS . .. 372.900 1894 . ...369,083 1899 . ..287.981 1904 . ...246.201 1883. ..215 440 1889 ..397,774 NATIONAL ENCAMPMENTS AND COMMANDERS-IN-CHIEF. City. Commander-in-Chief. Indianapolis S. A. lluribut, Illinois Pkiladelphia John A. Logan, Illinois _ Cincinnati John .\, Logan, Illinois „ Washington John A, Logan, Illinois Boston A. Iv. Humsidc, Rhode Island ., Cleveland A. E. Bumside Rhode Island New Haven Charles Devcns, Ir,, Massachusetts Harrisburg Charles Devens, )r., Massachusetts Chicago J. F, Hartranft, Pennsylvania Philadelphia J. F. Hartranft, Pennsylvania _ „ Providence J. C. Robinson, New York „ Springfield J, C, Robinson, New York Albany William Eamshaw, Ohio Dayton, O Louis W.agner, Pennsylvania , Indianapolis George S. Merrill, Massachusetts _ Baltimore P. Vandervoorl, Nebraska Denver R, U, Beath, Pcnnsylvanii Minneapolis John S, Kountz, Ohio Portland, Me S. S. Burdelte, Washington, D. C San Francisco -Lucius Faircliild, Wisconsin St. Louis John P. Rca, Minne.s Howard University Wa.shington, D. C 125 1.200 Illinois Wesleyan Bloomington, Illinois . 32 1.4t>.'> Indiana University Bloomington, Indiana 70 1,41s Iowa State College -Ames, Iowa ... 99 1,403 Johns Hopkins, The Baltimore, Maryland UW 715 Kenlucky University Lexington, Kentucky . 60 1.166 Knox College Galesburg, Illinois .. 32 61ti Lafayette College luiston, Penn.svlvani.i '29 420 l^ke Forest College L;ike Forest, Illinois 20 135 L.TWTence University .Appleton, Wisconsin _ 32 587 Lehigh University Bethlehem, Pennsylvania 56 614 Lcland Stanford, Jr SliUiford I'niversity, California 140 1,485 I.»wis Institute Chicago 75 2,500 Manhattan College New York, New York _ 20 | 220 Massachusetts Agritultura' Amherst, Massachusetts „. 22 ► I9.'> .\las,s;ichu-'X'lts Inst. Tech. Boston, Ma.s.sachusells _. 170 1,544 Mithig.m Agricultural I-insing, Michigan _ 70 SOO Monmouth College Monmouth, Illinois 20 421 Mount Holyoke College South Hadley, Ma.ssachusetts _. .SI 675 Nevada Stale L'nivcrsity Reno, Nevada 26 250 New York University New York. New York _. 274 2,218 Northwciitem University Evanston, lUinois 302 4,007 « )Urlin College Oberlin. Ohio 95 1,618 Ohio Stall- Lniversity Columbus. Ohio _ 143 1,827 Ohio Wcsltyoa JJclawarc, Ohio 05 1,221 UNIVERSITIES AND COLLEGES. 481 ScJwnl. Location. Instructors. Students. Ottawa University Ottawa, Kansas 23 710 Polytechnic Institute Brooklyn, New York 50 oUO Pratt Institute Brooklyn, New \ork 12o ^,4.0 Princeton University Princeton, New Jersey IU|) l,Aii Purdue University Lafayette, Indiana H)U 1,44U State University of Iowa Iowa City, Iowa luO l,ol2 Stevens Institute Tech Hoboken, New Jersey 30 3(7 St. Francis Xavier New York, New York 31 563 St. Ignatius Chicago 23 563 Simpson College Indianola, Iowa 31 5U3 Smith College Northampton, Massachusetts 80 l.Oi^o Slate University of Kentucky..Louisville, Kentucky 11 150 Svracuse Uni\ersity Syracuse, New York 195 2,o00 Talladega College Talladega, Alabama 33 i»oO Tufts College Tufts College, Massachusetts 1/.) 1,000 Tulane University New Orleans. Louisiana 99 1,395 Union College College View, Nebraska 34 227 Union College Schenectady, New York 24 243 U. S. MiUtary Academy West Point, New York 79 481 U. S. Naval Academy „...Annapolis, Maryland 100 824 Univers-.ty of Alabama University, Alabama 44 432 University of Arizona Tucson, Arizona 27 20o University of California Berkeley, Cahfornia 434 4,la0 University of Chicago Chicago 361 4,o80 University of Cincinnati Cincinnati, Ohio loO ^-rij^ University of Colorado „Boulder, Colorado 100 jOO University of Denver Denver, Colorado Ii2 1,11b University of Georgia Athens, Georgia 'J 3o0 University of Idaho Moscow, Idaho 2a 6jw University of Illinois Urbana, Illinois -. 402 3,o94 University of Kansas Lawrence, Kansas 110 l,uOO University of Maine Orono, Maine Oa 540 University of Michigan .\nn Arbor, Michigan 29J 4,0UU University of Minnesota Minneapolis, Minnesota 280 XrVi University of Missouri Columbia, Missouri... 119 1,649 University of Mississippi University, Mississippi 21 2o4 University of Montana Missoula, Montana 22 bob University of Nebraska Lincoln, Nebraska 1<3 ^'^\j. University of North Carolina.Cha[)el Hill, North Carolina 64 WO University of North Dakota.Grand Forks. North Dakota 40 wii University of Notre Dame Notre Dame, Indiana 65 750 University of Oklahoma Norman, Oklahoma Territory 36 4bo University of Oregon Eugene, Oregon 76 5o3 University of Pennsylvania. ...Philadelphia 290 ^.'J'^O University of Rochester Rochester, New York 23 2b4 University of South Dakota. ..\ermilion. South Dakota 4L 4o0 University of Tennessee Knoxville, Tennessee 9^ ' Oo University of Texas Austin, Texas 120 l,3o7 University of Utah Salt Lake City, Utah 45 818 University of Virginia Charlottesville, Virginia 4fa b/3 University of Vermont Burlington, Vermont _ _. 64 58b University of Washington Seattle, Washington 44 79^ University of Wisconsin Madison, Wisconsin 281 ^';^2n University of Wyoming Laramie, Wyoming 19 -^0 Vanderbilt University Nashville, Tennessee 102 /30 Vassar College Poughkeepsic, New York 80 9Sa Washington University St. I-ouis, Missoun 209 i,2bb Wellesley Wellesley, Massachusetts 95 l,OoO West N'irginia University Morgantown, West Virginia 70 ^'qJx Western Re.serve University. Cleveland, Ohio 150 900 Western Univ. of Pennsylv'a..Pittsburg, Pennsylvania 115 814 Williams College Williamstown. Massachusetts 35 4^ Vale University New Haven, Connecticut, 330 3,000 482 OCCUPATIONS IX THE CXITED STATES. OCCUPATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES. [Census Actors 8,392 Actresses 0,418 Agents 241,333 Agents (station) 45,992 Agricultural laborers 4,459.346 Architects 10,(104 Artists and art teachers 24,902 Authors 6,058 Baggagemen 19,085 Bakers 79,407 Bankers and brokers 73,384 Barbers 131,383 Bartenders 8S.937 Blacksmiths 227,076 Boarding-house keepers 71,371 Boilermakers 33,087 Bookbinders _ 30,286 Bookkeepers 255,526 Boot and shoe dealers 15,239 Boot and shoe makers 209,056 Bottlers 10,546 Boxmakers (paper) 21,098 Brakemcn 07,492 Brass workers 26,700 Brewers and maltsters 20,984 Brick and tile makers 49,934 Broom and brush makers 10,222 Builders and contractors 56,935 Butchers 114,212 Butter and cheese makers 19,2(>1 Cabinet makers 35,641 Carpenters and joiners 602,741 Carpet factory employes 19,388 Carriage and hack drivers 36,794 Charcoal and coke burners 14,476 Chemical workers 14,814 Chemists 8,887 Cigar dealers 15,367 Clergymen 111,942 Clerks and copyists _ 632,099 Clock and watch makers 24,188 Clothing dealers 18,097 Coal and wood dealers _... 20,866 Commercial travelers 92,936 Compositors 36,849 Conductors (steam road) 42,935 Confectioners 31,242 Coopers 37,226 Copper workers 8,1SS Cotton mill operatives 246.004 Dairvmen 10,93! Dentists 29,683 Designers and draftsmen 18,956 Distillers and rectifiers 3,145 Dressmakers 347,076 Dry goods dealers 45,840 Druggists 57,346 Dyers 17.904 Electricians 50,782 EUclni-platers _ 6,387 Elevator tenders 12,691 of 1900.] Engineers (civil) 43,535 Engineers and tirem-.n inut railway) 224,546 Engineers and firemen v.rail- way) 107,150 Engravers 11 , 156 Farmers 5,681,257 Firemen (fire department) 14,576 Fishermen 73,810 Foremen and overseers 55,503 Furniture factory employes. 23,078 Gardeners _ 62,418 Glassworkers 49,999 Glovcmakcrs _ 12,276 C}old and .silver workers. 26,146 Harnessmakers _ 40,193 Hat and cap makers 22,733 Ho.stlcrs 65,381 Hotelkeepers _. 54,931 Housekeepers and stewards..™ 155,524 Iron and steel workers 203,295 Janitors 51,226 Journalists _ 30,098 Knilling mill operatives.. ._ 47,120 Laborers i general) 2,588,283 Laborers (railroad) 249,576 Laundry employes 387,013 Lawyers 114,703 Lead and zinc workers 5,335 Leather curriers and tanners... 42.684 Librarians „ 4, 184 Liquor merchants 13,119 Lithographers _. 7,956 Liverymen 33,680 Locksmiths, gunmakers, etc... 7,432 Longshoremen 20,934 Lumber dealers 16,774 Lumbermen 72,190 Machinists 283,432 Marble and stone cutters.„ 54,525 Alasons, stone and brick 161,048 Merchants (wholesale) _. 42,310 Me.s,scngers - _ 44,460 Millers 40,576 MilUners 87,881 Miners (coal) „. 344,292 Miners (gold and silver) _. 59,095 M'xlel and pattern makers 15,083 Moldtrs 87,504 Musiciansand music teachers.. 92,264 Nur.ses (total) _ 121,269 Nurses (trained) 11,892 Ortice bovs „ 16.727 Officials (bank) _ 74,246 Officials (government) 90,290 Oil well and works employes... 24,626 Packers and shippers 59,769 Painters and glaziers 277,990 Papcrhangers 22,004 Paper mill operatives 36,329 Peddlers. 76,872 STATE NICKNAMES AND STATE FLOWERS. 483 Photographers 27,029 ployes ''i'-fi?! Physicians and surgeons 132,225 Seamstresses — lol,3/9 Plasterers 35,706 Servants 1,458,010 Plumbers and fitters 97,884 Sextons 5,394 Policemen 116,615 Shirt, collar and cuff makers... 38,432 Porters — 54,274 Showmen (professional) 16,625 Potters 16,140 Silk mill operatives 54,460 Printers and pressmen 103,855 Soldiers and siiilors (U. S.) 126,744 Produce dealers 34,194 Stenographers 98,827 Profes<;ors in colleges 7,275 Stereotvpers and clectrotypers.. 3,172 Publishers 10,970 Stock raisers 85,469 Quarrymen 34.598 Storekeepers (general) 33,031 Restaurant keepers 34,023 Storekeepers (grocery) 156,557 Roofers and slaters 9,068 Slovcmakers 12,473 Salesmen and salesladies 611,787 Street railway employes 68,936 Sailors 61,873 Switchmen, yardmen, etc 50,241 Saloonkeepers 83,875 Tailors 230,277 Saw and planing mill em- Teachers 439.522 STATE NICKNAMES AND STATE FLOWERS. Stale. Xickname. Flower. Alabama Cotton state Goldcnrod Arizona Sequoia cactus Arkansas'.... Bear state Apple blossom California Golden state Poppy Colorado Centennial state Columbine Delaware Blue Hen state Peach blossom Florida Peninsula state. Georgia _.Cracker state Cherokee rose Idaho Syringa Illinois Sucker state Rose Indiana Hoosier state. Iowa Hawkeye state Wild rose Kansas Sunflower state Sunflower Kentucky Blue Grass state. Louisiana Pelican state Magnolia Maine Pine Tree .state Pine cone Maryland Old Line state. Massachusetts Bay state. Michigan Wolverine state Apple blossom Minnesota Gopher state Moccasin Mississippi Bavou state Magnolia Montana Stub Toe state Buter root Missouri Iron Goldcnrod Nebraska Black Water Goldenrod Nevada Silver state. New Hampshire Granite state. New Jersey Jersey Blue state Sugar maple tree New York Empire state Rose North Carolina Old North state. North Dakota Flickertail state Goldenrod Ohio Buckeye state. Oklahoma Mistletoe Oregon Beaver state Oregon grape Pcnnsvlvania Keystone state. Rhode Island Little Rhody Violet South Carolina Palmetto state. South Dakota Swinge Cat state. Tennessee Big Bend state. Texas Lone Star state Bluebonnrt Utah •;v^^?''''' Vermont Green Mountain state Red clover \'irginia The Old Dominion. Washington Chinook state Rhododendron West \irginia The Panhandle. Wisconsin Badger state. 484 CARXEGIE'S GIFTS. CARNEGIE'S GIFTS UP TO MAY I, 1905. Endowment Scotch I'nivcrsities _ „ $ 15,000,000 National University, (D. C.) „ _ _ 10,700,000 College Professors' Fund _ 10,000.000 Carnegie Institution „ „ 7,852,000 Branch Libraries (N. Y.) „ ......Z 5,200.000 "Hero" Fund _ _.. _ 5.000.000 Scotch Scientific Research _ „ 5,000.000 Employes' Pension Fund 4 000.000 Branch Libraries (Pittsburg) _ 3.450,000 Polytechnic School (Pittsburg) _ 2,000.000 Instiiule Library _ _ 2,000,000 Branch Libraries (Philadelphia) „ 1,500,000 New York Knfiineering Societies _ 1,500,000 Hague Peace Temple „ 1,500,000 Engineers' Union _ _ 1,000.000 St. Ix>uis Branch Libraries. 1,000.000 Tuskegee Institute tiOS.OOO Braddock (Pa.) Library 1)00,000 Duquesne (Pa.) Library _ 500,000 Homestead (Pa ) Library 500,000 Cooper Union „ _ 500.000 Gla.sgow Library „ 500.000 Galashiels Technical School 500,000 Ixjndim Library 500.000 All other known gifts.each less than $500,000 31,945.223 Total _.._ $112.912 223 NOTABLE PUBLIC GIFTS AND BEQUESTS IN 1904. Armour, J. Ogden, to the Armour Institute $ 250,000 Bowen, Mrs. Joseph T., to Hull House clubwomen lor a home 20,000 Brenan, Thomas J., to Chicago religious and educational institutions 80.000 Carnegie. Andrew, to New York Engineering Societies 1,500.000 Men. " Fund .. 5,000,000 Creighiun John A., to Creighton University „ 250.000 Kelly, Mrs Ivlizabeth G., to University of Chicago 150.000 Kelly, Hiram, estate of, to Public Library, Chicago „ 300,000 Pearsons. D. K., to Park College 2').000 Bena College 50,000 Rollins College „ „ _ .50,000 Potter, Mrs. Sarah, to Hosoilals and Schix>ls _ „ 1.000,000 Rockefeller, John D., to Y. VV. C. A. of Cleveland, Ohio 50.tH)0 U.n =on Uaplist University 100.000 J.ihns Hopkins Hospital 5 '0.000 Wcntworlh, Arioth, by will, to Wcniworth Institute, Boston, Ma:>s..„ 3,0W1.000 COMPARATIVE POPULATION OF PRINCIPAL CITIES. 485 FIFTY PRINCIPAL CITIES IN 1900 IN THE ORDER OF THEIR RANK. CITIES. New York, N. Y... Chicago, III Philadelphia, Pa. . St. Louis, -Mo Boston, Mass. . . . Baltimore, Md Cleveland, Ohio Buffalo, N. Y San Francisco, Cal, Cincinnati, Ohio Pittsburg, Pa New Orleans, La.. Detroit, Mich Milwaukee, Wis. . Washington, D. C. Newark, N. J Jersey City, N. J. . , Louisville, Ky. . . . Minneapolis, Minn Proviaence, R. I . Indianapolis, Ind. Kansas City, Mo. . St. Paul, M'inn Rochester, N. Y.. . Denver, Colo Toledo, Ohio Allegheny, Pa Columbus, Ohio.. . Worcester, Mass. . Syracuse, N. Y. . . . New Haven, Conn Paterson, N. J Fall River, Mass.. St. Joseph, Mo Omaha, Neb Los Angeles, Cal.. Memphis, Tenn.. . Scranton, Pa *Lo8S. POPULATION. 1900 3,437,202 1,698,575 1,293.697 575,238 560,892 508,957 381,768 352,387 342,782 325,902 321,616 287,104 285,704 285,315 278,718 246,070 206.433 204,731 202,718 175,597 169.164 163.752 163.065 162,608 133,859 131.822 129.896 125.560 118.421 108,374 108,027 105,171 104,863 102,979 102,555 102.479 102,320 102.U26i 1890 .492,591 ,099,850 ,046,964 451,770 448,477 434,439 261,353 255,664 298,997 296,908 238,617 242,039 205,876 204,468 230,392 181,830 163.003 161,129 164,738 132,146 105,436 132,716 133,156 133,896 106,713 81,434 105,287 88,150 84,655 88,143 81,298 78,347 74,398 52,324 140,452 50,395 64,495 75,215 INCHEASE FROM 1890 TO 1900 Number. 944,611 598,725 246,733 123,468 112,415 74,518 120,415 96,723 43,785 28,994 82,999 45.065 79,828 80,847 48.326 64.240 43.430 43,602 37,980 43,451 63,728 31,036 29,909 28,712 27,146 50,388 24,609 37,410 33,766 20.231 26,729 26,824 30,465 50,655 *37,897 52.084 37.825 26.811 Per Cfc. 37 8 54.4 23.5 27.3 25.0 17.1 46.0 37.8 14.6 9.7 34.7 18.6 38.7 39.5 20.9 35.3 26.8 27.0 23.0 32.8 60.4 23.3 22.4 21.4 25.4 61.8 23.3 42.4 39.8 22.9 32.8 34.2 40.9 96.8 26.9 103.3 58.6 35.6 486 WARS OF THE UNITED STATES. FIFTY PRINCIPAL CITIES IN 1900 IN THE ORDER OF THEIR RANK— Continued, CITIES. POPULATION. 1900 Lowell, Mass 94,969 Albany, N. Y 94,151 Cambridge, Mass 91,886 Portland, Ore 90,426 Atlanta, Ga j 89,872 Grand Rapids, Mich.... 87.565 Davton, Ohio 85,333 Richmond, \'a 85,050 Nashville, Tenn 80,865 Seattle, Wash 80,671 Hartford, Conn 7!t,850 Reading, Pa 78,961 1890 77,696 94,923 70,028 46,385 65,533 60,278 61,220 81,388 76,168 42,837 53,230 58,661 INXREASE FHOM 1890 TO 1900 Nnmber. Per Ct 17,273 *772 21,858 44,041 24,339 27,287 24,113 3,662 4,697 37.834 26,620 20,300 22.2 0.8 31.2 94.9 37.1 45.2 39.3 4.4 6.1 88.3 50.0 34.6 ♦Loss. Wars of the United States. By what Na jie Known. War of the Rovolation . . Nortti western Indian. . . . War with Knince War with Tripoli ('reek Indian Warof 1N12. Gt. Britain.. Seminole Indian Black Hawk Indian ("her<)ko8 18''5 iu Civil War... Force Engaged. Regulars. 130,711 600 85,000 1.000 1,339 935 11,169 30.954 1,500 Hilitia and Volun- teers. 161,080 2.77 13,181 471.622 6,911 5.126 9.191 12.183 29,9.^3 1,500 78,776 1.061 3,087 .108 .000.000 COST OF WARS OF THE UNITED STATES. 487 Cost of Wars of the United States. Revolncionary $ 135,193,703.00 \\ ar(>f 1M2-15 107,15il,WI3.O0 MoxicanA\ar 100,00(1,(1(10.00 Rebellion :---y- •• v •, 6,189,929,908.58 Estimated cost of Indian wars from July 4, 1776, to June 30, 1886 696,339,277.68 Bpanish-Amencan, including $20,000,000.00 for Philip- pine Islands 222,000,000.00 Losses in wars — f^Mo'l'"f 'n" (English) . . 50,000 men l8ii-l,-> killed and wounded 5 614 •• Mexican War sV'O " Rebellion, ^ J?^'"^''^^'- -J- V" ••••■■■•■••••■•••• ••••^'^'^^'^ " 4o • , . < Confederate— died 300,000 " *bpanish-American, killed, wounded and died in camp 3,833 " *These figures do not include those who died after being mustered out. ^ In the War of 1812-15 there were 10 battles, 8 combats and assaults, 52 actions and bombardments. In the Mexican War there were 11 pitched battles and 35 actions, combats, sieges and skirmishes. In the Civil Vvar of 1861-5 there were 107 pitched battles, 102 combats, and 862 actions, sieges, and lesser affairs. Since 1812 the United States army has had over 640 battles, fights, and actions against Indians. Since 1789 there have been 912 garrisoned forts, Srsenals and military posts in the United States. At the present time (1891) there are 144 garrisoned forts, arsenals and military posts. Up to and including June, 186i, there were 1,966 grad- uates of the Military Academy, and of these there were living at the outbreak of the Civil War of 1861-5 1,249. Of the 1,249, 428 were in civil life, and 821 were in the mili- tary service of the United States. Of those in civil life, 292 took sides with the Union and 99 joined the Confederacy, while 37 are unknown. Of the 821 in the army, 627 sided with the Union, 184 joined the Confederacy, and 10 took neither side. Of the 99 who joined the Confederacy from civil life all, except one, were either born and brought up or were residents of southern territory. On the other hand, of the 350 graduates born or appointed from southern states, 162 remamed loyal to the United States. Of the graduates who served in the Civil War, one-fifth were k 'lied in battle, while one-halt were wounded. — Lieicteiiant W, R. Hamilton, U.S. A, {From World Almanac. \ 488 CHRONOLOGY OF RECENT WARS. CHRONOLOGY OF RECENT WARS. SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR, 1898. Maine blown up February r^ Diplomatic relations broken _ _ _ .^pril 21 Cuban blockade declared .\pril 2- War declared by Spain .\pril 2f War declared by United States _ .\pril 25 Dewey's victory at Manila .„ May 1 Hobson's Merrimac exploit June 3 United States army corps lands in Cuba June 21 Battle at El Caney and San Juan July 1 Cervcra's fleet destroyed July 3 Santiago de Cuba surrender-- July 17 Peace protocol signed August 12 Surrender of Manila .-Xugust 13 Peace treaty signed in Pari.- December 12 PHILIPPINE WAR, 1899-1902. Hostilities begin Fcljruary 4. Kn99 Battles around Manila I'lbruarv 4-7, l!>99 Battle at Pasig March 13, lt-99 Santa Cruz captured >. April 25, 1S99 San Fernando captured ....May 5, 1S99 Battle at Bacoor _ June 13, 1S99 Battle at Imus June 16, 1S99 Battle at Colamba Julv 2(). IS99 Battle at Calulut August 9, 1S99 Battle at Angeles .. .August 1(>. 1S99 Major John \. Logan killed Xovemlx-r 14, 1899 General Gregorio del Pilar killed December 10. 1S99 General Lawton killed December 19, 1S99 Taft commission appointed February 2,5, 1900 Aguinaldo captured - March 23, 1901 End of the war „ April 30. 1902 Military governorship ended _ July 4^1902 .•\NGLO-BOER WAR, 1S99-1902. Boers declare w.ir . October 10, 1S99 Boers invade N.u.ii October 12, 1899 Battle of Glencw Octolx-r 20, 1899 Battle of Magersfontiin Dcci-niber 10. 1S99 Battle of Colesburg Dtcimlxr 31, 1,S99 .Spion Kop battles January 23 25, 1900 KiniUrley relieved February 15, 19C0 General Cronje surrenders. February 27. I!t00 Ladvsmith relieved March 1, lilOO Mali-king relieved .May 17. I'.'OO Johannesburg captured May 30, l'.<00 Orange Free Slate annexed May 30, H'00 Pretoria captured _ June 4. r.>00 South African Republic annexed SeptcmU-r 1, 1900 General Methuen captured Marcli 7, 1902 Treaty of peace signed May 31, 1902 ARMIES AND NAVIES OF THE WORLD. 489 ARMIES AND NAVIES OF THE WORLD. [Data chiefly from the State.sman's Year Book for 1904.] ARMY. 1 NAVY. .Annual CO UNTRl Peace looting. War looting. ^f' Men. cost oj army and navy. 150,000 44,000 120,000 58,978 391,706 49,044 82,500 28,009 40,730 15,000 300,000 15,000 12,000 9,700 4,379 18,008 598,003 005,975 324,053 22,104 7,000 6,828 20,500 261,970 167,029 28,155 12,400 25,828 2 000 30,900 1,582 24 500 4 000 31,578 03,280 1,100,000 4,000 22,448 5,000 119,432 37,200 Afghanistan 500,000 45 7 35 5,66d 1,403 $ 7,000,000 3,835,440 70,397 295 Aimtrali.in Com moDWc* tilth Ausiria-Hungarv 2,580,000 180,000 11,009.754 1 ,000 000 Brazil 12 8,800 10,128,470 2 000 979 Canada.* - Chile 400.397 1,000,000 35,000 01,582 100,000 24 7 11 2 55 2 7,819.069 China 22,000,000 266,300 Cc^^ta Rica 4,468,500 1,845,700 130 EevDt 2,609,150 2,500,000 3,000,000 927,084 82,000 86,900 355 217 449 22 52,401 2 3, ,500 127,100 4,000 200,254,953 107,20(i,750 394,785,000 G''eece 5,142,000 Guatemala 4,393,616 Haiti 6 282,370 Italy _ Japan 3,350,920 032,007 140,500 30,400 68,000 17,000 81,700 94 110 7 1 38 20,799 35,355 575 81,783.000 30,2S0,001 7,195,000 Morocco Netherlands 8,500 16,080,100 450,000 Nicaragua Norway t 72 3 2 4 56 24 117 1 890 4,500,000 Paracruav 645 852 Persia 53,520 1,200,000 1,925,000 Portugal 171,324 173.948 4,000,000 29.000 300,000 10,000 213,972 500.000 527,972 1,400,000 "ioo.o.-)0 00.000 9,713,.500 Roumania 14,50s,000 Russia 60,000 213,820,000 Salvador 473,700 Servia 3,694,800 Siam 22 24 50 15,000 Spain 38.171,000 12,268,000 Switzerland. 5,802,334 Turkev 700,020 59,940 4.180 9,000 9 118 3 5 31,957 28,000 184 32,511,000 United Stalest Uruguay _ Venezuela II 100,705.5 ',4 1,750.5:20 2,582,025 ♦Activo Militia. tTroops of the line. J.Authorized army, 100,000. SShifjs of all kinds, built and building in 1904. ^In most cases the figures are for 1903-1904. llFiscal year 1903. , Note.— According to the above table the total number of men undt r arms in the world is approximately 5.500,000, not counting reserves, marini.s and sailors in the navies. The total cost of the militarv and naval establishments of the world for one year is appro.\imately 51,500,000,000. ALPHABETICAL INDEX. PAGE. Advantages of Citizen 19 Agricultural Products 96 Alaska 476 American History 62 America Holds the Future. .. . 103 American Independence 49 Anthracite Coal Strike 348 Arbitration, Internationa! 4"3 Arbitration 348 Armies and Navies 489 Atlantic Cable 118 Australian Ballot , 184 Ballot, Corrupt and Ignorant 107 Ballot 180 Ballot Reform 180, 193 Ballot an Educator 200 Bimetallism 461 Board of Labor Conciliation . . 362 Bryan, William J 459 Cable, Atlantic 118 Cables, Different Lines 120 Capital Punishment 286 Carnegie's Gifts 4S4 Chicago 84 Chicago Stock Yards 87 Cities, Government of Large 106, 336 Cities, Growth of 82 Citizens, The 19 Citizensliip 30 Civil Rights 37 Civil Service Reform 326 Civil Service Rules 332 Coins. Chief of U. S 451 Coinage 460 Coinage Statistics 452 Commercial Feudalism 388 Common School System 297 Competition that Kills 368 Congress and Parliaments. .. . 168 Congress, Changes in 176 Constitution of United States.. 147 Corner Stones of Am. History 62 Cost of Wars 487 Cotton Gin 109 Crime, Education and 281 Cows, Number and X'alue 279 Cumulative \'oting 193 Current Problems and Topics. 281 Dangers. Threatening 105 Debt, Mortgage and Public.. . 295 490 PAGE. Declaration of Independence. . 142 Decoration Day 73 Demonetization of Silver 461 Departments of Government. . 160 Double Standard 455 Duties of Citizen 20 Drink Bill 376 Education 281 Educational Institution 103 Educational Qualifications for \'oting 191 Electoral \'ote by States 252 Electoral Vote 252 Electric Light 133 Emancipation I'roclamation.. . 159 Explanation of "16 to 1" 458 Families and Homes 254 Farmer, The 276 Filibustering 239 First Canals 80 First Congress 49 Flag, National 65 Foreign Ownership of Land.. . 323 Free Coinage 460 Free Silver 466 Free Trade 401 Fulton's Steamboat 121 Gerrymandering 241 Gold and Silver Legislation.. . 455 Gold and Silver Statistics. .. . 452 Gold Standard 455 Good Times 469 Government of Canal Zone... . 259 Government of Large Cities.. . 336 Government Control of R. R. . 394 Government, Departments of. . 160 Government. Receipts and Expenditures 454 Grand Army Statistics 478 Growth of Cities 82 Hawaii 476 History of N'oting ISO Homestead Laws' ill Hope of Our Public School.. . 302 How to Become a Speaker. ... 40 How liills arc Passed 162 How Land is Surveyed 319 How Laws are made lo2 How Logan was IClected 194 How to I^ocate Land 321 Horses, Number and \'alue. .. 278 ALPHABETICAL INDEX. 491 PAGE. Immigration 105, 253 Industry, Our 100 Ingenuity, Our 100 Intemperance Iu5, 282, 372 International Arbitration 473 Invention of Electric Light.. . 133 Inventors and Inventions 108 Irrigation Statistics 262 Issues of the Day 339 Killing Cattle at Armour's. . . 87 Killing Hogs at Armour's. ... 89 L^bor conciliation 362 Labor Emancipated 369 Labor Legislation 365 Labor Organized 363 Labor, Principles of 363 Land and Land Laws 319 Land Owned by Foreigners.. . 323 Legal Tender 457 Liberties, Constitutional 98 NIcKinley and Wilson Bills.. . 407 ^lilitary Academy 318 Military Naval School 315 INIilitary Training in Schools. . 312 Mineral Resources, Our 96 Money, Commodities Used. .. . 442 ^Ioney, Circulation 453 Ikloney, First in America 436 Money, Cold and Silver 449 Money, Paper 440 j\Ioney, Philosophy and Laws. .443 Money, Volume 462 Monopoly, Evils of 387 Monroe Doctrine 472 Morse's Trial 113 Mortgage Debt 295 l^Iules, Number and Value. .. . 278 National Encampments 478 National Irrigation 260 Naturalization Laws 31 Naval Academy 315 New Era in Traveling 132 New York 82 Occupations in tlie United States 482 Origin of Decoration Day 7i Origin of Flag 65 Origin of Political Parties. .. . 217 Origin of Thanksgiving Day. . 70 Original Tbirteen States 92 Our County 49 Our Government 142 Our National Greatness 91 Panama Canal 256 Panics, Ilistoo' of 420 PAGE. Parliamentary Laws 44 Parties. Rise and Fall 209 Party C.overnmcnt 224 Philanthropy, Our 100 Pensions, Total Cost 479 Philippines 476 Philippine War 488 Political Boss 227 Political Parties Origin 217 Political Complexion of States 245 Political Rights 37 Political Training for Citizens 22 Popular Vote for President.. . 250 Population, Our 94 Population of Cities 485 Porto Rico 475 Presidents and their Cabinets. 246 Presidential Vote 251 Printing Telegraphs 120 Prison Labor 283 Prison Reform 283 Private Car, The 272 Protection 399 Public Debt 295 Public Gifts 484 Public Schools 302 Pullman Strike 343 Qualifications for Voting 186 Railroad Accidents 270 Railroad, First 124 Railroad's Right of Control.. . 396 Railroad's Statistics 270 Railway Systems 263 Registration Law 185 Regulation of Trusts 390 Religious Denominations 255 Responsibilities of Citizens.. . 19 Rice Farming and Irrigation. . 261 Right and Wrong of Strikes. . 358 Right of Petition 239 Rights of Citizens 33 Scenery, Our 96 School Savings Banks 306 Seven Wonders of America.. . 91 Sewing Machine, First 110 Shall Women Vote? 197 Sliecp, Number and \'alue. .. . 280 Slicrman Anti-trust Law 386 Silver Demonetization 461 Sound Money 464 Spoils System 233 State Nicknames and Flowers 483 State Papers 142 Steamboat, First 120 Steamboat. Fulton's 121 Stockyards 87 Story of Independence 49 492 ALPHABETICAL INDEX, PAGE. Story of Declaration of Inde- pendence 57 Story of Telegraph 116 Street Car. First 128 Strikes and Lockouts 353 Strikes, History 339 Strikes, Prevention 356 Strikes, Right and Wrong of. . 358 Swine, Xumbcr and N'alue. .. . 280 Tariff Tariff, History of 403 Tariff, McKinley 407 Tariff Commission League. .. . 410 Tariff Rates 409 Tariff Tables 411 Taxing Powers 475 Teamsters' Strike 354 Telegraph, First Klectric 116 Telephone, Discovery of 137 Territorial Government V4 Thanksgiving Day 70 Thirteen Original States 92 Tramp, Problem of 378 Trusts. Causes and Effects. .. . 383 Trust Problem Stated 390 PAGE. Typesetting ^lachine 136 Typewriter, Story of 137 Universities and Colleges.... 480 Value of Farm Products 276 Voting ISO N'oting, Qualifications for 186 Wages in Cities 253 Wars, Chronology of 4S8 Wars of United States 488 Wealth, Centralization of 105 Wealth, Our National yS What Americans Have Done. 73 Wilson Rill 407 Wines and Li'iuors Consumed 376 Where Women \'ote 204 World's Richest Men 477 X Rays 139 Young Man's First Vote 29 Young Statesman's Oppor- tunity 27 t LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 013 980 618 9