'^. c*^"" *'^SSe^^ ^^ ^ .>^^/>:^ '^^^ ..'^^ r* A -^ ^^^. - <• v„ c-?-* ' °- ■»•* .!_'J.L% ^-i^ 0° .'-^°'' °o .,-4-* z GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND I This book is No. of the Author s Autograph Edition of Governors of Marylandy published October^ igo8, at Baltimore, Maryland. Author The Author's Autograph Edition of "Governors of Maryland," limited to 200 numbered copies, was distributed as follows: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. Alameda Free Library. American Antiquarian Society. Charles M. Andrews. John W. Avirett. Mrs. E. Buchholz. Mrs. N. G. Buchholz. William B. Baker. Baker and Taylor Co. Baltimore American. Baltimore City College. J. T. M. Barnes. Charles J. Bonaparte. Carter Lee Bowie. A. Hunter Boyd. L. Tierman Brien. Frank Brown. Mrs. John Marshall Brown. W. W. Brown. W. Cabell Bruce. John Stewart Bryan. James A. 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Goldsborough. John C. Groome. Hagerstown Mail. A. B. Hagner. Mrs. William T. Hamilton. James D. Hamill. Harford County Historical Society. William M. Hayden. Thomas G. Hayes. J. Winfield Henry. Joshua W. Hering. H. G. Hilken. Francis T. Homer. John Hood. P. Lesley Hopper. Henry M. Hurd. Alpheus Hyatt. W. M. Isaac. Mrs. E. Austin Jenkins. Michael Jenkins. Johns Hopkins University (Li- brary). Spencer C. Jones. IV DISTRIBUTION OF AUTOGRAPH EDITION 106. B. P. Keating, Jr. 153. 107. Land Commissioner's Office (Mary- 154. land). 155. 108. Land Commissioner's Office (Mary- 156. land). 157. 109. H. Fillmore Lankford. 158. 110. Ferdinand C. Latrobe. 159. 111. Thomas Learning. 160. 112. Peter Learj% Jr. 161. 113. Guy Carleton Lee. 162. 114. Henrj' Lloyd. 163. 115. Miss Esther Polk Lowe. 164. 116. Loyola College. 165. 117. G. A. Lyon, Jr. 166. 118. Maryland Agricultural College. 167. 119. Mainland Historical Society. 168. 120. Edward P. McAdams. 169. 121. WiUiam W. Mclntire. 170. 122. Henry L. Mencken. ' 171. 123. J. William Middendorf. 172.- 124. Minnesota Historical Society. 125. W. W. Montgomery, Jr. 173. 126. John L. V. Murphy. 174. 127. John G. Murray. 175. 128. J. S. Myers. 176. 129. New York Times. , 177. 130. The Newberry Library. 178. 131. H. T. Newcomb. 179. 132. Nunn & Co. 180. 133. Albert S. J. Owens. 181. 134. E. B. Passano. 182. 135. Peabody Institute (Library). 183. 136. James A. Pearce. 184. 137. Josias Pennington. 185. 138. William C. Pennington. 186. 139. W. J. Price, Jr. 187. 140. Public Library of Cincinnati. 188. 141. Public Library (Detroit, Mich.) 189. 142. Public Library^ (St. Paul, Minn.) 190. 143. Pubhc Library of the City of Boston. 191. 144. J. Wirt Randall. 192. 145. Isidor Rayner. 193. 146. John R. T. Reeves. 194. 147. Ira Remsen. 195. 148. Mrs. John Ridgely of H. 196. 1 19. John C. Rose. 197. 150. Raphael T. Semmes. 198. 151. J. H. K. Shannahan, Jr. 199. 152. Mrs. Rebecca Lloyd Post Shippen. 200. George F. Sloan. W. W. Spence. J. 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GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND FROM THE REVOLUTION TO THE YEAR 1908 BY HEINRICH EWALD BUCHHOLZ AUTOGRAPH EDITION BALTIMORE WILLIAMS & WILKINS COMPANY 1908 LIBRARY or OONGRESS Twc Copies Received Copyright Entry ^ GLASS Ou JMt No. Copyright, 1906 By H. E. BUCHHOLZ Copyright, 1907 By H. E. BUCHHOLZ Copyright, 1908 By H. E. BUCHHOLZ WAVERLY PRESS BALTIMORE IB^b C-ca-^.^'2, PREFACE Few writers of historical books can afford to omit the preface. This time-honored personal introduction of a work by the author has a distinct mission to perform, and its non-performance imperils the intelligence of the reception that will be given the volume. There is a certain conven- tional programme gone through by the maker of serious books. His text in manuscript is sent to the printer, who puts it into type, and proofs of the matter so set are sent back to the writer. After the author has read these proofs he undertakes to pen last of all the opening pages of his book — in short, he writes a preface in which he endeavors to tell, not what is in the book, but what he meant to put there. Because of this preface, the critic — who is the only man called upon to fathom the meaning of the book — is saved the necessity of reading the text proper. Thus it will readily be seen that the wise historical writer by lightening the burden of his critic very discreetly prejudices that judge in his favor. And even the author of "Governors of Maryland" had a purpose in mind when he started upon the work which here appears. He undertook to write a series of intimate and critical sketches of Maryland's state governors. He aimed to paint as a background for each biography some phase of the political, economic or social life of the commonwealth contemporaneous with the particular character studied, and pertinent to a full understanding of this character's public career. He knew, of course, that in a local field of the sort he had chosen he would be subjected to the special plead- VIU PREFACE ings, the biased assertions, and the unreasonable protests of many descendants of Marylanders falling under the scope of his book, and he resolved to hear and weigh their claims, but to hold nothing sacred in his final conclusions but the truth. Out of these rather pretentious aims grew this simple volume. One distinction, at least, must be given this work among the historical volumes dealing with Maryland subjects; its author purposely refrains from naming in his preface those who aided him in his work; he also willfully neglects to supply a list of his authorities. Ungrateful, indeed, would be the author were he here to print the names of those kindly persons who have made easy his search for data, since by so doing he would invite other writers to impose upon their kindness. As to sources — too often the historical writer is tempted to copy a page or two or three of some bibliography and offer it as his authorities. But the writer of this work will not hold any other author or any book responsible for his statements or misstatements, for he has drawn his data not only from books, but newspapers, legislative journals, letters, private diaries, his own imagina- tion and, in a few isolated cases, the gossip of old women. CONTENTS List of Illustrations xiii I Thomas Johnson i II Thomas Sim Lee g III William Paca 14 IV William Smallwood 20 V John Eager Howard 26 —VI George Plater : 32 VII John Hoskins Stone 36 VIII John Henry 41 - IX Benjamin Ogle 46 X John Francis Mercer 51 XI Robert Bowie 57 XII Robert Wright 64 XIII Edward Lloyd 70 XIV Levin Winder 75 XV Charles Carnan Ridgely 81 XVI Charles Goldsborough . . . 86 - XVII Samuel Sprigg 91 XVIII Samuel Stevens, Jr 95 -XIX Joseph Kent 99 "XX Daniel Martin 104 XXI Thomas King Carroll 109 XXII George Howard 114 XXIII James Thomas 119 XXIV Thomas Ward Veazey 124 XXV William Grason 130 XXVI Francis Thomas 136 XXVII Thomas George Pratt 144 XXVIII Philip Francis Thomas 150 XXIX Enoch Louis Lowe 158 XXX Thomas Watkins Ligon 165 XXXI Thomas Holliday Hicks 171 XXXII Augustus Williamson Bradford 178 XXXIII Thomas Swann 184 X CONTENTS -^XXXIV Oden Bowie 192 XXXV William Pinkney Whyte 198 XXXVI James Black Groome 207 XXXVII John Lee Carroll 213 XXXVIII William Thomas Hamilton 221 XXXIX Robert Milligan McLane 228 XL Henry Lloyd 235 XLI Elihu Emory Jackson 242 XLII Frank Brown 248 XLIII Lloyd Lowndes 255 XLIV John Walter Smith 261 XLV Edwin Warfield 268 XLVI Austin Lane Crothers 276 Appendix A Gubernatorial Elections in Maryland 281 Appendix B Administrations in Maryland ,1777-1908 284 Appendix C Biographical Chart of Governors 286 Index 289 ILLUSTRATIONS Thomas Johnson frontispiece Facing page Needwood, Thomas Sim Lee's Home 9 WilHam Paca i4 William Smallwood 20 John Eager Howard 26 George Plater 32 John Hoskins Stone 3^ John Henry Monument, Cambridge, Md 41 Benjamin Ogle 46 John Francis Mercer 51 Robert Bowie 57 Robert Wright 64 Edward Lloyd 7° Levin Winder • • • 75 Charles Carnan Ridgely 81 Charles Goldsborough 86 Samuel Sprigg 9 ^ Samuel Stevens, Jr 95 Joseph Kent 99 Wilderness, Daniel Martin's Home 104 Thomas King Carroll 109 George Howard i ^4 James Thomas 1^9 Thomas Ward Veazey 124 William Grason 130 Francis Thomas 136 Thomas George Pratt i44 Philip Francis Thomas 150 Enoch Louis Lowe 158 Thomas Watkins Ligon 165 Thomas HolHday Hicks 171 Augustus Williamson Bradford 178 Thomas Swann 184 Xii ILLUSTRATIONS Oden Bowie 192 William Pinkney Whyte 198 James Black Groome 207 John Lee Carroll 213 William Thomas Hamilton 221 Robert Milligan McLane 228 Henry Lloyd 235 Elihu Emory Jackson 242 Frank Brown 248 Lloyd Lowndes 255 John Walter Smith 261 Edwin Warfield 268 Austin Lane Crothers 276 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND THOMAS JOHNSON It is fashionable, perhaps because pleasant, to regard the American Revolution as a general uprising of abused colonists, who sought to free themselves from a foreign yoke which had become so burdensome that it could no longer be borne. But this view does not take into account hesitating conservatives, lukewarm temporizers and God- fearing loyal British subjects. When the struggle that bore the American nation came, there was more than a little dis- sension among the colonists of Maryland, as well as of the twelve other provinces, regarding the questions at issue. Many good people were either moderately opposed to revolt, or else determinedly and conscientiously in favor of a continuance of British domination. The colonists who joined the Continental army were not all heroes, nor were those who opposed the Revolution necessarily cowards. That tory who, holding England in the right, was willing, though surrounded by a host of revolutionists, to adhere to his faith was decidedly more of a man than the average American history has been inclined to paint him. Though these facts combat popularized tradition, they do not take one whit from the glory that envelopes the Revolutionary period of American history; indeed, they accentuate its brightness, for they show that in the legislative hall as on the field of battle, men opposed men; that gentlemen who fought against England had cause for some com- punction in opposing gentlemen who supported England's claim ; that all the valor and all the courage were not on one side, but that both parties, and in fact, even those who for 2 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND conscience sake remained neutral, had their virtues as well as their vices, their heroes as well as their traitors. The conventional fife-and-drum history of the American struggle for independence is responsible for a total eclipsing of the true story of that conflict, for fife and drum were but the accompaniments of combats of intellect in legislative halls, and of herculean warfare waged by civilians to arouse the widespread dormant patriotism to conscious- ness. To the soldier who fired a musket has been given due credit, but the plain-clad civilian who roused him to action, who put a musket in his hand, and who reared a structure of government over his head while he slept at night, has been given no other reward than oblivion. The destructive forces which engaged in casting down the author- ity of Great Britain are made to stand out in bold relief upon the pages of history, but the constructive forces, w^hich were the backbone of the country's hope, are hidden from view by false shadows. When investigation dissipates these shadows, then is revealed the true greatness of Maryland's first state governor. While the struggle to sustain the Declaration was going on, the colonies set about to establish their individual governments. In Maryland affairs were first intrusted to a committee, but there was soon established another form of government that consisted of a legislative and an executive body, and when the time came for the election of the first governor the legislative body chose Thomas Johnson, whose fame at that time outshone that of many of his fellow-citizens whose names have since com- pletely overshadowed his own. The waning of Mr. Johnson's fame was due to his greatest virtue — his modesty. The army coveted the courage which his presence brought; the legislature claimed the ^visdom of his intellect; the bench sought the soundness of his judgment, and to each he gave what was asked, but never thought to husband his reputa- THOMAS JOHNSON 3 tion so that posterity might give him a place of glory in the story of the nation which he so largely helped to make. The grandfather of the governor, also named Thomas Johnson, came to America from Porte Head, Yarmouth, England, in the latter quarter of the seventeenth century in somewhat romantic fashion. He had become enamored of a Miss Mary Baker, who was denied the privilege of marry- ing, because she was a chancery ward. Mr. Johnson, how- ever, holding love as dear a thing as reverence for unjust statutes, eloped to the New World with the young woman. The refugees settled at St. Leonards, where was born to them a son, who also was named Thomas Johnson. This son was married to Miss Dorcas Sedge wick, of whose twelve children the fifth was Thomas Johnson, Maryland's first state governor, who was born at St. Leonards on Novem- ber 4, 1732. From youth Johnson came in contact with men of learning. He became a resident of Annapolis and was reared in the office of the provincial court. He studied law in the office of Counselor Bordley, and was admitted to practice at the Maryland bar. His career from then on was cast among the mighty minds of the state. He took from the radicals their righteous fire without their unbridled passion; from the tories their wisdom without their arro- gance, and thus he grafted into his own character the best qualities of both parties. It is possible that the ' * fire-eaters' ' of the legislature did not look with entire approval upon the man who could discuss quietly things that they argued only with raised voices and clenched fists. John Adams, who was to become president, advanced the opinion that "Johnson, of Maryland, has a clear and cool head. * * * He is a deliberating man, but not a shining orator; his pas- sion and imagination do not appear enough for an orator; his reason and penetration appear, but not his rhetoric." But the able Marylander lacked that fire that Adams thought 4 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND essential only because he scornfully discarded it. When the American Revolution began, Thomas Johnson was already a man of wide repute throughout the other colonies. At thirty years of age he had been elected to represent Anne Arundel county in the assembly, and there opposed the stamp act. When the colonists became displeased at the arbitrary views of Governor Eden regarding separate fees for every act of state officials, Johnson was chosen to present an address warning his excellency of the dangers of his course. In 1768 Mr. Johnson was appointed one of a committee to draft a petition remonstrating with the king of England because of unjust taxations. He was a member of the Annapolis convention of 1774, and was named — with Matthew Tilghman, Robert Goldsborough, William Paca and Samuel Chase — as a deputy from the province to attend a general congress of deputies to effect a common plan of conduct for the relief of Boston and the preservation of American liberties. By repeated election he served as a delegate to the Continental congress, 1774-77. On Octo- ber 2, 1774- when a resolution was passed by congress that an address to the crown should be prepared, Mr. Johnson was selected, with Richard Henry Lee, John Adams and Patrick Henry, to write it; and in December of that year he was appointed a member of the provincial committee of correspondents, and also as a member of the council of safety. Through his influence the deputies from Mary- land in congress were permitted, June 28, 1776, to declare independence of Great Britain; and it was he who, on June 15, 1775, nominated George Washington for com- mander-in-chief of all the Continental forces. When the American colonies were preparing for the on- slaught that was sure to follow a declaration of independ- ence, Mr. Johnson was among the most active organizers for resistance in Maryland. On May 21, 1776, he was THOMAS JOHNSON 5 reelected to congress, but he tarried at home, creating armed forces out of tillers of the soil and clerks from the counting room. He was elected senior brigadier-general of provincial forces early in 1776 and organized and per- sonally led the "Flying Camp" — a regiment of 1800 sol- diers — which went to Washington's relief during his retreat through New Jersey. Mr. Johnson was a man of wealth, and his fortune permitted, while his devotion prompted, him to contribute largely for the military defense not only of his province, but of the country at large. With the glory of a military career awaiting him, the very people who loved him most were instrumental in diverting his career back to the old life in the council halls, thus robbing him of a place among the lauded. On July 4, 1776^ when '^Johnson Avas elected by the convention as a deputy from the province to the Continental congress, the members of that body went on record in a resolution as believing that his services were of more importance in congress than in the field, and that his place could be supplied with less inconvenience in the military than in the civil department. The first state constitution of Maryland called for an immediate election of a governor by the two branches of the legislature. Accordingly, on February 13, 1777, the two houses were canvassed and Thomas Johnson received fort}^ votes, while the remaining ballots were scattered among his opponents, Samuel Chase receiving nine, and Matthew Tilghman, George Plater and William Paca one each. The newly elected governor was inaugurated with great pomp on Friday, March 21, 1777. The official cere- monies of inducting him into office were observed in the state house at Annapolis. The soldiery drawn up for review on the lawn, fired three volleys, and a salute of thir- teen rounds was fired by the batteries. A night of gayeties followed the inauguration, the state ball reviving memories 6 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND of the brilliant entertainments that had won for Annapolis international renown in the days preceding the Revolution. In the summer of that year the British forces under Admiral Howe made their appearance in the Chesapeake, and Gov- ernor Johnson issued a proclamation, in which he called upon the people to lend their aid. "To defend our liberties requires our exertions; our wives, our children and our country implore our assistance — motives amply sufficient to arm everyone who can be called a man." There was here no mincing of words, and at the same time there was disclosed the high place which home held in Mr. Johnson's regard. On February i6, 1766, he had married Miss Ann Jennings, daughter of Judge Thomas Jennings, of Annapolis. The home that he gained by his marriage always held first place in his affection. When in later years there came a question as to which should be sacrificed, the demands of home or the claims of fortune, Johnson did not hesitate in deciding. Mr. Johnson voted for the Dec- laration of Independence, on July 4, 1776, but on the second of August — when the document was to be signed — there was illness in his family and he remained at home. Having helped to make the Declaration a fact, he permitted himself to be deprived of the honor that came to those who placed to it their signatures, in order that he might respond to a call from home for the comfort of his presence. As a con- sequence the name of Thomas Johnson is not among those of the signers. The term of governor in the early days of Maryland's life as an independent state was for one year only and a governor was not eligible for reelection to more than three consecu- tive terms. Mr. Johnson was twice reelected without opposition. In 1779 he was succeeded by Thomas Sim Lee, and the following year Johnson was again elected deputy to the provincial congress, October, 1780. A few months THOMAS JOHNSON 7 later he was chosen a member of the house of delegates. It was through his instrumentality that the deputies from Maryland were instructed to vote in favor of the articles of confederation, Maryland having at first refused to join in the confederation unless Virginia should agree to release all lands west of the Ohio River. Johnson also labored faithfully for the adoption by Maryland of the constitu- tion of the United States, and as soon as the ratification of the constitution was assured he rallied to the sup- port of General Washington for president. Mr. Johnson was a member of the Continental congress from 1781 to 1787. In 1789 President Washington tendered him the office of United States district judge, which he declined. On April 20, 1790, he was appointed chief judge of the general court of Maryland, surrendering the office Novem- ber 7, 1 79 1, that he might assume the duties of associate judge of the supreme court of the United States, to which position he had been appointed. On the resignation of Chief Judge Rutledge some years later, Washington endeav- ored to persuade Mr. Johnson to accept this post, but with- out success. When Edmund Randolph resigned the portfolio of state in 1795 President Washington invited Mr. Johnson to become a member of his official family. "The office of secretary of state is vacant," he wrote, "occasioned by the resignation of Mr. Randolph. Will you accept it? You know my wishes of old to bring you into the administra- tion. Where, then, is the necessity of repeating them? * * * No time more than the present ever required the aid of your abilities. * * *" Mr. Johnson's letter of declina- tion reveals the extreme modesty which worked such havoc with his fame. "I feel real concern that my circumstances will not permit me to fill the important office you pro- pose to me," he wrote. "I am far from being out of humor 8 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND with the world on my own account; it has done me more than justice in estimating my abiHties, and more justice than common in conjecturing my motives. I feel nothing of fear, either, in hazarding again the little reputation I may have acquired, for I am not conscious of having sought or despised applause; but, without affectation, I do not think I could do credit to the office of secretary. I cannot persuade myself that I possess the necessary qualifications for it, and I am sure I am too old to expect improvement. My strength declines, and so too, probably, will my mental powers soon. My views in this world have been some time bounded to my children. They yet, for a little while, may have me to lean on. Being constantly with them adds to their happiness and makes my chief comfort." , That Mr. Johnson was altogether sincere in his profession of no concern about his fame, is certified beyond question by the confession of his granddaughter some years later that "We have a few of General Washington's letters to grandpa, but he purposely destroyed all confidential letters before his death." American history contains no parallel of such indifference to that common desire of mankind for fame. In his later years Governor Johnson lived in retire- ment at Rose Hill, in Frederick. And here on October 26, 1 81 9, in the eighty-seventh year of his age. Governor John- son died. A more fitting comment on his life at large can- not be found than that recorded by Esmeralda Boyle: "No man did more for the advancement of liberty's cause, yet among the recorded names of American heroes how seldom do we find his name! Few men of Maryland's struggling days did so much toward furnishing material for the history of Maryland, yet how has history forgotten him!" T^T 7 supported poiicies by a f'- ■ '■ ■ mav 1-.. TT-rr T •^ at this time ityin thepu ^^ ^ ^^ Wocand; before < . , . ., county. uses cast the: and Lee . Lee att • ' :t his vie ?ople of his day, especially t; e, are revealed the gt i^pon matters of m repul NEEDWOOD, FREDERICK COUNTY HOME OF THOMAS SIM T.HE 1779-1782 : 1792-1794 II THOMAS SIM LEE It was many years after the adoption by Maryland of a state constitution before anything approaching republi- canism was infused into the government. During the first years of liberty the people, as if by common consent, sub- mitted to a reign of aristocracy. Although in time advo- cates of a truly democratic government arose and ulti- mately defeated the aristocrats, still a political history of Maryland's earliest days, just as a history of her earliest state governors, must be concerned largely with those who supported policies looking to the governing of the many by a few. Although Thomas Johnson, the first governor, may be regarded as a democratic statesman, when the time came for selecting his successor the political leaders of the state did not seem to desire to place the reins of government in the hands of one entertaining republican principles. There was at this time an uncertainty in the public mind as to the form of government which would be best adapted for the peo- ple of Maryland, and that wavering is reflected in the choice of a successor to Johnson. Two candidates for governor were before the legislature in 1779 : Col. Edward Lloyd, of Talbot county, and Thomas Sim Lee. On November 8, the two houses cast their ballots, and Lee was chosen. As governor, Mr. Lee attained great popularity, due largely to the fact that his views coincided to a remarkable degree with those of the people of his day, especially the leaders. By his life, therefore, are revealed the general sentiments of his contem- poraries upon matters of government, and those senti- ments are far from republican. Governor Lee was a patriot ; lO GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND he labored cheerfully and untiringly for the success of the Revolutionary forces; but the characteristic that attracts the greatest notice is not his patriotism, but his strong leaning toward aristocracy. Thomas Sim Lee was born in Prince George's county, October 29, 1745. He was a son of Thomas and Christiana (Sim) .Lee and great-grandson of Richard Lee, the cavalier of Shropshire, who came to America during the reign of Charles I, and settled in Virginia. There was this difference between Governor Lee and his predecessor in office: Mr. Johnson had won fame before he became governor, and he gave to the executive office more honor than he took from it, while Lee entered upon the duties of governor with- out previously having accomplished a great deal, and it was his administration of that office almost entirely that won him a place among the state's celebrities. At the opening of the Revolution Mr. Lee was a moderately ardent advo- cate of armed opposition, but he had not attracted wide attention. In 1 7 7 7 he began his career in public service as a member of the provincial council of Maryland. His first position of importance, however, was that of governor, and he performed the duties devolving upon that office with sig- nal success, as is certified by the frequency with which he was reelected. In the opening years of Maryland's existence as a state, the executive was granted but comparatively small author- ity. The position then was far less influential than the growth of the republican spirit made it in later years, for the executive was, in a way, the social head of the state rather than its governmental head. The social requirements of the executive office were so much emphasized in the latter part of the eighteenth century, that Governor's Lee's popularity must be credited to a great extent to his social performances. At the same time the social aspects of his THOMAS SIM LEE II governorship should not be permitted to hide his intrinsic worth as a patriot. Governor Lee began his first term of office at a time when the nation was facing a crisis. The army was in a precarious condition; the ranks were being reduced by desertion and there was little to arrest the discouraging process of decrease. Governor Lee's first official act practically was the issuance of a proclamation for the collection of provisions for the ragged army. The governor received a letter from General Washington early in the year 1780 regarding a. call that had been made on "the several states for specific quantities of provisions, rum and forage for the army." And Governor Lee left no stone unturned in his labors to secure the required supplies. Later there came from Washington an appeal for additional troops, and the general assembly, encouraged by the governor, responded: "We purpose to exert our utmost efforts to raise 2000 regulars to serve during the war." These utmost efforts sent 2065 fighting men to the Continental army. In the early months of 1781 Governor Lee rendered considerable aid — and with it encourage- ment — to Lafayette and the forces under him then journey- ing southward through the state. Maryland was frequently called upon by the Continental government for much needed assistance. In reply to such a plea Governor Lee wrote Robert Morris, in August, 1 781: "Every thing that is within our power and within the exhausted abilities of this state shall be done cheerfully and immediately to promote and render effectual the expe- dition which his Excellency General Washington has formed against the British in Virginia, in which we are fully sensi- ble the care and safety of this state in particular is deeply interested." And proof of the fulfillment of that promise is given by Washington's letter to Lee: " Give me leave to return to you my sincerest thanks for your exertions on the 12 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND present occasion. The supplies granted by the state are so Hberal that they remove any apprehension of want." And a short while later (in October) General Washington again wrote the chief magistrate of Maryland: **My present engagements will not allow me to add more than my congrat- ulations on the happy event [alluding to the surrender of the British army at Yorktown] and to express the high sense I have of the powerful aid which I have derived from the state of Maryland in complying with my every request to the executive of it." These signal services of Governor Lee to the cause of liberty entitle him to a high place among the patriots of the nation. The legislature elected a successor to Governor Lee on November 22, 1782, and at the same time adopted a series of resolutions commending the retiring executive. Upon' relinquishing the gubernatorial office Mr. Lee was elected delegate to the Continental congress, in which he served in 1783 and 1784. He was chosen a delegate to the constitu- tional convention of 1787, but declined to serve; in 1788, however, he was chosen a member of the state convention which ratified the constitution. Mr. Lee was again elected governor of Maryland in 1792, following George Plater in office. His second administration covered two years, from 1792 to 1794, and witnessed as one of its most important issues the so-called "whiskey insurrection." In 1794 the residents of Western Pennsylvania and parts of Maryland opposed the government in its endeavors to collect revenue from the distillers of domestic alcoholic drinks. The insur- rection assumed serious proportions, and the governors of several states, including Maryland, were called upon to supply troops to war against the revolters. By prompt action the enemies of the federal government were defeated before the spirit of revolt against the central government had been permitted to spread. During Governor Lee's THOMAS SIM LEE 13 second term he was active in reorganizing the state militia. At the close of his service as governor, in 1794, Mr. Lee estabHshed a winter home in Georgetown, D. C. His house became the headquarters for members of the federal party, an organization which Lee heartily supported. He was elected to the United States senate in 1794, and in November, 1798, was unanimously chosen governor of Maryland for what would have made his third administra- tion as the state's executive, but he decHned both honors. Governor Lee was married on October 27, 1771, to Miss Mary Digges, whose father— Ignatius Digges— was a rich landowner of Prince George's county. The young couple soon after took up their residence in Frederick county, where Lee purchased an estate of more than 1500 acres and turned farmer on a large scale. The wife of the governor- known to history as Mrs. Mary Lee— was active during the years of the Revolution in making clothing for the troops and in performing other patriotic services. There were four sons and six daughters in the Lee family. Governor Lee died at his Frederick county home, Needwood, on November 9, 181 9, in the seventy-fifth year of his age. Posterity is forced to draw its own conclusions as to the personal appearance of Thomas Sim Lee. He is reputed to have been a very handsome man, but left no portrait of himself. Word pictures, therefore, are the only ones of Maryland's second governor left to the reader, and these, in addition to writing him down as a handsome man, relate that he was six and a third feet high, and that every inch of him was "magnificently proportioned." Ill WILLIAM PACA When the historian attempts to price the services of a war poHtician, his folly leads him into a labyrinth of uncer- tainties from which he will find it very difiiciilt to extricate himself. The average statesman may be measured ac- cording to accepted standards, his labors all labeled and their value correctly calculated. The military leader is also easily disposed of. Data concerning his army and the opposing troops are available; the exact positions of the contending forces may be finely worked out, and all his conflicts reduced to mathematical proportions. But with the war politician the order of things is altogether reversed ; nothing is tangible, everything is vague. What has been accomplished, so much is certain; but how it was accom- plished must always remain a quantity of unknown value. The people — that is, the masses — may have been full charged for action long before the leader came, needing only an oratorical spark from him to ignite their concealed passion ; on the other hand, at his coming they may have been altogether opposed to the things he advocated, making it necessary for him to prepare them for his doctrine before attempting to impart it, or his lot may have been cast where existing conditions were any one of a hundred varieties between these two extremes. It is essential that cognizance be taken of this futility of attempting to weigh accurately the influence of war politicians, in order to be safeguarded from wrongly estimating the worth to his state of Maryland's third governor, and with that cognizance there may come a disinclination to form any estimate at all. WILLIAM PACA 1782-1785 COPYRIGHT. 1908, BY H. E. BUCHHOLZ. WILLIAM PACA 1 5 When the time arrived for electing a successor to Gov- ernor Lee, the general assembly nominated, in November, 1782, St. John Jenifer and William Paca as candidates for state executive. Mr. Paca was elected, and the legislature thus put the administrative affairs of the commonwealth in the hands of a war politician. William Paca was born at Wye Hall, the country seat of the Pacas in Harford county, on October 31, 1740. The governor's father, John Paca, who had early settled in Maryland, held ofhce under the pro- prietary governors. His independent fortune enabled him to give William, who was his second son, a more thorough educa- tion than was enjoyed by most youths of pre-Revolutionary days. At home the boy received careful guidance in the cus- tomary branches of classical instruction, and he was afterward sent to Philadelphia to complete his academic studies. At the Philadelphia College — the nucleus of the University of Pennsylvania — Mr. Paca took his bachelor's degree on June 8, 1759. In the same year he began to read law under Stephen Bordley, of Annapolis, and in 1761 was admitted to practice in the mayor's court. Later he went abroad to finish his legal studies, entering Middle Temple, London, as a student, and, upon his return to America, settled in An- napolis and was admitted to practice in the provincial court. It was during the years of study at Annapolis that Paca made the acquaintance of Samuel Chase, and these two men, vastly different in many respects but both passionate in speech and fond of debate, formed a lasting friendship. At this time also Mr. Paca made his first matrimonial ven- ture, marrying, in 1761, Miss Mary Lloyd, the daughter of Benjamin Chew Lloyd, of Anne Arundel county. At the age of twenty-one Mr. Paca made his first public appearance as a politician, and almost simultaneously with that appearance began his career upon the side of England's most outspoken opponents in America. The stamp act in 1765 and every l6 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND subsequent endeavor to impose upon England's colonies unjust taxation brought wrathful denunciation from him. He was a member of the Maryland provincial assembly from 1771 to 1774, and throughout that time was loud in his opposition to the domination of England over the American colonies. In 1774 Mr. Paca became a member of the committee of correspondence, and a year later served in the council of safety. When the port of Boston was closed he was appointed one of the five Maryland delegates to the congress "for the relief of Boston and the preservation of American liberty." He represented Maryland in the Con- tinental congress from 1774 to 1779. Although serving as representative for a people who repeatedly disavowed any hostile intentions toward England, he still labored untir- ingly for the war party. In 1775 he and Samuel Chase supplied from their own purses funds for providing a volun- teer corps with rifles. A few months before the Declaration of Independence was adopted, a rumor reached the Maryland assembly that some rash people desired congress to declare independence of England, and the members of the assembly -became anxious for fear that the representatives from Maryland would join in such an unwise course. Accordingly, a resolu- tion was adopted which declared that Maryland did not entertain views or desires for separation, and "would not be bound by the vote of a majority of congress to declare independence." This attitude continued to the very eve of the passing of the Declaration of Independence. But William Paca, burning with the fire of youth and thirsting for warfare, would deliver a passionate address, appealing to the congress to visit summary punishment upon England for her inconsiderate domination, and then turn to receive a fresh reminder from his constituents that nothing was farther from their desire than a severance of that peace- WILLIAM PACA 17 giving, happy relationship which bound England and Maryland. Whether Paca's passion roused Marylanders finally to action, or whether the very excess of his fire was responsible for their apparent hesitancy, is one of those doubtful points that must be encountered in the life of the war politician. At last, on June 28, 1776, the Maryland convention withdrew the restrictions it had placed upon the delegates in congress and Mr. Paca and his associates were advised that they might vote as their judgment dictated. Passion had already dictated, and, with startling prompt- ness, they voted for a declaration of independence. The name of William Paca has been accorded a prominence in the minds of Marylanders somewhat out of proportion to the intrinsic worth of his services as compared with those of other leaders of his time, solely because his signature was attached to the Declaration of Independence. And yet it was not through the labors of Paca himself, so much as through those of the larger statesmen, such as Thomas Johnson and Charles Carroll, that he was at last privileged to sign the Declaration as Maryland's representative in congress. Mr. Paca was named August 17, 1776, one of a committee to "prepare a declaration and charter of rights and a form of government for Maryland," and when that state govern- ment was inaugurated he was chosen as a senator in the first assembly. He was also active in the organization of the army that was to sustain the Declaration of Independ- ence, and was one of the committee from Maryland that assisted in planning a naval armament to defend the approach to Philadelphia. With the establishment of some form of government in the colonies Paca readily turned to the judi- ciary. His training had been strictly legal and his leaning was always toward law. In March, 1 7 78, he was appointed chief judge of the general court of Maryland, in which l8 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND office he continued for several years. Just before he was chosen state executive he served as chief judge of the court of appeals in prize and admiralty cases. Paca was elected governor in November, 1782, and the first year of his admin- istration witnessed the beginning of peace in America. Indeed, he was governor when the independence of the colonies became an established fact, for that independence was dependent upon the ability to sustain the declara- tion. During the three years that he was chief magis- trate of Maryland his administration was much concerned with the task of smoothing out the rough places of a hur- riedly contrived government and in seeking to lighten the burden of the home-coming warriors. Late in the year 1783, Governor Paca invited congress to Annapolis and threw his own house open to the presi- dent of that body. It was here that Washington, on Decem- ber 23, 1783, surrendered his commission in the presence of the governor, the general assembly and the Continental congress; and while congress was sitting in Annapolis, the treaty of peace, which had been concluded and signed at Paris, was here ratified, on January 14, 1784. Among the noteworthy activities of Mr. Paca while governor was his labor on behalf of the returning soldiers, who had been promised fifty acres of land under Governor Lee's adminis- tration. On May 6, 1783, he informed the members of the assembly that a very considerable number of the troops of the Maryland Line "returned are not nor ever will be fit for service again. They are incapable of doing active duty and ought to be turned over to the invaUd corps." And he worked faithfully to see that the men who had contracted sickness on the battlefield were provided for in their distress. After his gubernatorial administra- tion, Mr. Paca was chosen a member of the Maryland con- vention which ratified the constitution of the United States. WILLIAM PACA 19 He was appointed by Washington in December, 1789, judge of the United States court of the District of Maryland, and served in this office until his death in 1799. He was vice-president of the Maryland branch of the Society of the Cincinnati from 1784 to 1799. Governor Paca was instrumental in establishing Washington College, at Chester- town, Md., and throughout his life was a strong advocate of higher education. After the death of his first wife, Mr. Paca was married, 1777, to Miss Anne Harrison, of Phila- delphia, by whose death, however, a few years later he again became a widower. A writer of earlier times is authority for the statement that "Mr. Paca was a man of remarkably graceful address, fine appearance and polished manner; he had mixed long in the best society and had improved his social powers to a very high degree of refinement. In the office of governor his superiority in these respects was very strikingly displayed, and the courtesies of the executive mansion have never been more elegantly sustained than during his tenure of office." IV WILLIAM SMALLWOOD During the years of America's struggle for independence the people of Maryland placed the administrative affairs of the commonwealth in the hands of men who were more at home in the legislative hall and in the courtroom than upon the battlefield. The first and third governors — Johnson and Paca — had been preeminently jurists, although Mr. Johnson at one time had a leaning toward the war department; Governor Lee, too, was unacquainted with the life of a warrior. But when the war ceased, although the people of the colonies heartily welcomed relief from the strain that had been imposed by the struggle to maintain independence, they felt foremost in their bosoms a passion for militarism. There were certainly men in the land who knew more about government than Washington, but there was none who was as completely enveloped in the glory of the soldier, and so it was Washington who was first chosen to hold the reins of the federal government. And as the leaning of the nation was toward the men who had worn uniforms, so in Maryland the people's eyes, when they sought a successor to Governor Paca, rested first upon one who, perhaps more than any other, had been accepted as the most famous military man of the state — General Smallwood. William Smallwood was born in Kent county in 1732. His father, Bayne Smallwood, planter and merchant, had been presiding officer in the court of common pleas in colonial days and also a member of the house of burgesses. Priscilla Heberd Smallwood, the governor's mother was by birth a Virginian. The bringing up of William Smallwood WILLIAM SMALLWOOD 1785-1788 •om thr) COPYRIGHT. 1908, BY H. E. BUCHHOLZ. WILLIAM SMALLWOOD 2 1 was regarded as a matter of great importance by both his parents and at a tender age he was sent to England, receiv- ing his preparatory training at Kendall and completing his studies at Eton. In the meanwhile Small wood cultivated a passion for the life of a soldier, and upon his return to America engaged, though without distinction, in the French and Indian war. From this time until the beginning of the Revolution, Mr. Smallwood occupied only an incon- spicuous place in the province, but during these years he was being developed for the task which was to be imposed upon him by the struggling colonies. He was in his forty-third year when the war with England began, and while the echo of the first shot was yet resounding through the land he hurried to the field of action. On April 19, 1775, Lexington witnessed the initial locking of horns of the Brit- ish soldiery and the American colonists, and five days later William Smallwood, glorying in the title of colonel and com- manding 1444 men, left Annapolis for Boston to join the Revolutionary forces. Colonel Smallwood's regiment took part in the battle of Long Island, and two days later the Maryland regiment, then at Fort Putnam, was designated by Washington to cover his retreat into the lines below Fort Washington. The impetuosity of Colonel Small- wood prevented him from distinguishing between covering a retreat and making a charge, and he had the red coats on the run when Washington was forced to send a messenger after him and have his troops recalled. Colonel Smallwood was not a humane leader. The sacri- ficing of men was to him a matter of little concern. In many of the engagements in which his command took part the passing of the smoke of battle revealed the sorrowful fact that the majority of his men had been slain. But he knew no such word as retreat, and with something like the unconcern of a god he could see the lines about him crumble 22 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND away without for an instant changing his purpose of stand- ing firm. For example, at the battle of White Plains, after Brooks'regiment had "fled in confusion without more than a random scattering fire" when the British appeared, and the artillery followed, Smallwood's regulars and Reitzman's regiment of New Yorkers held their ground as unconcerned as if they constituted the entire Continental forces instead of a very small part of it. Although deserted on all sides, they stood like a rock in the midst of the conflict and "finally, cramped for room, they sullenly retired down the north side of the hill. " The troops who then rejoined the Continental forces comprised but a minority of the two regiments, more than half of Smallwood's soldiers having been left dead upon the field while the daring com- mander himself was carried off, disabled by two wounds received in the last moments of the struggle. On October 23, 1776, Smallwood was commissioned brigadier-general, and his regiment was in the battles of Fort Washington on November 16, 1776; Trenton, December 26, 1776; and Princeton, January 3, 1777, and of its performance Wash- ington recorded: "Smallwood's troops had been reduced to a mere handful of men, but they took part in the engage- ment with their usual gallantry and won great renown." At Germantown, October 4, 1777, the Maryland Line retrieved the day and captured part of the British camp. During the war General Smallwood developed to a remark- able degree the faculty of being a disagreeable man. When his quarrels with those who were supposed to be striving for the same purpose as himself are noted there arises a question whether he was less agreeable to encounter on the field of battle or in the barracks. He was strongly opposed to the appointment of foreigners as officers in the Continental army, and as a consequence he had several disagreements WILLIAM SMALLWOOD 23 with distinguished warriors who had come from other lands to America's aid. The first encounter of this kind occurred in June, 1778, when Count Pulaski took up his headquar- ters in Baltimore and began to enHst men for "The Pulaski Legion." When Small wood observed that men who should have come to him were drifting to Count Pulaski, he pro- tested to the council. But the council — fearing to hurt the count's feelings and not daring to ruffle Smallwood's — plead lack of jurisdiction. In 1780 the Maryland Line marched to the south, and here for some time persevered under General Gates. Although the operations in the south were not altogether successful from the American stand- point, congress was prompted, on October 14, 1780, form- ally to thank Brigadiers Smallwood and Gist and the offi- cers and soldiers of the Maryland and Delaware lines "for their bravery and good conduct displayed in the action of the 1 6th of August last, near Camden, in the state of South Carolina." But Camden was the burial ground of the fame of General Gates, and he was deposed, while General Greene assumed command of the southern army. In September, 1780, SmaUwood was made a major-general and some of his fellow-officers intimated that he was honored only because he had left no stone unturned in his fight for self-advance- ment. "At Salisbury," writes Colonel Williams, "120 or 130 miles from the scene of the late action, Smallwood took time to dictate those letters which he addressed to congress and in which he intimated the great difficulties he had encountered and the great exertions he had made to save a remnant of General Gates' army — letters which, with the aid of those he addressed to his friends in power, procured him, it is generally believed in the line, the rank of major- general in the army of the United States, and which prob- ably promoted the resolution of congress directing an inquiry into the conduct of General Gates." 24 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND Upon the death of Baron de Kalb, which occurred several days after the battle of Camden, General Smallwood was promoted to command a division. But the removal of Gates brought him under Baron Steuben, and once more he found himself at odds with his fellow-ofhcers. Small- wood refused to serve as subordinate to the foreigner and also demanded of congress that his own commission be dated two years back, upon penalty of losing him as an ofhcer in the Continental forces if his request was not complied with. Washington went on record with an expression of displeasure at Smallwood' s endeavor to engage Steuben in a controversy, while congress flatly refused to comply with Smallwood's demand; and yet he continued to serve, remaining in the army until November 15, 1783. Smallwood was elected to congress in 1785, but before he could begin his duties in that body he was chosen, in No- vember of the same year, to succeed William Paca as state executive, and he served three terms of one year each as governor. During Smallwood's administration the country reached its low water mark as an independent nation. The colonies had granted very small power to the central gov- ernment, and even this little authority was not respected. The country was in a chaotic state, and throughout the provinces pessimism was widespread. The success of the American colonies as independent and republican states was regarded as a visionary thing, a bubble that had been punctured. It was during Smallwood's administration that the colonies were finally influenced to accept the con- stitution of the United States. A few weeks after the ques- tion of adopting the constitution was submitted to the people of the several states by congress, Smallwood con- vened the assembly, November 5, 1787, and while that body was in session the delegates to the constitutional convention were invited to appear before it and report. There was a WILLIAM SMALLWOOD 25 strong opposition in the state against the constitution, led by Luther Martin, but finally, on April 28, 1788, the consti- tution was accepted. Smallwood's administration also witnessed the beginning of the work to improve the navi- gation of the Potomac, the settlement of the claims of British creditors and the devising of methods of paying the national debt. Governor Small wood was succeeded in 1788 by Gen. John Eager Howard, another Revolutionary hero, and retired to his estate in southern Maryland. As to his home life little can be said, since a bachelor is not supposed to have any home life, and Smallwood was never married. He died at Mattawoman, on Febuary 14, 1792. He requested that no stone should mark his grave, and it may have been due as much to his unpopularity in certain quarters as to any intention to respect his wish that up to a few years ago his final resting place was practically un- marked. A chestnut tree — sprung, it was claimed, from a nut that had been put into the soft mound of his freshly made grave — was for more than a century all that indicated where the body of Governor Smallwood lay. But on July 4, 1898, the Maryland Society, Sons of the American Revolu- tion, erected a plain granite block, five feet high and nearly square, over the warrior's grave in Charles county. No more appropriate symbol could have been chosen for the man. V JOHN EAGER HOWARD During the years of the Revolution there were practically no political parties of pronounced doctrine in America, since no reason appeared for their existence. Everybody — except of course, the tories — was supposed to belong to the party which was opposing England, and it was not until after the independence of the American states had been fully assured that the former subjects of England living in the provinces began to shift about for some form of political faith. It must not be inferred that none of them had previously entertained views upon government, nor must it be sup- posed that certain forms of government had not already been devised; but how highly speculative were these still imperfect political faiths is shown by the custom, prevail- ing in the first years under the constitution, which counte- nanced a member of each of the two leading political par- ties becoming, at the command of congress, bedfellows, one as president and the other as vice-president. At the close of the Revolution the outlook in America was serious, because the several commonwealths were suspicious of one another, and therefore in no frame of mind to delegate to the representatives of other states any considerable voice in the conduct of their own affairs, while a large part of the American people was favorable to a policy which should reserve to each commonwealth its individuality as a sover- eign state. This led to the formation, in 1787, of a party known as the federalist, which had as its aim the support of the proposed constitution of the United States. There also sprang up the anti-federalist party which was dis- ovRNBMHRnam copvRioHT. teoa, by h. e. auct lactically • rr •. . States regarded " ' ' ; -mpt of any a to control b< cTaphical position. And in the ardent support ^vhich '^''d Mr. Henry as senatorial, :~^- * -a and candidate there is found at ^ng of MONUMENT OF JOHN HENRY 1797-1798 Christ Episcopal Cemetery, Cambridge, Md. VIII JOHN HENRY From the very beginning of America's struggle for inde- pendence the several states were violently and unreservedly opposed to sectional control. If it had been announced in the closing years of the eighteenth century that England contemplated attempting to resubjugate her American colonies, it is probable that the states in a leisurely sort of way would have appointed delegates to go to the mother- country and seek to convince her of the uselessness of such an attempt. But if a rumor had crept into anyone of the commonwealths that some state or states of another section contemplated assuming rule over it, or even meditated a course that would give them a small control in that particu- lar commonwealth's administration, every man, woman and child of the state conspired against would have risen up instantly and armed for stubborn resistance. It is not strange, therefore, that in the childhood days of the United States the Eastern Shoreman of Maryland should have taken issue with his fellow-statesman on the western banks of the Chesapeake and declared that the Western Shoreman should not have one whit more authority in the direction of the commonwealth's affairs than he. It was the spirit of all Americans that was manifesting itself, for the citizen of the United States regarded as poison the attempt of any body of men to control because of their geographical position. And in the ardent support which was accorded Mr. Henry as senatorial, gubernatorial and presidential candidate there is found at least a tracing of 42 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND the determination of the Eastern Shoreman to divide evenly between the two sections control of Maryland's affairs. John Henry was born at Weston, the Henry home stead, in Dorchester county in the month of November, 1750. His father. Colonel John Henry, represented his county in the legislature. His mother was a daughter of Colonel Rider, an Englishman, who came to America in the early part of the eighteenth century and settled in Dor- chester county. Young Henry was sent to the West Not- tingham Academy, in Cecil county, where he prepared for college. He then entered the College of New Jersey (sub- sequently Princeton), from which he was graduated in 1769. He continued his studies in New Jersey and later went to England, where he took up law in the Temple. In England he mingled freely in the best society, and while the war clouds were gathering in his native land, joined in merry debate with the youths of Britain upon the subjects that were being considered very seriously by his fellow-country- men at home. Mr. Henry sailed for America the year pre- ceding the rupture with England and immediately upon his arrival began to entertain his fellow-countians with the feats of argument which he had performed while engaged in mental battles with the young men across the sea. The manner of the speaker and his culture soon won him the favor of Eastern Shoremen, and he was sent to represent his county in the council hall of Maryland. John Henry was elected delegate to the Continental con- gress in 1777 and served in that body from 17 78 to 1781. He was again elected in 1784 and continued a member until 1787. He was appointed in 1787 a member of the com- mittee which was to prepare an ordinance for the North- west Territory. During his first term in congress Mr. Henry was a warm champion of the men who were carrying on the conflict in the fields and also a rather severe critic of the JOHN HENRY 43 merchantmen who sought to reap a golden harvest through the pressing needs of the people. He was, first of all, a fear- less critic, and both the mercenaries, who were striving to amass fortunes by overcharging the people, and the legis- lators, who showed little wisdom in the management of the country's affairs, came in for blunt judgment at his hand. The close of Mr. Henry's service in the Continental con- gress witnessed an increase of the strife betw^een the people of the Eastern and Western Shores of Maryland as to the division of power which should hold under the federal constitution. The chief concern of the people at this time centered upon the question of the election of two United States senators. On December 9, 1788, members of the state senate and of the house met in joint convention for the election of senators and the absence of unity in the state of Maryland was again manifested, for the Eastern Shore members carried a resolution which required that "one senator should be a resident of the Western Shore and the other of the Eastern Shore." John Henry and George Gale from the Eastern Shore and Charles Carroll of Carroll- ton and Uriah Forrest from the Western Shore were named. Several ballots were taken before any one candidate received the required number of the votes cast, and then John Henry, having polled forty-two tickets, was declared to have been elected. Mr. Henry was, therefore, the first senator elected by Maryland to a seat in congress. The body then adjourned until the following day, when the names of Charles Carroll and Uriah Forrest were put in nomination for the Western Shore senatorship, and Mr. Carroll was elected. The terms for which the first senators were elected were unequal, one being for six years and the other for only two years. The senators-elect drew for the terms which should fall to each and Mr Henry secured the six-year slip. At 44 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND the close of his first term, in 1795, he was reelected for four years additional, but did not complete the second term, resigning to accept the governorship. In the election of Mr. Henry as executive of Maryland there is presented further evidence of the struggle between Marylanders on the eastern side of the bay against any endeavor of the Western Shoremen to control the affairs of the state. General Smallwood, an Eastern Shoreman, who served as state executive many years before Mr. Henry, was not chosen to office because of his political faith nor the section of his birth; but solely upon his military record. He represented the sentimental candidate, and as far as political affairs were concerned was a nonentity. But when Mr. Henry was nominated in the closing days of 1797, his candidacy appealed to some people most forcibly be- cause he represented a section, and had been selected by the voters upon the Eastern Shore as a fit subject upon whom to bestow the greatest honor at their command. He had, however, long been a prominent laborer in the fed- eralist party. When the country was called upon to elect a successor to President Washington in 1795 the name of John Henry was mentioned for that office, and he polled two votes in the electoral college; the same number that was given to Washington, who, however, had some time before declared that under no circumstances would he become a candidate for reelection. John Henry was elected the successor of Governor Stone on November 13, 1797, on the joint ballot of the two houses. But he was not altogether to the liking of the entire body of legislators, and some daring opponent of his moved that the words "unanimously elected," customarily entered upon the record when a candidate was unopposed, be stricken from the minutes. In other words, the election was not unanimous; but the majority of the members of . JOHN HENRY 45 the legislature decided that it should be entered as "unani- mous" and refused to grant the requested change in the journal of the legislature. Governor Henry was in office for but one year. Because of failing health he declined to stand for reelection. His administration was marked by a thorough reorganization of the militia of the state. At this time the country was putting on its war paint prepara- tory to doing battle with its late ally, France. It was stirred to its depths with hatred for the nation to which it had sworn a lasting friendship. Washington, but lately retired from public affairs, was called out of his seclusion and directed once more to lead the American army into action as its commander-in-chief. The people in Maryland and throughout the Union began to build fortifications and to prepare generally for a conflict. And then, when there had been as much excitement as could have been gotten out of an actual war, the bubble was pricked, the war clouds dispersed and America extended the hand of friendship to France. On November 12, 1798, Thomas Sim Lee was elected governor of Maryland as successor to Mr. Henry. He declined to serve, however, and two days later Benjamin Ogle was chosen in his stead. John Henry had been married in 1787, to Miss Mar- garet Campbell, of Caroline county, by whom he had two sons. Like Governor Lee, he left no portrait of himself. He died at Weston, December 16, 1798, after having spent a little more than one month in retirement from the executive mansion. He was buried in the old family burial ground at Weston. In 1908 his body was removed to Christ Episcopal Cemetery, Cambridge, Md., and over his grave a fitting memorial monument was erected by his descendants. IX BENJAMIN OGLE When the legislature, in 1798, undertook to provide a suc- cessor to Governor Henry, its choice first fell upon Thomas Sim Lee, who had already had two administrations of three and two years, respectively. Governor Lee was at this time the strongest federalist that Maryland afforded, but he declined to serve again as the executive of the state. The legislature had several times been forced to accept a declination from one who had been chosen to the high office ^ of governor, and invariably after one of these humiliating '*T\ experiences it sought out a less conspicuous citizen upon ^^ whom to bestow the honor. On November 14, 1798, there- fore, the senate and house in joint session presented the names of two men Avho had not won great fame theretofore in the affairs of the commonwealth, and Benjamin Ogle and Nicholas Carroll were nominated for the office of governor. The interest — or lack of it — that was manifested by others than the assembly members and the two candidates in the result of this election is indicated by an item in the federal Gazette of Baltimore, Thursday, November 15, 1798, in which announcement is made that: "A gentleman from Annapolis has politely handed us the following correct elec- tions by the general assembly of governor and council — Benjamin Ogle, governor; Messrs. Shaaf, Davidson, Thomas, Brice and Wilmer, council. " Benjamin Ogle, the successful candidate, was a son of Samuel Ogle, whose name occupies much space in the colo- nial history of Maryland, where he is recorded as one of the proprietary governors and a man of much independence BENJAMIN OGLE 1798-1801. M HOLZ, Thomas ifforded, loo v^iMAivraa COF YRIG BENJAMIN OGLE 47 and courage. Benjamin Ogle was born at Annapolis on February 7, 1746. He had not, however, reached an age when the great drama being acted before his eyes would be intelligible to him when death brought to a close his father's participation in American affairs. Although his grand- father, Benjamin Tasker, succeeded to the direction of the state's government, young Ogle was early sent to England to receive his education, and in this way was denied any part in the bitter discussions that tore asunder the people of America and the representatives of the English authori- ties just before the Revolution. When he returned to America he immediately began to play a part, though a modest one, in the affairs of Maryland. He was a mem- ber of the council and also served upon a county com- mittee of observation, but he attracted no great amount of attention through either position. During the years of the Revolution he occupied a rather inconspicuous place in Maryland affairs, generally holding aloof from the stir- ring events of those stirring years. He first came into real prominence in the government of the commonwealth when he was elected state executive in 1798. The feature of Governor Ogle's administration that assumed the greatest importance was the widening of the chasm between federalists and republicans. Mr. Ogle's gov- ernorship did not witness a pitched battle between these two political forces, except in so far as the legislature selected as his successor one who was allied with the republican party. But the years during which Benjamin Ogle was executive witnessed a disastrous blow to the political adher- ents of the federalistic faith in the loss of Washington. It has been asserted that but for the large influence of Washing- ton the constitution of the United States would not have been adopted by Maryland. The assertion is, perhaps, a j^it extravagant ; but it must be admitted that no other man 48 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND inspired the people of Maryland and of the other states with confidence in the proposed constitution to such an extent as did Washington. The name of Washington was the watchword of the federal party. His death, therefore, was an enormous misfortune to the members of his political faith. As long as the party leaders had his name to parade before the people when the public's confidence wavered, so long were they able to cope with the attacks of their enemies. But when the influence of Washington's name as a political factor was lost, and at the same time the strength of the republicans began to assert itself more posi- tively, then the people of the country generally — except, of course, the more optimistic republican leaders — became greatly alarmed. From one end of the nation to the other the people lost confidence, and the preparations of the repub- licans to strive after control of affairs in states and nation were regarded as presaging the downfall of the American republic. When the death of Washington was announced. Governor Ogle, in compliance with the request of the general assembly, issued a proclamation, December i8, 1799, suggesting that "the eleventh day of February next be observed through- out this state as a day of mourning, humiliation and prayer for the deceased; that the citizens on that dayjgo into mourn- ing and abstaining, as far as may be, from their secular occupation, devote the time to the sacred duties of religion; that they call to mind the virtues, public services and un- shaken patriotism of the deceased, and admiring, endeavor to emulate them; that they implore the Most High God to supply his loss by inspiring them with a love of true liberty and pure religion, and by dispensing the blessing of peace and knowledge throughout the land; and that He would grant to the people of this and the United States, that the wisdom and virtues of a Washington may never cease to influence and direct our public councils. " BENJAMIN OGLE 49 Maryland's history in the closing years of the eighteenth century reflects in no uncertain way the conflict which was on between the federalists and the republicans, and the alarm caused by the latter's doctrine that the people should not regard as paramount in a man's fitness to direct public affairs the question of either birth or wealth. This con- flict did not reach its full blossom until the early part of the nineteenth century, but the years that were covered by the administration of Governor Ogle witnessed preparation for battle, the alignment of opposing forces; it was the eve of a political war in America for advancement along republican lines in government. Governor Ogle was, in a way, the last of the old-time federalist executives. He held office while the republican forces under Jefferson were striving, and with success, to oust the federalists from control of national affairs. He was in office while the leaders of Maryland were assembling their followers for a like struggle within the state. But he was unmolested by either conflict. He represented the federal party, yet his administration, while not noteworthy for any advancement which he sought or helped to engineer, was sufficiently conservative to be inoffensive to the legis- lature, no matter how its political complexion might be changing. The greatest praise, perhaps, that can be ac- corded him as state executive is that of having held office for three years without permitting the rancor that was ram- pant throughout the country to reach the garments of the chief magistrates and, when the bitterness and excite- ment of the period is borne in mind, this accomplishment need not be regarded as insignificant. After the close of Ogle's administration, in 1801 — when he was no longer eligible for reelection because of the constitutional proviso which restricted the state executive to three terms of one year each — he retired to his estate, Belair, where he spent 50 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND his remaining days. Governor Ogle was twice married, Miss Rebecca Stilley and Miss Henrietta Margaret Hill being his first and second wives, respectively. He died on July 6, 1809, in his sixty-fourth year. COPYRIGHT, 190e, BY H. E. B U C H H O U Z . JOHN able s^ properly to a specific an.^..,... ... ^.:.,. .. the house of delegates was not eligible ;--"perty.to the value .ndidat- hrnl fn DOSSeSS .000 governor was not open ly rich. The struggle f'r.f-^ r.-P=^pnt- democratic mcx. -_. * ' :e revision of this . lective frar - I- -^- ...^ . c; Jers who we- for reforms, f America from an; — to republicanism' — for . as had been spilled — succ m gaining c executive mansion, and wi ule in Maryland was in.. . o -^"^ unrepublican laws ^'' ■ of govemin., inmonwealth. But the X JOHN FRANCIS MERCER It is a common practice of American historians to trace the downfall of the federalist party to a host of contribu- tory causes, all of which are made to appear fairly plausible, but none of which is absolutely conclusive. The weak spot of the federal party was not its political doctrines so much as its social decrees; and when the enemies of the federalists beheld the vulnerable spot in their opponents' defense they threw, their whole strength against it and won success. In the Maryland constitution, as adopted in 1776, the right to vote was confined to those who were above the age of twenty-one and possessed real or personal property to a specific amount. A candidate for member of the house of delegates was not eligible unless he owned property to the value of ;^5oo; a candidate for the state senate had to possess at least ;^i,ooo in his own right, and the office of governor was not open to those who were not independently rich. The struggle of the republicans (the founders of the present democratic party) against the federalists was for a complete revision of this method of prescribing who should enjoy the elective franchise and hold public office. In 1801 the leaders who were striving for reforms, for a winning of America from aristocracy — toward which it was trending — to republicanism— for which they felt the blood of her sons had been spilled — succeeded in gaining control of the executive mansion, and with the beginning of republican rule in Maryland was inaugurated a campaign against these unrepublican laws in the matter of governing the commonwealth. But the election of a 52 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND republican governor to succeed Mr. Ogle represents more than a turning from aristocratic principles ; it is significant as showing how the political leaders of the state were sub- stituting for a blind reverence of all things federalistic a practical appreciation of things meritorious. The feder- alists, in the day of their glory, scornfully cast out those who were not of their way of thinking. The proposed federal constitution had not pleased all the intellectual giants of the land; but it pleased the majority, and this majority arrogantly ignored the views of the minority. Mr. Mercer, the new chief magistrate, however, was not only a man who at the time of his election stood for republican doctrines, but one who, in the days before the adoption of the constitution, had strongly opposed that instrument. John Francis Mercer was born at Marlborough, Stafford county, Va., on May 17, 1759. He was the son of Robert and Ann (Roy) Mercer and grandson of Robert Mercer, Sr., who emigrated to Virginia in 1740. He received what in those days was considered a liberal academic education, being graduated from William and Mary College in 1775. His father planned to have him prepare for the legal pro- fession ; but the oncoming storm that was to free the colo- nies interfered. As soon as war became inevitable, young Mercer cast aside his books and sought an opportunity to take up arms against England. Early in the year 1776 he announced his intention of joining the Revolutionary forces, and on February 26, 1776, was commissioned lieuten- ant in the Third Virginia Regiment. He took part in the battle of Brandy wine on September 11, 1777, when he was slightly wounded. In the same month he was promoted to captain, his commission dating from June 2 7, |" and the following year he became attached as aide-de-camp to the staff of the ill-fated and ill-humored Charles Lee. JOHN FRANCIS MERCER 53 Under Lee he was in the battle of Monmouth, June 28, 1778, when his chief willfully disobeyed the orders of Washington and by his conduct left the commander-in- chief no alternative but to have him court-martialed. Despite the disgrace of General Lee, Mr. Mercer stood faithfully by him, and when the former was suspended for a year and finally deprived of his commission his aide in sympathy surrendered his own commission and returned to his home in Virginia. But Mercer did not long remain in retirement. Upon his return to his native state he set about recruiting a regiment of horse soldiers, which he equipped at his own expense, and then offered their services to the Con- tinental army. He was commissioned lieutenant-colonel and his regiment was joined to the brigade commanded by Gen. Robert Lawson. In this command Colonel Mercer saw service at Guilford, N. C, as well as in other engagements during the dismal southern campaign. He later joined Lafayette, with whom his regiment remained until the termination of hostilities. After the war Mr. Mercer returned to Marlborough and began to study law. While studying he came in close relations with one who in later years exerted a remarkable influence over his career. His preceptor was Thomas Jefferson, and at the feet of the founder of democratic principles in America Mr. Mercer learned not only law, but also the true meaning of republicanism as differentiated from that policy of aristocracy which at first shaped affairs in the United States, and throughout his life he continued a faithful disciple of Jefferson. In 1782 Mercer was elected a delegate from Virginia to the Continental Congress, and served in that body until 1785. At this time a new influence came into his life, which was responsible for chang- ing the scene of his activity from the Old Dominion to Maryland. Miss Sophia Sprigg, the daughter of a promi- 54 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND nent resident of Anne Arundel county, became Mrs. Mercer, and the couple "set up house" at the home of the bride, Cedar Park on West river. Mercer was not long in Maryland before he found a loop- hole through which to effect an entrance into the political circles of the state. He had attained sufficient prominence by a little more than a year's residence in the county to be sent as a delegate to the convention which framed an instru- ment for the government of the states to supersede the unsuccessful articles of confederation. This was in 1787; Mr. Mercer, however, with other opponents of a centrali- zation of governmental authority, fought bitterly against the proposed constitution. When these opponents found their voice did not prevail and that the majority of the members of the convention ignored their protests, they withdrew from the convention. With the bolters, besides Mr. Mercer, were Luther Martin, of Maryland, and George Mason, of Virginia. Martin, as the attorney-general of Maryland, appeared before the state convention appointed to consider the proposed federal constitution, and in an eloquent speech set forth all the weak points of the instrument. But despite the protests of Martin and Mercer, Maryland, in 1788, ratified the constitution. Although Mercer had opposed the constitution, he appeared as a candidate for the national house of representatives in the first election held under that instrument. In this election, held in January, 1789, Mr. Mercer was not announced as a republican — for the republican party had not then been formed — but came before the voters as an anti-federalist. As was to have been expected, all the successful candidates were supporters of the recently ratified constitution, but Mercer did not make as unfavorable a showing as might have been expected when his action in the constitutional convention is borne in mind. JOHN FRANCIS MERCER ee Three years later, 1792, Mr. Mercer was chosen a member of the state legislature, and shortly afterward he was sent to congress, being named to fill the unexpired term of Representative William Pinkney, resigned. He served in the house of representatives from February 6, 1792, to April 13, 1794. From this latter date up to the beginning of the nineteenth century Mr. Mercer did not occupy official posi- tion, but labored faithfully in Maryland in the interests of a reform in the governmental system. The federal party continued in control of the state's affairs until 1801, though for many years every inch of its way was contested! Finally, the republican party succeeded in gaining a foot- hold in the house of delegates and a large enough represen- tation in the state senate to elect John Francis Mercer as governor, November 9, 1801. Governor Mercer served two terms of one year each, being reelected in 1802. His administration is noteworthy for radical reforms in the governmental institutions of Maryland. But the chief of these reforms must of necessity lose much of its significance to the reader of today, who has been reared in an atmosphere where the vote of the poor man is supposed, at least, to equal that of the citizen of wealth in the choosing of legis- lators. The day when only aristocrats were the voters and office-holders and custom-takers are so far removed that in the distance nearly all of the detail is lost. But it was that political organization whose representative — Mercer — was in the executive chamber which first gave to Marylanders real equality. In 1 80 1 the same general assembly which elected a re- publican governor passed a bill— originating in the strongly republican house— by which the right to vote was given to "every free white male citizen of this state * * * above twenty-one years of age, having resided twelve months in the county next preceding the election at which he offers 56 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND to vote." This law opposed the practice of confining the elective franchise to those citizens who possessed freeholds of at least fifty acres of land. This one attainment of the Mercer administration so completely overshadows all other things that it assumes the aspect of being the one feature of importance. Governor Mercer was succeeded in 1803 by Robert Bowie, another republican, and returned to his estate, Cedar Park. For some years thereafter he lived in retirement, looking after his personal interests. Subsequently, however, he served on several occasions in the state legislature. When the agitation for a second war with England was in progress, Mr. Mercer sided with the federalist party, inasmuch as he was opposed to the conflict. He framed a petition calling upon congress to use its influence to prevent an outbreak of hostilities and secured thereto many signatures, but the paper never reached the hands for which it had been in- tended. The ex-governor went to Philadelphia in 182 1 to consult with physicians there regarding an affliction from which he was suffering. But the journey proved futile. He died in Philadelphia on August 20, 182 1, while under treatment. COPYRIGHT :90e, PY H. E BUCHHOLZ. R( imagin.. :n accord swStki t^ie tiSiots-ioSic that period of the state'vS b^ of I Si 2-15, that many C: denounced the conflict did not love peace and concord one ■I '" , r:..\:: ■' -.'did the' h> theori^ " '^ . - c; : ^e upon i^le. Ag rib' IT the apologist to find certain credulous toM :h gave evidence of the losing years ot the eigh rt of the nh ' ' . . ^^ed in public if practiced today, would create considerable ' ' ' .;ts. Publicly to .bu ii.ad fallen under th ROBERT BOWIE ;8o3-i8o6: 1811-1812 XI ROBERT BOWIE Certain apologists, performing for a season the duties of historians, have sought to read into the early state history of Maryland naught but what is admirable, patriotic and sublime. While the sentiments which actuated them are undoubtedly noble, their performances have frequently done less to excite favorable regard than would have been the case had they been critical instead of worshipful. It is possible, for instance, for the highly imaginative to see in Maryland's partial opposition to the second war with Eng- land only an all-controlling love of peace and concord ; but it is more in accord with the facts to remember, when approaching that period of the state's history which paral- lels the war of 1812-15, that many of the leaders who denounced the conflict did not love peace and concord one- half so much as they did their own pet theories, which they were trying to saddle upon the people. Again, it is pos- sible for the apologist to find certain credulous followers when he explains away the several mob outbreaks at this time by charging them to a foreign and ruffian element; but the Baltimore mob, which gave evidence of the crim- inal extremes to which uncontrolled patriotism may go, was in truth very representative of a large portion of the pop- ulation of Maryland in the closing years of the eighteenth century and in the first part of the nineteenth century. These men in their day indulged in public ceremonies, which, if practiced today, would create considerable doubt as to the sanity of the participants. Publicly to burn effigies and portraits of those who had fallen under the people's dis- 58 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND pleasure was a common practice, then given all the form- ality of a state ceremony ; and the same men whom some historians seek to make so serious and lofty-purposed went further, and took part in the public interment of the ashes of such effigies and likenesses after they had burned them. This lack of proper restraint is not dwelt upon to dis- parage the people of Maryland of a century ago, but rather as a means toward understanding fully the actions of cer- tain leaders of that time. It intensifies the light which existing chronicles throw upon the life of the first Governor Bowie, for without the background of excessively enthusi- astic partisans and of the general wild delirium of his time Mr. Bowie might be unjustly discounted because of some peculiar traits which he displayed on certain occasions and which were really characteristic of his time. Robert Bowie, third son of Capt. William and Margaret (Sprigg) Bowie, was born at Mattaponi, near Nottingham, Prince George's county, in March, 1750. He attended suc- cessively the schools of Rev. Mr. Eversfield, near his own home, and of Rev. Mr. Cradock, near Baltimore. But in his youth he gave first thought to romance and things ro- mantic, and was daring enough to put his visionary theories into practice early by eloping with the daughter of Gen. James John Mackall, Priscilla, who, when young Bowie discovered her attractions, was not yet fifteen years of age, while her impulsive swain was just past nineteen. With the rashness of youth they married immediately; the union fortunately revealed in later years the uncon- scious wisdom of the principals. Bowie's father pre- sented him a house and lot in Nottingham and also a farm on the outskirts of the village, and in 1791, when the elder Bowie died, the son inherited the paternal estate of Mattaponi, where he usually spent his summer months. Bowie was twenty-four years of age when the Freeholders' ROBERT BOWIE 59 convention at Upper Marlboro, in November, 1774, placed him on a committee to carry into effect the resolutions of the Continental congress. On September 12, 1775, he, with certain others of his fellow-countians, was instructed to enroll a company of "minute men," and early in 1776 Mr. Bowie was commissioned first lieutenant of a company of militia organized in Nottingham. He was promoted to a captaincy on June 21, 1776, and accompanied the Maryland forces when they joined Washington in his early campaign near New York. Captain Bowie took part in several of the important battles of the Revolutionary War, and, although he won no great glory, he always displayed good judgment and courage. When a treaty of peace was patched up between England and hef former colonies, Mr. Bowie returned to his county and sought fresh excitement in politics. Despite his long absence, he soon won enough support to be sent to the house of delegates. On October 15, 1785, he was elected a member of the lower house of the general assembly, and he was reelected five times consecu- tively. Then there was a break of ten years in Bowie's political ser- vice, during which time, however, he filled the post of major of militia and also that of justice of the peace in Prince George's county. When Maryland began to experiment with things democratic, Mr. Bowie was again given a place in the council halls, being in the lower house of the general assembly from 1 801 to 1803. During this period Governor Mercer, the first republican state executive, directed the affairs of the commonwealth, and his administration witnessed a breaking away from those old ideas which denied to a man who had not been born in a silk-stocking or fat-pursed family the capacity for thinking or acting upon affairs of government. But the pendulum of public sentiment was not to pause halfway between the extremes of federalism 6o GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND and democracy. Mercer was not radical enough for the masses who then, for the first time, were feeling the effects of equality theories which they had freely imbibed until they were in a state of intoxication. Mercer was democratic, but he was not radically democratic, and therefore the people clamored for someone who should stand for radi- calism and Mr. Bowie seemed the man. On November 17, 1803, the general assembly cast a majority of its votes in favor of Mr. Bowie as successor to Governor Mercer. At this time he was a member of the general assembly, but on the following day he presented his resignation to the house of delegates that he might assume charge of the gubernatorial office. Governor Bowie was reelected for a one year term in 1804 and again in 1805, which made his first administration cover the period from the fall of 1803 to the fall of 1806, the full three years for which he was eligible. The first B owie administration was noteworthy on account of two national events of moment. The one was the reelection of Thomas Jefferson The other was the beginning of foreign interference with American com- merce. While the European nations had been engaged generally in warring with one another, the maritime inter- ests of the United States had grown considerably, until the new nation came to assume a position of no little impor- tance in the commerce of the world. As soon, however, as England and France laid aside their weapons of war long enough to realize that a commercial competitor had arisen, there was born a determination to crush the shipping industry of the United States by whatever means would produce most quickly the desired results. Thus began the depredations of the mother country upon the commerce of her late colonies, and on this hinged the War of 181 2-1 81 5, as well as the bitter conflict to the death between the feder- alists and the republicans. Although the full effect of this ROBERT BOWIE 6l conflict between the two political bodies that came to pose as the "war party" and the "peace party" was not felt until some years after the close of Bowie's first administration, nevertheless the widening of the gap between these two organizations bore fruit during his initial service as gover- nor in a struggle which resulted in the impeachment of Judge Samuel Chase— as strictly partisan a bit of work as the bringing to trial of Andrew Johnson at the close of the Civil War, and fully as undignified a proceeding. After his retirement in 1807, Governor Bowie was ap- pointed a justice of the peace. The following year he was named as a member of the levy court of his county, and he was a presidential elector in 1809, for Madison. But it was not until the year 181 1— the eve of the second war with England— that he once more came into prominence as the state champion of the republican party of Maryland. The federalists were then fighting bitterly against the advocates of war with England, and the federalists, while not in control of the state affairs, were still a considerable factor in Maryland politics. The party was strong enough to defeat Bowie when he was brought forward as a candi- date for senatorial elector, but the republicans had a strong hand in the general assembly and succeeded, on November II, 181 1, in again electing him chief magistrate. At this time there were practically only two political divisions in the state and the distance between the two was vast. The federalists were, with few exceptions, against a declaration of hostilities with England. The repubUcan party, almost unanimously, was for war. In June, 181 2, congress declared war, and the news, reaching Annapolis, fired the heart of the "war" executive. The AnnapoHs Gazette of that date records that "the Gov- ernor was so rejoiced when he heard the news that he did not wait for his hat, but proceeded through the streets 62 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND bareheaded to the state house, where he congratulated the leaders upon the welcome news." When the governor of the state could show such uncontrolled enthusiasm, it is not to be wondered at that the less cultured people of the state who were of his own political faith should also have been deeply stirred. Throughout Maryland the supporters of Bowie were aroused to a high pitch of excitement. Unfor- tunately, at this very moment the editor of a Baltimore paper was indiscreet enough to print an article that angered those against whom it was directed. It was a red rag cast before the face of an already maddened bull, and the bull, true to his nature, gored the tormentor. The people of the city turned out and killed a few federalists and beat a few others, and then returned home to gloat over the fact that the nation had actually entered upon a foreign war. It was this excess of the republicans that did most at that time to take from them their lately acquired power in Maryland affairs. Since the governor was a republican and the members of the Baltimore mob were republicans, the inference was made that the deeds of violence per- formed were not altogether distasteful to the state's execu- tive. Bowie was requested to apprehend the instigators of the riot, and because he failed the federalists accused him of shielding criminals. Whatever blame was chargeable to Bowie, either for the uprising against the federalists or for the escape of their assailants, he was made to suffer greatly for the affair. The most positive result was the terminating of his political career, for thereafter, although all his energies were concentrated upon a series of endeavors to regain his former hold upon the political machinery of the state, he was not a considerable factor in Maryland. At the close of his term he was succeeded by a federalist. Levin Winder. ROBERT BOWIE 63 From 181 2 until his death Mr. Bowie fought to be returned to the executive chair, and in his endeavors he was ably seconded by the unbroken rank of the republi- can party. In 18 13 and again in 18 14 he opposed Winder and 181 5 and in 1816, he was the republican candidate against Ridgely, federalist, but at all of these elections his followers were unable to count enough ballots to bring him the coveted vindication. In 18 17 an effort was made to elect him United States senator, but once more the labors of his followers were futile. He was a man of remark- able determination, as is shown by his unceasing struggle to regain his authority in the state, and he was a man who held unwaveringly the confidence of his fellow-men, as is attested by the continued support of his followers despite re- peated defeats. What his tenacity and the hearty support of his friends might have finally accomplished for Bowie must forever remain an unsolved problem, for in the winter of 18 1 7 he was attacked by pneumonia, which resulted in his death on January 8, 1818. XII ROBERT WRIGHT A source of no little bewilderment to the average reader of early national history is the almost endless array of "great" statesmen who then administered the affairs of federal and state governments. Every commonwealth, according to the chroniclers of its early state history, would appear to have contributed an amazingly large quota of masters in the art of statecraft, so that it may seem as if the bulk of genius for statesmanship that has been cultured by American soil was concentrated in the half century begin- ning about 1765. But this apparent disproportionateness between the ratio of "great" statesmen to the population a hundred or more years ago and today does not really extend beneath the surface of things. The reader who follows his- tory as a pastime rather than as a study must keep fully in mind two conditions which have tended to give undue prominence to the labors of the early participants in public affairs in Maryland and the other sections of the United States. The first of these conditions is the result of a practice of American historians in general, which may be regarded as either a crime or a virtue according to the views of the individual, of stressing unduly all early history and slighting indiscriminately all later history. The second condition which has tended to exaggerate the importance of national and state laborers of early years in American affairs is a natural one. The extent of the nation from north to south was almost as great in those years as it is today, while the borders stretched far to the westward. At the same time there had not been introduced any modes ROBERT WRIGHT I 806-1 809 rage reader is array of e history, w •en cultured the United >6rtancf ^^HP^^i^ ^'**^^ Mk ^m IP^^^^Hjj^ ^^^^^^v^^^^^H j^^^H ^^^^^■1 COPYRIGHT. 1908, BY H. E. BUCHHOLZ, ROBERT WRIGHT 65 of rapid transportation, and, therefore, figuratively speak- ing, the expanse of the United States was greater a century ago than in 1908, for in the mind of the average early citizen Boston was farther removed from Baltimore than is San Francisco today. In addition to this, the land was sparsely populated, and these two natural circumstances were bound to dilate in the eyes of the masses the importance of any residents in their own neighborhood who attained to even a small degree of prominence in strictly local affairs. Some readjustment of the standards of measurement is essential before approaching the public career of Governor Wright, who succeeded Robert Bowie, so that the true worth of his services to state and nation can be ascertained. Mr. Wright was, first of all, a man free of shams and one who did not indulge in heroics for the applause of the gallery. He was, at the proper time, as much a cavalier as any of his fellow-citizens, and countenanced the meeting of two men upon a field of honor to engage in shooting at one another's anatomy. He was also, at the proper time, as ready as any of his fellow-citizens to engage in popular discussions of the day, but, not altogether in keeping with the majority of his fellows, he made such debate a battle of arguments and well-thought-out conclusions instead of a word-juggling exhibition with flowers of speech and mock sentiments. He was, nevertheless, both a rhetorician and an orator. In brief Mr. Wright possessed to a very considerable degree the qualities of a statesman, though it were wrong to class him as a "great" statesman both for truth's sake and the fact that the term has been so long abused in connection with those not richly endowed, that it means decidedly less than simply statesman. Robert Wright was the son of Judge Solomon Wright, whose ancestors for several generations back had been prom- inent in the affairs of Queen Anne's county and the Eastern 66 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND Shore of Maryland. Judge Solomon Wright served his county in the Maryland conventions which met during the period from 1771 to the beginning of the Revolution, and was a member of the first court of appeals of the state, and so continued till his death. Robert Wright was born on November 20, 1752. He received his preparatory training at such schools as his native county afforded, while the finish- ing touches to his academic education were obtained at Washington College. Subsequently he studied for the bar, and was about to set up as an attorney in Chestertown when the American colonies took up arms against the mother country. He promptly joined Capt. James Kent's com- pany of Queen Anne's "minute men," and took part in a short campaign against Lord Drummond's legion of tories in Virginia. Subsequently he was commissioned second lieu- tenant in the militia, and later by resolution of congress was made a captain in the Continental army, in which capa- city he served at Brandywine, Paoli, and other battlefields. That his military performances were creditable may be taken for granted, since the later career of the man proved his spirit of thinking no duty too small to be performed well ; but had he been dependent upon his military exploits alone for fame, his name would have been honored by no greater recognition, perhaps, than that of being printed upon the carefully guarded and seldom read records of the Con- tinental forces. Although Mr. Wright was not a signal success as a military leader, he had coursing through his veins that old spirit of militarism which fostered the duello. On one occasion he had a disagreement with Edward Lloyd, who in after years became prominent as a legislator and was elected as Wright's successor in the gubernatorial office. The disagreement led to a challenge. In the duel which fol- lowed, neither principal, fortunately, was fatally w^ounded, but Mr. Wright for some time thereafter limped in public and in private nursed a bullet hole in his toe. ROBERT WRIGHT 67 Governor Wright began his political career early in the eighties. About this time he was married to Miss Sarah DeCourcy, the daughter of Col. William De Courcy, a man of prominence in colonial days. From the close of the Revolu- tion up to the first year of the nineteenth century Mr. Wright was several times called upon to serve his county in the general assembly. In accordance with the required qualifications of candidates for the legislature he was presented by his father with 250 acres of land, which remained in his pos- session throughout his lifetime. This, together with some 1750 additional acres of his landed property was skillfully managed by him, for he was a student of agriculture and a breeder of the thoroughbred horse and other animals. Governor Wright's services as a member of the legisla- ture were sufficiently meritorious to win for him a seat in the senate of the United States in 180 1. It was at the time of the republican upheaval, and Mr. Wright won office as one of the forerunners of the great republican party, which in later years was changed in name if not in principle and became the democratic party of the United States. The term for which he was elected senator was for six years, or from 1 801 to 1807. It was, however, while serving in the upper house of the national legislature that he was chosen governor of Maryland. This was on November 10, 1806, and he promptly resigned his seat in the senate. In accepting the gubernatorial office Wright sketched as comprehensively as possible his stand upon great national issues during the years that he had been in congress. **I have most cordially cooperated, " he said, ** with a virtuous administration in promoting the best interests of our com- mon country ; in repealing such laws as imposed odious and unnecessary taxes on our fellow-citizens; in restoring the national judiciary to the state it had obtained in the time of our Washington ; in the purchase of Louisiana, and there- 68 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND fore extending to our western brethren the great advan- tages of the important port of Orleans, and the navigation of the Missouri, with all its tributary streams; in the meas- ures adopted to acquire the Floridas that the American empire might be consolidated and a risk of collisions with a colony of Spain avoided; in the cultivation of the arts of peace with all our foreign relations, with temper and good faith; in an honest neutrality with all the belligerent powers, and in an exact discharge of every duty imposed on us by existing treaties or by the law of nations, and in the laudable attention that has been paid to our native brethren, the savage tribes, in instructing them in the culture of the soil and domestic manufactures, and thereby inducing them to convert their scalping knives into pruning hooks and their tomahawks into implements of husbandry, and both by precepts and examples teaching them to prefer the pacific olive to the bloody laurel. " The affairs of the state executive department were di- rected by Governor Wright for almost three years. He was elected in November, 1806, and reelected in 1807 and 1808. During this period the most important task performed by the executive office was the preparation of the state for the conflict with England, which was then threatened. The governor stood firmly by the administration of President Jefferson, and when the founder of democracy declined to become a candidate for a third term Governor Wright, with other followers of the president, sought to influence him to reconsider the matter. During the third year of Governor Wright's administration a judicial post that he had long coveted became vacant, and in the hope of being elected judge he resigned the governorship. Early in May, 1807, James Butcher issued a proclamation as acting gov- ernor, in which announcement was made of the resignation of Mr. Wright on May 6, and a session of the legislature was ROBERT WRIGHT 69 called for the election of a successor. Governor Wright was entitled to serve until November of the year in which he resigned, but reahzing that he would then be ineligible for reelection, and hoping to obtain the desired judgeship, he let go the bird in hand for the two in the bush. But the latter were not captured then, though many years later Mr. Wright was appointed an associate judge in the dis- trict of which his friends had hoped to make him chief judge. In 1 8 10 Mr. Wright was elected to congress, this time serving in the lower house, where he continued until March 3, 181 7. He was again elected in 1820, to the house of rep- resentatives and served for one term of two years. It was then that he finally gained an appointment as judge of the district court for the second judicial district of Maryland, which gave him jurisdiction over Cecil, Kent, Queen Anne's and Talbot counties. In this position he continued until his death. Governor Wright was married twice, the second Mrs. Wright having been a Miss Ringgold, of Kent county, by whom he had one child, who was named after Lafayette. Governor Wright died at Blakeford, on September 7, 1826, and was buried at Chestor-on-Wye, a homestead of the De Courcy family from different branches of which came respectively his paternal grandmother and his first wife. XIII EDWARD LLOYD For the first thirty years of Maryland's statehood the executive mansion was filled by citizens who had witnessed the American colonies' struggle for independence. These governors had nearly all taken some part in the Revolution. Such men as Johnson, Paca and Lee, had not only followed the rupture between the mother country and the colonies from its beginning, but had also taken part many years be- fore the Revolution, in those contests which presaged serious trouble for England should she persist in ignoring the rights of the colonies. Of course not all of the state governors during these first thirty years had played as large a part in Maryland's last years as a colony as did Johnson, Paca and Lee, but their lives extended well back into colonial times, and they had come to be looked upon by the people as char- ter members of the commonwealth of Maryland. For this reason when the reader turns from the administration of Robert Wright to that of his successor he feels that he has advanced well into the life of the American Republic, and that Maryland in 1809 was no longer in its infancy as a state. Mr. Lloyd, who followed Governor Wright in office, was not a Revolutionary character, for it was not until well into the struggle that he was born. He is, therefore, the initial member of a new class in the gallery of Mary- land governors. Edward Lloyd — the fifth of that name in Maryland his- tory — was bom at Wye House, Talbot county, July 22, 1779. At that time the American Revolution had entered upon its fourth year, while the state government of Mary- ai-^ofij COPYRIGHT, 1908, BY H. E. BUCHHOLZ. EDWARD LLOYD 7 1 land had been in existence for almost as many years and Governor Johnson was bringing to a close the first admin- istration. Although the ancestry of the average man may not be of as much importance as the genealogically inclined would make believe, the family connection of Governor Lloyd is of considerable moment in a study of his public career, since it was, perhaps, due more to the family that he represented than to himself that he was so early in life afforded an opportunity to enter the public service. The father of the governor had been active in Maryland affairs during the years preceding the War of Independence, and was a member of the body which framed for the state its first constitution. The Lloyds were typical of the old southern landed families which during colonial and early state years exerted almost dictatorial authority in the state. The family in intellectual equipment was far above the average and in addition was possessed of the means which gave it, in the regard of the less fortunate citizens, the right to direct. Edward Lloyd — the governor — was given such early training as could be provided for the sons of the better class of Marylanders. He went to a private school and studied under tutors until he had acquired sufficient knowledge to begin his public career. The real training of the man, however, was gained not at school nor from books, but by coming in contact with thinking men and in pondering over questions of public import. Mr. Lloyd was practically reared in public life. He was sent as a delegate to the state legislature in 1800. At that time he was just twenty-one years of age, or barely within the borders of the constitutional requirements. He served in the house of delegates from 1800 to 1805, and during that period his labors developed his talents and widened his popularity in his own section. His supporters determined to enlarge the scope of his ser- 72 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND vices and he was elected a member of the house of repre- sentatives to fill the unexpired term of Joseph Hopper Nicholson, who had resigned upon being appointed judge of the Maryland courts of appeals. Mr. Lloyd's services in the lower house of the national legislature began in 1806 in the ninth congress. He was reelected a member of the tenth congress, but his congressional career was brought to a close by his election as the successor of Governor Wright, who had resigned the governorship in the hope of being elected chief district judge of Maryland. Governor Wright, gave up his office in May, 1809, and the general assembly, which was convened in extra session to choose a new execu- tive, elected Mr. Lloyd governor on Monday, June 5, 1809. The election was for the unexpired portion of Governor Wright's term — to November, 1809. And Mr. Lloyd was twice reelected for one year terms in November, 1809, and November, 1810. His occupancy of the gubernatorial office witnessed the repeal of the embargo act, which had been passed while Governor Lloyd was a member of congress. During his administration a notable victory was scored for republican- ism. This triumph was the granting of the elective fran- chise to the people regardless of the question whether or not they were possessed of real estate or personal property to a considerable extent. The free ballot act, which repealed all property qualifications, was confirmed by an act of 1809 — the first year in which Mr. Lloyd was executive of the state. During Governor Lloyd's administration the two leading political parties seem to have been fairly well divided in Maryland. The balance of power — although the republicans had for some time controlled the gubernatorial office — did not seem to remain long with either party, and it was around the beginning of the second decade of the nineteenth century that the federalists regained direction EDWARD LLOYD 73 of the state machinery and held it for several years. At almost the same time that Mr. Lloyd, a strong republican, was chosen as the successor of Governor Wright, Levin Winder, who subsequently became the federalists' governor of Maryland, was elected speaker of the house of delegates. This difference in sentiment between the legislative body and the executive department upon the leading question of the day suggests in a measure how far from harmonious were the public affairs of Maryland during the years that Governors Lloyd and Bowie were in office. At the close of Mr. Lloyd's governorship he was elected a member of the state senate. In that body he heartily supported the administration of President Madison, and was bitter in his opposition of all measures conciliatory toward England. He was a presidential elector in the cam- paign of 181 2, and cast his vote for James Madison for a second term. The republicans, after having been out of power for several years in Maryland, were able to resume control of affairs toward the close of the second decade of the nineteenth century. One of their first moves was the election of Edward Lloyd as a member from Maryland to the United States senate. Mr. Lloyd was elected in 1818 for a term of six years, and at the close of this term, or in 1824, he was reelected for a like period. This would have carried his services in the senate over from 18 19, when his term began, until 1831. In 1826, however, he resigned his seat and retired to private life. But in the same year he was elected to the state senate and served in that body from 1826 to 1 83 1, part of the time as president. He died at Annapolis on June 2, 1834, in the fifty- sixth year of his age. He was, according to the Baltimore Patriot *'as remark- able for the munificence of his private hospitality as for his public spirit." In his home life Governor Lloyd was the typical Mary- 74 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND land gentleman. He had been married on November 30, 1797 — when just eighteen years of age — to Miss Sally Scott Murray, daughter of an Annapolis physician, and with advancing years the home circle was enlarged, for Mrs. Lloyd bore her husband a large and distinguished family. In his native district Mr. Lloyd was held in high esteem by his neighbors, and he lived, amid luxurious surroundings, the life of a manor lord. And yet of his whole life the most noteworthy feature, perhaps, is that, despite his birth and wealth, he was ever severely democratic. Republicanism in those days threatened to mean a curtail- ment of the power of the gentleman of the manor, neverthe- less this interesting representative of one of Maryland's most celebrated families stood firmly for the republican party and its creed of equal voice in the government to rich and poor, landed and unlanded. COPYRIGHT, 190a, BY H. E BUCHHOLZ. XIV posses' y r ■ Unto v. V,... .^.w._-^ -^^ ^-.. — --- some years of national grSivth^iie. be found in the lines themselves. tution was submitto'' f<^ -le severa. gave all his abilit; ^ energ\ defeat the attempt to have Maryiano the weak points of the instrument, and > that under its authority the central goverr. ainst the weaker cor 3 ratifies J 1 iistration in i8 .ilvi, iiO .......cans ai.-. .^,- - \e determiner of political contrc' .1 i8i2, in V ■ ■ iiad :iv nnt: ;v paper, LEVIN WINDER i8i3-i8i6 XIV LEVIN WINDER American patriotism— and ignorance— for long decreed that no man ought even to intimate that the constitution of the United States possessed as much as one little flaw. To its authors was generally given credit for having produced a perfect governmental document. With all due respect, however, to fastidious patriots and eariy American states- men, it must be confessed that the constitution at first possessed very little of the strength which subsequent events and the American character have given it. Between the lines of the document have been written, by a hundred and some years of national growth, decidedly more than is to be found in the lines themselves. When first the consti- tution was submitted to the several states, Luther Martin gave all his ability and his energy in a mighty effort to defeat the attempt to have Maryland ratify it. He saw the weak points of the instrument, and warned Marylanders that under its authority the central government would be able to discriminate against the weaker commonwealths in favor of the stronger ones. But the people heeded not, and the constitution was ratified. During the second war with England, however, Maryland suddenly became convinced of the truth of her former attorney-general's words. ^ The national administration in 1812 was republican; Maryland, however, was in a rather uncertain mind, the republicans and federaUsts being almost equally strong. The determiner of political control in Maryland was a not in Baltimore in 1812, in which the republicans, who had taken offense at an anti-war editorial in a federalist paper, 76 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND attacked the paper's editor and engaged in battle with some of his federaHst friends, kilHng a few and wounding others. This riot proved a boomerang. The federaHsts regained control of the state machinery because of disapproval, out- side of Baltimore, of the republicans' violence, and the federal government, displeased with the turn of affairs in Maryland, ignored the demands of the state for the general government's assistance in defending American soil against the invasion of America's common enemy. Both the Mary- land federalists, who had opposed the war, and the Mary- land republicans, who had advocated it, were forced to bear the burden of the nation's war, as far as Maryland was concerned, without any aid from the central government. The historical index to the change of affairs in Maryland which was to result in the national government's unjust treatment of the commonwealth is found in the election of a successor to Gov. Robert Bowie, whose second admin- istration in Maryland extended from 1811 to 1812 and wit- nessed the beginning of hostilities with England. The elec- tion of Mr. Winder, who succeeded Governor Bowie, was the "political disobedience" referred to in the declaration of the federalists of 1812-1814, who, after soliciting in vain the national government's aid when Maryland was subjected to attacks by the English, cried : "Virginia has but to ask and she receives; but Maryland, for her political disobedience, is denied." Levin Winder was bom in Somerset county on Septem- ber 4, 1757, the son of William and Esther (Gillis) Winder. He was destined by his parents for the legal profession, and immediately after the completion of his academic training began reading law. In common with many candidates for the legal profession, however, the youth, when the Revo- lutionary War began, forsook the dusty tomes of his legal library and joined the army. He was appointed, January LEVIN WINDER 77 14, 1776, first lieutenant in the forces under Colonel Small- wood. A little more than a year later, having seen various services, he w^as promoted to the rank of major and at the end of the conflict held the rank of lieutenant-colonel. With the return to their native sections of the host of law- yers, who for a season had forsaken their profession for the glory of war, the country seemed overrun with attorneys and counselors. It may have been this excess that prompted Mr. Winder to look to agriculture for an occupation in pref- erence to the profession for which he had been trained. At all events, he became a planter on a large scale on his estate near Princess Anne. The attractions of the plantation were not strong enough, however, to hold his thoughts from the life for which he had been fitted both by natural endowment and training. It was, therefore, not long before Mr. Winder appeared as a candidate for the legislature, and he was several times elected by his county as a member of the general assembly. While Governor Lloyd — who administered state affairs from 1809 to 181 1 — ^was in office, representing the choice of the repub- licans, Mr. Winder, a federalist, was chosen speaker of the house of delegates, thus indicating the close division of political influence in Maryland. Ex-Governor Bowie was reelected governor in the fall of 181 1, and his administra- tion extended through the opening months of the War of 1 81 2-18 1 5. These months were marked by the Baltimore riot, and when the time for the next election of members to the Maryland general assembly arrived the federalists lost no opportunity to impress upon the people the fact that all republicans were ruffians and murderers — witness the Baltimore riots — and therefore not safe people to be in- trusted with public offices. This, however, was not the only source of strength to the federal party in Maryland in 181 2. The counties and Baltimore were not in agreement 78 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND regarding the amount of influence which the latter should be permitted to exert upon the administration of state affairs. The counties had begun to feel some apprehensions lest the city of Baltimore succeed ultimately in gaining complete control of the state machinery, and it was, per- haps, as much because of the countians' distrust of Balti- more as of their displeasure with the republican rioters that the federalist forces turned out in full force in the legisla- tive election of 1 8 1 2 . The house of delegates was naturally more sensitive to popular sentiment than the upper branch of the legislature, and by the elections of 181 2 it was made strongly federalist. The senate continued republican, but it did not control sufficient ballots to overcome the strength of the lower house. After the legislature was organized, in the fall of 181 2, it balloted for a successor to Governor Bowie. Mr. Winder received 52 votes, as against 29 for the incumbent, and the former was declared elected. Governor Winder began his administration while the United States was at war with England. He and the party which he represented had been and still were opposed to the conflict. This state of affairs under ordinary circumstances would doubtless have led to a lack of harmony between the federal government and that of the commonwealth, but Mr. Winder's governorship witnessed extraordinary cir- cumstances. The central government had been chagrined at the turn which political affairs had taken in Maryland, and, partly because of curtailed resources and partly be- cause of resentment, it ignored Maryland's claim to be accorded protection from the invasion of a common enemy. The fact remains that Mr. Winder, an anti-war governor, inaugurated during the conflict, rendered herculean services on behalf of a defensive war. When he learned that the national government would not give Maryland the requested aid, he called together the legislature in extra session and LEVIN WINDER 79 asked that it take such action as would place in his hands the means of securing the defense of the state. The legis- lature appropriated sufficient funds to defray expenses already incurred and to provide for subsequent military operations. Both Baltimore and Annapolis were, in con- sequence, garrisoned at the expense of Maryland. While the governor was struggling with the means at hand to afford Maryland ample protection, the time for another gubernatorial election arrived. There was a con- test in the election of the members from Allegany county, and when the vote was taken for governor a number of the legislators, because of what they held to be an unjust ruling on the part of the federalists, refused to vote. The repub- licans had made repeated attempts to organize the house before the Allegany delegates could be admitted, but their maneuvering was futile, and they were defeated at each fresh move to gain their point. A vote was taken for governor, and Mr. Winder was declared reelected, despite the pro- tests of his political opponents and many assertions to the effect that his supporters had pursued dishonest methods. The second year of Governor Winder's administration was marked with the glorious repulsion of the English when they sought to take Baltimore captive. The British had made an invasion of the national capital, and before their advance the Americans fled, leaving the city ripe for the enemy's torch. When the British turned from the burnt national capital toward Baltimore a few faint- hearted citizens suggested capitulation. But the major portion of the Marylanders, who had been judged unworthy by the government of its protection, scornfully put aside the suggestion of doing aught but meeting the approaching enemy half way. The story of this meeting — one of the most inspiring and heroic to be found in the pages of Ameri- can history — must forever stand as a reproof of the attitude 8o GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND of the central government, and as the brightest spot in Governor Winder's administration. And he, although he was unconditionally opposed to the conflict, deserves a large share of the glory of Maryland's victory at North Point and Fort Mc Henry. Levin Winder was again reelected in 1814, receiving 48 votes as against 24 for ex-Governor Bowie. At the con- clusion of his third term, in 18 15, he retired to his farm. A year later, however, he was elected a member of the state senate. He died on July i, 181 9, leaving a widow who was formerly Miss Mary Sloss, and three children. Hardly secondary to Winder's claim to fame because of his administration of state affairs are his relations with the Masonic order. Always active in the interests of this influ- ential secret order, he filled the office of grand master of Masons in 1814 and 181 5. His name occupies a position of large importance in the story of this organization in Amer- ica, and much of its early success was the result of his faith- ful and untiring labors in its behalf. COPYRIGHT. 1908, BY H. E. BUCHHOLZ. CHART 1 ♦.lai^'J, i^'i < mucn Detter t '\ ciiients, and thus a ,■.■..■ •. . ^ e war of 1812-15 a period of co iiost of the Amencan corn mon wealths u.„^ ^"'-' ' ' -- ■ -tration in Maryland ..i^.v . rom a successful war to the m was federalistic in complexion •n passionate opponents r>f local tnm of affairs ■. zpi mac !jy the a ^mor Ridge^ Charles C- d not a: CHARLES CARNAN RIDGELY iSt6-i8iq XV CHARLES CARNAN RIDGELY Viewed retrospectively, the second war with England seems to have been a necessary preliminary to the United States' growth into a great nation. The Revolution won America's freedom, but the federation of states to which it gave birth was not one to inspire reverence at home, much less abroad. The world powers were not disposed to accept as a full-fledged nation the lately freed colonies; it re- quired some feat of arms to convince the European govern- ments that the Americans were a powerful people ; and this second war with England afforded the opportunity for the feat. After the conflict was over, the individual states were in a much better position to go ahead with internal improvements, and thus it is that there dates from the close of the war of 1812-15 a period of considerable progress in most of the American commonwealths. But the fact remains that the administration in Maryland which witnessed the people's turning from a successful war to the matter of inter- nal improvement was federalistic in complexion, and the federalists had been passionate opponents of the war. Owing to a strictly local turn of affairs in Maryland, which brought the republicans into disrepute because of their connection with the Baltimore riot, the federaUst party was given control of the state machinery during the war by the administration of Governor Winder, and also during the first period of recuperation and internal improvement by the administration of Governor Ridgely. Charles Carnan Ridgely had not always been known by that name. In his early youth he was called Charles Ridgely 82 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND Carnan, being the son of John and Acsah (Ridgely) Carnan. He was born in Baltimore county on December 6, 1760, and grew up to manhood under the name of Carnan. The death of his father while the boy was still in infancy put upon his mother's shoulders the responsibility of providing for his education. Although he learned the necessity of shifting much for himself, as is usual with fatherless boys, he received a fair education, and the loss of his father was partly made up by the affection entertained for the lad by his uncle, Captain Charles Ridgely. Captain Ridgely was a man of large means, and his wealth was freely employed in later years for the political advancement of his nephew. While still known by the name of Charles Carnan, the gov- ernor had been married, October 17, 1782, to Miss Priscilla Dorsey, of Howard county, and the young couple spent much time under the roof of Captain Ridgely. Shortly after Carnan had attained his majority he made his appearance in the political world. He served as one of his county's representatives in the lower house of the legislature from 1790 to 1795, and also rounded out five years in the state senate (i 796-1800). He took some interest in military affairs — being influenced, perhaps, by his uncle, who knew and loved the smell of powder — and by gradual promotion reached, in 1794, the rank of brigadier-general of the Eleventh Maryland Brigade. Prior to this, arrangements had been made whereby such fame as might be won by the son of John Carnan should rebound to the glory of the Ridgely family. Captain Charles Ridgely was childless, but he was not content that his family name should fall into disuse as soon as he made his exit from this world. He, therefore, offered to name his nephew as his chief heir provided the promising relative would adopt his name also. The beautiful Ridgely estate of Hampton and a large part of the fortune which Captain Ridgely had acquired CHARLES CARNAN RIDGELY 83 were to be bequeathed to Mr. Carnan upon the condition that henceforth he be known as Ridgely. The condition was accepted, and upon the death of his uncle, in 1790, Mr. Carnan became, by special act of the legislature, Charles Carnan Ridgely, and thus he is known to history. An interesting feature of the relationship of Captain Ridgely and his nephew is the additional tie between them which resulted from their marriages. The master of Hampton was wedded to Miss Rebecca Dorsey; the governor chose for his wife Miss Priscilla Dorsey, sister to Rebecca, and thus he became the brother-in-law of his uncle. Mr. Ridgely' s political activity prior to the time when he was elected governor had been confined to the legislative halls of the state and the local councils of Baltimore county. He had been active in political affairs as a federalist; and, as a large landowner and planter, he had been a strong advo- cate of internal improvement and the construction of ave- nues for transportation ; but his public services were usually in offices of limited responsibility. His nomination for the gubernatorial office was his first appearance as more than a strictly local politician upon the political stage of Maryland. Although the federalists had felt some little uneasiness before the meeting of the legislature, early in December, 181 5, lest by some trick the republicans should gain control of the executive office, there were no developments to justify such fears. The election for governor was close, but the federaHstshad a small majority and elected Mr. Ridgely over ex-governor Bowie, the repubHcans' nominee. Governor Ridgely's years in office were, in a measure, witnesses of an awakening of Maryland and other states to a realization of the Union's larger possibilities. From the close of the war the states on the Atlantic seacoast began to devote their energies to the development of their resources to a much larger degree than they had done theretofore. The subject 84 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND of internal improvement was not a new one, but now the American states found themselves better prepared to give their undivided attention to the needs of their respective sections. The people — freed for a time from the danger of further molestation by foreign countries — came to appre- ciate the fact that they were capable of becoming much more than merely a series of independent states joined into one federation; they recognized the fact that the govern- ment which the several commonwealths formed might assume a position of importance in the family of great nations. Soon after Mr. Ridgely's induction into the gubernatorial office he suggested to the legislature that the central govern- ment be called upon to reimburse Maryland for the expense to which she had been put during the war of 1 812-15 by reason of the national administration's failure to provide adequate protection to the property of Marylanders. The legislature accordingly authorized the governor to appoint someone to treat with the federal government regarding the state's claims, and Congressman Robert H. Golds- borough, who was commissioned to perform this task, devoted much of his time endeavoring to obtain for Mary- land a settlement. Though his efforts were not altogether successful, nevertheless the state did receive from the national treasury at least a part of the amount which she had spent during the war. During Governor Ridgely's administration the state turned over to the national government two forts — Fort McHenry, Vv^hich had played an important part in the late conflict, and Fort Washington. About this time was brought up the question of readjusting the legislative divisions of the state, so that every section would have an equitable representation in the general assembly. This matter of disproportionate representation, although it was somewhat CHARLES CARNAN RIDGELY 85 warmly discussed during Governor Ridgely's administration, was not finally settled until after he had relinquished the gubernatorial office. Ridgely was reelected governor in 1 8 1 6 and again in 1 8 1 7 , thus giving him the full three years in office that were permitted by the constitution. Politi- cally the state remained unsettled throughout this period, and it was a difficult task for the federalists to hold suffi- cient votes in the legislature to continue to fill the execu- tive mansion. The feature which favored them was the law by which state senators were elected for five years, thus requiring a very considerable lapse of time before the people could change the political complexion of the upper house. In 1 81 8, Governor Ridgely was succeeded by another federalist, Charles Goldsborough. At the close of his administration Mr. Ridgely retired to Hampton, where he devoted himself to the task of look- ing after his property. At home he represented the typical aristocrat of his day. He had the fortune that enabled him to live like a prince, and he also had the inclination. Hampton was cultivated by hundreds of slaves of whom Mr. Ridgely was absolute master; although the governor by his will manumitted these serfs. Some idea of the extent of his plantation and the manner of its cultivation may be obtained from the fact that when, on July 17, 1829, Charles Carnan Ridgely died, there were freed more than 400 negoes who had been his personal property. XVI CHARLES GOLDSBOROUGH By grace of fate, rather than by the wish of the people, the federal party was permitted to continue in control of Maryland's affairs some time after it had fallen under the disapprobation of the voters elsewhere in America. An unjust election law, which may have been good enough in the beginning but became evil with advancing years, fav- ored the federal party in retaining its power in Maryland, despite the fact that its opponents were in the majority. There were in Maryland at this time twelve counties that were federal in political complexion. These counties boasted a total population of 131,165 white inhabitants, and paid the state upon direct tax $68,404. The democratic portion of the state comprised seven counties which supported a free white population of 140,209 and contributed in taxes the sum of $83,222. And yet, the twelve counties which contributed 45.1 per cent of the state taxes and contained 48.3 per cent of the free white inhabitants were given, under the unjust scale of representation, 60 per cent of the total membership in the lower house of the general assembly, while every attempt to equalize the representation of the several counties according to population was fought tooth and nail by the federalists. Instead of pursuing a peaceable policy, and thus neu- tralizing in part the antagonism which existed against it, the leaders carried the party arrogantly to the place w^here it was to meet destruction. Even Mr. Goldsborough, who was called upon to succeed Mr. Ridgely in the execu- tive office, did not fully appreciate the needs of his peculiar CHARLES GOLDSBOROUGH 1819 COPYRIGHT, 1908, BY H. E. BUCHHOLZ. CHARLES GOLDSBOROUGH gy situation, and performed his duties in much the same spirit that he had pursued in the national legislature. In consequence there came not only concerted opposi- tion to the prevailing method of allotting representation in the general assembly, but what meant even greater injury to the federal party — a demand that the governor of Maryland henceforth be elected by popular vote instead of by the legislature. To give the people — the common people — a direct voice in the election of governor meant certain death to the federalist party, and Mr. Goldsborough's brief administration as governor was responsible for the first concerted demand from the democrats that the state executive be chosen by the people upon their direct vote. Charles Goldsborough was born at Hunting Creek on July 15, 1760. His early years were such as to incline him toward the federal party when that body should become opposed to republicanism. His father, Charles Goldsbor- ough, Sr., and his mother, who before her marriage had been Miss Anna Maria Tilghman, were both of gentle birth, and their son was bred in an atmosphere which nourished the belief that the landed families — among them the Golds- boroughs — were very superior to the general run of mankind, and that a man who had not been born in a family of high social position must necessarily be void of those qualities which work for wise self-government. After Goldsborough had received his preparatory schooling in the immediate neighborhood, he entered the University of Pennsylvania, from which, in 1784, he received the degree of bachelor of arts. Three years later the master's degree was conferred upon him. On September 22, 1793, he married Miss Eliza- beth Goldsborough of Myrtle Grove, Talbot county. His wife was the daughter of Judge Robert and Mary Emerson (Trippe) Goldsborough. She died, leaving two daughters, and her widower married on May 22, 1804, Miss Sarah Yer- bury Goldsborough of Horn's Point. 88 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND Up to the time of his second marriage, Governor Golds- borough was in a formative stage pohtically. He was acquiring the sentiments and the prejudices which in later days became the stock in trade of the federal party. Active in political affairs generally, he, nevertheless, did not win prominence until later years. He had reached the age of forty when he became his party's candidate for congress. The federal party at that time was in an uncertain state in Mary- land. The republicans had wrested control of the execu- tive mansion^ and they were accomplishing large results throughout the state. In Mr. Goldsborough's home dis- trict, however, the federalists had a stronghold, and their candidate for the lower house of the national legislature was elected. Mr. Goldsborough began his congressional career on December 2, 1805, and served his district without interrup- tion thereafter until March 3, 181 7. During these years the bitter opposition of the federalists to the republicans — or democrats — developed, and Congressman Goldsborough, as a champion of his party, was in the thick of the warfare. His terms in the lower house of congress witnessed the beginning of the battle between the war party and the anti- war party; they witnessed the second conflict with Eng- land, and they witnessed the closing days of the federal party, when that organization had lost its control in most states of the Union and was on the decline in Maryland also. As was to be expected, in course of years Mr. Golds- borough cultivated a spirit of combativeness, which was necessary in carrying on the struggle for the sustaining of his party. But this training, while advantageous to one in the legislative hall, was not a valuable asset to the man called upon by a somewhat discredited party to become its representative in the executive mansion at Annapolis. After the completion of Governor Ridgely's administration, CHARLES GOLDSBOROUGH 89 the federalists in the general assembly elected Charles Golds- borough as his successor. Early in his governorship a bill was presented in the legislature to increase the representa- tion of Baltimore in the house of delegates from two mem- bers to four. By the manner of its opposition to this prop- osition the federal party made a serious blunder. Later there came a suggestion to confer the franchise upon Jews, and again the federalists through a false conception of self- preservation blundered into opposing the measure. This shortsightedness of the federalistic leaders during Mr. Goldsborough's administration was such as must work to the injury of the party's position in the state. One humane accomplishment, however, stands to the credit of the legis- lature during Governor Goldsborough's term in office, and that is the repeal of the law which countenanced imprison- ment for debt. It is possible that Governor Goldsborough and his advis- ers had hoped to hold on to the gubernatorial office because of the federalist complexion of the state senate. By the generally arrogant conduct of the federal party during 1818 and 1 81 9, however, the people had become sufficiently dis- satisfied to rise in their might in the fall of 181 9 to destroy completely the power of federalism in Maryland. The election took place on October 4 and was marked by excite- ment and bitterness. Each party accused the other of dis- honesty and bribery; and judging from the evidence, the truth of the whole affair doubtless is that both federalists and republicans bribed and received bribes, repeated and harbored repeaters, lied and sustained liars — in other words, that they set a very poor example, as far as pure politics are concerned, for their descendants. And, on December 16, 1 81 9, when the general assembly met in joint session and began to transact its official business, it was found that the republicans had a majority of the members and Governor QO GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND Goldsborough's public services were brought to a close, Samuel Sprigg being elected his successor. Upon his retire- ment from the executive mansion Mr. Goldsborough returned to his Eastern Shore plantation, where he passed the remain- ing years of his life His death occurred on December 13, 1834, at Shoal Creek, near Cambridge. COPYRIGHT, 1908, BY H. E. BUCHHOLZ. fTTFT » r.'i of the ;^ removed to .■..^..■^ . ...^ ■ s;-.r;-!F^in! i . patronage was almost sure to leac the party lately come into power — but it \ Truth is, that the republicans had chosen :..: , therefore, in a way, the distributer of the ] nan who was exceptionally well *■ ^^Kacting position. Most men Id have caused fresh wounds \e botmd up the it;. County, ail are not ph Joseph times naan * le, who SAMUEL SPRIGG 1819-1822 ■(^•.^^fV^r- XVII SAMUEL SPRIGG In 1 819 the Maryland republicans, who had been more or less in retirement after the beginning of the second war with England, succeeded in regaining control of the state government. No sooner had the election of a republican governor been announced, than the federal leaders and the newspapers supporting the federal party devoted much time to listing all the evils that would result from the repub- lican victory. The republicans, in a measure, exceeded the most direful predictions of their opponents ; for from one end of the state to the other federalist office-holders were removed to make way for republicans. This liberality in patronage was almost sure to lead to a reaction against the party lately come into power — but it was not quite sure. Truth is, that the republicans had chosen as governor — and therefore, in a way, the distributer of the party's patron- age — a man who was exceptionally well fitted for the pecu- liar and exacting position. Most men would have given offense ; would have caused fresh wounds or paved the way for their party's later defeat. But Mr. Sprigg, strict parti- san that he was, managed to be conciliatory in the adminis- tration of state affairs; he bound up the old wounds which had long kept the people restless, and prepared the way for his party to make more secure its position in the common- wealth. Samuel Sprigg was probably born in Prince George's county, although authentic data concerning his early years are not plentiful. His father, Joseph Sprigg, was several times married. His first wife, whom he married in 1760, 92 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND was Mrs. Hannah Lee Bowie. He subsequently married a second time, and it is possible he took to himself also a third wife; of either the second or third marriage came Samuel, who was probably the son of Margaret Elzey (Weems) Sprigg. The boy was but one in a large family, for each of the wives of Mr. Sprigg had brought to him as dower a family of children, and therefore it is not strange that his advent was regarded as a somewhat commonplace occurrence. As a consequence, it is necessary to speculate as to the date of his birth ; but it probably occurred 1782-83. The youth of Mr. Sprigg is also veiled in obscurity, and it is not known how much opportunity was given him for acquiring an education. The elder Mr. Sprigg died in 1800, and his death must have disrupted the family circle, for Samuel was adopted by his uncle, Mr. Osbom Sprigg, from whom he inherited the Prince George's county estate of Northampton. Samuel Sprigg reached maturity about the time when the federal party was waging its bitterest warfare upon the republicans. This was a struggle between the believers in aristocracy and the advocates of democracy, and in a con- test of this kind it is no wonder that Mr. Sprigg should have cast his lot with the republicans. He was well-bom, and the federal party would doubtless have taken him up gladly, but it would scarcely have been willing to advance him to high position when it had so many supporters, better- known than he, who were anxious to serve the state with glory to themselves. The republican party, however, was hungry for young men who could be roused to passion ; for its doctrines sounded best when expounded in passion; it needed able men from the mass of the people, for its creed was based upon democracy; and it needed men of daring, for those who took part in the strife could hope for no suc- cess unless they fought courageously. Mr. Sprigg possessed all of these requirements. He was young, with the world all SAMUEL SPRIGG 93 before him. He was of the people and had his little family to provide for, having been married on January i, 1811, to MissVioletta Lansdale, daughter of Thomas Lancaster and Cornelia (Von Home) Landsaleby whom he had two children. Mr. Sprigg was elected governor by the general assembly on December 13, 18 19, his opponent being Charles Golds- borough, who was then serving as governor of the state. The fact that up to this time he had won no considerable fame is not a matter for surprise. He not only was young when chosen to the gubernatorial office, but up to the time of his election his party had been very much in forced retire- ment throughout the state. One phase of the adminis- tration that was thus inaugurated has already been hinted at in the reference to the dismissal of officeholders who were federalists and the putting into their places of repub- licans. Although this change did not cause the discon- tent that might have been anticipated from it, there were , other features to Governor Sprigg' s administration that aroused feelings of much bitterness. For instance, the republican agitation for a revision of the constitution — looking to an increase of Baltimore's representation in the legislature — and also that for the election of state executives by direct vote of the people were pointed out by the federa- lists as very dangerous proposals, and their call to the coun- ties to protect themselves against the threatened usurpa- tion of the cities succeeded in reducing the republican majority in the next legislature, although the general assembly was sufficiently republican to reelect Mr. Sprigg that year, 1820, and in 1821 he was chosen governor for a third term. Both of these movements — first, for giving Baltimore a more proportionate representation in the legis- lature and, second, for electing governors by popular vote — were efforts to bring about a more republican form of government; and although both were then defeated, they paved the way for a later victory. 94 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND In the sphere of industry the administration of Mr. Sprigg was also somewhat notable. Much attention was given in the first quarter of the nineteenth century to the channels through which development was to be carried to the interior. This embraced the construction of roadways and the digging of canals; both having as their object the shortening of distance between commercial cities or between cities and agricultural sections for the expansion of com- merce. Under the governorship of Mr. Sprigg the state gave financial support to the projection of the Washington Turnpike Company, and the enterprise that had been started under the Potomac Company was given new life by trans- ferring the rights to a new concern. A joint commission was appointed by Maryland and Virginia to investigate the manner in which the Potomac Company had fulfilled its promises to these commonwealths ; and upon the recommend- ation of this commission the Potomac Company's charter was cancelled, while the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal was the outcome of the transfer of the Potomac Company's privileges to a new concern. Even after the close of his administration, Mr. Sprigg continued a hearty advocate of all measures which had as their object internal improve- ments in Maryland, although he never again entered public office. He served as president of the canal board and labored faithfully for the construction of the waterway that was to mean so much to the commercial prosperity of the state. Governor Sprigg died April 21, 1855, at an advanced age. His body was interred in St. Barnebas churchyard, but later (1865) was removed to Oak Hill Cemetery, Georgetown. COPYRIGHT, 1908, BY H. E. BUCHHOLZ. V1:.IN^ •ere could have been no was tilt political t raised; the concunc. . The coincident is not uninterestr how partial was the liberty i 1 t f ; r,r> since religious discrii: - V destroyed half a century k complete! 3' forgot tei: tv a little anecdote Lafayette on be ach confused., a .ninguished Fren. \y . '." ■ ■ ^' im a pleasant r - world, he ; versation ; ... - vSamuel >' :^e admit the Laf aye- cafran':- was bor- • f " T (^ . i a largi ed the sch' SAMUEL STEVENS, JR, 1822-1826. XVIII SAMUEL STEVENS, JR. An impetuous French youth of noble birth, whose blood ran hot with a love of liberty, fled from his native land in 1777 to join the humble forces then fighting for freedom in the American colonies. Almost half a century later that same Frenchman, still dearly loving the cause of liberty, revisited the land for whose freedom he had so valiantly striven. There could have been no more fitting ceremony upon the occasion of this second visit than that the shackles which held the last religious bondman in the state of Mary- land should be broken. But not as a tribute to Lafayette was the political embargo against the Jews in Maryland raised; the concurrence of the two events was accidental. The coincident is not uninteresting, however, in that it shows how partial was the liberty afforded at the close of the Revo- lution, since religious discrimination in the Old Line state was only destroyed half a century later. The war for inde- pendence had been completely forgotten by this time; how completely is shown by a little anecdote related of a state ofhcial, who received Lafayette on behalf of Maryland. The Marylander was much confused, according to report, and, after assuring the distinguished Frenchman of the state's welcome and wishing him a pleasant sojourn in the new world, he asked, by way of entering upon less formal con- versation: "General, is this your first visit to America?" Samuel Stevens, Jr., in whose administration occurred the Lafayette visit and the enfranchisement of the Jews, was born in Talbot county, 1778, the son of John Stevens, a large landowner. Young Stevens attended the school 96 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND of Rev. John Bowie, but did not receive a college educa- tion, due to the fact that his uncle, who became his guardian upon the death of his father, was opposed to sending him to an institute of higher learning. After the close of his school days, Mr. Stevens engaged in business for a short time in Philadelphia, but upon attaining his majority returned to his Eastern Shore home. Soon after reaching manhood, he became an active worker in the democratic party, and for a number of years, with an occasional break now and again, he represented his county in the lower branch of the legis- lature. He was married on June 2, 1804, to Miss Eliza May, of Chester county, Pennsylvania, and within a few years thereafter he made his initial appearance in the general assembly. Mr. Stevens was first elected a delegate from Talbot county in 1807. He was repeatedly reelected to the same office, and took part in the deliberations of the house in the sessions of 1808, 1809, 1811, 1813, 1817, 1 81 9 and 1820. In 1819 the Maryland democrats won a signal victory, and Mr. Sprigg was made governor. The hold of the democrats at the close of Governor Sprigg's administration was more secure than it had ever before been in the state, and so another representative democrat, Mr. Stevens, was chosen as his successor. By the nomination and election of Mr. Stevens more could be done to arouse the masses throughout the state and prompt them to join the democratic ranks than by the selection of a more radical democrat to the executive man- sion; and so Mr. Stevens was honored with the nomination. He was elected for one year in 1822, and was reelected in 1823 and 1824. Early in his administration, the report of a commission which had been appointed during the term of Governor Sprigg to report upon the Potomac Company was completed and submitted to the legislature. The investigation had shown that the Potomac Company had SAMUEL STEVENS, JR. 97 not made any noticeable progress in the construction of the canal which it had undertaken to build with the state's help; and as a consequence the company's charter was transferred to other interests and the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal Company was organized. Although there was oppo- sition in Maryland to the canal at first, because the artificial waterway did not promise to benefit Baltimore, in time the source of this opposing attitude was removed, and the legislatures of Maryland, Virginia and Pennsylvania took favorable action upon the proposition to build "a water- way from the tidewater of the Potomac, in the District of Columbia, to Cumberland or the mouth of Savage Creek, and thence across the Alleghany Mountains to some con- venient point of navigation on the waters of the Ohio or its tributary streams. " The most notable accomplishment of Governor Stevens* administration, however, from the standpoint of politics was the enfranchisement of the Jews. There had been made prior to this time many attempts to give the Jew the same right to vote in Maryland that was enjoyed by citi- zens of other faiths. These attempts, however, had inva- riably met with bitter antagonism. The greatest opposition to the proposal came from the counties, which somewhat illogically opposed everything that would give Baltimore a larger voice in the direction of state affairs, and every increase in population was regarded as a threat of harm from this direction. The Jew, however, with his character- istic tenacity, continued to appeal to the state's sense of justice as to whether or not he should be forever barred from rights which were granted to every other man. A bill to remove the disqualification from the Jew had actually passed the legislature in 1822, but before it could become a law it was necessary that it be approved by a subsequent legislature. At the session of 1823 the members of the 98 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND general assembly from the counties had been too strongly impressed with the countians' disfavor of the measure to dare approve it, and they therefore refused to vote for the bill. In the next session, however, that of 1824, the ques- tion was again brought up, as it had been in many previous sessions, and was finally passed, February 26, 1825. The administration of Mr. Stevens was brought to a close in 1825, after he had served the full three years permitted by the constitution. He was succeeded by Joseph Kent. Mr. Stevens continued active in the cause of Maryland democracy after his retirement and throughout the remain- ing days of his long life. He never again, however, came prominently in the public eye, and except for his governor- ship of three years his life was an uneventful one. He died at his home near Trappe, Maryland, in i860, at the advanced age of eighty-one. COPYRIGHT, 1B08. BY H. E. BUCHHOLZ. I< le great di5?inte^ation oi I J. : V. .l:v ligiilniug cij )t inc^iiy seLtions, and he . <. . . might prepare for himself a future b '■-' occupying an office imder i . ;.:e time he acknowledged aii>.;^ . -onfessed that in Maryland there Wc n of mugwump cd iib id would ha XIX JOSEPH KENT What is known in politics as a mugwump was once aptly defined as a human ferryboat, traveling from side to side, but never remaining long at any mooring. During the first years of the American republic there were lacking in the political world such qualities as are essential to the cul- tivation of men of this class, but in the years that wit- nessed the great disintegration of American political parties incident to the demise of the federal party and the forma- tion of new organizations, certain inducements were pre- sented to the shrewd honor-seeker to become a mugwump. There were lightning changes in the political complexion of many sections, and he who could anticipate these changes might prepare for himself a future berth with a party yet unborn while occupying an office under the organization to which at the time he acknowledged allegiance. And it must be confessed that in Mar3dand there was being devel- oped a very fine specimen of mugwump, who was in time to be honored with the office of governor — Dr. Joseph Kent. His political sentiment was acrobatic and took many a turn, but it always landed its owner upon his feet, and usually in office, and yet, by the feats which Mr. Kent per- formed, Mr. Kent was not only the gainer, but his native state was each time made richer. Had he lacked the abil- ity to read the future, had he resisted the temptation to be guided by his reading, Maryland would have lost much more than Mr. Kent ever gained. Joseph Kent, the son of Daniel Kent, was born in Calvert county January 14, 1779. He was afforded the best oppor- lOO GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND tunity in early youth to obtain a thorough education, and by the time he had reached the age of twenty was able to secure a license to practice medicine. This was in May, 1799. He then formed a connection with a Dr. Parran, of Lower Marlboro. The partnership lasted only for two years, and in September, 1801, Dr. Kent began to practice on his own account. Perhaps because the medical profession was not sufficiently remunerative or perhaps because the neighbors were too healthy to demand much of Dr. Kent's time — possibly because of both — the future governor determined to change the scene of his activity and at the same time take up farming. He moved to Blandersburg in 1807, where he was sometimes physician and sometimes farmer. He entered the service of the state government as surgeon's mate and rose steadily, becoming surgeon, major, lieutenant- colonel and finally colonel of cavalry. His versatility must have impressed Dr. Kent himself in early years, and it was therefore but natural that he should soon become convinced that his peculiar qualities might prove of more worth in politics than in either agri- culture or medicine. At all events, Dr. Kent became a can- didate for office in the first year of the second decade of the nineteenth century, and as a federalist was elected a mem- ber of the lower branch of congress. At the expiration of his term he was reelected. His service covered the period from November, 181 1, to March, 181 5. During this period the great evil in the eyes of federalism was the threatened sec- ond war with England, and Congressman Kent was a feder- alist. But when the time came to vote for war or against war. Dr. Kent, on June 18, 181 2, joined the republicans with a vote for war. As a prospective mugwump he acted with great judgment, for it was apparent that the time must soon come when the federal party in Maryland should go into decline. When the time for a presidential election JOSEPH KENT lOI came around, in 181:6, Dr. Kent appeared as a candidate for elector on the republican ticket, and in the electoral col- lege of which he became a member he cast his vote for James Monroe for president. He was thus by this time a confirmed republican, or latter-day democrat. It was not long before Dr. Kent, as a democratic leader in his sec- tion, was being thought of and talked of as a fit man to send to congress. The successful termination of the war of 1 81 2-1 5 had put a quietus upon the federal party generally, though in Maryland it held on for several years after the close of the conflict. Ex-Congressman Kent, however, appeared as a congressional candidate at the proper time, when, in 1819, the final retirement of the federal party was taking place. He was elected a member of the 17th, i8th and 19th congresses serving from 1821 to 1826. While still representing Maryland in the lower house of the national legislature Mr. Kent was chosen governor of the state to succeed Samuel Stevens, Jr., and he resigned his seat as a congressman in the early part of 1826 and took up the direction of affairs in the gubernatorial office. Many important though not momentous pieces of legislation were either endorsed or else suggested by Mr. Kent during the three years he was governor. He advocated a change in the election law by which president and vice-president of the United States were chosen. He suggested that the Mary- land legislature dispose of its holdings of United States 3 per cent stock and put the proceeds in a sinking fund. He impressed upon the national government the desirability of Maryland securing her share of the public lands to be devoted to educational development. But the feature of his administration that stands out in greatest relief against the minor events is the establishment of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. Governor Kent's predecessors in office, as well as he himself, had been coticerned with the building of I02 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND a canal which should connect Washington v/ith the waters of the Ohio river. Since this canal could offer no special commercial advantage to Baltimore the people of the city had from the first been opposed to it unless a scheme was devised whereby the canal could be continued to Baltimore. This led to the suggestion that a connecting link be built between Georgetown — the Washington terminus of the pro- posed Chesapeake and Ohio canal — and Baltimore. Upon investigation such a connecting canal was found to be im- practicable. When the unfavorable report upon the proposed canal between Georgetown and Baltimore was made, it was deter- mined to build a railway between Baltimore and the Ohio, over which box cars loaded with freight might be hauled by horses and mules. Governor Kent had presided at the Washington meeting which, in 1823, planned the Chesa- peake and Ohio canal, and he was for some years a director in the company constructing this waterway. He now took an active part in the building of the Baltimore and Ohio, and the broad-mindedness of the man is shown in his appeal to the people not to oppose either project in favor of the other, but with both heart and soul to sustain the rival movements that were to result in the Chesapeake and Ohio canal and the Baltimore and Ohio railroad. The meeting at which plans for building the Baltimore and Ohio were finally put into shape was held in Baltimore, February 12, 1827. The committee appointed to perfect plans reported a week later that it approved of measures being taken "to construct a double-track railroad between the city of Bal- timore and some point on the Ohio river by the most eligible and direct route." Governor Kent, Charles Carroll of Carrollton and ex-Governor Ridgely were on the committee which petitioned the Maryland legislature for a charter for the proposed railroad, and the legislature within a very few days granted the requested privilege. JOSEPH KENT IO3 Governor Kent was now preparing for another change in political faith. His administration was brought to a close in 1828. About this time there began a war in the republican party between the Adams men and the Jackson faction. The party, at this time called the republican- democratic, w^as disrupted, the loyal ones becoming the democrats. Mr. Kent and a host of others returned to somewhat the principles of the old federal party and became known as the national republicans, who in time were to be the whigs. In December, 1831, the national republicans held a meeting in Baltimore and elected Joseph Kent vice- president of the organization. The ex-governor entered the war upon his old associates w^ith all the vigor which he usually displayed, and in a very bitter contest succeeded in winning for himself sufficient support to be sent to the United States senate. He was elected for six years — from 1833 to 1839. Before his term had expired, how^ever, he died, November 24, 1837, at his residence. Rose Mount, near Bladensburg. He had been married twice. His first wife was Miss Eleanor Lee Wallace, daughter of Dr. Michael and Eleanor (Contee) Wallace, by whom he had five children. The first Mrs. Kent died in 1826. Dr. Kent's second wife was Miss Alice Lee Contee, of Charles county, who left no issue. XX DANIEL MARTIN When new political parties are formed by a general dis- integration of the body politic, there is apt to prevail for at least a portion of the period of evolution much vagueness concerning political boundary lines. Take, for example, the years intervening between the death of the federal and the birth of the whig parties, and in the presidential cam- paign of 1824 there appear four candidates for the presi- dency under the standard of the republican-democratic party; and the chief mark of distinction between them, as far as party name is concerned, is that John Quincy Adams, for instance, was known as an anti-Jacksonian, while Andrew Jackson naturally was a strictly Jackson candidate. An accompaniment to this groping in national politics is found in the local affairs of Maryland at about the same time. While the several divisions of the republican-democratic party were seeking for doctrines to incorporate into their beliefs, Maryland wavered from one to the other. The state would elect a legislature favorable to Adams this year, but the next general assembly would be radically Jacksonian. This constant shifting of sentiment is respon- sible for the piecemeal — and therefore unimpressive — administration of Governor Martin. He was elected to office and gave every promise of rendering the state good service; but the one-37'ear term for which governors were then chosen did not afford him opportunity to put into practice his policies before a Jackson governor succeeded him and ended his experiment. Within another twelve months, however, Mr. Martin was again elected state WILDERNESS TALBOT COUNTY HOME OF DANIEL MARTIN 1828-1830 : 183: re vail for at \un nmch vagueness Take, for example, h of the federal and iential cam- r the presi- .-democrar.:c I -3^8 I 1ie ^•ei"e COPYRIGHT. 190a, BY H. E. BUCt DANIEL MARTIN I05 executive, but this time death interrupted his direction of Maryland's affairs, and consequently the state's history records only two fragments of administration which are as unsatisfying as fragments usually are. Daniel Martin, third son of Nicholas and Hannah (Old- ham) Martin, was born at The Wilderness, near Easton, in 1780. The boy was given a liberal education and, be- cause of his father's business at Annapolis, gained the addi- tional benefit of being thrown with men of consequence. His primary training was acquired in part in his home county and part at Annapolis. After the completion of his pre- paratory schooling, he matriculated at St. John's College, Annapolis, where he received his academic training. Dur- ing his residence at Annapolis Mr. Martin made the acquaint- ance of Miss Mary Clare Maccubbin, of that city, who in 18 16, became his wife. After leaving college Mr. Martin devoted his time to agricultural pursuits, and for some time held aloof from public life, although he was ever active in the political councils of his county. His initial appear- ance as a legislator was made about the time of the feder- alists' final defeat. In 1819 Daniel Martin was sent to Annapolis with Mr. Samuel Sprigg, who shortly thereafter became governor, as Talbot's representative in the house of delegates. Martin remained in the legislature until 182 1 , after which year he was lost for some time to the public eye. He was a man to whom the management of his farm made a strong appeal, and a large part of his time during the period intervening between his service in the legislature and his administration of affairs in the executive mansion was devoted to farming. In the decade from 1820 to 1830 one of the chief themes upon the stump in national and state campaigns was the question of internal improvements. An experiment with a canal in New York had revealed the means by which the Io6 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND commerce of the country was to attain marvelous develop- ment, and everywhere the talk was of cutting canals and building railroads. In Maryland the matter of internal improvements was especially stressed. When the legisla- ture met to elect a successor to Joseph Kent, who had been a herald of internal improvements, there were two candi- dates presented by the two factions of the republican- democratic party. Daniel Martin, of Talbot county, was chosen, and assumed office January 15, 1829. His term expired the next year, by which time the Jackson elements had succeeded in gaining control of the legislature and, instead of reelecting Governor Martin, Thomas King Carroll, a Jackson supporter, was chosen. Governor Carroll was in office from January 15, 1830, to January 13, 1831, by which time the legislature had again become anti- Jackson, and ex-Governor Martin was once more chosen state executive. His term, beginning in the opening days of 1831, continued only until July of the same year, when his death put to a close an administration that was both conservative and progressive. This fragmentary service as chief magistrate does not present an opportunity to draw a final conclusion as to the executive abilities of Governor Martin, but his utterances while in office and his public acts give no uncertain indica- tion of what his administration would have been, had there been afforded him ample opportunity for the dis- play of his ability. His chief characteristic — which made him unalterably antagonistic to President Jackson per- sonally, even though he might have been favorable to the political principles of Jackson's supporters generally — was an abhorrence of political patronage. General Jackson, on the other hand, was the high priest of the doctrine of polit- ical favors in the shape of public offices. All the predeces- sors of Jackson in the presidential office had to their credit DANIEL MARTIN I07 a total of 74 removals from public office because of the polit- ical faith of those dismissed. When "Old Hickory," how- ever, came to the executive mansion he dismissed during the first year of his administration between looo and 2000 office-holders that his own adherents might become public employees. This was the beginning of what is known as the "spoils system" in America, which is based upon the theory that to the victors belong the spoils of public office. Governor Martin was decidedly a virtuous politician, and whatever doctrines he either devised or supported were eminently moral. He was opposed to anything approach- ing a "spoils system," and declared that as soon as the par- ties should become thoroughly instilled with the notion that offices were simply rewards for political workers there would follow a desire to increase the number of public offices; and Governor Martin was an avowed advocate of such governmental organization as would call for few officers in the state departments. Although conservative in this particular, he was primarily a progressive man. He devoted much of his time to the consideration of internal improvements then going on. He took an active part in the affairs of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, of which he was a charter member, and gave his support to the Chesa- peake and Ohio canal project. He was untiring in his endeavors to have the educational institutions of the state increased in numbers and brought up to a higher standard of efficiency. He also advanced weighty arguments in favor of the employment of convicts confined in penal institutions for the purpose of manufacturing goods, the profits from which should considerably reduce, if not com- pletely offset, the expense attendant upon their incarcera- tion. While Governor Martin had had limited opportunity during his first administration of one year's duration to I08 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND display his ability as an executive and his purity of pur- pose as a citizen, it was from his second administration that the greatest accomplishments were expected. His discharge of the duties of state executive during the term 1829-30 received hearty indorsement by his reelection as governor after a break of a single year by the Carroll ad- ministration. Further, the ranks of his supporters in the state had been strengthened, and there was every reason to believe that he would be retained in office for the full two additional years to which he was eligible under the con- stitution. For both the state, therefore, and for Mr. Martin himself the outlook was promising, but death interposed, and what would have been the record of his subsequent administration of Maryland affairs, had he lived, remains a matter for speculation. He was taken ill on Friday, July 8, 1 83 1, and died at his Talbot county estate on the follow- ing Monday, July 11, at 3 o'clock. Two days later he was buried near his home, on the Choptank river. COPYRIGHT. 190e, BY H. E. BUCHHOLZ. nv/ealth THOMAS KING CARROLL 1830-1831 XXI THOMAS KING CARROLL Modesty and diffidence are not common traits in the aver- age politician. Indeed, it would appear little short of im- possible for a man with a markedly retiring disposition to win large political honors. But in the gallery of Maryland's governors there hangs the picture of one executive who was preeminently modest and quiet. His life began when the federation of the American states under the constitution was still in an experimental stage. He took part in the early political affairs of the state and witnessed America's development along democratic Hnes. He was in the heat of the slavery discussion, saw the conflict which sought to solve the negro problem, and watched over his native com- monwealth when she joined in the task of binding up the wounds inflicted by war. And yet, through it all, Governor Carroll appears more as a spectator than a principal, not because he only looked on, but because he labored quietly for the causes which he favored. He joined the company of governors so modestly, he remained in office so brief a period, and his retirement from the executive mansion was so quiet, that somehow he seems mingled with the crowd rather than the leaders. Thomas King Carroll was born at Kingston Hall, Somer- set county, April 29, 1793. He was descended from Capt. Henry Carroll, the proprietor of Susquehanna in St. Mary's county, who died shortly before the outbreak of the Revo- lution. Captain Carroll's eldest son was Col. Henry James Carroll, who married Miss Elizabeth Barnes King, the only daughter of Col. Thomas King, of Kingston Hall, lid GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND Somerset county. Somerset was then a stronghold of the Presbyterians, and when announcement was made of an engagement between Miss King, a Presbyterian, and Colonel Carroll, a Roman Catholic, there followed considerable excitement in the county, and posters were distributed denouncing the marriage of a King and a Catholic. Upon his marriage Colonel Carroll and his wife took up their resi- dence at Kingston Hall, and there Thomas King Carroll, their eldest son, was born. The home in which his boy- hood was passed furnished fertile soil for the development of a refined and cultured character, and Governor Carroll, despite his support of the democratic party, was in a num- ber of his ways a typical aristocrat of his day. Many of the old English customs were retained at Kingston Hall — all the servants wore livery, and when the family traveled it was in a coach and four with outriders. Young Carroll commenced his academic studies at Char- lotte Hall School, in St. Mary's county. In 1802 he entered Washington Academy, Somerset county, where he continued for the following eight years, leaving that institution in 18 10. He then became a member of the junior class of the Univer- sity of Pennsylvania, from which he was graduated in 181 1. In the fall of that year he began to study law in the office of Ephraim King Wilson, in Snow Hill, where he continued until 1 8 13. He then entered the office of Gen. Robert Goodloe Harper, of Baltimore, and completed his law studies, qualifying at the bar of Somerset county in June, 1 8 14. He had determined to practice law in Baltimore, but the sudden death of his father upset his plans and changed considerably the course of his life. W^hen the elder Carroll died Thomas King Carroll abandoned law, and returning to Kingston Hall undertook the manage- ment of his father's large estate. The year 18 14 was an eventful one in Mr. Carroll's life THOMAS KING CARROLL III for other reasons than that it witnessed his admission to the bar. On June 23 of that year, he was married to Miss Juli- anna Stevenson, a daughter of Dr. Henry Stevenson, of Baltimore. Dr. Stevenson was one of the most widely known and distinguished physicians of his day and is hon- ored in both medical and civic annals. Another important event in the early life of Carroll was his entrance into the Masonic order, of which he was throughout the remaining years of his life an active member. Shortly after having arrived at maturity Mr. Carroll was elected without opposi- tion a member of the house of delegates, where he served for two years. He was a member of the "jury" court and sub- sequently judge of the orphans' court, which office he held at the time of his election as governor of the state. He also served twice as an elector of the senate of Maryland. In the fall of 1829 Thomas King Carroll was elected gov- ernor over Daniel Martin, who was then in the executive mansion, and he was inaugurated on January 15, 1830. The legislative elections in the state, however, changed the com- plexion of the general assembly, and when the two houses were ready to ballot for a governor in the fall of 1830 the democrats were in the minority, and so Daniel Martin was reelected. In consequence the term of Governor Carroll covered only twelve months, and he relinquished the guber- natorial office to Martin on January 13, 1831. Like Gov- ernor Martin, Mr. Carroll was hindered because of the brief period in which he was in office from accomplishing any- thing of great moment as a monument to his administration He was the advocate of certain theories and principles, how ever, which somewhat distinguish the governor, if not the governorship. Mr. Carroll was much opposed to the prevailing tend- ency toward military display. In this he show^ed himself democratic, and at the same time gave evidence of being a 112 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND practical man, for his chief complaint against the thing deplored was that it drew large crowds from their labor and resulted in dissipation. And yet Mr. Carroll personally was not democratic. He was a proud and sensitive man who was ceremonious even in his family circle and had a dignity of carriage which called forth the greatest considera- tion and deference wherever he appeared. He was intel- lectual and patriotic, and in all that he did or sought to do his intellectuality and patriotism were revealed ; but he lacked woefully the aggressiveness and self-seeking of the average politician. It is said that certain leaders in the legislature were conferring with a view to placing Mr. Car- roll in nomination for the United States senate, when a supposed friend took it upon himself to declare that Mr. Carroll would not accept the honor. There was but one man who could have resurrected the matter thereafter, but that one chose rather to be silent. Governor Carroll gave much thought to the subject of education. He joined the movement to improve the aca- demic department of the University of Maryland, and he was an advocate of an educational system in Maryland. He was also a man who appreciated the worth of history, and sug- gested to congress that provision be made for copying such Revolutionary records as were in the English libraries. He labored in behalf of the veterans of the Revolutionary war, aiding them in their efforts to receive much-needed assist- ance from the federal government. He also gave much thought to the question which was soon to prove a pitfall to the American nation, and his studies of slavery led him to join those who favored a policy which would colonize the negroes and free the states of their black burden. Shortly after his retirement as governor he was elected a member of the state senate, but declined to accept the office. Al- though he had been a stanch supporter of Jackson, he after^ THOMAS KING CARROLL II3 ward differed with "Old Hickory." and in consequence of their rupture joined the supporters of Henry Clay. Ex-Governor Carroll retired to Kingston Hall at the close of his administration, where he lived until 1840, when he removed to Dorchester county, taking up his residence on a large estate near Church Creek. Governor Pratt, who became governor of Maryland in the forties, appointed Mr. Carroll a lottery commissioner for Maryland, and when General Taylor became president in 1849, he appointed Mr. Carroll naval officer of the port of Baltimore. Mr. Carroll died at an advanced age on October 3, 1873. XXII GEORGE HOWARD Because of the great defect in Maryland's early constitu- tion, which made possible a yearly change of governors, the state experienced within the period from January, 1829, to January, 1833, four separate administrations. Daniel Martin, a legislator of large promise, entered the executive mansion in January, 1829, and inaugurated a policy which might have made his administration memorable; but the constitution permitted Mr. Martin's removal after he had served only one year. He was succeeded by Thomas King Carroll, a deep thinker and a wise counselor; but again the constitution opened up a way for denying the state much good from Carroll's administration. The federalists, hav- ing again won control of the legislature, turned Governor Carroll from office at the close of his first term and Mr. Martin was reinstated. For the next change of adminis- tration the constitution was not responsible. Martin died in the first year of his second administration, and left open the way for a new governor. George Howard, his successor, was the least promising governor of the three who occupied the executive mansion during these four short administra- tions. Consequently, by his retirement the state, to all ap- pearances, lost less because of its constitutional weaknesses than when Mr. Carroll and Mr. Martin failed of reelection. Governor Howard did not lack the ability to make an able executive, nor did he lack the morality to give the people a clean administration; his greatest fault was his disinclina- tion to be governor and as soon as his conscience would per- mit it, he stepped out of the governor's office back into GEORGE HOWARD 1831-1833 any constiiu.- of governors, lary, 1829, .ed a policy which ' ' ' ut the e had tsKing. success'. '.vuuid per COPYRIGHT 1903. EY H. E. BUCHHOLZ. GEORGE HOWARD II5 private life, wheie he continued with only occasional and slight interruptions until the time of his death. George Howard was born the son of a governor of Maryland. His father, John Eager Howard, had served with great distinction in the Revolutionary War and was elected chief magistrate of Maryland the year before his governor-son's birth. General Howard had married Miss Margaret Chew, and to them was born, November 21, 1789, George Howard. By his schooling, as well as by his dis- position, young Howard seemed destined for a private rather than a public career ; he was not possessed even in a small way of that ambition to lead which characterized his more famous brother, Benjamin Chew Howard. He received his education from private tutors at his father's estate of Belvedere, in Baltimore county, where he spent his early years. Through his association with General Howard, who was a hearty supporter of the federal party, it was but natural that he should imbibe federalistic doctrines, and he became an uncompromising federalist. His father had purchased a tract of land in Anne Arundel county near Woodstock, which was later incorporated into Howard county, and this place was presented to the son, who, on December 26, 181 1, married Miss Prudence Gough Ridgely, a daughter of Charles Caman Ridgely, of Hamp- ton. They took up their residence at Waverly, Anne Arundel county, where a large family was reared. His children were a deep concern to Mr. Howard, who, upon being elected governor of Maryland in 1832, asked the legislature to be lenient with him as to the time when he should appear to qualify, as he was detained at home by the indisposition of his family. During the years that the Howards lived at Waverly they do not seem to have become prominent in public affairs to any marked extent. In fact, practic all y^the^first Il6 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND appearance of any moment which the future governor made in public Hfe was when he became a member of the coun- cil named to advise Governor Martin. This council was elected a few days after Daniel Martin was chosen governor and began its service in January, 1831. Howard was a great admirer of Martin and it is possible that his friendship for the governor was the greatest inducement in the way of persuading him to become a state official. Governor Martin died early in July, and Mr. Howard was suddenly brought into considerable prominence. At the meeting of the executive council, on July 22, 1831, he was called upon to assume the robe of his fallen chief, and it was with every evidence of sincerity that he declared he accepted the office solely because the death of Martin imposed upon him public duties from the due exaction of which he did not feel himself at liberty to retire. The short governor- ship which followed, covering the period from July 22, 1831, to January 17, 1833, presents an administration which is somewhat different from that of any other Maryland governor. Mr. Howard at no time during his occupancy of the executive mansion seemed quite able to under- stand fully that the governor of Maryland and himself were one and the same man. He was forever standing aloof, surveying his administration more as a disinterested specta- tor than as the chief actor. He constantly brought to mind of others the fact that he had merely taken up the reins of government because the chosen chief had let them drop from his hands and he did not often seek to impress his individuality upon state affairs. What others had started he continued, but always, confessedly, as he thought they would have continued it; and not infrequently he refrained from giving expression to his own sentiments upon the plea that his predecessors in office had given expression to about the same sentiments. He was in truth the pilgrim GEORGE HOWARD II7 governor, never for one moment losing sight of the fact that his governorship was transient. There were, of course, times when his individuaHty asserted itself. He was bitter, for instance, in his public denounce- ments of President Jackson because the latter did not approve of certain improvements which the general govern- ment was requested to make in Maryland. But Governor Howard was greatly influenced in his attitude toward * ' Old Hickory" by the difference in their respective political faiths. Then, too, Mr. Howard was an uncompromising foe of lotteries, by which, in the name of charity, the people gambled legally. Churches were built, colleges endowed, and monuments raised through the proceeds of public lotteries. He favored an entire suppression of lotteries, that "constitute a system of gambling, which, although licensed, is extremely prejudicial." Himself a large slave- holder, he was a hearty supporter of such legislation as would secure to the owner of bondmen full enjoyment of their property. He was, however, favorable to the move- ment which had as its purpose a colonization of the negroes in Africa, and hoped that some day it might succeed in "the restoration of the whole of our colored population to the land of their forefathers." In the early forties Mr. Howard was instrumental in bringing slaveholders of Mary- land into an organized body for the purpose of seeing that the fugitive slave law was enforced. The unexpired term of Governor Martin, which was filled by Mr. Howard, terminated in January, 1832, and on the second day of that month the legislature nominated George Howard for governor, and he was chosen by a much larger majority than had been given his predecessor. Of the 82 ballots cast Mr. Howard received 64; 5 were given to Nicholas Brewer, and 13 blanks were voted. During this full term Governor Howard received from the legislature Il8 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND of South Carolina certain documents bearing upon that state's proposed course of nullification. He had been taught from childhood not to shrink from responsibility in the expression of his opinion, whenever such opinion seemed to be called for, and he went after the leaders of South Carolina with a right good will. "The spirit of insubordination" which showed itself in "the deluded people" of a sister state he labeled as a wickedness which could be thought of only "by desperate men or unfortunate maniacs." As was natural for a man brought up in the way that George Howard had been, he was somewhat impulsive and, consequently, frequently forced to change his views upon public questions after giving the subject less passionate and more reasonable consideration. He was first opposed to the state bank as a substitute for the bank of the United States, which Jackson refused to recharter, but subse- quently he became a hearty supporter of this institution. He discussed the subject of public education, but in his haste advocated that the state endow a few colleges, as if that would supply the need for general free schools. At the close of the term for which Governor Howard was elected he decHned to stand for another term, and James Thomas was chosen state executive in January, 1833. Mr. Howard subsequently appeared as a presidential elector in 1836 and 1840 in support of Harrison, the whig, for president. He also took part in the slavery agitation in the late thirties and the forties. But his life after his retirement from the executive mansion was in general quite as uneventful as it had been before his governorship, and was brought to a peaceful end at Waverly, on August 2, 1846. COPYRIGHT. 1908. BY H. E BUCHHOLZ. ■^'.yifMf^T '^ri'i^/T pHcable to a biogi-aphical sketch. of Jan rts. R - -y. Alia _. ncestry and ea: illiam and Catherine JAMES THOMAS 1833-1836 XXIII JAMES THOMAS In making a word-picture of some public men an outline of their ancestry is not only unnecessary, but detrimental, for it weakens the effect of the character studied. This is natural, since many distinguished personages have sprung from commonplace parentage, and many more have had as their most marked traits characteristics that were not apparent in the make-up of their forebears. In like manner, when producing a word-portrait of some public men an account of their early environment is not requisite, because their development from ordinary into extraordinary char- acters seems altogether independent of any contribution from their childhood surroundings. But these rules are not applicable to a biographical sketch of James Thomas. He was descended from the Calverts. He was born and reared in staid old St. Mary's county. And viewed without the desirable background of ancestry and early environ- ment, Mr. Thomas may seem in his public career less pro- gressive and advanced than some of the public men of his time. Include, however, this background, and his person- ality becomes reminiscent of the more distinguished of Maryland's statesmen in colonial days. James Thomas, son of William and Catherine (Boarman) Thomas, was born at De la Brooke Manor, St. Mary's county, on March ii, 1785. On his maternal side he was related to Commander Robert Brooke, the adventurer, who came to America in 1650, and built the mansion in which the governor was born. Young Thomas was entered at Charlotte Hall Academy, from which he was graduated I20 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND in 1804. He later went to Philadelphia, where he studied medicine, receiving his doctor's degree in 1 807 . Dr. Thomas then returned to his native county, where he began to practice his profession, and early the next year he was married to Miss Elizabeth Coates. For some years there- after he devoted his attention chiefly to his chosen profes- sion, and his practice made substantial gains in extent. Upon the outbreak of the second war with England, how- ever. Dr. Thomas left his fireside to take up arms in his country's cause, and was commissioned major in the Fourth Maryland Cavalry. Because of meritorious service he was subsequently brevetted major-general. After the war — say 181 5 to 1820 — Dr. Thomas was chiefly a practitioner, but his daily journeyings about the country afforded him opportunity for studying the political field of his own county, and he finally determined to enter politics. In 1820 he appeared as a candidate for the general assembly. This appearance as a political factor marked the broadening of his activities, since for many years thereafter he was more or less constantly in public life. Dr. Thomas was elected to the house of delegates in 1820, and was several times reelected, so that his membership in the lower branch of the legislature continued from 1820 to 1826. He closed his career as delegate to enter upon the more important duties of state senator, in which capacity he served for five years. Throughout the legislative career of Dr. Thomas, the country generally and Maryland particularly were con- cerned with the subject of internal improvement. The people had gone mad about canal cutting and railway build- ing, and Dr. Thomas had been an ardent champion, in the house and in the senate, of all measures that looked for state aid to transportation lines either begun or planned. It was, perhaps, as much his record as a supporter of inter- nal improvement enterprises as anything else that recom- JAMES THOMAS 121 mended him to the legislature for governor of the state when George Howard, in the opening month of 1833, refused to stand for reelection. Mr. Thomas was elected governor in 1833, and he was reelected in 1834 and 1835. No special significance, as far as he is concerned, attaches itself to the fact that at the time of his first reelection — 1834 — his majority was very meager. That the whigs were able to give their nominee but 48 votes out of a total of 95 was due to a temporary disfavor of whiggish principles rather than to any fault with the state executive, and a year later — 1835 — Governor Thomas received 67 out of 83 votes. It is in the governorship of Mr. Thomas that the back- ground of both his ancestry and his early training are most essential. In his demeanor there was a touch of formality, a ceremoniousness that in years gone by distinguished the landed gentleman from his less prosperous fellowmen. And in his thoughts, his utterances, and his doctrines there come to the surface, now and again, suggestions of the academic statesman. In short, the historical student will occasionally be led to beHeve that Governor Thomas gained his views upon life from books rather than through intimate association with his fellowmen. The real points of impor- tance, however, in his administration — extending from Jan- uary 17, 1833, to January 14, 1836 — are hinged upon matters of internal improvement. Some of these matters are com- mendable, some are censurable, but all were doubtless inspired by the desire of developing the agricultural and commercial possibiHties of the land, and thereby enriching the people. First credit in the Thomas governorship must be given to the termination of the war between the Chesapeake and Ohio canal interests and those back of the Baltimore and Ohio railroad. The administration was influential in bringing about this peace, which meant much to the success 122 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND of the railway undertaking, at least. There had sprung up a rivalry between the two enterprises, and the canal people did everything in their power to block the way of the railroad. Without resorting to the harsh rneasures that had been suggested by Governor Howard as being necessary to compel the canal interests to comply with the instructions of the legislature, an amicable condition was brought about which made it possible for the Baltimore and Ohio to shove its lines westward. Governor Thomas was also somewhat responsible for the state giving some $2,000,- 000 to the Chesapeake and Ohio, and $1,000,000 to the Susquehanna railroad (later made part of the Northern Central railway.) The first contribution bore the state no benefit, though of course this could not be foreseen at that time; but the general cause for which both subscriptions were made was later to prove beneficial to Maryland. Dr. Thomas persistently advocated, both as a member of the general assembly and as governor, a more extended and a more efficient system of public education. It was during his administration that the first geological work in Maryland was started and the map produced at that time possesses'considerable historical value inasmuch as it restored the original names to many places whose historical identity had very nearly been lost. Like his whig predecessors and successor in office. Dr. Thomas was a political foe of President Jackson. He advo- cated liberal internal improvement at the expense of the state or nation, while Jackson opposed the employment of public funds for building transporation lines for private corporations. President Jackson and Governor Thomas also differed upon the question of banks ; and here a passing word should be said regarding the failure of the Bank of Maryland during the Thomas administration. The stock of this institution was quoted at $500 a share — although its JAMES THOMAS 1 23 par value was but $300 — up to the very eve of its failure. The collapse of the bank disclosed the fact that its securities had been manipulated at the expense of the people; yet for a year and a half after the failure the small creditors waited patiently for an accounting. At last the populace took matters into its own hands, and, beginning on August 6, 1835, there were several days of rioting and mob-rule in Baltimore. The houses of those held responsible for the bank's downfall were broken into and the torch was applied to both furnishings and buildings. Finally Governor Thomas called upon the United States government for troops with which to end the riot, and the rioters were dis- persed, but not until more than a hundred thousand dollars' worth of property had been destroyed. This incident prompted Governor Thomas to take measures toward having a reliable state militia established. Governor Thomas was succeeded in 1836 by Thomas W. Veazey, the last of the whig governors. He retired to his home at Deep Falls, St. Mary's county, where he passed the remaining years of his life. He died on Christmas Day, 1845- XXIV THOMAS WARD VEAZEY Maryland's first state constitution was adopted in 1776 — the same year in which the colonies declared their inde- pendence of England — and continued in force until 1851, when the second constitution was adopted. In the mean time, however, the earlier governmental instrument under- went radical modification, notably by a more liberal grant- ing of the elective franchise to the free citizens and by an amendment which took the election of governor and state senators from the legislature and electoral college, respec- tively, and gave it to the voters as a whole. To whom honor for this latter move toward republicanism properly belongs is uncertain: the democrats, then known as repub- licans, had advocated such a change long before it was effected; but on the other hand, the whigs — opponents generally of any move toward liberal democracy in govern- ment — were the ones who actually accomplished the change in 1838. That they were forced to accede to the general clamor for some such reform is but a half truth, although it must be admitted that the public demand was never so insistent as at the time when the reform act, which brought about the new order, was adopted. The apparent paradox of the situation — the foes of republican- ism granting the state a more republican government — is explained by the fact that the whig who was state executive at that time was a strategist, for it was solely by strategy that Governor Veazey, bom enemy that he was of real democracy, succeeded in writing himself down as a patron of truly democratic government. T *■ < .*r >*? ■^ '-, 1 ■,^ i?^ » - v^ -..^i ' ■» < •^^ * ^ * » , ! » y ^ a ''kV >S\ J. - ' . f -4 it .< THOMAS WARD VEAZEY 1836-1839 force tintii 1851, .1. In the r. V istniment tu ore liberal grant- ' nd by an :.nd state , respec- s opted. The. no was COPYRIGHT, 190e, BY H. E. BUCHHOLZ. THOMAS WARD VEAZEY 125 Long before the state had thrown off her allegiance to England the Veazeys had become prominent in the affairs of the Eastern Shore of Maryland. The immigrant progeni- tor of the family was John Veazey, originally from Essex county, England, who came to America and finally settled in Cecil county, where he purchased in 1687 what is known as Cherry Grove. Edward Veazey, father of the governor, was a planter of Cecil county, who served as colonial high sheriff from 1751 to 1753, but otherwise remained in private life. His youngest son, Thomas Ward Veazey, was bom on January 31, 1774. The father died while the boy was in his childhood; and his mother, who before marriage had been Miss Elizabeth De Coursey, also died before he had attained his majority. Mr. Veazey received his primary education in Cecil county, but later went to Washington College, where he completed his studies. Upon leaving college he returned to his home and became a planter. From early manhood he took an active part in the public matters of his section and, with increasing years, his interest in matters of public concern expanded so as to include the affairs of both the state and the nation. In 1808 and again in 181 2 Mr. Veazey w^as a presidential elector. In 181 1 he was elected a member of the house of delegates from Cscil county and in the following year was reelected. During the second war with England, however, he forsook the general assem- bly that he might take part in the conflict, and was in com- mand of the forces which engaged in the defense of Frederick- town, Cecil county, when that place was attacked by the British. He served later as lieutenant-colonel of the Forty-ninth Maryland Regiment. After the close of hos- tilities Mr. Veazey was not much in the public eye until 1833, when he again assumed a place in the council halls of the state. At this time he was chosen as a member of the 126 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND council of James Thomas, governor of Maryland, and was reelected to the council in 1834. At the close of Governor Thomas's administration, the whigs of the legislature named Mr. Veazey as candidate for governor, and the Cecil countian received 53 of the total of 76 ballots cast, the remaining 23 tickets being blanks. The first impression made by the Veazey adminis- tration was favorable. The eight-million-dollar bill, intro- duced in the legislature in 1835, was passed at a special session of the legislature in June of 1836, and upon its passage the people, unconscious of the bankruptcy which was to follow the state's reckless contribution to private enterprises, engaged in jollification throughout the common- wealth. The governor was feted and toasted, and every- body thought that a most notable thing had been accom- plished because Maryland gave to the Baltimore and Ohio, the Chesapeake and Ohio and several other companies sums aggregating $8,000,000 that were not in the treasury. Just three days thereafter, however, or on June 6, 1836, the so-called reform convention met in Baltimore and discussed the necessity of changing the state con- stitution. Among the resolutions passed was one recom- mending the people of the counties and cities friendly to amending the constitution to elect at the next October election delegates pledged to introduce and support a bill to provide for taking the sense of the people on the question of such reform. That a majority of the people of Maryland desired a change in the constitution is certain; that that majority was then able to secure such a change is, never- theless, questionable, because of the manner of electing state senators, who were not chosen directly by the peo- ple, but by an electoral college. Representation in this college was not in accord with the population of the various sections. Each county had the privilege of choosing two THOMAS WARD VEAZEY 1 27 electors of state senators, while Baltimore city was per- mitted to name only one member and a like privilege was also granted to the small city of Annapolis. As a result of this inequitable arrangement a majority of the least populous counties of the state could by combination name the entire state senate, which was elected for five years. In the election of 1836 for members of the senatorial col- lege there were chosen 21 whigs and 19 democrats. The 21 whigs represented 85,179 constituents, while the 19 democrats represented 205,922. Thus it will be seen that the representatives of a little more than one-fourth of the people had a majority in the electoral college; the whigs however, lacked enough votes to have absolute control, as it was required that at least 24 ballots should constitute a quorum in the electoral college. Frederick county had instructed its electors that unless they could get the whig members to agree to name out of the fifteen men for state senators at least eight who were favorable to constitutional reform, they should refuse to go into session, provided, of course, they could get the other democratic members to act with them. The whigs refused to concede to this demand, and in consequence the democrats returned to their homes, without having gone into session, believing, as they did, that they had prevented the creation of a general assembly and hoping by some general convention to oust the whigs from power. But Governor Veazey calmly announced that since the electoral college had failed to elect a new senate, the old senate constituted the senate of Maryland, and that it should continue to do so until its successor was lawfully elected. At the same time he instructed the old state senators to assemble at Annapolis to discharge their duties until they should be superseded by legally elected successors. This was Governor Veazey's masterstroke. A man with 128 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND less courage than he would have faltered ; a man with more passion would have gone too far. He went just far enough to rouse the people of the state to his support. Realizing that they had blundered, the bolting democrats returned to Annapolis; the electoral college went into session and a new state senate was elected. At this postponed election Mr. Veazey made his second masterstroke when he himself suggested to the legislature that the constitution be changed. Upon the reassembling of the electoral college fifteen whig senators were chosen, and thus the general assembly became even more strongly whig than it had been at the beginning of Governor Veazey' s administration. At the annual election for state executive on January 2 , 1837, Mr. Veazey's name was the only one presented. Of the 81 votes cast he received 70. During the second year of his administration, however, the people of the state returned to their earlier political faith, and although Governor Veazey was reelected in 1838, he received only 52 votes of the 81, while 24 members of the legislature voted blanks and 5 votes were for other candidates. The gubernatorial election in 1838 marked the last time that the general assembly elected a governor for a full term. In the fall of 1838, in accordance with the amendment to the constitution the chief magistrate of the state was chosen directly by the people. The state senate was also reorganized, there being one senator from each county and one from Baltimore city, and the senators were chosen directly by the people, while the senatorial electoral college and the governor's council were both abolished. The administration of Governor Veazey was brought to a close in the opening days of January, 1839, when he was succeeded by William Grason. He retired to his Cecil county plantation, where he passed the closing years of his life. He had been married three times, and a large THOMAS WARD VEAZEY 1 29 family was sheltered under his roof in the latter part of his life. His first wife, to whom he was wedded in 1794 was Miss Sarah Worrell, of Kent county, who died in the follow- ing year, leaving to his care a little daughter. His second wife was Miss Mary Veazey, the governor's first cousin; she died in 1810, leaving a family of children. In 1812 Mr. Veazey married Miss Mary Wallace, of Elkton, by whom he was the father of five children. The public question in which Governor Veazey was, perhaps, most interested was calling forth heated discussion at the time of his death, which occurred on July i, 1842. Had he lived longer he would doubtless have played an important part in the ante- bellum strife of debaters, for he was a large slaveholder, an uncompromising foe of abolition and an ardent supporter of the doctrine of states' rights. XXV WILLIAM GRASON Of all the sorts of men that go to make up the human family, there is none more discredited, less loved, or as much abused as the clan of Jeremiahs. Their office of lamenting strikes no responsive note in the average bosom, for they see only the ills of the world, while the people are striving to forget that there is aught of unpleasantness in life. The ordinary man finds a mountainous argument in favor of optimism in the mere fact that it is more cheerful than pessimism; and therefore the painstaking being who has smoked his glasses that he may see the truth clearly is either shoved to one side by the masses or greeted with derision, while he who wears the rose-tinted spectacles has ever at his heels a respectable mob. The people of Maryland in the first half of the last century were chiefly optimists, although the course which public affairs were taking then was des- tined to lead to financial disaster. It seems inconsistent, therefore, that they should have chosen as their first popular governor a pessimist, for Mr. Grason throughout his admin- istration seldom emerged from the role of a political Jere- miah. The fondest delusions of the people he shattered as easily as one might prick a bubble, and the thing which had for years been worshiped as prosperity he labeled "failure," As governor, at least, Mr. Grason was a destructionist ; but the result of his efforts along this line were more bene- ficial to Maryland in the long run than many times as much constructive work of his predecessors. William Grason was born at Eagle's Nest, on the Wye river, in 1786. His father, Richard Grason, was a farmer. The OR less loved, or as much eir office of lamenting -' -re bosom, for they i^eople are strivm<^ ' ness in life. The •^M^nt in favor of cheerful than - who has ;t popular "iestruct COPYRIGHT, 1908. BY H. E. BUCHHOLZ. WILLIAM GRASON I3I boy received his elementary education in the neighboring schools on the Eastern Shore, but later was sent to Annap- olis, where he entered St. John's College. His intimacy with the sea during boyhood had developed in the youth an inclination for the life of a sailor, and after completing his course at St. John's, Mr. Grason entered the United States navy as a midshipman. His connection with the navy, however, did not continue for long, and he soon returned to his home, with his back forever turned upon the career of a sailor. In 1812 Mr. Grason was married to Miss Susan Orrick Sulivane, daughter of James Bennett Sulivane, of Cambridge, and the young couple settled near the Dorches- ter county home of the bride. After two or three years, however, Mr. and Mrs. Grason returned to the native county of the future governor, and here were spent the remaining years of his life, except when his gubernatorial or legislative duties carried him to Annapolis. Mr. Grason was very much of a home man. Although he filled a number of public offices and showed a disposition to fill more, he neverthe- less was happiest w^hen amid home surroundings. He followed the rather unpretentious calling of a farmer; but in manners and in intellectual development he was as far from the common conception of the old-time farmer as "Log-cabin and Hard-cider" Harrison was from the things which were associated with his name in his presidential campaign. In early years Mr. Grason had been a member of the federalist party, and in later years one of the arguments used against him as democratic candidate was the fact that he had been with the federalists in their opposi- tion to the war of 181 2-1 5. But the charge, although partly admitted, did not accomplish his defeat. Indeed, his ardent advocacy of the chief doctrines of President Jack- son was able to overcome all doubts as to his right to appear 132 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND under a democratic standard. The two legislative tickets in Queen Anne's in 1828 were made up of Jackson and anti- Jackson candidates respectively. Upon the former was included the name of William Grason, and in the election this candidate received the greatest number of ballots of any of the members chosen to the lower house of the general assembly. In the following year he was again nominated, and once more outdistanced his fellow candidates. Mr. Grason was chosen an elector of state senators in 1831, and two years later he appeared as a candidate for nomination for congressman. When the democratic delegates of the several counties met to nominate a candidate, the Queen Anne's members were for Mr. Grason; but the other dele- gates gave preference to John T. Reese, of Kent, and the lat- ter was named. Before the election, however. Dr. Reese, died, and another convention had to be called. Queen Anne's delegation had now deserted Mr. Grason, for Richard B. Carmichael, who was nominated and elected. Mr. Grason was the nominee for congress of the Jacksonian party in 1835, but was defeated by the whig candidate, James A. Pearce, who was elected by a majority of 123 ballots. Nothing daunted by his failure first to get the congressional nomination and then to win the election, Mr. Grason appeared in 1837 as a candidate for the state legislature, and received the greatest number of votes of the four suc- cessful candidates in his county. The state constitution as amended by the reform act, provided that the governor should be chosen by the people instead of the legislature, after 1838 ; and the term was to be for three years, which had come to be the customary time in office of most governors elected under the one-year term provision. The state was divided into three gubernator- ial districts: the Eastern Shore; Baltimore city and the southern counties; and Harford, Baltimore and the western WILLIAM GRASON I33 counties; and each of these districts was to have a turn in naming the candidates. In the spring of 1838 the democrats nominated WilHam Grason for governor, while the whigs named John Nevett Steele, of Dorchester county, thus mak- ing the first popular gubernatorial candidates representatives of the Eastern Shore district. The contest was one of excess- ive bitterness and vilification, and throughout the campaign charges of dishonesty and fraud and corruption were lodged against anybody and everybody who chanced to get into the contest. Mr. Grason was elected by a scant majority of 3 1 1 votes in the entire state, and was inaugurated on January 7, 1839. But the legislature was slightly whiggish in complexion. From inauguration day until his term expired , Governor Grason's voice gave expression to one endless jeremiad. First of all , the people of Maryland had engaged recklessly in appro- priating public funds, which had to be raised by loans, for in- ternal improvements, and they had never for a moment con- sidered that there w^ould come a time when both interest and principal would have to be paid. The people had known only a light taxation for the current expenses of the govern- ment, and the mere suggestion of imposing a tax for the pur- pose of taking care of the obligations thus unwisely incurred aroused the masses to a state of bitter opposition. As his initial greeting to the legislature Governor Grason took up what he said would be the problem demanding the general assembly's most earnest thought — Maryland's pecuniary embarrassment. He pointed out how the public debt had been increased, and how it promised to continue to grow unless a radical change of policy was made, and he called attention to the necessity of guarding against "an increase of existing evils, and of providing, if possible, for the gradual redemption of the public debt." He combated the arguments of those who favored repudiation rather 13 4 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND than tax an unwilling people, by declaring that the debt had "been contracted, and confirmed by successive legis- latures sanctioned by the people themselves, in the contin- ued reelection of representatives who were most prominent in creating it, and the obligations of the state are in the hands of men who relied upon good faith, and whose borrowed money has been expended on her works. It is impossible to question the validity of the debt, and unreasonable to plead inability without first making an effort to discharge it." There was no more unpleasant truth that Governor Gra- son could have uttered to the people of Maryland, who were seeking to devise some means by which to escape the large public debt which had been accumulated. V/hen the people suggested that the national government turn over certain moneys obtained from public lands, he showed how unreasonable and unconstitutional such a course would be and advised that, instead of planning to escape their obli- gations, the people of Maryland should meet them bravely and promptly. In his message of December, 1840, Governor Grason sets forth in some detail the way in which the finan- cial troubles then oppressing the state had been brought about, and also how they might in his opinion be removed. And finally, while the words in praise of the amended consti- tution, uttered by Governor Veazey, were still echoing through the state, Governor Grason made the rather melan- choly observation that "No one can tell what the constitu- tion is, or where it is to be found." He repeatedly arraigned the whigs for the burden they had brought upon Maryland, and the fact that the legisla- ture was whiggish never suggested to him the need of con- cealing his displeasure at the blunders of his political oppo- nents. After his retirement on January 3, 1842, Mr. Grason returned to his Queen Anne's farm. In 1850, he was nomi- WILLIAM GRASON I35 nated by the democrats of Queen Anne's for the constitu- tional convention and helped to frame the constitution of 1851. In that year, 1 851, ex-Governor Grason was nomi- nated for the state senate and he once more showed his popularity in his home county by polling more votes than any of the other candidates voted for at the election. Six years later he was again candidate for the upper house of the general assembly, but was defeated by the know- nothing nominee, Stephen J. Bradley. Queen Anne's county became much wrought up over the presidential cam- paign of i860, and when Lincoln's election was announced, the countians began to discuss means of self-protection. How strongly the county was against the republican candi- date is shown by the fact that Lincoln received not one vote in all Queen Anne's. A delegation was appointed by the county to take part in a conference of leading Marylanders, to be held in Baltimore in January, 1861, to determine what course Maryland should pursue in the "emergency," and Mr. Grason was one of this delegation. He was chosen president of the convention, but was unable to preside. Gov- ernor Grason was now getting well on in years, and his ill health prevented him from taking the active part in public affairs which he had taken when a young man. He spent the closing years of his life on his Queen Anne's farm, dying on July 2, 1868, at the age of eighty- two. XXVI FRANCIS THOMAS Caesar, Brutus, Antony — each in turn sways the masses, and under the momentary spell of his influence what the people said and thought and did 3^esterday is made of no effect by what the same people say and think and do today. It has always been so; it is so now; and it ever will be so — public sentiment is as restless as a fluttering humming-bird. In the early part of the whig administration of Governor Veazey, a few senatorial electors sought, by somewhat revolutionary methods, to accomplish a reform for which three-fourths of the people were clamoring. But Mr. Veazey — really a representative of the remaining one-fourth — by a fine bit of strategy brought many of his political enemies to his support, and led the people generally in a charge upon the very leaders, who a short time before had been their champions. And Governor Veazey triumphed and was reelected, while the once-favorite electors were labeled as revolutionists and dangerous men. This occurred in 1837-38; but just a few years later, 1841, the chief of the discredited leaders of the former revolt came before the people for their votes, offering neither justification nor apology for his earlier action, and straightway the masses flocked to his standard and made him governor of the state. With this election there entered the company of Maryland's chief magistrates one of the most remarkable men who has been honored by the commonwealth with public offices — Francis (or Frank) Thomas. Francis Thomas was born in Frederick county on February 3, 1799, the seventh child of Francis and Nelly FRANCIS THOMAS 1842-1845 S THOMAS ^i-cii8i lat the vdciy is liiacle of no ... Lhink and do today .^ and it ever will be so — u-d. ... ^. ^... nor . by somewhat :- which VrizGy -J !:-re llV COPYRIGHT, 190a, BY H. E. BUCHHOLZ. FRANCIS THOMAS ^37 (Magill) Thomas. At the age of twelve he became a student at St. John's College, AnnapoUs, where he continued for some time, although he was not graduated. He later prepared himself for the legal profession and was admitted to the bar of Maryland in 1820. Mr. Thomas set up an office as a counselor-at-law at Frederick and succeeded in acquirmg a large and profitable clientele in the Western Maryland coun- ties. Just about two years after his admission to the bar he appeared as a democratic candidate for the house of delegates. Although the people of the western counties were perhaps inclined to the federalist, or whiggish, doc- •trines on most points, rather than to the democratic creed, it was at this time that some little importance was bemg attached to the question of readjusting the apportionment of representatives in the general assembly. The federaUsts were unfavorable to a policy which would regulate legis- lative representation according to the population, because that would give the cities too much power, while the demo- crats were advocates of just such a readjustment of rep- resentation. As Frederick county was one of the divisions which would profit most by a change in the apportionment, it readily fell into the democratic ranks. Francis Thomas was strongly, even violently, in favor of cutting down the existing power of the federahsts, and he was elected a mem- ber of the house of delegates. He again appeared as a candidate for the legislature m 1827 and in 1829 and was successful in both campaigns. During his last term in the house Mr. Thomas served as speaker and in the following year he was nominated for con- gress and elected. Four times thereafter did he come be- fore the people of Western Maryland as a candidate for the house of representatives, and each time he was chosen to the coveted office. This gave him an unbroken service in the lower branch of the national legislature from December 5, 138 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND 1 83 1, when he took his seat, to March 3, 1841. During a short part of this time, from 1839 to 1840, Mr. Thomas was president of the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal Company. It was also during his congressional career that he led the electors who revolted. The senatorial electoral college was made up at that time of 21 whigs and 19 democrats. Frederick county had instructed its members not to go into session for electing state senators unless the whigs would previously agree that at least 8 of the 15 senators to be chosen were men known to be favorable to constitutional reform. Congressman Thomas took charge of the demo- cratic electors, but the plan miscarried and the men who had sought to carry out the people's wishes were labeled revolutionists and unsafe agitators. The movement, how- ever, was succeeded by amendments to the constitution, reorganizing the executive and legislative departments of the government. When the democratic state convention met in 1841 to nominate a candidate for governor to succeed William Gra- son, Francis Thomas was named. He was the second dem- ocratic gubernatorial nominee under the amended state constitution, and his opponent, according to the provision of the constitution which gave to each of the three guber- natorial districts of the state a turn in naming the candi- dates, also came from Western Maryland, or the north- western district, and was William Cost Johnson. In the election Mr. Thomas was chosen governor by a majority of 62 1 votes. He was inaugurated at Annapolis on January 3, 1842 — his term to continue for three years thereafter. Around this period of Thomas' career clusters the greatest activity of his life. First of all, his nomination was in every sense an opportunity for promotion, and the nominee regarded it as the biggest battle of his political career. He went into it with a vim and determination that were not FRANCIS THOMAS 139 common, and he electioneered throughout the state. In Hagerstown he encountered William Price, a distinguished fellow member of the bar, and the pair had a heated dis- cussion upon the political issues. The impetuosity of Governor Thomas is here somewhat revealed by the fact that as a result of a disagreement the candidate for gov- ernor felt called upon to engage his opponent in a duel. Contemporaneous with Mr. Thomas' nomination, election, and inauguration as chief magistrate of Maryland were his ill-advised venture into matrimony, disturbed honey- moon and his rupture with his bride of a few weeks. The story of this domestic tragedy has been preserved in minute detail by Governor Thomas, who in a frenzy of anger pub- lished a pamphlet, in 1845, i^ which he laid bare with unpar- donable brutality his relations with the woman who had been his wife. The unfortunate alliance had been the result of an unusual wooing between the Maryland states- man and Miss Sally McDowell, a daughter of Governor James McDowell, of Virginia. Miss McDowell was a girl of fifteen when Mr. Thomas, then a member of the house of rep- resentatives, met her in Washington, while he was thirty-seven years of age. In vindication of his subsequent conduct, when he later exposed every detail of his relations with the girl both as sweetheart and as wife, he sought to make it appear that he had been influenced into marrying her ; such a defense, however, was altogether to his discredit. At all events, on June 8, 1841, when Mr. Thomas was forty-two he married Miss McDowell, aged twenty. But within a few days he began to entertain very uncomplimentary sus- picions of his wife. He seems to have been constantly upbraiding her for either frivolity or greater offenses, and he was ever ready to demand that she return to her home until her old bachelor husband might become convinced that she was everything that he hoped. This mere sug- 140 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND gestion was as unusual as it was insulting, and yet Mr. Thomas never seemed to be able to understand why Mrs. Thomas would not comply with his demands. Finally her relatives came and took her under their protection, and then Mr. Thomas began a long struggle to regain possession of his wife. Subsequently, Mrs. Thomas obtained a divorce and became the wife of Reverend Mr. Miller, an esteemed Presbyterian minister of Philadelphia. During the three years that Francis Thomas administered the affairs of the commonwealth he was, of course, laboring under the worry and cares that his estrangement had natur- ally imposed, but these trials did not cause him to shirk in the smallest degree the duties which his election had placed upon him. He appreciated the fact that the people of Maryland had chosen him as their governor, and he strove constantly and successfully to show himself a big enough man to act faithfully in that capacity, despite his domestic troubles and delusions. Governor Grason, who preceded him, had throughout this administration sounded warnings to the people that the course which public affairs had been permitted to take would terminate in financial disaster. Governor Thomas was likewise opposed to the reckless em- ployment of state funds for private or semi-public enter- prises and continued the work of lamenting where Mr. Gra- son had left off. Governor Thomas acknowledged the endeavors of the immediately preceding administration to remedy exist- ing evils, and yet he could only report that the means devised had proved inadequate. He suggested certain ways in which he believed that the burden which had been placed upon the state might be lightened and possibly event- ually removed, and he did much toward saving the common- wealth from falling prey to the temptation of repudiation. The legislature, realizing that something had to be done to FRANCIS THOMAS I4I prevent the enormous debt of the state from increasing further by the accumulation of arrear interest, levied a tax upon the people. But the people to a large extent refused to pay the tax. As the state was unable to pay interest on her bonds, Mr. Thomas suggested as a remedy, that the coupons upon state bonds be accepted as currency. This course was to work to advantage for the owner of bonds — who otherwise would have been compelled either to hold his coupons indefinitely or to sell them at a very great sac- rifice — as it placed in his hands a reasonably good nego- tiable paper. At the same time it opened up for circulation in payment of public debts a large amount of governmental paper. But in 1842 Maryland was forced to suspend payment on its bonds, and this gave rise to a somewhat marked agitation for repudiation. Although neither Gra- son nor Thomas can be regarded as other than the most pronounced enemies of repudiation, it was not until the administration of Governor Pratt — the whig successor of Mr. Thomas — that the idea of repudiation was finally dis- posed of in Maryland and the state's creditors were given assurance that the commonwealth would honor her every obligation. Thomas, in his message to the legislature, asserted that "the debt of Maryland, however unwisely contracted, was created by the representatives of her peo- ple. This being the case, every principle of honor as well as of justice, makes it the imperious duty of the people to essay every effort to meet the obligations which their own agents have imposed." Governor Thomas retired from the executive mansion on January 6, 1845, and then went to his Frederick county home, from which he issued a few weeks later his remark- able attack on Mrs. Thomas and her friends. He lived very much to himself for the remaining years of his life, which covered the rather long period from 1845 to 1876. At times 142 GOVERNORS OP MARYLAND he was almost a recluse, but occasionally he took part in public affairs. Late in the forties he became an active advocate for constitutional reform and was elected a mem- ber of the convention which sat from November, 1850, to May, 185 1, and devised the constitution of 185 1. In this convention he fought with his old time fire for a more equit- able apportionment of representation, and also combated the endeavors of the slave-holding counties to gain any additional power. But when his services here ended, he again sought retirement. It was not until the outbreak of hositilities in 1861 that he came into prominence again. He then raised a regiment of 3000 soldiers to fight for the north. Mr. Thomas was once more elected a member of the lower house of congress, in which body he served from 1863 to 1869. Although he had been a democrat till 1861, he now became a supporter of the republican party. He was active throughout the remaining years of the war, though, with the succession of Johnson after Lincoln's death, Mr. Thomas became an opponent of the "tailor" president. Radical, even revolutionary, as Governor Thomas was as a leader, he rendered Maryland greater service, perhaps in republicanizing the form of government given the people than did any other state governor. His organization of the revolt in 1836, although it brought him into momen- tary disrepute, was the direct cause of the reform act, which made the governor and state senators the representatives of the people, instead of the representatives of the legisla- ture and of the electoral college. He was largely responsible for the constitutional convention of 1850, and when he realized how far short that movement fell of its purposes he fought untiringly for a new convention. Upon his retire- ment from congress, Francis Thomas was appointed, in April, 1870, collector of internal revenue for the Cumberland dis- FRANCIS THOMAS 143 trict. He resigned this position in March, 1872, to accept the post of minister to Peru. He remained in the South American repubUc until the summer of 1875, when he retired from public life and resumed his practice of the law in West- ern Maryland, Mr. Thomas was much interested in his estate at Frank- ville and planned to make extensive improvements upon the place, which he purposed to occupy during the remaining years of his life. While superintending these improvementsin the early part of the year 1876, Mr. Thomas was run down by a locomotive of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad near Frankville and instantly killed, January 23, 1876. Several days later he was buried in the cemetery belonging to St. Mark's Episcopal Church, near Petersville. Over the grave was erected a stone bearing the inscription which the deceased himself had penned for his tombstone: "The author of the measure which gave to Maryland the constitution of 1864 and thereby gave freedom to 90,000 human beings." XXVII THOMAS GEORGE PRATT Greater men than Governor Pratt — more patriotic, more intellectual, more daring men — have been chief magis- trates of Maryland doubtless, but not many, if any, out- rival him in the homage paid by the people and the his- tories of the state to his memory. Of him it has been said — not once, but time and time again — that he did more than any other man to save proud old Maryland from the shame of repudiation. He appears in the light of one who dis- coursed to his fellow-statesmen upon the beauties, the peace- fulness, the tranquillity of the path of virtue, and after clos- ing his discourse took down the lash and vigorously, almost brutally, drove the people of the state into that path whose attractions he had extolled. It must, however, be admitted that the method he employed was in all proba- bility the only one that would have been effective. But while Mr. Pratt is confessedly remembered for having reestab- lished Maryland's credit, there was another transaction in his public life which, perhaps, did almost as much to secure his fame among his contemporaries : thereis, in deed, a pos- sibility that although he was canonized in later years for his gubernatorial administration, his labor to redeem Maryland's honor was probably at times but a cloak under which lay the real cause of many people's affection — Gov- ernor Pratt's bold support of the Confederacy during the Civil War. Thomas George Pratt was born in Georgetown, District of Columbia, on February i8, 1804. Although not a native of Maryland by birth, his ancestors had been promment THOMAS GEORGE PRATT 1845-1848 -have : lotmany, it any, out- '."cople and tb- ' - it has been he did more chan ' '^'om the shanxfe ''>ne who dis- .he peace- COPYHIGHT, 1908, BY H. E. BUCHHOLZ. THOMAS GEORGE PRATT I45 residents of Prince George's county and in early manhood the future governor became a Marylander. His parents afforded him every opportunity to acquire a liberal educa- tion, and sent him, after the elementary courses had been completed, to Georgetown College and later to Princeton. He early determined to enter the legal profession, and while in the District of Columbia read law in the office of Richard S. Coxe. In 1823 he moved to Prince George's county, and subsequently practiced his profession in the town of Upper Marlboro. In taking up his residence in Prince George's, Mr. Pratt became a fellow-countian of Joseph Kent, who a few years later, in 1825, was chosen governor of Mary- land. There sprang up an intimacy between the two men and between the younger man and the family of Governor Kent, particularly Miss Adelaide Kent; and the young law- yer firmly cemented the friendly relations of the two families by marrying Miss Kent. From the time of the marriage of the couple until the death of Governor Pratt, their home was famed for its hospitality and the character of the guests entertained at the family board. Mr. Pratt made his debut as a legislator early in the thir- ties when in the closing years of George Howard's admin- istration he was chosen a member of the house of dele- gates . He served in the lower branch of the legislature from 1832 to 1835. He was a member of the state electoral college of 1836, that famous body in which occurred the revolt of the "glorious 19" democrats. In the same year he was named as president of the governor's council and continued in the council during the administration of Governor Veazey. In 1837 he appeared as a presidential elector and cast his vote for Martin Van Buren. At the close of his service as president of the governor's council, Mr. Pratt was elected to the Maryland senate and remained in that body consecutively from 1838 to 1843. 146 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND This was a critical period in Maryland's history and the men who sat in the legislative halls at Annapolis were closely watched by the voters of the state. The various sections of the state were greatly agitated because of the gloomy financial outlook. Maryland was burdened with debt and there was not sufficient money which which to pay the interest on that debt, let alone any attempt to diminish the amount of indebtedness. Taxes had been levied, but the govern- mental officials had been unable to collect them, and through- out the commonwealth was talk of repudiation. Mr. Pratt, during the period that he sat in the state senate, had shown himself a man with decided views upon the subject of repudia- tion with courage to express his views. He was decidedly the strongest candidate whom the whigs could find in the middle gubernatorial district in 1844 ^nd the convention placed his name at the head of its state ticket. The demo- crats named James Carroll, of Baltimore. Mr. Pratt's demand in the campaign was that the state should pay its debt, and upon this he won the election for his party, though by a nar- row majority of 548 votes. It must not be supposed that Governor Pratt alone reestablished Maryland's credit, as is sometimes intimated. There were many men in the state equally zealous of Maryland's honor, but circumstances favored him. For instance, both William Grason and Francis Thomas — Pratt's immediate predecessors — were as firm as he in declaring that the people must pay their debts ; but while they administered the affairs of the commonwealth business was at a standstill and currency almost out of circulation : when Governor Pratt reestablished the state's credit busi- ness had improved and money was easier. In his first message to the legislature he asserted: "From an abundant harvest now at hand this is the time to pay our debts." This change from commercial stagnation to business pros- perity was an enormous factor in favor of saving Mary- THOMAS GEORGE PRATT I47 land from the temptation of repudiation, although with a chief executive of less firmness than Mr. Pratt the common- wealth, despite its prosperity, might still have neglected the unloved state debts. But even after deducting from Governor Pratt's account the excess credit which has occasionally been accorded him, there remains enough to give him distinction among the statesmen who have made history in Maryland. He was inaugurated governor on January 6, 1845, and his term expired on January 3, 1848. During these three years he was untiring in his endeavors to have Maryland resume her interest payments, which had been passed continuously since 1842, and within a few days of his retirement from the gubernatorial office the state did resume these payments. Under his administration the taxes were collected, for whether the people favored repudiation or not made little difference to the determined governor, who charged Maryland's failure in 1842 to pay her maturing obligations to the neglect of governmental officials in the matter of enforcing the laws. During Governor Pratt's administration occurred the Mex- ican War, and he promptly declared that "the sons of Mary- land have always obeyed the call of patriotism and duty, and will now sustain the honor of the state." His proph- ecy was fulfilled. His governorship also witnessed much difficulty regarding an enforcement of the law regulating slave property, and this, perhaps, more than anything else, made Pratt the whig over into the democratic Pratt of later years. Several slaves had escaped frm Maryland into Pennsylvania and the governor made out requisitions upon the executive of the Quaker state for their return, but the governor of Pennsylvania refused in both cases to gratify the demand, and accompanied one of his refusals with the opinion of the attorney-general of that state, declaring that the act of the general assembly of Maryland of 1838 was deemed unconstitutional by the authorities of Pennsylvania. 148 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND Somewhat later other slaves escaped into Pennsylvania and their owners went thither and under a provision of an act of congress proved their property and started for Maryland when they were set upon by residents of the Quaker state, the slaves released and in the conflict one of the Maryland- ers — Mr. Kennedy — was killed. Finally a negro owned by Alexander Somerville, of Calvert county, attempted to kill his master and then fled into Pennsylvania, where he was arrested, and, after a protracted trial before a Philadel- phia court, ordered delivered to the Maryland authorities. But immediately a writ of habeas corpus was issued by some other tribunal than that before which the case had been tried and the criminal was rescued by the populace. These several violations of the law concerning slave property made Governor Pratt an uncompromising supporter of slavery. After his retirement from the executive mansion Mr. Pratt resumed his law practice in Annapolis. He had taken up his residence permanently in the state capital, having purchased the colonial residence of Governor Ogle. He was not, however, permitted to remain in private life for any great length of time. Reverdy Johnson had accepted the portfolio of attorney-general of the United States from President Taylor on March 8, 1849, and consequently resigned his seat in the United States senate. The legisla- ture of the state named Mr. Pratt as Senator Johnson's successor for the remaining year of his term and also elected him for a full term of six years additional. He took his seat in the upper house of congress on January 4, 1850, and continued there until March 3, 1857. During these seven years he represented his state with credit and honor, though his senatorial career was not marked with such note- worthy distinction as his gubernatorial administration. The whig party had now passed from national politics, and in 1856 John C. Fremont appeared as the first presidential THOMAS GEORGE PRATT I49 nominee of the republicans, while James Buchanan was the democratic standard-bearer. Mr. Pratt supported the latter, and was even more radical than Buchanan in his attitude toward the question of slavery and secession. Indeed, at the outbreak of hostilities between north and south, Governor Pratt was regarded with considerable fear by the governmental officials, and was arrested in 1861 and held a prisoner at Fort Monroe for several weeks. Although he did not join the secession forces himself, he gave to the confederate army his moral support throughout the contest and the services of his son. After the expiration of his congressional service, in 1857, Mr. Pratt returned to his Annapolis home, w^here he remained until 1864, when he took up his residence in Baltimore. In 1864 he was a delegate to the Chicago national convention, and in 1866 he attended the union convention at Philadelphia as a delegate. He appeared as a candidate for the United States senate in 1867, but received only meager support in the election v/hich resulted in the selection of William T. Hamilton. This was about his last public appearance of note, and two years later, on November 9, 1869, he died at his home in Baltimore. XXVIII PHILIP FRANCIS THOMAS Among some of the less advanced peoples a man's vocation is determined hereditarily, and as a consequence there has sprung up a powerful system of caste founded upon occupation. A butcher is not tempted to squander his money sending his boy to college, for the inevitable law of the land is that the son must be a butcher also ; and the daughter of a baker is not prompted to make personal sacrifices because of social ambitions — she is destined by a barbarian, though not unwise, law to remain in the baker class. A parallel of this custom is found in many of the more civilized countries of the world, although the system of heredity there is more arbitrary in certain professions than in the business calling of the offspring. In America the religious persuasions and the political faith of the sire are reflected in the son. A Methodist brings up a Methodist, a Baptist rears a household of little Baptists. So far this is natural and harmless. But when the son is a republican because his father is, or when a youth becomes an adherent of democracy for no other reason than that his parent votes the democratic ticket, there is ground for suspicion that the younger citizen selects his political creed sentimentally rather than intellec- tually. This phase of heredity has become so thoroughly imbued in the national mind that there is invariably a raising of the eyebrows when the son of a republican joins the ranks of the democrats, or vice versa. Bearing this in mind, and with it the fact that seventy-five or a hundred years ago there was in many sections of Maryland PHILIP FRANCIS THOMAS I 848-1 851 -i^^Sr^j^S^^M^^^^-' .JC r4HOL.Z ■ NCfS Tf! werful system of caste founded • ed to s : iQ inevit;., iitcher also; and the i to im/r 'isl . .X re- COPYRIGHT 1908, BY H. E. BUCHHOLZ. PHILIP FRANCIS THOMAS 151 a social distinction between the two leading political parties, it seems very surprising, indeed, that the son of a well-connected Talbot county federalist should have adopted the cause of democracy in that district of aris- tocracy. But the conversion of Governor Thomas when a young man to democracy was only a promise of even more surprising spectacles to which he should treat his fellow-countians in after years. Philip Francis Thomas was born at Easton, Talbot county, on September 12, 1810. His father. Dr. Tristram Thomas, practiced medicine on the Eastern Shore for more than fifty years; his mother before her marriage had been Miss Maria Francis. Young Thomas was early entered at the academy at Easton, where he received his elementary schooHng. Later he was sent to Carlisle, Pa., where he became a student at Dickinson College. For two years he labored at Dickinson, sometimes over his books and at other times striving to concoct schemes whereby he might relieve his high-strung spirits. The detection, however, of one of his youthful indiscretions resulted in his suspension from Dickinson, and he returned to Easton. He then became a law student in the office of William Hayward, and in November, 1831, was admitted to the bar. It was not long before Mr. Thomas began to make a name for himself as an attorney. He was, however, regarded by both relatives and friends as a man of most erratic temperament, because he did not pursue the precepts which others laid down for him arbitrarily, and occasionally dealt fogyism and excess-respectability some rather telling blows. His father had been an ardent federalist, and upon the death of the federalist party he became an even more ardent whig. Nearly all the other Thomases were of like political conviction. And Talbot county, the home place of the Thomases, was not only whig, but overwhelmingly whig. 152 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND When Philip Francis Thomas declared himself a demo- crat, consternation spread through the social circles in which his relatives moved. Not only did it appear to the whiggish friends that he had committed a grave blunder, but they felt convinced that he could never thereafter hope for any official recognition from the people, when ultimately he should seek admission to the fold of the whig party. But Mr. Thomas had no intention of recant- ing. He pulled together the fragments of a party which in Talbot county responded to the name democracy and he ran for the legislature in 1834, and was defeated badly. But his defeat accomplished nothing in the way of taming the youth. Two years later, in 1836, he again appeared as a candidate and had the audacity to espouse the move- ment for a constitutional convention which should accom- plish a reapportionment of the state. Nothing could have been selected to arouse the ire of the Talbot countians more, and as an evidence of the people's displeasure Mr. Thomas received 200 votes less than his opponent. The following year he disregarded the advice of his counselors and again ran for office, and this time was defeated by only 17 votes. At this time the state constitution was so amended as to make the election of governor a matter for direct vote by the people. Thomas was a delegate to the democratic convention which met in Baltimore in 1838 and nominated William Grason for governor, and Mr. Thomas boldly pledged Talbot county to Mr. Grason, and carried out his pledge. In Talbot the democratic gubernatorial candidate received a majority of 130 votes, while Mr. Thomas, who was a candidate for the legislature, had 190 majority. This final success as a legislative candidate moved Mr. Thomas to attempt greater things, and he became the nominee of the democratic party for congress in 1839, run- PHILIP FRANCIS THOMAS 153 ning against James Alfred Pearce, the Kent county whig, who had been representing the district in the national legislature since 1831. The democrat's candidacy was at first treated as a jest by the whigs and not a few mem- bers of Mr. Thomas' own party, but the morning after election revealed the startling fact that the whigs carried only one county, Kent, while the congressional district gave Mr. Thomas a majority of 188 votes. Mr. Thomas was appointed a member of the committee on elections shortly after his entrance into the national legislature. The contested election cases before the com- mittee at that time were so engrossing that the members were excused from attending the meetings of the house and spent all their time taking testimony. While the services performed by the Talbot county congressman in this connection were important, they were not of a charac- ter to make for him much reputation as a parliamentarian or a legislator. At the close of his term as representative, Congressman Thomas was renominated by his party, but declined to enter the campaign, and Mr. Pearce, the whig, was elected without opposition. Mr. Thomas resumed his law practice, though later he accepted the office of judge of the land office court for the Eastern Shore. In 1843 ^^ was prevailed upon to become a candi- date for the house of delegates, and was elected. In the state legislature he proved himself a powerful foe of those who sought to deceive the people regarding the state's finances. In 1845 Mr. Thomas once more appeared as the candidate for the state legislature and was elected. He served with such signal success in the session of 1846 that his name was generally mentioned as the prospective demo- cratic nominee for governor long before the time set for state conventions. At the democratic state convention, 154 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND June 24, 1847, Mr. Thomas received the nomination for governor. William Tilghman Goldsborough was the nomi- nee of the whig party. The whigs charged Mr. Thomas, who had been a strong advocate of paying the public debt, with being favorable to repudiation, and hoped thereby to accomplish his defeat. But the democrat frankly met the charge and explained to the voters every feature of his course in matters of both internal improvement legisla- tion and the state's debts: The election was held on Octo- ber 6, 1847 ; but all the returns were not received until the fifth day thereafter, and then it was learned that Mr. Thomas had been chosen by a majority of 709 votes. Of the many noteworthy features of Thomas' administra- tion, the most important one, perhaps, was the resumption by the state of interest payments upon bonds. This occurred just about the time that Governor Pratt's term closed, and chief credit is due to the retiring executive, although Thomas had been active in working for the resumption of these payments. With his induction into office Governor Thomas started a campaign for constitutional reform, and in his inaugural address on January 3, 1848, he pointed out the defects in the seventy-year-old constitution under which Marylanders were then living, and stressed the need of calling a convention to devise a new instrument for government. During the closing months of his three- year term as governor such a convention was held, and it completed its work in the first year of the administration of Governor Thomas' successor. Under the new constitution there was created the office of comptroller, and after the close of Thomas' administration, in 1 85 1, he was chosen as the first incumbent of this office. Early in the fifties Franklin Pierce was elected president of the United States, and immediately after his inaugura- tion began his endeavors to coax Mr. Thomas into accepting PHILIP FRANCIS THOMAS I55 some office under him. He first offered Mr. Thomas the port- folio of the navy, but the latter declined it for the reason that the salary was insufficient to maintain the dignity of the position, and he had no private income to help it out. President Pierce became insistent that Governor Thomas accept some federal patronage in the shape of an office, and the latter finally consented to become the collector of customs of the port of Baltimore, for which purpose he resigned as comptroller of the state in 1853. At the close of the Pierce administration, when President Buch- anan appointed a new collector of Baltimore, Mr. Thomas went west to try his fortune in the land of golden promise. He took up his residence in St. Louis and began the practice of law there, but was unable to become reconciled to his absence from Maryland. During the Mormon war President Buchanan invited him to become governor of the territory of Utah, and when he declined the president proffered him the post of treasurer of the United States, but again Mr. Thomas refused. Finally he was invited to serve as com- missioner of patents, and accepted the office on February 16, i860. In December of the same year, when Howell Cobb resigned the portfolio of the treasury. President Buchanan prevailed upon Mr. Thomas to become Cobb's successor, and he was secretary of the treasury for one month, entering the cabinet on December 10, i860, and retiring therefrom on January 11 1861. Governor Thomas' sympathies were with the south during the war, although he spent the years of conflict in the practice of his profession in Talbot county. He had while governor advised the legislature *'to make the solemn declaration in advance of the unalterable deter- mination of this state, in case of the passage of the 'Wilmot proviso' or any similar scheme, to make common cause with the south." When the sectional conflict finally began, he 156 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND did not join the warring elements, but, like Governor Pratt, permitted his son to enlist in the Confederate army. At the close of hostilities, Mr. Thomas appeared as a can- didate for the state legislature in 1866, and was elected. This session was called upon to elect a successor to John A. J. Creswell in the United States senate. Governor Swann was chosen, but declined to serve; and the general assembly then elected Mr. Thomas. He had always been desirous of representing his state in the upper house of congress, and when he was chosen senator, on March 12, 1867, his ambition seemed about to be realized. But congress was then dominated by the most radical of the south-hating republicans, and Governor Thomas was refused admission on the ground of "having given aid and comfort to the rebellion." He was constitutionally eligible, and the judiciary committee of the senate reported favor- ably upon his credentials, but by a vote of 27 to 20 he was refused permission to enter the senate chamber. The technical charge against the senator-elect was that he had supplied his son with clothing and money, and that son had fought with the Confederate forces. There was a disposition among Mr. Thomas' friends to reelect him United States senator, but he discountenanced the pro- posal and advised that a successor be chosen who would be acceptable. It was especially desirable at this time to fill the vacancy, as the trial of President Johnson was under way and every possible democratic vote was needed in his behalf. Consequently, on March 6, 1868, George Vickers, of Kent county, was elected to the senate and he took his seat in time to vote at the trial of Johnson. In 1874 Mr. Thomas was a successful congressional candidate and took his seat in 1875, just 35 years after the termination of his first term in the house of repre- sentatives. He was in the lower house of congress until PHILIP FRANCIS THOMAS 157 1877, and the next year was chosen to represent Talbot county in the state legislature. Governor Thomas appeared as a candidate for the United States senate again in 1877 and 1884, but Governor Groome and Ephraim E. Wilson respectively defeated him in the caucuses. He presided at the state convention in 1883, when Robert M. McLane was nominated for governor, and was chosen a member of the Maryland legislature in the elections of that year. Governor Thomas died in Baltimore, where he had gone for medical treatment, on October 2, 1890, in his eighty- first year. He was survived by the second Mrs. Thomas, who had been Mrs. Clintonia May, widow of Captain May of the United States navy, and daughter of Governor Wright, of Maryland. His first wife, to whom he was married in 1835, v/as Miss Sarah Maria Kerr, XXIX ENOCH LOUIS LOWE On the mom of the Civil War. when Maryland was torn asiinder by the di^'ided sentiment of her people, a native poet "WTote a patriotic h\Tnn which has since become almost a classic. His heart was with the southland; his plea was for the cause of the so-called cotton states; and his purpose was to stir the passion of Mary landers so that they would rally to the support of the Confederacy. In the song ^^'ith which James R. Randall sought to rouse the people of Maryland he dwelt upon the glory of the state's particular heroes; and no more convincing proof of the esteem in which Governor Lowe was then held by his fellow-statesmen can be found, than that his name was one of those used by the poet in order to stir the people's hearts: Cornel 't is the red dawn of the day, Mars'landl My Maryland! Come! with thy panoplied array, Mar\-land! My Maryland! With Ringgold's spirit for the fray, With Watson's blood at Monterey, With fearless Lowe and dashing May, Maryland! My Maryland! In the story of Maryland's part in the war several men who had earlier served as governor occupy positions of importance. Some of these former state executives were with the south; at least one was in s}-mpathy •v\'ith the north; but none excelled, and it is doubtful if any equalled Mr. Lowe in devotion to the cause which each espoused. Mr. Grason, the first popularly elected governor, was an H LOUIS I,OWF . wiien -VLaryjanu vva it of her people, a i c hymn which has since become almost ' ' ^' ~'Jand; his plea was i ; and his purpose •ry landers so that they wouL: .. ! _^y jj^ ^YiQ song with ro-'ji'^e the people ct particular ivetJ were Li each espouse'. COPYRIGHT, ISOe, BY H. E. BUCHHOLZ. ENOCH LOUIS LOWE 1 59 ardent supporter of slavery and a friend of the south. His successor, Francis Thomas, was one of the bitterest oppo- nents of the Confederacy . The next two governors — Thomas G. Pratt and Philip Francis Thomas — were sentimentally inclined toward the southern cause and, although neither took part in the conflict, each gave to the Confederate army the service of a son. Mr. Lowe, the last governor under the constitution of 1776, went further than any of his imme- diate predecessors. When the war began, he took his way to the southland, and there gave moral and material sup- port to the Confederacy. If secession was rebellion, then he was one of the most violent rebels who came out of Maryland ; and the final defeat of the southern cause brought a sorrow to his heart which never thereafter left it. Enoch Louis Lowe, born August 10, 1820, was the son of Lieutenant Bradley S. A. and Adelaide (Vincendiere) Lowe; Lieutenant Lowe was a graduate of West Point Academy. The early years of the governor were passed at the beautiful family estate, The Hermitage, a tract of 1000 acres in Frederick county upon the Monocacy river. He attended St. John's School in Frederick City, and later, at the age of thirteen, was sent abroad to complete his studies. He was entered at Clongowas Wood College, near Dublin, and subsequently studied at the Roman Catholic College of Stonyhurst, where he continued for three years. After completing his academic studies, 1839, Mr. Lowe made an extensive tour of Europe, and upon his return to America traveled about the states for a year before return- ing home to take up seriously the work of life. He then became a student of law under Judge Lynch, of Frederick, and in 1842, at the age of twenty-one was admitted to the bar. Although Mr. Lowe formed a law partnership with John W. Baughman at Frederick, and gave much thought to l6o GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND building up for himself a reputation in his chosen profes- sion, he did not for long keep a single eye to the law, but early evinced a desire for a part in the political affairs of his section. In 1845 he appeared as a candidate on the democratic ticket for the state legislature, and his campaign resulted in two things — his election to the house of delegates and the winning of more than a little reputation as an able stump speaker. Mr. Lowe became prominent as an advo- cate for constitutional reform in Maryland and through this advocacy his fame had spread so far by 1850 that, when the democratic state convention met in that year, he was chosen upon a "reform" platform as the standard-bearer of his party. The whigs nominated for governor William B. Clarke, of Washington county, and the two aspirants for the gubernatorial chair had several public debates during the campaign. Mr. Lowe's personal popularity in Balti- more won for him the election. His majority throughout the state was just 1492 votes, but Baltimore — v/hich gave a whig candidate for mayor a majority of 777 votes — gave Mr. Lowe, the democratic gubernatorial candidate, a maiority of 2759. Mr. Lowe was but twenty-nine years old when nomi- nated for governor, although he satisfied the constitutional requirement by arriving at the age of thirty before election day. Much was made of his youth, and upon one occasion a would-be detractor interrupted him while he was making a speech by asking: " How old are you?" But the demo- cratic candidate flashed back the magnificent reply: "A wife and four children." He had been married, May 29, 1844, to Miss Esther Winder Polk, daughter of Colonel James Polk, of Princess Anne. Mrs. Lowe bore her hus- band eleven children, seven of whom with the mother sur- vived the governor. Governor Lowe was inaugurated January 6, 1851, and ENOCH LOUIS LOWE l6l continued in office until January 1 1 , 1854. His administra- tion, therefore, witnessed the change in the state govern- ment from the old constitution of 1776 to the constitution of 1851. At a special election in May, 1850, the people of Maryland had declared for a constitutional convention, and at an election held in the following September delegates to this convention were chosen. The body thus elected was only slightly whiggish in complexion, and the document it devised — during its session from November 4, 1850, to May 13, 1 85 1 — was largely made up of compromises between the two opposing elements. The greatest gain for the people was that the constitution of 1776, burdened with amend- ment upon amendment, was superseded by a governmental document that at least expressed clearly the things that it treated. Before the proposed constitution could be fully digested by the people, it was placed before them for ratifi- cation, and was given a small majority at a special election on June 4, 1851. During Governor Lowe's administration the state fully recovered from the financial depression that had resulted some years earlier in the advocacy of repudiation of pub- lic debts. Governor Thomas, who preceded Mr. Lowe, had warned the people against reducing the amount of taxa- tion, and declared that such a reduction, despite the cheer- ful outlook, would be a dangerous step. But Governor Lowe boldly advised the very thing against which Mr. Thomas had warned, and in 1 853 the people of Maryland were required to pay but 15 cents on the $100, whereas in the several years prior thereto the annual tax rate for the state had been 25 cents. Another notable feature of the Lowe administration was the completion of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad to the Ohio river, which, according to the original plans of the promoters, was to have been the western terminus of the line. l62 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND During the administration of Mr. Lowe, General Kossuth, the Hungarian patriot, visited America and was the guest of Maryland's chief magistrate for several days. Although Mr. Lowe was heartily in sympathy- with the foreigner and the cause he represented, he was unable to accord either any aid from the state government, Mr. Lowe was named as minister extraordinary^ and plenipotentiary to China by President Pierce, but declined the post. After the close of his administration Mr. Lowe assumed a much more prominent role in national politics than he had taken before his governorship. He became one of the great figures among those who took up the cause of the south, not for office nor for personal advantage, but solely because of a love for the land and the people south of the Mason and Dixon Line. He helped to win for Buchanan the democratic nomination for president in 1856, and was active in the campaign which resulted in Buchanan's election. Mr. Lowe was active in the presidential cam- paign of i860, supporting John C. Breckinridge even more heartily than he had supported Buchanan. When the war began, Mr. Lowe remained in Baltimore long enough to serve the south to the fullest extent of his ability in his native state. He was a man without fear, and what he did, he did openly. While others tried to evade answering the question as to their allegiance. Gover- nor Lowe stood up fearlessly for the cause of the south. Later he went to Virginia, where he became the guest of honor of the legislature of the Old Dominion. His address delivered before the legislature was regarded by that body as of sufficient moment to warrant its publication and dis- tribution by the state. Governor Lowe wanted Maryland to secede, and he believed that the state would ultimately join the Confed- eracy. "God knows," he declared, "Marylanders love the ENOCH LOUIS LOWE 163 the sunny south as dearly as any son of the Palmetto State. They idolize the chivalric honor, the stern and refined idea of free government, the social dignity and conservatism which characterize the southern mind and heart, as enthusi- astically as those of their southern brethren who were born where the snows never fall." He was bitter in his denun- ciations of Mr. Hicks who ''had purposely left her [Mary- land] in a defenseless condition, in order that he might with- out peril to himself deliver her up at the suitable time to be crucified and receive his thirty pieces of silver as the price of his unspeakable treachery." Mr. Lowe spent the greater part of his voluntary exile in the south in Augusta and in Milledgeville, Georgia. After the war Governor Lowe returned to Maryland, where he lived from November, 1865, until May, 1866, when he moved with his family to New York. It was not only the iron- clad oath — which his self-respect would not permit him to take — that sent Mr. Lowe out of his native state; but Baltimore at that time did not seem to offer him the means of supporting his large family by his professional work in the way that he was accustomed to providing for it. He had lost heavily through the war, and in Brooklyn, where he was to take up his residence, he saw a large enough field for practice to insure him a considerable income. His leaving Baltimore with his family to go to a strange city is but another evidence of the wonderful courage of the man. For some time after removing to New York, Mr. Lowe was in much demand as a lecturer. He was several times solicited to enter the political circles of the Empire state. Except for his brief activity in the Hancock- Garfield cam- paign, however, he remained in comparative retirement. He was for a while counsel of the Erie Railroad Company, but upon the death of James Fiske this relationship was dissolved. 164 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND A newspaper correspondent, writing from Brooklyn at the time of Governor Lowe's death, asserted that he had "Hved a very retired life, and outside of the immediate circle of his family friends was hardly ever seen or heard of. It was often regretted here that Mr. Lowe did not take the public place his abilities and career warranted, but he seemed to care only for the peace and quiet of his family and home, and thus occupied himself out of the sight and bustle of the busy world." Governor Lowe died on August 23, 1892, at St. Mary's Hospital, where he had undergone an operation which proved unsuccessful. His body was removed to Frederick, and was privately interred on August 25, Governor Lowe having requested that no funeral sermon be preached at his burial. COPYRIGHT, 1908, BY H. E. BUCHHOLZ. md. in th .ationto be p\^ hild's play conii: >. 'ommant t^oliticRl force ans wrr iH Which poj . teach an i^ ^onven; aenterei XXX THOMAS WATKINS LIGON Although the contemporaries of a historical personage cannot arbitrarily impose upon posterity their own estimates of his character, they generally can shape the opinions of other men by erecting historical guideposts which point in the direction of their own opinion. Here, then, is a key to the enigma of Governor Ligon's position in the hall of fame of Maryland. In the days of his governorship the body politic had forgotten that it ever had been virtuous and seemed fairly to glory in its vileness. To teach an infant nation to be pure in its political affairs would have been m.ere child's play compared to the task of reforming the state's dominant political force, or even of convicting it of wicked- ness. Yet Mr. Ligon fearlessly undertook this labor, and for this his glory should have been great. But he was a man without the frills and ruffles of the conventional type of early state executives, and his homespun methods proved offensive to many of his contemporaries. Thomas Watkins Ligon is one of the several native Virgin- ians who have served Maryland as governor. The son of Thomas D. Ligon, and the grandson on his maternal side of Col. Thomas Watkins, of Revolutionary fame, he was born in 1812 in Prince Edward county, Virginia. His father, a farmer, died when the governor was a lad, and upon the mother devolved the responsibility of providing for her two sons. After completing his primary studies, Thomas Ligon was sent to Hampden-Sidney College, from which he was graduated with distinctigiii He then entered l66 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND the University of Virginia and later attended Yale Law School, where he prepared for the profession which he had determined to pursue. Upon his return to Virginia, he was examined for admission to the bar and authorized to practice law; but the home county of Mr. Ligon did not present many inducements for an ambitious lawyer, and the young man began to look about for a promising town in which to open an office. In 1 833 , at the age of twenty-one, he came to Baltimore, where in a very modest way he made it known that he was bent upon practicing law and desired clients. In 1840 Thomas Ligon was married to Miss Sallie Dorsey, of that portion of Baltimore county which later was in- cluded in Howard county, and thereafter -he had his residence at Ellicott's Mill — now known as Ellicott City — although he continued his law practice in Baltimore. Mr. Ligon' s wife was a daughter of Charles Worthington Dorsey, and after her death the governor was married to Mary Tolly Dorsey, another daughter of the Marylander, and a sister to the first Mrs. Ligon. Several years after his first marriage Mr. Ligon made his initial appearance as an office- seeker. He had been invited in 1841 to accept the nomina- tion for member of the legislature, but declined the honor. Two years later, however, he consented to become a candi- date and was elected. Mr. Ligon's success prompted his fellow-democrats to nominate him in 1844 as the party's candidate for congress, to which body he was elected by a fair majority, which was somewhat increased two years later when he appeared for reelection. He was a member of the twenty-ninth and thirtieth congresses, serving from December i, 1845, to March 3, 1849. Early in the fifties there came into being the know- nothing, party which, though short-lived, was very strong in Maryland. In the gubernatorial campaign of 1853 the THOMAS WATKINS LIGON 167 know-nothing party nominated Richard J. Bowie, of Mont- gomery county; the democrats named as standard-bearer ex- Congressman Ligon. The election was bitterly con- tested and, although Mr. Ligon was chosen by a small majority, the opponents of the democrats were given a con- siderable majority in both the state senate and the house of delegates. When Mr. Ligon, therefore, was inaugurated governor of Maryland, on January ii, 1854, he was well aware of the fact that the executive department, if it pur- sued a partisan course, would be pitted against the legisla- tive branch of the government. Knowing, as he did, the great odds against him upon a partisan vote, and also realizing how bitterly the know-nothing party, with its aimi! at secrecy, would defend its position against any hostile'! demonstration from the almost helpless state executive, the new governor nevertheless, almost immediately after his assumption of the executive duties, began his war upon his political enemies. The antagonism of Governor Ligon to the know-nothing party did not bear immediate fruit. In the state election of 1855 — the year following his inauguration — the know- nothing candidates won a complete victory, and for several years thereafter they ruled the state, though in much the same way that bandits govern a wild or desert country. In time, however, the labor of Governor Ligon began to show results, and a reform movement, which had as its object the casting ofE of the yoke of rufHan rule, made its appearance, and once more political affairs in the state were separated from crime. When Governor Ligon in his message of January, 1856, called the attention of the legislature to the existence of a secret political organization founded upon religious prejudice, and warned them of the dangers of poli- tics based on race or sect, the general assembly appointed a committee to investigate the charges. Although the l68 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND majority of this committee refused to serve, because it thought such an investigation would be an insult to the intelligence of a large majority of the people, the minority reported : "That there arose in this state and country within the last two or three years a political society * * * binding its members by forms of oaths to proscribe from all offices by their votes or otherwise, if possessed of political power, all persons not of native birth, and all members of the Catholic religion." The stronghold of the know-nothing party was in Balti- more, where for several years the members of this organi- zation ran things in a reckless way. The voters of other political faith were intimidated, waylaid, and even killed, so that election day became a time for ruffian warfare. At the presidential election of 1856, eight men were killed or mortally wounded, while more than 250 people were reported wounded. And as an indication of the extent to which ruffianism succeeded in disfranchising by force those hold- ing opposite views, the sworn returns in the Baltimore election of 1857 record 11,896 know-nothing votes to 2830 democratic ballots, or a majority of 9066; whereas in the previous election for mayor the know-nothing party had been given a majority of but 1567 ballots. The know-nothing leaders had over-estimated their ability to block the governor's endeavors to free the common- wealth from its burden of ruffianism. They were able to oppose Mr. Ligon in the legislature, and never thought that he would step outside of the conventional office of chief magistrate and assume the position of actual executive of the entire state. The outcome of the city election of Balti- more in 1857 caused Governor Ligon much uneasiness regarding the state election which was to be held shortly thereafter. He went to Baltimore, and on October 27, 1857, wrote Mayor Swann a letter inviting him to cooperate THOMAS WATKINS LIGON - 169 with the governor in endeavoring to have the approaching election kept free of the disgrace and rowdyism which had characterized the several preceding ones. But Mr. Swann was not altogether pleased with the governor's move toward interference and replied that as mayor of Baltimore he held his commission directly from the people, and was accountable to them for the manner in which he discharged his trust. In his determination that the election should be fair, Governor Ligon then issued a proclamation in which he announced that the city of Baltimore would be placed under military guard on the approaching election day. This announcement caused great excitement, and imme- diately efforts were made to have the proclamation recalled. The know-nothing leaders advised Mr. Ligon that arrange- ments would be made for ample police service in the city on election day. Upon this the governor was persuaded to issue another proclamation in which he declared that he did not contemplate the use upon election day of the military force which he had ordered enrolled and organized. The truth, however, is that the arrangements were by no means adequate, and the election was but a repetition of its predecessors. The same overwhelming know-nothing majority was won by force of fists and firearms, and Mr. Hicks, the know-nothing nominee for governor, was elected. When the legislature convened at Annapolis, Governor Ligon had the boldness to write in his annual message: "I record my deliberate opinion that the election was fraudu- lently conducted; that in the exclusion of thousands of people from the polls, there has been no expression of the popular will, and that the whole of the returns from that city are vicious, without a decent claim to official recogni- tion anywhere, and in all their character, a gross insult to our institutions and laws, and a most offensive mockery 170' GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND of the great principle of political independence and popu- lar suffrage." The legislature declared the message an insult to its highly honorable members and voted to refuse to receive it; and a short while thereafter, or on January 13, 1858, Governor Ligon surrendered the executive office to Mr. Hicks, and retired to his Howard county estate of Chat- ham. For the remaining years of his life Mr. Ligon lived in retire- ment, taking no active part in politics. He farmed his land and passed his days in peaceable meditation, and lived to see the seed he had sown spring up in a reformation of the political affairs of the state and of Baltimore city. He did not resume his law practice in Baltimore, which had been discontinued at the time of his election in 1853, but occasionally he emerged from his fanner life to take part in the deliberations of certain boards concerned in the manage- ment of charitable and educational institutions, in a number of which he was interested. He died on January 12, 1881, and was buried on January 14 from St. John's Protestant Episcopal Church, near Ellicott City. No sermon was preached, nor were there any flowers or other display, all ostentation being distasteful to Mr. Ligon, as evidenced in his life, which was marked by severe simplicity, both as a public official and as a private citizen. COPYRIGHT, 1908. BY H. E. BUCHHOLZ. to ineit each alike : . who served his attack on Fort Siun i and offe^''^-/ ^'-- -' Enoch i Mar V Ian 'i then 0' had an tciiiporizcr tterv w THOMAS HOLLIDAY HICKS 1858-1862 XXXI THOMAS HOLLIDAY HICKS When considering the Civil War period of Maryland history, before an attempt is made to draw conclusions as to the worth of this public official or of that, full account must be taken of the peculiar conditions which existed in the Old Line state in ante-bellum days and during the first months of the conflict. Part of the population was prepared to support the southern cause, should the problems which were agitating the nation be brought to an issue of arms, and an equal number of Marylanders were unconditionally with the north. Both of these elements were, according to their conscience, in the right, and Maryland has honored each alike for the course which it pursued. Francis Thomas, who served his state as chief magistrate, responded to the attack on Fort Sumter by raising a regiment of 3000 soldiers and offering its service to Lincoln. On the other hand Enoch Louis Lowe, who also served as governor, openly advocated that Maryland should secede and join the Con- federacy. Had Francis Thomas been governor of Maryland in 1 86 1, the state might have known the sway of a second Parson Brownlow; or had Mr. Lowe been chief magistrate, then Governor Letcher, of Virginia, would possibly have had an official co-laborer for secession in the borderland. But Mr. Hicks, who at best was a temporizer, was state executive. In approaching Hick's life the bitterness with which certain of his contemporaries judged his course must not influence too greatly the student's judgment; nor must the excessive flattery which, for obvious reasons, was poured 172 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND forth by northern orators at the time of his death be accepted at its face value. Mr. Hicks was governor of Mary- land during the most critical days of the state's history and he had, in a greater measure than was ever accorded another chief magistrate of the state, an opportunity to engrave in glorious and indelible letters his name upon the com- monwealth's history as well as upon that of the nation at large. But, at a time when to falter was to blunder fatally, Hicks faltered. Although his early sentiments seemed favorable to secession, it is possible that at the outbreak of the war he was opposed to the cause of the south ; never- theless, when called upon to decide on which side be stood, Hicks revealed what might be termed a border allegiance, and permitted the militia of the federal government to assume the role of converting him, by force, into a unionist. Posterity has less cause to find fault with him for this than he himself might have had to regret his action. If he was as strongly unionist as he later professed, then by having uttered the same sentiments before Butler came to Baltimore that he did after the arrival of that Union general, he might have vied with Mr. Andrew, of Massa- chusetts, for the place of first honor among the Union "war governors." Thomas Holliday Hicks was almost sixty years of age when he became governor. He was born on September 2 , 1798, the eldest boy in the large family reared by Henry C. and Mary (Sewell) Hicks, who lived on a farm in Dor- chester county several miles from East New Market. Hicks attended a subscription school in the neighborhood of his home until he had reached an age when he desired to go out into the world for himself . He made his initial appearance as a public official in the humble capacity of town constable. But that he filled this position satisfactorily would seem to receive certification from the fact that in 1824, at the age THOMAS HOLLIDAY HICKS 173 of twenty-five, Mr. Hicks was elected sheriff of his county. Later he purchased a farm on the Choptank river and sub- sequently abandoned the plow and removed to the southern part of the county, where, in 1833, he entered upon a mer- cantile career at Vienna. Mr. Hicks was a member of the 1836 senatorial electoral college — that famous body made up of the so-called "glori- ous 19 Van Buren electors" and 21 whigs — he, of course, being among the latter. In the same year he was chosen a member of the general assembly; and the legislature, in 1837, named him and Mr. Pratt as members of the last governor's council in Maryland. In the next year, when the council was abolished by the reform act, Mr. Hicks was appointed register of wills for Dorchester county. From 1838, when he became register, until 185 1, when under the new constitution the office was made elective, he served by successive appointments in this position. In 1850 he was one of the representatives from Dorchester county to the constitutional convention which was to devise a new form of government for the commonwealth. He again assumed the duties of register of wills in 1855, and con- tinued in the office until his election as governor. Mr. Hicks was the American or know-nothing candidate for governor in 1857. The democrats nominated as their standard-bearer John C. Groome. Under the arbitrary rule of the know-nothings, however, the democratic can- didate had little chance of success, since Baltimore was overwhelmingly against him. Although Ligon had been assured that everything would be done to prevent any conflict between the voters, the election was but a repetition of the earlier disgraceful affair when municipal officers were chosen. And not only did the know-nothing party carry the city for Hicks, but the state also gave him a majority, and the general assembly, as a result of the election, was strongly know-nothing. I74 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND Mr. Hicks became governor on January 13, 1858. His administration witnessed the period of preparation for the Civil War and the beginning of that conflict ; and his own service to the state is remembered chiefly in so far as Mary- land affairs were affected by the seccession movement. Had Governor Hicks sincerely and fearlessly opposed secession, not even the southern historian could find fault with his anti-secession sentiments; or had he been favorable to the south, he would have needed no apologies for his choice. The questions, however, arise — and upon their solution must depend the regard in which Marylanders generally will hold Mr. Hicks — whether his professions throughout were insincere and if, at the crucial moment, he was guilty of cowardice, no matter what his real convictions. Al- though he was opposed to any move which would precip- itate the nation into a sectional conflict, he gave expression on December 6, i860, in a letter to a Prince George's coun- tian, to the following secessionist sentiments: "If the Union must be dissolved let it be done calmly, deliberately and after full reflection on the part of the united south. * * * After allowing a reasonable time for action on the part of the northern states, if they shall neglect or refuse to observe the plain requirements of the constitution, then, in my judgment, we shall be fully warranted in demanding a division of the country." Governor Hicks was in Baltimore when the Massachusetts troops, passing through the city on April 19, 1861, were set upon by the people of the city. After the close of that day of violence and bloodshed the state executive and Mayor Brown of Baltimore were visited by Marshal Kane and ex-Governor Lowe, who wished to have the railroad bridges leading into Baltimore burned, that they might thereby prevent a repetition of the day's tragedy, should the federal government seek to send the several thousand troops then reported near Cockeysville through Baltimore. THOMAS HOLLIDAY HICKS I75 Governor Hicks, Lowe recorded in his report of the interview, said: " 'Well, I suppose it must be done,' or words of precisely that import, to which the mayor replied, substantially: 'Governor, I have no authority to act be- yond the city limits, and can do nothing in this matter except by your direction. Shall the bridges be destroyed?' Governor Hicks emphatically and distinctly replied in the affirmative." But in later days, when Governor Hicks wished to clear himself of the charge of having countenanced a burning of the bridges, he denied absolutely the testimony of Lowe, Kane and Mayor Brown, and sought to make himself out a good and unconditional Union man. And yet he left proof of how closely he approached an approval of secession, for in his communication to Lincoln, April 22, 1861, he wrote: "I feel it my duty most respectfully to advise you that no more troops be ordered or allowed to pass through Maryland, and that the troops now off Annapolis be sent elsewhere; and I most respectfully urge that a truce be offered by you so that the effusion of blood may be prevented. I respect- fully suggest that Lord Lyons be requested to act as mediator between the contending parties of our country." This was in April, 1 861, and in October, 1863, Mr. Hicks, in a letter to Governor Bradford could find the courage to pen the words : "My God! How unfortunate it is that men in high places should say one thing one day and another the next day. * * * Oh! what unfortunate times we have fallen on, and yet amid our perplexity we must not relax our efforts to do good. I feel sometimes like giving it up, but then I know it is what these unprincipled men desire and I determine anew that, if fall I must, I will fall fighting for the right. I publicly and privately proclaim myself for an emancipationist. I am honestly. My judgment is so —policy leads to it. I am in favor of putting the slaves in 176 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND the army, but cannot approve of their mode of doing it. I am in favor of letting everything but principle go to save the Union by crushing out the accursed rebellion that brought all our national and individual woes upon us." And this from a man who, according to Ex-Governor Lowe, "went into Monument Square on the afternoon of the memorable nineteenth of April last [186 1], while the blood of the heroic youths of Baltimore * * ^ was still fresh upon the pave- ments, and there called God to witness his loyalty to the south, and prayed that his right arm might rot from the socket if he ever raised it against his southern brethren." The members of the legislature, and influential men in the state generally, requested Governor Hicks time and time again to call the legislature in extra session that the state might go on record as opposed to secession, but still dis- satisfied with the attitude of the north toward the southern states. After the encounter between the people of Balti- more and the Massachusetts troops Governor Hicks called a special session of the legislature at Annapolis, but later changed the place of meeting to Frederick. In an address to the people of Maryland, this legislature, declared : ' ' We cannot but know that a large proportion of the citizens of Maryland have been induced to believe that there is a prob- ability that our deliberations may result in the passage of some measure committing this state to secession. It is, therefore, our duty to declare that all such fears are with- out just foundation. We know that we have no consti- tutional authority to take such action. You need not fear that there is a possibility that we will do so." And this address was unanimously adopted. Nevertheless, the federal government, without opposition or protest from Mr. Hicks, assumed an attitude toward Maryland's general assembly similar to that which it might have assumed toward the legislature of Mississippi. Simon Cameron, Lincoln's THOMAS HOLLIDAY HICKS 177 secretary of war, wrote on September ii, 1861, that "the passage of any act of secession by the legislature of Mary- land must be prevented. If necessary, all or any part of the members must be arrested." And every member or employee of the legislature who was not heart and soul with every feature of the republican administration was arrested. The administration of Governor Hicks came to a close on January 8, 1862, when Mr. Bradford was inaugurated. The new executive appointed his predecessor United States senator to fill the unexpired term of James Alfred Pearce, and Mr. Hicks was later elected by the legislature to fill the senatorial term which expired March 8, 1867. Before he had completed the term to which he was elected, how- ever, he died, at the Metropolitan Hotel, Washington, February 13, 1865. He had been three times married — first to Miss Anna Thompson, of Dorchester county; his second wife was Miss Leah Raleigh, of the same county; and the third Mrs. Hicks, who survived her husband, had been Mrs. Mary Wilcox, the widow of Hicks' cousin. The funeral of Senator Hicks was attended by a host of public officials. President Lincoln and his cabinet, the members of the supreme court, Governor Bradford of Maryland and Mayor Chapman of Baltmiore — both accompanied by delegations, and a large number of senators and representatives attended the services held in the capitol at Washington. The body was first placed in a vault in the national capital, but later it was interred at the old Hicks farm in Dorchester county, and finally removed to Cambridge Cemetery, where the state erected a monument over the remains in 1868. XXXII AUGUSTUS W. BRADFORD While two separate gubernatorial administrations were experienced by the people of Maryland during the con- flict between the north and south, Mr. Bradford is by common consent accepted as the war-governor. The greater portion of Mr. Hicks' governorship was passed in the stormy days immediately preceding the conflict, al- though the tail-end of his term reached into the opening months of the war. But when Mr. Bradford came into office the struggle between the north and the slave states had settled down to a business basis. The harmless spectacle of earlier petty encounters had given place to the grim realities of war and with the progress of hostilities there was, naturally, a counter-advance toward positiveness in the political affairs of the state. The governmental ma- chinery, adapted to its newer requirements, was no longer run experimentally as it had been in the days of Gov- ernor Hicks, but a Union governor and a Union legislature were seeking to run the affairs of the commonwealth in a way that would stress the political and soften the military aspect of government in Maryland. For four years Mr. Bradford governed Maryland, and the one feature of his administration which stands out in strongest relief is the courage with which he upheld the dignity of the state's gov- ernment. In times such as those between 1861 and 1865, and in a commonwealth like Maryland, upon the border- land of conflict, there was bound to occur almost constantly friction between the military forces representing the United States and the political forces representing the authority AUGUSTUS WILLIAMSON BRADFORD 1862-1866 ITS W. BRADFORD j.*....v. gubemac^ .... ..^xninistra... .x^ „v,. the people of Maryland during the con )rth and south, Mr. Bradford is by rrr^nr.o T7c'?. for just 'as seni^ritv ^erminit. 'nsideration jorn oi w oixian, so aisc :-^ ,arge amount of hciioi , uDon th- fact of priority in office, is given to litical parent. For instance, had ;'nt of •istitution o: lis body there e w<3n for liim dis- ! aids. There is, Lam plating the Maryland's Ik COPYRIGHT, 190e, BY H. E. BUCHHOLZ. ODEN BOWIE 193 Oden Bowie was born in Prince George's county on No- vember 10, 1826, the eldest son of Colonel William D. and Mary Eliza (Oden) Bowie. His father, who had served in both houses of the legislature, farmed the looo-acre estate of Fairview where the governor spent the greater part of his life. Young Bowie studied at home under a private tutor until his tenth year, when, upon the death of his mother, he was sent to the preparatory school attached to St. John's, Annapolis. He remained there for three years, and then entered St. Mary's Seminary, Baltimore, from which he was graduated in 1845. Shortly after leaving college the difficulties between the United States and Mexico fired his patriotism and he enlisted as a private in the battal- ion contributed by Baltimore and Washington to the army of invasion. During his stay in the south he took part in several of the more important encounters. For his bravery at Monterey he was promoted to a lieutenancy, and subsequently was commissioned a captain in the Voltigeur Regiment. The climate of Mexico, however, put an end to Mr Bowie's military career, for his services in the army, begun under such auspicious conditions, were brought to a unexpected close by sickness. Captain Bowie was forced to resign his commission and returned home before the war had been brought to its successful close. Immediately upon his arrival in Prince George's, Mr. Bowie appeared as a candidate for member of the house of delegates. His opponents made much of the youth of the warrior-candidate, who was not yet of age, although he would have attained his majority before being called upon to assume his seat if elected; and in consequence of the doubt as to his eligibility Mr. Bowie was defeated, but by ten votes only. In 1849 he once more came before the people as a candidate for the lower branch of the general assembly, and was elected. Two years later. December 3, 185 1, he 194 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND was married to Miss Alice Carter, daughter of Charles H. Carter — a f ellow-countian. The Bowies lived at ' * Fairview," the ancestral estate of the governor. While Mr. Bowie devoted much time thereafter to his business interests in Baltimore, and also to politics, he managed to maintain his Prince George's county estate as "home." He lived there, and while business might call him away through the day, evening invariably found him back on the farm. Although Mr. Bowie served in both the house of dele- gates and the state senate prior to i860, it was not until after that time that he loomed up big in the public affairs of his native state. In i860 he was chosen president of the recently organized Baltimore and Potomac Railroad, and his energy and good management were largely instrumental in the success of carrying to completion this line. He met with serious opposition from the Baltimore and Ohio and had to war with this company unceasingly to prevent it from succeeding in its efforts to keep its prospective rival from finishing the work undertaken. After the Baltimore and Potomac had become a part of the Pennsylvania sys- tem Mr. Bowie was retained as its president. The office, however, had become merely a nominal one, and the Mary- lander was continued as a means of showing the company's appreciation for the great service he had rendered and the interest he had shown in the building of the line, for the actual management was in the hands of the Philadelphia office of the railway company. Oden Bowie appeared as a candidate for the state senate from Prince George's county in 1861. He was a "peace" democrat, but certain defeat was read for his campaign by the interference of the federal forces in the state elec- tion. Although an ardent democrat and also a warm sympathizer with the south, he was opposed to the radical course of the secessionists. He was chairman of the state ODEN BOWIE 195 central committee during the war and was a delegate to the democratic national convention of 1864, which nominated General McClellan for president. The state constitution of 1864 provided for a governor and lieutenant-governor, and in the election under the operation of this governmental instrument Mr. Bowie was named as the democratic nomi- nee for the second position on the ticket. Mr. Cox, the union candidate for lieutenant-governor, who had the war forces with him, polled in Maryland 41,828 votes as against 32,178 for Mr. Bowie. Mr. Bowie was elected to the state senate in 1867, where he served upon several important committees, including that upon federal rela- tions. Early in this year began the agitation for a constitu- tional convention, and when the people of Maryland who were then eligible to vote were asked to decide if a conven- tion should be called, out of the 58,718 votes cast on the 13th of April, 34,534 were for a convention and 24,136 against it. The convention met on May 8, 1867, and continued in session until August 1 7 , and the document which it devised was submitted to the people of Maryland on September 18, 1867, when it was adopted by a small majority. This con- stitution restored to thousands of disfranchised Maryland- ers the right to vote, and at the state election on November 5, 1867, the democrats carried everything before them. Mr. Bowie, who had been largely instrumental in bringing about the change, was the nominee for governor on the democratic ticket and of the 85,744 votes cast 63,694 were given to him, while the legislature chosen for the following year presented the unusual spectacle of a general assembly without an opposition — every member elected being a democrat. Under the constitution of 1867 the first state executive elected was to serve for only three years, but all subse- 196 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND quent governors were to be chosen for a four-year term. Mr. Bowie qualified as Swann's successor on January 8, 1868, although he did not become governor de facto until a year later, or January 13, 1869. He remained in office until January 10, 1872. The greatest task of Mr. Bowie's administration was the readjustment of a host of state affairs after the disarrange- ment consequent upon the troubled times of the conflict between the North and South. By the adoption of the constitution under which he served as governor the polit- ical machinery of the state had been restored to the proper authority and Governor Bowie was, therefore, little troubled with political affairs. To him came rather the great business problems of the commonwealth, such as a settlement of the dispute with Virginia regarding oyster beds, the collec- tion of arrears from the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, and adjustment of Maryland's war claims against the federal government and kindred subjects. He courageously opposed the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad in its endeavors to block the Baltimore and Potomac Railroad; he exerted a great influence upon the management of the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal Company, which began to fulfill promises which had been made for it in the days when it was first projected; he took the initiative in providing for Maryland a general improvement of its roads, and he was active in the interest of public education. With the close of his administration, when he retired from politics, began his direction of the affairs of the Baltimore City Passenger Railway. Mr. Bowie was elected president of the street railway company in 1873, when its stock, with a par value of $25, was selling at $14; when no dividends had been paid for several years, and when the city held a claim against it for $100,000 for park tax arrears . Further- more, the equipment and trackage were in wretched condi- ODEN BOWIE 197 tion. Under his management the city's claim was paid, the horse-car lines operated by the company were changed to rapid transit and the stock was greatly enhanced in value. Governor Bowie's presidency of the company con- tinued until his death in 1894, and it was through his efficient management, in a large measure, that the great strides made by the City Passenger Railway were accomplished. In 1870 Mr. Bowie became president of the Maryland Jockey Club, which was organized about that time, and in whose formation he was active. It was to him that chief credit was due for the acquisition of the Pimlico racetrack by the Maryland Jockey Club. His own stables were renowned throughout the land and his colors were seen upon every racetrack of note in the country, while his horses — among them Crickmore, Compensation, Oriole and Belle d'Or — brought to their breeder both pleasure and wealth. At his Prince George's county home Mr. Bowie had a three-quar- ter mile racetrack, and here he exercised the thorough- breds that found shelter in his five stables. In 1890 Mr. Bowie had a nervous breakdown, and the physician whom he consulted declared it imperative that he immediately cease his attendance upon races and also sell his horses. Governor Bowie thereupon retired from the turf, but he frankly admitted that the greatest sorrow that his life had known, or ever could know, was that moment when he con- cluded to part with his thoroughbreds. He died December 4, 1894, at Fairview, and his body was placed at rest in the family burial plot but a short distance from the home in which he had passed most of his life. XXXV WILLIAM PINKNEY WHYTE There is need to enter protest occasionally against the practice of crediting all virtues to ages past, a practice aris- ing from an unconscious, though harmful, pessimism. Cer- tain phrases that are in daily use by the people — such, for instance, as "gentleman of the old school" when applied to a man who is courteous in manner, dignified in bearing, and upright in life — are so employed as to intimate that in the dim days of yesteryear a better race of citizens was developed than is possible under existing conditions. Igno- rance is generally responsible for the blunders along this line. As a matter of fact, the righteous man is not good because his times are good, but because his conscience is untrammeled; the wise man does not procure breadth of mind, he develops it ; and the truly brave man is not depend- ent upon those about him for courage to abide by the right. Commonplaceness in natural endowments, in conduct and in accomplishments may be general; but greatness invari- ably is individual. Mr. Whyte was constantly written down : "A democrat of the old school, " a term which not only did the distinguished statesman a wrong, but was grossly unfair to modern democracy. The democratic party of the forties and fifties was not better, indeed, it was not as good as the democratic party of the twentieth century, and the same is true of the organization which late in the fifties assumed the name: republican. There was more wickedness and less righteousness in politics in those years, than at the WILLIAM PINKNEY WHYTE 1S72-1874 er protest occasionally against the the people — sucii, tor :- ' " when applied ned in bearing, ^d as to intimate that l.lCJf . .. ..... „, , a conduct 'uness at]d COPYRIGHT, 1908, BY H. E. BUCHHOLZ. WILLIAM PINKNEY WHYTE I99 present time; and whatever distincton has been won by men in the class with Governor Whyte, came to them, not because of the times in which they were reared, but rather because they themselves were in large measure out of tune with their times. William Pinkney Whyte was born in Baltimore, August 9, 1824, the son of Joseph White and Isabella Pinkney White. On his father's side he was a grandson of Dr. John Campbell White, who in 1798 came to America as the result of the failure of the Irish rebellion in which he had taken part ; on his maternal side Governor Whyte was a grandson of William Pinkney, who served Maryland with much dis- tinction, and at the time of his death was a member of the United States senate. A disagreement upon a business matter between the father of Governor Whyte and his two uncles caused two of the former's sons to make such changes in their names as would distinguish them from their uncles' branches of the family: Governor Whyte sub- stituted the "y" in his surname in place of **i," but his brother became Campbell White Pinkney. Although Governor Whyte received a thorough elemen- tary education, the need of earning his own living prevented him from going beyond the secondary schools. He was a student for some years at the school which R. M. McNally — sometime in the personal service of the great Napoleon — conducted in Baltimore after the downfall of the French monarch; but in 1842, when Mr. Whyte was eighteen years of age, he was forced to leave the studies, in which he was considerably engrossed, to take a position in the commercial world, for which he entertained no special affection. His first position was with the banking house of Peabody, Riggs and Company — founded by George Peabody — where he remained for two years. He then decided to study law, and resigned his position with the banking house, 1843, 200 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND to enter the office of the law firm of Brown and Brune. He read law here for a year, and later entered Harvard Law School at Cambridge. Mr. Whyte returned to Baltimore in 1845, and for the next year continued his studies under Judge John Glenn. He was admitted to the bar in 1846. At this time he also made his appearance as a political factor, being one of the five democratic candidates for the house of delegates from Baltimore. In the fall of that year he was elected, beginning his service in January, 1847. This small experience whetted Mr. Whyte's appetite for larger things and he entered the congressional primaries two years later against John Nelson, former attorney- general of the United States. Although Mr. Whyte won the nomination, he was unable, in the election, to overcome the predominance of whig sentiment in the district and his chief gain from the campaign was the glory of having made a good fight. For several years thereafter he gave his time to his legal practice, declining a renomination for state delegate, but early in the fifties he was named for comptroller and elected. He served for the one term of two years during the first half of Governor Ligon's admin- istration, but refused to allow his name to be put up for another term in 1856. It was somewhat in a spirit of patriotism that Mr. Whyte once more made a fight for election to congress in 1857. At this period know-nothingism was supreme in the Monu- mental city, and, while it required courage to be the sup- porter of an opponent of the know-nothing party, it called for absolute fearlessness to be such a candidate-opponent. But the friends of good government persuaded Mr. Whyte that by going into the contest, although his defeat was assured, he would be able to aid reform matters in Mary- land. J. Morrison Harris, the know-nothing candidate, was declared elected by Governor Hicks, himself a violent WILLIAM PINKNEY WHYTE 201 know-nothing; but Mr. Whyte, who had entered the cam- paign for the purpose of purifying politics, did not allow the matter to rest here, and he contested the seating of his opponent. Although the congressional committee which investigated the matter reported in favor of the unseating of Mr. Harris, certain leaders in congress succeeded upon a purely partisan vote in having the report laid upon the table. From i860 to 1868 Mr. Whyte was not much in the public eye. In sympathy with the south, his physical condition at that time was not such as to permit him to bear arms; and drafted for military service on one occasion by the federal troops he was declined as "unfit" by their medical examiner. With many another noncombatant he was deprived of his rights as a citizen in the reign of the more bitter reconstructionists, and during this period of tem- porary disenfranchisement he visited Europe with his sons. Upon the adoption of the constitution of 1867, however, Mr. Whyte was once more enabled to take a leading part in both state and national affairs. He was a delegate to the national democratic convention of 1868, and in the same year received his first appointment as a member of the United States senate. When Reverdy Johnson resigned his seat in the upper house of congress that he might accept from President Johnson the appointment of minister to the court of St. James, Governor Swann named Mr. Whyte to fill the unexpired term from July 10, 1868, till the fol- lowing year, when William T. Hamilton, who had been elected to the United States senate by the legislature prior to Mr. Whyte's appointment, took his seat. Brief as was that period, in it Senator Whyte found opportunity not only to distinguish himself, but to render a signal ser- vice in upholding the constitution. Congress was then at odds with the president, and when, on December 9, 1868, 202 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND his annual message, in which he roundly scored his ene- mies, was received, the radicals interrupted its reading and moved to have it placed upon the table. Senator Whyte, one of a handful of congressmen who had not been infected with hatred for Andrew Johnson, calmly and fearlessly pointed out to his colleagues that the constitution instructed the president to send at prescribed periods a message to congress, and for congress to refuse to receive it would be a violation of the constitution, and the message was read. Mr. Whyte was named on the democratic ticket for gover- nor in the spring of 187 1, and in the campaign was opposed by Jacob Tome, republican. The campaign has interest outside of its general aspect inasmuch as it was the first Maryland state election in which the negro was permitted to exercise the elective franchise. This departure accounts for the falling off from 40,000 majority given Governor Bowie in 1867 to a little more than 15,000 for Mr. Whyte in 1 87 1. Mr. Whyte was inaugurated governor on January 10, 1872, and for a little more than two years thereafter, he administered the affairs of the executive office. His admin- istration was efficient and fulfilled the most sanguine hopes of his supporters, and yet there was not much of distinction about it. Were his services as a legislator less conspicuous, it is possible that the governorship of Mr. Whyte might appear to greater advantage; but as a lawmaker his life had been so eventful, while as executive his administration was cast in a time so bare of incident, that Governor Whyte seems completely overshadowed by Senator Whyte. Fur- thermore, when the legislature which met in the early part of 1874 undertook to provide a successor for Senator Hamilton, its choice fell upon Governor Whyte, and thus was brought to a premature end his career as chief magis- trate of Maryland. Governor Whyte, upon being elected United States sena- WILLIAM PINKNEY WHYTE 203 tor, immediately laid before the legislature his resignation as governor, although the term for which he was chosen was not to begin until full twelve months later. This course was taken in order that the legislature might duly select a successor. James Black Groome having been chosen for the unexpired term as governor, Mr. Whyte relinquished the office on March 4, 1874, and devoted the months until March 4, 1875, when he entered congress, to his legal practice and private affairs. During this period he served his state as special counsel in the boundary-dis- pute case between Maryland and Virginia, and, due to his energetic prosecution of the Old Line state's claim, his native commonwealth gained a signal victory. From March 4, 1875, to March 3, 1881, Mr. Whyte rep- resented Maryland in the United States senate, and those six years mark, perhaps, the most brilliant period of his public career. He had stepped out of the executive man- sion to don the toga, and it was not long before evidence was given of the wisdom which prompted the change. In his earlier short term in the senate, Mr. Whyte had been called to perform vastly different service from what was now required of him. To war against popular prejudice, to champion an unloved president, was the most that he then could do; but his second term in the senate found the nation at that period of its life when the democratic party could become constructive once more; when it could, even though in the minority in congress, exert a mighty influence in the nation's affairs. This term in the senate from 1875 to 1881 is marked by three chapters of unusual brilliancy: these are Senator Whyte's championship of sound currency, at a time when the congress of the United States was being tempted to adopt a false financial policy; his determined opposition to a course in the presidential election of 1876 that lost to 204 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND Tilden his undoubted victory over Hayes through the action of the national legislature; and his devising a form of gov- ernment for the District of Columbia. In the last of these services Senator Whyte made the greatest personal con- tribution to the nation's welfare, for he labored individ- ually to a larger extent than in either of the other two causes. It was in 1880 that the rupture between Senator Whyte and Mr. Gorman occurred. The legislature of that year was called upon to select a successor to Senator Whyte, who had some time previously announced that he would not be a candidate for reelection. Subsequently, however, cer- tain leading democrats declared that the retirement of Mr. Whyte from the United States senate would be an irrep- arable loss to both state and nation, and they prevailed upon him to alter his purpose. Mr. Whyte had on more than one occasion accepted the decree of other friends of good government in preference to his personal judgment, and he followed a like course now. But in the meantime Mr. Gorman, who had previously disclaimed any intention of seeking senatorial honors, listened to the siren voices of those who would make him Whyte's successor, and his professed determination was changed almost simultane- ously with that of Senator Whyte. As a consequence the supporters of the two candidates engaged in a bitter con- test for the senatorship, and the Gorman element, having had a slight advantage in point of preparation, won out. The same year that Senator Whyte retired from congress, the Old Line democrats of Baltimore inaugurated their movement for reform within the party lines. They named Mr. Whyte as their candidate for mayor, and the regular or organization democrats, finding themselves too weak for warring on both the reform candidate and the repub- licans, also named Mr. Whyte for first place upon the regular WILLIAM PINKNEY WHYTE 20$ democratic ticket. Then the republicans, duly impressed with the former senator's strength, declined to name an opposing candidate, and so it was that Mr. Whyte was elected mayor of Baltimore without opposition, in 1881. Although he found his new duties somewhat irksome, he held faithfully to the office to which he had been elected; and in some matters, such as the question of the water department, he succeeded in improving the service given the residents of the municipality. It was not long, however, before he once more found himself in conflict with Senator Gorman. In 1882 the so-called "new judge" movement occurred. Several judges were to be elected in Baltimore, and a ticket of men already on the bench — all known to be kindly disposed personally to Mr. Whyte — was regularly named by the democrats. Then the Gorman democrats, who did not favor Whyte's influence in city politics, started a revolt. The war-cry was, that Mayor Whyte was seeking to be dictator in Baltimore's public affairs; new candidates for judges were named and the assertion made that this second ticket was brought into the field solely because of the need for reform in the judiciary. The Gorman forces, aided considerably by republicans, defeated the so-called "Whyte judges," and the next year, 1883, at the close of the mayoralty term for which Mr. Whyte had been elected, he retired from politics and for four years thereafter gave his entire time to his legal practice. The democratic state convention of 1887, which nomi- nated E. E. Jackson for governor, called Senator Whyte once more into the political arena by naming him, without his permission or knowledge, for attorney-general of Mary- land, an office to which his grandfather, William Pinkney, had been elected eighty-two years before. Mr. Whyte was successful in the campaign and for the next four years directed the affairs of the attorney-general's department 206 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND with ability and justice. In the year that he terminated his attorney-generalship, Senator Whyte was wedded to Mrs. Raleigh Thomas, a widow who had formerly been Miss Mary McDonald. This marriage, which was solem- nized on April 22, 1892, was Mr. Whyte's second. His first wife, to whom he was married December 7, 1847, was Miss Louisa D. Hollingsworth, of Baltimore, who died in 1884. Mr. Whyte was a member of the commission appointed by Mayor Malster, upon authority accorded by the legis- lature of 1896, to frame a new charter for Baltimore, and was chairman of this body. The work to be accomplished was monumental; the time at the commission's disposal was unfortunately scant; but the charter commission per- formed its work judiciously and promptly. President Benjamin Harrison appointed Senator Whyte, in 1889, a delegate to the congress of American nations, but because of pressing public duties the Marylander had to decline the honor. Appointed city solicitor in 1900, Senator Whyte performed the duties of this office for three years. Senator Whyte retired as city solicitor in 1903, and for the three years there- after gave his time chiefly to his legal practice. But in 1906, upon the death of Senator Gorman, he was once more called into public service. Governor Warfield appointed Mr. Whyte to the vacant senatorship until the legislature should in due form elect another. The commission bore date of June 8, 1906. In the first democratic senatorial primary in Maryland, held in the fall of 1907, Mr. Whyte was the sole candidate to be his own successor for the remaining portion of Mr. Gorman's unexpired term, and he was given a very flattering vote. He died before the completion of his term, March 17, 1908. COPYRIGHT 1B08, BY H. E. BUCHHOL2. JAMES BLACK GROOME I 87 4-1 87 6 XXXVI JAMES BLACK GROOME Because a people live under a republican form of gov- ernment is not conclusive evidence that all, or for that matter that any of them are, as far as political views are concerned, positively republican; no more than can citi- zenship in a kingdom or principality be finally accepted as the badge of royalism. Indeed, many a royalist is streaked with republican theories, which he seeks to down because he fears they may undermine his royalist faith; seldom, if ever, does the despot believe absolutely in despotism; and the professing democrat is frequently democratic in just so much as suits his worldly purpose. In brief, within a nation whose political doctrines have been produced by natural evolution it is difficult to find a pure type of any particular class of political believer. The masses, of course, are not generally positive in their convictions as are the leaders — or, at least, those who stand forth in strong relief against the background of the average, but even the pro- fessions of these conspicuous ones are distressingly often at variance with their conscious opinion. Thus, for exam- ple, when colonial word-jugglers cried: "Give us liberty or give us death," the majority had in mind as the attain- ment of the former simply a continuance of monarchical rule under home-made rulers. On the other hand many a self-styled republican is unable to distinguish the auto- cratic demagogue from the true democrat. When, however, the historical student approaches the life of Governor Groome and lays bare the most secret recesses of his public and private career, he is tempted to 2o8 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND write him down — a democrat pure and undefiled. By so doing he may err, but it will be an excusable transgression, for the record left by the man who succeeded Governor Whyte in the executive mansion is deeply impressed with the tracings of a remarkably democratic spirit. A demo- crat, in the broader sense, is "one who believes in or adheres to democracy as a principle of government or of organized society; one who believes in political and natural equality; an opponent of arbitrary or hereditary distinction of rank and privilege." A man who champions the masses and opposes the classes is too often accorded the credit of being democratic, but he is no more democratic in truth than one who favors the few and is antagonistic to the mass. The real democrat is he who is able to be friendly to the many and the few simultaneously, who will not oppose, instinc- tively or otherwise, the proud nor the humble, the strong nor the weak, the rich nor the poor; one who will not dis- criminate in favor of any class because of its class — and such a man was Mr. Groome. The first claim of Governor Groome to posterity's recognition rests upon the fact that he, to an extent never before equaled by a chief magis- trate of Maryland, was possessed of a broad and undiluted democracy. Governor Groome, according to a very sane editorial in his home paper at the time of his death, "was everybody's friend. * * * The humblest could approach him without a sense of restraint, but none were so mighty as to feel disposed to trifle with him. " James Black Groome, born on April 4, 1838, at Elkton, Maryland, had his early life cast in an atmosphere of cul- ture and refinement. His father. Col. John Charles Groome, was a man of considerable prominence. A lawyer by pro- fession, he occasionally took a hand in political affairs, and in the exciting times when the know-nothings held Mary- land in a grip of steel opposed Thomas H. Hicks for the JAMES BLACK GROOME 209 governorship, but was defeated. Mrs. Elizabeth (Black) Groome, the governor's mother, was the daughter of Judge Black, of New Castle, Delaware. When an infant, James Black Groome met with an accident that resulted in physical injuries from which he never fully recovered, and throughout his life he had to fight constantly against sick- ness. When a youth he entered Tennent School, at Harts- ville, Pennsylvania, to prepare for Princeton College, but his eyesight failed him and he was forced to abandon his purpose of taking a collegiate course. He made the best of his misfortune, returned home and studied law under his father, and was admitted to the bar of Maryland in 1861. Unable to take active part in the Civil War, Mr. Groome set himself the task of watching over the interests of those who, because their bodies were stronger, took up arms, and as soon as the conflict had been ended he worked faithfully to repair the injured political fabric. Active among those who favored the calling of a constitutional convention, he was a delegate from Cecil county to the gathering which, in 1867, framed the present constitution of Maryland. Under the operation of the new constitution, Mr. Groome labored untiringly for the success of the democratic party in his own county, though he did not appear for some time as a candidate for office. It was not until 187 1 that he asked his neighbors to honor him by sending him to the lower branch of the legislature, and in the election he was successful. He served as a member of the house of dele- gates in the session of 1872. During this term evidence of Mr. Groome's popularity among the Eastern Shore members was shown when the general assembly met to elect a United States senator, for, although not able to marshal enough votes to make him a very hopeful aspirant, he, nevertheless, had sufficient support for the senatorship to show that he was highly regarded by those who knew him best. 2IO GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND Mr. Groome stood for reelection in 1873 and was chosen a member of the legislature which met in the following year. Early in the session the general assembly elected William Pinkney Whyte, then governor of Maryland, to a seat in the United States senate; and, while the term for which Mr. Whyte was chosen did not begin until 1875, ^^ immediately placed his resignation as chief magistrate of Maryland before the legislature in order that that body might elect his suc- cessor. Of the many aspirants for the honor, Mr. Groome had the heartiest support, and he was elected governor for the unexpired term of Mr. Whyte. The latter relinquished the executive office on March 4, 1874, and Mr. Groome, who assumed the duties upon that occasion, served Mary- land as its executive until January 12, 1876, when his suc- cessor, John Lee Carroll, was inaugurated. When Mr. Groome became governor he was just thirty- five years of age, and, therefore, one of the youngest chief magistrates in the history of Maryland. His administra- tion, especially at its close, witnessed much bitter feeling and passion in Maryland, part of which found expression in the contest of the election of several leading state offi- cials. A notable incident in this connection was the effort of S. Teackle Wallis, the unsuccessful candidate for attorney- general in the election of 1875, to prevent the governor from issuing a certificate of election to his opponent, Charles J. M. Gwinn. Governor Groome's position was one of ex- treme delicacy; here was a political enemy calling upon him to sit in judgment over an election that had been declared in favor of Mr. Gwinn, whom the governor, if he pursued a strictly partisan course, must naturally favor. Through- out this controversy, Mr. Groome showed that same absolute independence of partisan bias which characterized his course generally in administering the affairs of the state. Gwinn was successful in the contest but every opportunity was JAMES BLACK GROOME 211 given Mr. Wallis to prove his claim. Indeed, Mr. Groome went so far as to choose as his own representative in the case WalHs' attorney, explaining afterwards that he "knew that this selection of counsel would be misunderstood by many and would bring upon me their temporary censure, but I knew, under the pecuhar circumstances, that it was eminently the proper one to make, and I made it." The month following his retirement, Mr. Groome was married, February 29, 1876, to Miss Alice L. Edmondson, of Talbot county. The first years of their married Ufe were passed at the governor's boyhood home in Elkton; later six years were spent in Washington, and upon the close of Mr. Groome's official business in the national capital he purchased a house in Baltimore, where he passed most of his remaining years. The legislature that met in 1878 was called upon to elect a United States senator, and al- though he had as his opponents such men as ex-Governor Philip Francis Thomas, Montgomery Blair — postmaster- general under Lincoln, and Robert M. McLane, Mr. Groome was chosen for the six years beginning March 4, 1879. The full term that Senator Groome was in congress ran concurrently with the closing two years of Senator Whyte's term and the opening four years of Mr. Gorman's term in the senate, and he did not measure up spectacularly to the activity in the national legislature of either of these Mary- landers. He was, however, no pygmy among the con- gressional giants; he helped to make up the conscience of the senate, he contributed much toward the sound reason- ing of the upper house, and he served his state faithfully m the position to which he had been chosen. His record m the senate might have been a somewhat prouder one though it could not have been cleaner, had not ill health at times prevented him taking the part he was well equipped to play. 212 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND Senator Groome's term in the senate terminated on March 3, 1885, and on February 17, in the year following, he was appointed by President Cleveland collector of cus- toms at the port of Baltimore. This position — the last public office he held — he filled for the next four years. The remaining years of his life were mostly passed in his Baltimore home, where he died, October 4, 1893. His body was interred in the Presbyterian cemetery at Elkton. No more fitting eulogy could be penned regarding Governor Groome than a certain passage which he himself wrote when making his final address as governor of Maryland to the legislature in January, 1876: "I cannot but recall with pleasure, not unmixed with pride, the fact that all times during my term in office * * * j have freely granted a hearing to every resident of Maryland, however humble, who had a petition to present, a grievance to be redressed or a suggestion in regard to any public matter to make. * * * As to all matters of public interest, I desired the whole people of the state to consider themselves my counselors. If, then, the state has been the loser by the fact that any portion of her citizens did not aid me by their advice in reaching a correct conclusion upon any important matter, the fault was with those citizens, and not with me. But while in season and out of season all who desired it have had free access to me, none has been permitted to obtain a controlling influence. The whole responsibility for the mistakes of my administration, whatever they may be, must rest, therefore, upon me, for all my official acts had the approval of my own judgment." COPYRIGHT, IBOa. BY H. E. BUCHHOLZ. jOH jrporations, merciai- •' naie str" " . aspect. The second ^^- '-^ ^^■■^'^' '-^^'f- lives as have at some tim von national ahairs. These men may ha -^'v or they mav ' " '^:ercised their talen Mxi in nth Is — in the cabii,. urally very rs bore lag oi mciusiuii -n in Wilmingtr on J I McLane, h. freque...., ......... ...^ ...c state of D . . ...^ and the fc ment. but in 1837 he .withdrew from ' re to assimie th Railroad. Thrc^f. tate of Maryland 1 is aae than that . "^^rs. Louis ^'' • Gather aty, Maryland. Th lUC HHOLZ ROBERT MILLIGAN McLANE 229 schooling of young McLane was acquired under the tutor- age of John Bullock, a Quaker who conducted an academy in Wilmington. Mr. McLane continued at this institution until 1827, when he entered St. Mary's College, Baltimore. Two years later Mr. McLane, Sr., was appointed United States minister at the Court of St. James, and his son accompanied him abroad, although he separated from his father and went to Paris, where he pursued his studies at the College Bourbon. The McLanes remained in Europe until 1 83 1, when the elder McLane was called back to America to accept the treasury portfolio under President Jackson. At the same time his son was appointed by the president to a cadetship at the United States Military Academy, from which institution he was graduated in 1837. Upon leaving West Point Mr. McLane was commissioned second lieutenant in the First Artillery, and went to Florida, where he saw service under General Jessup. In the follow- ing year he was placed in the army commanded by General Scott, and took part in the Cherokee campaign. In the latter part of the year 1838, however, Mr. McLane was trans- ferred to the newly organized corps of topographical en- gineers. The secretary of war, in January, 1841, com- missioned Lieutenant McLane and a fellow-officer to go to Holland and Italy to examine officially the dykes and drain- age, respectively, of these two countries and to make a detailed report on them to the government. During this expedition Mr. McLane entered into a matrimonial alliance. The bride was Miss Georgine Urquhart, daughter of David Urquhart, a merchant of Louisiana, and the marriage was solemnized in Paris on August 2, 1841. This change in the domestic life of the officer unquestionably proved the final incentive to his breaking away from a profession for which his affection had waned somewhat in the years immediately preceding his marriage, Mr. McLane had 230 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND during his military service prepared himself for the bar and had been admitted to practice in the District of Colum- bia early in the forties. After his return to America, he continued with the army for two years, supervising engi- neering work in the vicinity of New Orleans and elsewhere. In the meantime, however, he was planning to make a change of profession, and in October, 1843, resigned his commission and took up his residence in Baltimore, where he began to practice law. Mr. McLane did not conceal for long his real motive in taking up law in Maryland. In the year following his resig- nation from the army, when Henry Clay was opposing Mr. Polk for the presidential chair, he gave liberally of his time and ability to the cause of the democrats, and during the campaign made a strong impression in Maryland through both the manner of delivery and the substance of his politi- cal addresses. In the year 1845 he received the democratic nomination as one of Baltimore's representatives in the house of delegates, and was elected. When the legisla- ture convened he became a champion of Governor Pratt in his honest financial plan for Maryland's debts. He was also hearty in his advocacy of constitutional reform — a matter in which Baltimore especially was interested — and upon his legislative record generally he succeeded in obtain- ing, a year later, the democratic nomination for congress. Thus in the very morning of his political career Mr. Mc- Lane cast off the lines of strictly local affairs and stood ready to take up his position among the legislators of the nation. In the ensuing campaign he came out boldly in support of the administration regarding Texas and Mexico, and was elected over the whig candidate. Upon his entrance into the house of representatives he continued his champion- ship of President Polk's course in connection with the repub- lic to the south of the United States. Mr. McLane was ROBERT MILLIGAN McLANE 231 reelected to congress in 1849. In 1851 he was engaged as counsel for a large mining concern which was experiencing some difficulty over its property in California, and his pro- fessional duties necessitated a trip to the Pacific Coast. The business was less easily settled than had at first been anticipated, and it was not until 1852 that the lawyer was able to return to the East. Nevertheless, he appeared as elector for Franklin Pierce in the presidential campaign of 1852 and upon the induction of the latter into the presiden- tial office the Marylander began his career as a diplomat. China was weighed down with religious revolution, and the relations between the empire of the East and the more advanced western nations was thrown into something like chaos. As things went from bad to worse, England, France and America became greatly alarmed over the situation. President Pierce appointed Mr. McLane commissioner to China, with power of minister plenipotentiary, and accred- ited him at the same time to Japan, Siam, Korea and Cochin China. He gave him as an escort a rather formidable collec- tion of boats, and told him to go and settle the trouble with the Chinese. He was called upon to perform the difficult feat of remaining on friendly terms with the imperial gov- ernment and at the same time treating officially with the revolutionists, who were the enemies of the imperial ad- ministration; and he accomplished this feat with much credit. As soon as Mr. McLane had become convinced that his presence in the East was no longer required, he requested his government to recall him, and was relieved in the sum- mer of 1855. Mr. McLane returned to America in time to take part in the preliminaries of the presidential campaign of 1856. He was active in organizing the convention which placed James Buchanan in nomination, and he rendered much service to the national democratic ticket. For the next 232 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND few years legal engagements kept him from public service, but he was called upon by President Buchanan in 1859 to perform another delicate diplomatic mission for the gov- ernment. In June, 1858, friendly relations between the United States and Mexico were rudely terminated, and Envoy Forsyth was instructed by the state department to demand his passport of the Mexican government. The nations nursed a feeling of bitter hostility from that time until early in 1859, when Mr. McLane was sent as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to Mexico, to seek to protect the property of American citizens and con- summate some deal whereby order might be brought out of the disturbed and anarchical state of affairs in the republic. He was honored with the rather unusual "discretionary authority to recognize the government of President Juarez, if, on his arrival in Mexico, he should find it entitled to such recognition, according to the established practice of the United States." And he did recognize the government, on April 7, 1859, and thereby threw not a little moral sup- port to the administration of Juarez, which shortly there- after became more firmly established. Mr. McLane dealt with the Mexican government more than a year, and succeeded in gaining desirable concessions for the people of the United States. A treaty which was drawn and signed by him in behalf of the United States, met with the hearty approval of the government at Wash- ington. Before its final ratification, however, there had come about the change in the administration from Buchanan to Lincoln. Anticipating the approach of a serious rupture between north and south, and realizing the uselessness of further endeavor in Mexico at that time, Mr. McLane requested the government to relieve him of the Mexican post, and he returned to Baltimore in December, i860. Upon his arrival in Maryland, Mr. McLane immediately ROBERT MILLIGAN M LANE 233 assumed his part in the agitation that was then distressing the nation. He was unreservedly opposed to the coercion of a state, but he was by no means a believer in the right of secession, and throughout the troubled days of 1861-65 he labored for an adjustment of the differences between the north and south. Before the iron grip of the military had been finally fastened upon Maryland the legislature appointed a commission to go to Washington and protest against the unconstitutional proceedings of the federal troops in the Old Line state. Mr. McLane was named as a member of this body, which by its report was largely influ- ential in preventing any legislative move at that time toward secession. During the years of the conflict Mr. McLane was considerably occupied by his legal duties. He entered the service of the Western Pacific Railroad Company in 1863, and this post necessitated his traveling frequently between New York, the Pacific, and Paris. After the war he con- tinued to devote his time almost exclusively to his legal practice, and it was not until 1876 that he once more assumed the position of prominence which he had held in national affairs up to the outbreak of hostilities. In 1876 he appeared in the democratic convention which nominated Samuel J. Tilden. The next year he received the democratic nomi- nation for the state senate and was elected. In 1878 he was named for congress and was chosen again to the ower branch of the national legislature. He came before the people for reelection in 1880 and was chosen for a sec- ond term, thus giving him for a second time two full terms in congress. There were exciting days in congress when Mr. McLane represented his state for a second time, and in the midst of the excitement was generally found the Marylander, who had no superior as a ready debater or a fearless champion. The cause he represented was that of a minority which was 234 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND capable during much of the time of doing little more than holding the republicans in check. Corruption in public office was widespread, graft was the order of things then; but through it all Congressman McLane stood up for clean politics and efficient administration of public affairs. His service in congress extended from 1879 to 1883. In 1883 Mr. McLane was nominated by the democrats for governor and was elected in the fall. He was inaugurated governor on January 8, 1884, but within a little more than a year — which had not been eventful in Maryland affairs — he was offered the post of minister to France by President Cleveland, and surrendered the executive mansion that he might accept the foreign mission. On March 27, 1885, Governor McLane resigned the gubernatorial chair to State Senator Henry Lloyd — who, as president of the senate, was entitled to become acting governor — and went abroad. He served as minister to France throughout President Cleve- land's administration. After his successor had been named he continued to reside in the French capital, which he chose as his residence for the remaining years of his life. He died in Paris on April 16, 1898, but his remains were brought to America, and interred in the family burial lot at Green- mount Cemetery, Baltimore. COPYRIGHT. 1908, BY H. E. BUCHHOLZ. in 1874 r^diatelv vsor, and Mr ited States rai- minister to t^'ra ■ 'Lane practicaii;, :r.;:-.s;'":n. f " ^ ' ays the was duly el a George Pi; upon t Henry status _ HENRY LLOYD 1885-1888 CCP i<* ICHT XL HENRY LLOYD When Governor Whyte was elected United States sena- tor in 1874, he immediately tendered the general assembly, then in session, his resignation as chief magistrate of Mary- land in order that that body might at once provide a suc- cessor, and Mr. Groome was elected governor for the unex- pired term. When Governor McLane, however, deter- mined in 1885 to relinquish his office to accept the post of United States minister to France, conditions were not favorable for so prompt a filling of the vacancy in the execu- tive mansion. At the time of Mr. McLane's appointment as minister to France the legislature was not in session, nor was it scheduled to meet for nearly a year. As a con- sequence there began with the retirement of Governor McLane practically an unfilled vacancy in the executive mansion, for the temporary successor provided by the con- stitution was merely acting-governor. Thus, for instance, in early state days the president of the governor's council became acting-executive in event of the disability or dis- qualification of his chief, serving until another governor was duly elected. When George Plater died in 1792, James Brice became acting-governor, and again when Robert Wright resigned in 1809, James Butcher was made acting- governor; yet neither is entitled to inclusion among the governors of Maryland. When Governor McLane retired as chief magistrate of Maryland, the duties of his office fell upon the shoulders of the president of the state senate, Henry Lloyd, who became acting-governor. Between the status of Mr. Lloyd, however, and that of Mr. Brice and Mr. 236 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND Butcher there was this difference: the earlier constitution directed the acting-governor immediately to issue a call for the legislature to meet in extra session and elect a new governor, while the later constitutional provision entitled the acting-governor to serve as such until the legislature, if not in session, should regularly assemble for its next session. With the retirement, therefore, of Governor McLane in 1885 Mr. Lloyd became acting-executive and thus entered the class to which belong Brice and Butcher in Maryland history; but when the legislature met early in 1886 it added its confirmation to a selection which had been in a measure the result of chance and elected Mr. Lloyd governor for the remaining portion of Mr. McLane's unexpired term, which was to extend to January 11, 1888. It would be difficult to find two men more unlike than Mr. McLane and his suc- cessor. The former — the native son of another state — seemed ever on the alert for some public service which should carry him into foreign fields, while Governor Lloyd is the typical Eastern Shoreman, believing that the strip of land stretching between the Atlantic and the Chesa- peake is the only bit of country which the destructive floods of Noah's days never reached; that he inhabits the exclusive remnant of Eden undefiled. Again, Mr. McLane was a born combatant and the scent of battle was as a sweet fragrance in his nostrils, while his successor is a peace- loving man, who bears rather the olive branch than the ultimatum and who apparently rejoices most in triumphs won far from the scene of conflict. Henry Lloyd was born at Hambrooke, near Cambridge, on February 21, 1852. His father, Daniel Lloyd, was a son of the second Governor Edward Lloyd and a native of Talbot, but removed to Dorchester county. On his paternal side Henry Lloyd is descended from the Edward HENRY LLOYD 237 Lloyd who settled in Maryland in 1649, and from whom sprang two namesakes who served as chief magistrates of Maryland — one in 1709 and the other in 1809. On his maternal side, too, Mr. Lloyd inherited the blood of a Maryland governor, his mother, Mrs. Kitty Henry Lloyd, having been a granddaughter of Governor John Henry. Mr. Henry Lloyd acquired at the schools of Cambridge his elementary training, and later entered the Cambridge Acad- emy, from w^hich he was graduated at the age of nineteen. He then took up the profession of pedagogue and joined the faculty of his alma mater — a connection which remained intact for some years after he had entered upon the practice of law. Under the guidance of his uncle. Congressman Daniel M. Henry, and that of Judge Charles F. Goldsbor- ough, another relative, Mr. Lloyd upon the close of his student days took up the study of law and was admitted to the bar in April, 1873, although the volume of his legal business did not necessitate an immediate relinquishment of his post as instructor in the academy. Several years after his admission to the bar, Mr. Llo3''d began his career as an officeholder; this was in 1875 "^^'hen he was appointed auditor of the court. Although this initial public post was not one of large importance, it is of interest because it indicates Mr. Lloyd's leaning toward the judiciary rather than the legislative office. It was not until 1 88 1, or eight years after he had been authorized to practice law, that the future governor appeared as a candi- date for elective office. He aspired, however, at this time to an office of some importance, asking his fellow-countians to send him to the state senate. Mr. Lloyd, nevertheless, had not aspired too high, for he was elected a member of the upper branch of the state legislature for the sessions of 1882 and 1884. During the earlier session, although a novice at law-making, he created a good impression by his 238 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND discretion and executive ability, and when the legislature met early in 1884 his name was mentioned for the presidency of the state senate. Another candidate for the same posi- tion was Mr. Edwin Warfield, of Howard county, who shared with Mr. Lloyd the distinction of being one of the two strongest aspirants for the chair. It is related that these two candidates met and Mr. Lloyd requested his rival from Howard county to defer for a session his ambition, reasoning that Mr. Warfield had just been elected for another full term, while he, Mr. Lloyd, was in the closing year of his term and not too sanguine of being returned. At all events, Mr. Warfield withdrew and Mr. Lloyd was chosen executive of the senate, and by virtue of his office he became shortly thereafter, upon the resignation of Gov- ernor McLane, acting governor, only to be elected gover- nor at the next subsequent meeting of the legislature. Mr. Lloyd became acting-governor on March 27, 1885, and he continued as such for nearly a year. When the legis- lature met in January, 1886, he sent to it the customary message from the executive mansion, and in this he set forth the change that had taken place in the state adminis- tration; he pointed out to the general assembly its need of electing a successor to Governor McLane; and he also dwelt — though apparently rather because the governor's message was expected to do so than from any wish to appear desirous of influencing legislation — upon certain matters of public concern which he thought required attention. There is at least one point in this message deserving of more than passing notice. The acting governor gave his unreserved endorsement to a desired constitutional reform that had been advocated for many years before, namely; that the governor of Maryland should be accorded the power to veto a single item upon any general appropriation bill. The practice among highwaymen-legislators of tacking a HENRY LLOYD 239 dishonest appropriation to some general bill, thus making it a part of a measure that was favored by honest states- men and leaving them no choice between passing the dis- honest appropriation or destroying the good measure, met with no favor at his hand. As soon as the legislature of 1886 had been organized, a vote was taken for a successor to Governor McLane. But two candidates were named, Mr. Robert B. Dixon, of Talbot county, and Mr. Lloyd. Of the 114 ballots cast the latter received 100 and, having been declared elected gover- nor of Maryland, he was formally inaugurated the follow- ing day, January 21, 1886. The next two years, or until Governor Lloyd was succeeded by Mr. Jackson on January II, 1888, were not momentous ones in the history of Mary- land; that is, there was a general run of prosperity; the wheels of the government moved smoothly; and the state, except in one or two isolated cases, was spared from those agitations which are apt to occur when business is depressed or the people become discontented under some unjust or burdensome tax. When Governor Lloyd was about to retire from office he very modestly declared: "While I cannot take any special credit to myself for these happy results, it is, nevertheless, gratifying to know that these circumstances exist when I surrender the trust confided to me." There is no reason for supposing that Governor Lloyd regretted the absence of momentous events which meant that in most respects his administration should assume an aspect of the commonplace in history, for, as has already been inferred, peace is preferable to the Dor- chester countian to war with its more sensational glories. But at the same time his judicious course in subsequent years while on the bench leave no room for doubting how Mr. Lloyd would have measured as governor in an emer- gency calling for courage and energy. 240 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND Upon the termination of his term as governor, Mr. Lloyd resumed his legal practice in his native town of Cambridge. But in 1892 he was afforded an opportunity of entering public service again, without, however, being required to forsake the legal atmosphere that appealed to him more strongly than service in the legislative or the administra- tive departments. In that year his uncle and former pre- ceptor. Judge Charles F. Goldsborough, died and Mr. Lloyd was appointed by Governor Brown to fill temporarily the vacancy caused by his death, until the people of the dis- trict should elect another judge at a regular election. In the following fall. Judge Lloyd was named for a full term of fifteen years upon the bench of the first judicial circuit and was elected. His course during the many years of his career as a judge has been wise and impartial, and his decisions have been uniformly well rendered both as con- cerns equity and law. He has done his full share, also, in raising to its present high standard the judiciary of the state. Mr. Lloyd's services on the bench were brought to a close in 1908, when, through the workings of a newly passed retiring bill, he was relieved from active service. With the beginning of his career as a member of the bar, Governor Lloyd entered upon his service in connection with the Masonic order. He was initiated into the frater- nal organization in 1873, ^^^ ^^^ ever since been promi- nent in its affairs, having served in 1885 and again in 1886 as senior grand warden of the lodge. During the first year of his governorship, or on October 18, 1886, Mr. Lloyd was married to Miss Mary Elizabeth Stapleforte, daughter of William T. and Virginia A. Stapleforte, of Dorchester county. Since his appointment to the bench. Judge Lloyd's activity has, of course, been confined largely to the Eastern Shore. In his home county, and especially in Cambridge, he has taken a leading part in strictly local affairs, HENRY LLOYD 241 having been president of the Dorchester National Bank since it was organized in 1889. He has also taken a deep interest in the affairs of Christ Protestant Episcopal Church, at Cambridge. This concern of Judge Lloyd in the local affairs of the Eastern Shore is responsible to a considerable degree for the fact that he has failed in later years to assume the position in state affairs which might be regarded as his by right of the earlier promises his public labors gave. For this reason the histories of Maryland yet to be written may slight him, since, in truth, his legislative service and his short administration were not noteworthy as regards the spectacular. The native-born historian of the Eastern Shore, however, will always write Governor Lloyd down as a worthy offspring of those early pioneers of the state who founded one of the most distinguished colonial families of Maryland; and of that family of Lloyds which has often written its name upon the pages of Maryland's history Judge Lloyd is a distinguished member. XLI ELIHU EMORY JACKSON Shortly after the close of the Civil War, the democratic party of Maryland was returned to power by the same movement practically which resulted in the constitution of 1867. The party's formidable strength from then on seemed to stamp out even as a remote possibility the hope of the republicans winning back the state machinery. This prompted the democratc leaders now and then to indulge in plays that were more profitable than virtuous, and so in due course the party fell into ill-favor, not only with its political opponents, but with the more righteous members of its own belief. Both the party leaders of the better sort and the party press became active toward the approach of the state convention of 1887 in a campaign to free the controlling organization in Maryland from the features which had not unjustly called forth condemnation. And in the convention of that year there is seen the beginning of an era when the individual candidate, if he carried with him enough popular favor, could demand from the organi- zation a certain amount of recognition. Although in the early part of the convention which was to name the state ticket, each section presented its particular candidate, the convention ended with all party members in perfect har- mony, and the people of Maryland were permitted to view a political meeting in which neither scheming nor trickery was the order of the day, but a sane consideration of the good of the party. The gubernatorial candidate chosen was one whose primary claim to the confidence of the people was his commercial success and his business reputation. ELIHU EMORY JACKSON 1888-1802 !:r.lHTI EM> ':ksom paiiv turned to Dower bv the sa. i. remote pc^ : the state rjuaciunery. iuis . ...;.... orV^vc iT.^A^- uy^A then to indulge at were mo 'uous. and so in ftpatr^8<*a' the better name t /.ndidate chosen >f ;^'. COPYRIGHT, 1908, BY H. E. BUCHHOLZ. ELIHU EMORY JACKSON 243 When Mr. Jackson was named for governor the greatest appeal that could be made in his behalf was his business ability. When he was elected to the office of state executive it is probable that his business ability was still accepted by the voters as his chief recommendation. And in reviewing the administration of the Eastern Shoreman — indeed, in a review of his entire life — the one dominant note must be "business.' Elihu Emory Jackson was born near Salisbury on Novem- ber 3 , 1837. His father, Hugh Jackson, was a hard-working man, but his home was not, perhaps, as humble as some stump speakers of the later eighties painted it. Elihu Emory Jackson, who was the eldest of seven children, received as good an education as the country school of his neighborhood afforded. For some time after clos- ing his school career, he aided his father in the manage- ment and cultivation of the farm, but there was ever present with him the desire to cut free from the home ties — not because of their restraint, but because they meant limitation of commercial possibilities — and to make a shift in the great big world for himself. During the period of preparation he hoarded up as much money as he could earn, and finally, with sufficient capital to warrant a venture on his own account, he left for Delmar where he engaged in business. This was in 1859, shortly after Mr. Jackson had attained his majority, and he chose the town of Delmar as the scene of his venture because it was then the terminus of the Delaware railroad. For four years he continued at Delmar building up for himse'f a reputation, increasing his capital and adding rapidly to his business experience. In 1863, after the railroad had been extended to Salisbury, he moved his business there. He opened a general merchandise and dry goods establishment, and also handled both lumber and grain. His father and his eldest brother were admitted into 244 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND the partnership with him at the time of his removal to Sahsbury, and as his other brothers reached manhood they also were taken into the business, which was conducted under the firm name of E. E. Jackson & Co. A history of this firm is the story of Governor Jackson's advance from the position of a very modest merchant to that of one of the largest lumber dealers in the country. The officeholding period of Mr. Jackson's career covered a comparatively small part of his whole life, although immed- iately upon becoming a voter he manifested much interest in political affairs. His excursion into the doubtful field of candidacy for office, however, was to all appearances but a brief interruption to a life which had been devoted primarily to great lumber interests; while his concern in state polit- ical affairs found a close second to his interest in the muni- cipal affairs of his home town, Salisbury. It was in 1882, when Mr. Jackson was a man of forty-five, that he first received at the hands of the people among whom he had so long been prominent in the world of business the nomination for an elective office. In that year he was elected to the house of delegates ; and two years later, at the next legislative election, he was returned to the legislature, though this time he was sent to the upper branch of the general assem- bly. At the close of the session of 1886, when Edwin War- field resigned as president of the senate in order to accept the post of surveyor of the port of Baltimore, Mr. Jackson was elected his successor. The rise of Mr. Jackson as a political factor from the time of his first election to the legislature, in 1882, to the time set for the state convention of 1887 was remarkable. From a great and influential business man who manifested some interest in political affairs he grew to be the strongest candidate whom the Eastern Shoremen could offer the con- vention as their choice for the gubernatorial nomination. ELIHU EMORY JACKSON 245 The delegates from Western Maryland were in favor of Mr. L. Victor Baughman, while the section in between — which comprised Baltimore city and the surrounding counties — was for Mayor Hodges of Baltimore, who was, however, a bone of contention in a measure even among the people of his own section. For some time a deadlock seemed threat- ened, but on the sixth ballot the Baltimore county delega- tion threw its support to Mr. Jackson, and its lead was promptly followed by all the Hodges' supporters, giving Mr. Jackson the nomination before the spectators could fully realize the drift in his direction Harmony was the cry of the leaders among the delegates, and General Baugh- man himself moved to make Mr. Jackson's choice unani- mous. At the election, on November 8, 1887, Elihu E. Jackson defeated Walter B. Brooks, the republican candi- date for governor. Governor Jackson, during the four years that he directed state affairs, made a good record for efficient and business- like administration. First of all, there was his constant solic- itude for the rights of the people in their dealings through the state government with corporations. With remarkable business foresight, he directed the attention of the legisla- ture to the need of prohibiting any railroad company from consolidating with another railway company, and also of forbidding the assignment of a railroad's charter to another company without specified permission in each instance from the legislature. In other words, he sought in that day to put up a barrier which should prevent widespread consoli- dation of railroad interests, because of the twofold danger of them becoming too formidable factors in state affairs and of stifling competition. Governor Jackson endeavored to have the railroad companies and other large corporations bear a more equitable share of the burden of taxes, and he favored taxing foreign corporations doing business in the 246 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND state in proportion to the amount of business they trans- acted in the commonwealth. Side by side with this constant endeavor to have the big corporations do their share in supporting the state government was an unceasing cam- paign for decreasing the taxes of the common citizen. Mr. Jackson made no secret of his wish to be sent to the United States senate, and during his administration he labored industriously to make possible a realization of this ambition. He first appeared as a formidable candidate in 1890, but in the heat of the contest disclosures were made concerning the defalcations of State Treasurer Stevenson Archer; and this unfortunate affair, for which Governor Jackson was in no wise to blame, put an end for a time to his candidacy. Two years later he again appeared as an aspir- ant for senatorial honors, but Senator Gorman and the democratic leader of Baltimore worked against him and he was defeated. After the close of his administration. Governor Jackson resumed the position in the business world from which public office had called him, and thereafter he gave chie thought to his commercial affairs. His enormous lumber interests and his connection with the Salisbury National Bank and the Sussex National Bank — the latter at Seaford, Delaware — took much of his time. He bore an active part in the state campaign of 1895, when many of the old democratic leaders met with defeat. At that time he was a candidate for the state senate and was one of the few successful democrats. At the session of 1896 Mr. Jackson served as chairman of the finance committee, accomplishing several meritorious reforms ; and in the ses- sion of 1898 he was also a useful member. His democratic friends sought to have him become a congressional can- didate in 1900 against his brother, William H. Jackson, who had gone over to the republican party when the demo- ELIHU EMORY JACKSON 247 crats first advocated "free silver;" but Governor Jackson could not be persuaded to enter the contest. In 1902 and in 1904 he was again spoken of for congress; and in the latter year the convention even went so far as to nominate him without his consent, but he declined the honor. Finally in 1907, Mr. Jackson played an important part in the con- vention which named Austin L. Crothers for governor, and he was largely responsible for the movement which gave the deciding votes to Mr. Crothers instead of to Henry Williams. In the days when Governor Jackon was fighting hardest for success in the business world he put into practice the theory that two heads are better than one, and married. Mrs. Jackson, who was Miss Nannie Rider, daughter of Dr. William H. Rider, of Salisbury, was the close companion of the governor in all his affairs from the time of their marriage, in 1869 They made their home in the beautiful mansion which Mr. Jackson erected in Salisbury in 1885, and their greatest interests were centered in the Eastern Shore town. When Salisbury was visited by a disastrous fire in 1885, Governor Jackson contributed generously of his means to the rebuilding of the place. He was, of course, a mighty force in the commercial affairs of his home town, where his own business constituted so large a source of activity. He was also active in the church and social circles of the county seat of Wicomico. He died in Baltimore, on Decem- ber 27, 1907. XLII FRANK BROWN There is a wide range in the motive that inspires differ- ent pohtical leaders and aspirants. Upon the point of ethics, for instance, there are pohticians working side by side — working under the same standard and apparently for the same object — whose characters are antithetical. Thus, in the matter of morals, there stands in the center the man who makes of politics a business, whether for monetary or social advantage; and the pendulum in its full swing reaches on its one extreme the citizen who sees in politics a form of religion; and on the other the schemist who makes of it a species of crime. The business politician is not neces- sarily wicked — indeed, it were unwarranted to assert that he is to any great extent wicked — just as the religiously righteous politician is not always a capable or a profitable public servant; the criminal politician is, of course, a crim- inal. But to classify under these three heads the many officials who have held important positions under Mary- land's state government would be a task impossible of accomplishment, for the true motive of many a politician is hidden from view. There are, however, numerous cases in which this condition of concealment does not exist. For example: no one would believe that Governor Brown is in politics as a means of worship, and he himself would un- doubtedly be the first to protest, were he written down as a man who made of politics a religion. A man of large busi- ness acumen, his political ventures have been conducted upon the same business principle as a dozen or more other large undertakings of his in a strictly commercial field. FRANK BROWN 189 2-1896 ALU FRANK BROWN that inspires differ- c!ii poiiLical ieaders and aspirants. Upon the point of "rhics, for i-i-^r^t.. ^ ^here are politicians working side by Side — wor e same standard and apparently for the sa- racters are : oal. Thus, in the " • t.-.^-rU ■'. ^r the man V. h . monetary c, and the penduiura in its full swing ^vr:-rr,-'^ :• - ^•^'\7.^r• ^^Am ■ '^.. pc; in poUticS vho makes a politician . ei , numerous cases ioes not exist. For 10 one ^' t Governor Brown is in COPYRIGHT, 1908. BY H. E. BUCHHOLZ. 1 FRANK BROWN 249 And, rejecting the fallacy that an office-seeker should neces- sarily be inspired only with patriotism, there will be found in his political career not a little to admire, whether it be in his business methods of making himself governor, or of carry- ing to a successful close the campaigns of other candidates. Frank Brown was born August 8, 1846, at Brown's In- heritance, an estate in Carroll county that had been the homestead of several of his ancestors. His father, Stephen T. Cockey Brown, was a grandson of Abel Brown, who emigrated from Dumfries, Scotland, to Maryland in the early half of the eighteenth century. His mother had been, before her marriage. Miss Susan A. Bennett, daughter of a Carroll county farmer. The elder Mr. Brown intended that his son should be an agriculturist. Although the lad was given a thorough schooling, being entered at various educational institutions in Carroll, Howard and Baltimore counties, his father stressed that portion of his education which had to do with the management of a farm. But, while farming as a hobby has always interested Mr. Frank Brown, as an occupation it did not present fascination enough to withhold from him the temptation to seek a field of activity in less isolated territory, and early in his youth he came to Baltimore and entered the employ of R. Sinclair and Company, dealers in agricultural imple- ments. Subsequently he made his appearance in a semi- political position when, in 1870, he was appointed to a clerkship in one of the state tobacco warehouses. Here the Carroll countian continued for the next six years, serv- ing under the administrations of Governors Bowie, Whyte, and Groome. During this period he was ever busy in building up for himself the foundation of a political career; and by 1875 he had grown sufficiently in public esteem to be the successful candidate in his county for membership in the house of delegates. 250 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND In this instance — which is of interest because it marks the initiation of the future governor into elective office — there is shown Mr. Brown's method of laying plans well in advance of a contest for a public position. Mr. Brown was a mem- ber of the session of 1876 as well as that of 1878, having been reelected in 1877. His political career was then given a pause by the death of both his father and his uncle, a dual loss which placed upon his shoulders the responsibility of managing a considerable estate. Although these new cares kept Mr. Brown out of the legislative race in 1879, just one year later, in 1880, he made his initial appearance as a big public-spirited character. It was in this year that he accepted the presidency of the Maryland State Agricul- tural and Mechanical Society, and it was not long before he gave evidence of remarkable ability as an organizer and executive. He put new spirit into the state fairs held under the society's auspices, and few pubHc movements were started thereafter which did not enlist his hearty support. With his freedom from legislative duties, Mr. Brown also became a more prominent figure in the political affairs of the state at large, being particularly active in the presi- dential campaign of 1884, when Mr. Grover Cleveland was elected. In the campaign of 1885, Mr. Brown was treasurer of the democratic state central committee. Early in the Cleveland administration circumstances arose which led to a vacancy in the postmastership at Baltimore. Mr. Parker Veazey, the then incumbent, offered his resignation and the president at the same time that he sent this to congress presented the name of Mr. Frank Brown as Mr. Veazey's successor. Mr. Brown was confirmed and became post- master of Baltimore in 1886. His administration of the affairs of this important branch of the federal government continued for almost four years, and was marked by several progressive innovations. Thus, under Postmaster Brown FRANK BROWN 251 there were created sub-stations to the post office in Balti- more, the system of postal parcel and newspapers boxes was established, and mail collection by carts was inaugu- rated. While serving as postmaster, Mr. Brown appeared as a candidate for the democratic gubernatorial nomination. This was in 1887, when five candidates in all contested for the nomination. Though Mr. Brown controlled but twenty votes in the convention, he was unable to hold even these to the very end, and after Mr. Jackson had been named for governor, Mr. Brown announced that he would be a can- didate again four years later. This shows something of Mr. Brown's business method in politics. It was a very natural thing for a candidate who had been unsuccessful to announce that he would make another contest; but in the disappointed Carroll countians* declaration there was much more than a wish to escape gracefully from defeat. For the next four years, in season and out of season, he worked systematically and persistently in the interest of his own candidacy, with the result that by 189 1 he had strengthened his position so much, that the leaders opposed to him were unable to withhold the coveted nomination. Mr. Frank Brown was named by the democratic state convention in the summer of 1891, and the republican party placed in nomination, as his opponent, Mr. William J. Vannort, of Chestertown. At the election, held November 3, of that year, the Carroll countian was elected. He succeeded Gov- ernor Jackson on January 13, 1892, and continued as gov- ernor until January 8, 1896. Governor Brown's administration was characterized by several spectacular public events, in all of which he assumed a conspicuous part. These incidents, generally, afforded him an opportunity for the display of his business abiHty and of his power to take the initiative at critical moments. 252 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND Especially is this true regarding the Frostburg coal strike of 1894. This labor trouble between the soft coal owners and the miners was but part of a general dissatisfaction among the bituminous coal miners in the eastern states. A strike had been anticipated by the governor, who for some time prior to its materialization had had the disturbed mining section under surveillance. At 1 1 o'clock on the morning of June 5, he received a telegram that the strike had so far advanced in the Frostburg district that the sheriff was helpless to guard property. The governor's plans had all been so well laid, that by 4 o'clock in the after- noon of the same day he had the Fourth and Fifth regi- ments ready to send to Frostburg. Special trains were provided and before daylight of the morrow the militia had been transported to the scene of disturbance. Instead of first issuing his proclamation to the strikers to disperse and then waiting to see how far they would obey. Governor Brown had the militia march upon the heels of the agents who were deputized to post copies of his proclamation. When Frostburg awoke on the morning of July 6, it found the town posted with the governor's orders that the strikers refrain from violence; but it also found the streets of the town occupied with soldiers whose mission was to see that the orders were obeyed. Governor Brown then went per- sonally to Frostburg, where he conferred with the strike leaders, with the result that in Maryland there was no vio- lence, no conflict between the strikers and the troops, no destruction of property; all due to the care with which the chief magistrate had perfected his plans for meeting the threats of mob-rule, and to the promptness with which those plans were put into execution. Another instance of Governor Brown's discretion in deal- ing with the people at a time of unusual excitement was furnished by the Hill murder case, in which he exercised FRANK BROWN 253 executive clemency in commuting the sentence of four youthful negro murderers from capital punishment to life imprisonment. Dr. Hill, of Chestertown, had been mur- dered by some negroes of a party of eight — men and boys. All eight negroes were arrested, tried, and sentenced to be hung. Governor Brown was later appealed to on behalf of four of the negroes, who not only were very young, but who were shown to have been drawn into the affair by the older men. At the time, however, feeling ran high against the accused men, and the governor had to exercise great secrecy in investigating the case, lest some rumor of his purpose should incite the neighbors of the murdered man to resort to violence. Governor Brown visited the boys in person, he looked fully into the evidence in the case, and then he had a boat go secretly by night to Chestertown to take the four prisoners aboard and bring them to Baltimore; after which he commuted their sentence. For a time the Eastern Shoremen were bitter against the governor for his interference, and threatened to lynch the remaining four negroes; but better judgment prevailed, and the law was permitted to take its course in the matter of hanging the men who had been solely responsible for the crime. During his governorship Mr. Brown had also to deal with the once-famous but now almost forgotten Coxey's army, which, after its ejection from the national capital, camped for a while on Maryland soil. Backing up the good legal advice of the attorney-general with his own business judg- ment, he succeeded in trapping the remnant of this army of tramps in such a manner that its members only too gladly accepted his invitation to leave the commonwealth by a special train, and thus the state was freed from an element which was both undesirable and dangerous. Not an unimportant feature of Governor Brown's administra- tion was his "tax convention." The state executive was 254 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND not in agreement with certain legislative leaders regarding a proposed assessment bill. Although Governor Brown favored this piece of legislation in parts, he opposed it as a whole, because in its submitted form it threatened the people with double taxation. The bill, nevertheless, was passed by the session of 1892, but did not become a law because the governor withheld his signature from it. It was resurrected in the session of 1894; but met with defeat in the house of delegates. At this time Governor Brown called together the leading public men of the state to attend his somewhat unique nonpartisan "tax" convention, at which the subject of taxation was thoroughly discussed, to the general enlightenment of the public. Mr. Brown was married, 1879, to Mrs. Mary Preston, widow of Horatio Preston, of Boston, and daughter of David Ridgely, of Baltimore. Since the death of Mrs. Brown, which occurred in 1895, the ex-governor has taken little interest in his Carroll county homestead, spending most of his time in Baltimore or abroad. Shortly after his retirement from the executive mansion. Governor Brown was elected president of the Baltimore Traction Company; and during the two years that he held this position he wrought great improvement in the finan- cial and operating departments of the street railway. He came into prominence in the municipal campaign of 1899, when he selected Mr. Thomas G. Hayes as the most avail- able candidate for mayor in the democratic party, and his management was the greatest contribution to the suc- cess of Mr. Hayes' campaign. In the same manner he became the sponsor for Mr. J. Barry Mahool for mayor of Baltimore in 1907, and he managed the campaign which resulted in Mr. Mahool's election. The new city executive appointed Mr. Brown city collector, and by his acceptance of the office he returned, after many years of retirement to public service. COPYRIGHT, 190B, BY H. E. BUCHHOLZ. elemer 'T^l ''''"" "t '"■" 7T." LLOYD LOWNDES 189 6-1900 3HT. ;50S, Bi -i. ►: n J -. HK01.2. XLIII LLOYD LOWNDES In the closing decade of the nineteenth century the people of Maryland became dissatisfied with the political methods employed in the conduct of state affairs. The impression obtained that the body politic needed an emetic and that the season was ripe for reform or an attempt at an improve- ment of things political. At this opportune moment the republican party of Maryland, which was in the minority, brought forth as its candidate one of the most representative business men of the state and, with the aid of the dissatisfied democrats of the state, elected him. Governor Lowndes administered the affairs of Maryland for four years, during which time he inaugurated numerous reforms which the better element of both parties had thought necessary and to which he had pledged himself, and his entire course while state executive won commendation from the members of both parties; and yet, at the close of his administration, when he appeared for reelection, he met with defeat. His failure to be continued in office, however, is not surprising in view of the facts that people do not long remember the services of their faithful servants, and that Maryland, except in the campaign when Mr. Lowndes was elected governor, had chosen only democratic state executives for a period of forty years. Lloyd Lowndes was born in Clarksburg, in what is now West Virginia, on February 21, 1845. His father, Lloyd Lowndes, was descended from Benjamin Tasker, who admin- istered the affairs of Maryland during colonial days, and Edward Lloyd, who was governor of the state in the early 256 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND part of the nineteenth century. The mother of Governor Lowndes had been Miss Marie Moore before her marriage. Lloyd Lowndes attended the local academy of Clarksburg until he was sixteen years of age, when he entered Wash- ington College, Washington, Pa., where he remained until 1863. Later he went to Allegheny College, Meadville, Pa., from which he was graduated in 1865. Subsequently he entered the law school of the University of Pennsylvania, and was graduated in law in 1867. The elder Mr. Lowndes had taken up his residence in Cumberland, Md., where he engaged in business, and as soon as his son had completed his studies he joined his father in the Western Maryland city. He engaged in the practice of law in Cumberland, set about informing himself upon matters of general public interest both at home and abroad , and also entered the matrimonial state. The wife of the governor was Miss Elizabeth Tasker Lowndes, his first cousin. Mr. Lowndes soon after his marriage abandoned law for more congenial fields, and during the greater portion of his business life he was interested in financial and mining enterprises, and in politics. In the Grant-Greeley campaign of 1872, Mr. Lowndes received the republican nomination for congress. He had as his opponent John Ritchie, who was then representing the Sixth district in the house of representatives, and defeated the congressman. When Mr. Lowndes entered the forty-third congress he had the distinction of being its youngest member, aged twenty-eight. During the ses- sion the civil rights bill was brought up for consideration by the republicans, who planned through it to punish further the southern states. The measure was one that every republican was expected to support; but Mr. Lowndes, despite his tender years and the certainty of disaster which was sure to follow the course, courageously opposed LLOYD LOWNDES 257 the unjust measure, and he and five other republicans in the house voted with the democrats against it. This sin- gle feature of Governor Lowndes' congressional career is sufficient to indicate the kind of man he was in the national legislature. He served during his two-year term on several important committees and accomplished an enormous amount of labor, for he was among the laborers rather than the talkers. But in pursuing the course ordered by his con- science he had signed his own death warrant as a congress- man. In 1874 he appeared as a candidate for reelection, but was defeated by William Walsh, democrat. His failure in the election of 1874 put an end, apparently, to Mr. Lowndes' ambition for political honors, and for twenty-two years thereafter he refrained determinedly from seeking office. During this period, however, he was active in the ranks of his party, and exerted an enormous influence upon the plans and battles of the republican party, not only in his own section of Maryland, but throughout the state. Mr. Lowndes was the owner or part owner of extensive coal lands, and took an active part in the management of the companies operating these lands. In addition to his coal interests, he was more or less intimately connected with the management of several financial institutions. He entered the board of directors of the Second National Bank of Cumberland in early manhood, and at the age of twenty- eight was elected its president. He was also on the execu- tive board of the International Trust Company and a director of the Fidelity and Deposit Company, both of Baltimore. He owned the Cumberland Daily News, and gave to it more or less of his personal attention, and he managed to spare a little time from his active life for supervising the farming of his large Allegany county estate. His wealth afforded Mr. Lowndes the means of engaging largely in charitable work, and in this he had the constant cooperation of Mrs. 258 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND Lowndes. He was devoted to his church, Emmanuel Episcopal of Cumberland, and was in his later years the senior warden of its vestry. He was the delegate from his parish to the diocesan conventions for about twenty-five years consecutively. With all these drains upon his time, however, Mr. Lowndes found ample opportunity for taking an interest in polit- ical affairs. He was throughout the period beginning with his retirement from congress and terminating with his nomination for governor of Maryland, a faithful laborer for his party's success and a liberal contributor of financial ammunition to its committees. In 1880 he was a delegate to the national republican convention. He was solicited in 1 89 1 to make the fight for governor of Maryland, but he refused. Four years later, however, at the instance of his more faithful adherents in the republican party and certain friends in the democratic organization, he permitted his name to be used for first place upon the republican state ticket. He had as his opponent John E. Hurst, a prominent merchant of Baltimore and a faithful supporter of the demo- cratic organization. The campaign in the fall of 1895 "^^-S marked by a general desertion of the independent demo- crats to the support of the republican candidate, and Mr, Lowndes was elected governor of Maryland by a majority of more than 18,000. He succeeded Mr. Frank Brown on January 8, 1896, and during the next four years the affairs of the executive office were administered in a manner that at no time justified reproach, but constantly warranted the warmest praise for the first republican elected chief magistrate of Maryland in almost thirty years. At the same time the governor was handicapped somewhat by a legislature which was not as pure in motives or as conscientious in conduct as was the state executive. But, despite contention and friction. Gov- LLOYD LOWNDES 259 ernor Lowndes was able to fulfill every promise made by him while campaigning, so far as reform was concerned. Thus the Reform League election law, the general assess- ment law and the new Baltimore City Charter law were passed during his term in office. He gave proof of his con- cern in the general welfare of his state by his support of measures which aimed to encourage immigration to the sparsely settled sections of the state. His administration witnessed the Spanish-American War, and he promptly responded to the president's call by sending to the front a part of Maryland's militia. It is more than probable that Governor Lowndes might have been able to effect his election to the United States senate while governor, had he so willed, and it is certain that he was eager to serve his state in the upper branch of congress. During his administration two senators were chosen, and in both cases they were republican. Governor Lowndes, however much he might have coveted the prize on either occasion, was dissuaded from using his power to bring to him the office. He was willing to forego the attain- ment of his greatest ambition politically for what he believed at the time was the good of his party and the state generally, regardless of party affiliation. The republican party, when it met in convention in 1899, again nominated him for first place on the state ticket. This nomination was an unusual compliment in Maryland, where political parties have not been accustomed under the con- stitution adopted in 1867 to give a governor a renomination. The democratic party named John Walter Smith, of Wor- cester county, and in the election held on November 7, 1899, the latter was given a majority of 12,123 votes. The defeat of Governor Lowndes was largely due to the fact that the state was normally democratic. Then, too, there was disaffection among the republicans. 26o GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND Although after his retirement Mr. Lowndes was forced to make war upon certain factions of his own party, he continued to exert a large influence upon its affairs in the state. He was upon intimate terms w4th President Roose- velt, a source of much strength to him, and generally was held as the leader of his party in Maryland, though an occasional defeat was administered to him by the McComas element in Maryland republican circles. At the time of his death, however, he was by many odds the biggest figure in his party and was regarded as the logical candidate for governor in the approaching state election. When his future seemed to promise most. Governor Lowndes was suddenly stricken down, and died almost without warning on the morning of January 8, 1905. COPYRIGHT, leoa, BY H. E. BUCHHOLZ. HTIMe «3TJAV. JOHN WALTER SMITH 1900— 1904 XLIV JOHN WALTER SMITH In the smaller towns and country districts political aspirants are not generally put into public service as young as they are in the more thickly populated cen- ters; the country politician must bide his time, working slowly upward, if he hopes to become the holder of an important elective office. He must, as a rule, be well known among the people he wishes to convert into his constituents ; and usually a reputation for success in business will prove his strongest recommendation to the rural voter. Farmers have a strong leaning toward successful business men as candidates for public office; in this respect they show a superiority over the city voter, who can be tempted to give his support to an unsuccessful lawyer in preference to a man who, though he can neither orate nor gesticulate grace- fully, has a head full of business sense. These prevailing conditions of the rural section supply an index to the political rise of Governor Smith. He gave the best energy of his early manhood to the commercial enter- prises in which he became interested, although in the mean- while he devoted a portion of his time to political affairs. While he was attaining prominence as a man of large com- mercial pursuits, he labored quietly but persistently for the success of the democratic party in the lower Eastern Shore; and gradually not only won for himself a wide circle of acquaintances among the neighboring leaders, but he became favorably known to the rank and file of the voters. In time he acquired a remarkable hold upon polit- ical affairs in his own section, where he had made for himself 262 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND a big reputation as a successful business man ; but he was no longer a stripling when the time arrived to seek political honors, for he had reached the age of forty-four before making his initial appearance as a candidate. John Walter Smith, the son of John Walter Smith and Charlotte (Whittington) Smith, was born at Snow Hill on February 5, 1845. I^^ ^^^ county of which his native town is the governmental seat the ancestors of the governor had been residents for several generations back; and not a few of them had won some little distinction in public life. His grandfather, on the maternal side, William Whittington — a large landowner of Worcester — was chosen one of the early judges in what is now the first judicial district; and his great grandfather, Samuel Handy, was a member of the Association of the Freemen of America. Through the misfortune of being early orphaned, John Walter Smith, the younger, came under the influence of one who played an important part in the public affairs of Maryland. Shortly after the boy's birth his mother died, and when he had reached the age of five he lost his father. He then became the ward of Ephraim K. Wilson, who was twice honored by being elected to the United States senate, and this guar- dianship had much to do with the early development of Mr. Smith's political ambition. Mr. Smith attended the primary schools and Union Academy of Snow Hill. His school days, however, were brought to a close in 1863, when at the age of eighteen he began his business career. He was employed as a clerk in the store of George S. Richardson and Brother. He subsequently became a partner of this firm, which is con- tinued today as Smith, Moore and Company. Mr. Smith is a representative business man of the type produced by the smaller towns of Maryland; his commercial interests grew steadily and soon exceeded the narrow confines of his JOHN WALTER SMITH 263 own native town, but he has ever maintained first affection for the old homeplace, and his business success has also been the business success of Snow Hill as well as of Worcester. He was active in the organization of the First National Bank of Snow Hill in 1887, in which institution he retains a large interest. He is one of the largest landowners of his own county and is prominent in many of the local indus- tries—his business energy having lead him into concerns of greatly varied complexion, such, for instance, as the oyster industry, lumbering, canning, farming, finances and insur- ance. He is vice-president of the Surry Lumber Company and the Surry, Sussex and Southampton Railroad Com- pany, and he is connected with many other institutions in Snow Hill, Baltimore and other parts of the state. The early appearance of Mr. Smith in the business hfe of Snow Hill had also its bearing upon his home life. After he had been admitted as a junior member to the firm of George S. Richardson and Brother, he was married, when twenty-four years of age, to Miss Mary Frances Richard- son, a sister of the senior partner of the house. Mr. and Mrs. Smith have always retained their home residence in Snow Hill, although there have been times when Mr. Smith's official duties have necessitated a temporary residence either at Annapolis or Baltimore. The home circle for many years consisted of the parents and two daughters. One of the girls, Miss Charlotte Whittington Smith, died some years ago, while the other daughter, Mrs. Arthur D. Foster, has resided in Baltimore since her marriage. Al- though with the breaking of the family circle the Smith home may have lost some of its former life, it retains its reputation of being the center for true Eastern Shore hos- pitality. Even the most violent political enemies of the ex-governor admit that for courteous manners and hospit- able instincts the Worcester countian has no superiors, and 264 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND nowhere are these characteristics seen to better advantage than when Mr. Smith is the host of his friends in his Snow Hill home. Although Mr. Smith did not appear as a candidate for office until 1889, when he was a man of forty-four, he had been a considerable factor in Eastern Shore politics a long time before that. It was in 1889 that he determined to enter the campaign to represent Worcester county in the state senate, and not only was he elected state senator in that year, but he was reelected for full four-year terms in 1893 and in 1897. Early in his career as state senator, he experienced the first of two great political disappointments, both resulting from his defeat as a candidate for the United States senate. Ephraim K. Wilson, Mr. Smith's former guardian, had been chosen to the upper branch of congress in 1885 for six years, and in 1891 was reelected for the term to expire in 1897. This second election wit- nessed Mr. Smith as the especial champion of Senator Wil- son, and when the latter died, on February 24, 1891, before having begun his second term, State Senator Smith an- nounced himself as candidate for the seat made vacant by Senator Wilson's death. Mr. Charles H. Gibson, however, was more acceptable to the leaders of the Western Shore, and Mr. Smith had to forego for a time his ambition to serve in the upper branch of congress. At the session of the legislature in 1894, which marked the beginning of Mr. Smith's second term in the state senate, he was elected president of that body. In the election of 1896, the democratic party had lost the first con- gressional district, and two years later Mr. Smith was prevailed upon to become a candidate for the lower house of congress in the hope that his large following would make possible a recovery of the lost territory. Although the republicans bitterly contested the election, Mr. Smith was JOHN WALTER SMITH 265 successful, but before he began his service in congress, he was placed in nomination for governor of Maryland by the democratic state convention that met in the summer of 1899. At the previous gubernatorial election, Maryland had, on account of dissatisfaction with the methods of the democratic leaders, elected a republican chief magistrate for the first time since the Civil War. Governor Lowndes, the republican in question, appeared for reelection in oppo- sition to Mr. Smith in 1899, but was defeated. The most prominent feature of Governor Smith's admin- istration, extending from January 10, 1900, to January 13, 1904, was his call for an extra session of the legislature in 1 90 1. It must not be supposed that his term in the execu- tive mansion was so void of important events that this inci- dent should be regarded as the only one of great moment; but for his course in convening in extra session the gen- eral assembly, Governor Smith was more bitterly attacked and more ardently supported than for any other act of his governorship. Early in Governor Smith's administration reports were sent to the executive mansion that frauds had been perpetrated in the census returns for the decade of 1900, which, if they remained uncorrected, would result in allowing an unjust representation in the house of dele- gates to the republican counties. The governor, therefore, on February 13, 1901, issued a proclamation, instructing members of the legislature to meet in special session at Annapolis on March 6, 1901, and in explanation of his course he pointed out: (i) That errors in the enumera- tion by the United States census of the population of the state, if not corrected by an enumeration under state author- ity, would give to the same section of the state a dispro- portionate representation in the house of delegates. (2) The urgent need for legislation to reform manifest and great abuses in the state's election law. (3) A demand from the 266 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND mayor and city council of Baltimore for additional power in connection with sewerage of the city, and the preserva- tion of its sanitary condition. The legislature met on the day prescribed and continued in session until March 28, 1 901. The particular business for which it had been called was discharged: the sewer bill was passed; provision was made for taking a state census, which proved the correct- ness of Governor Smith's charge that frauds had been per- petrated ; a new election law was passed ; and the re-warding of Baltimore city was ordered. During his term as governor, Mr. Smith either took the initiative or else contributed liberally of his energy in many movements for the public good. He was active in starting a public campaign against tuberculosis, urging the legis- lature in 1902 to create a commission to investigate the disease with a view to preventing its spread, and he has served upon the commission which was created in response to his request. He labored untiringly for the improve- ment of the county schools, and the marvelous advance made in public education in the rural districts since the creation of a state superintendency of public education is largely due to him. Early in his legislative career he had introduced the free school bill, which he pressed for passage in subsequent sessions until 1896, when the bill became a law; and during his term as governor he secured the revi- sion of the public school law governing the appointment of school commissioners so as to provide for bi-partisan rep- resentation in all the counties in order to divorce the school system from political influence. During the legislative session of 1904, Mr. Smith made his second contest for a seat in the United States senate. After a prolonged fight, which assumed the aspect of an unbreak- able deadlock, Mr. Isidor Rayner was eventually elected, and Mr. Smith suffered the second of his great political JOHN WALTER SMITH 267 defeats. Instead, however, of becoming discouraged, the Worcester countian prepared himself for a fresh effort. Theretofore he had looked to certain political leaders to aid him in realizing his greatest political ambition, and these leaders had deserted him. Now he set about to build up a political following throughout the state in which he need be dependent upon the caprice of no man, but in which he should have the deciding voice. How wisely he organ- ized his forces was shown in the democratic primary election in the fall of 1907, when Mr. Smith was named by an over- whelming majority as the party's nominee for the six-year term in the United States senate beginning on March 4, 1909; and, in accordance with this popular nomination, he was elected senator by the legislature early in the ses- sion of 1908. He was elected to the seat which Senator Whyte, had he lived, would have vacated in 1909. Upon the death of Senator Whyte before the completion of his term. Governor Smith was elected by the general assembly, in the spring of 1908, to serve the unexpired portion of Senator Whyte's term, and he immediately qualified and took his seat in the United States senate. XLV EDWIN WARFIELD Throughout certain classic forms of musical composition there is one dominant strain. This primary idea may at times disappear in a haze of variations; it may be lost in a whirl of melody that drowns the central theme; and yet, throughout the composition, it will appear again and again until it has been impressed indelibly upon the mind of the auditor. In much the same way, in the life of a man of big personality there is usually found one dominant strain. This something need not necessarily protrude above the surface of the general make-up; indeed, it may sometimes seem lost in a whole company of stressed strains ; still upon close scrutiny it will be found, in varied form perhaps or modified in volume, but forever dominating. For instance, while there were many admirable traits in the character of Governor Pratt, one stood out in such strong relief that all the others became merely background to it, and that one was his honesty — honesty for state as well as for man, honesty in spirit no less than in word. In like manner the life of Governor Hamilton solved itself into one prevailing theme : administrative economy — a curtailment of the cost of running the government in order that the real burden- bearers of the nation, the small taxpayers, might be freed from oppression. And in approaching the life of Governor Warfield, the student is soon impressed with the theme of personal responsibility. Mr. Warfield's patriotism, his ad- vocacy of clean politics, his support of the merit system, and every other marked feature of his administration as EDWIN WARFIELD 1904-1908 XLV EDWIN WARFIELD Throughout certain classic forms of musical composition there is one domin tim^es disappear in a . . whirl of melody that drowns the central theme; and yet thr " ■ ■■■ ■ ^ -n uni:. .- --. -, , , - axiditor. In much the same way, in the life of a man c-f .;!•, -,VAov3:^^acii!f?ed sometime. and that Hamilton solved itself into one prevailing ayers, might be treed r'e]S<..!ial rc*:ij>oir atnotism, his aa- COPYR IGI 1 908 , BY H . BUG H HOLZ. BASED BY PERMISSION OF PHOTOG R APH UDGE COMPANY UPON COPYRIGHTED BY MRS. C. R, MILLER. EDWIN WARFIELD 269 governor and of his teachings as a poHtical leader, one and all rest upon this dominant strain. Edwin Warfield was born at Oakdale, Howard county, on May 7, 1848. The place of his birth proved an important factor in the shaping of his character. For several genera- tions his ancestors had owned and tilled the great expanse of lands upon which his eyes early learned to feast, and it was not long before he came to feel that the old Warfields, though long since dead, still lingered about the place. Of the deeds which these progenitors performed and of the virtues for which they are reputed Mr. Warfield is, indeed, exceed- ingly proud. But he is not a pensioner on the past; rather he has ever regarded the accompHshments of his forebears as placing an increased responsibility upon him, rather of freeing him entirely from any requirement for individual effort. His father was Albert G. Warfield, of a line of Warfields who for several hundred years had been prominent in the affairs of the Old Line State, winning distinction in time of war and of peace. Mrs. Warfield, the Governor's mother, was a daughter of Col. Gassaway Wat- kins, who served as a member of the Maryland Line in the Revolutionary War and was president of the Maryland Society of the Cincinnati at the time of his death, 1840. Mr. Warfield acquired his elementary training at the pub- lic schools of Howard county and also at St. Timothy's Hall, Catonsville. With the outbreak of the Civil War, however, and the subsequent emancipation of negro slaves, affairs at Oakdale took on a somewhat different aspect, and he had to close his books that he might bear his share of the farm labor and also contribute to the family income during those months when the fields needed least attention. It was in 1866 that Mr. Warfield, then just eighteen years of age and with no special training as a teacher, determined to look to the profession of pedagogy for a livelihood. He 270 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND found , some four or five miles from his own home , a not greatly coveted little country schoolhouse, which happened to be without a teacher, and he set about obtaining an appointment to this charge. He approached the school commissioners and asked to be appointed a probationary teacher. He frankly confessed that he was not then able to pass the required examination but gave his word that if appointed he not only would keep well ahead of his classes, but the following spring would take and pass the teacher's examination. He was appointed, and when the teacher's examination was held in the spring of 1867, Mr. Warfield made good his promise that he would pass it. In consequence he was pro- moted from a probationary to be a regular teacher, and continued in the work of the county schools for some years thereafter, at the same time reading law. He was later admitted to the bar. Throughout this time he, like the Warfields who had preceded him, took a large interest in public affairs. He worked in his own immediate neighborhood, talked for and against candidates and issues, and acquired some reputation as a speaker. It was in 1874 that he abandoned the pro- fession of teaching to accept a public office. The office of register of wills in Howard County became vacant through the death of the duly elected register, and Mr. Warfield was named to fill the unexpired term. In the next year he announced that he would be a candidate for a full term of six years and was given a larger majority at the election than any other candidate on the ticket. This post was remunerative as contrasted with the modest salary received as a county school-teacher, and it was also congenial to Mr. Warfield. As the time approached for a new election, however, he announced that he would not ask for another term, and so, in 1881, set the precedent that he has ever since followed — not to ask the people to return him to any EDWIN WARFIELD 271 office in which he has just finished serving a full term by- election. While Mr. Warfield declined to make another contest for the registership, he showed no intention of retiring from public life. In fact, he coupled with his declination an announcement that he was perfectly willing to represent Howard county in the upper branch of the general assem- bly. There was at the time a vacancy in the senate for the unexpired term of Arthur Pue Gorman, who had resigned a state senatorship to accept a seat in the United States senate, and it was the remaining two years of Mr. Gor- man's term in the upper branch of the legislature that Mr. Warfield coveted, and that he got in the election of 1881. Two years later he appeared as a candidate for a full term in the state senate and was elected for the four years, from 1883 to 1887. With his appearance as a member of the general assembly in 1881, Mr. Warfield set up a law office in EUicott City, where he looked after the interests of those who were willing to become his clients. Shortly after he reached out in his endeavor to be an influential citizen by purchasing the Ellicott City Times, which paper he owned and edited from 1882 to 1886. The latter year saw him the originator and one of the organizers o" the Patapsco National Bank of Ellicott City, a financial institution with which he main- tained official relations until 1890. Mr. Warfield took an important part in the presidential campaign of 1884, when the success of the democratic ticket carried Mr. Grover Cleveland into the White House, and placed in the hands of the democratic party numerous important and well-paying offices that required the services of competent and honest men. When the time came for appointing a successor to the retiring republican surveyor of the port of Baltimore, the president, naturally feeling kindly toward Mr. Warfield for his contribution to the party's 272 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND success, decided to nominate him for the post, although no appHcation had been made for it by Mr. Warfield. He was at this time still serving in the state senate, of which he had been chosen president at the session of 1886. His appoint- ment as surveyor was made on April 5, 1886, and he was apprised of his selection at about the time the general assembly was preparing to adjourn. In order, therefore, to provide for a president of the senate in event of an extra session or of other emergency Mr. Warfield resigned as excutive of the upper branch of the legislature within half an hour of the close of the session. Upon accepting the post of surveyor of the port Mr. Warfield, in deference to the known views of President Cleveland regarding the active participation of his appointees in politics, severed his con- nection with the democratic state central committee, of which he had been a member since 1878. He qualified as surveyor on May i, 1886, and continued in office exactly four years, or until May i, 1890. At about the time of his appointment as surveyor, Mr. Warfield was married to Miss Emma Nicodemus, a daughter of the late J. Courtney Nicodemus of Baltimore. During part of his term as surveyor the couple resided in Baltimore, although their later years have been passed chiefly at Oakdale, the beauti- ful Warfield homestead in Howard county. During the years that Mr. Warfield was surveyor the fortunes of war went against his party in national affairs, and when he stepped from office he found, so to speak, that he was out of paying politics. It was then that the idea of organizing the Fidelity and Deposit Company occurred to him, and he founded the Baltimore financial institution at the corner of Charles and Lexington streets, of which he has ever since been president. For the decade from 1889 to 1899 Mr. Warfield abstained almost totally from activity in politics and devoted his energy chiefly EDWIN WARFIELD 273 to building up the concern with whose success or failure was to be linked his own fortune. There was a break, how- ever, in his cessation from political activity, in 1896, when he was chosen a delegate-at-large to the democratic national convention which nominated Mr. Bryan. In the year 1899 Mr. Warfield broke away from his apparent purpose to keep out of politics, and uncovered a secret ambition to be honored with a higher political office than had up to that time been given him. Before consult- ing either the political leaders of his party or sounding public sentiment to learn what his chances were for being nomi- nated or elected governor, he conferred with the directorate of his company regarding the advisability of announcing himself as a gubernatorial candidate. Winning the favor- able indorsement of his directors, he announced, somewhat unconventionally, that he was desirous of being his party's nominee for state executive. Although Mr. Warfield did not get the nomination in 1900, he came out of the contest with something of value. He learned, first of all, that the people generally liked him and had faith in him and that with a longer primary campaign he would have been able to show greater support. He had his determination to be governor reinforced, and he acquired a lot of experience in campaigning. Four years later he again appeared as a candidate for the gubernatorial nomination, and when the state convention was assembled he showed how much sentiment he had built up for himself during the interval, and was nominated by acclamation. The election held on November 3, 1903, resulted in his victory with a plurality of 12,625 over Mr. S. A. Williams, the republican candidate. The administration of Edwin Warfield began in January 1904, when he succeeded John Walter Smith — his successful rival for the gubernatorial nomination in 1 899— and continued until January 8, 1908, when he surrendered the executive 274 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND mansion to Austin L. Crothers. This period is marked with events of importance in the history of Maryland. The issue upon which greatest interest centers is that of the campaign for the so-called Poe amendment — a proposal to change the constitution of Maryland so as to disfranchise the less desirable class of negroes. Mr. Warfield had declared in favor of such restriction, but he had from the first been insistent that the amendment to win his support must not be vague, and that the constitution as amended should not be negative in asserting who was not to vote, thus leaving the matter to the caprice of individual election judges. But the legislature was not in entire accord with the governor, and it devised an amendment which was at variance with his views. Mr. Warfield was completely ignored not only in the drafting of the bill, but in the busi- ness of submitting it to the people for their vote. He, however, promptly and fearlessly pointed out to the voters its danger points, which would hazard the rights of many white voters if the judges in any particular instance were disposed to prevent them from voting. He opposed the amendment and, more than any other man, defeated it at the polls Mr. Warfield's creed of personal responsibility inspired him in this instance to protect the rights of those who had placed him in office, and this same influence is found in his inauguration of the so-called pardon-courts. During his administration. Governor Warfield took occasion to announce that he was the governor of all the people. He declared that although a party had elected him, it did not follow that he was therefore that party's governor, but that he had been chosen to govern the people without regard to party affiliation. Before he became chief magistrate, executive clemency in Maryland was exercised whenever it was favor- ably importuned and wherever the governor might chance to be when a request for pardon won his approval. But EDWIN WARFIELD 275 Mr. Warfield began the practice of hearing petitioners at a regularly appointed time. This court, through the news- papers, was open to the people, and they were given an opportunity to voice sentiments either for or against a requested pardon. None was so mighty that he could enter by a private passage, and none so humble that he would find the doors closed to him. To Mr. Warfield, too, more than to any other Marylander is due credit for popularizing primary nominations not only for high state officials, but also for United States senator. In the democratic state convention of 1907, Mr. Warfield advocated primary nominations of candidates for the upper branch of congress; and he appeared as a candidate for United States senator, in the fall election of 1907, despite the certainty of defeat under existing conditions, in order that he might give stability to his plan. At least passing mention must be made of Governor War- field's patriotism. No recent official of Maryland has done more for the spirit of patriotism within the commonwealth than he. He has never tired of telling of the great things that Marylanders of bygone days have done; he has lost no opportunity to impress upon men, women and children, the priceless heritage which they gain through being natives of the Old Line state. His object has been to create a pride for the record of the past, upon the belief that such pride must necessarily inspire rising generations to write as noble a record in the future. If there is one appropriate epitaph that might be placed as a memorial to Governor Warfield in the old senate chamber at Annapolis, which through his effort was restored to the state in which it was at the time when Washington there resigned his commission as commander-in-chief of the army, it is : " Edwin Warfield — a governor of Maryland, who sowed a patriotism that taught men, by recalling the glory of their ancestors, them- selves to become glorious." XLVI AUSTIN LANE CROTHERS On the whole Maryland has escaped from such dishonest and extravagant administration of public affairs as too often in American political life characterizes the manner in which governmental officials spend the people's money. There have, to be sure, been periods of legislative and administrative prodigality in the state, but these periods have usually been brief, w^hile the reigns of economical ad- ministration have, happily, been more or less extended. Maryland has been fortunate indeed in electing to the gov- ernorship on more than one occasion men who were pre- eminently economical as public officials. For instance, such names as Ligon and Hamilton suggest primarily a faithful guardianship of public funds. And the state execu- tive who at present directs the administrative affairs of the commonwealth promises fair to win a place among those public servants whose greatest ambition has been to hus- band the people's money. Although Mr. Crothers has been in office too short a time to warrant conclusions as to how his entire administration will appear upon the records, he has already made a very decided impression as a man who will render the state a faithful account of his and his subordinates' stewardship of public funds. Austin Lane Crothers, the son of Alpheus and Margaret Aurelia (Porter) Crothers, was born near Conowingo, Cecil county, on May 17, i860. His father was a farmer, and the life of the agriculturist is not unknown to the governor, though he was early attracted to a professional career rather than to life on the farm. He studied at the Cecil county .: ;. p Y q 1 H T . 1*09, 8 ■*■ h . C. e 1. " \NE CROTHERS i^aiiTv COPYRIGt 1908, BY H. E. BUCHHOLZ. AUSTIN LANE CROTHERS 277 public school, and later attended West Nottingham Acad- emy; but hand in hand with the development of his mind came a growth of the body such as healthy farm labor best produces. When Mr. Crothers had reached manhood, he was about six feet tall and possessed of a fine physique. At the same time he had given sufficient time to his studies to justify his appointment as a teacher in the public schools of Cecil county. The promises of a pedagogical career were not strong enough to hold Mr. Crothers, and he turned from teaching to a study of law, and was graduated in 1890 from the law depart- ment of the University of Maryland. Upon being admitted to the bar, he began to practice law in Elkton, the county- seat of Cecil. At the same time he took a larger interest in the political affairs of his immediate neighborhood, where he had already won a footing as a political factor in democratic circles. Within a year after graduation, he was nominated and elected state's attorney for Cecil county, and served in that office from 1891 to 1895. ^^ ^^97 ^^i"- Crothers was elected to the state senate to succeed his brother, the late Charles C. Crothers. His appearance as a legislative candidate was at the time when the democratic party generally met defeat in Maryland, but Mr. Crothers was successful. Upon his entrance into the state senate, early in 1898, Mr. Crothers assumed a position of prominence among the democratic members of the upper branch of the general assembly. By the time the next session of the legislature was held, 1900, the democrats had succeeded in gaining control of the two houses, and Mr. Crothers once more be- came a central figure. His leadership, however, had been changed from that of the minority — in which he had had the aid of John Walter Smith and Joshua W. Hering — to that of a majority — in which he was more or less alone, 278 GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND since Mr. Smith had retired from the legislature to become governor and Mr. Hering had been chosen comptroller of the state. In the years during which Mr. Crothers was filling his term in the state senate there arose differences among the factions of the party in his district, and although he succeeded in 1 90 1 and again in 1905 in winning the nomination for state senator, in both elections he met with defeat. He had, however, by this time succeeded in establishing beyond dispute his leadership of the party's forces within his sec- tion, and he was the acknowledged democratic leader of Cecil county. Meanw^hile he steadily advanced in his chosen profession, and made for himself a large reputation as an attorney. Upon the death of Judge Edwin H. Brown, on March 28, 1906, Governor Warfield appointed Mr. Cro- thers associate judge of the second circuit for the unexpired term extending to 1908. Shortly after he took his seat upon the bench. Judge Crothers announced that he would not be a candidate for reelection. Up to this time Mr. Crothers had not been largely in the limelight. His legislative career, which had been brought to a close in 1901, had been somewhat forgotten by the peo- ple, while his subsequent political activities did not spread his name far past his own territory, except perhaps among political leaders. His duties on the bench, or course, were of such a character as not to afford him opportunity to engage much in political affairs. He was, however, brought prominently before the people of Maryland by the democra- tic state convention which, on August 8, 1907, named him as its nominee for governor. The campaign which followed was noteworthy for two things. The first, that when Judge Crothers was notified of his nomination at the Lyric, September 19, he had come from a bed of sickness to attend the meeting, and within a AUSTIN LANE CROTHERS 279 short while thereafter was stricken with typhoid fever, which kept him from active participation in the campaign. The other feature was the personal attacks made by his opponents upon his character and record — attacks which, because disproved, did much to win for him support from those who might otherwise have taken but a negative inter- est in the campaign. On November 5, 1907, Mr. Crothers was elected by a majority of about 8,000 votes over George R. Gaither, republican ; and he succeeded Governor Warfield as chief magistrate of Maryland on January 8, 1908. In striking contrast to Governor Crothers' forced inactivity during the campaign that resulted in his election, was his unusual industry in wanning for the state certain desirable measures during the legislative session which attended the opening of his administration. Bearing in mind his early life and association with agriculturists, it is not surprising that the two things that have become to him practically "hobbies" are features that appeal first of all to the farmer. Economy in administration is the strongest recommenda- tion that can be made for a candidate to the rural voter. To the agriculturist taxes mean much more than they do to the city man, and whoever is able and willing to see that public funds are not squandered by extravagance on the part of governmental officials is sure to win the farmer's support. And next in importance to the voter of the farm is the question of good roads. Governor Crothers has long been an advocate of liberal investment by the state in beneficial internal improvements. He supported the good road clause in the party's platform in 1907; he stressed it on the occasion of accepting the nomi- nation for governor, and during the session of the legislature in the opening months of 1908 he fought, bravely and suc- cessfully, for a bill that would give the state a high class of public highways. As a result there was appropriated $5,000,- 28o GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND ooo for the improvement of public roads in Maryland, and of this expenditure the farmer will be the greatest benefici- ary. But while Governor Crothers has favored a bill setting aside $5,000,000 for good roads, he has been con- stantly alert since taking the oath of office to see that the various departments of the state government practice strictest economy in spending the people's money, and the opening months of his governorship appear as the forerun- ner of a reform movement that shall correct the negligence in money matters which usually characterizes the manage- ment of governmental departments and public institutions. Mr. Crothers is unmarried. While his official residence during his term in office must be Annapolis, his occupancy of the executive mansion has so far been only nominal. He has established an office in Baltimore, where he transacts much of the state's business, and he also maintains head- quarters in Elkton, where he makes his home. APPENDIX A GUBERNATORIAL ELECTIONS IN MARYLAND No. Date. Method. [Legislative or popular vote]. Candidates with vote for each. [* Indicates successful candidate]. 1. Feb. 13, 1777 2. Nov. 3. Nov. 4. Nov. 5. Nov. 6. Nov. 7. Nov. 8. Nov. 9. Nov. 10. Nov. 11. Nov. 12. Nov. 13. Nov. 14. Nov. 15. Nov. 16. Nov. 17. Nov. 18. Apr. 19. Nov. 20. Nov. 21. Nov. 22. Nov. 23. Nov. 24. Nov. 25. Nov. 26. Nov. 27. Nov. 28. Nov. 29. Nov. 30. Nov. 31. Nov. 32. Nov. 33. Nov. 34. Nov. 10, 1777 9, 1778 8, 1779 13, 1780 19, 1781 15, 1782 22, 1783 24, 1784 17, 1785 30, 1786 22, 1787 10, 1788 21, 1788 16, 1789 8, 1790 14, 1791 4, 1792 4, 1792 15, 1793 17, 1794 9, 1795 15, 1796 13, 1797 12, 1798 14, 1798 18, 1799 10, 1800 9. 1801 8, 1802 14, 1803 20. 1804 11. 1805 10, 1806 35. Nov. 9, 1807 Leg. *Thos. Johnson, 40 — S. Chase, 9 — M.Txlghman, 1 — Geo. Plater, 1 — Wm. Paca, 1. *Thos. Johnson — unanimous. *Thos. Johnson — opponents not named. *T. S. Lee — Col. Edward Lloyd. *T. S. Lee — unanimous. *T. S. Lee — unanimous. *Wm. Paca — Danl. of St. Thos. Jenifer. *Wm. Paca — unanimous. *Wm. Paca — unanimous. *Wm. Smallwood — Danl. of St. Thos. Jenifer. *Wm. Smallwood — unanimous. *Wm Smallwood — unanimous. *Thos. Johnson [declined to serve]. — John E. Howard. *JoHN E. Howard — opponents not named. *JoHN E. Howard — unanimous. *JoHN E. How.\RD — unanimous. *Geo. Plater — unanimous [died in office]. *T. S. Lee — Benj. Ogle — Nicholas Carroll. *T. S. Lee — unanimous. *T. S. Lee — unanimous. *J. H. Stone — LeviN Winder. *J. H. Stone — unanimous. *J. H. Stone — unanimous. *JoHN Henry — unanimous. *T. S. Lee — unanimous [Declined to serve]. *Benj. Ogle — Nicholas Carroll. *Benj. Ogle — unanimous. *Benj. Ogle — unanimous. *J. M. Mercer, 59 — James Murray. 26. *J. M. Mercer, 53 — James Murray, 22. *RoBT. Bowie — unopposed. *Robt. Bowie — unopposed. *RoBT. Bowie — unopposed. *R. Wright. 59 — Chas. Carroll, 11 — John E. Howard, 3 — T. Johnson, 1. *R. AVright, 56 — Chas. Carroll, 7 — J. E. Howard 7 — Wright, 1. 282 APPENDIX A No. Date. Method, 36. Nov. 14, 1808 Leg. 37. June, , 5, 1809 38. Nov. 13, 1809 39. Nov. 19, 1810 40. Nov. 11, 1811 41. Nov. 12, 1812 42. Dec. 14, 1813 43. Dec. 12, 1814 44. Dec. 11, 1815 45. Dec. 9, 1816 46. Dec. 8, 1817 47. Dec. 14, 1818 48. Dec. 13, 1819 49. Dec. 11, 1820 50. Dec. 8, 1821 51. Dec. 9, 1822 52. Dec. 8, 1823 53. Dec. 13, 1824 54. Jan. 2, 1826 55. Jan. 1, 1827 56. Jan. 7, 1828 57. Jan. 5, 1829 58. Jan. 4, 1830 59. Jan. 3, 1831 6Q. Jan. 2, 1832 61. Jan. 7, 1833 62. Jan. 4, 1834 63. Jan. 5, 1835 64. Jan. 4, 1836 65. Jan. 2, 1837 66. Jan. 1, 1838 67. Oct. 3. 1838 Pop. 68. Oct. 6, 1841 69. Oct. 4, 1844 70. Oct. 6, 1847 71. Oct. 2, 1850 72. Nov. 2, 1853 73. Nov. 4, 1857 74. Nov. 6. 1861 75. Nov. 8, 1864 76. Nov. 5, 1867 77. Nov. 7, 1871 Candidates with vote for each. *R. Wright — unopposed [resigned May 6, 1809J. *Edward Lloyd — unopposed. *Edward Lloyd — unopposed. ♦Edward Lloyd — unoppo.sed. *RoBT. Bowie — John E. Howard. *Levin Winder, 52 — Robt. Bowie, 29. *Levin Winder, 48 — Robt. Bowie, 28. *Levin Winder, 48 — Robt. Bowie, 23. *Chas. Ridgely, 47 — Robt. Bowie, 45. *Chas. Ridgely, 62 — Robt. Bowie. 17. *Chas. Ridgely — unopposed. *C. Goldsborough, 49 — Frisby Tilghman, 44. *Saml. Sprigg, 49 — Chas. Goldsborough, 38. *Saml. Sprigg, 48 — Chas. Goldsborough, 45. *Saml. Sprigg — unopposed. *Saml. Stevens, Jr, 63 — J.\s. B. Robins, 16. *Saml. Stevens, Jr. — unopposed. *Saml. Stevens, Jr. — unopposed. *J. Kent — Wm. Tyler. *J. Kent, 84 — opponents not named. *J. Kent, 80 — Benedict I. Semmes.I — Blanks, 3. *D. Martin, 52 — Geo. E. Mitchell, 38. *T. K. Carroll, 50— D. Martin, 43. *D. Martin, 50— blanks 32 [died in office]. *Geo. Howard, 64 — Nich. Brewer, 5 — blanks 13. *Jas. Thomas, 62 — John S. Stoddart, 2, John (?) Thomas, 1— blanks, 21. *Jas. Thomas, 48— Ed. Lloyd, 46— W. H. Mar- riott, 1. *Jas. Thomas, 67 — Jos. Weast, 1 — Joshua Jones, 2— blanks 13. *T. W. Veazey, 53— blanks, 23. *T. W. Veazey, 70 — blanks, 9 — scattering, 2. *T. W. Veazey, 52 — blanks, 24 — scattering, 5. *Wm.Grason,27,720 — John Nevitt Steele,27,409 ♦Francis Thomas. 28,986 — Wm. Cost Johnson, 28,321. *T. G. Pratt, 35,038— Jas. Carroll, 34,492. *P. F. Thom.\s, 34,388— Wm. T. Goldsborough, 33,679. *E. L. Lowe, 35,292— AVm. B. Clarke, 33,800. *T. W. LiGON, 38,730— Rich. J. Bowie, 34,557. *T. H. Hicks, 44,762— John C. Groome, 36,127. *A. W. Bradford, 57,501 — Benj. C. Howard, 26,070. *Thos. Swann, 40,579 — Ezekiel F. Chambers, 32,068. *Oden Bowie, 63,602 — Hugh L. Bond, 21.890. *Wm. p. Whyte, 73.903— Jacob Tome, 58,815 [Gov. Whyte resigned in 1874]. APPENDIX A. 283 No. Date. 78. Feb. 4, 1874 79. Nov. 2, 1875 80. Nov. 4, 1879 81. Nov. 6, 1883 82. Jan. 20, 1886 83. Nov. 8, 1887 84. Nov. 3, 1891 85. Nov. 5, 1895 86. Nov. 7, 1899 87 Nov. 3, 1903 88. Nov. 5, 1907 Method. Leg. Pop. Leg. Pop. Candidates with vote for each. *J. B. Groome, 75— John E. Smith, 18. *J. L. Carroll, 85,454 — J. Morrison Harris. 72,530. *W. T. Hamilton, 90.771— J as. A. Gary, 68,609. *R. M. McLane, 92,694— Hart B. Holton, 80,707 [Gov. McLane resigned in 18851. *Hy. Lloyd, 100— Robt. B. Dixon, 14. *E. E. Jackson, 99,038— Walter B. Brooks, 86,622— Summerfield Baldwin, 4,416. *Frank Brown, 108,530— Wm. J.Vannort, 78,388 — Edwin Higgins, 5,120. *Lloyd Lowndes, 124,936 — John E. Hurst, 106,169— JosHTJA Levering, 7,719— H. Frank- lin Andrew, 1,281. *J. W. Smith, 128,409— L. Lowndes, 116,286— Jas. Swann, 5,275 — John A. Rugemer, 420 — Levin T. Jones, 432— Wm. N. Hill, 367. ♦Edwin Warfield, 108,548 — S. A. Williams, 95,923 — Wm. Gisriel 2,913 — Silas M. Crabill 1,302. *A. L. Crothers, 102,051 — G. R. Gaither, 94,- 300 Jas. W. Frizzell, 3,776— Ira Gulp, 1,310 APPENDIX B. ADMINISTRATIONS IN MARYLAND 1777-1908. No. Governor or acting governor. Duration 1777 K779 4782 1785 1788 1791 1792 1792 1 Thomas Johnson 2 Thomas Sim Lee (1 ) 3 William Paca 4 William Smallwood 5 John Eager Howard 6 George Plater 6a James Brice [Acting-governor pending the election of a successor to Governor Plater.] Thomas Sim Lee (2) tl''94 John Hoskins Stone [. Up- john Henry ^1798 Benjamin Ogle ^1801 John Francis Mercer [. „„„ Robert Bowie (1) FlSOfi 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 Robert Wright 13a James Butcher [Acting-governor pending the election of a successor to Governor Wright.] „_q Edward Lloyd [1809 Robert Bowie (2) Levin Winder Charles Carnan Ridgely. Charles Goldsborough . . Samuel Sprigg Samuel Stevens, Jr Joseph Kent Daniel Martin (1) Thomas ffing Carroll Daniel Martin (2) George Howard James Thomas Thos. Ward Veazey William Grason Francis Thomas Thomas George Pratt. . . Philip Francis Thomas. . Enoch Louis Lowe Thomas Watkins Ligon. Thomas Holliday Hicks Liogo 1811 1812 1816 1819 1819 1822 1826 1829 1830 1831 1831 1833 1836 1839 1842 1845 1848 1851 1854 1858 of Administration. (March 21) (November 12) (November 22) (November 26) (November 24) (November 14) (February 13) (April 5) (April 5) (November 14) (November 17) (November 14) (November 10) (November 15) (November 12) (May 6) (June 9) (June 9) (November 16) (November 25) (January 2) (January 8) (December 20) (December 16) (January 9) (January 15) (January 15) (January 13) (July 22) (January 17) (January 14) (January 7) (January 3) (January 6) (January 3) (January 6) (January 11) (January 13) (January 8) APPENDIX B 285 No. Governor or acting governor. Duration of Administration. „. . * ^^' T3 jr J rl862 (January 8) 35 Augustus \\. Bradford L,c.«ft /t in\ o^ rp. o rl^66 (January 10) 36 Thomas Swann Liucn^T ^■/^ .J- ^ , ^ . K869 (January 13) 3/ Oden Bowie Liq-7o/t ,«^ 00 -IT- T)- 1 iTfu i f 1872 (January 10) 38 Wm. Pmkney Whyte |,__^ ', ,^s or, r Til 1 ^ rl8/4 (March 4) 39 Jas. Black Groome Lio-«/t 1o^ - .„ T u T /-. n rl8/6 (January 12) 40 John Lee Carroll [ioc«/t ,/ ., T,' rrii Tj MX K880 (January 14) 41 Wm. Thos. Hamilton Loo. /, ^.^ .„ -r, , . ,,.,,. », T rl884 (January 9) 42 Robert Milligan McLane ,00- )^>. , ^.^n -o TT Ti J rlSSo (March 27) 43 Henry Lloyd L 000 / t r* .■ r TIC u o-T ,oor X T o, "-ISSS (January 11) [Acting-governor from March 27, 1885, to January 21, 1886, when he was inaugurated governor after hav- ing been elected successor to Governor McLane.l ,„__ ,_ ,,. AA T7.U t:' T 1 rl888 (January 11) 44 Elihu Emory Jackson l,o^^ .t ,.>( ._ ^ , ^ k892 (January 13) 4o Frank Brown \.c.^^ )-, ox .e T I IT J rl896 (January 8) 46 Lloyd Lowndes [if>nr./T iAn A- T u IT- Tx CI -xu rl900 (January 10) 4< John \\ alter Smith [,.-^ .\ -^ ,_; .o T-j • TT- a ij ,-1904 (January 13) 48 Edwin ^\ arfield L,r>no )-, Arx < ^- T o XI- rl908 (January 8) 49 Austin Lane Crothers [ APP \l BIOGRAPHICAL QIC Name Born Parei Thomas Johnson Thomas Sim Lee William Paca William Smallwood John Eager Howard George Plater John Hoskins Stone John Henry Benjamin Ogle John Francis Mercer Robert Bowie Robert Wright Edward Lloyd Levin Winder Charles Carnan Ridgely Charles Goldsborough Samuel Sprigg Samuel Stevens, Jr. Joseph Kent Daniel Martin Thomas King Carroll George Howard James Thomas Thomas Ward Veazey Nov. 4, 1732lThos. and Dorcas (Sedgeis Oct. 29, 1745 Thos. and Christiana (Sim' Oct. 31, 1740 1 John and Ehzabeth P. 1732 Bayne and Priscilla (Hebe June 4, 1752 Cornelius and Ruth (Eage Nov. 8, 1735 Geo. and Rebecca (Addis 1745 David and Elizabeth (Jer 1750 John and Dorothy (Ridei Feb. 7, 1746 Samuel and Ann (Tasker) 25 William Grason 26 Francis Thomas 27 Thomas George Pratt 28 Philip Francis Thomas 29 ' Enoch Louis Lowe Thomas Watkins Ligon Thomas Holliday Hicks Augustus Williamson Bradford Thomas Swann Oden Bowie William Pinkney Whyte James Black Groome John Lee Carroll William Thomas Hamilton Robert Milligan McLane Henry Lloyd Elihu Emory Jackson Frank Brown Lloyd Lowndes John Walter Smith Edwin Warfield Austin Lane Crothers May 17, Mar. Nov. 20, July 22, Sept. 4, Dec. 6, July 15, 1782 or July 13, Jan. 14, Apr. 29, Nov. 21, Mar. 11, Jan. 31, 1759 Robert and Ann (Roy) M 1750 Wm. and Margaret (Sprig 1752 ; Solomon and Mary (Tidm 1779 1 Edward and Elizabeth (T 1757 Wm. and Esther (Gillis) "< 1760 John and Acsah (Ridgelylo 1760 Chas. and Anna Maria {%] 1783 1778 1779 1780 1793 1789 1785 1774 Feb. 3 Feb. 18 Sept. 12 Aug. 10 Sept. 2 Jan. 9, 1805 or Jos. and (?) Margaret Elieii John and Elizabeth (Com Daniel and K. Nicholas and Hannah (Oi Hy. Jas. and Elizabeth B )_C John Eager and Margaret Wm. and Catherine (Boai ' Edward and Elizabeth (E»y 1786 Rich, and G. 1799 Francis and Nellie (Magill 1804 Thos. and Eleanor (Magri 1810 Tristram and Maria (Frai 1820 Bradlev S. A. and Adelai(|eD 1812 Thos. D. and (Watkins) 1798 Hy. C. and Mary (Seweli; Nov. Aug. 10, Apr. 4, Sept. 30, Sept. 8, Jime 23, Feby. 21, Nov. 3, Aug. 8, Feby. 21, Feby. 5, May 7. May, 17, 1806 1806 1826 1824 1838 1830 1820 1815 1852 1837 1846 1845 1845 1848 1860 Samuel and Jane (Bond) Thos. and Jane Byrd (Ps Wm. D. and Mary Eliza Jos. and Isabella Pinkne> John Charles and Elizab<«!li Chas. and Mary Dipges ( Henry and Anna Mary ^) Louis" and Catherine M. Daniel and Kitty (Henr> Hugh and Sally (McBride Stephen T. Cockey and S Lloyd and Marie (Moore) John Walter and Charlotijni Albert G. and Margaret i Alpheus and Margaret Aifoi IX c ' OF GOVERNORS Marriage Died d Ann Jennings Oct. 26, 1819 1 Mary Digges Nov. 9, 1819 2 (1) Mary Lloyd, (2) Anne Harrison 1799 3 Bachelor Feb. 14, 1792 4 Margaret Chew Oct. 12, 1827 5 (1) Hannah Lee, (2) Elizabeth Rousby Feb. 10, 1792 6 (?) Couden Oct. 5, 1804 7 Margaret Campbell Dec. 16, 1798 8 (1) Rebecca Stilley, (2) Henrietta Margaret Hill July 6, 1809 9 Sophia Sprigg Aug. 20, 1821 10 PrisciUa Mackall Jan. 8, 1818 11 (1) Sarah de Courcy, (2) Miss Ringgold Sept. 7, 1826 12 L. Sally Scott Murray June 2, 1834 13 Mary Sloss July 1, 1819 14 D Priscilla Dorsey July 17, 1829 15 ) G. (1) Elizabeth Goldsborough, (2) Sarah Yer- bury Goldsborough Dec. 13, 1834 16 ;ems) S. Violette Landsale Apr. 21, 1855 17 EHza May Feb. 7, 1860 18 (1) Eleanor Lee Wallace, (2) Alice Lee Contee Nov. 24, 1839 19 M. Mary Clare Maccubin Jan. 11, 1831 20 1 C. Julianna Stevenson Oct. 3, 1873 21 H. Prudence Gough Ridgely Aug. 2, 1846 22 Elizabeth Coates Dec. 25, 1845 23 ey) V. (1) Sarah Worrell, (2)Mary Veazey, (3) Mary Wallace July 1, 1842 24 Susan Orrick Sulivane July 2, 1868 25 Sally McDowell Jan. 23, 1876 26 Adelaide Kent Nov. 9, 1869 27 (1) Sarah Maria Kerr, (2) Mrs. Clintonia May Oct. 2, 1890 28 endifere) L. Esther Winder Polk Aug. 23, 1892 29 (1) Sallie Dorsey, (2) Mary Tolly Dorsey Jan. 12, 1881 30 (1) Anna Thompson, (2) Leah Raleigh, (3) Mrs. Mary Wilcox Feb. 13, 1865 31 EUzabeth Kell Mar. 1, 1881 32 (1) Elizabeth Gilmor Sherlock, (2) Mrs. John R. Thompson July 24, 1883 33 i. Alice Carter (1) Louisa D.Hollingsworth, (2) Mrs. Raleigh Dec. 4, 1894 34 Thomas Mar. 17, 1908 35 ck) G. Ahce L. Edmondson (1) Anita Phelps, (2) Mary Carter Thompson Oct. 4, 1893 36 37 ) H. Clara Jenness Oct. 26, 1888 38 McL. Georgine Urquhart Mary Elizabeth Stapleforte Apr. 16, 1898 39 40 Nannie Rider Dec. 27, 1907 41 (Bennett) B. Mrs. Mary (Ridgely) Preston 42 Elizabeth Tasker Lowndes Jan. 8, 1905 43 tineton) S. Mary Frances Richardson 44 .tkins) W. Emma Nicodemus 45 orter) C. Bachelor 46 INDEX Acting-governor, 235. 236, 238, 284 §6a, 284 §13a. Addison (Plater), Rebecca, 286 §6. Adams, Pres. John, opinion of Governor Johnson, 3; mentioned, 4. Adams, Pres. John Q., attends Governor Howard's funeral, 31. Alvey, Rich. H., 224. Allegheny College attended by Governor Lowndes, 256. American Party. {See Know-nothing.) Annapolis (1774) Convention, 4. Andrew, H. Franklin, 283 §85. Anti-federalist party, 26. April 19 (1861) riot, 174-176. Apportionment in legislature — dispute over, 77-78; agitation for reform, 93; readjustment of, 137. Archer, Stevenson, defalcation, 246. Articles of Confederation, 81. Assessment bill defeated, 254. Bank of Maryland failure, 122; riot, 122- 123. Baughman, John W., 159. Baughman, L. Victor, 245. Baker (Johnson), Mary, 3. Baldwin, Summerfield, 283 §83. Baltimore. Riot of 1812: 62, 75-76; misinterpreted, 57; effect upon repub- lican party, 62, 81; Governor Bowie and, 62; threatened by British, 31, 79; agitation to increase representation, 89; Bank of Maryland riot, 122-123; Know-nothing riots, 187-188; Massa- chusetts soldiers mobbed, 174-176. Thomas Swann, mayor: accomplish- ments of administration, 184, 186; street railway inaugurated, 186; public parks, 186; fire department, 186; pohce commissioners removed, 189-190. Wil- liam Pinkney Whyte mayor: 204-205; "New Judge" movement, 205; water department improved, 205. Balti- more and Ohio strike: 213-214, 217- 219; Camden station fired. 219. Frank Brown postmaster, 250-251; postal ser- vice improved, 250-251; Baltimore Traction Company, 254; new sewerage, 265-266; city rewarded, 266; charter commission, 206. Thomas G. Hayes, mayor, 254. J. Barry Mahool, mayor, 254. Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. Rea- sons for projecting, 102; original plans for locomotion, 102; favored by Gover- nor Kent, 101; meeting of projectors, 102; charter granted, 102; Governor Martin interested, 107; Maryland's financial aid, 126; completed to Ohio river, 161; collection of state arrears, 196; opposition of Chesapeake and Ohio canal, 121-122; opposition to Bal- timore and Potomac, 194-196; strike of 1877, 213-214, 217-219; Louis Mc- Lane president, 228; Thomas Swann president, 184, 186. Baltimore and Potomac Railroad. Oden Bowie president, 194; opposition of Baltimore and Ohio, 194. Baltimore City Passenger Railway, 196- 197. Bennett (Brown), Susan A., 249, 286 §42. Black (Groome), Elizabeth, 209, 286 §36. Blair, Montgomery, 211. Boarman (Thomas), Catherine, 119, 286 §23. Bond, Hugh L., 282 §76. Bond (Bradford), Jane, 179, 286 §32. Bordley, Stephen, 3, 15. Boston, congress for relief of, 16. Boundary dispute between Maryland and Virginia, 203. Bowie, Hannah Lee, 91. Bowie, Rev. John, school of, 96. Bowie, Oden sketch, 192-197; (first gover- nor under constitution of 1867, 192, 195-196; ancestry and education, 193; in Mexican war, 193; defeated for gen- eral assembly, 193; elected to legisla- ture, 193; marriage, 193-194; home life, 194, 197; and Baltimore and Poto- mac Railroad, 194, defeated for lieuten- ant governor 195; advocates constitu- tional reform 195, governor, 195-196; president Baltimore City Passenger Railway, 196-197; Maryland Jockey Club, 197; death, 197). 202, 282 §76, 285 §37, 286 §34. Bowie, Richard J., 167, 282 §72. Bowie, Robert, sketch, 57-63 (character- istics, 58; birth, 58; romantic marriage, 58; activities before Revolution, 58-59; Revolutionary soldier, 59; elected to legislature, 59; governor, 60-61; second administration, 61-62; favors war with England, 61-62; Baltimore riot and. 62; defeated for governor, 62-63; death, 63. Mentioned, 65; second administra- tion, 76, 77, 281 §31, §32, §33, 282 §40, §41, §42, §43, §44, §45; 284 §12, §15; 286 §11. 290 INDEX Bowie, Captain William, 58, 286 §11. Bowie, Col. Wm. D., 193, 286 §34. Boyle, Edmeralda, quoted 8. Bradford, Augustus Williamson, sketch, 178-183 (boyhood, 179; supports Clay, 179-180; marriage, 180; union speech of. 180; election as governor, 18(>-181; labors to preserve union, 181-182; con- flict with federal troops, 182; mansion burned, 183; surveyor of port of Balti- more, 183; death, 183). Hicks' letter to, 175; appoints Hicks to U. S. senate, 177; 282 §74, 285 §35, 286 §32. Bradford, Samuel, 179, 286 §32. Bradley, Stephen J., 135. Brandywine, battle of: Governor Wright and, 66; Governor Mercer and, 52. Breckinridge, John C, 162. Brewer, Nicholas, 117, 282 §60. Brice, James, acting-governor, 235-236; 284 §6a. Brooke, Commander Robert, 119. Brooks, Walter B., 245, 283 §83. Brown, Abel, 249. Brown and Brune, 199, 215. Brown, Judge Edwin H., 278. Brown, Frank, sketch, 248-254 (boyhood, 249, election to house of delegates, 249; legislative career, 250; postmaster of Baltimore, 250; elected governor, 251; administration, 251-254; marriage, 254; political activities, 1895-1908, 254). Appoints Governor Lloyd judge, 240, 283 §84, 285 §45; 286 §42. Brown, Mayor George Wm., 174-175. Brown, James, 222. Brown, Stephen T. Cockey, 249; death of, 250, 286 §42. Bryan. Wm. J., 273. Buflianan, Pres. James, 149, 162; appoints Gov. P. F. Thomas commissioner of patents, 155, and secretary of treasury, 155; election of, 231-232; appoints Governor McLane minister to Mexico, 235-236. Butcher, James, acting-governor, 68, 235- 236; 284 §13a. Butler, General B. F., 172. Byrd, William. 185. Calverts, Gov. James Thomas, descended from, 119. Cameron, Simon, 176-177. Camden, battle of, 28; Gates retirement, 23 Camden Station, fired, 219. Campbell (Henry), Margaret, 45, 287 §8. Carmichael, Rich. B., 132. Carnan, Charles Ridgely. (See Governor Ridgely. ) Carnan, John, 82, 286 §15. Carroll, Charles, 281 §34. §35. Carroll, Chas., brother of Gov. J. L. Car- roll. 216. Carroll, Col. Chas.. 215, 216. 286 §37. Carroll of Carrollton, Chas., 17; elected U. S. senator, 43; favors Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, 102; mentioned, 214; Maryland's most famous citizen, 215; buried at Doughoregan, 216. Carroll, Capt. Hy., 109. Carroll, Hy. Jas., 109-110; 286 §21. Carroll, James, 146, 282 §69. Carroll, John Lee, sketch, 213-220 (chief feature of administration, 213-214; birth and ancestry, 214-215; education, 215; marriage, 215-216; defeated for legislature, 215; residence in New York, 216; legislative career, 216-217; elected governor, 217; Baltimore and Ohio strike, 213-214; 217-219; second mar- riage, 219; later years, 220). Succeeds Groome, 210; defeats Hamilton, for nomination, 225-226; 283 §79; 285 §40; 286 §37. Carroll, Nicholas, 46, 281 §18, §26. Carroll, Thomas King, sketch, 109-113, (ancestry 109-110; education, 110; admitted to bar, 110; marriage. 111; Masonic order. 111; in legislature. 111; governor. 111; personality, 112; and U. S. senatorship, 112; declines seat in state senate, 112; naval officer at Balti- more, 112; death, 113). 114, 282 §58, 284 §23, 286 §21. Carter (Bowie), Alice, 194, 287 §34. Carter, Chas. H., 194. Cass, Lewis, 223. Census frauds of 1900, 265-266. Centennial Exposition, 219. Chambers, Ezekiel F., 282 §75. Charter Committee of Maryland (1776), 17. Charter, new, Baltimore, 259. Chase, Saml., 4; candidate for governor, 5; Wm. Paca and, 15; arms continental soldiers, 16; impeached, 61; 281 §1. Chesapeake and Ohio Canal: Super- sedes Potomac Co., 94, 97; original plans for, 97; opposed by Baltimoreans. 102; proposal to build link to Baltimore, 102; Governor Martin favors, 107; con- flict with Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, 121-122; receives aid from state, 122, 126; Francis Thomas president, 138; begins to fulfil promise, 196. Chew (Howard) , Margaret 31, 115, 286 §22, 287 §5. China, Governor Lowe named as minister to, 162; religious revolution, 231; Gov- ernor McLane, minister to, 231. Civil Service reform, 225. Civil Rights bill, 256-257. Civil War. Francis Thomas and, 142 Governor Lowe and, 158-159; 162-163 Maryland's divided sentiment, 171. Massachusetts soldiers mobbed in Bal- timore, 174-176; Hicks proposes truce, 175; attitude of legislature, 176; mem- bers of legislature arrested, 177; meet- ings to prevent, ISO; peace conference at Washington, 180; intimidation at Bradford's election, 180-181; conflict in Maryland between state and federal authorities, 181-182; invasion of Mary- land by confederate army, 183; Mary- INDEX 291 land Committee protests to president, 233; political parties and, 188-189. (See also Secession.) Clarke, Wm. B., 160, 282 §71. Clay, Henry, 179-180; Governor Hamilton and, 223. Cleveland, Grover, appoints Governor Groome collector of customs, 212; ap- points Governor McLane minister to France, 234; elected president, 250, 271; appoints Governor Brown postmaster, 250; appoints Governor Warfield sur- veyor of port, 271-272; views regarding office-holders and politics, 272. Clongowas Wood College, attended by Governor Lowe, 159. Coal strike at Frostburg, 252. Coates (Thomas), Elizabeth, 120,287 §23. Cobb, Howell, 155. College, Bourbon, attended by Governor McLane, 229. Columbian College, attended by Governor Swann, 185. Comptroller of Maryland — oflBce created, 154. Confederacy, opposed by Gov. Francis Thomas, 159. (See Civil War.) Congress and "salary grab," 225. Congress, continental, protests to king, 4. Connolly (Stevens), EUzabeth, 286 §18. Constitution, U. S. convention (1787) and, 54; opponents of centralization and, 54; development of, 75; opposition to, 54, 75; accepted by colonies, 24; adopted by Maryland, 22; opposition to in Maryland, 24-25; Governor Paca's attempt to amend, 34-35; Governor Plater presides at ratifying convention, 34; State (1776), 5, 124; burdened with amendments, 161.— State (1851), 124; convention and, 161; Governor Hicks a delegate, 173; Governor Francis Thomas and, 142; creates office of comp- troller, 154; Gov. P. F. Thomas and, 154; Governor (irason, and, 135; ratified, 161; benefits of, 161.— State (1864), 188-189, provisions of, 195; election under, 195. State (1867), 195; provisions of, 195- 196; Governor Groome and, 209. Contee (Kent), Ahce Lee, 103, 287 §19. Couden (Stone), Miss, 40, 287 §7. Cox, Christopher C. Maryland's only lieu- tenant-governor, 189; election of, 195; fails to succeed Governor Swann, 190. Coxe, Rich. S., 145. Coxey's army, 253. Cowpens, battle of, 28-29. Crabill, Silas M., 283 §87. Cradock, Rev. Thomas, school, 58. Creswell, John A. J., 156, 190. Crothers, Alpheus, 276, 286 §46. Crothers, Austin Lane, sketch, 276-280; (political economist, 276; youth, 276- 277; teaches school, 277; enters poUtics, 277; state senator, 277; judge, 278; nominated for governor, 278; campaign, 278-279; elected, 279; favors good roads and administrative economy, 279-280; home life. 280). Governor Jackson and, 247; succeeds Governor Warfield, 273-274, 283 §88, 285 §49, 286 §46. Crothers, Charles C, 277. Gulp, Ira, 263 §88. Cumberland, Maryland, and Baltimore and Ohio strike, 218-219. Declaration of Independence signed, 6. DeCourcy (Wright), Sarah, 67, 287 §12. DeCourcy, William, 67; homestead of, 69. DeCoursey (Veazey), Elizabeth, 125, 286 §24. DeKalb, Baron Johann, death of, 23. Democratic party, 103. Dickinson College, attended by Gov. P. F. Thomas, 151. Digges (Lee), Mary, 13, 287 §2. Disfranchisement in Maryland after seces- sion, 189. District of Columbia, government for, 203-204. Divorce of Gov. Francis Thomas and Sallie McDowell, 139-141. Dixon, Robert B., 239, 283 §82. Dorsey, Chas. Worthington, 166. Dorsey (Ligon), Mary Tolly 166, 287 §30. Dorsey (Ridgely), Priscilla, 82, 287 §15. Dorsey (Ridgely), Rebecca, 83. Dorsey (Ligon), Sallie, 166, 287 §30. Doughoregan Manor, 215, 216. Druid Hill Park, 187. Duel between Governor Wright and Gov- ernor Lloyd, 66; between Governor Francis Thoams and Wm. Price, 139. Eager (Howard), Ruth, 27, 286 §5. Eden, Gov. Robt., 4. Edmondson (Groome), Alice L., 211, 287 §36. Election: Military interference with, in 1861, 180-181, under constitution of 1864, 183; popular for governor, 87; contested — White vs. Harris, 200-201; Wallis vs. Gwinn, 210-211; under Know-nothing rule, 166-170, 187-188; senatorial primary in Maryland, 267, 275. England, Reverdy Johnson, appointed minister to, 201. (See also War of 1812-15.) Eutaw Springs, battle of, 29. Eversfield, Rev., school of, 58. Federal party formed, 26; how kept in power, 86; oppose second war with Eng- land, 61; struggle between republican party, 47-49, cause of strength in Mary- land (1815-18), 85. Flying Camp joins Washington, 5; Gov. J. E. Howard and, 27. Fort McHenry, bombardment of, 79-80; granted to U. S. government, 84. Fort Putnam, 21. Fort Washington, 21; Governor Small- wood and, 22; granted to Federal Gov- ernment, 84. 292 INDEX Fran ceinterferes with American commerce, 60; threatened war with, 45; Governor McLane minister to, 234. Francis (Tliomas) Maria, 151, 286 §28. Frederick, Maryland, legislature meets at, 176. Free Ballot act, 72. Freeholders' Convention, 58. "Free Silver" and W. H. Jackson, 246- 247. Fremont, Gen. John C, 148. Frizzell, Jas. M., 283 §88. Frostburg coal strike, 252. Gaither, George R., 279, 283 §88. Gale, Geo., 43. Gary, Jas. A., 226, 283 §80. Gates, Gen. Horatio at Camden, 23; super- seded, 23; Smallwood and, 23; men- tioned, 24. Geological work, first in Maryland, 122. Georgetown College, attended by Gover- nor Pratt, 145; Gov. J. L. Carroll, 215. Germantown, battle of, and Gov. J. E. Howard, 28; and Maryland Line, 22, and Gov. J. H. Stone, 37. Gibson, Senator, Chas. H., 264. Gillis (Winder), Esther, 76, 286 §14. Gisriel, Wm., 283 §87. Gist, Gen. Mordecai, 23. Glenn, Judge John, 200. "Glorious 19" electors, 127-128, 137-138, 173. GoLDSBOROUGH, Charles, sketch, 86-90; (birth, 87; education and youth, 87; marriages, 87-88; in congress, 88; gov- ernor, 89; administration, 90). Elected governor, 85; defeated by Saml. Sprigg, 93; 282 §47, §48, §49; 284 §18; 286 §16. Goldsborough, Chas., Sr., 87, 286 §16. Goldsborough, Judge Chas. F., 237; death of, 240. Goldsborough (Goldsborough), Elizabeth, 87, 287 §16. Goldsborough, Judge Robert, 87. Goldsborough, Congressman Robert H., 84. Goldsborough (Goldsborough), Sarah Yer- bury, 88, 287 §16. Goldsborough, Wm. Tilghman, 154, 282 §70. Good roads favored by Governor Crothers, 279-280, bill passed, 279-280. Gorman, Arthur Pue, in U. S. senate, 203, 211, 271; opposes Governor Jackson for senator, 245; in conflict with Gover- nor Whyte, 203, 205; death of, 206. Governor of Maryland in early years, 10; term for one year, 114, disadvantages of short term, 114; early powers of, 36; first governor's message to legislature, 38-39; method of electing changed, 124; Reform Act, 132; first popular election for. 128. Council of, abolished, 128. (See Acting-governor.) Grason, Richard, 130, 286 §25. Grason, William, sketch, 130-135 (a de- structionist, 130; birth, 130; youth, 131; marriage, 131; in navy, 131; in general assembly, 132; governor, 133; opposes repudiation, 133-134; criticises consti- tution, 134; retires, 134; in state sen- ate, 135; opposes abolition, 135, death, 135). Succeeds Governor Veazey, 128; warns of financial dangers, 140; sup- ported by Gov. P. F. Thomas, 152; slavery and, 159; 282 §67, 284 §28, 285 §25. Grant, Gen. U. S., removes Governor Brad- ford as surveyor, 183; unsuccessful efforts to reconcile Governor Bradford, 183, Greene, Gen. Nathanael praises Gov. J. E. Howard, 29; succeeds General Gates, 23. Groome, James Black, sketch, 207-212; (democratic spirit of, 207-208; boyhood, 208-209; in legislature, 209; {governor 210-211; controversy of Wallis vs. Gwinn, 210-211; marriage, 211; in U. S. senate, 211-212; death, 212). De- feats Gov. P. F. Thomas for U. S. sen- ate, 157; elected governor, 203. 283 §78, 285, §39, 286 §36. Groome, John Chas., defeated for gover- nor, 173, 208-209, 282 §73, 286 §36. Guilford (N. C), battle of, 53; Governor Mercer and, 53. Gwinn, Chas. J. M., election contested, 210-211. Hagerstown and Governor Hamilton, 227. Hamilton, Henry, 222, 286 §38. Hamilton, Wilham Thomas, sketch, 221- 227 (political economist, 222; opposed by leaders, 222; birth and early sur- roundings, 222; education, 222-223; in legislature, 223; in congress, 223; con- gressional and senatorial career, 223- 225; marriage, 224; governor, 226; Ha- gerstown and, 227; death, 227).) 201, 202; cliief characteristic, 268, 283 §80, 285 §41, 286 §38. Hampden-Sidney College attended by Governor Ligon, 165. Hancock-Garfield campaign, 163, Handy, Samuel, 262. Harper, Gen. Robt. Goodloe, 110. Harris J. Morrison, defeats Governor Whyte for congress, 200; election con- tested, 200-201; defeated for governor, 217, 283 §79. Harrison (Paca), Anne, 19, 287 §3. Harrison, President Benjamin appoints Governor Whi^te to Congress of Ameri- can Nations, 206. Harvard Law School, attended by Gover- nor Whyte, 199-200; by Governor J. L. Carroll, 215. Hayes, President R. B., made president, 203; Baltimore and Ohio strike and, 218-219. Hayes, Thomas G., 254. Hayward, William, 151. Heberd (Smallwood), Priscilla, 20, 286 §4. Henry, Danl. M., in congress, 237. INDEX 293 Henry, John, sketch, 41-45 (youth and ed- ucation, 42; in Continental congress, 42- 43; U. S. senator, 43; elected governor, 42-43; short administration, 44; features of governorship, 45; marriage, 45; death, 45). Gov. Hy. Lloyd descended from, 237; 281 §24, 284 §9, 286 §8. Henry, Col. John, 42; 286 §8. Henry (Lloyd), Kitty, 237, 286 §40. Henry, Patrick, 4. Hering, Joshua W. in state senate, 277; comptroller, 278. Hess (Hamilton), Anna Mary M., 222, 286 §38. Hicks, Henry C, 172, 286 §31. Hicks, Thomas Holliday, sketch, 171-177, (a temporizer, 171; wavers at critical time, 172; birth, 172; minor political positions, 172-173; register of wills and state legislator, 172; candidate for governor, 173; manner of election, 173; views on secession, 174-175; April 19 (1861), and, 174-175; bridge-burning and, 174-175; proposes truce between north and south, 175; attitude toward legislature, 176-177; in U. S. senate, 177; marriages, 177; death, 177). De- nounced by Governor Lowe, 163; how elected governor, 169-170; defeats John C. Groome, 208-209; 282 §73, 284 §34, 286 §31. Higgins, Edwin, 283 §84. Hill (Ogle), Henrietta, 50, 287 §9. Hill murder case, 252-253. Hill, William N., 283 §86. Hodges, Mayor Jas., 245. Hollingsworth (Whyte), Louisa D., 206, 287 §35. Holton, Hart D., 283 §81. Howard, Benj. Chew, 115; defeated for governor, 180-181; 282 §74. Howard, Cornelius, 286 §5. Howard, George, sketch, 114-118 (dis- inclined to be governor, 114; birth and early years, 115; marriage, 115; home life, 115; member of governor's council, 116; governor, 116; differs from Presi- dent Jackson, 117; opposed to lotteries, 117; views on slavery, 117; censures South Carolina, 118; death, 118) men- tioned, 31; refuses reelection, 121; suggestions in regard to Baltimore and Ohio and Chesapeake and Ohio, 122. 282 §60, 284 §25, 286 §22. Howard, John Eager, sketch, 26-31 (early years, 27; joins Continental army, 27; military services, 28-29, hero of Cow- pens, 28; retort to General Morgan, 29; General Greene's opinion of, 29; Conti- nental congress, 29; governor, 30; state senator, 30; U. S. senator, 30; declines portfolio of war, 30; distinguished sons, 31; in war of 1812-15, 31; candidate for vice-president, 31; death, 31) son be- comes governor, 115; 281 §13, §14, §15, §16, §34, §35; 282, §40; 284 §5; 286 §5, §22. Hurst, John E., 258, 283 §85. Internal improvement, 94; Potomac Com- pany and Chesapeake and Ohio canal, 96-97; beginning of, 83-84; era of. 10; Governor Kent and, 106; reckless in- vestment in, 133; Gov. Jas. Thomas and, 120; Maryland's liberal contribu- tion to, 126. Interest payments resiimed in Maryland, 154. Irish rebellion, 199. Japan, Governor McLane minister to, 231. Jackson, President Andrew and "spoils" system, 106-107, 221; appoints Louis McLane secretary of treasury, 229. Jackson, Elihu Emory, sketch, 242-247, (birth, 243; business career, 243-244, 246; in legislature, 244; nominated for governor, 245; administration, 245-246; marriage, 247; death, 247). Nomi- nated, 205, 251; succeeds Hy. Lloyd, 239; succeeded by Frank Brown, 215; 283 §83, 285 §44, 286 §41. Jackson, E. E. and Company, 244. Jackson, Hugh, 243, 286 §41. Jackson, Wm. H., 246, 247. Jefferson College attended by Governor Hamilton, 222. Jefferson, "Thos. elected president, 60; disfavors third term, 68; Governor Mercer student of, 53. Jenifer, Danl., 37. Jenifer, Danl. of St. John, 15, 281 §7, §10. Jenifer (Stone), Elizabeth, 37; 286 §7. Jenness (Hamilton), Clara, 224, 287 §38. Jenness, Rich., 224. Jennings (Johnson), Ann, 6, 287 §1. Jews of Maryland, effort to get franchises, 89; enfranchised, 95, 97-98. Johnson, President Andrew, impeach- ment of, 61; opposed by Gov. Francis Thomas, 142; Maryland vacant sena- torship and, 156; votes of Maryland senators for, 156; conflict with congress, 201-202; championed by Gov. Whyte, 201-202; congress and Johnson's annual message, 201-202. Johnson, Reverdy, appointed attorney- general of U. S., 148; resigns from U. S. senate, 201; appointed minister to Eng- land, 201; succeeded by Governor Whyte, 201. Johnson, Thomas, sketch, 1-8 (ancestry and early life, 3; President Adam's opinion of, 3; member of continental congress, 4, 5, 6, 7; nominates George Washington commander-in-chief of army, 4; commands "Flying Camp," 5, election and inauguration, 5; marriage- 6; votes for Declaration of Independ; ence, 6; twice reelected governor, 6; chief judge of general court, 7; associate judge supreme court, 7; declines port- folio of state under Washington, 7; death, 8). Advocates declaration of independence, 17; a jurist, 20; 281 §1, 2§, §3, §13, §34; 284 §1; 286 §1. Johnson, Thomas, Sr., 3; 286 §1. 294 INDEX Johnson, Wm. Cost, 138, 282 §68. Jones, Joshua, 282 §63 Jones, Levin T., 283 §86. Juarez, Benito, recognized by U. S. minis- ter to Mexico, 232. Judge-retiring bill of, 1908, 240. Kell (Bradford), Elizabeth, 180, 287 §32. Kell, Judge Thomas, 180. Kent (Pratt), Adelaide, 145, 287 §27. Kent, Danl., 99, 286 §19. Kent, Capt. Jas., "minute men," 66. Kent, Joseph, sketch, 99-103 (youth, 99- 100; practices medicine, 100; member of congress, 100-101; elected governor, 101; administration 101-102; petitions legislature to charter Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, 102; elected to U. S. senate, 103; marriage, 103; death, 103.) Internal improvement and, 106; daugh- ter marries Governor Pratt, 145; 282 §54, §55, §56, 284 §21; 286 §19. Kerr (Thomas), Sarah Maria, 157, 287 §28. King (Carroll), Elizabeth Barnes, 109, 110, 287 §21. King, Col. Thomas, 109. Know-nothing party in Maryland, 166- 170; methods of winning elections 173- 187; supports Thos. Swann for mayor, 187; conflict with Governor Ligon, 187; supremacy in Baltimore, 200; strength of in Maryland, 224. Korea, Governor McLane minister to, 231. Kossuth, Gen. Louis visits Maryland, 162. Lafayette, Marquis de, aided by Governor Lee, 11; joined by Governor Mercer; 53; mentioned, 69; returns to America, 95; anecdote concerning visit to Annapolis, 95. Lansdale (Sprigg), Violette, 93, 287 §17. Lansdale, Thos. Lancaster, 93. Lawson, Gen. Robert, 53. Lee, Gen. Chas., dismissed from army, 52- 53. Lee (Plater), Hannah, 35, 287 §6. Lee, Mary (Digges), wife of Gov. T. S. Lee, 13; renders aid to Continental army, 13, 287 §2. Lee, ^fary Digges, mother of Gov. J. L. Carroll, 215, 286 §37. Lee, Rich., 10. Lee, Rich Hv., 433. Lee, Thos., iO. 286 §2. Lee, Thomas Sim, sketch, 9-13 (election as governor, 9; ancestry and early years 10; first public service, 10; cooperate with Washington and Lafayette, 11-12; commended by legislature, 12; in Con- tinental congress, 12; second adminis- tration, 12; "Whiskey insurrection" and, 12; reorganizes militia, 12; estab- lishes winter home in Georgetown, 13; declines seat in U. S. senate, 13; refuses third administration as governor, 13; marriage, 13; death, 13). Mentioned, 6, 20, 38. 45, 46, Gov. J. L. Carroll descended from, 215; 281 §4, §5, §6, §18, §19, §20, §25; 284 §2, §7; 286 §2. Legislature in extra session in War of 1812-15, 78-79; refuses to receive Gov- ernor's message, 170; meets in Fred- erick, 176; declaration concerning seces- sion, 176; members arrested, 177; peti- tioned to restore franchises to Maryland democrats, 189; extra session of 1901, 265-266. Levering, Joshua, 283 §85. Lexington, battle of, 21. Lieutenant-governor under constitution of 1864, 189, 195; Maryland's only lieu- tenant governor, 189. Ligon, Thos. D., 165, 286 §30. Ligon, Thomas Watkins , sketch, 165-170 (youth, 165; education, 165-166; re- moval to Maryland, 166; marriages, 166; member of legislature and of congress, 166; election as governor, 167; conflict with know-nothing party, 167-170; legislature refuses to receive message, 170; later years and death, 170.) Fear- lessness of, 184; conflict with know- nothing party in Baltimore, 187-188; 282 §72; 284 §33; 286 §30. Lincoln, President Abraham, receives one vote in Queen Anne's, 135; effect of election in Maryland, 135; attends Governor Hicks' funeral, 177. Livingston, Robert, 38. Lloyd, Benj. Chew, 15. Lloyd, Danl., 236, 286 §40. Lloyd, Edward I., immigrant, 236-237. Lloyd, Col. Edward IV, candidate for governor, 9; 281 §4, 286 §13. Lloyd, Edward V., sketch, 70-74 (birth, 70; early life, 71; elected to legislature at age of twenty-one, 71; sent to con- gress, 72; elected governor, 72; admin- istration, 73; U. S. senator, 73; presi- dent state senate, 73 ; death, 73; mar- riage, 74; democratic spirit, 74). Duel with Governor Wright, 66; mentioned, 236; Governor Lowndes descended from, 255; 282 §37, §38, §39; 284 §14; 286 §13. Lloyd, Edward VI, 282 §62. Lloyd family in Maryland, 71, 241. Lloyd, Henry sketch, 235-241 (succeeds Governor McLane, 236) birth and edu- cation, 236-237; admitted to bar, 237; in state senate, 237-238; president sen- ate, 238; acting-governor, 238; gover- nor, 239; administration, 239; judge, 240; Mason, 240; marriage, 240; home life, 241.) Becomes acting-governor, 234; 283 §82; 285 §43; 286 §40. Lloyd (Paca), Mary, 15; 287 §3. Long Island, battle of, 21; Governor Stone and, 37. Lotteries opposed by Gov. Geo. Howard, 117. Lowe, Lt. Bradley S. A., graduate of West Point, 159, 286 §29. LowE.IEnoch Louis, sketch.lSS-lQ'i (named in "Maryland, My Maryland," 158; Con- federacy and, 159; birth, 159; elected INDEX 295 governor, 160; defends his youth, 160; marriage, 160; administration, 160-161; favors low taxes, 161; entertains Kos- suth, 162; declines post of minister to China, 162; wants Maryland to secede, 162-163; denounces Governor Hicks, 163; Civil War and, 163; moves to Brooklyn, 163; death, 164.) Advo- cates secession, 171; April 19 (1861) and, 174, 175-176. 282 §71; 284 §32; 286 §29. Lowndes (Lowndes), Elizabeth, 256, 257- 258, 287 §43. Lowndes, Lloyd, father of Governor Lowndes, 255, 256, 286 §43. Lowndes, Lloyd, sketch, 255-260 (birth, 255; college career, 256; practices law, 256; elected to congress, 256; opposes Civil Rights bill, 256-257; defeated for congress, 257; business interests, 258; elected governor, 258; administration, 258-259; declines to use office for elec- tion to U. S. senate, 259; defeated for governor, 259; death, 260). Distinc- tion among governors, 184; defeated by Gov. J. W. Smith, 265; 283 §85, §86; 285 §46; 286 §43. Maccubbin (Martin), Mary Clare, 105, 287 §20. Mackall, Gen. Jas. John, 58. Mackall (Bowie), Priscilla, 58, 287 §11. Magill (Thomas), Nellie, 136-137, 286 §26. Magruder (Pratt), Eleanor, 286 §27. Mahool, J. Barry, 254. Malster, William T., 206. Marriott, W. H., 282 §62. Martin, Daniel, sketch, 104-108 (early years, 105; marriage, 105; initial appear- ance in politics, 105; twice elected gov- ernor, 106; opposed to Jackson's "spoils" system, 106-107; death, 108); defeated by Gov. T. K. Carroll, 111; misfortune because of short term, 114; Gov. Geo. Howard and, 116; 282 §57 §58, §59; 284 22§, §24; 286 §20. Martin, Luther, opposes Constitution of U. S., 25, 75; withdraws from conven- tion, 54. Martin, Nicholas, 105, 286 §20. Maryland. Earliest independent gov- ernment, 2; legislature warns Governor Eden, 4; delegates in congress permitted to vote for Declaration of Independ- ence, 4; opposition to articles of con- federation, 7; opposition to Declaration of Independence, 16; U. S. constitution ratified, 25; aid to Continental army acknowledged by Washington, 12; legislature expresses confidence in Washington, 29; grants District of Columbia to government, 30; lends money for federal buildings, 39,; neg- lected by federal government in War of 1812-15, 76, 78-79; repeals property qualifications for voters, 55- 56, 72; charters Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, 102; gives elective franchise to Jews, 95; 97-98; divided into three gubernatorial districts, 132-133; de- faults interest payments, 141, 147; repudiation and, 140-141; causes of financial embarrassment, 126; re- sumes interest payments, 154; agita- tion for proportionate representation in general assembly, 12&-127; 137-138, 142; readjustment of apportionment, 137; attitude of legislature regarding secession, 176; committee protests against action of federal troops, 233. (See also Constitution and Legislature.) Maryland Jockey Club, 197. Maryland Line at Germantown, 22; com- mended by congress, 23. "Maryland, My Maryland" quoted, 158, reference to Governor Lowe, 158. Maryland Society Sons of American Revo- lution erects monimient to Governor Smallwood, 25. Maryland State Agricultural and Mechan- ical Society, 250. Maryland-Virginia boundary dispute, 203. Mason, George, 54. Mason, John Thomson, 223. Masonic Order, Governor Winder and, 80; Gov. Hy. Lloyd and, 240. Massachusetts soldiers mobbed in Balti- more, 174-176. May (Thomas) Clintonia, 157, 287 §28. May (Stevens), Eliza, 96, 287 §18. McBride (Jackson), Sally, 286 §411. McDonald, Mary. (See Mrs. Raleigh Thomas.) McDowell, Gov. James, of Virginia, 139. McDowell (Thomas), Sallie marriage, to Gov. Francis Thomas, 139; separation from, 139-140; divorce from, 140; sec- ond marriage, 141; Gov. Thomas pam- phlet concerning, 141, 287 §26. McKinley, President Wm. and Jas. A. Gary, 226. McLane, Louis, 228; public service in Delaware, 228; connection with Bal- timore and Ohio Railroad, 228; U. S. minister to England, 229; secretary of treasury, 229; resigns from Baltimore and Ohio, 186, 286 §39. McLane, Robert Milligan, sketch, 228-234; (parentage, 228-229; education, 229; military career, 229-230; marriage, 229; legislative career, 230; member of con- gress, 230-231, 233-234; minister to China, Japan, etc., 231; minister to Mexico, 232; Civil War and, 233; min- ister to France, 234; death of, 234). Gov. P. F. Thomas and, 157; resigns as governor, 235, 238; appointed min- ister to France, 235-236; desire for foreign service, 236; fond of debate, 236; defeated for U. S. senate, 211; 283 §81; 285 §42; 286 §39. McNally, R. M.. 199. Mercer, John Francis, sketch, 51-56 (youth, 52; in Continental army, 52; aide to Gen. Chas. Lee, 52; resigns, 53; re-commissioned, 53; in southern cam- 296 INDEX paign, 53; Jefferson and, 53; in Virginia legislature, 53; marriage and removal to Maryland, 53-54; delegate to con- stitutional convention, 54; opposed U. S. constitution, 54; defeated for con- gress, 54; member of legislature and congress, 55; elected governor, 55; ad- ministration, 5^55, opposes War of 1812-15, 56; death, 56). Administra- tion, 59; in Revolution, 184; first repub- lican governor, 184; 281 §29, §30; 284 §11; 286 §10. Mercer, Robert, 52, 286 §10. Mercer, Robert, Sr., 52, Merrick, Wm. M., 225. Mexico, war with, 147; Gov. Oden Bowie and, 193; termination of friendly rela- tions with U. S., 232; President Juarez and U. S., 232. Militia of Maryland reorganized, 123. Milligan (McLane), Catherine, 228, 286 §39. Mitchell, Geo. E., 282 §57. Monmouth, battle of, and Chas. Lee, 53; Governor Mercer and, 53. Moore (Lowndes), Marie, 256, 286 §43. Morgan, Gen. Danl. at Cowpens, 28; com- mends Gov. J. E. Howard, 29. Morris, Robt. and Governor Lee, 11. Murray, Jas., 281 §29, §30. Murray (Lloyd), Sally Scott, 74, 287 §13. National republicans, 103. Negro, first vote of in Maryland, 202; effort to disfranchise in Maryland, 274. Nelson, John, attorney-general, 200; de- feated for congress, 200. "New Judge" movement, 205. Nicodemus (Warfield), Emma, 272, 287 §45. Nicodemus, J. Courtney, 272. North Point, battle of, 31, 78-80. Northern Central Railway, 122. Oden (Bowie), Mary Eliza, 193, 286 §34. Ogle, Benjamin, sketch A&-50 (parentage, 46-47; education, 47; early public ser- vice, 47; governor. 47; administration, 47-49; death of Washington and, 28; home life and death, 49-50). 281 §18, §26, §27, §28; 284 §10; 286 §9. Ogle, Saml., proprietary governor, 46-47, 286 §9. "Old Line" democrats, 204. Oldham (Martin), Hannah, 105, 286 §20. Paca, Elizabeth, 286 §3. Paca, John, 15, 286 §23. Paca, William, sketch, 14-19 (elected gov- ernor, 15; birth and youth, 15; opposes stamp act, 15; in Continental congress, 16; arms volunteer corps, 16; votes for Declaration of Independence, 17; chief judge of general court, 17; administra- tion, 18; labors for Revolutionary sol- diers, 18; judge of U. S. court of Mary- land, 19 Washington College and, 19; marriages, 19; personal appearance, 19). Mentioned, 4, 21; candidate for gover- nor, 5; a jurist, 20; attempt to amend U. S. constitution, 34-35; 281 §1, §7, §8, §9, 284 §3; 286 §3. Page (Swann), Jane Byrd, 185, 286 §33. Paoli, battle of, 66. Pardons, how granted, in Maryland, 274- 275; Governor Warfield and, 275. Paris treaty of peace, 18. Park Tax in Baltimore, 186. Peabody, Geo., 199. Pearce, James Alfred elected to congress, 132, 153; defeated by Gov. C. F. Thomas 152-153; succeeded by Governor Hicks, 177. Pennsylvania and Maryland slaves, 147- 148. Pennsylvania Railway and Baltimore and Pittsburg Railroad, 194. Peru, Gov. Francis Thomas, minister to, 143. Phelps (Carroll), Anita, 215-216; death, of, 216; 287 §37. Phelps, Royal, 215-216. Pierce, President Franklin, election of, 154; appoints Gov. P. F. Thomas, col- lector, 155; names Governor Lowe minister to China, 162; appoints Gov- ernor McLane minister to Japan and China, 231; mentioned, 224. Pinkney, Campbell White, 199. Pinkney (White), Isabella, 199, 286 §35. Pinkney, Wm., service to Maryland, 199; resigns from congress, 55. Plater, Col. George, father of Governor Plater, 33; member of Baltimore's council of state, 33, 286 §6. Plater, George, sketch,lS2-35 (birth, 33; early public service, 33; in legislature, 34; presides at Maryland convention to ratify U. S. constitution, 34; presiden- tial elector, 35; elected governor, 35; administration, 35; married life, 35; death, 35). Candidate for governor, 5; succeeded by Gov. T. S. Lee, 12; deathof,235,281§l.§17;284§6; 286 §6. Poe amendment, 274. Police commissioners of Baltimore and Governor Swann, 189-190; removal of, 189-190; conflict with successors, 190. Polk (Lowe), Esther Winder, 160, 287 §29. Polk, Col. Jas., 160. Polk, Pres. Jas. K., and Governor McLane, 230. Porter (Crothers), Margaret Aurelia, 176, 286 §46. Potomac Company, legislative report upon, 96-97; superseded by Chesapeake and Ohio Canal Company, 94-97. Potts. Rich., 30. Pratt, Thomas, 286 §27. Pratt, Thomas George, sketch, 144-149 (birth, 144; marriage, 145; legislative career, 145-146; attitude concerning repudiation, 146; elected governor, 146; defeats repudiation, 146-147; conflict with Pennsylvania over slave property, 147-148; becomes enemy of aboUtion, 146; United States senator, 148; ar- INDEX 297 rested at outbreak of Civil War, 149; death, 149). Appoints Governor Brad- ford clerk of Baltimore County, 180; Repudiation and, 141; sustained by Governor Hamilton, 223; and Governor McLane, 230; sympathizes with south, 159; son of in Confederate army, 156; chief characteristic, 268. 282 §69, 284 §30, 286, §27. Preston, Horatio, 254. Preston (Brown), Mary Ridgely, 254, 287 §42. Price, Wm., duel with Gov. Francis Thomas, 139. Primary nominations in Maryland, 275; for United States senator, 266, 267, 275; Governor Warfield and, 275. Princeton, battle of and Governor Small- wood, 22; Governor Stone and, 37. Princeton College attended by Governor Pratt, 145; by Governor Henry, 42. Property qualifications for officeholders in Maryland, 51; war against, 51-52. Pulaski, Count Casinni in Baltimore, 23; conflict between Governor Smallwood and, 23. Railroad combinations opposed by Gov- ernor Jackson, 245. Raleigh (Hicks), Leah, 287 §31. Randall, Jas. R., 158. Randolph, Edmund, 7. Rayner, Isidor, elected United States senator, 266. Reese, John T., nominated, 132. Reform Act, 124; Governor Veazey and, 124; makes gubernatorial election pop- ular, 132. Reform League election law, 259. Republican-democratic party splits, 103. Republicans favor War of 1812-15, 61; Baltimore riot and, 62. Repudiation in Maryland and Gov. Fran- cis Thomas, 140-141; Governor Pratt and, 146; cause of repudiation agita- tion, 133, 146; reason of defeat, 146- 147. Revolt of 1836. (See "Glorious 19.") Richardson, Geo. S. and Brother, 262- 263. Richardson (Smith), Mary Francis, 262, 287 §44. Rider (Henry) Dorothy, 42, 286 §8. Rider (Jackson), Nannie, 247, 287 §41. Rider. Wm. H., 247. Ridgely, Acsah, 82, 286 §15. Ridgely, Charles Caman, sketch, 81-85 (birth and parentage, 82; changes name, 82-83; marriage, 82; early political activity, 82; nominated for governor 83; election, 83; internal improvement and, 84; administration, 84-85; life at Hampton, 85; death, 85). Defeats Gov. Robt. Bowie, 63; favors Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, 102; daughter mar- ries Gov. George Howard, 115; 282 §44, §45, §46; 284 §17; 286 §15. Ridgely, Captain Chas., uncle of Gover- nor Ridgely, 82-83. Ridgely, David, 254, Ridgely (Brown), Mary. (See Mrs. Mary Preston.) Ridgely (Howard), Prudence Gough, 115, 287 §22. Ringgold (Wright), Miss, 287 §12. Riots. (See Baltimore. ) Ritchie, John, 256. Roads. (See Internal improvements.) Robins, Jas. B., 282 §51. Rousby (Plater), EUzabeth. 35, 287 §6. Roy (Mercer), Ann, 72, 286 §10. Rugemer, John A., 283 §86. Rutledge, Judge John, 7. Salisbury, fire, 247. "Salary Grab" defeated, 225. St. John's College attended by Governor Martin, 105; Governor Grason, 131; Gov. Francis Thomas, 137. St. Mary's attended by Governor Brad- ford, 179: Gov. Oden Bowie, 193; Gov. J. L. Carroll, 215; Governor McLane, 229. Schenck, Major-general, R. C, 182. Secession, Governor Lowe and, 159, 171; Governor Hicks and, 172, 174r-175; Maryland legislature and, 176; Gover- nor Bradford and, 181; Governor Swann and, 188; Governor McLane and, 233. (See Civil War.) Second War with England. (See War of 1812-15.) Sectional antagonism in Maryland, 41, 43, 44. Sedgewick (Johnson), Dorcas, 3, 286 §1. Semmes, Benedict, 282 §56. Senate, U. S. votes against seating Gov. P. F. Thomas, 156. Senate chamber at Annapolis restored, 275. Senator, first from Maryland to congress, 43. Senatorial electoral college abolished, 128; first primary nomination in Maryland, 206. Sewell (Hicks), Mary, 172; 286 §31. Sheriock (Swann), Elizabeth, 185-186, 287 §33. Shutt, A. P.. 188. Sim (Lee), Christiana, 10, 286 §2. Slavery: difficulty to enforce laws, 147; escaped slaves aided by Pennsylvania, 147-148; Gov. T. K. Carroll and, 112; Gov. Geo. Howard and, 117; Governor Grason and, 159; Governor Bradford and, 182. Sloss (Winder), Mary, 80, 287 §14. Smallwood, Bayne, 20, 286 §4. Smallwood, William, sketch, 20-25 (mil- itary fame, 20; parentage, 20; early years and education, 21; in French and Indian wars, 21; under Washington, 21; characteristics, 21-22; services in 1776- 77, 22; disputes with fellow-officers, 23; major-general, 23; displeases Washing- 298 INDEX ton, 24; elected governor, 24; adminis- tration, 24-25; death, 25; monument, 25.) Mentioned, 27, 30; military can- didate, 44; Governor Winder and, 77; 281 §10, §11, §12; 284 §4; 286 §4. Smith, Charlotte Whittington, 262. Smith, John E., 283 §78. Smith, John Walter, father of Governor Smith, 262, 286 §44. Smith, John Walter, sketch, 261-267 (bus- iness success, 261; early years, 262; marriage, 263; first candidacy, 264; in legislature, 264, defeated for United States senate, 264; elected to congress, 264-265; governor, 265; administra- tion, 265-266; elected United States sen- ator, 267). Defeats Governor Lowndes, 259; defeats Governor Warfield for nomination, 273; in state senate, 277- 278; 283 §86, 285 §47, 286 §44. South Carolina and nullification, 118. Spanish-American War, 259. "Spoils" system, President Jackson and, 106, 221. Sprigg, Joseph, 91, 286 §17. Sprigg (Bowie), Margaret, 58, 286 §11. Sprigg, Osborn, 92. Sprigg, Samuel, sketch, 91-94 (accomplish- ments of, 91; birth and youth, 91-92; quaUfications for leadership, 92-93; home life, 93; governor, 93; reelected, 93; Potomac Company and Chesapeake and Ohio Canal Company, 94; death, 94). Mentioned, 96.; 282 §48, § 49, §50; 284 §19; 286 §17. Sprigg (Mercer), Sophia, 53; 286 §10. Stapleforte (Lloyd), Mary Elizabeth, 240, 287 §40. Stapleforte, Virginia A., 240. Stapleforte, Wm. T., 240. State government in Maryland during Civil War, 178-179. State rights. Governor Veazey and, 129. State senators, first election by popular vote, 128; how elected prior to 1838, 126-127. Steele, John Nevitt, 133, 282 §67. Steuben, Baron von Frederich and Gover- nor Smallwood, 24. Stevens, John, 95, 286 §18. Stevens, Samuel, Jr., s/ce/c/i, 95-98 (birth, 95;i education, 96; marriage, 96; elected governor, 96; Potomac Company and Chesapeake and Ohio Canal Company, 96-97; enfranchisement of Jews, 97; death, 98). 282 §51, §52, §53; 284 §20; 286 §18. Stevenson, Dr. Henry, 111. Stevenson (Carroll), Julianna, 111; 287 §21. Stilley (Ogle), Rebecca, 50, 287 §9. Stone, David, 37, 286 §7. Stone, John Hoskins, sketch, ?,Q)-AQ (birth, 36; education, 37; early public career, 37; military services, 37; wounded at Germantown, 37; retirement, 38; gov- ernor's council, 38; elected governor, 38; administration, 38-40; Wasliington and, Bd 140 39-40; marriage, 40; death, 40). 281 §21, §22, §23; 284 §8; 286 §7. Stone, Wm., appointed governor of Mary- land, 37. Stonyhurst College attended by Governor Lowe, 159. Strike of Baltimore and Ohio employees, 213-214; 217-219; Frostburg strike, 252. Sulivane (Grason), Susan Orrick, 131, 287 §25. Susquehanna Railway, 122. Swann, James, 283 §86. Swann, Thos., father of Governor Swann, 185, 286 §33. Swann, Thomas, sketch, 184-191 (accom- plishments of, 184-185; birth and early training, 185; first official position, 185; marriage and home life, 185-186; presi- dent of Baltimore and Ohio, 186; mayor of Baltimore, 186-188; connection with know-nothing party, 187-188; seces- sion and, 188; elected governor, 189; restores vote to democrats, 189; con- flict with Baltimore police commis- sioners, 189-190; elected United States senator, 190; declined senatorship, 190; elected to congress, 190-191; second marriage, 191; death, 191). United States senatorsliip and, 156; Governor Ligon and, 168-169; appoints Governor Whyte to United States senate, 201; defeated by Governor Hamilton, 225, 282 §75; 285 §36, 286 §33. Tarleton, Major Banastre,at Cowpens,28. Tasker, Benj., 255; colonial governor, 47. Tasker (Ogle), Ann, 286 §9. Tax convention. Governor Brown's, 253- 254 Tayloe (Lloyd), Elizabeth, 286 §13. Taylor, President Zachary, 233. Thomas, Francis, father of Gov. Francis Thomas, 136, 286 §26. Thomas, Francis, sketch, 136-143 (leader of revolting senatorial electors, 136, 138; birth and education, 136-137; in legis- lature, 137; congressional career, 137- 138, 142; elected governor, 138-139; unhappy marriage and separation, 139— 140; prints pamphlet attacking wife, 141; administration, 140-141; constitu- tion of 1851 and, 142; constitution of 1864 and, 143; minister to Peru, 143; accidental death, 143). Revolt of "Glorious 19," 127-128; repudiation and, 146; opposes Confederacy, 159; raises union regiment, 171; defeated for congress, 224, 282 §68, 284 §29, 286 §26. Thomas, isim.es, sketch, 119-123 (ancestry, 119; education, 120; marriage, 120; War of 1812-15 and, 120; in pohtics, 120; elected governor, 121; administra- tion, 121; ends war between Baltimore and Ohio and Cliesapeake and Ohio, 121-122; Bank of Maryland failure and. 122-123; death. 123). 282 §61, §62, §63; 284 §26; 286 §23. INDEX 299 Thomas, Philip Francis, sketch, 150-157 (youth, 151; takes up democratic stand- ard, 151-152; defeated for office, 152; elected to legislature, 152; elected to congress, 152-153; congressional record, 153; declines renomination, 153; elected governor, 154; administration, 154; state comptroller, 154; member of Presi- dent Buchanan's cabinet, 155; seces- sion and, 156-157; elected United States senator, 156; not admitted to senate, 156; returned to congress, 156-157; marriage, 157; death, 157). Defeated for United States senate, 211; sympathy with south, 159; against reducing taxes, 161; 282 §70, 284 §31, 286 §28. Thomas (Whyte), Mrs. Raleigh, 205-206, 287 §35. Thomas, Dr. Tristram, 151, 286 §28. Thomas, William, 119, 286 §23. Thompson (Hicks), Anna, 177, 287 §31. Thompson (Swann), Mrs. John R., 191, 287 §33. Thompson (Carroll), Mary Carter, 219, 287 §37. Tilghman (Goldsborough), Anna Maria, 87, 286 §16. Tilghman, Frisby, 282 §47. Tilghman, Matthew, 4; candidate for gov- ernor, 5; 281 §1. Tidmarsh (Wright), Mary, 286 §12. Tilden, Saml. J., loses presidency, 203. Tome. Jacob, 202, 282 §77. Trenton, battle of, 22. Trippe (Goldsborough), Mary E., 87. Tuberculosis, campaign against, 266. Tyler, Wm., 282 §54. Union party, in Maryland, 188-189; be- comes radical, 189. United States census frauds in Maryland, 265. United States military academy attended by Governor McLane, 229. University of Maryland and Governor Crothers, 277. University of Pennsylvania and Governor Lowndes, 256; Gov. T. K. Carroll, 110; Governor Paca, 15; Governor Golds- borough, 87. University of Virginia and Governor Ligon, 166; Governor Swann, 185. Urquhart, David, 229. Urquhart (McLane), Georgine, 229, 287 §39. Utah, Gov. P. F. Thomas offered gover- norship of, 155. Valiant, Thos., 190. Vannort, Wm. J., 251, 283 §84. Veazey, Edward, colonial high sheriff, 125, 286 §24. Veazey, John, 125. Veazey (Veazey), Mary, 129, 287 §24. Veazey, Parker, 250. Veazey, Thomas Ward, sketch, 124-129 (ancestry, 125; elected to house of dele- gates, 125; in War of 1812-15, 125; elected governor, 126; favors internal improvements, 126; revolt of senatorial electors and, 125; defeats revolters, 127-128; reform act and, 128; reelectea governor, 126; home life, 128-129). Reform act and, 126; last whig gover- nor, 123; 282 §64, §65, §66, 284 §27. 286 §24. Vickers, Geo., 156. Vincendiere (Lowe), Adelaide, 159. 286 §29. Virginia legislature entertains Governor Lowe, 162; four Maryland governors from, 184; dispute with Maryland over oyster beds, 196; boundary dispute with Maryland, 203. Von Home, Cornelia (Lansdale), 73. Wallace (Kent), Eleanor Lee, 103, 287 §19. Wallace (Veazey), Mary, 129, 287 §24. Wallis, S. Teackle, contests Gwinn's elec- tion, 210-211. Walsh, Wm., 257. War of 1812-15, 78-80; petition against, 56; misconception concerning, 75; causes of, 60; opposed by federalists, 61; fav- ored by republicans, 61; preparation for, 68; effect of abroad, 81; Maryland and debt of, 84; Gov. James Thomas and, 120; Governor Veazey and, 125; Gover- nor Bowie and, 61-62. Ward, Josephine, 191. Warfield, Albert G., 269, 286 §45. Warfield, Edwin, sketch, 268-275 (ances- try, 268-269; education and early years, 269-270; school teacher, 269-270; reg- ister of wills, 270-271; state senator. 271-272; banker and publisher, 271; surveyor of port of Baltimore, 271- 272; marriage, 273; Fidelity and Deposit Company and, 272-273; elected gover- nor, 273; opposes Poe amendment, 274; administration, 273-275; candidate for United States senate, 275). Candidate for president of state senate, 238; re- tires in favor of Gov. Hy. Lloyd, 238; appoints Governor Whyte to United States senate, 206; appoints Governor Crothers judge, 278; succeeds Governor Jackson, 244; president of state senate, 244; 283 §87, 285 §48, 286 §45. Washington City, Maryland grants land for, 30; occupied by British, 31; 79; locating national capital, 35; Maryland lends funds for buildings, 39. Washington College attended by Gover- nor Veazey, 125; Governor Wright, 66; Governor Lowndes, 256. Washington, George, nominated as com- mander-in-chief by Governor Johnson, 4; offers Governor Johnson judgeship, 7; invites Governor Johnson to become secretary of state, 7; appeals to Gover- nor Lee for assistance, 11; letters to Governor Lee, 11, 12; praises Small- wood's troops, 22; Maryland votes for 300 INDEX 30; invites Gov. J. E. Howard to accept portfolio of war, 30; why elected presi- dent, 20; orders Smallwood to cover re- treat, 22; displeased with Smallwood, 24; appeals to Maryland for aid in building capital, 39; Maryland legisla- ture expresses confidence in, 29-40- attacked hy political enemies, 39-40; letters to Governor Johnson destroyed, 8; orders Gen. Chas. Lee courtmartialed, 53; declines third term, 44; effect of death on federal party, 47-48; influence in Maryland for ratification of United States constitution, 47-48; death of, 48. Watkins, Col. Gassaway, 269. Watkins (Warfield), Margaret Gassaway, 269, 286 §45. Watkins, Col. Thos.. 165. Weast, Jos. 282 §63. Weems (Sprigg), Margaret Elzey, 92; 286 §17. "Whiskey insurrection, 12. White, John Campbell, 199. White, Joseph, 199, 286 §35. White Plains, battle of, and Gov. J. E. Howard, 28; Governor Smallwood and, 21; Governor Stone and, 37. Whittington (Smith), Charlotte, 262, 286 §44. Whittington, William, 262. Whyte, William Pinkney, sketch, 198-206; (ancestry, 199; early career, 199; elected to legislature, 200; contests election of Harris, 200-201; declined by Union Army as unfit, 201; appointed United States senator, 201; Andrew Johnson and, 201-202; elected governor, 202; re- signs to become United States senator, 202-203; senatorial career, 203-204; de- feated by Senator Gorman, 204; mayor of Baltimore, 204-205; marriage, 205- 206; third term in United States senate, 206; death, 206. ) Resigns as governor, 210, 235; in United States senate, 211; succeeded by Governor Smith, 267; 282 §77, 285 §38, 286 §35. Wilcox (Hicks), Mrs. Mary, 177, 287 §31. William and Mary College attended by Governor Plater, 33; by Governor Mer- cer, 52. Williams, Henry, 247. Williams. S. A., 273, 283 §87. Wilson, Ephraim E.. 157. Wilson, Ephraim King, 110; guardian of Governor Smith. 262; elected to United States senate, 264; death of, 264. Winder, Levin, sketch, 75-80 (struggle be- tween federalists and republicans, 75- 76; succeeds Bowie, 76; birth and youth, 76; Revolution and, 76-77; planter, 77; in legislature, 77; speaker of house, 77; elected governor, 78; administration, 78- 80, battle of North Point and Fort Mc- Henry, 79-80; prominence as Mason, 80; home life, 80; death, 80). Speaker of house of delegates, 73; a federalist, 62; defeats Gov. Robt. Bowie, 63; admin- istration, 81. 281 §21; 282 §41, §42, §43; 284 §16; 286 §14. Winder, William, 76; 268 §14. Worrell (Veazey), Sarah, 129, 287 §24. Wright, Robert sketch, 64-69 (charac- teristics, 65; birth and schooling, 66; joins army, 66; duel with Edward Lloyd, 66; marriage, 67; in legislature, 67; United States senator, 67; elected governor, 67; in congress, 67-68; Thomas Jefferson and, 68; resigns as governor, 68; returned t' congress, 69; marriage, 69; death, 69 • Resigns as governor, 235; daughte ■ marries Gov. P. F. Thomas, 157. 281 §34, §35; 282 §36 284 §13; 286 §12 Wright, Solomon, 65, 66, 287 §12. Yale University attended by Governor Ligon, 166. Young, James, 190. -1P- ^g: Lb(i^y30 -^ > ■p O -„..' ,j> .y ^. <^. *^t: fe %,^^ o^jife^ \../ ;i«5^^o ^^..^^ ;: .C.^P. °o ST. AUGUSTWE ^ z;^^^ Fl A. o ,1 ■>■ » LIBRARY OF CONGRESS III nil 014 367 820 9