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WHITTIER 
 
 AS 
 
 ^ politician 
 
 Illustrated by his Letters to Professor 
 Elizur Wright, jV. Now first 
 published, 
 
 Editedy with Explanatory 'Text^ by 
 Samuel T. Pickard. 
 
 BOSTOK 
 
 Charles E. Goodspeed 
 
 5 a Park Street 
 
 1900 
 
Library of Congress 
 
 Two CWES Rechveo 
 JAN 23 1901 
 
 
 Ik 
 
 FIRST COPY 
 
 Copyright^ i g O O, by Charles E. Goodspeed. 
 All rights reserved. 
 
ivHirriER 
 
 AS A 
 
 POLITICIAN 
 
 N the last years of his 
 life, Whittier's fame as a 
 poet and philanthropist 
 so greatly overshad- 
 owed his reputation as 
 a shrewd and skillful 
 politician, gained in the early and middle 
 portions of his career, that the revelations 
 made in his "Life and Letters '* were sur- 
 prising to most of his admirers. His earliest 
 ambitions were political rather than liter- 
 ary, and before entering upon the anti- 
 slavery crusade he aspired to a seat in 
 Congress. When he espoused the cause 
 
2 W^hittier as a Politician 
 
 of the slave, however, he not only gave up 
 all hopes in that direction, but did not hes- 
 itate to becloud his literary prospects by 
 steady advocacy of a reform so unpopular 
 that for years he was shut out from all hope 
 of gaining a livelihood by his pen. The in- 
 stincts of the politician were never dead 
 within him, and to the end of his life he took 
 the liveliest interest in the details of partisan 
 conflict. Unlike many of the abolitionists, 
 he never failed to make use of all the rights 
 of citizenship. Although a third party man, 
 and in a small minority until the Republican 
 party came into power, his constant effort 
 was to secure the election of either a Whig 
 or a Democrat, it mattered not which, from 
 whom he could obtain a pledge of at least 
 partial support of anti-slavery demands. 
 Thus, he induced the Liberty men of North 
 Essex to unite with the Whigs to send Caleb 
 Gushing to Congress, on Cushing's personal 
 pledge to him that he would favor the right 
 of petition, and freedom in the District of 
 
IVhittier as a Politician 3 
 
 Columbia. In South Essex he did a similar 
 service for RobertRantoul, Jr.,a Democrat. 
 He favored Marcus Morton for governor, 
 against Edward Everett, and Morton was 
 elected by the narrow margin of one major- 
 ity. He was particularly active in the fusion 
 that placed Charles Sumner in the Senate. 
 At every election, town, state, or national, 
 neither sickness nor storm prevented his ap- 
 pearing at the Amesbury town house. He 
 used to take pleasure in saying that he voted 
 for the presidency of Abraham Lincoln of- 
 tener than did any other man in the country. 
 He had the unique honor of being a member 
 of the electoral college, on both occasions, 
 in 1 860 and in 1 864. 
 
 Most of the following letters to his friend 
 Professor Wright show him in the light of 
 an earnest and active politician, whose sole 
 motive was the public welfare. Some of 
 them have a humorous or satirical .turn, 
 thoroughly characteristic of the man in his 
 intercourse with friends. 
 
4 JVhittier as a Politician 
 
 Prof. Elizur Wright, Jr., to whom these 
 letters of Whittier were addressed, was born 
 ill South Canaan, Conn., in 1 804. When he 
 was six years of age his father removed to 
 Tallmadge, Ohio, and became the principal 
 of an academy at that place. His home was 
 a station of the " underground railroad,'* 
 where fugitive slaves were sheltered, and 
 young Elizur early acquired anti-slavery 
 opinions . He was graduated at Yale in 1 8 2 6, 
 and three years later became professor of 
 mathematics and natural philosophy in the 
 Western Reserve College, Hudson, Ohio. 
 In December, 1 833, he attended the conven- 
 tion at Philadelphia which formed the Amer- 
 ican Anti-Slavery Society, and here he first 
 met Whittier. They were the youngest of 
 the delegates, but each had already acquired 
 a flattering reputation — the one as a poet, 
 and the other as a teacher. They were cho- 
 sen secretaries of the convention, and both 
 of them at this time consecrated their lives 
 to the cause, giving up all other ambitions. 
 
Whittier as a Politician 5 
 
 Their friendship was cemented by many 
 years of labor together in promoting a most 
 unpopular reform. 
 
 In 1837 they spent several months to- 
 gether at the rooms of the American Anti- 
 Slavery Society , in New York. A small part 
 of their work was editing the " Emancipa- 
 tor '' and the "Anti-Slavery Reporter." In 
 the same building James G. Birney, Theo- 
 dore D. Weld, Henry B. Stanton, and Joshua 
 Leavitt had desks, and all were busily en- 
 gaged in the effort to awaken the conscience 
 of the country to the sin of slavery. They 
 wrote personal appeals to public men, dis- 
 tributed in every Congressional district in 
 the North petitions to be signed against the 
 interstate slave trade, and in favor of free- 
 dom in the District of Columbia. They 
 employed lecturers, wrote tracts, and oper- 
 ated a central station of the " underground 
 railroad." In 1838 Whittier went to Phil- 
 adelphia, and edited the " Pennsylvania 
 Freeman" until early in 1 840, when serious 
 
6 JVhittier as a Politician 
 
 illness compelled him to retire to his home 
 in Amesbury . A Philadelphia physician told 
 him he had not a year to live unless he gave 
 up work. But in every interval of freedom 
 from suffering he v^rote poems that stirred 
 the pulse of the v^hole North, and his letters 
 to public men were full of wise counsel for 
 the conduct of political campaigns. Some of 
 the letters given below are fair samples of 
 his method of work. Though warmly en- 
 gaged in the same cause with Garrison, he 
 could not agree with all the methods of that 
 great leader, and occasionally there were 
 sharp conflicts between them. Some of 
 these differences are hinted at in these let- 
 ters to his friend Wright. 
 
 In 1 8s9 Professor Wright came to Boston 
 and edited the " American Abolitionist." 
 His " Chronotype " was started in 1 846. In 
 later years, after the battle for freedom 
 was won, having a genius for mechanics 
 and mathematics, Wright patented several 
 useful inventions, and made a study of life 
 
TVhittier as a Politician 7 
 
 insurance statistics which led him to secure 
 legislative enactments that have proved of 
 great value to both insurers and insured. He 
 was for eight years insurance commissioner 
 of Massachusetts, and was afterwards con- 
 sulting actuary of life insurance companies. 
 He was instrumental in obtaining the pas- 
 sage of the Massachusetts forestry act of 
 1882. He died in Medford,Mass.,in 1885. 
 We have at hand only Mr. Whittier's 
 side of the correspondence between these 
 earnest philanthropists. The first of these 
 letters is a playful note sent by Whittier 
 to Wright, while they were both employed 
 as secretaries in the office of the American 
 Anti-Slavery Society in New York. It was 
 in the month of February, 1837, and it may 
 be guessed from the tone of the poet's billet 
 that his room in the third story was not 
 well warmed. He treats of the matter in a 
 characteristically humorous way. 
 
8 TVhittier as a Politician 
 
 3D Story, 8th zd Mo., 1837. 
 
 Friend Wright : I thank thee for thy 
 favor, and would cheerfully grant thy re- 
 quest, but I am at present engaged in cer- 
 tain scientific experiments, and trying to 
 solve certain difficult problems, as for exam- 
 ple the following : — 
 
 1. What amount of coal, without Jire, 
 will warm a room 1 2 by 1 3 feet ? 
 
 2. If ideas are things, as Bishop Berke- 
 ley supposes, what is the reason that xheidea 
 of afire will not be a good substitute for the 
 reality ? 
 
 Thine, etc., J. G. W. 
 
 To understand the allusions in the next 
 letter, it is necessary to remember that the 
 division in the anti-slavery ranks had al- 
 ready been effected — the "old organiza- 
 tion " under Garrison having taken ground 
 against political action, and the "new or- 
 ganization/' to which Whittier and Wright 
 
<r^^. 
 
 J 
 
 . A 
 
 
 **-kJ 
 
 

# 
 
 ^^ 
 
Whittier as a Politician 9 
 
 belonged, favoring the use of the ballot. 
 Whittier begins with a reference to Garri- 
 son's change of front in this matter, and then 
 shows a little natural resentment in regard 
 to a paragraph that appeared a fortnight be- 
 
 : fore in the "Liberator, ''on theoccasion of his 
 being forced by serious illness to give up the 
 
 j editorship of the "Pennsylvania Freeman." 
 This is the paragraph referred to: — 
 
 "J. G. Whittier has retired from the edi- 
 
 1 torial chair of the * Freeman.' The time has 
 
 I been when we should have deeply regret- 
 ted to make this announcement; but, in his 
 present state of mind, as it respects political 
 action, and 'new organization,' and in view 
 of the course he has thought proper to pur- 
 sue in regard to the state of things in this his 
 native commonwealth, we are reconciled to 
 his withdrawal." 
 
 On account of this paragraph Whittier's 
 
 i friends in Pennsylvania made a demonstra- 
 tion in his favor, and there was consider- 
 able bitterness engendered. The Eastern 
 
10 JVhittier as a Politician 
 
 Pennsylvania Society, being asked by Mrs. 
 Chapman " to deal with Whittier as his state 
 of mind requires/' responded by selecting 
 him to represent their society at the World's 
 Convention in London. When this letter to 
 Wright was written he had not received his 
 credentials. When they came he planned 
 to go, but was warned by his physician that 
 the voyage and the excitement of the con- 
 vention would be too much for his frail hold 
 on life. 
 
 The outrage on the venerable Philadel- 
 phia Quaker consisted in riding him on arail. 
 His mild and intrepid demeanor prevented 
 the application of tar and feathers prepared 
 for the occasion, beyond a slight smearing 
 of his coat. 
 
 The sentence about the celestial empire 
 is a satirical allusion to the fact that the" new 
 organization," which had its headquarters in 
 New York, had sent Henry B. Stanton to 
 lecture and collect funds in Massachusetts, 
 a field the "old organization" claimed for 
 
JVhittier as a Politician 1 1 
 
 itself. The " Liberator '' of that week con- 
 tained an editorial paragraph severely ani- 
 madverting upon the intrusion.^ This seems 
 
 1 In 1879, in his Introduction to Oliver Johnson's 
 work on Garrison and His Times, Whittier refers to the 
 strained relations which for a time existed between 
 him and Garrison in these terms : — 
 
 " I felt it my duty to use my right of citizenship at 
 the ballot box in the cause of liberty, while Garrison, 
 with equal sincerity, judged and counselled otherwise. 
 Each acted under a sense of individual duty and re- 
 sponsibility, and our personal relations were undis- 
 turbed. If, at times, the great anti-slavery leader 
 failed to do justice to the motives of those who while 
 in hearty sympathy with his hatred of slavery did not 
 agree with some of his opinions and methods, it was 
 but the pardonable and not unnatural result of his 
 intensity of purpose, and his self-identification with 
 the cause he advocated ; and, while compelled to dis- 
 sent, in some particulars, from his judgment of men 
 and measures, the great mass of the anti-slavery peo- 
 ple recognized his moral leadership. The controver- 
 sies of Old and New organization, Non-Resistance 
 and Political action, may now be looked upon by the 
 parties to them, who still survive, with the philosophic 
 calmness which follows the subsidence of prejudice 
 and passion." 
 
12 
 
 JVhittier as a Politician 
 
 to have reminded Whittier of the exclusive- 
 ness of China, which was just then having 
 trouble with the too enterprising merchants 
 of England. 
 
 Professor Wright was at this time editing 
 the "Abolitionist/' an organ of the "new 
 organization," which opposed the " Libera- 
 tor '* not only on the question of using the 
 ballot, but on several side issues, such as the 
 appointment of women as delegates to con- 
 ventions and as members of committees. 
 This opposition to "women's rights'* was 
 steady and consistent. Whittier as a Qua- 
 ker was all his life an equally steady advo- 
 cate of the rights of women, but he objected 
 to making this an issue in the anti-slavery 
 contest. "One thing at a time" was his 
 motto. The following letter was addressed 
 to Professor Wright, at his office, No. 32 
 Washington Street, Boston : — 
 
JVhittier as a Politician 
 
 13 
 
 Amesbury, Essex Co., 
 14TH OF 30 Month, 1840. 
 
 My Dear Friend, E. W., Jr. : Why 
 hast thou never published the resolutions 
 upon political action adopted at the New 
 England Anti-Slavery Convention for 1 838, 
 going the v^^hole figure onXhQduty of voting? 
 These resolutions v^ere advocated by Gar- 
 rison himself, and the v^hole body of the 
 non-resistants voted for them,v^ith the ex- 
 ception of C. C. Burleigh and two or three 
 others — one a Van Buren man, who could 
 not give up his party. Look up the " Liber- 
 ator " of that time. [^The resolutions re- 
 ferred to were introduced by Whittier.] 
 
 Garrison, it seems, is " reconciled " to my 
 leaving the "Freeman." This is consola- 
 tory. The great efforts made to render the 
 abolitionists of Pennsylvania disaffected with 
 me having totally failed, and indeed recoiled 
 on their own heads, the next best thing is to 
 have me quit the ground, whether by sick- 
 ness or otherwise. 
 
14 JVhittier as a Politician 
 
 I want to be at the National Convention 
 at Albany, but my health is miserable, and I 
 must be content with wishing that it maybe 
 well attended by others. I am not entirely 
 clear in favor of nominations now — but it 
 may be that I am mistaken. 
 
 Who will represent your society in the 
 London Convention ? Why can't thee go? 
 Or A. A. Phelps t Let the new as well as 
 the C^old^ have a hearing. 
 
 What a diabolical outrage upon our friend 
 Neall in Delaware ! He has been a devoted 
 friend of the slave from his youth upward, 
 and is a man of the most undaunted courage 
 and moral intrepidity. This was evinced at 
 the time of the destruction of Pennsylvania 
 Hall, and on various other occasions. It 
 makes me almost ready to preach a crusade 
 like another Peter the Hermit against the 
 rascally slaveholders. 
 
 Tell H. B. S. [^Stanton^, if thee see him, 
 that I shall expect a visit from him ere 
 long — at all events before he leaves the 
 
JVhittier as a Politician 15 
 
 " Debatable Land ' ' of the Bay State. By the 
 bye, how dared the " barbarian " to set his 
 foot upon the soil of the '* celestial empire," 
 and insult the presence of the Uncle to the 
 Sun and Cousin to the Moon ? Resolve me 
 that, Mr. New Organizer. 
 
 Remember me kindly to " her of thine 
 household," and believe me affectionately 
 thy friend 
 
 Jno. G. Whittier. 
 
 % % % % % 
 The above letter was in a few days fol- 
 lowed by another, in which Whittier argued 
 against the selection of a third party can- 
 didate for the presidency at the Albany 
 convention. His advice was not followed ; 
 James G. Birney was nominated,* with 
 Thomas Earle of Philadelphia as candidate 
 for Vice-President. The result justified 
 Whittier's prediction. The movement was 
 denounced as a Van Buren trick, and less 
 
 ^ He was in England, and was not given an oppor- 
 tunity to refuse. 
 
16 W^hittter as a Politician 
 
 than eight thousand votes were secured in 
 the whole country. It will be remembered 
 that this was the beginning of the notable 
 "Tippecanoe and Tyler too" campaign, 
 which resulted in the triumphant election 
 of General Harrison. When the question of 
 slavery was not involved, Whittier's sympa- 
 thies were with the Whig party. He began 
 political life as a partisan of Henry Clay, for 
 whom he wrote several spirited campaign 
 poems. Professor Wright's early affinities 
 were with the Democratic party. 
 
 Amesbury, 25TH 3D Mo., 1840. 
 
 My Dear Friend, E. W., Jr. : In an- 
 swer to thy kind letter inviting me to visit 
 thee at thy country seat, I can only say that 
 I would do so gladly were my health such as 
 to admit of it. I am really ill, and any expo- 
 sure or fatigue is sure to be visited severely 
 upon me. 
 
 One word in regard to the convention at 
 Albany. I am glad it has been called ; it is 
 
TVhittier as a Politician 17 
 
 proper that the great question should be 
 discussed, and that abolitionists should be 
 exhorted to maintain their integrity. But 
 credit me, for I know, that nine tenths of the 
 voting abolitionists (and all the non- voting 
 of course) will be opposed to ^nomination at 
 this time. Besides, you can find nobody to 
 stand the abuse, misrepresentation, and In- 
 dian warfare which will be waged against 
 them. Gerrit Smith positively refuses to 
 stand as a candidate. So will James G. Bir- 
 ney. Judge Jay, or any other prominent man 
 in our cause. It will be folly to put men in 
 nomination, and then have them come out in 
 the papers and decline; and any man who is 
 worthy of such a nomination will most assur- 
 edly do so. The nomination will be, in my 
 i opinion, strongly opposed in Pennsylvania. 
 It will be denounced as a Van Buren trick to 
 defeat the Whigs ; and the fact poshua^ 
 Leavitt and thyself are anti-Whig will be 
 used with great effect. All the State soci- 
 eties will join hands with the Boston folks in 
 
18 JVhittier as a Politician 
 
 denouncing the movement. I speak confi- 
 dently on this point. 
 
 Yet the time is rapidly coming when the 
 friends of freedom will be compelled to take 
 a stand against slavery. The Charleston, 
 S. C, papers are running up the Calhoun 
 flag for 1844! The North will take, as a 
 matter of necessity abolition ground, and the 
 battle will be between the free and slave- 
 labor interests. 
 
 Let your convention settle the question 
 that it is right and proper to use political 
 action for the overthrow of slavery ; that 
 independent nominations are a legitimate 
 means of carrying our principles into the 
 politics of the country; that Martin Van 
 Buren and William Henry Harrison are un- 
 worthy of the support of abolitionists ; that 
 it is better in this case to forego the privilege 
 of voting on the Presidential question alto- 
 gether than to sacrifice the interests of free- 
 dom by aiding in the election of an enemy 
 to the cause. 
 
Whittier as a Politician 19 
 
 That the opposition manifested to the 
 nomination of candidates at this time on the 
 part of abolitionists in various sections of 
 the country ; the brief period which remains 
 to present the claims of these candidates to 
 the public ; the desire on the part of the 
 convention to promote harmony in the anti- 
 slavery ranks, — induce you to decline mak- 
 ing this nomination, which under other cir- 
 cumstances you believe would have been 
 attended with highly favorable results to the 
 cause. 
 
 I write in great haste, and am not able 
 to express myself as fully and clearly as I 
 could wish. Thee will however understand 
 my ideas. Take high ground as you please 
 on the duty of exercising our rights and 
 privileges as citizens, and commend to the 
 serious consideration of abolitionists the 
 question whether the time has not arrived 
 when duty to the slave requires of us to take 
 an unflinching, uncompromising stand, in- 
 dependent of caucus and party. But do not 
 
20 TVhtttier as a Politician 
 
 gratify your enemies by making any nomina- 
 tion. It will not he voted hy one half of the 
 men who now profess to he in favor of it. Im- 
 mediately after the Presidential election let 
 a convention be called ; you will then have 
 only the non-resistant non- voters to oppose 
 you. 
 
 I hope to be able to be in Boston in the 
 course of a fortnight, when we will talk 
 over the matters contained in thv note at 
 leisure. Where is Bro. Stanton.'* I ex- 
 pected to see him at Amesbury. I had an 
 excellent letter from friend Gerrit Smith a 
 few days ago. 
 
 With love to all thy household, I am af- 
 fectionately and truly thy old friend, 
 
 John G. Whittier. 
 
 *!ic ^ :ii, ^iL 
 
 av TfT TUT 'Jfe 
 
 In the following note, written in July, 
 1841, Whittier shows his constant interest 
 in the game of politics. He suggests Rev. 
 John Pierpont, at that time pastor of the 
 
IVhittier as a Politician 21 
 
 Hollis Street Church, Boston, as the Liberty 
 party candidate for Governor, not expecting 
 a choice by the people, but hoping to throw 
 the election into the legislature. In 1 842 
 Whittier made a similar effort to secure his 
 brother poet as a candidate of his party for 
 Congress. Several years afterward, the 
 party selected Pierpont as its candidate for 
 both these offices. The allusion to Joseph 
 Sturge in this letter is a reminder that for 
 several months in 1841 Whittier accompa- 
 nied this eminent English philanthropist in 
 his travels through this country. 
 
 Amesbury, Mass., 12th 7th Mo. [1841]. 
 
 Dear Wright, — It is the opinion of 
 many friends that some well known person 
 should be our candidate for Governor. 
 Could we not induce John Pierpont to stand ? 
 If so, we should rally on our side the over- 
 whelming temperance host, and in all prob- 
 ability secure his election by carrying him 
 into the legislature. I want an opportunity 
 
22 JVhittier as a Politician 
 
 apart even from abolitionism, to do honor to 
 John Pierpont. There are thousands who 
 feel as I do. He might not wish it, but if 
 the matter was duly pressed upon him, would 
 he refuse us the use of his name ? Pray think 
 of it, and if it strikes thee favorably, ^c^/or^A- 
 with. 
 
 I only went as far as Worcester with J. 
 Sturge. I shall be back to Boston in a few 
 days, if I am able. 
 
 Ever and truly thine, 
 J. G. W. 
 
 ***** 
 
 The next letter in this series is one written 
 by Whittier on the eve of Wright's sailing 
 for England in 1 844. It enclosed letters of 
 introduction to some of Whittier 's literary 
 friends, and contained a suggestion which 
 resulted in an edition of Whittier 's " Ballads 
 and Other Poems " being published in Lon- 
 don, with an introduction by Prof. Wright, 
 in the course of the same year. At this time 
 the only collections of Whittier's poems that 
 
Whittier as a Politician 
 
 23 
 
 had been published were the Philadelphia 
 edition of 1838, and " Lays of my Home and 
 Other Poems," issued by Ticknor & Fields, 
 Boston, in 1843. These are the two volumes 
 referred to in the following letter, from 
 which the proposed selections were to be 
 made : — 
 
 Amesbury, 24TH 2D Mo., 1844. 
 
 Dear Wright, — I send thee four let- 
 ters, and would f^have sent] more, but in 
 truth I have no English correspondence 
 worth speaking of. Gurney is a good 
 French scholar, and something of an influ- 
 ential man, well acquainted with European 
 literati. 
 
 Will thee do a little errand for me ? It 
 has been intimated that my poems would be 
 republished in England in Clarke's publi- 
 cations, like Longfellow's, etc. Now, if the 
 deed is not done when thee arrive, will thee 
 take the trouble to see Clarke and let him 
 publish a volume under thy superintend- 
 ence ? It should be made up from both of my 
 
24 TVhittier as a Politician 
 
 volumes, leaving out a part of each. Per- 
 haps this would be a fair selection : — 
 
 FROM VOL. I. 
 
 Stanzas, 
 
 C. B. Storrs. 
 
 Hunters of Men. 
 
 Gov. McDuffie. 
 
 Lines on Reading " Right and Wrong [in Bos- 
 ton]." 
 
 Thomas Shipley. 
 
 The Slave Ships. 
 
 Stanzas for the Times. 
 
 Ritner. 
 
 Clerical Oppressors. 
 
 Lines on Pinckney's Resolutions. 
 
 S. O. Torrey. 
 
 Massachusetts (with the omission of the fifth 
 verse). 
 
 Farewell of Virginia Slave Mother. 
 
 Address Pa. Hall. 
 
 Palestine. 
 
 The Female Martyr. 
 
 The two translations from Lamartinc. 
 
 Familist's Hymn. 
 
TVhittier as a Politician 
 
 25 
 
 Call of the Christian. 
 
 The Crucifixion. 
 
 The Fratricide. 
 
 The Fountain. 
 
 Pentucket ; the last line but one should read, 
 
 " Whose grass-grown surface overlies." 
 Stanzas suggested by the Letter of a Friend. 
 
 FROM VOL. 2. 
 
 The Norsemen. 
 
 Ballad of Cassandra Southwick. 
 
 Funeral Tree of the Sokokis. 
 
 St. John. 
 
 Follen. 
 
 To a Friend returning from Europe. 
 
 Raphael. 
 
 Democracy ; with the first line of the 13 th verse 
 to read thus : " Not from the poor and shal- 
 low fount." 
 
 Lines written on reading pamphlets published 
 by Clergymen in Defence of the Gallows. 
 
 Cypress Tree of Ceylon. 
 
 Chalkley Hall ; the last verse save one, last 
 line, let it read : " Like brother pilgrims 
 turn." 
 
26 TVhittier as a Politician 
 
 Massachusetts to Virginia. 
 
 Memories. 
 
 Lines on Receiving a Cane from the Wood of 
 
 Pa. Hall. 
 To , with a copy of Woolman. 
 
 I have written these down as they oc- 
 curred to me, without arranging them . Per- 
 haps, if published, the anti-slavery poems 
 should come first, including the two poems 
 from the Boston volume. Then, under the 
 head of Ballads, "The Norsemen,'* " Cas- 
 sandra Southwick," "Sokokis," "Fratri- 
 cide," " Fountain," " Pentucket," " St. 
 John," and "Familist'sHymn," might fol- 
 low ; and then the others under the head of 
 " Miscellaneous." I have no copy of the 
 Philadelphia volume, or I would send it with 
 this. Please procure one somewhere, and 
 aLo get one on my account at Ticknor's, of 
 the Boston edition. I am sorry to trouble 
 thee, but I can't well avoid it just now, as the 
 temptation to do so is strong. On thy way 
 over, if thou art not too seasick, thou canst 
 
JVhittier as a Politician 27 
 
 make a selection from my selection, to suit thy 
 judgment. I enclose "Daniel Wheeler/' 
 which would be pleasant perhaps to our 
 English friends. 
 
 I think an edition of my poems would sell 
 pretty well in England, irrespective of any 
 merit or demerit. The Friends and Aboli- 
 tionists would buy them. Did thee see John 
 and Maria Candler when in the United 
 States? I give thee a line to them. They 
 will give thee an introduction totheHowitts, 
 to whom, if thee see them, express on my 
 behalf the gratitude I owe them for the plea- 
 sure I have derived from their writings. 
 
 And now, dear Elizur, God bless and 
 prosper thee abundantly, and, if consistent 
 with His will, may we both live to talk over 
 thy adventures in old England. As ever thy 
 true friend and brother in the cause of free- 
 dom, 
 
 John G. Whittier. 
 
 ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ 
 
28 JVhittier as a Politician 
 
 While Prof. Wright was in London, he 
 received the following letter from Whittier. 
 For an explanation of the reference to the 
 *' J. L.Brown case/' see Whittier's Complete 
 Poetical Works, Cambridge edition, p. 
 289. Extracts are there given from Judge 
 O'Neale's remarkable address to the pris- 
 oner, who was sentenced to death for aiding 
 a young slave woman, whom he loved and 
 had married, to escape from slavery. Whit- 
 tier's strong epithet, " devilishly religious," 
 is abundantly justified by these extracts. 
 The case excited much attention in England 
 as well as in this country. Thirteen hun- 
 dred clergymen and clerical officers in 
 Great Britain addressed a memorial to the 
 churches of South Carolina against the 
 atrocity. The sentence was commuted to 
 scourging and banishment. Whittier's in- 
 dignant verses were omitted from several 
 editions of his complete works ; but, in 1 888, 
 when he made his last revision of his poems, 
 he decided to include " The Sentence of John 
 
TVhittier as a Politician 
 
 29 
 
 L. Brown." In the following letter this is 
 the poem referred to as " Stanzas for the 
 Times, 1 844. " This was a favorite title with 
 Whittier, and was originally attached to 
 several of his poems written between 1835 
 and 1850. It will be noticed that Whittier 
 says "there is nothing in the * North Star' 
 worth reprinting/' And yet that work con- 
 tained "The Exiles." 
 
 Amesbury, 28th 4TH Mo., 1844. 
 
 My Dear Friend : A thousand thanks 
 for thy kind letter; and I only regret that I 
 am so situated just now as to oblige me to 
 give thee but a poor apology for an answer. 
 
 I saw with pleasure in the London "Anti- 
 Slavery Reporter" a communication of 
 thine relating to J. L. Brown's case. Thou 
 wilt see that the poor fellow has escaped 
 with that which to some would be worse 
 than death itself — a disgraceful public 
 whipping. The truth is the man owes his 
 life to the devilishly religious ( I can think of 
 
30 TVhittier as a Politician 
 
 no more expressive term) tone of the sen- 
 tence of Judge O'Neale. It shocked the 
 sober unfanatical class. It made too broad a 
 farce of piety and religious profession ; it too 
 completely confounded all distinctions be- 
 tween right and wrong, and so editors and 
 ministers who can look unconcerned upon 
 the growing power of the system of which 
 the case is the legitimate fruit, cried out 
 against it, and their remonstrances unques- 
 tionably had an effect upon the civil authori- 
 ties of South Carolina. 
 
 I wish I had time and space to write out all 
 I feel and could say in this miserable business 
 of Repudiation ; for I think it can be demon- 
 strated that slavery is at the bottom of it. 
 Mississippi set the example, or rather some 
 counties of that State, several years ago, by 
 driving the sheriffs out of their limits and 
 pulling down court-houses, and establishing 
 Judge Lynch's summary tribunal as a court 
 of appeals from the decisions of those ordi- 
 nary tribunals which still in some sort held , 
 
JVhittier as a Politician 31 
 
 and acted upon the commonly received no- 
 tions of meum and tuum. It has been for the 
 last ten years as much as a man's life was 
 worth to attempt the collection of debts in 
 certain portions of the Mississippi valley. 
 The dunned slaveholder had only to pro- 
 nounce his unwelcome visitor an abolitionist^ 
 and the creditor was glad to escape with a 
 whole skin, and let his debt liquidate itself. 
 Instead of suspending payment as others do 
 who owe more than they can or are willing 
 ] to pay, the slaveholder had nothing to do but 
 to suspend his creditor to the first tree. 
 
 Do let the people of England understand 
 that it is not Democracy, but its baleful an- 
 tagonist, the monopoly and oligarchy of 
 Slavery which repudiates. The whole coun- 
 try is to a greater or less extent demoralized 
 by the legalized robbery of the system. 
 
 I send thee with this, though I fear too 
 late, a copy of three poems of mine, " The 
 Christian Slave/' " Stanzas for the Times, 
 1 844,'' and " Texas — Voice of New Eng- 
 
32 Whittier as a Politician 
 
 land." If possible I should like to have them 
 in the volume. I think the " Stanzas" v^ill 
 convince thee that v^e are not all miserable 
 and silent in respect to J.L.Brown. There is 
 nothing in the " North Star" of mine w^orth 
 reprinting. I could send thee a dozen more 
 pieces, but there is enough in all conscience. 
 Do as thee think best about altering that 
 verse in " Texas." I am not a good judge 
 of what is best in such cases. 
 
 Thou wilt see that the Liberty Party is 
 aroused. New Hampshire vote doubled. 
 Connecticut, a small gain — 1872 last year 
 — this year 1971. The Whigs and Locos 
 made desperate exertions, and little or none 
 made on our part, save by one man: W. H. 
 Burleigh, who has done his duty. 
 
 Remember me kindly to George Thomp- 
 son and John Scoble and Joseph Sturge, 
 when thee see them. I shall write to Joseph, 
 if possible. I like thy letters " hugely " as 
 Tristram Shandy's father said of Yorick's 
 sermon. They are true, graphic and spirited. 
 
JVhittier as a Politician 33 
 
 I have only time to say, God bless thee, and 
 prosper thee. 
 
 J. G. Whittier. 
 
 ***** 
 
 The following letter, written in October, 
 1 845 , in the heat of the anti-Texas campaign , 
 illustrates Whittier 's shrewdness as a politi- 
 cian. He sees the uselessness of contending 
 against the admission of Texas as a territory, 
 and would narrow the contest to the question 
 of its coming in as a slave State : — 
 
 Amesbury, 14TH lOTH Mo., [1845.] 
 
 My Dear Friend : Thy note has been 
 received and I haste to say that what with 
 fatigue and anxiety of the late convention, 
 and a severe cold which I took there, I have 
 been confined at home for several days sick, 
 and shall of course be unable to be with you 
 to-morrow. Were it in my power I would 
 not fail be present. 
 
 Two things occur to me : i st. As to the 
 
34 TVhittier as a Politician 
 
 character of the movement. It is too late to 
 make it — at least before the public — an 
 2iX\\\-Texas one. The people believe Texas 
 [^ought^ to he annexed, and a majority of 
 them believe it either right in itself, or as a 
 sort of providential necessity in the devel- 
 opment ofour Anglo Saxon destiny. But a 
 large portion of the noisiest Democrats even, 
 who are hoarse v^^ith hurras for Texas, would 
 be glad if that ugly matter of slavery could 
 [Tbe] shown not to be after all an inevitable 
 condition of annexation. Now then, let us 
 not attempt impossibilities, but take our stand 
 not against the territory of Texas, but its 
 slavery. Let us confine ourselves to a simple 
 remonstrance against the admission of Texas 
 as a slave State into the Union. With this we 
 can go before the people, and, in spite of the 
 office-holders, we can carry them with us. 
 
 2nd. As to the circulation of the remon- 
 strances for signature. Could there not 
 be measures taken for having the remon- 
 strances in a conspicuous and proper place at 
 
JVhittier as a Politician 35 
 
 every town meeting on the i oth of Novem- 
 ber ? In this v^ay , a majority , to say the least, 
 of our legal voters would sign the petition 
 beyond a doubt. Let there be a suitable per- 
 son, or persons, to take charge of it in each 
 town, and the work would be done. 
 
 Of one thing, however, I am painfully 
 convinced. The labor, the responsibility, 
 the expense of this movement will fall where 
 all similar ones have fallen, on the poor, de- 
 spised abolitionists. With a few noble excep- 
 tions, even the Whigs will do nothing, and 
 in giving their names will consider that they 
 have laid us under heavy obligations. Well, 
 be it so. Let us thank God that we can carry 
 the burden ourselves. For one, so long as I 
 can wield a pen, or lift a voice, I am willing 
 to work ; and if Texas comes in red with 
 slavery,itshallnotbemyfault. In anything 
 thata sickman can do, command my services. 
 
 I believe with $10,000 to expend in em- 
 ploying persons in all the States to devote 
 themselves to the work for the next three 
 
36 JVhittier as a Politician 
 
 months, we would stop this infernal scheme 
 of slavery. We did it in 183 7, at the expense 
 of half that sum, and of labor which thee and 
 Stanton and myself can appreciate. 
 Ever and cordially thy friend, 
 
 John G. Whittier. 
 
 ^fi :jf. ^ ^ ^ 
 
 Five days later he wrote this letter, which 
 still further illustrates his zeal, energy, and 
 shrewdness as a politician. He was greatly 
 interested in the split in the Democratic party 
 in New Hampshire, which resulted the next 
 year in placing John P. Hale in the U. S. 
 Senate. On the back of this letter Professor 
 Wright has written, " A blowing up ! '* 
 
 Amesbury, 19TH lOTH Mo., 1845. 
 
 My Dear Wright, — What does it' 
 mean ? The last " Emancipator '' comes out 
 on the 1 6th inst. with Dr. Brewster for Lieu- 
 tenant-Governor, and in the same paper y 
 under date of the 1 oth is a call for a meeting 
 
Whittier as a Politician si 
 
 of the State Liberty Committee to nominate 
 somebody else in his place ! Is that your way 
 of doing business ? For Heaven's sake, let us 
 know here what you have concluded upon. 
 The " Transcript " here had Burritt week 
 before last ; last week it had Brewster, and 
 this week nobody ! All this looks like child's 
 play — or rather, that for want of due energy 
 at headquarters our election is going by de- 
 fault. The committee should consider that 
 we have not Mrs. Chapman's clairvoyant 
 powers, and have no supernatural means of 
 getting at their decision. 
 
 My health is still miserable or I would be 
 with you at your meeting at Sewall's. As 
 to the Middlesex convention, I don't think 
 much of it. Speech-making and resolutions 
 — in the name of common sense, what are 
 they wanted for } Where are the men and 
 women to go from house to house over the 
 whole State, and get names to the remon- 
 strance.'' That's the question. Letsuchmen 
 as [S. Qr\ Phillips and Hoar and Child give 
 
38 JVhittter as a Politician 
 
 now one twentieth part as much as we poor 
 dogs have done heretofore to keep Texas out 
 of the Union, and it will be of more service 
 than a ton of speeches. You need $1000 to 
 carry on the work thoroughly. 
 
 Let the Middlesex convention do this: Is- 
 sue an appeal to the people of Massachusetts 
 — brief and earnest — every word electric 
 — appealing to all classes ^0 act at once'm the 
 circulation of the remonstrance. Let a col- 
 lection be set on foot to defray the expenses 
 of the Texas committee, and to circulate the 
 Report, etc. , of Sewall. Let a committee be 
 chosen to correspond at once with anti-Texas 
 men in other States, and to urge them to 
 action. Let a committee be raised to solicit 
 funds to carry forward the operations of the 
 (state) committee, and, sub rosa, to enable 
 the committee to aid in sustaining the cause in 
 New Hampshire. This must be done. The 
 anti-Texas men of New Hampshire need as- 
 sistance, and the anti-Texas men of Massa- 
 chusetts must give it. Of course this must 
 
JVhittier as a Politician 39 
 
 be managed with caution and secrecy. The 
 Texas party there will strain every nerve to 
 elect Woodbury. Better than a thousand 
 petitions would be their defeat at the next 
 trial. In haste thy friend, 
 
 John G. Whittier. 
 
 « * ^ « # 
 
 A few days later "Whittier wrote again, 
 enclosing the Amesbury remonstrance. He 
 says: " The unfortunate weather last week 
 prevented me from doing much in the way 
 of its circulation. Nearly all our voters 
 would have signed, could we have seen 
 them.'' The work of securing signatures 
 to the remonstrances was pushed with vigor 
 throughout the State, and a monster peti- 
 tion, with the names of sixty thousand citi- 
 zens of Massachusetts, was prepared. John 
 G. Whittier and Henry Wilson w^ere dele- 
 gated by the Liberty Party to carry this doc- 
 ument to Washington. They arrived three 
 days before the final vote was taken, which 
 
40 JVhittier as a Politician 
 
 admitted Texas to the Union. This time they 
 spent in active canvassing among members 
 of Congress, in the effort to brace up the 
 Northern Democrats who v^ere at heart op- 
 posed to the measure. But the party drill 
 was too strong. Nearly all voted as the 
 Southern wing of their party demanded. 
 Whittier tells the story in the following let- 
 ters from Washington : — 
 
 Washington, 15TH I2th Mo., 1845. 
 
 E.Wright, Jr., Dear Friend: I came to 
 this city on seventh day last ; and although 
 well nigh sick with fatigue and cold, have 
 tried to do all that could be done to promote 
 the obj ect of my visit. I have seen and labored 
 with several of the Northern Democrats : 
 Preston King, Wheaton, and others. They 
 all say it is a bad thing to have Texas come 
 in as a slave State; they curse between their 
 teeth, as it were, the whole Southern wing of 
 their party ; but they dare not stand up like 
 men against it. Wheaton says he will vote 
 
IVhittier as a Politician 41 
 
 against the admission ; and the others talk 
 very well — how they will vote is another 
 question. BrinckerhofF is full of fight ap- 
 parently, but even his vote is doubtful. The 
 Northern Democrats have had no under- 
 standing with each other — in fact each one 
 is afraid of his neighbor, and all afraid of the 
 South. 
 
 The Whigs also are without concert, and 
 too many without heart and feeling in respect 
 to slavery. Giddings of Ohio is a noble ex- 
 ception . Rockwell from our State will speak 
 on the question, and, I trust, well. 
 
 The remonstrances are pouring in pro- 
 fusely. Many thousands — I should think 
 fifteen or twenty thousand at least to-day. 
 I am fully persuaded that had the other free 
 States done what Massachusetts has done, 
 the mischief might have been averted. As it 
 is, I fear it cannot be. My present impression 
 isthatthe Democratic members from Maine, 
 Vermont, and New York ( with three or four 
 exceptions) will vote against the present 
 
42 TVhittier as a Politician 
 
 constitution of Texas. I have not seen our 
 Senators. I had a brief interview with Gen. 
 pohn A.] Dix. He is well disposed, but 
 weak. Sterner stuff is requisite at this crisis. 
 
 I succeeded in rousing some of the quiet 
 Philadelphians . A meeting is to be held there 
 to-night. Such men as Dr. Wistar, Judge 
 Bonnie, and some of our weighty Quakers 
 are engaged in it. The memorials are in cir- 
 culation, and will be here to-morrow or next 
 day. Gov. Seward is daily expected here. I 
 shall do what I can and then leave the city. 
 It is too expensive here to remain long as a 
 mere looker-on. 
 
 Wilson has been talking with the Whigs, 
 and trying to awaken them to a manly and 
 resolute effort ; but he has not yet met with 
 the success which he hoped for. The debate 
 comes on to-morrow. 
 
 Very truly thy friend, 
 
 J. G. Whittier. 
 
Whittier as a Politician 43 
 
 This brief note, the last in the series, is 
 Whittier's announcement of theresult of the 
 vote he had been so anxiously awaiting: — 
 
 5 o'clock, I 6th I2TH Mo., 1845. 
 
 Dear Wright : The deed is done, at 
 least so far as the House of Representatives 
 can do it. Texas is admitted into the Union 
 with its slavery. The Northern Democratic 
 representatives, with a few exceptions, voted 
 for it under the party drill and the or^r^^^r^jye 
 of slaveholders. I have seen, in the few days 
 I have been here, poor human nature in its 
 most pitiful aspect. Northern men protest- 
 ing in the name of heaven and earth and a 
 worse place than the latter, against the whole 
 scheme of Texas, voting for it in an hour 
 after ! Such is the fact. The slave power 
 rules Congress completely, absolutely. I 
 have no time for comment now, as the mail 
 is closing. 
 
 J. G. Whittier. 
 
ADDENDUM 
 
 THE following letter to Professor 
 Wright from Mr. Whittier has come 
 to light since the foregoing pages were 
 printed. It antedates all the others, and is of 
 especial interest as illustrating the early po- 
 litical aims and methods of Mr. Whittier, 
 to which he consistently held during the 
 whole anti-slavery contest. It also contains 
 some interesting autobiographical material 
 not hitherto available. The Philadelphia 
 convention of December, 1833, at which 
 the American Anti-Slavery Society was or- 
 ganized, chose Whittier and Wright as its 
 secretaries, and Wright became correspond- 
 ing secretary of the new organization, which 
 established offices at No. 1 30 Nassau Street, 
 New York. Whittier returned to his farm 
 in Haverhill, and soon received from Wright 
 
46 Whittier as a Politician 
 
 a notice that he had been appointed an agent 
 of the society. This is Whittier's reply to 
 the notification : — 
 
 Haverhill, 25TH of 2d Mo., [1834.] 
 
 My Dear Friend : I ought before this 
 to have acknowledged the receipt of a docu- 
 ment from thee, appointing me an agent for 
 the A. A. S. Society. I am most grateful for 
 this mark of confidence, although I needed 
 no incentive in this glorious cause. 
 
 The recent developments at Washington 
 have astonished everybody. God in his Pro- 
 vidence is about to open the eyes of this na- 
 tion. The light which is now blazing upon 
 us, if unheeded or turned from, will I fear 
 be the precursor of sweeping retribution. 
 
 Certainly the friends of suffering human- 
 ity have reason to rejoice that the builders of 
 the Babel of Prejudice and Oppression have 
 been confounded. In the words of Sheridan 
 on another occasion, "each clamors to be 
 heard in his own barbarous language — each 
 
Whittier as a Politician 47 
 
 thwarts and reproaches the other, and even 
 while their fell rage assails with common 
 hate the peace and virtue of the world, the 
 civil war in their own tumultuous legions 
 defeats the purpose of the foul conspiracy." 
 The days of the American Colonization So- 
 ciety are numbered. Alas, for those stars of 
 our moral firmament which it will soon draw- 
 down, like Lucifer, in its fall ! They will not 
 read the signsof the times. Strong delusions 
 are upon them, and they are willing to be- 
 lieve a lie. 
 
 Situated as I am, I can at present do but 
 little. I cannot as yet accuse myself of neg- 
 lecting any opportunity for the dissemina- 
 tion of truth on the great subject of slavery. 
 The clergy in this vicinity are rapidly taking 
 side with us. There is another class which 
 might, I think, be easily moved. I allude to 
 that class of politicians or civilians whose 
 sphere of influence is limited to their town 
 or county. These can take hold of our 
 cause without essentially endangering their 
 
48 Whittier as a Politician 
 
 popularity, and through them the higher 
 classes of our statesmen may be reached. I 
 have some influence with this class. My ex- 
 ertions as a political writer for the last four 
 years have gained me a large number of po- 
 litical friends. The columns of all the leading 
 newspapers are open to me. With many of 
 the editors I am on terms of intimate personal 
 acquaintance. All know me as a quondam 
 brother — as a political friend or opponent. 
 Nowif I were at leisure to reply to such mis- 
 representations and charges as occasionally 
 appear in these papers — to distribute pam- 
 phlets and papers — to visit personally gen- 
 tlemen in my vicinity and engage their 
 co-operation — and finally to combine the 
 anti-slavery feeling upon some definite and 
 practical object — such, for instance, as the 
 election of members of the state legislature, 
 who will bring forward and sustain resolu- 
 tions instructing our Congressional delega- 
 tion to urge the abolition of slavery in the 
 District of Columbia — I have no doubt I 
 could do good and efficient service. 
 
JVhittier as a Politician 
 
 49 
 
 But I have really little leisure for such 
 exertions. In the first place, my brother 
 and myself are almost constantly engaged 
 in the affairs of our small farm, which does 
 not yield profit enough to enable us to hire 
 labor : and I am obliged to occupy my even- 
 ings and other leisure time in w^riting occa- 
 sional literary articles for the * ' Nev^ England 
 Magazine,'' for which I am paid. Besides 
 this, I have felt myself under the necessity 
 of applying myself to the study of constitu- 
 tional law, political economy, etc. What- 
 ever I have written on the subject of slavery 
 has been by an effort of extra exertion, and 
 under circumstances of haste and constant 
 interruption. 
 
 Now, if the Executive Committee of the 
 American Anti-Slavery Society could assure 
 me for the term of six months the sum of 
 $1 50, 1 should be able to bend all the ener- 
 gies which God has given me to the great 
 work before us ; and I fully believe that at 
 the end of that time we shall be able to lend 
 
50 Whittier as a Politician 
 
 both moral and pecuniary strength to the Na- 
 tional Society. I have specified that sum as 
 the smallest which could possibly meet my 
 expenses, as I should be compelled to travel 
 considerably from home, and owing to the 
 consequent interruption of my labor on the 
 farm, I should be under the necessity of 
 hiring a person to supply my place. 
 
 I have been induced to make this propo- 
 sal from a sincere desire of aiding in the 
 advancement of a righteous cause. I have 
 recently had an offer, highly favorable in a 
 pecuniary point of view, to take charge of a 
 political newspaper, but should I accept it, 
 my mouth would be closed on the subject 
 nearest my heart. The political idols of the 
 day will accept of no divided homage. Every 
 principle must be compromised — even holy 
 truth suppressed — which does not tend to 
 their elevation. Besides, I fear should I leave 
 this place, that the leaven of anti-slavery, 
 which is now working steadily and power- 
 fully around me, will be checked by the 
 
Whittier as a Politician 51 
 
 strong counter influence of Andover Colo- 
 nizationism. 
 
 Counsel me, my dear brother. Let me 
 hear from thee soon. If in the present state 
 of the Society's funds the sum I have named 
 cannot be spared — or, if it be urgently de- 
 manded in any other direction, believe me, 
 I shall most cheerfully acquiesce in the ne- 
 cessity, and lose no opportunity of advocat- 
 ing to the extent of my ability the cause of 
 Truth and Humanity. 
 
 Tell br. Goodell that I shall write him 
 soon in reference to the progress of anti- 
 slavery in this part of the country. Remem- 
 ber me most affectionately to Dr. Cox, and 
 my friends Tappan and Denison, and believe 
 me thy affectionate friend and co-worker, 
 John G. Whittier. 
 
 P. S. Who is the writer of that " coloni- 
 zation sermon ? " 'T is excellent. The text 
 (Gen. 37) is exactly appropriate. 
 
52 TVhittier as a Politician 
 
 At the time this letter was written, the 
 abolitionists were rejoicing, prematurely as 
 it proved, over the bankruptcy and disrup- 
 tion of the American Colonization Society, 
 which under the pretense of philanthropy 
 had been managed in the interest of slave- 
 holders. Its agents at the North and in Eng- 
 land covertly antagonized the anti-slavery 
 movement, and secured the contributions of 
 many good people who did not realize that 
 they were hindering and not helping the 
 cause of the slave. It was this society, then 
 suffering from internal dissensions, that 
 Whittier characterized as " the Babel of 
 Prejudice and Oppression." Many earnest 
 reformers were deluded by its pretensions. 
 The Theological Seminary at Andover was 
 for a time regarded as one of the strongholds 
 of the colonization movement, and it will 
 be seen by this letter that Whittier felt he 
 was needed in that vicinity to counteract its 
 influence. The " colonization sermon " re- 
 ferred to in the postscript was probably 
 
 ^u 
 
TVhittier as a Politician 53 
 
 some clever satire, founded on the story of 
 Joseph being sent to Africa by his brethren, 
 to get rid of him. 
 
H. O. HOUGHTON AND COMPANY 
 
 CAMBRIDGE, MASS. 
 
 U. S. A. 
 
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