619 6 py 1 64th Congress \ 2d Session J SENATE Document No. 725 AMERICA'S POSITION IN TWO WORLD WARS AN ADDRESS DELIVERED AT THE CELEBRATION OF THE ONE HUNDRED AND EIGHTY-FIFTH ANNIVERSARY OF THE BIRTH OF GEORGE WASH- INGTON, UNDER THE AUSPICIES OF THE SONS OF THE REVO- LUTION IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. NATIONAL SOCIETY OF THE DAUGHTERS OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. AND THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA SOCIETY OF THE SONS OF THE AMER- ICAN REVOLUTION. IN MEMORIAL CONTINENTAL HALL. WASHINGTON. D. C. ON FEBRUARY 22. 1917 By HON. ATLEE POMERENE UNITED STATES SENATOR FROM OHIO P^J /L %JP^t^ PRESENTED BY MR. HOLLIS February 26. 1917.— Ordered to be printed WASHINGTON GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFHCE I9I7 D. of D. MAY 22 1917 ^.K ^ ^ AMERICA'S POSITION IN T¥/0 WORLD WARS. Mr. Chairman, Ladies, and Gentlemen: No more fitting place could be chosen in which to hold these cere- monies than this beautiful temple erected by the . Daughters of the American Revolution. No more appropriate day could be selected than this natal day of the Father of our Country. If there ever was a time when the American people should pay tribute to his name, this is the hour. Let us take counsel of his wisdom. The time in which he lived and wrought is not unlike the period through which we are passing. No man loved peace more than he, and 3^et his political philosophy taught him that the best way to preserve the peace was to be prepared for war. No one could conceive that the great Washington would ever resort to arms for any purpose of aggression, or with intent to injure any living soul, unless it was necessary to protect our beloved country. and our citizenship. Much has recently been said about the dangers of militarism and the necessity of avoiding entangling alliances with foreign countries. What was said by Washington on these subjects is as true to-day as it was during his lifetime, but Washington was not a "peace at any price" man. He took counsel of his reason and not of his dreams. He loved peace, but he was not averse to war when it became neces- sary either for our national defense or the preservation of our national honor. He fought and won for the Colonies the Revolutionary War. No one has recorded that he ever uttered a word of regret for the part he took in that great war — the result of which was the greatest and the best Government the world has ever seen, though he did regret the necessity of resorting to arms to bring about a settlement of our disputes with the mother country. As one of the fathers of the Constitution, he provided for both an Army and a Navy. No one ever accused him of wanting to use it for purposes of aggression, and with rare exceptions there has never been anyone in authority, living or dead, who would have been willing to use either the Army or the Navy, or both, for the purpose of carry- ing on such a war. They were always intended for the national defense. Congress was given the power to collect taxes for the common defense, to declare war, to raise and support armies, and to provide and maintain a Navy. This was not done by the fathers because they hoped to use these instruments of war, but taking counsel of their experiences, they realized that it might some time in the history of the country be necessary to protect ourselves against aggressions from without or troubles from within our borders. 4 AMERICA S POSITION IX TWO WOKLD WAES. Wasliingtou said with reference to our foreign affairs : The distiirl)od situation of lMiro])e, and particularly the critical posture of the great maritime powers, whilst it ought to make us the more thankful for the general peace and security enjoyed by the United States, reminds us at the same time of the circum- spection with wliich it heconies us to preserve these blessings. It requires also that we shoidd not ov(>r!ook the tendency of a war, and even of preparation for a war among the nations most concerned in active commerce with this coimtry. In his eighth annual address, on December 7, 1796, in discussing the subject of neutrahty, he used, in part, these words: It is our 0W71 experience that most sincere neutrality is not a sufficient guard against the depredations of nations at war. To secure respect to a neutral flag requires a naval force organized and ready to vindicate it from all insult and aggression. This may even prevent the necessity of going to war by discouraging belligerent powers from committing such violations of the rights of the neutral party as may first or last leave no other option. * * * These considerations invite the United States to look to the means and to set about the gradual creation of a navy. At the same time, while discussing the institution of a mihtary academy, he said: However pacific the general policy of a nation may be, it ought never to be without an adequate stock of military knowledge for emergency. The first would impair the energy of its character and laoth woidd hazard its safety or expose it to greater evils when war could not be avoided; besides that, war might often not depend on its own choice. In proportion as the oliservance of pacific maxims might exempt a nation from the necessity of practicing the rules of the military art ought to be its care in preserving and transmitting, by proper establishments, the knowledge of this art. In his Farewell Address, he said : Europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none or a very remote rela- tion. Hence, she must he engaged in frequent controversies the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics or the ordinary combinations and collisions of lier friendships or enmities. Our detached situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. And later in his message he said : It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliance with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it. Washington always advised good faith and justice toward all na- tions and urged our people to cultivate peace and harmony with all. But while he was thus wedded to peace, the excerpts just quoted from his addresses showed his knowledge of world conditions, his faith in armies and navies, and their necessity for our national safety. During the latter part of Washington's term and the early part of President Adams's, we became involved in serious difficulties at different times with Great Britain and the French Republic, growing out of the seizure by their cruisers of American merchantmen. These aggressions against our rights at sea were so numerous and so flagrant that our country feared we might become involved in war. Washington had retired to private life in his beloved Mount Vernon. The situation became so grave that President Adams called him from his home and placed him at the head of the armies of the Republic. Our commerce had been seriously interfered with by the French, but our territory had not been invaded. When the call came from President Adams, Washington replied : In case of actual invasion by formidable forces, I certainly should not intrench myself under cover of age and retirement if my service should be required "by my country to assist in repelling it. AMERICANS POSITION IN TWO WOELD WAES. 5 I allude to this international situation only to show that in the mnid of the great Washington the interference with our commerce on the high seas was a sufficient cause for preparation against depre- dation. It was not necessary in his mind that we should wait until the enemy was at our door until we should begin to prepare against the fateful day when hostile foot might be set upon our shores. War was never declared against P>ance, but we did suspend commercial intercourse, authorized the arming of merchantmen, and sent forth the ships of our Navy to capture French armed vessels upon the hi^h seas. In order that we may comprehend the real situation as it appeared to Washington, we must remember that we were then a small Nation of perhaps 5,000,000 souls. We were 30 days and more from the European Continent. Tlie wide expanse of the sea, with the slow methods of travel, constituted a very strong barrier between our- selves and any possible foe. Our commerce then, exports and im- ports, amounted to approximately $161,000,000 annually. At that time we Imew neither the telegraph, the telephone, the wireless, the railroad engine, or the steam vessel. The armaments of the present day were never dreamed of. The flying machine and the submarine had not occurred to the most vivid imagination. Yet during these early periods of our national existence our commerce was of such importance that it was deemed vital to declare and protect our rights at sea. And while Washington advised against "permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world," our relations with other nations were so involved that he did not hesitate to qualify his words by adding, ''so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it." How different our situation now. The 5,000,000 of Americans has increased to almost 110,000,000. Instead of a comparatively narrow expanse of territory along the Atlantic shore, we now extend from ocean to ocean, to say nothing of our island possessions. Instead of a foreign trade of $161,000,000 annually, it has reached the stupendous amount of nearly $6,000,000,000 or more. The 30 days' trip to Europe has been reduced to 6. We are a world power whether we will it or not. Thousands of Americans go to the four corners of the earth annu- ally, instead of the comparatively few who ventured abroad in the days of the early Repubhc. Our commerce is world-wide. No serious differences can occur between any two foreign nations which does not gravely affect our people and our industries. Foreigners of a hundred years and more ago are neighbors to-day. The seas are the highways of commerce. Tlie welfare of our people requires that every port of entry should be open to our vessels every day in the year. If it were important in the latter part of the eighteenth century that our commerce should enjoy the freedom of the seas, it is vastly more so now. If it were an offense against the rights of our people for a British or French cruiser to seize our merchantmen in the days of W^ashington and Adams, it must be now more repugnant to our American ideals to have our commerce forbidden certain sections of the sea, to have them declared war zones, to threatea to sink and to sink our vessels without warning and without caring for crew or passengers. If George Washington believed that the wetfare of the country required that he should come forth from his retire- ment in his old days to take command of our armies in order to 6 AMERICA S POSITION IN TWO WORLD WARS. defend the ri