o, ♦v^.T* A ' O O • A ••^ ^^ '-^^ ' 'Ta. at *wra2^* c> «j ♦•ft ^^ A THE PROCEEDINGS OF A Convention of Delegates ^ FROM THE STATES OF MASSACHUSETTS, CONNECTICUTj AND RHODE-ISLAND ♦ THE COUNTIES OF CHESHIRE AND GRAFTON, m THE STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE i And the COUNTY OF WINDHAM, m THE STA TE OF VERMONT;^ CONVENED AT HARTFORD, IN THE STATE OF' CONNECTlCtT, DECEMBER 15tb, 1814. HARTFORD: JPRINTED FOR ANDRUS AND STARR, 1815. ■ <3ift t. W, Putnam- MEFOET, &e: THE Dele Q-ates from the Leoislatiires of the States of Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Rhode-Island, and from the Counties of Grafton and Cheshire in the State of New-Hampsliire and the County of Wind- ham in the State of Vermont, assembled in Conven- tion, bea: leave to report the followino; result of their conference. m -B- HE Convention is deeply impressed with a sense of the arduous nature of the coramission vvliich they were appoint- ed to execute, of devising the means of defence against dan- gers, and of relief from oppressions proceeding from the act of their ovv^n Government, without violating constitutional prin ciples, or disap^Kiinting the hopes of a suffering and injured people. To prescribe patience and firmness to those who are already exhausted by distress, is sometimes to drive them to despair, and the progress towards reform by the regular road, is irksome to those whose imaginations discern, and whose feelings prompt, to a shorter course. — But M'hen abuses, re- duced to system and accumulated through a course of years have pervaded every department of Government, and spread corruption through every region of the State ; when these are clothed v/ith the forms of law, and enforced by an Executive whose will is their source, no summary means of relief can be applied without recourse to direct and open resistance. This experiment, even when justifiable, cannot fail to be painful to fehe good citizen ; and the success of the eflbrt will be no se- curity against the danger of the example. Precedents of re- sistance to the wor-t administration, are eagerly seized by 4 . those who are naturally hostile to the best. Necessity alone can sanction a resort to this measure ; and it should never be extended in duration or degree beyond the exigency, until the people, not merely in the fervour of sudden excitement, but after full deliberation, are determined to change the Constitu- tion. It is a truth, not to be concealed, that a sentiment prevails to no inconsiderable extent, that Administration have given such constructions to that instrument, and practised so many abu- ses under colour of its authority, that the time for a change is at hand. Those who so believe, regard the evils which sur- round them as intrinsic and incurable defects in the Constitu- tion. They yield to a persuasion, that no change, at any time, or on any occasion, can aggravate the misery of their country. This opinion may ultimately prove to be correct. But as the evidence on which it rests is not yet conclusive, and as mear sures adopted upon the assumption of its certainty might be irrevocable, some general considerations are submitted, in the hope of reconciling all to a course of moderation and firm^ ness, which may save them from the regret incident to sudden decisions, probably avert the evil, or at least insure consola- tion and success in the last resort. The Constitution of the United States, under the auspices of a wise and virtuous Administration, proved itself compe- tent to all the objects of national prosperity, comprehended in the views of its framers. No parallel can be found in history, of a transition so rapid as that of the United States from the lowest depression to the highest felicity— from the condition of weak and disjointed republics,' to that of a great, united, and prosperous nation. Although this high state of public happiness has under- gone a miserable and afflicting reverse, through the prevalence of a weak and proHigate policy, yet the evils and afflictions which have thus been induced upon the country, are not peculiar to any form of Government. The lust and caprice of power, the corruption of patronage, the oppression of the weaker interests of the community by the strongeri heavy taxes, wasteful expenditures, and unjust and ruinous wars, are^the natural offspring of bad Administrations, in all ages and countries. It was indeed to be hoped, that the rulers of these States would not make such disastrous haste to in- volve their infancy in the embarrassments of old and rotten institutions. Yet all this have they done ; and their conduct calls loudly for their dismission and disgrace. But to attempt upon every abuse of power to change the Constitution, would be to perpetuate the evils of revolution. Again, the experiment of the powers of the Constitution, to regain its vigour, and of the people to recover from their delusions, has been hitherto made under the greatest possible disadvantages arising from the state of the world. The fierce passions which have convulsed the nations of Europe, have passed the Ocean, and finding their way to the bosoms of our citizens, have affordedto Administration the means of perverting; public opinion, in respect to our foreign relations, so as to ac- quire its aid in the indulgence of their animosities, and the in- crease of their adherents. Further, a reformation of public opinion, resulting from dear bought experience, in the South- ern Atlantic States, at least, is not to be despaired of. They will have felt, that the Eastern States cannot be made exclu- sively the victims of a capricious and impassioned policy. — They will have seen that the great and essential interests of the people, are common to the South and to the East. They will realize the fatal errors of a system, which seeks revenge for commercial injuries in the sacrifice of commerce, and ag- gravates by needless wars, to an immeasurable extent, the in- juries it professes to redress. They may discard the influence of visionary theorists, and recognize the benefits of a practical policy. Indications of this desirable revolution of opinion, among our brethren in those States, are already manifested. — While a hope remains of its ultimate completion, its progress should not be retarded or stopped, by exciting fears which must check these favourable tendencies, and frustrate the ef- forts of the wisest and best men in those Statesj to accelerate %hh propitious change. Finally, if the Union be destined to dissolution, by reason of the mukiplied abuses of bad administrations, it should, if possible, be the Avork of peaceable timcs; and deliberate con- sent — Some new form of confederacy sliould be substituted among those States, which shall intend to maintain a federal rejation to each other. — Events may prove that the causes of our calamities are deep and permanent. They may be foi;nd to pi'oceed, not merely from the blindness of prejudice, pride of opinion, violence of party spirit, or the confusion of the times; but they may be traced to implacable combinations of indivi- duals, or of States, to monopolize pov/er and office, and to trample without remorse upon the rights and interests of commercial sections of the Union. Whenever it shall ap- pear that these causes are radical and permanent, a separa-' uon by equitable arrangement, will be preferable to an alliance by constraint, among nominal friends, but real enemies, in- flamed by mutual hatred and jealousy, and inviting by intes- tine divisions, contempt, and aggression from abroad. But a severance of the Union by one or more States, against the will of the rest, and especially in a time of war, can be justified only by absolute necessity. These arc among the principal objections against precipitate measures tending to disunite the States, and when examined in connection with the fare- well address of the Father of his country, they must, it is believed, be deemed conclusive. Under these impressions, the Convention have proceed- ed to confer and deliberate upon the alarming strtte of public affairs, especially, as affecting the interests of the people who have appointed them for this purpose, and they are naturally led to a consideration, m the first place, of the dangers and gi-i;ivances which menace an immediate or speedy pressure, with a view of suggesting means of present relief; in the next place, of such as arc of a more remote and general de- scription, ni the hope of attaining future security. Among the subjects of complaint and apprehension, which might be comprised under the former of these propo- sitions, the attention cf the Convention has been occunied 7 -with the claims and pretensions advanced, and the authority exercised over the mililia, by the executive and legislative departments of the National Government. Also, upon the destitution of the means of defence in which the Eastern States arc left ; v/hile at the same time they are dWomed to heavy requisitions of men and money for national objects. The authority of the National Government over the militia is derived from those clauses in the Constitution which give power to Congress " to provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections and re- pel invasions" — Also " to provide for organizing, armiing and disciplining the militia, and for governing such parts of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, re- serving to the States respectively the appointment of the offi- cers, and the authority of training the. militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress." Again, " The President shall be Commander in Chief of the army and navy of the Unit* ed States, and of the militia of the several States, ivhen called in- to the actual service of the United States.'* In these specified ca- ses only, has the National Government any power over the mili- tia ; and it follows conclusively that for all general and ordinary purposes, this power belongs to the States respectively, and to them alone. It is not only with regret, but with astonishment, the Convention perceive that under colour of an authority conferred with such plain and precise limitations, a power is arrogated by the executive government, and in some instances Sanctioned by the two Houses of Congress, of controul over the ■militia, which if conceded, Avill render nugatory the rightful authority of the individual States over that class of men, and by placing at the disposal cf the National Government the lives and services of the great body cfthe people, enable it at pleasure to destroy their liberties, and erect a military despo- tism on the ruhis. An elaborate examination of the principles assumed for the basis of these extravagant pretensions, of the consequences to which they lead, and of the insurmountable objections to their' admission, would transcend the lim.its cf this Report. A few s gcfiei'al observations, with an exhihlCon of the character ol" these pretensions, and a recommendation of a strenuous op- position to them, must not however be omitted. It will not be contended that by the terms used in the con- stitutioiflh compact, the power of the National Government to call out the militia is other than a power expressly limited to three cases. One of these must exist as a condition prece- dent to the exercise of that power — Unless the laws shall be opposed, or an insurrection shall exist, or an invasion shall be made. Congress, and of consequence the President as their organ, has no more power over the militia than over the ar- mies of a foreign nation. But if the declaration of the President should be admitted to be an Unerring test of the existence of these cases, this im- portant power would depend, not upon the truth of the fact, but upon executive infallibility. And the limitation of the power would consequently be nothing more than merely no- minal, as it might always be eluded. It follows therefore that the decision of the President in this particular cannot be con- clusive^ It is as much the duty of the State authorities ta watch over the rights reserved^ as of the United States to ex- ercise the powers which are delegated. The arrangement of the United States into military districts^ with a small portion of the regular force, under an officer of high rank of the standing army, with power to call for the mi- litia, as circumstances in his judgment may require ; and to assume the command of them, is not warranted by the Consti- tution or any law of the United States. It is not denied that Congress may delegate to the President of the United States the power to call forth the militia in the cases which are with- m their jurisdiction — But he has no authority to substitute military prefects throughout the Union, to use their own dis- cretion in such instances. To station an officer of the army in a military district without troops corresponding to his rank, for the purpose of taking command of the militia that may be called into service, is a manifest evasion of that provision of the Constitution which expressly reserves to the States the 9 appoliilmeut of ihe officers of the mililia ; luid the object O^ detaching such officer cannot be well conceived to be any oth- er than that of superseding the Governour or other officers of the militia in their right to command. The power of dividing the militia of the States into classes and obliging such classes to furnish by contract or draft, able bodied men, to serve for one or more years for the defence of tlie frontier, is not delegated to Congress. If a claim to draft the militia for one year for such general object be admissible, no limitation can be assigned to it, but the discretion of those who make the law. Thus with a power in Congress to autho- rize such a draft or conscription, and in the Executive to de- cide conclusively upon the existence and continuance of the emergency, the whole militia may be converted into a standing army disposable at the will of the President of the United States. The power of compelling the militia and other citizens of the United States by a forcible draft or conscription to serve in the regular armies as proposed in a late official letter of the Secretary of War, is not delegated to Congress by the Constitution, and the exercise of it would be not less danger- ous to their liberties, than hostile to the sovereignty of the Stiites. The effort to deduce this power from the right of raising armies, is a flagrant attempt to pervert the sense of the clause in the Constitution which confers that right, and is in- conipaiiblc with other provisions in that instrument. The ar- mies of the United States have always been raised by contract, never by conscription, and nothing more can be wanting to a Government possessing the power thus claimed to enable it to usurp the entire controul of the militia, in derogation of the authority of the State, and to convert it by impressment into a standing army. It may be here remarked, as a circumstance illustrative of the determination of the Executive to establish an absolute controul over all descriptions of citizens, that the right of im- pressing seamen into the naval service is expressly asserted fcy the JSccretary of fhe Navy in a late report. Thus a practice, which in a foreign government has been regarded ■vviiU '^voik abhorrence by the people, finds advocates among those ■vvho have been the loudest to condemn it. The law authorizing the enlistment of minors and apprenti- ces into the armies of the United Statesj without the consent of parents and guardians, is also repugnant to the spirit of the Constitution. By a construction of the power to raise armies, as applied by our present rulers, not only persons ca- pable of contracting arc liable to be impressed into the army, but those who are under legal disabilities to make contracts, are to be invested with this capacity, in order to enable tliem to annul at pleasure contracts made in their behalf by legal guardians. Such an interference with the municipal laws and rights of the several States, could never have been contempla- ted by the framers of the Constitution. It impairs the saluta- ry controul and influence of the parent over his child— the master over his servant — the guardian over his ward — and thus destroys the most important relations in society, so that by the conscription of the father, and the seduction of th« son, the power of the Executive over all the effective male population of the United States is made complete. Such are some of the odious features of the novel system pro^wsed by the rulers of a free country, under the limited powers derived from the Constitution. What portion of them ■will be embraced in acts finally to be passed, it is yet impossi- ble to determine. It is, however, sufficiently alarming to per- ceive, that these projects emanate from the highest authority, nor should it be forgotten, that by the plan of the Secretary of War, the classification af the militia embraced the principle of direct taxation upon the while population only ; and that, in the House of Representatives, a motion to apportion the mili- tia among the white population exclusively, which would have been in its operation a direct tax, was strenuously urged and supported. In this whole series of devices and measures for raising men, this Convention discern a total disregard for the Constitution, and a disposition to violate its provisions, demanding from the 11 }hdivld\.ial State3 a firm and decided opposition. An ir«ii des- potism can impose no harder servitude upon the citizen, than to force him from his home and his occupation, to wage offen- sive wars, undertaken to gratify the pride or passions of his master. The example of France has recently shewn that a Cfibal of Individuals assuming to act in the name of the people, may transform the great body of citizens into soldiers, and de- liver tltem over into the hands of a single tyrant.* No war, not held in just abhorrence by a people, can require the aid of such stratagems to recruit an army. Had the troops already raised, and in great numbers sacrificed upon the frontier of Canada, been employed for the defence of the country, and had the millions which have been squandered with shameless pro- fusion, been appropriated to their payment, to the protection of the coast, and to tlie naval service, there would have been BO occasion for unconstitutional expedients. Even at this late hour, let Government leave to New-England the remnant of her resources, and she is ready and able to defend her territo- ry, and to resign the glories and advantages of the border war, to those who are determined to persist in its prosecution. That acts of Congress in violation of the Constitution are absolutely void, is an undeniable position. It does not, how- ever, consist with the respect and forbearance due from a con- federate State towards the General Government, to fly to open resistance \ipon every infraction of the Constitution. The mode and the energy of the opposition, should always conform to the nature of the violation, the intention of its authors, the extent of the injury inflicted, the determination manifested to persist in it, and the danger of delay. But in cases of delibe- rate, dangerous, and palpable infractions of the Constitution, affecting the sovereignty of a State, and liberties of the people ; It is not only the right but the duty of such a State to inter- pose its authority for their protection, in the manner best cal- culated to secure that end. When emergencies occur which are either beyond the reach of the judicial tribunals, or too pressing to admit of the delay incident to their forms, States, which have no common umpire, must be their own judges, ami TO execute their own decisions. It will thus be proper for the several States to await the ultimate disposal of the obnoxious measures, recommended by the Secretary of War, or pending before Congress, and so to use their power according to tht^ character these measures shall finally assume, as effectually to protect their own sovereignty, and the rights and liberties of their citizens. The next subject which has occupied the attention of the Convention, is the means of defence against the common ene- my. This naturally leads to the inquiries, whether any ex- pectation can be reasonably entertained, that adequate provi- sion for the defence of the Eastern States will be made by tho National Government ? Whether the several States can, from their own resources, provide for self-defence and fulfil the re- quisitions which are to be expected for the national Treasury I and, generally what course, of conduct ought to be adopted by those States, in relation to the great object of defence ? Without pausing at present to comment upon the causes of the war, it may be assumed as a truth, officially announced, that to achieve the conquest of Canadian territory, and to hold it as a pledge for peace, is the deliberate purpose of Adminis- tration. This enterprize, commenced at a period when Gov- ernment possessed the advantage of selecting the time and oc- casion for making a sudden descent upon an unprepared ene- my, now languishes in the third year of the war. It has been prosecuted with various fortune, and occasional brilliancy of exploit, but without any solid acquisition. The British armies have been recruited by veteran regiments. Their navy com- mands Ontario. The American ranks are thinned by the casu- alties of war. Recruits are discouraged by the unpopular character of the contest, and by the uncertainty of receiving their pay. In the prosecution of this favourite warfare, Administra- tion have left the exposed and vulnerable parts of the country destitute of all efficient means of defence. The main body of the regular army has been marched to the frontier. — The navy has been stripped oi a great part of its sailors for the service of the 13 Lakes. Meanwhile the enemy scours the sea-coast, blockades our ports, ascends our bays and rivers, makes actual descents m various and distant places, holds some by force, and threatens all that are assailable, with fire and sword. The sea-board of four of the New-England States, following its curvatures, presents an extent of more than seven hundred miles, generally occupied by a compact population, and accessible by a naval force, ex- posing a mass of people and property to the devastation of the enemy, which bears a great proportion to the residue of the maritime frontier of the United States. This extensive shore has been exposed to frequent attacks, repeated conti'ibutions, and constant alarms. The regular fovces detached by the na- tional Government for its defence, are mere pretexts for placing officers of high rank in command. They are besides confined to a few places, and are too insignificant in number to be included in any computation. These States have thus been left to adopt measures for their own defence. The militia have been constanly kept on the alert, and harassed by garrison duties, and other hardships, while the expenses, of which the National Government decline the reim- bursement, threaten to absorb all the resources of the States. The President of the United States has refused to consider the expense of the militia detached by State authority, for the indis- pensable defence of the State, as chargeable to the Union, on the ground of a refusal by the Executive of the State, to place them underthe command of officers of the regular army. Detachments of militia placed at the disposal of the General Government, have been dismissed either without pay, or with depreciated paper. The prospect of the ensuing campaign is not enlivened by the promise of any alleviation of these grievances. From authen- tic documents, extorted by necessity from those whose incli- nation might lead them to conceal the embarrassments of the Government, it is apparent that the treasury is bankrupt, and its credit prostrate. So deplorable is the state of tht finances, that those who feel for the honour and safety of the coun- try, would be willing to conceal the melancholy spectacle, if those wiiose infatuation has produced this state of fiscal coii- cerns, had not found themselves compelled to unveil it to pufe- Tic view. If the war be continued, there appears no room for re* liance upon the national government for the supply of those means of defence, which must become indispensable to secure these States from desolation and ruin. Nor is it possible that the States can discharge this sacred duty from their own re- sources, and continue to sustain the burden of the national taxes. The Administration, after a long perseverance in plans to baffle every effort of commercial enterprize, had fatally succeeded in their attempts at the epoch of the war. Com- merce, th-e vital spring of New-England's prosperity, was an- riihilated. Embargoes, restrictions, and the rapacity of reve- nue officers, had completed its destruction. The various ob- jects for the employment of productive labour, in the branch- es of business dependent on commerce, have disappeared. The fisheries -have shared its fate. Manufactures, which Goyernment has professed an intention to favour and to che- rish, as an indemnity for the failure of these branches of busi- ness, are doomed to struggle in their infancy with taxes and ob- structions, whichcannot fail most seriously to affect their growth^ The spe<:i« is withdrawn from circulation. The landed in- terest, the last to feel these burdens, must prepare to become their principal support, as all other sources of revenue must be exhausted. Under these circumstances, taxes, of a de- scription and amount unprecedented in this country, are in a train of imposition, the burden of which must fall with the heaviest pressure upon tlie States cast of the Potowmac. The amount of these taxes for the ensuing year, cannot be es- timated at less than five millions of dollars upon the New-Eng- land States, and the expenses of the last year for defence, in Massachusetts alone, approaches to one million of dollars. From these facts, it is almost superfluous to state the irre- sistible inference that these States have no capacity of defray- ing the expense requisite for their own protection, and, at the same time, of discharging the demands of the national trea- suiy. 15 The last inquiry, what course of conduct ought to be adopts ed by the aggrieved States, is in a high degree momentous. When a great and brave people shall feel themselves desert- ed by their Government, and reduced to the necessity either ©f submission to a foreign enemy, or of appropriating to their •\vn use, those means of defence which are indispensable to self-preservation, they cannot consent to wait passive specta- tors of approaching ruin, which it is in their power to avert^ and to resign the last remnant of their industrious earnings, to be dissipated in support of measures destructive of the best interests of the nation. This Convention will not trust themselves to express their conviction of the catastrophe to which, such a state of things inevitably tends. Conscious of their high re- sponsibility to God and their country, solicitous for the conii- Duance of the Union, as well as the sovereignty of the States, unwilling to furnish obstacles to peace— resolute never to submit to a foreign enemy, and confiding in the Divine care and protection, they will, until the last hope shall be extin- guished, endeavour to avert such consequences. With this view they suggest an arrangement, which may at •nee be consistent with the honour and interest of the Nation- al Government, and the security of these States. This it will not be difficult to conclude, if that government should be so disposed. By the terms of it these States might be allowed te assume their own defence, by the militia or other troops. A reasonable portion, also, of the taxes raised in each State Blight be paid into its treasury, and credited to the United States, but to be appropriated to the defence of such State, t» be accounted for with the United States. No doubt is enter- tained that by such an arrangement, this portion of the country could be defended with greater efl'ect, and iii a mode more consistent with economy, and the public, conveidcnce, than any which has been practised. Should an application for these purposes, made to Congress \iy the State Legislatures, be attended with success, and should, peace upon just terms appestr to be, unaUainable, tlie people would stand togelhcr tor the common defence, until a change oS^ Administration, or of disposition in the enemy, should facilitate the occurrence of that auspicious event. It would be inexpe- dient for this Convention to diminish the hope of a successful issue to such an application, by recommending, upon supposi- tion of a contrary event, ulterior proceedings. Nor is it in- deed within their province. In a state of things so solemn and trying as may then arise, the Legislatures of the States, or Con- ventions of the whole people, or delegates appointed by them for the express purpose in another Convention, must act as such urgent circumstances may then require. But the duty incumbent on this Convention will not have been performed, without exhibiting some general view of such measures as they deem essential to secure the nation against a relapse into difficulties and dangers, should they, by the blessing of Providence, escape from their present condi- tion, without absolute ruin. To this end a concise retrospect of the state of this nation under the advantages of a wise Ad- ministration, contrasted with the miserable abyss into which it is plunged by the profligacy and folly of political theorists, will lead to some practical conclusions. On this subject, it will be recollected, that the immediate influence of the Fede- yal Constitution upon its first adoption, and for twelve suc- ceeding years, upon the prosperity and happiness of the na- tion, seemed to countenance a belief in the transcendency of its perfection over all other human institutions. In the cata- logue of blessings which have fallen to the lot of the most fa- voured nations, none could be enumerated from which our country was excluded— A free Constitution, administered by great and incorruptible statesmen, realized the fondest hopes ©f liberty and independence— The progress of agriculture was stimulated by the certainty of value in the harvest— and com- merce, after traversing every sea, returned with the riches of every clime.— A revenue, secured by a sense of honour, col- lected without oppression, and paid without murmurs, melt- ed away the national debt ; and the chief concern of the public creditor arose from its too rapid diminution.— The wars 1? and commotions of the European nations, and the interru|j« tions of their commjercial intercourse afforded to those who had not promoted, but who would have rejoiced to alleviate their calamities, a fair and golden opportunity, by combining them- selves to lay abroad foundation for national wealth. — Al- though occasional vexations to commerce, arose from the fu- rious collisions of the powers at war, yet the great and good men of that time conformed to the force of circumstances which they could not controul, and preserved their country in security from the tempests which overwhelmed the old world, and threw the wreck of their fortunes on these shores. — Re- spect abroad, prosperity at home, wise laws made by honoured legislators, and prompt obedience yielded by a contented peo-' pie, had silenced the enemies of republican institutions. — The arts flourished — the sciences were cultivated — the comforts and conveniences of life were universally diffused — and no- thing remained for succeeding administrations, but to reap the advantages, and cherish the resources, flowing from th6 policy of their predecessors. But no soorler was a new administration established in the hands of the party opposed to the Washington policy, than a fixed determination was perceived and avowed of changing a systeni which had already produced these substantial fruits. The consequences of this change, for a few years after its commencement, ^fere not sufficient to counteract the prodi- gious impulse towards prosperity, which had been given to the nation. But a steady perseverance in the new pians of admin- istration, at length developed their weakness and deformity, but not until a majority of the people had been deceived by flattery, and inflamed by passion, into blindness to their defects Under the withering influence of this ne%v system, the declen- sion of the nation has been uniform and rapid. The richest advantages for securing the great objects of the Constitution have been wantonly rejected. While Europe reposes from the convulsions that had shaken down her ancient institutions., she beholds with amazement this remote country, once so 13 lifcppy and so envied, involved in a ruinous wtiv, and excluded . from intercourse with the rest of the world. To investigate and explain the means whereby this fatal re- verse has been effected, would require a voluminous discus- sion. Nothing more can be attempted in this Report, than a general allusion to the principal outlines of the policy which has produced this vicissitude. Among these may be enume- rated . r «■ .• Firsi.-^A deliberate and extensive system for eitectmg a combination among certain States, by exciting local jealousies and ambition, so as to secure to popular leaders in one section of the Union, the controul of public affairs in perpetual, sucf cession. To which primary object most other characteristics of the system may be reconciled. Secondly. The political intolerance displayed and avowed, in excluding from office men of ungxceptionable merit, for want of adherence to the executive creed. T/nrdly.— The infraction of the judiciary authority and rights, by deprivmg judges of their offices in violation of the Constitution. Fourthly.— The abolition of existing Taxes, requisite to pre- pare the Country for those changes to which nations are al- ways exposed, Avith a view to the acquisition of popular favour. Fifthly.— The influence of patronage in^the distribution of offices, which in these States has been almost invariably made among men the least intitled to such distinction, and who have sold themselves as ready instruments for distracting public opinion, and encouraging administration to hold in contempt the wishes and remonstrances of a people thus apparently di- vided. Sixthly.— The admission of new States into the Union, form- ed at pleasure in the wcstc?tt region, has destroyed the balance of power which existed among the original States, and deeply affected their interest. Seventhly. — The easy admission of naturalized foreigners, to places of trust, honour or profit, operating as an inducement to llic liialcontent subjects of the old woild to come to these 19 -Sltates, in quest of executive patronage, and to repay it by an abject devotion to executive measures. Eighthly. — Hostility to Great-Britain, and partiality to the late government of France, adopted as coincident with popu- lar prejudice, and subservient to the main object, party power. Connected with these must be ranked erroneous and distorted estimates of the power and resources of those nations, of the probable results of their controversies, and of our political re- lations to them respectively. Lastly and princifially.J—A. visionary and superficial theory in regard to commerce, accompanied by a real hatred but a feigned regard to its interests, and a ruinous perseverance ia efforts to render it an instrument of coercion and war. But it is not conceivable that the obliquity of any admin- istration could, in so short a period, have so nearly consum- mated the work of national ruin, unless favoured by defects in the Constitution. To enumerate all the improvements of Avhich that instru- ment is susceptible, and to propose such amendments as might render it in all respects perfect, would be a task, which this Convention has not thought proper to assume. — They have confined their attention to such as experience has demonstrat- ed to be essential, and even among these, some are considered entitled to a more serious attention than others. They are sug-y;ested Avithout any intentional disrespect to other States, and are meant to be such as all shall find an interest in pro- moting. Their object is to strengthen, and it possible to per- petuate, the Union of the States, by removing the grounds of existing jealousies, and providing for a fair and equal represen- tation and a limitation of powers, which have been misused. The first amendment proposed, relates to the apportionment of Representatives among the slave holding States. This cannot be claimed as a right. Those States are entitled to the slave representation, by a constitutional compact. It is therefore merely a subject of agreement, which should be conducted up- on principles of mutual interest and accomodation, and upon v/hich no sensibility on either side should be permitted to c>:. 20 ist. It has proved unjust and unequal in its operation. Had this effect been foreseen, the privilege would probably not have been demanded ; certainly not conceded. Its tendency in fu- ture will be adverse to that harmony and mutual confidence, which are more conducive to the happiness and prosperity of every confederated State, than a mere preponderance of pow- er, the prolific source of jealousies and controversy, can be to any one of them. The time may therefore arrive, when a sense of magnanimity and justice will reconcile those States to ac- quiesce in a revision of this article, especially as a fair equiva= lent would result to them in the apportionment of taxes. The next amendment relates to the admission of new States into the union. This amendment is deemed to be highly important, and in fact indispensable. In proposing it, it is not intended to re- cognize the right of Congress to admit new States without the original limits of the United States, nor is any idea entertain- ed of disturbing the tranquillity of any State already admitted into the union. The object is merely to restrain the constitu- tional power of Congress in admitting new States. At the adoption of the Constitution, a certain balance of power among the original parties was considered to exist, and there was at. that tinie, and yet is among those parties, a strong affinity be- tween their great and general interests.— By the admission of these States that balance has been materially affected, and unless the practice be modified, must ultimately be destroyed. The Southern States will first avail themselves of their new con- federates to govern the East, and finally the Western States multiplied in number, and augmented in population, will con- troul the interests of the whole. Thus for the sake of present power, the Southern States will be common sufferers with the East, in the loss of permanent advantages. None of the old States can find an interest in creating prematurely an over- whelming Western influence, which may hereafter discern (as it has heretofore) benefits to be derived to them by wars and commercial restrictions ■The next amenctments proposed by tTie Convention, relate lo the powers of Congress, in relation to Embargo and the interdiction of commerce. Whatever theories upon the subject of commerce, have hi^ therto divided the opmions of statesmen, experience has at last sJiewn that it is a vital interest in the United Stated, and that its success is essential to the encouragement of agricul- ture and manufactures, and to the wealth, finances, defence, and liberty of the nation. Its welfare can never interfere with the other great interests of the State, but mijst ^iroinote and uphold them. Sti}l those who are iinn.ediateTy concern- ed in the prosecution of commerce, will of necessity be al- ways a minority of the nation. They are, howeyer, best qua- lified to manage and direct its course by iHe advantages of ex- perience, and the sense of interest, ^ut they are entirely Un- able to protect themselves against the sudden and injudicious decisions of bare majorities, and the mistaken or oppressive projects of those who are not actively concerned in its pur- suits. Of consequence, this interest is always exposed to be harassed, interrupted, and entirely destroyed, upon pretence of securing other interests. Had the merchants of this na- tion been permitted, by their own government, to pursiie an innocent and lawful commerce, how different woilld have been the state of the treasury and of public credit ! How short- sighted and miserable is the policy which has anhihiJated this order of men, and doomed their ships to rot in the docks, their capital to waste unemployed, and their affections to be alienated from the Government which was formed to protect them 1 What security for an ample and Unfailing revenue can ever be had, comparable to that which once was realized in the good faith, punctuality, and sense of honour, which at- tached the mercantile class to the interests of the (rovcrn- ment 1 Without commerce, where can be found the aliment for a navy ; and without a navy, what is to constitute the de- fence, and ornament, and glory of this nation ! No union can be durably cemented, in which every great interest does not find itself rerLSonably secured against the encroachrnent and 22 combinations of other interests. Wlicn, therefore, the past sjs" tern of embargoes and commei'cial restrictions shall have been reviewed — when the fluctuation and inconsistency of public measures, betraying a want of information as well as feeling in the majority, shall have been considered, the reasonable- ness of some restrictions upon the power of a bare majority to repeat these oppressions, will appear to be obvious. The next amendment proposes to restrict the power of mak- ing offensive war. In the consideration of this amendment, it is not necessary to inquire into the justice of the present war. But one sentiment now exists in relation to its expedi- ency, and regret for its declaration is nearly universal. No in- demnity can ever be attained for this terrible calamity, and its only palliation must be found in obstacles to its future recur- rence. Rarely can the state of this country call for or justify offensive war. The genius of our institutions is unfavourable to its successful prosecution ; the felicity of our situation exempts us from its necessity. — In this case, as in the former, those more immediately exposed to its fatal effects are a minor- ity of the nation. The commercial towns, the shores of our seas and rivers, contain the population, whose vital interests are most vulnerable by a foreign enemy. Agriculture, in- deed, must feel at last, but this appeal to its sensibility comes too late. Again, the immense population which has swarm- ed into the West, remote from immediate danger, and which is constantly augmenting, will not be averse from the occa- sional disturbances of the Atlantic States. Thus interest may not unfrequently combine with passion and intrigue, to plunge the nation into needless wars, and compel it to become a mili- tary, rather than a happy and flourishing people. These con- siderations which it would be easy to augment, call loudly for the limitation proposed in the amendment. Another amendment, subordinate in importance, but still in a high degree expedient, relates to the exclusion of foreign- ers, hereafter arriving in the United States, from the capacity of holdinrr offices of trust, honoi:r oi- profit. 23 'that the stock of population already in these States, is am- ply sufficient to render this nation in due time sufficiently great and powerful, isnota controvertible question— Nor will it be seriously pretended, that the national deficiency in wis- dom, arts, science, arms or virtue, needs to be replenished from foreign countries. Still, it is agreed, that a liberal policy should offer the rights of hospitality, and the choice of settle- ment, to those who are disposed to visit the country— But why admit to a participation in the government aliens who ■were no parties to the compact— who are ignorant of the na- ture of our institutions, and have no stake in the welfare of the country, but what is recent and transitory ? It is surely a privilege sufficient, to admit them after due probation to be- come citizens, for all but political purposes.— To extend it be- yond these limits, is to encourage foreigners to come to these states as candidates for preferment. The Convention forbear to express their opinion upon the inauspicious effects which have already resulted to the honour and peace of this nation, from this misplaced and indiscriminate liberality. The last amendment respects the limitation of the office of Presidei^t, to a single constitutional term, and his eligibility from the same State two terms in succession. Upon this topic, it is superfluous to dilate. The love ol power is a principle in the human heart which too often im- pels to the use of all practicable means to prolong its dura- tion. The office of President has charms and attractions which operate as povrerful incentives to this passion. The first and most natural exertion of a vast patronage is directed towards the security of a new election. The interest of the country, the welfare of the people, even honest fame and re- spect for the opinion of posterity, are secondary considera- tions. All the engines of intrigue ; all the means of corrup- tion, are likely to be employed for this object. A President whose political career is limited to a single election, may find no other interest than will be promoted by making it glorious to himself, and beneficial to his country. But the hope of re- election 13 prolific of temptations, under which these magna iiimous i;noUyes ai;e deprived of their principal force. The repeated election of the President of the United States from any one State, affords inducements .and means for intrigue.; which tend to create an undue local influence, and toestablish the domination of particular States. The justice, therefore, oi' securing to every State a fair and equal chance for the election of this officer from its own citizens is apparent, and this object will be essentially promoted by preventing an election from the same State twice in succession. Such is the general view which this Convention has thought proper to submit, of the situation of these States, of their dan- gers ajid their duties. I^Iostof the subjects which it embraces have aep'arately received an ample and luminous investigation, by jhe great and able assertors of the rights of their Country, in the N'^itional Legislature ; and nothing more could be at- tempted on this occasion, than a digest of general principles, and of recofumendations, suited to the present state of public af- fairs. The peculiar difficulty and delicacy of performing, even this undertaking, will be appreciated by all who think serious- ly upon the crisis. Negotiations for Peace, are at this hour supppsed to be pending, the issue of which must be deeply interesting to all. No measures should be adopted, which might "unfavorably affect that issue ; none which should embar- rass the Administration, if their professed desire.for peace is sincere ; and none, which on supposition of their insincerity, should afford them pretexts for prolonging the war, or reliev- ing themselves from the responsibility of a dishonorable peace. It is al?o devoutly to be wished, that an occasion may be afforded to all friends of the country, of all parties, and in all places, to pause and consider the awful state to which pernicious coun- sels, and blind passions, have brought this people. The num- ber of those who perceive, and who are ready to retrace errors, •must it is believed be yet sufficient to redeem the nation. It is necessary to rally and unite them by the assurance that no hostility to the Constitution is meditated, and to obtain their aid, in placing it under guardians, who alone can save it froni destruction. Should this fortunate change be effected, the SCHEDULE (E.) Tfiough the operations of the war in 1781 and 1782 were great, especialiy in the Southern States, yet it cost America far less than fif* teen millions a year, as will appear by the public documents. In 1782 Congress made an estimate for an army of 26,000 men. This estimate, which proved to be correct, was a little over eight millions f)f dollars. The individual States' expenses will be found not to have exceeded four millions a year, and Navy expenses were trifling. In 1781 the expenses were about three millions more than in. 1782. — Prices were about the same then as now. The following is from the adoption Treasury Reports ; an abstract of the expenditures of the United States of the Constitution, to Oct. 1, 1812, taken from Prior to 1792, $ 1,718.129 1803, 4,062,824, la 1792, 1,766,677 1804, 4,052,858 1793, 1,707,848 1805, 6,357,234 1794, 3,5t'0.348 1806, 6,080,209 1795, 4,350,596 1807, 4,984,572 1796, 2,531,930 1808, 6.504,338 1797, 2,833,590 1809, 7.414.672 1798, 4,623,223 1810, 5.. 31 1,082 1799, 6,480,166 1811, 6,592,604 1800, 7,411,369 9nK)nthsofl812, 11,760,292 1801, 4,981 669 1803, 3,737,079 $108,102,221 jVoie.. .These expenditures do not include the interest and principal "of the public debt. Never after the peace of 1783, till 1812, did the expetiditures of •the United States amount to seven millions and a half in any year. In 1781 Cornwallis was taken, and it is ascertained that over 26,000 British troops were sent into the four Southern States in less than two years in 1780 and 1781. The United States were obliged to keep up large forces in the Middle and Northern States ; and the militia drafts were often made in those two years. — During the long period trom March 4, 1789, to Oct. 1, 1812, the whole Military expenditures of the United States were but ^ 44,066,745 65 including Indian wars, war with France, and with the Barbary powers, the Penn.sylvania in- surrection, and several millions expended in the present war belbre October, 1812. Much less than two millions of dollars a year. And the Navy expenditures during the same long period were but ^ 29,889,660 78. About one million and a quarter a year. Further, An examination of the public documents will shew, that the eight-years-war of the revolution did not cost more than 2G5,QG0,000 of specie dollars. More than half that sum was expended in tloe three iirst years, when paper money was abundant, arsd the American and "British armies most numerous ; a period in v.'Itich we withstood the /nrces of the enemy alone, in a manner .w houcrrrn.blc to our arms. SCHEDULE (F.) This Schedule brings into one view the great loss of revenoe occa*: yoned by the Restrictive System, and the enormous waste of public monies in the two first years of this war ; the particulars whereof are stated in the preceding Schedules. 1. 27 millions of dollars, at least, were lost by reason of restrictions on commerce, for four years and a half be- fore tlie war was declared or commenced, as in schedule C, ^27,000;00O 2. War expenses, as stated in schedule A, to the amount of ^60,367,915, at least, were incurred in this war be- fore July I, 1814 ; Avhereas, on any scale of expenses of any wars, ever carried on in this country heretofore, the war expenses from Jan, 1812, to July 1, 1814, ought not to have exceeded 27 millions, if indeed they could equal that sum. There then was clearly a wasteful and im- provident expenditure of public monies, in the war and navy departments, in this short period, of more than 33 millions of dollars, 33,000,008 Revenue and public monies last by foolish restrictions, alid in a profligate management of the war, - - ^60,000,000 Schedule E, also, shews how moderate otir military expenses were prior to the present war. JVo^e.-.-Had this large sum been saved, as it might have been, with perfect ease by a >vise and economical administration, the credit of the United States, at this moment, would have been unimpaired ; and the very heavy direct and internal taxes now laid on the people to sup- ply the place of this sum, so lost and wasted, might have been avoided. In fact, examine the expenditures of all former wars in this country, the force brought against it in the two first years of this war, and every cause of necessary expenditure, and it will appear, that not so much as 27 millions ought to have been expended in the military and nav^l departments in the period in question. ^^ SCHEDULE («,) l^liewing tJifi afiiountsof the several Internal Duties, distinctly, that Uaye accrued for the two first quarters of the year 1814. As«ertained to have f»een received in each State and Territory of tlie United Stat*^ Tiz, New-Hampshire, Blassachusetts, Vermont, ilhode-Island, Connecticut, New-York, New- Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North-Carolina,. Georgia, Sontli-CarQliua, Ohio, Kentucky, Tennessee, Louisiana, Illinois Territory, .Michigan " Indituia " Missouri " Mississippi " District of Columbia, 'Licences for P\^aoie.s of States and Stills and Territories. .- Boilers. ■ o a> to -1 in CO -' to -' *«tieewi-'(fcif».w ^1 -1 ^ ^ ^ >~t (T) i-it.'^i-" tnor:*«.lo»-'*»cocr)'-'— 'O5*.tooo—»>t» tn o to )U i£» CO c -I to O -4 i(- ^ >;^ -J *» ife CO »o -» t-5 cr C^l^0O5 COCOOiCOO— *-'0C*»C0i*»C.0lO05--lOi>-'i-'-J tO^W OtJiOit0C0C^0>wt0 0>--lC>O>f^WtnO-J-^ cell CW-J *i.O«i«--C7iO>C:tCCDWCn Cj^OTWhSCnCOCD (£>\\ ^COW ifeC0^1OCD'>-IC0O>~*--lO CD-^lO5WlO«C0 214639 t-1 hjts2i-i tO'-'fO>^ W to to tnCSCOCOOitntnOJ — W-l-t» tO W C5 OW C0C5Oi(i.Otn0iCCC0-J->t0C?jC'C0!>"^-- *»0-^ CjiOS>f»05COOitOWC3COCl — COi03CD*»WCntn 4:»COtn***.tOO-'*'C5ifci>tO«UOStnCO^IW-»lOlOIOOC;i Carriages. f ■- i-4-S>it« —tSOitO— i*^'^-' COtO—'^'-' -.1--lWOiO>-'OrotO-MCO-iCseoOitOC3tn fcnWWW— 'C0005C^tOC>3««C»W*»CC>-*•CJl■MtOtO>-' 00*»«OtOW^— 'COC(S.CCiU.i»0-4ViC5COCnO-^tOCr- CjiCi005tntnCOtO*»OW»-rf^~'0-JtOWl0 05tO>-'0*» Licenses for Retailers. 11 w M —tOCnCtOMOStO -J CO -J tOO>t»OW-'03COCO o low Cji?0 to 'M C3 loO»i>-'>'^"-'^lO^IMW OStJl ife-^ CO CO O WWit»CS>t»0>— WtOCDeO-^C;<>-» Duties on Sales at 1 Auction. w ? CO woo «C CO O Cjt — i-*tO"-l'S05C005*^tOCOOtO tjto CO © CO to-i'C»0— 'Oi'-'oscocowcscjio Refin- ed Su gar. ^11 t^ § £2' w OS lb —, — ' to to *> C^ 1-" ii<35 .-.«5 — InSCC — tOtOCO-ltnWCDWW tOOt CjiSi*» to N-t»eoibi-'>t» — ^OOJD^Wcoig-iOo^i tototn — C^OOtTiOSOtntOCoC — OOtnCCOS05 — Wt0050iO05-^OQ,T00tn CROSS TOTAL— Dolls. 2,212,491 n% 36. SCHEDULE (H.) This shews the great increase of the commerce of tlie United Slates, under federal administrations when it was free. A&o its great diminution under embargoes, restrictions and war. 2. The compara- tive exports of the several States from time to time. 3. The kind of exports, as articles domestic or foreign, as productions of the forest, d". agriculture, of the sea, &c. i. The exports of the United States everj fifth year, to wit — 1791, $17,571,551 45 17%, 67,064,097 00 1801, 93,0i;0,513 00 1806, 103,787,000 00 1811, 61,317,833 00 J^ote... .Thus the exports, whe6 commerce was free, increased near- ly 6 fold in 15 years, and under restrictions diminished about one half as stated below. Exports of the United States four i Exports of the United States four years next preceding the long embargo, viz> 3804, 1805, 1806, as above, 1807, ^77,701,597 95,566,021 103,787,000 10;B,343,568 I years under restrictions, and one year in war, viz. 1808, Domestic Arts $ 8,417,00« Foreign, do. 1809, Domestic do. 28,841,000 Foreign, do. 1810, Domes. & For. 67,895,597 1811, do. do. 61,317,833 . 1813, Domestic. Arts. 25,008,152 Foreign do. 2,847,845 37 nont, ;le-Is!an iccticut -York, isylvani ware, I' land, inia, h Carol b Caroli '-Hamp; sachusel Hi ^ ^ re D- n> 1— W K> K> >0 t^"^'^ o .X. ^ , ^ N* X. re c >!^cocn'— •— i—co oi^iU *. — £; «OC-j*«C0CO — 0360 — w-^C0COCDCO03 i-^Oi60 ^ PpOTfOCD^JJ-COOOOCjiO Ot C ^ -*♦ . coc^i— O5coui«^to»acoo30 CO CO ,5 — o ^ f& CO =r D C3 rf*- O - .- ^ ."" re 1 ^ cSt2 2S§C52.:^^bb.c;.b.^ ^^b- ^r^. .Pboc:*.c30icoc »- >o o CO 8 CO 05 0> — JO "^ CO CO 03 CO ■-» M o o o b b 2 8 8 S 8 S .« ."). The kiHcI ofexporis from luo United States, as article* doMesiic- Qr foreign ; productions of the forest, agriculture, of the sea, &.c. Trod, of the forest, of the sea, of agriculture, ofraanufact. Miscellaneous, - - J'oreign articles, - Year 1804. 4,600,000 3,420,000 30,090,000 2,100,000 430,000 41,440,000 36,231,597 177,671,597 Year 1805 5,261,000 2,884,000' 31,552,000 2,525,000 155,000! Year 1806 4,861,000 3,116,000 32,375,000 2,707,000 445,000 42,387,000' 43,504,000 53,179,021; 60,283,000 Year 1807. 5,476,000 2,804,009 37,832,000 2,120,000 468,000 48,700,000 59,643,578 95,566,02lil03,787,000;i08,343.558-> This statement shews that about three fourths of the domestic export's of the United States are the produce of agricylture, and for four years prior to the embargo, exceeded on an average, 33 noillions a year. It will readily be seen what great losses there raust have been in re- card to these articles, when the reqnlar exportation of them has been, capriciously interrupted for 7 years past, by embargoes, restrictions nnd war, the same as to the produce of the forest, and, that of the sea.; the latter amounting, on an average, for four years next before the em- bar^-o, to above 3 millions of dollars a year, baa beca by restrictions ^md^'war, wholly destroyed— And the shipping employed, formerly in pcqniring these productions of the sea, is nearly rotten at the wharves, and the seamen engaged in this branch of business, very iinportant, m a public view, are scattered and gone. The domestic articles in the four years next before the restrictive cjstem, were 50 millions more, than the same articles exported ih the Jour years tmdcr it, and before ^ war.- 3» rfOTE.-Page 9. fertract fiooi Report of the Secretary of the N^lry, dated November 15, 1814. There is another branch of the service which appears to me to merit the serious deliberatjon ot the legislature, with regard to the estabiishrae t ol some regiiiar system, by .which the voluntary enlistments for the navy may denve occasional reinforcement from the services of those seamen wtio pursmng their own private occupation*, are exempt, by their itinerl ant habjts, from public service of any kiud. In my view there would be notlmig incompatible with the free spirit of our institutions, or with Ihe nglits of individuals, if registers, with a particular descriptive record were kept m the several districts, of all the seamen belonging to the I nited states, and provision made by law for chssing and calling into the ^ pub ic service, in succession, for reasonable stated periods, such portions oi- classes, as the public service might require, anJiii,ht I not add all those states whi*'h will be a.hiiittcu hereafter iuti* the union ? These will be non-carrying stales and will supnort Vir -ir j, m f'j^r ttic carryhij sttites will attejnnt to cPinbiRCvv.^aJU'^t the res; 33 SCHEDULE (E.) Thoiigh (he eperations of the war in 1781 and 1782 Were areai especially in Ihe Southern States, yet it cost America far less than fif- teen millions a year, as will appear by the public documents. In 1782 Congress made an estimate for an army of 25,000 men. This estimate, which proved to be correct, was a little over eight millions of dollars. The individual States' expenses will be found' not to have exceeded four millions a year, and Navy expenses were trifling. In 1781 the expenses were about three millions more than in 1782.— Prices were about the same then as now. *■ The following is from the adoption Treasury Reports : an abstract of tlje expenditures of the United States of the Constitution, to Oct. 1, 1812, taken from Prior to 1792, $ 1,718,159 In 1792, 1,766,677 1793, 1,707,848 1794, 3,300.348 1795, 4,350.596 1796, 2,531,930 1797, 9,833,590 1798, 4,623,923 1799, 6,480,166 1800, 7,411.369 1801, 4,981 669 1802, 3,737,079 I 1803, 1804, 1805, 1806, 1807, 1808, 1809, 1810, 1811, 9 months ofi 812, 4,062,824 4,052,853 6,357,2;^4. 6,080,209 4,984,572 6,504,338 7.414,672 £,311,082 5,592,604. 11,760,292 $108,102,221 o7*^:%bTfc"d:b7"''"" '^ "°* '^^'"'^ ^^^ '"^^-^ -^ p--p^i Never after the peace of 1783, till 1812, did the expenditures of i^'J'^ol n'^"" ' n'""^ ^^ '"^^" '"'■^''O"^ ^"J ^ half in any year In 1 78 1 Cornwalhs was taken, and it is ascertained that over 26 000 British troops were sent mto the four Southern States in less than two years ,n 1780 and 1781. The United States were obi ige^to k en .^ large forces m the Middle and Northern States ; and the militia draf^ were often made in those two years —Durin*^ fhp !nL ff March4,1789,toOct.,, I812fthe%vhon^^^^^^^^^^ the Umted States were but $ 44,066,745 65 including Indi n wars war with France, and with the Barbary powers, the Pennsvlv^nnTn' oZTlsT' -21";''"":^^-^^^"'^^'" ^'^ prese^nttr^rf " Uctober, 1812. Much less than two millions of dollars a vear ^'488\^677rit"r '"'^ ''' r' '°"S Penod vJerrbu;- ^ ~y,889,b60 78. About one million and a quarter a year J^urther, An examination of the public documents will shew that the eight-years-war of the revolution did not cost more than 205,000,000 ot pecre dollars. More than half that sum was expended in the three firs years, when paper money was abundant, and the American and British armies most numerous; a period in which we withstoc^l th^ forces ol the enemy alone, in a manner .^ honotiraMo to o,^ ^m.^ ^ 34 SCHEDULE (F.) This Schedule brings into one view the great loss of revenue occa- sioned by the Rcblrictive Svsteni, and the enonnous waste ot public monies in the two first years of this war ; the particulars whereof art- stated in the preceding Schedules. 1. 27 millions of dollars, at least, were lost by I'eason of restrictions on commerce, for four years and a hali be- fore the war was declared or commenced, as in schedule C, $27,000,000 2. War expenses, as stated in schedule A, to the amount of ^'60,367,915,i^t least, were incurred in this war be- fore July 1, 1814 ; whereas, on any scale oi expenses of any wars, ever carried on in this country heretolore, the war expenses from Jan, 1812, to July 1, 1814, ought not to have exceeded 27 millions, if indeed they could equal that sum. There then was clearly a wasteful and nn- provident expenditure of public monies, in the war and navy departments, in this short period, of more than 33 •n- c ,]^n, ..o ... - - 33,000,00© millions ot dollars, - - - . . ' ' Revenue and public monies lost by foolish restrictions, -—-—-: ^d in a profligate management of the war, - - ^bU,UUU,uua ^ Schedule E, also, shews how moderate olir military expenses were prior to the present war. JVo£>■ -v« IB. ^ .c> ,u cc 1-0 ^ 10 es tO-^»W COiC->lOO:tn05Ct001^0COitiC3a7'OMM O »5 ^ to Oi w col •-'i-'tO— lO'-'tO—' w ^0 K5 OiOSWCOCJOitnCSi — WtOtOCOO OW COC505*.OCJ', CnCICD>-'^lOCT^OK)i?^ — -< .^pM tnp*»C5WcntoWfowc5 — oi;,To:cc*.coa5tn *» W t;i *» ito ko C — *^ C5 *» to «i^ C5 i^ 03 ^1 W -1 to to to O -ji p Cfq o en -J CO CO — 05 lo ^ -^ to CO CO — o c;r to c; C2 — -1 C I— "-'-'CDia..totoco»-'~ic;'»ioW"-ojcoos«; 1 K*- i-h-Wj K>. let- ■■CS -'^tO'-'toiC'is^ -'tooitO'-'-'M'— CO W I-" ^ I-' •-1 ■»« W CJi O "J O C5 to -1 CO -■ a^ o; f.-i to CO In t\ W to W — OS O 05 (33 ^ tC CO OS O? W >£i. c: -'< -kJ- '--> -1 to to — ' Oo>to.coww-.i — coC.&.coi&.cro^O'Ococ.-iC'^ioin OiCn©05tnOxC0!OiC-CW— "if^ — O-ltOWtOOilO— '0*» II Ci CO ■-' '-'totnotoosersro -^ OS -" rO O !*>' C C%3 -■ to C3 03 O to CO tnCD to "M CT5 K-)0.t^ — ^'-'^JIOM-^W COCi ic— ' 03 CO o wcv>tee«i£i?5i-'Wiocoto--?oi — :l -x (» ST. i« <« o H CO 1 J*J W03 CD W O Cn-'i-'S-O — ^OOiO^CTiiCutOCOOtO to to w o CO io^ic»o— 'in-'Cicocowesc.Tco its. h3 M Wll JO ■ o 4^ II Ol CO is" CD >c> 1 -■ -* to M it^ O' I-" O ^» lUCOOtOOi— 'OtOC;iCO — ^Oi *» --05 i—CD— 'toec— 'tOWW^>inWCOC-JW tOOi Cjiti*^ to i-'i*»eo>t.i-'it»— »~ioocooiwo3to>-'eoite eotoCTi — cncocjc^osOcjitocoO'-'OOCjieocow — *» rr. 3 •a * to ©i Oi^ife 1005COOW05 — ^Ji(iO03tniUit-CWC0W — O C505O1 ie.0050\CO^JO>05 — WtOOSOiCOOS^OOiCOtn GROSS TOTAL— Dplls. 2,212,491 73j| m SCHEDULE (H.) Tliis shews the great increase of the commerce of the United J^tates, under federal administrations when it was free. Aso its greaj diminution under embargoes, restrictions and war. 2. The compara- tive exports of the several States from time to time. 3. The kind of exports, as articles domestic or foreign, 9s productions of the forest, of' agriculture, of the sea, &c. 1. The exports of the United States every fifth year, to wit — J791, 517,571,551 45 J796, 67,064,097 00 1801, 93,020,513 00 3806, 103,787,000 00 1811, 61,317,833 00 Exports of the United States four years next preceding the long embargo, viz* 1804, 1805, 180 o ^ S D" -^ -< "^ M a •J^ hO CO >0 l- €0 t^ ^ Oi C) #0 ,— ^ *» Q ^J • • 1 * - fo -^ W tn - »o Cn i— CD^0C0COCDCO05 ►-p^i.Cn C5^0 0^^^CO^--''X>C0050^ ^JOCDCobsO'^^Cn'co'iO 05>— ^^cooo205^€l^■o — r'05jcoo5 *> 05 £J to 60 0-. p __— c -^ rf' en O o CO Cii O? CD O — CO 0) b CO CO w 01 o cr to V- ^ ■ j2J CO CO 'Xi o: o o> •— • • -■ CO -i JO hO ^ -a +- CJ5 ^ 01 05 o " o o i o i 3 ■to CO 8 w Jo CO b o o *3 b CD cr:' crs O CO 88 CO Oi ^ (X> — to CO 03 CO o c o o o o o o o -X CO 0? •3^ 5. The kind of exports from the United States, as article* domestic Qr foreign ; productions of tlie forest, agriculture, of the sea, &c. iProd.of the forest, of the sea, 3,420,000 of agriculture, •30,890,000 ofmanufact. 2,100,000 Year 1804.1 Year 1805. 4,600,000 5.261,000 3\IiscelIaneous, - Foreign articles, - 430,000 Year 1800 4,861,000 2,884,000: 3,116,000 ^1,552,000; 32,375,000 2,525,000; 2,707,000 155,000| 445,000 41,440,000 36,231,597 42,387,000, 43,504,000 53,179,021! 60,283,000 Year 1807. 5,476,000 2,804,009 37,832,000 2,120,000 468,000 48,700,000 59,643,578 f77,671,597|95,566,021I103,787,OOO 108,343.558. This statement shews tliat about three fourths of the domestic exports of the United States are the produce of agriculture, and for four years ■prior to the embargo, exceeded on an average, 33 millions a year. It will readily be seen what great losses there must have been in re- gard to these articles, when the regnlar exportation of them has been, capriciously interrupted for 7 years past, by embargoes, restrictions nnd war, tne same as to the produce of tlie forest, and, that of the sea : Jhe latter amounting, on an average, for four years next befpre the em- bargo, to aljove 3 millions of dollars a year, has been by restrictions find war, wholly destroyed— And the shipping employed, formerly in acquiring these productions of the sea, is nearly rotten at the wharves, mid the seamen engaged in this branch of business, very iinportant, in fi public view, are scattered and gone. The domestic articles in the four years next before the restrictive system, were 60 millions more, than the same articles exported ih thi tour years m;der it. and before tbe war. NOTE.— Page 9. Ibitcact from Report of the Secretary of the Navy, dated Novembei' 15, 1814. There is another branch of the service which appears to me to merit the seriotir, deUberation of the legisladire, with regard to the establishment of some regular bystera, by which the voluntary enliEtmetits for the navy U5ay derive occasional reinforcement from tlie services of those seamen, wlto, pursuing their own private occupations, are exempt, by their itiner- ant habits, from public service of any kind. In my view there would be nothing, incompatible with the free spirit of our instiUitions, or with the rights of individuals, if registers, with a particular descriptive record, were kept in the several districts, of al! the seamen belonging to the United States, and provision made bylaw for classing and calling into the public service, in succession, for reasonable stated periods, such portions or classes, astiie public service might require, and if any individual, so called, should be absent at the time, the next in succession should peiform the tour of d:it^ of the absentee, who should, on his return, be liable to serveliis orighial tour, aud his substitute be exemptfrom his saccecdhig regular tour of duty, NOTE.— Page 11. It appfears from the foUowiiig extract from a speech of Mr. Madison, in the Debates of the Virginia Convention, that he had a prophetic view of chcumstances which would induce a majoiity of States to support ViR- tiNiA against tlie carrying Slates. See also the speeches of iV!r. Nicho- las in that Coaveatiou, aud the essays in tlie Federalist, written by Mr. Bladison. Extract from debates in Virginia Convention,— Richmond Ed. p. 224. I will not sit down till I make one more observation on what fell from my honourable friend. He says, that the true difference between the States lies in this circumsitauce— that some are carrying states, and oth- ers productive, and that the operation of the new government will bo, 4hat there will be a plurality of the fonnei' to combine against the in- terest of the latter, and that' consequently it will be dangerous to put it ill their power to do so. I would join with him in sentiments, if this were the ease. Were this within tlie bounds of probability, I should be fcqually alarmed, but I think that those States which are contradistin- guished as carrying states, from the non-importing states, will be but few. I suppose the southern states will be considered by all, as under the latter description. Some other states have been mentioned by an honourable member on the same side, which are not considered as carrying sta.tes. New-Jei-sey and Connecticut can by no means be enumerated among the carrying states. They receive their supplies through New- York.'' Here then' is a plurality of non-importing states. 1 could add another if necessary. Delaware, though situated upon the water, is up- «)n the list of non-carrying states. I anght say that a great part of New- Hampshire is so. I believe a majority of the people of tliat State receive their Suoplies from Massachusetts, Rhode-Island and Connecticut.— Mi^it I 'not add all those states which will be admitted hereafter into the union ? These will be non-carrying states and Avill support V irginlii fn ciie the ra-rrvfos staples wffl attempt to cojubins against tho rcV.. 89 f 0< " ' •?,. -..-»■■* A. A '< '^'^^0^ WERXEOOl^BlNpi V* r ' • j,o Graftiviik\VA IrM? — ' " ' \ '