Digitized by tine Internet Arcliive in 2010 witli funding from Tine Library of Congress Iittp://www.arcliive.org/details/talesfromamerica02robb _a;M:[K^;E2a£\:H^ jsasicts^mx ,);'-vv/,/,(:v7, iiiiiii^iil'iit f L'A.THEDP_Ar., v>P.f FiU/e 187 FII"nB]LI['^:iHIIEID) W^^W.'im\A<&WZB, . TALES AMERICAN HISTORY, CHIEFLY RELATING TO THE CONaUEST MEXICO AND PERU. Br HERNANDO CORTEZ 8c FRANCISCO PIZARRO TO WHICH ARE ADDED SOME FACTS ILLUSTRATIVE PRESENT STATE OF THOSE COUNTRIES. BY THE AUTHOR OP " AMERICAN POPULAR LKSSONS.'* styled greet ronqtierors, Destroyers righllier called, and plagues cf : NEW- YORK : PUBLISHED BY WILLIAM BURGESS, NO. 97, FULTON- STREET. M.DCrC. XXXII [Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1831, by William Burgess in the Clerk's Office of the Dis- trict Court of the United States, for the Southern District of New- York.] / ??'^ V- CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. Page Bartholomew Diaz discovers the Cape of Good Hope — Gama prosecutes further discoveries, and proceeds to India by the Cape of Good Hope — Camoens celebrates de Gama — Colum- bus and de Gama true benefactors of mankind — ■ Cabral discovers Brazil — Useful industry com- mences in Hispaniola — Fate of the Indians, and commencement of negro slavery in the West Indies — Cuba ascertained to be an Island, and Yucatan discovered — Diego Columbus obtains the viceroyaliy in America — Ojeda andNicuessa commence settlements on the Continent — Suc- ceeded by Balboa — Balboa discovers the South- ern Ocean — Is supplanted in his government, and afterwards executed - - - _ 9 CHAPTER n. Indians diminish in numbers — Diego Velasquez ' governor of Cuba — Hatuey — Cruel treatment of Hatuey — Florida discovered — Reception of Cordova at Yucatan — Expedition of Grijalva — New Spain — Progress of the Spanish discove- ries in twenty- six years — Habits of mind with which young persons should read history—Cortez — His early history — Engages with Velasquez — Follows the course of Grijalva — Reaches New Spain — Montezuma, King of Mexico, receives intelligence of the landing of the Spaniards— Is disturbed at the news — Sends messengers and presents toCortez — Marina — Her excellent cha- racter -------- 21 IV CONTENTS. CHAPTER III. Pago Cortez receives the governors of two of the Mexican provinces, and their presents — The Spaniards learn that liuman sacrifices are per- mitted by the Mexicans — Envoys sent from the Totonacas — Quarrels in states offer them a prey to ambitious arbiters of their differences — Cortez invited to Chempoalla — Makes regu- lations for the government of his followers — Proceeds to Chempoalla — Is respectfully re- ceived — The Chempoallese complain of the ty- ranny of Montezuma — Cortez encourages their discontents — Counsels them to refuse to pay tribute to Montezuma — They imprison the Mexican collectors of tribute — Cortez sets them free 34 CHAPTER IV. Cortez lays the foundation of Vera Cruz — The Totonacas offer an army to Cortez which should assist the Spaniards in their projects — Cortez endeavours to make the Chempoallese '-eceive Christianity — They permit the image of the Virgin to be placed in one of their temples —Cortez writes to the Emperor Charles — Breaks up his ships — Cortez proceeds in the interior — Demands gold of Olintet, lord of Xocotla — Tlascala, an independent republic — Interesting account of the Tlascalans — Tlas- calans and Spaniards proceed to hostilities — The latter conquer — Peace made — The Spa- niards enter Tlascala - - - - 47 CHAPTER V. Cortez endeavours to instruct the Tlascalans in the Christian doctrines — Proceeds to Cholula — Cholula — Treacherous designs of the Cholulans CONTENTS. Page discovered to the Spaniards — -Vengeance of Cortez — Advances to Tezcuco — The King of Tezcuco comes forth to meet Cortez — City of Cuitlahuac - - - - - 60 CHAPTER VI. The kingdom of Mexico — Its 'extent — Capital and principal lakes — Ancestors of the Mexicans — Foundation of the city of Mexico — Disaffec- tion in Mexico to the government of Monte- zuma — Montezuma — His mode of Ufe, his court, &c. — Religion — Arts — Political institutions — ■ Education — Public amusements — Trade — Mo- ney — Accommodations for travellers in Mexico — Introduction of Catholic doctrines - - 70 CHAPTER VII. Cortez enters Mexico — Montezuma and Cortez treat each otherwith mutual respect — Spaniards hospitably treated in Mexico — Cortez seeks a quarrel with Montezuma — Montezuma im- prisoned — Mexicans throv/n into great distr-^ss iDy the imprisonment of their monarch — Ve- lasquez despatches from Cuba a military force to intercept the plans of Cortez — Cortez defeats the detachment sent against him by Velasquez, 95 CHAPTER VIII. Mexico and the neighbouring cities — Tributaries of the King of Mexico yield to Cortez — Quetla- vaca succeeds Montezuma — Cortez commences and carries on the siege of Mexico — The In- dians defend themselves vigorously — They yield at length — Guatamozin surrenders hirnself— The Mexican empire is gradually subdued — The siege of Mexico compared with the siege of Jerusalem — The Spanish conquerors not y\ CONTENTS. Page governed by Christian principles — Modern ideas of true glory more rational and just than those of antiquity - - - - -117 CHAPTER IX. Cortez interrupted in his projects by Fonseca — He proceeds to establish the Spanish dominion m New Spain — Use of exhibiting bad examples — Indians suffer from the tyranny of the Spa- niards — The Spaniards also suffer many hard- ships — Cortez repairs to Spain — A viceroy of New Spain is appointed — Cortez dies — Comparison between Cortez and Columbus - 181 CHAPTER X. Form of government similar, all over Spanish America — Tenure of property in the Spanish Colonies — Impolitic restrictions laid upon trade — Bad consequence of the restrictions — Eccle- siastical establishment in New Spain— Classes in society — Labourers — Provisions for the sujj- port of government - - - - 140 CHAPTER XL Government of viceroys — Their number — Char- acter, and the public feeling concerning them — Meaning of political liberty — Ignorance and poverty prevalent in New Spain — The Colo- nists become disaffected to the Spanish govern- ment — Great estates, and opulence of proprie- tors — Unhappy moral state of New Spain — Political discords in Old Spain, offer an oppor- tunity for the discontented in the colonies to emancipate themselves — Buonaparte's aggres- sions in Spain — Iturrigaray — Royalists and Patriots — Hidalgo — His enterprises and death CONTENTS. VU Page — Constitution framed by the Patriots — More- los and Metamoros — Their projects and end — General Mina— Spanish Cortes— Ferdinand VIT. — Mina's exploits in Spain — He is made pri- soner in France, but afterwards set at hberty — He goes to England — Proceeds to the United States — Lands in Mexico — Attaches to himself followers — Advances to the interior — Torres — His character — Horrors of the siege of Som- brero — Mina's defeat — Don Mariano Herrara — Mina taken prisoner by royalists — He is shot — Misuse of Mina's talents — Iturbide — His plan of government — Its administration — Itur- bide sent to Europe — Returns to Mexico and is executed - - - - - 147 CHAPTER XII. Physical features of countries as well as political history, desirable to be known — Creoles and Spaniards hate each other — Spaniards banished by the Mexican Congress — Catholic religion universal in Mexico — Principal cities of Mexi- co — Vera Cruz — Puebla andXalapa — Creoles in Mexico — Their ignorance, superstition, and public amusements — Cathedral of Puebla — Py- ramid of Cholula — Volcanoes — City of Mexico — Houses — Churches — Public buildings — Pub- lic walks — Indians — Their villages — Manufac- tures — Manners and habitations — Curiosities in Mexico — Monks — Tezcuco — Oturuba — Destruction of Mexican monuments — Customs of the Provinces — Village of St. Miguel - 176 CHAPTER Xm. Vaquis and Opates — Banderas — His exploits and character — Spanish settlers — A Spanish neat-herd - - - _ _ 205 CONTENTS, CHAPTER XIV. Page Retrospective view of Spanish discoveries — Bal- boa, and the Indian Comagre — Pizarro - 21 S CHAPTER XV. Settlement of Panama — Projects of Pizarro, Al- magro, and de Luque — Peru — Ohstacles to the progress of Pizarro's plans — Pizarro, not dis- heartened, proceeds to Spain — The Ernperor offers conditions to Pizarro — Pizarro goes to Peru — Peruvian history — The Incas — The sovereigns of Peru engaged in civil war- Pizarro avails himself of the civil war to make the conquest of Peru - - - - 221 CHAPTER XVI. Pizarro reaches Coxamalca — The Inca visits Pizarro — Is taken prisoner, and afterwards murdered — Pizarro acquires immense wealth — Almagro executed — Pizarro is murdered — Great confusion prevails in Peru — The em- peror sends out a viceroy — He is killed — Gas- ca is sent out from Spain — Defeats Gonzalo Pizarro— Composes all discords, and returns to Spain — Untimely death of the Pizarros — The end 231 TALES AMERICAN HISTORY. CHAPTER I. In the history of Columbus it was related that the Portuguese nation, for several years previous to the discovery of America, had been much interested in seeking a passage to India, and that the king of Portugal, when he learned what Columbus had accomphshed, was vexed that he had not the honour of being the patron of that great man. John II. of Portugal, however, had entrusted a small fleet to one Bartholomew Diaz, and that navigator had dis- covered the southern extremity of Africa. When Diaz arrived at the last limit of South Africa, and beheld the ocean beyond it, he was con- vinced that by proceeding he should make some more important discovery ; but he had been absent from Lisbon sixteen months, his ships were in a shattered condition, and his men entreated that they might return to Portugal. For these reasons, Diaz, being the first navigator who is known to have ex- plored the whole western coast of Africa, sailed for 10 CAPE OP GOOD HOPE Portugal, where he arrived safely, and gave the king information that he had reached a promontory which formed the extreme southern point of the eastern continent. This promontory is the Cape of Good Hope. Emanuel, the successor of king John on the throne of Portugal, determined that his people should pass beyond the Cape ; and in order to prosecute further discoveries, he fitted out vessels under Vasco de Gama, a man of much hardihood and prudence. Gama departed from Lisbon on the ninth of July, A. D. 1497, and having proceeded south four months, he passed the Cape, and advanced in a north easterly direction. Gama thus entered the Indian ocean, having coasted all along Africa, from the river Senegal to the country of Zanquebar ; and in all these countries, wherever he went ashore, he saw men very different from Europeans. Those on the coast of Guinea, and of southern Africa, were sa- vages, but the ports north of Mozambique exhibited civilized men — persons who knew how to read and write, who were instructed in the Mahommedan reli- gion, and who owned ships, and carried on trade with the neighbouring countries of Asia. At one of the African ports, Gama procured a Mahom- medan pilot, and proceeded to Calecut, on the coast of Malabar, where he landed May 22d, 1498. The Portuguese celebrate this achievement of Gama as the greatest maritime exploit of their nation. It opened a new road from Europe to India; and from that day to this, innumerable ships from Euro- pean countries have traversed the path which the Portuguese navigator first ascertained, and have conveyed with facility the productions of India to the people of Europe. Caraoens, an eminent Portuguese poet, composed DISCOVERED BY DE GAMA. 11 a poem upon this discovery ; it is called the Lusiad, and has been translated into English. De Gama's fleet, anchoring in the harbour of Mozambique, is thus described in the Lusiad : " The moon, full-orbed, forsakes her watery cave, And lifts her lovely head above the wave ; The snowy splendours of her modest ray Stream o'er the dashing waves, and glistening play: Around her, shining on the heaven's arched brow, Unnumbered stars, enclosed in azure, glow, Thick as the dewdrops on the April dawn, Or May-flowers crowding on the dewy lawn. The canvass whitens in the silver beam, And with a mild pale red the pendants gleam ; The mast's tall shadows tremble o'er the deep, , The peaceful lines a holy silence keep ; The watchman's carol, echoed from the prows, Alone, at times, awakes the still repose." MickWs translation. De Gama, after his return voyage, landed at Lis- bon, September 14th, 1499, and related his adven- tures to his countrymen. The fifteenth century is the most brilliant period of modern history. The achievements of military conquerors are nothing in comparison with those of Columbus or De Gama. Armies may find know- ledge in the countries they conquer, as the Romans found arts and literature in Greece, and began to improve themselves after they had taken possession of Greece ; or a conquering prince may carry learn- ing into barbarous nations which he" subdues, as Alexander's successors cherished literature in the countries in which they established themselves ; but useful arts, various productions, and the knowledge of different nations, are peacefully and happily inter- changed only by means of free trade and universal good-will among men. 12 DISCOVERY OF BRAZIL. Though the discovery of De Gama was made on the section of the earth opposite to the western con- tinent, yet this discovery led to further knowledge of America. The king of Portugal, after Gama's re- turn, fitted out another fleet, which he gave in charge to Pedro Alvarez Cabral, and despatched him on the course which Gama had taken, commanding him to estabhsh a settlement on the coast of Malabar, and never once considering that the owners of that terri- tory might be averse to strangers, and unwilling to admit them. Cabral knew that very variable winds blew along the coast of Africa, and he presumed that far out into the Atlantic favourable breezes would be more constant, and that he should proceed more rapidly than De Gama had done if he should steer further west. In pursuance of this plan, Cabral kept so far to the west, that he soon found himself upon an un- known coast. He landed, discovered the soil to be fertile, and the climate agreeable, and took posses- sion of the country in the name of the king of Por- tugal. This country proved to be Brazil, which is the easternmost country of South America ; and ever since, till within a few years,* it has been a Portuguese possession. Ovando, Mdio was governor of Hispaniola when Columbus died, and who must be remembered by those who have read the life of Columbus, as the murderer of Anacaona, and a most cruel oppressor of the poor Indians, was in many respects a wise governor, for he turned the attention of the Spanish colonists from the search for gold to more useful occupations. Some slips of sugar-cane had been brought from the Canary Islands, and they were ♦ In 1825 Brazil was declared to be independent of Por- tugal. CRUELTY OF THE SPANIARDS. 13 soon made to thrive in the fertile soil of Hispaniola. Extensive plantations of sugar were begun, and in time, such quantities of that article were manufac- tured and exported to Europe, that the sales of sugar afforded a large revenue to the king' of Spain. Ferdinand, the patron of Columbus, was suc- ceeded in the sovereignty of Spain by his grandson, who was emperor of Germany, as well as king of Spain, and is known in history as the Emperor Charles V. Many splendid buildings were erected in Spain under this monarch, and it used to be said, " the palaces of Charles were built of the sugar of the West Indies." The most useful labourers in the different under- takings of the Spaniards, were the poor Indians ; but these unhappy creatures, being deprived of all which they had once possessed, and being assigned in companies, called Repartimienlos^ to the different proprietors of their own former territory, languished and died under these hardships, till the number of them was diminished nearly nine-tenths. The rapacious Spaniards did not acquire wealth so fast as they desired in Hispaniola, so many of them re- solved upon following any adventurer who should attempt new discoveries. Columbus discovered Porto Rico in his second voyage, and this island was settled by a Spanish colony, under Juan Ponce de Leon, an officer who had commanded under Ovando. The natives of Porto Rico, like those of Hispaniola, soon sunk under the cruel treatment of the Spaniards, and at length the latter had so few labourers, that they were obliged to purchase negro slaves. In Africa the nativie tribes fight much, and the parties victorious in these skirmishes, when the Por- tuguese began to trade with the Africans, used to 2 14 DON DIEGO COLUMBUS. sell their prisoners to Europeans. After the Spa- niards had exterminated the poor Indians, they gave great prices for negroes, whom they employed to work in their colonies, and those unhappy people have been purchased in Africa, and carried out to the American colonies for slaves ever since. Ovando not only encouraged industry in the co- lony under his government, but he assisted those who wished to prosecute further discoveries. By command of Ovando, Sebastian de Ocampo sailed round Cuba, and ascertained it to be an island ; and about the same time, Juan Diaz de Solis, and Yin- cent Yanez Pinzon, discovered the peninsula of Yacatan. The last project of Ovando, was the voyage of Ocampo, for he was recalled to Spain, and Don Diego Columbus was invested with the government of Hispaniola. It must be remembered, that when Columbus was appointed viceroy of all the countries he should disr cover, that the same dignity was to be hereditary in his family. On the death of Columbus in 1506, his son Don Diego claimed the right of succession, but the king of Spain continued Ovando in the govern- ment of Hispaniola, and neglected the claim of Don Diego, till the latter commenced a suit against the king ; and the Council of the Indies^ a court before which the atlair was laid, decreed that according to the promise made to his father, Don Diego was the legitimate governor. Don Diego Columbus com- menced his administration in 1509. For several years after Columbus had discovered the mainland, no settlement was attempted upon it ; but in 1510, the king of Spain granted the tract which extends from Cape Gracias a Dios to Cape de Yela, to two adventurers, Ojeda and Nienessa, and upon it they proposed to establish colonies. Balboa's government. 15 The attempt to do this failed. The natives were more warlike than those of the islands ; they used poisoned arrows, and in a rencontre seventy of Ojeda's men were slain by the Indians. At length this colony, from sickness, famine, and the incessant hostility of the natives, was reduced to a few men under the command of Vasco Nugnez de Balboa. Balboa was a man of more sense and virtue than the generality of the Spanish adventurers, and his history is, on that account, more interesting and affecting. Balboa was anxious to preserve his little colony, and to make it respectable, and he hoped to deserve the favour of the king of Spain. The men who were left in the charge of Balboa, elected him their governor, and he wished the king to approve their choice. In order to obtain this favour, he endeavoured to perform every service in his power. He subdued the neighbouring chiefs, and collected a considerable quantity of gold, intending to send it to Spain, and resolved upon extending the posses- sions of Spain upon the continent. In one of Balboa's excursions in quest of gold, the Spaniards quarrelled violently about dividing it, and some of the natives who were standing by expected that they would kill each other. On this occasion one of the caciques, who was weighing the gold about which they were disputing, addressing himself to the Spaniards, exclaimed, " Why do you quarrel about such a trifle 1 If you love gold so much as to forsake your own country, and to vex and disturb other nations in order to obtain it, I will show you the way to a land in which it abounds." Balboa and his companions were delighted with this information, and eagerly inquired where the happy land lay. The cacique replied, that at the distance of six suns, which meant, at the distance of 16 BALBOA UNDERTAKES THE six days' journey, they would find another ocean, and that along its borders lay the territory of a powerful nation rich in gold. This was Peru. Balboa recollected Columbus had presumed that the ocean lay to the west, and he resolved to go immediately in search of it. Balboa could not undertake his enterprise alone, so he sent to the governor of Hispaniola for men to join him, and he engaged some friendly caciques to attend them. The isthmus of Darien, which Balboa was about to explore, is in some places not more than thirty miles in width, but it was then crossed by lofty mountains and tangled forests, and infested with reptiles unknown in Europe. Balboa did not know all the difficulties of his journey before he undertook it ; but he was a man of great hardihood, and so kind and encouraging to others, that he entered upon laborious undertakings with all the hope, and all the helps which are necessary to en- counter dangers successfully. Balboa set out on the 1st of September, 1513. One hundred and ninety Spaniards, and one thousand Indians accompanied him ; and besides these was a troop of ferocious dogs. On his way a powerful body of natives stopped the followers of Balboa, but the latter easily scattered the Indians, and they pro- ceeded slowly, and with infinite toil, over rocks and bogs, and found the distance of^six suns extended to twenty- five. At length, being in sight of a high mountain, an Indian told Balboa, that beyond its summit lay the ocean. On receiving this information, Balboa com- manded his men to halt, that he might proceed alone, and be the first to enjoy the spectacle which he had so long desired. Nor was he disappointed in his anticipations, — " As soon as he beheld the South DISCOVERY OF PERU. 17 Sea, stretching in endless prospect before him, he fell on his knees, and lifting up his hands to heaven, returned thanks to God, who had conducted him to a discovery so beneficial to his country, and so honourable to himself. His followers, observing his transports of joy, rushed forward to join in his wonder, exultation, and gratitude. They held on their course to the shore with alacrity, when Balboa, advancing up to the middle in the waves with his buckler and sword, took possession of that ocean in the name of the king his master, and vowed to de- fend it against all his enemies."* Balboa soon made demands upon the neighbour- ing chiefs, and they sent him considerable quantities of gold and pearls. He learned that the sea w^hich he had discovered, abounded in pearl oysters, and that to the south-east lay a mighty and opulent king- xiom, where the natives employed tame animals to carry their burdens. A drawing of these tame ani- mals was made upon the sand, and it proved to be the lama, or Peruvian camel. Balboa would have proceeded to Peru, but the intention to conquer every country they discovered was always uppermost in the minds of the Spaniards ; therefore, Balboa thought his forces insufficient, and after an absence of four months, he returned to his settlement, called Santa Maria, having made a dis- covery only second in glory to that of Columbus himself. Balboa, trusting that he had performed a service highly acceptable, sent information of his discovery to the king of Spain, and requested a thousand men to prosecute further conquests. The people of Spain were so much pleased with this intelligence, that multitudes were eager to en- gage in the service which Balboa proposed ; expect- * This memorable event took place September 26, 1513, 2* 18 BALBOA SUPERSEDED. ing, as was said at the time, to cast their nets into the sea, and to draw out gold. Ferdinand, as the history of Columbus abundantly proves, was a prince eminently ungrateful to those who rendered the best services to their country, and he ungenerously for- got the merit of Balboa, and named Pedrarias Davila governor of Darien, with the command of fifteen vessels, and twelve hundred soldiers. Pedrarias reached the gulf of Darien in safety, and immediately sent on shore an officer, with the king's commission, announcing him the governor of the colony. The Spaniards had heard of Balboa as a gallant warrior, and rich in the spoils taken from the Indians, but when Pedrarias arrived, he found Balboa clad in a canvass jacket and hempen sandals, and engaged in thatching with his own hands the little hut which was his habitation. But in this mean garb, Balboa lost none of his dignity, and received his guests with becoming courtesy. Many adventurers from the islands had joined Balboa, and the number of his adherents was about four hundred and fifty. These men, who knew the excellent qualities of their leader, murmured loudly against the injustice of the king in displacing him ; but Balboa submitted with a good grace, and treated Pedrarias with proper respect. Pedrarias, however, had no good feeling towards Balboa, and perceiving how much the latter was honoured by the colonists, determined to disgrace him. While Nicuessa governed in the district allotted to him by the king of Spain, Balboa was an officer under him, and was at that time accused of some misdemeanors. Pedrarias revived these accusa- tions, and imposed a fine on Balboa, as a punish- ment for forgotten offences. To be disgraced and punished among those by whom he had been re- BY PEDRARIAS. 19 garded with the highest respect, and where he had been imphcitly obeyed, was a severe affliction to Balboa, and rendered Pedrarias detestable to the friends of the former. In consequence of the ill treatment offered to Balboa, incessant quarrels were kept up between his friends and the advocates of Pedrarias ; and, to add to the miseries of contention and mutual ill-will, the want of provisions, and a fatal disease, in the space of a month carried off above six hundred of the colonists. The Spaniards who had followed Pedrarias, in the hope of growing suddenly rich, finding themselves among the sick and dying, and w^ithout the comforts to which they had been accus- tomed, became heartily tired of the new world, and anxious to return to Spain. Pedrarias, in order to reconcile these disaffected persons to their condition, sent them into the interior of the country to obtain gold. Balboa, in his trans- actions with the natives had gained their friendship, and they readily formed alliances with him, but under Pedrarias, the Spaniards treated the Indians with excessive violence and cruelty, and the whole coun- try from the gulf of Darien to lake Nicaragua, was depopulated by their exactions, so that they were deprived of the advantage of all amicable traffic with the Indians. Balboa could not see the inhuman and unwise conduct of Pedrarias without indignation ; and he sent to Spain a true account of the proceedings by which that wicked governor had ruined his once flourishing colony. The king of Spain was thus made sensible of his own injustice, and immediately appointed Balboa, adelantado of the country upon the South Sea, at the same time commanding Pe- drarias to aid him in all his projects. But it is 20 EXECUTION OF BALBOA. not possible for the commands of a king to reconcile implacable enemies. Because he bad injured him, Pedrarias hated Balboa ; and Balboa detested Pedra- rias, because he acted unjustly and unwisely. The king, when he gave Balboa the appointment of adelantado, sent him no money, and that unfortu- nate man had nothing with which to fit out any expedition ; but notwithstanding his want of means, he contrived to build four small vessels, and engage three hundred men in his service. After Balboa had received the appointment from the king of Spain, Pedrarias pretended to befriend him, and Balboa married his daughter, but as soon as Pedra- rias learned the friendly dispositions of the colonists towards Balboa, his envy was excited. No man takes pleasure in seeing one whom he unjustly hates, regarded with affection and honour by others. To gratify his malignity, Pedrarias determined to cut short the days of his rival. Just as Balboa was about to set sail upon his intended expedition, Pedra- rias sent him a request that he would for a short time postpone his voyage, and repair to the place of his residence, as Pedrarias, so he pretended, wished to have an interview with him previous to his depar- ture. Balboa, who was conscious of no crime, and incapable of a dishonourable action himself, sus- pected no injurious intention on the part of Pedrarias, and readily attended his summons. As soon as Pedrarias had Balboa in his power, he ordered him to prison. Here Balboa was not long confined, — Pedrarias appointed judges to try him. He was accused of a design to revolt from the authority of the governor whom the king had ap- pointed ; sentence of death was then pronounced, and Balboa was immediately executed. The Span- iards beheld with indiornation and sorrow the execu- SETTLEMENT OF CUBA. 21 tion of a man more capable of accomplishing useful and honourable objects, than any who had borne command on the continent of America. Upon the death of Balboa, the design of his expedition was for a time abandoned, and the colony under Pedra- rias languished, and was removed to Panama, on the other side of the isthmus. — •^♦►^0^5 ©Hit** CHAPTER II. During the government of Don Diego Columbus, the most memorable, occurrence was the coloniza- tion of Cuba. Hispaniola, though once capable of affording subsistence to a million of Indians with their simple habits, when only fourteen thousand remained of the original population, did not afford means to satisfy the rapacity of a few thousand Spaniards. Among the companions of Columbus in his se- cond voyage, was one Diego Velasquez. This man established himself in Hispaniola, and there acquired a large fortune. When Diego Columbus found it expedient to effect a settlement in Cuba, he entrusted the conquest of that island to Velasquez. Three hundred men were deemed a sufficient force to subdue an island, seven hundred miles in extent, and filled with inhabitants. The natives of Cuba were as unwarlike as those of Hispaniola, and as little prepared to defend them- selves, though it happened that an Indian, who had taken refuge on the island, exhorted them to resist the invaders. This man's name was Hatuey: he 22 HATUEY'S CRUEL DEATH. was a cacique, who had fled from Hispaniola, and taken refuge at the eastern extremity of Cuba. Hatuey had attached to himself followers, and they arrayed themselves for battle against the Spaniards, and endeavoured to force back the latter to their ships as they were landing. This effort was useless : the troops of Hatuey were overcome, and himself taken prisoner. Velasquez did not regard the unhappy Hatuey in his true character, that of a patriot, a lover and de- fender of his country; but he considered him no other than a runaway slave, who had taken up arms against his master. According to this false and unworthy notion, Velasquez condemned Hatuey to be burnt alive. Though the Spaniards had no just sense of humanity they pretended to be religious, and when they inflicted a cruel death upon the Indians, they would attempt to instruct them in Christian doctrines. When Hatuey, that he might be consumed in the flames, was fastened to the stake, a Franciscan friar offered to convert him. " If you believe what I tell you concerning our holy faith," said the friar, addressing himself to Hatuey, " as soon as the fire has consumed your body you will enter Heaven, and be happy there for ever." " Are there any Spa- niards in that place, which you say is so happy ?" asked the wretched Hatuey. " Yes," replied the Franciscan, " but only such as are holy and good." " Then I will not go thither," rejoined Hatuey, " the best of them have no goodness. I will never go to a place where I shall meet one of that detest- able race." The dreadful example of Spanish vengeance which was exhibited in the death of Hatuey, served lo terrify the whole people of Cuba, so that they DISCOVERY OF FLORIDA. 23 scarcely made any opposition to Velasquez, who advanced peaceably into the island, established the colony, and was declared its governor in 1512. The next enterprise of the Spaniards was the dis- covery of the peninsula of Florida, in 1513, by Juan Ponce de Leon, the conqueror of Porto Rico. A foolish and false tradition, related by the natives of Porto Rico, induced Ponce de Leon to undertake a voyage of discovery. The Indians said, that at Bimini, one of the Lucayo islands, was a fountain, the waters of which possessed the wonderful pro- perty to restore to the aged and infirm the beauty and vigour of youth. It is not strange that the un- instructed Indians should believe this fiction, but it exhibits an excessive credulity in the better informed Spaniards, to be thus deceived ; nevertheless, Ponce de Leon went in search of the fabulous fountain, and discovered that beautiful tract of country which he named Florida, or the flowery. Under Diego Velasquez the colony of Cuba pros- pered, and it soon became the most flourishing of the Spanish settlements. But the persons who re- sorted to Cuba were not all satisfied to remain there, and they readily engaged in a voyage of discovery which was proposed. In 1517, Velasquez gave the command of three ships to Francesco Hermandez Cordova, an opulent planter of Cuba, and a hundred and ten men embarked on board of these vessels. On the twenty-first day after his departure from Cuba, the little squadron of Cordova reached Cape Catoche, the eastern point of Yucatan. The na- tives came out to see the Spaniards, and were decently clad in cotton garments. These Indians seemed to regard the strangers kindly, and invited them to visit their habitations. But this was trea- cherous hospitalitv, for the cacique had posted a 24 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO considerable number of men in ambush, and these fell upon the Spaniards, and wounded and killed se- veral. The Spaniards, not liking this fierce recep- tion, proceeded on their voyage', which terminated in exploring the coast of Campeachy and returning to Cuba. Though nothing, except some specimens of gold, had been gained by the expedition of Cordova, and that commander died soon after his return to Cuba, the intelligence of new countries disposed Velas- quez to engage in farther discoveries ; and he fitted out four vessels, which he committed to the com- mand of Juan de Grijalva, who immediately pro- ceeded in the direction which Cordova had taken ; and having arrived at Yucatan, landed on the penin- sula, with the intention to punish the natives who had slain his countrymen under Cordova. But on engaging with the natives, the Spaniards found it more difficult to conquer them than they had ex- pected, and they proceeded, without further delay, along the coast of Campeachy and Mexico, till they nearly approached the tropic. This shore was beautifid, being cultivated, and exhibiting settlements at different places all along, with houses which appeared white and lofty in the distance. One of the sailors happening to remark that the country resembled Spain, Grijalva called it JYew Spain, the name by which that region is still known. The Spaniards landed at different places, and were well received. Grijalva learnt from the natives that they were the subjects of one monarch, called Montezuma, and that his dominion extended over many provinces. Some of Grijalva's men wished to remain in this delightful region, and would have commenced a settlement without further delay ; but Grijalva thought it prudent to return to BY CORDOVA. 25 Cuba, and his squadron arrived there, after an ab- sence of six months, October 26th, 15 IS. This was the longest and most successful voyage which had been undertaken by the Spaniards in the new world. Yucatan was ascertained to be a pen- insula, and not an island, as had been supposed, and the countries which had been explored were extensive and fertile. The intelligence of all this was quickly sent to Spain; and Velasquez, happy beyond measure in the success of Grijalva, pro- ceeded to fit out a more powerful force to conquer and colonize New Spain. Twenty-six years had now elapsed since the dis- covery, in 1492. During that time the Spaniards had visited the Islands now called the West Indies ; had conquered and colonized Hispaniola, Porto Rico, and Cuba ; had explored the poast of the con- tinent, along the Gulf of Mexico from the tropic, south and east to Yucatan, proceeding thence all along the north coast of South America, and still further in a southerly direction to the mouth of the great river La Plata. The English navigators had explored the whole coast from Labrador to Florida ; so that the western continent and its islands, as far as the thirty-iifth degree of south latitude, was known to Europeans. The countries now called Patago- nia, Chili, the great empire of Peru, the north west coast, and the vast regions of the interior of Ame- rica, remained still unknown. No young person can read this book without thought. It will not be interesting, if the reader, as he proceeds in the narrative, is not willing to exa- mine the map of North America ; if he is not willing to think of the particular times in which the events mentioned occurred ; if he only desires to amuse 26 FERDINAND CORTEZ. himself, and does not care to improve his mind by knowledge of truth. But if he should do all this, the conquest of Mexico, which is the history that will immediately follow, and which is a very important part of the history of nations^ will afford Inm plea- sure, even while it gives him pain ; for there is pleasure in the acquisition of all knowledge, though no human mind can contemplate the atrocities of the Spaniards in Mexico, without indignation against the perpetrators of such crimes, and compassion for the unfortunate people towards whom this pitiless part was acted. Velasquez lost no time in making the necessary preparations for the conquest which he designed, never once considering the exceeding injustice of such a proceeding. It must be remembered, that the Spaniards thought all people who were not in- structed in the Catholic faith were enemies of God, and that it was the duty of all good Catholics to inflict as much suffering upon the infidels as they conveniently could. his false opinion made the Spaniards wholly indifferent to the rights and hap- piness of the poor Indians in America. When Velasquez had fitted out his armament, he found it necessary to appoint a man of courage and boldness to undertake the command of it. The person whom he selected for the conduct of this im- portant business, was Fernando Cortez. Cortez was a native Spaniard, born in 1485, at Medellin, a town in the province of Estramadura, and descended from a noble family of small fortune. The parents of Cortez intended to educate him for the profession of the law, and he was sent to the university of Sala- manca, where he imbibed the elements of learning, but where he made no distinguished progress, as the CORTEZ SAILS WITH 27 character of his mind disposed him particularly to an active life. Cortez soon grew tired of Salamanca, and re- turned to Medellin. There he abandoned all study, and gave himself up to military exercises, and a life of amusement. On account of this turn of mind, his father consented to gratify the young man's desire of going out among other adventurers to America. He landed at St. Domingo in 1504, and was kindly received by Ovando, who was his kinsman. Cortez remained in St. Domingo till 1511, and then accompanied Velasquez to the island of Cuba. Ve- lasquez and Cortez often quarrelled, but Velasquez, perceiving that Cortez was a man of ability, at length took him into favour. Cortez£ossessed a powerful mind, and was not soon fatiguecT'or drscouraged ; he w%s perse verihg/ self-ctrrTfideri!,lLhd^ihcarpabre of fear ; his person was fineTand his manners'lcommanded respect. These qualities recomriiended him to Velasquez, and he made him the leader of the expedition against Mexico. Cortez gladly accepted the appointment, and the men put under his command looked up to bim with respect and affection ; indeed, so much was Cortez esteemed, that Velasquez began to be afraid that the people under his government would in time set Cortez above him ; and he also feared that the wealth and glory which Cortez might acquire, would make him still more important. If Velasquez had previously considered these ob- iections to the appointment of Cortez, he would not lave made it, but when that commander was ready to embark, Velasquez first thought to deprive him af his command. Velasquez lived at the settlement jf St. J ago, and Cortez departed for his voyage from mother place on the same coast, called Trinidad. 28 FORCES FOR MEXICO. While Cortez was at Trinidad, Velasquez became exceedingly anxious to prevent his departure, and ordered Verdugo, the chief magistrate of Trinidad, to compel him to resign his command ; but Cortez had under his authority the whole force destined for his expedition, and Verdugo found that he could not force him to abandon a project in which he was so deeply interested. Every person who engaged with Cortez expected to make his fortune in New Spain, and eveiy one contributed what he could afford to equip the fleet. The whole squadron, however, consisted of only eleven vessels. On board of these were six hun- dred and seventeen men — five hundred and eight officers and soldiers, and a hundred and nine sea- men and mechanics. Thirteen men were armed with musquets, thirty with cross-bows, and the rest with swords and lances. There were also sixteen horses, ten small pieces of cannon, and four culve- rins, which are a sort of cannon, very long and small. — This little armament was fitted out to con- quer the empire of a powerful king. Cortez took the same course that Grijalva had done. He stopped at an island called Cozumel, and found there a Spaniard, named Aquilar, who, daring eight years, had resided among the Indians. This poor man had adopted the customs of the Indians, went naked, twisted up his hair in the Indian fashion, and carried about a bow and arrows. He still pre- served his prayer book, which he continued devoutly to read. Aquilar related that he had suffered ship- wreck on the coast of Cozumel, v/ith nineteen of his countrymen ; that some of these had died of hunger and fatigue, some had been sacrificed to idols, and others had escaped into the country, and lived among Indians less hostile to them than those of TRADITION OF THE MEXICANS. 29 the coast. Cortez took pity on Aquiiar, and carried him off to New Spain. When the ships of Grijalva had appeared off the shores of Mexico, the natives were struck with astonishment at the sight of the vessels, the white men, clothed in armour, and other objects entirely new to them. They consulted together what should be done, and at length thought it best to send intel- ligence of this wonderful occurrence to their king, Montezuma. In order to convey to Montezuma the most per- fect ideas of the Spaniards and their equipments, the natives caused the vessels, arms, and persons of the strangers, to be represented in such paintings as they were capable of executing ; and they also sent with these, the glass beads and other baubles, which the Spaniards had given them in exchange for more valuable things. Montezuma was exceedingly disturbed when he received this intelhgence. He called a council of his lords, and they conferred upon what was best to be done. The council concluded that the leader of the strangers was no other than Quet-zal-cot, the god of the air. The loud sound of the artillery, so nearly resembling thunder, led the poor Mexicans to presume that the god of air intimated his coming by these extraordinary sounds. There existed among this people a prophecy, that Quet-zal-cot should once more return to earth ; for he was a beneficent prince, who had reigned over them, and he was now deified ; and they looked for his second coming to rule over them, in peace and happiness. Montezuma, upon this, thought it proper to pay the utmost respect to the supposed god ; and ordered five persons of high rank, to repair to the coast with a handsome present, which they were to offer to 3* ^ INDIAN MODE OF WARFARE. . Quet-zal-cot. Ho^vever, when the king's arabassa^ dors reached the shore, the Spaniards were out of . sight, haWng proceeded northwards. When Cortez an-ived on the Mexican coast, the | natives do not appear to have entertained the reve- rence for him which they had fek for Grijalva. Cor- . tez landed without ceremony, and attended by large numbers of his men, proceeded to march up the i country, and take such provisions as they could find. \ The Indians, enraged at this conduct, and ignorant ! of the effect of fire-arms, attacked the Spaniards in ! larse numbers. A decisive battle was then fought, | and eight hundred Indians v>'ere killed, while only ] one Spaniard lost his life, and about sixty were j wounded. 1 It may be well at this time to give you some : notion of the Indian mode of warfare. The greater ■ pai-t of the Indians were armed with bows, arrows, ; and lances. The bow-strings were twisted entrails ■ of beasts, or the long hair of some animal, twisted ; so as to form a strong and elastic cord ; and the \ arrows were pointed with sharp fish bones. They ; also carried a sabre, made of hard wood, exceedingly J heavv, and which inflicted a terrible blow. Some of them earned chibs, and others shngs ; and they possessed the art of hurling large stones with much ! dexterity and effect. j The chiefs only wore armor. They covered j their breasts with a cuirass of quilted cotton. This , substance is less penetrable to pointed instruments, | than any equally soft — a cushion stuffed with cotton, does not easily admit the points of pins — in the same i manner, when the barbs of arrows stiiick up^n the , cotton cuirass, they were entangled or turned back, i The crreater part of the warriors were quite naked. Their faces and bodies were painted of various co- i SUPERIORITY OF THE SPANIARDS. 31 lours, and upon their heads they wore towering plumes, to increase their stature and to make them appear more terrible. The Indians made use of martial music. Their musical instruments were large conch shells, a flute of reeds, and a drum made of the hollow trunk of a tree. It has been the custom in European warfare, not to engage all the soldiers at once, but to take out a certain number, and keep them in waiting till their services should be most useful. This is called the corps de reserve. The Indians practised the same expedient. These inexperienced people, be- fore they had any engagement with the Europeans, had no apprehension that their larger numbers could not disperse the little band which appeared against them. — The Indians commenced the combat by terrible shouts, and by hurling a shower of arrows at the enemy, but this onset was nothing against the cavalry and fire-arms of the Spaniards ; and when at length hostilities took place between the Europeans and the Indians, the Indians not only felt themselves conquered, but humbled. Cortez said, this sacrifice of the lives of the In- dians, was a just act on the part of the Spaniards, for they assured the Indians that they intended them no injury. When his victory was complete, Cortez sent for the lords of the province, and demanded of them to acknowledge him as their lawful sovereign. To inspire fear, he discharged his artillery and pro- duced his horses — -an animal with which they were unacquainted, and which at first sight always terri- fied them. The Pvlexicans readily submitted them- selves to this powerful master, and made him many presents, among which were twenty female slaves. Among the slaves was a young girl of much talent, who afterwards proved very useful to the 32 MARINA. Spaniards. This girl was celebrated by the Span- iards, as the first individual of ISew Spain who was converted to the Catholic faith. She was bap- tized by the name of Marina. Marina was the daughter of a Mexican lord. Her father had died while she was an infant, and her mother married a second time, and had a son. The parents of this boy loved him so much better than the girl, that they resolved to bestow upon him their whole property. Marina, as she v/as called by the Spaniards, was so well liked, that her parents would have been despised by their neighbours, had it been known that they had deprived her of her inheritance. These cruel parents, therefore, sold their daughter for a slave to some traders v/ho were going to a distant pro- vince, and pretended that she was dead, and that they mourned for her. The young girl was afterwards carried by the slave-dealers into Tabasco, the place where the Spaniards received her as a present. Marina understood the Maja language, which was spoken in Yucatan and Tabasco, besides that of her own country, and she soon learned Spanish. She loved the Spaniards, and so much did Cortez esteem her, that he often took her advice, and she accom- panied him wherever he went. Upon one occasion, in 1524, Marina went with Cortez to the province of Honduras. In her journey to Honduras, she passed through the country in which her mother lived — There she visited her mother and brother, and they must have felt upon that occasion, somewhat as the brothers of Joseph felt, when he recognised them in Egypt. Marina had been sold, as Joseph was sold to the Ishmaelites, and she had fallen into the hands of a rich and powerful man, who conquered her country, but who honoured and trusted her, and treated her HER GOOD CONDUCT. 33 with much attention and favour. When the mother and brother of Marina saw her, they were afraid she would revenge the wrongs done to her infancy. They knew she could dispose the Spaniards to fol- low her advice, and they feared she would tell them to take away their property, or kill them. The fears of the guilty mother and son, proved to be unfounded : when they saw Marina they ap- proached her with tears, and entreated her forgive- ness of their selfish and cruel conduct towards her, but she possessed too much generosity, to return evil for evil. She receiv^ed her mother and brother with affection, caressed them tenderly, forgave them freely, and proceeded on her journey, leaving them in admiration of her excellent disposition and con- duct. Cortez thought proper to explore the coast further, and taking leave of the lords of Tabasco, proceeded to the harbour upon which now stands the city of Vera Cruz. The Spaniards had scarcely arrived at this place when two large canoes full of Mexi- cans, came towards them. Marina understood their language, and communicated what they said to Aguilar, who understood the Maja language which she spoke, and who, in his turn, interpreted her words to the Spaniards. These Mexicans said they were sent by the governor of their province to inquire who were the strangers, what they wanted, and what might be done for their accommodation. This conduct was exceedingly benevolent, and Cortez received it graciously. He replied, that he had only come among them to traffic with them, and he then offered them some European trifles in exchange for gold. 34 MEXICAN GOVERNORS. CHAFTEH III. CoRTEZ finding a good harbour a few miles south of the present city of Vera Cruz, thought it a suita- ble place to take up his abode for that time ; so he formed an encampment near the shore, and was soon after visited by two Mexican governors of the neigh- bouring province. Their names were Teutile and Cuit-lal-pit-oc, and they were accompanied by a large number of attendants. Cortez received them respectfully, and invited them all to dine with him. By means of Marina and Aguilar, the Spanish chief and his visitors contrived to understand each other. After their dinner was over, Cortez addressed himself to Teutile and Cuit-lal-pit-oc, nearly thus : "I am the subject of Don Carlos, of Austria, the mightiest king of the east, and known all over the world for his riches and his bounty. My sovereign, having heard of the majesty and power of the king of Mexico, has sent me to these shores to offer his respects, and to communicate to him some affairs of importance ; it is, therefore, my intention to pre- sent myself to your king, as soon as it shall be his will to receive me." " I hear with pleasure," replied Teutile, '< of the magnificence of your sovereign, but -know that our monarch is not less glorious. His wealth and his goodness, cannot be surpassed by any king upon earth. — You have been only a few days in these realms, yet you desire to be admitted without delay, into the presence of Montezuma. I doubt not, that our, king will rejoice to hear from ano- ther prince as happy and powerful as himself, and that he will receive his ambassador in the most PRESENTS TO CORTEZ. 35 honourable manner, but first it will be necessary to give him information of your arrival, and he will then send such an answer, to your request, as may suit his royal pleasure. That he may form some notion of you, be pleased to allow our painters to take a view of yourselves and your equi- page, and also to accept from us the articles contained in this pet-la-calli, and these other gifts, the productions of our country," pointing to certain articles, which some of the attendants held in their hands, and others which were laid upon the ground. The pet-la-caUi was a small basket of woven reeds, and it contained several ornaments of wrought gold. Besides these, they offered Cortez a con- siderable quantity of cotton garments, some orna- mental plumes, and abundance of provisions. Cortez received all these presents with the utmost polite- ness, and consented that the painters should make pictures of whatever they pleased ; but to impress the whole company with astonishment and awe, he ordered the cavalry to be displayed before them, and the artillery to be discharged in a volley. An account of all this was transmitted to Montezuma by means of the paintings, imperfectly indeed, but as well as the execution of their artists would permit. The Mexicans and Peruvians had no post horses, but instead of them, couriers, stationed upon the roads, conveyed intellig-^^Bce from one to another, and thus any article wa& rapidly transported from one place to another. Seven days after the departure of the messengers, and of Teutile, the latter returned, accompanied by an ambassador, and a hundred men ofhurderiy bearing a present from P*Iontezuma to Cortez. It has been before remarked, that the Mexicans did not use brute animals for transportation. The 36 MONTEZUMA SENDS AN journey from the city of Mexico to the encampment of the Spaniards, was two hundred miles. That this distance was twice traversed in seven days, shows the dihgence of the couriers. The ambassa- dor was brought upon a Utter, and his carriers were constantly changed in his progress. When Montezuma learned the arrival of the Span- iards upon his coast, he was alarmed. He instantly consulted his gods in order to learn what should be done in respect to the strangers ; and their interpre- ters (for it appears that the Mexicans, like the Greeks, had oracles) instructed him that the gods had determined he should not admit the strangers to the city of Mexico. In consequence of this divine intimation, Montezuma determined with all possible respect to refuse the intended visit of Cortez. In order to satisfy Cortez, Montezuma sent his ambassador to him, and with him a valuable present which he imagined might induce the Spanish chief to leave his territory. When the ambassador was come into the presence of Cortez, he touched the earth with his hand, and then lifted it to his mouth, presented incense to Cortez and his officers, and saluted them all respectfully. After performing this oeremony, according to the customs of his country, the ambassador addressed himself to Cortez and his principal officers thus : — " I have come hither at the command of the king of Mexico, lie has instructed me to say to you, that he is happy to bear of your arrival in his dominions — happy that men so gallant and brave, are the servants of the illustrious king of Spain. He desires, most ooble lords, to present his thanks to your master, for .the gifts he has received at your hands ; and further, to express the honoi-ir in which he holds the king of Spain and his messengers, and he requests you to AMBASSADOR TO CORTEZ. 37 accept these tokens of his friendship to your sover- eign and yourselves." Having spoken thus, the ambassador caused his attendants to spread some fine mats and cotton cloths upon the ground, and upon these were soon placed in order, certain figures of wrought gold and silver. These were images of lions, tigers, apes, and other animals. Besides the images were cloth of fine cotton, and some fanciful works of party- coloured feathers. But the most curious objects were two wheels, one of gold, and the other of sil- ver — the former had the face of the sun engraved in the middle, and was surrounded by different figures, such as serpents, flowers, and birds ; the other wheel was the larger of the two, and repre- sented the moon in the centre, surrounded by figures similar to those which encircled the image of the sun. The Spaniards were not only delighted, but amazed at this display. The Indians whom they had previously seen, were neither so courteous, nor so ingenious. These appeared not only amiable, but of polished manners, and altogether far more civi- lized, than any other natives of the western world with whom they were acquainted. " This present, " added the ambassador, " my sovereign sends to the chief of this honourable com- pany, and to his companions. As to your king, Montezuma will soon send him some jewels of ines- timable value. In the mean time, it is his wish that you remain upon this shore, as long as shall be agreeable to you, to repose after the fatigue of your long voyage, and to provide yourselves with what- ever you may want to make you comfortable on your return to your native country. " Whatever you desire, which this country affords, I am commanded to say to you, is entirely at your 4 38 PRESENTS FOR THE KING OF SPAIN. service, and shall be given you whenever you ask it. In respect to your visit to the city of Mexico, in which my master dwells, I am charged to tell you, that no good purpose can be answered by it. The way from this coast to Mexico, is long and danger- ous — through uninhabited deserts in some parts, and in others through the territory of our enemies." Cortez was somewhat disappointed at Montezu- ma's message. He, however, accepted his presents, and begged the favour of the ambassador imme- diately to return to his king, and to represent to him that the king of Spain would be highly offended if his servants should return, without having seen and conversed with his royal brother the king of Mexico. The ambassador agreed to make a report of this to Montezuma, and politely taking leave of the Span- iards, departed in company with Teutile. In a short time Teutile once more returned, and offered to Cortez far more valuable presents than the former. These were especially designed for the great king of Spain. Wishing that king all happiness, the king of Mexico expressed a wish that he might receive no more messages from him, and declined to admit any of his subjects into his presence. Cortez, notwithstanding the perseverance of the Mexican king in refusing his solicitations, did not abandon his intention of proceeding to Mexico. The unfortunate Montezuma, when he sent costly gifts to the Spanish monarch and his emissaries, presumed that he conferred upon them all that they could desire. He did not know that hard-hearted avarice is never satisfied — that the more it gains, the more it asks ; nor did he conceive that the pos- session of a few of the best things which his country afforded, would create a desire in the minds of those selfish and rapacious Spaniards, to deprive him and ADVICE TO THE MEXICANS. 39 his subjects of whatever belonged to them — their country, and all its riches. Though the desire of gold seems to have been the prevailing passion of the greater number of Europeans who adventured into the new world, they had some sense of religion ; they pretended, and perhaps, many of them really felt so, to wish to instruct the natives in Christianity, which, as they understood that religion, was the Catholic faith. The Mexicans offered human sacrifices, than which nothing is more shocking to humanity, or more opposed to true religion. When the Spaniards per- ceived that the Mexicans murdered their fellow creatures in honour of their gods, superstitious as they were themselves, they represented to the mis- guided Indians that this cruel practice must be offen- sive to the true God whom they worshipped. Teutile, before he departed, observed that the Spaniards, at the stroke of a bell, kneeled down before a wooden cross. The Mexican lord won- dered what this could mean, and when he inquired, the Spaniards informed him, that Jesus Christ the son of God, the maker of heaven and earth, was once sent into the world, and that he taught men to be good ; but while some received his instructions, others hated him, and at length nailed him to a cross, like that before which the Spaniards offered their devotions. They further related, that this same Jesus died upon the cross, was buried, rose from the dead, and ascended into heaven ; that he still existed in heaven ; that men called Christians still honoured him, and endeavoured to act as he had taught and commanded while on earth; and that when they knelt before the image of the cross, they thought of Christ ; of his sufferings upon earth, and all his goodness to mankind, and that they prayed 40 ALAUM OF THE SPANIARDS. to him, that he would intercede with God theFather to forgive sinners, and bless all men. They also further represented to the Indians, that there is but one God ; that it is foolish and wicked to pray to false gods, and that the good and only God abhorred human sacrifices. These instructions, at that time, did no good ; the Indians did not understand them, but they soon perfectly understood the cruel dispo- sitions and wicked conduct of the Spaniards, and that while they taught religion with their Ups, they inculcated injustice and all iniquity by their vile examples. Soon after Teutile had departed, the Spaniards perceived that the natives, who had previously been seen in large numbers in their vicinity, were entirely withdrawn, not one coming in sight. This measure was no doubt ordered by the king, who presumed he should thus force the Spaniards to leave his dominions, as the natives had previously supplied them liberally with provisions, and by their absence they would be deprived of the necessaries of life. The Spaniards were alarmed at this measure of the Mexicans, and they dreaded that the whole force of the empire would pour down upon them, and that before a long time, such numbers would come against them, that they should be overpowered and wholly extirpated by these people, who, because the Spaniards had refused to leave their country, were become their exasperated enemies. While the Spaniards were in this state of suspense, two soldiers, who kept guard without the camp, saw five men coming towards them, whose dress and ornaments were different from those of the Mexi- cans. When these men presented themselves before Cortez, Marma was obliged to exert her talent to make them intelligible, and with her as- THE TOTONACAS. 41 sistance the Spaniards learned who they were, and what was their errand. They were, they said, of the nation of the Toto- nacas, and were sent by the lord of Chempoalla, to pay his respects to the strangers. Their city was twenty-four miles distant, and their lord would be happy to receive a visit from Cortez. They would sooner have offered this civility to the strangers, but while the latter were surrounded by the Mexicans, none of the Totonacas dared approach. The To- tonacas were a nation now subject to the Mexicans, and were forced to pay tribute to them. The Mexicans were hard masters, and the Toto- nacas wished to be relieved from their tyranny ; they hoped they might obtain some assistance from the Spaniards, and the lord of Chempoalla, when he should see the general, would relate to him all the wrongs he had suffered. To take part in some quarrel against the Mexicans, was very desirable to Cortez — he would then have a pretence to conquer the country. Young persons, who have read Roman history, will recollect, that when that warlike people were called upon as umpires between contending states, they ended the dispute by taking to them- selves the country where the war lay, and making both parties their dependents. In this way they made themselves masters of Greece, of Carthage, and of Judea. Cortez would have departed immediately for Chempoalla, but his followers did not incline to remain in the country. Some of them recollected that Velasquez, the governor of Cuba, was opposed to Cortez, that he would at least have hindered him from undertaking the expedition, and these persons thought that Cortez was not altogether to be trusted, that he would lead them into great dangers, and it 4* 42 CORTEZ ACKNOWLEDGED GENERAL. was likely that five hundred men, opposed to the whole population of the Totonacas, would in the end all be slaughtered. These persons therefore represented that it was an exceedingly rash experi- ment to withdraw from the camp, and trust them- selves among multitudes of men, who, most hkely, wished to exterminate them all. Cortez was not intimidated by this resistance to his authority. Those who refused to accompany him to Chempoalla also advised that the armament should return to Cuba ; but Cortez on his part, re- presented that this measure was exceedingly unwise, and that if they should now return, they would have gained nothing by the expedition — would be as poor as they were when they first adventured with him ; tliat they would be held in deserved contempt by their nation ; but, on the contrary, if they persevered in their entei-prise, he had no fear that they would not obtain great riches, and he was moreover con- vinced that they might convert these heathens to the knowledge of the true faith. Besides offering these inducements to his ad- herents to follow him wherever he should lead, Cortez required of them a formal acknowledgement that he was their general, not by the appointment of Velasquez, or by his own assumption, but by the free choice of all then present. After due deliberation, this acknowledgement was made, and a full com- mission conferred upon Cortez by his followers. After this was done, he gave offices to certain magistrates of his own appointment; laid down laws, by which all were to be governed ; regulated courts, by which offenders were to be tried, and formed the plan of a colony. When all these matters were adjusted, Cortez, at the head of his troops, proceeded to Chempoalla. HIS RECEPTION AT CHEMPOALLA. 43 | The little army were well prepared to defend them- j selves, for Cortez did not entirely trust the sincerity \ of the Totonacas, and he fully believed, that by re- j maining in the country he had provoked the ill-will i of the Mexicans, and might be in danger from their i resentment. When the Spanish armament were ar- ; rived within three miles of Chempoalla, twenty | respectable looking natives came out to meet them, j and presented to Cortez a refreshment of ananas and other fruits, making at the same time an excuse | for their lord, who would receive them with pleasure, i said the messengers, when they should be come into his city, which was near. i The Spaniards received these civilities graciously, ! and advanced towards the city of Chempoalla with ; alacrity. They were surprised and delighted with ; the appearance of Chempoalla. Some of them : called it Seville^ on account of its pleasantness and beauty. According to the lowest estimate of the : Spanish historians, this city coatained at that time j thirty thousand inhabitants : at present only its site • remains ; under the cruel influence of the Spanish j power, subsequently established in the country, it \ dwindled away, and was entirely depopulated. 1 The Spaniards, when they had entered Chem- i poalla, were escorted to a large temple, and were i welcomed at the entrance by the lord of the city. ; He was an excessively corpulent man, but very j polite. This Indian noble received Cortez with j much cordiality, and instantly appointed a residence for himself and his troops in convenient habitations \ in the neighbourhood of the temple, and there they j were served with every accommodation which the ! place afforded. . ! At a convenient time, the lord of the city with ! several other noblemen, paid a visit to Cortez, and i 44 CONFERENCE WITH THE with the aid of the interpreters, they discoursed toge- ther. " I am come," said Cortez, " from the other side of the earth, from a nation of white men, wise, powerful, and kind. The prince whom I serve is rich, and his liberaUty is equal to his wealth. He has sent me hither that I may give him some ac- count of the inhabitants of this part of the world ; and he commanded me to do good to all men, more particularly to help those who are oppressed, and to punish their oppressors. To you, then, lord of Chempoalla, I offer my services. Command me if I can do any thing that shall punish your enemies ; name what you require, and I and my troops will cheerfully assist you in whatever you shall request." " Gracious stranger," replied the lord of Chem- poalla, "I cannot sufficiently commend your bene- volence, and none can stand more in need of it. You see before you a man wearied out with unme- rited wrongs ; the chief of a state nearly ruined by the most tyrannical power upon earth ; the father of a people trodden under the foot of the strong, and crushed by the hard hand of the cruel. The Toto- nacas are a nation, once free, once governed by their own lords, once rich in the productions of their soil, once secure and happy in the midst of their families. " Alas ! our felicity is destroyed : now the power of our nobles is gone ; the growth of our fields is carried off before our eyes ; our sons are torn from us for sacrifices, and our daughters for slaves. The Mexicans are our conquerors and our oppressors ; it is they who heap these calamities upon us — to whose rapacity our gold and our harvests are a prey — to whose violence and sordi.dness our chil- dren are victims. Not long ago, these Mexicans were neither the richest nor the strongest of the LORD OF CHEMPOALLA. 45 nations, but they have gone on, making conquest after conquest, and binding their fetters upon one state after another, till they gather tribute from every land, and their subjects are of all countries in this our world. And now, mighty warrior, all that we would ask of thy strength and thy kindness is, that thou wouldst enable us to resist these tyrants — that thou wouldst dehver us from their exactions, and expel them from our territory." Cortez answered, " This I will gladly aid you to do ; but let us not be rash in this matter. I will dwell with you a while, and whenever I shall see a suitable occasion to punish your enemies, and to relieve you from their impositions, you may rely upon me to effect your deliverance, and to bring down their pride and their power." The lord of Chempoalla was comforted by this assurance, and took leave of Cortez, persuaded that this wonderful race, who had come from a far-off land, were ordained by the gods to remit tribute to the Mexicans, and restore free- dom to the Totonacas. The next day four hundred men of burden were offered to Cortez, to convey the baggage of the Spaniards wherever they should choose, and Marina informed the general that it was a custom of the country, whenever any respectable stranger ap- peared in a town, to offer him accommodation, and to furnish him with carriers, who conveyed his bur- dens a certain distance, without any expectation of reward : money being little used by these people, and the traveller being of necessity without any thing to spare. Soon after, Cortez and the lord of Chempoalla paid a visit to Chi-a-huitz-la, a small city twelve miles distant from Chempoalla. Here they con- ferred with the lord of the place, concerning the best 46 SEIZURE AND IMPRISONMENT mode of releasing these cities from Mexican tyranny. In the midst of their deliberations, five Mexican lords, receivers of tribute, arrived at Chi- a-huitz-la, attended by a great retinue. The Mex- ican lords were highly offended at the Totonacas that they had received the Spaniards. " You were told," said one of them to the lord of Chempoalla, " when you heard of these people, it was the pleasure of the great Montezuma that they should not abide in the land ; you knew that he had signified to them his royal will, that they should de- part from us whither they would ; yet, in contempt of his authority, you have welcomed and cherished these intruders. To punish this audacious insult to our sovereign, we demand, in his name, twenty young men of the cities of Chempoalla and Chi-a- huitz-la, who shall be ofiered as sacrifices to the offended gods." The lords of Chempoalla and Chi-a-huitz-la were infinitely disturbed by this occurrence. The indig- nation of the Mexican lords, and the demand for the twenty youths intimidated them excessively. Ma- rina was informed of the whole transaction, and instantly reported it to Cortez. The mind of Cortez was quick in resource and decision, and he was p stranger to fear. At this juncture, his boldness and courage suggested an expedient at which the Indian lords at first hesitated. He told them to deny the authority of the Mexicans, to seize the collectors of tribute, and confine them in prison. Though this measure at first shocked the dependent lords, they were soon prevailed upon by Cortez to adopt his advice. As soon as the five Mexicans were thrown into confinement, the other lords would have killed them, but Cortez interfered. He told them, this would OF THE MEXICAN COLLECTORS. 47 be an act of cruelty, and admonished them to for- bear. This seeming humanity of Cortez made him appear more benevolent than ever in the eyes of the Totonacas, and they honoured him accordingly. Cortez did not intend to excite the ill-will of the Mexicans against himself, therefore, he secretly as- sisted two of the prisoners to escape, pretending that he had no concern in their confinement. He was guilty of this act of deceit that he might seem to the Mexicans to be a benefactor ; that they might con- vey a good account of him to their king ; and that he might thereafter dispose the king to allow him to do as he pleased in his dominions. ♦0© CHAPTER IV. Cortez pretended to blame the guards for permit- ting the escape of the Mexican collectors, and requested that the remaining three might be con- ducted to his ships, there to be detained as prisoners ; but as soon as they were on board, he liberated them, and they returned to court, where they de- scribed, with many praises, the grandeur and gene- rosity of the Spanish general. Before he took any further measures, Cortez thought it expedient to erect a fortress upon the coast, and to establish there a colony : that meant a fixed residence for a certain number of his followers, where they should be safe, and whither the rest might repair as to their home. Cortez and all his men went briskly to work, and with the assistance of the Indians, they erected some small houses, and 48 ALLIANCE OF THE SPANIARDS a fortress capable of resisting the Mexicans. This settlement, commenced 1519, was called Villarica, (or rich city,) of Vera Cruz, so named on account of the richness of the presents of the Mexicans, which were displayed there. This spot is a little to the north of the present city of Vera Cruz, or true cross. When the liberated Mexicans returned to the city of Montezuma, they spoke warmly of the friendship of Cortez, and the king felt grateful to the Spanish general for the preservation of the receivers^ lives. To express his gratitude, Montezuma sent two princes, his nephews, to visit Cortez and carry him a present. Cortez received these Mexican envoys with becoming civility, and they, on their part were delighted with the Spaniards, particularly with the shipping and the fortifications. The Totonacas now believed that they were re- lieved from the exactions of the Mexicans, and sounded, far and wide, the praises of their supposed deliverers ; and the neighbouring people, who were disposed to throw off the dominion of the Mexicans, joined to put under the command of the brave stran- gers a formidable army, which should march to the city of Mexico, and there demand the liberty of the dependent provinces. These people, at the same time that they renounced the emperor of Mexico for their sovereign, acknowledged themselves subjects of the king of Spain. To strengthen the attachment of the Spanish general to his cause, the lord of Chempoalla offered him a present of eight young virgins. On this occa- sion Cortez made a declaration which did great violence to the feelings of the Indian lord. When the young women were offered to him he said, before he should take them, they must renounce idolatry, and be baptized ; and he further remarked, WITH THE CHEMPOALLESE. 49 that he had brought into their country the true reU- gion, and that if the whole people did not renounce the worship of idols, his God would be severely dis- pleased, and would bring upon them the severest punishments. The Chempoallese chief replied thus to the exhor- tation of Cortez : " We honour your friendship, noble Cortez, and we are indebted to you for the generous interest you take in our welfare ; but the gods are greater than man : earthly benefactors are but the ministers of their favour, therefore gratitude to the gods is man's first duty and obligation. Health, plenty, and all good gifts are dispensed by their bounty. To them we look for all benefits, and we dread their just anger more than the displeasure of the mightiest among men." Inflamed with religious zeal, and ignorant that reverence for their gods was a sentiment that should rather be honoured than insulted in uninformed men, only instructed in a false belief, Cortez turning to his soldiers, some of whom were present, in a vehe- ment tone exclaimed : " Soldiers, we are Spaniards ; we inherit from our ancestors the love of our holy faith ; let us pros- trate the vile images that meet our eyes all around lis ; let us plant the cross, and call the heathen to the feet of that holy symbol. If we die in the at- tempt, we shall perish like heroes and saints of old, and crowns of eternal glory will reward us in heaven." The Chempoallese chief would have resisted the Spaniards, who instantly rushed towards one of the temples, but the natives of the new world were al- ways overawed by the determined spirit and armour of the European warriors. Fear stayed their hands, and fifty Spanish soldiers instantly fell upon the 5 50 DESTRUCTION OV TflE IMAGES. idols of the great temple of Chempoalla. The To- tonacas, horror-struck at this profanation, could only weep, and supplicate the gods, entreating them not to punish the faithful Totonacas for the sacrilegious violence of these impious strangers. The destruction of the images did not satisfy Cortez : he ordered the temple to be thoroughly purified from the stains of human blood, and an image of the Virgin Mary to be placed in it. He then stripped four Chempoallese priests of the black garments which they usually wore, and put upon them white robes, and he afterwards instructed them to perform certain ceremonies of the Romish church. Wax lights are sometimes used in the services of the Catholics, and Cortez first taught the natives of Chempoalla this use of wax, which was abundantly afforded by the bees in the Mexican mountains. Cortez may be somewhat commended for this conduct. Any form of religion which encourages human sacrifices, demands severe measures to abo- lish it. As no lives were attacked or lost by this act of arbitrary power, it may be justified as intro- ducing a mild and Christian worship, instead of one so horrid. Cortez about this time received a small recruit from Cuba and Jamaica, and now saw no reason to delay his march to the city of the great king. ' Previously to undertaking his journey, he wrote to the emperor Charles V. a particular account of all that had happened during his residence on the western continent. He represented that he did not hold his commission of general and chief judge over his majesty's subjects in the colony of Vera Cruz, by appointment from Velasquez, but by the free choice of all persons attendant upon him ; and he POLICY OF CORTEZ. 61 entreated that the emperor would be pleased to con- firm his commission by his own royal sanction. All the officers of Cortez signed this petition, and he persuaded all who held any of the presents which had been made to them, to give up each man's share, that the whole might be offered to the em- peror. This request was complied with, and it shows how great was the influence of Cortez over the minds of his followers, that he could dispose them to give up the treasures they held in their hands to procure for themselves an uncertain be- nefit : for Cortez told them that if Charles should find the newly discovered country greatly produc- tive, he would grant them more privileges, and the way to convince him that the description of its abundance was true, would be to send him as much of its wealth as could be procured. A vessel bear- ing the treasure and the letters of Cortez, and the gifts of the Mexicans, set sail for Spain, July, 1519. When the vessel containing the treasure was de- parted, Cortez resolved immediately to proceed to the city of Mexico, but in order to reconcile all his men to the plan, and prevent them from leaving the country, he took the precaution to break up his ships. Having done this, he set out on the 16th of August. His force was four hundred and fifteen Spanish in- fantry, sixteen horses, two hundred Tamenes, (men of burden,) and a considerable number of Totonacas. Cortez and his men then travelled through two pro- vinces, Xalapan and Texotla. After crossing some desert mountains, through an atmosphere of a severe temperature, he arrived at Xocotla, a large city, consisting of many comfortable houses, and thirteen temples. The palace of the chief was con- structed of stones cemented with lime. This city belonged to the king of Mexico. Olintet, the lord 52 OLINTET. of Xocotla, came out to meet the Spaniards, and treated them courteously. When Cortez and this chief conversed together, by means of the interpre- ters, they boasted mutually of the grandeur of their respective sovereigns, but Cortez ended by demand- ing of Olintet to acknowledge himself subject to the king of Spain, and immediately to pay him a large tribute in gold. " I have enough of gold," answered Olintet, " but I cannot give it to any man without an order from the king, whom I have ever regarded as my master." *' I," continued the imperious Cortez, " will soon compel him, whom you call master, to order you to give me as much gold as I shall ask." " Whenever my king," answered Olintet, " shall command me to render up my gold, my estate, or even my person, I shall not hesitate to submit to his orders." — So perfect was the subordination of the nobles of this country to the lord paramount Two nobles of this vicinity were more liberal than Olintet, for they gave Cortez a considerable amount of gold, and eight or ten slaves. At this place Cortez was somewhat at a loss how to proceed. Of two ways, one lay through the territory of Cholula, and the other through that of Tlascala. The Toto- nacas counselled him to proceed through Tlascala, the Xocotlans, through Cholula : Cortez took the advice of the former. From Xocotla the Spanish army proceeded about twelve miles through a popu- lous and cultivated country, till they came to a city of six thousand inhabitants, where they were well entertained. This tow^n was near the border of Tlascala, and it was thought prudent to send an embassy to the Tlascalans, to ask consent for the Spaniards to pass through their territory. Before the success of this THE TLASCALANS. 63 \ mission is detailed, it may be well to give some ac- count of the Tlascalans, because they are a highly interesting people. Their territory was about fifty miles in circumference, and extended along the Cor- dilleras. These mountaineers, like all other moim- taineers, were distinguished by the love of freedom ■—a willing subordination to a political power of their own creating, and their own sustaining ; but they abhorred every other dominion, and they were wil- ling to sacrifice their lives in defence of their liber- ties. The Tlascalans had been dependent upon the king of Mexico, but they had set up an independent government, which they maintained. Every dis- trict of this warlike nation had its chief; and these chiefs, as deputies of the provinces, assembled at stated times at the city of Tlascala, forming the le- gislature of their nation ; and there they decided upon all concerns of peace and war. Cortez was desirous to form an alliance with this people. InteUigence had been conveyed to the Tlascalans of the arrival of the Spaniards upon the coast. The size of their ships, " armed with thunder, clad with wings ;" the agility and strength of their horses; and the destructive effect of their fire-arms, all magnified by the wonder and fear of those who described them, had excited much anxiety and apprehension, even in the minds of the Tlascalans. At the very time that envoys from Cortez arrived at the city of Tlas- cala, the principal lords were engaged in profound debate upon the course proper to be taken in regard to the strangers, should they approach the Tlasca- lan territory. The Chempoallese envoys, whom Marina had carefully instructed in a message from Cortez, being safely arrived in Tlascala, were presented to the 5* 54 THE TLASCAXANg. council of state. The envoys were clad in long cotton robes, and carried in their hands arrows with the points downwards. This was to intimate that they came peaceably. An arrow having the barb decorated with red feathers, intimated among this people a declaration of war. When the envoys entered the senate house of Tlascala, the members were seated according to their respective ages, upon blocks of a certain rare wood. This scene in the new world, reminds one of the senate of old Rome, when the venerable men of that city, in the days of her simplicity, sitting in the curule chairs, gave laws to their little state. The lords of Tlascala half rose at the entrance of the envoys, and the latter having made a particular reverence to each member, advanced to the middle of the hall, and prostrated themselves, waiting per- mission to rise and deliver their message. In a moment the envoys were requested to declare the intention of their visit, and one of them delivered a speech which has been thus recorded : — " Most noble and magnanimous chiefs ! Fathers of a free and courageous people ! your friends and allies, the lords of the Totonacas and of the mountain, salute you ; they wish you prosperity, plentiful har- vests, and the destruction of your enemies. They would inform you, that there are arrived from the east, a people who have come to our shores in floating houses, and that they bear the lightning of the gods. " These people inform us, that they are the wor- shippers of a God more powerful than ours, who will punish tyrants, and who will not accept human vic- tims. The chief of these heroes is sent hither by his king, to put an end to strife and violence. He has delivered us from the tribute wrung from us by SENATE OP THE TLASCALANS. 55 our oppressors, and he now asks permission to pass, without disturbance, through your territory. His intentions are perfectly kind, and he trusts that you can have no objection to grant his request. " We would further remark to you that it is the desire of this chief to instruct you in the character of the true God, and that he will assist you against your ancient and inveterate enemies, the Mexicans. Our nation, regarding yours with brotherly kindness, counsels you to receive these strangers cordially. Their number is small, but their worth surpasses that of multitudes." The orator, having concluded his harangue, made his obeisance, and waited in silence the answer of the lords. One of the members of the council, after a short pause, spoke thus in the name of the rest : — " We thank you as the messengers of our friends, the Totonacas, and the other chiefs, that you have brought us intelligence of the extraordinary people who have come among you. In what manner it will be prudent for us to receive them, we are not determined, but after due deliberation, we will reply to your request. At present you may withdraw, and as soon as it shall be convenient, we will com- municate to you our decision." After this the envoys left the assembly. The senate immediately began to discuss the matter before them. Max-i-cat-zin, the chief of the senators, a man held in great reverence for his wis- dom, recommended that the Spaniards should be allowed peaceably to pass through the Tlascalan territory. " These strangers," said he, " according to the description given of them by the Chempoallese envoys, must be the heroes which our seers long ago foretold should come; and circumstances have lately indicated their appearance among us. The earth- 56 THE TLASCALAN SENATE. quakes we have felt, the comet we have seen in the heavens, intimate that the fulfihuent of prophecy is at hand. If they are beings of more than mortal power, of what use would be our refusal to admit them into our country 1 , If we readily grant their request, we shall make friends of them ; if we refuse it, they will become our foes, and entering by force, will bring unknown misfortunes upon us ; and our enemies the Mexicans, will exult in our folly, which will have brought down upon ourselves the just anger of the gods." This argument was heard with applause ; but Xi- co-ten-cat, a man of equal authority \vith Max-i-cat- zin, immediately opposed it. " Our law," answered that aged warrior, " enjoins upon us hospitality to our friends, but not to our enemies. The men who have approached us, seem to me, to be monsters cast up from the sea, whose waters could not endure them, rather than good beings descended from heaven, as some have vainly imagined. Can they be gods who are greedy of gold ? And what may we not dread from them in a country so poor as this, in which we are destitute even of salt ? If they are mortal men, they are but a few ; the power of the Tlascalans can easily overcome them if they should assail us. If we resist them, and they should prove to be gods, surely they will forgive men who defend their country." These opposite opinions divided the councillors, till Tem-il-ol-te-cat, another of the senators, sug- gested a different course. He proposed that an answer of peace should be sent to the Spaniards, but that, though permission to enter the country should be given them, the Otomies, a tribe of In- dians dwelling among the Tlascalans, should meet them on the frontier, and force them badi, and that WAR WITH THE TLASCALANS. 57 the Tlascalans should lay the blame of this measure upon the former people, pretending that they acted without the authority of the Tlascalans. In all warfare, even among civilized nations, de- ceptions, called stratagems, are considered fair; though, as mankind grow wise and better, it may be hoped that wars and all their effects will cease. The despicable duplicity recommended by the wily Tlas- calan lord, was adopted, and the nation suffered severely for it. The safer course would have been to suffer the Spaniards to pass, as they had request- ed. It would neither be entertaining nor useful to relate all that passed between the Spaniards and the Tlascalans. They had several engagements, and the war ended at length, as wars between Europeans and people of inferior skill in arms usually end. Mind is stronger than physical force. Fore-thought, ingenuity first exerted in the invention of weapons, and afterwards in the use of them ; what is called military disci- plinCf that is, talent in officers to command soldiers how to conduct themselves, and willing obedience on the part of the soldiers, secure victories over vast multitudes who have no such arms, nor authority, nor submission to order, among themselves. The Tlascalan chiefs quarrelled ; the forces of Cortez submitted implicitly to his orders ; the former were defeated, and the latter prevailed. While the Spaniards were detained in Tlascala, forcing a pas- sage to the capital of Montezuma, that monarch, hearing of the contest, was alarmed for his own security. To relieve his apprehensions, Monte- zuma called a council of state with whom to concert measures for the tranquillity of the kingdom. The king's counsellors were the neighbouring king of 58 THE TLASCALANS SUBDUED. Tezcuco, a Mexican prince, named Cuit-la-haut-zin ; and other nobles of high rank. This council expressed different opinions, but the majority agreed it was best for Montezuma to send other gifts to Cortez, and to urge him to for- bear from entering his dominions. Accordingly, ambassadors departed from the city of Mexico, bear- ing gifts and messages to the Spaniards, similar to those which had been sent to Vera Cruz, and with the same success. Cortez, as he was wont, was gracious in his reception to the Mexican ambassa- dors. He had not yet made peace with the Tlasca- lans, and he invited the envoys to remain with him for some time, being desirous to exhibit the terror of his arms to them. " An occasion to do this soon presented itself ; and a final battle between the Spaniards and Tlascalans, was fought in the presence of the two Mexican lords. The Tlascalans became convinced that to prolong the war was a wanton waste of their own lives, and therefore they deputed Xi-co-ten-cat, their general, to wait upon Cortez, and to offer him conditions of peace. The Tlascalan general did not willingly assume this function, because he had been one of the chief promoters of the war, but the senate ap- pointed him to the service, and therefore he under- took it. Xi-co-ten-cat was accompanied to the Spanish camp by a numerous retinue, and there announced to the general that he was come in the name of the Tlascalan republic to offer him a sincere and per- manent peace. Xi-co-ten-cat further remarked, that his nation was poor ; that a little gold and a few bales of cotton, were the only gifts they had to bestow, that he had brought them, and he hoped they would be acceptable to him ; and he hoped THE TLASCALANS. 59 also, that from that time, all hostility might cease between the two nations, and he concluded by invi- ting Cortez to pay a visit to their capital. Cortez acceded to the peace proposed by the Tlascalans, and their general returned to his city to report his success. Immediately after the depar- ture of Xi-co-ten-cat, two ambassadors from other principalities, which like Tlascala had been depend- encies of Mexico, but which had revolted, and were confederated with the Tlascalans against Monte- zuma, paid their respects to Cortez. The princes of these revolted nations, had sent to him to pro- pose to unite their armies to his for the conquest of Mexico, and Cortez promised that, at a suitable time he would gladly accept of their offer. Six days after, peace was concluded between Cortez and the Tlascalans, the four principal lords of the republic were transported upon litters to the Spanish camp, and were received by Cortez with every demonstration of respect. During the visit, Cortez prevailed upon them to acknowledge them- selves subjects of the king of Spain, and having done this, he gave his consent the next day to re- move to their city. The adherents of Cortez did not much like to place themselves in the midst of such untried friends, and spoke rather of returning to Vera Cruz, but Cortez set before them his own example of encoun- tering and surmounting dangers, and they finally consented to attend him to Tlascala. The day on which the Spaniards entered Tlascala, is one of the memorable in the history of the conquest of New Spain; it was September 23d, 1519 ; and it was long held in remembrance for the festivity with which it was celebrated. The following is nearly Clavigero's account of 60 TRIUMPHAL ENTRY INTO TLASCALA. it : " The four lords of the republic came out to meet the Spaniards, with a numerous concourse of the nobility, and so great a crowd of inhabitants, that some have affirmed they amounted to a hun- dred thousand people ; this assemblage being pro- bably collected from an extensive region round about Tlascala, whose inhabitants were attracted by the fame of the extraordinary strangers. In all the streets of Tlascala, arches of branches adorned with flowers, were erected, and a confused sound of ac- clamations was heard on every side ; and so great was the rejoicing, that it appeared to be rather the triumph of the republic itself, than the entry of a conqueror. Cortez, in his letters to the emperor, states that so populous was Tlascala, that he pre- sumed as many as thirty thousand persons appeared daily in the city, and the population of the province was estimated at five hundred thousand." CHAPTER V. While Cortez continued at Tlascala, he thought it his duty to inculcate the doctrines of the Catholic religion, and he would have destroyed the idols of that city as he had done those of Chempoalla, but his chaplain, Olmedo, a man of good sense, re- presented to him that acts of violence never con- vinced men of any error, and that they must renounce their false notions willingly. In consequence of this good advice, Cortez only argued with these idolatrous people upon the folly and cruelty of their worship. RELIGION OF THE TLASCALANS. 61 " There is," said he to them, " but one God, who requires all men, every where, to worship him, and he is displeased with all those who serve any other god. Now, that you are informed of this, it becomes you to destroy your idols." " Your god," answered they, " is very good to youj and so are our gods to us. Our god, Cam-axrtle, grants us victory over our enemies ; our goddess, Mat-lal-cue-ji, sends us rain, and preserves us from the inundations of the river Zahuapan. Should we forsake the worship of them, they would be angry with us, and would punish us.'- Cortez, however, was not discouraged in his purpose of converting the Tlascalans by their perti- nacious adherence to their accustomed faith ; and he succeeded so far as to induce the senate to order to be broken, the cages in which were confined certain prisoners of war, who were kept to be sacrificed on solemn festivals, and to set at liberty their intended victims. After remaining twenty days at Tlascala, Cortez thought to proceed in his enterprise. During his stay at Tlascala, Cortez had procured certain information of the wealth and military defen- ces of the kingdom of Mexico, and all that he learned fixed his resolution to invade that kingdom. The ambassadors last sent from Mexico, still remained with the Spaniards, and they proposed to the gene- ral to take his route through the city of Cholula, where his people might be well accommodated. The Tlascalans advised Cortez to take another way, because they said the Cholulans were a treacherous people, and might attack his army. Cortez was not afraid of defeat, so he did not shun danger ; and, contrary to the admonition of his good friends the Tlascalans, he marched for Cholula at the head of six thousand men. At a 6 62 CITY OF CHOLULA. short distance from Cholula, the Spanish general was met by a procession of the inhabitants, con- sisting of the principal lords and priests with cen- sers in their hands, and attended by musicians. Cortez had previously sent messengers to the Cholulans to inform them that he should visit their city, and that he expected them to acknowledge allegiance to the king of Spain, and this they had agreed to. Cholula was then a populous city, eighteen miles distant from Tlascala, and sixty-four miles east from Mexico. Cortez, in his letters to the emperor Charles, which are still preserved, described Cho- lula to contain forty thousand houses. Its ma- nufactures were, certain rude vessels of clay, cotton cloth, and sundry ornamental articles, used in the decoration of the persons and houses of the more opulent classes. " Cholula," says Clavigero, *' was the Rome of that country." — He means, the metropolis of the religious. Rome, the residence of the Pope, is held in honour all over Europe, as the habitation of him whom Cathohc Christians call the visible head of the church. Cholula was the favourite residence of Quet-zal- cot, while he dwelt among men, and now, that he was become a god, this city was consecrated to his worship. A holy hill had been artificially formed, and upon its summit was erected a great temple, in !iour of this god, to which pilgrims from distant places often resorted. At Cholula the army was tolerably provided for, but the Chempoallese allies soon perceived manifestations of conspiracy against Cortez, and observed the Cholulans, among other artifices, making pit-falls to disable the horses, and collecting stones upon the house tops. Marina, throughout the conquests of Cortez. TREACHERY OF THE CHOLULANS, 63 seems to have been remarkably sagacious, and most faithfully devoted to the Spanish cause. On this emergency, she was eminently serviceable. A fe- male of high rank at Cholula had been introduced to Marina : the vivacity and understanding of the latter recommended her to every one ; she was, as has appeared in this history, particularly cherished by the Spaniards, and her intimate acquaintance with them and their customs, served to make her conver- sation full of novelty and entertainment when she discoursed with her own country people concerning the strangers. When the Cholulans were revolving plans among themselves for the destruction of the Spaniards, the female friend of Marina resolved to save her from the meditated ruin, and in order to do so, sent for, and requested her to stay at her house. Marina replied, she would gladly accept the kind invita- tion of her friend, but that she was wanted every moment, as she alone, of the general's attendants, could comprehend the language of those among whom they sojourned ; that she was forced to com- municate what she heard to Aguilar, and he, in his turn, translated her speech into Spanish, with which, however, she was daily becoming more familiar. The benevolent Cholulan, on account of her de- votedness to the Spaniards, not being able to prevail with Marina, then told her, that her life was in dan- ger, and that she must perish with her new friends if she did not abandon them, for the Cholulans had laid a plan to fall upon and massacre the whole army of Cortez ; but Marina was no sooner apprized of the conspiracy than she sought out Cortez, and communicated the fact to him. Cortez, always pre- pared for every exigency, was not dismayed on receiving this intelligence, but calling together his 64 THEIR PUNISHMENT. officers, consulted them, and then followed his own judgment. The officers conceived it was best to retreat to Tlascala, or some other place, but Cortez resolved rather to punish the treachery of the Cho- lulans with exemplary severity, that he might prove to the nations among whom they were come, that Spanish vengeance was not only terrible but sure. Cortez, in pursuit of his plan, informed the Cho- lulans that he had fixed upon the following day for his departure from their city ; and they, on their part, pretended that they would gladly supply his army with whatever should be necessary for them. Yet so much engaged were the Cholulans in the intended massacre, that in order to propitiate their gods, they, on the same day, sacrificed ten children, five boys, and five girla. The fatal morning arrived. The Spaniards pre- pared their horses, their artillery, and their arms, and formed themselves in order in the square of their late dwelling, where it was intended that the onset should commence. The Cholulan chiefs with about forty nobles, and numerous baggage-men, repaired about daybreak to this square under pretence of assisting the Spaniards. All these entered the houses, and began to lift the baggage. At that moment the Spanish guards, as they had been or- dered, fell upon the Cholulans, and put them into confinement. Cortez instantly rode into the square, and found there assembled a band of men in battle array. " Traitors," said he in a determined voice, and in a most terrific manner, for he was clad in armour, and mounted upon a powerful horse, " I have en- deavoured to make you my friends. I came peace- ably into your city. Your enemies, the Tlascalans, were my auxiliaries, and not to ofiend you, I caused SLAUGHTER OF THE CHOLULANS. 65 them to encamp at a distance from Cholula ; and without any provocation or hostility on my part, you have conspired to murder me and my people. Do you expect to escape my just vengeance ? No, I call heaven and earth to witness, that your lives shall pay for your perfidy." If these words, uttered in a strange tongue, were not exactly intelligible, the meaning was plain — it was nothing less than the destruction of those who had formed a similar pur- pose, and Cortez hastened to fulfil his word. Having spoken thus, and made a signal for attack, by the discharge of a musket, the Spaniards fell with such fury upon the Cholulans that not one in the -square was left alive. The Tlascalans, who had been stationed at a short distance from the city, and who hated the Cholulans, as soon as they learned that a battle was begun, rushed like so many fa- mished wolves among them, and increased, with unsparing ferocity, the slaughter of the day. Six thousand Cholulans perished, and the survivors, confessing themselves conquered, submitted to Cortez, who took the greater part of the gems, gold, and silver, wearing apparel, ornamental feathers, and salt, that he could find in the city. Besides destroying so many lives, the Spaniards set fire to innumerable dwellings and temples, which were con- sumed. After he had achieved this victory, Cortez per- mitted the Cholulans to go out to the woods and mountains, and bring back their unfortunate wives, parents, and children, many of whom had escaped in their fright, and were wandering about in solitary places. He next purified the temples, and set free the victims reserved for sacrifices, and made a per- manent peace between the Tlascalans and Cholu- lans. 6* 66 Montezuma's dread Of the modem Cholula, a recent traveller gives the following account : — " The city of Cholula, its great square, or market-place, crowded with In- dians (resembling what it was in the time of Cortez,) with its numerous churches, gardens, &c. lay at our feet, and as the delighted eye ranged over the ex- tensive plain, countless churches, haciendas, plan- tations of aloes, and corn-fields, met the view, which was bounded by the blue mountains, in the midst of which arose the gigantic Orizaba, and the majestic snow-crowned Popocatapetl." During the absence of Cortez from. Vera Cruz, his garrison there was entrusted to an officer named Juan de Escalente. About thirty-six miles from Vera Cruz was a city subject to Montezuma, called Nauht- lan, whose governor was Quah-po-po-ca. When Montezuma learned that Cortez was removed from the vicinity of Nauht-lan, he sent instructions to Quah-po-po-cato demand oftheTotonacas the tribute they had formerly refused to pay. Quah-po-po-ca instantly obeyed his sovereign's order, but the Toto- nacas replied to the collectors, that they had become subjects of the king of Spain, and owed nothing to any other king. This provocation was sufficient for Quah-po-po-ca, and he instantly proceeded to arms, but the com- mander at Vera Cruz took part with the Totonacas, | and a battle ensued, in which the Spaniards were '< conquerors, though Juan de Escalente lost his life. Intelligence of this was conveyed to Cortez, and he laid up the whole in his heart to serve for an occa- sion of contention when he should find it desirable to make one. Having no more to do where he was, Cortez pur- sued his way to the city of Mexico. Montezuma heard of his approach, and though Cortez had de- OP THE SPANIARDS. 67 clared no emnity against him, the king awaited his coming with fear and trembhng ; and while he yet might be turned from his course, Montezuma sent other ambassadors and greater gifts than any he had yet bestowed upon the Spanish general, and more urgently than ever, dissuaded him from entering the capital. All this had no effect upon Cortez. The terror which Montezuma felt in the expecta- tion of the Spaniards' coming, was increased by the representation of priests, who governed him. The priests declared that some great calamity hung over the nation, and that the most frightful dreams con- tinually foreboded to them the evils that were im- pending. This served to alarm the weak-minded and superstitious Montezuma. That king had a palace, which was used for occasions of grief, and in the agony of his mind, he would withdraw himself thither, and betaking himself to fasting and prayer, would supplicate the gods to protect his people from the formidable strangers about to enter his capital. Montezuma at this unhappy period, could not de- termine what reception would be wise and safe to give to the strangers, if Cortez should persevere in his purpose ; and in order to act with discretion, he consulted his nephew, the tributary king of Tezcuco, and some of his chief counsellors. Some of these advisers decided that it would be expedient to admit the Spaniards, but to watch them, and to resist them if it should be necessary. The rest determined that it would be a more certain defence, to prevent them by force of arms from entering the city. Meanwhile, Cortez and his armament advanced towards Mexico ; sometimes delayed on the way, by chiefs of the provinces through which they passed. These complained bitterly of the oppressions which they suffered, and offered themselves as willing sub- 68 CORTEZ VISITED BY jects of the king of >Spain, and many of the natives entered the service of Cortez. *' In short," to use the words of Clavigero, " the farther the Spaniards advanced into the country, the more they continued to increase their forces ; like a rivulet which, by the accession of other streams, swells in its course into a large river." Cortez having advanced almost to the city of Mexico, rested his army for a short time. At a little village near the lake of Chalco, he received a visit from the king of Tezcuco. Before he made his appearance, certain messengers, like the heralds of antiquity, came forward and announced that the king of Tezcuco purposed to pay his respects to the illustrious strangers, who had come so far to visit his uncle, the renowned Montezuma. " It was not long before the king himself joined them, borne in a litter, adorned with fine feathers, on the shoulders of four of his domestics, and accom- panied by a numerous and brilliant retinue of Mexi- can and Tezcucan nobility. As soon as he came in sight of the Spanish general, he alighted from the litter and began walking on foot, preceded by some of his servants, who industriously removed out of his way every thing which could either offend his feet or his sight. The Spaniards were astonished at this pomp, and from thence began to form con- jectures of the parade and grandeur which must attend the king of Mexico. Cortez went to the door of his dwelling to meet him, and saluted him with a profound bow, which was returned by the king in touching the earth with his right hand and then lifting it to his mouth. He entered with an air of lordliness and majesty into one of the halls, sat himself down, congratulated the general and his officers on their happy arrival, and signified the par- THE KING OF TEZCUCO. 69 ticular pleasure his uncle the king of Mexico had in forming a friendship and correspondence with the monarch of the east." " But, gracious stranger," continued the king ot Tezcuco, " if you desire to please the sovereign ot this land, you will accept his gifts, without seeking his presence. He has offered whatever his domi- nions can afford for your comfort, and he requests that being satisfied with his hberality, you would return to the king your master, and leave this king- dom undisturbed." " I lament, gracious king," replied Cortez, " that I am compelled to oppose your wishes, and that I feel myself bound to enter the capital of the great Montezuma ; but, should I fail to meet him face to face, after having traversed the long distance be- tween the great sea and his royal abode, I should offend the king my master, nor should I dare to meet his displeasure. I intend no injury to the king of Mexico, or his subjects ; permit me, therefore, to offer him my respects in person ; upon which, allow me to say, I am fully resolved." All this discourse was carried on by means of interpreters. Finding remonstrance vain, the king of Tezcuco replied : " If it is so, ive will see each other at court ,*" upon which taking polite leave, after being presented with some European toys, he departed, and left be- hind him a part of the nobility, that they might attend Cortez on his journey. Cortez immediately proceeded to Cuit-la-hu-ac, *' a city founded upon a little island in the lake of Chalco, which, though small, was accounted by Cortez the most beautiful he had hitherto seen. This city communicated with the main land by means of two large commodious roads, constructed on the lake ; the one to the south, which was two 70 MARCH FOR MEXICO. miles in length ; the other to the north, which was more than two miles in length. The Spaniards passed along, delighted to see the multitude and beauty of the cities situated on the lake, the temples and towers which rose above the other buildings, the trees and shrubbery which beautified the inha- bited places, the fields and floating gardens of the lake, and the innumerable little vessels plying upon it ; but at the same time, not a little timorous at see- ing themselves surrounded by an immense crowd of people, which collected there from all places to observe them ; on which account Cortez command- ed his people to proceed in good order, and to be prepared for accidents, and cautioned the Indians not to obstruct the way nor come too near the ranks, unless they chose to be treated as enemies. In Cuit-la-hu-ac they were well accommodated and entertained." Here the lord of the city complained of the tyranny of the king of Mexico, and informed Cortez of the consternation into which that king and his court were thrown, by the expectation of his ^^^vf^ ^9 04^*'*^ CHAPTER VI. Before the exploits of Cortez shall be further related, to make the history perfectly intelligible, it will be necessary to know other particulars of the nations, and the countries which he invaded. Mexico, as the country is now called, at the time of the conquest was divided into many states and provinces ; the chief of these was the kingdom of CITY OF MEXICO. 71 Mexico, which, including its dependent provinces, extended from the 14th to the 21st degree of north latitude. The finest district of this country was the vale of Mexico, where the capital is situated. This valley is surrounded by beautiful and verdant moun- tains, and its circumference is about a hundred and twenty miles. A great part of the valley is occupied by two lakes, one of which contains salt, the other is of pure water. The northernmost and larger lake is Tez- cuco ; the southernmost is Chalco. [The lake of Tezcuco is seventeen miles from east to west ; that of Chalco is twelve miles in the same direction, and six from north to south.] The circumference of both lakes, inclusively, is ninety miles. The city of Mexico was built in the lake Tezcuco, upon an island, and connected to the mainland by a causeway constructed by the natives. Besides the city of Mexico, previously to the conquest, in the vale of Mexico were forty cities, and many villages and hamlets ; all filled with a numerous population. It is supposed that the present Indian population of Mexico, does not exceed a tenth of the numbers existing there in the time of the invasion. In respect to the understanding and knowledge of the Mexicans, there can be no doubt from their buildings, and the comforts they possessed, that they were a, people susceptible of improvement. The accounts given of those of the present time, show that they are now in a condition nearly as good, and that they exhibit as much intelligence as the pea- santry of Europe. ** The state of civilization among the Mexicans, when they were first known to the Spaniards, was much superior to that of the Spaniards themselves when they were first known to the Phoenicians ; to 72 HISTORY OF THE that of the Gauls, when first known to the Greeks ; or that of the Germans and Britons, when first known to the Romans." The number who have been instructed in learning, is small, but the profi- ciency of those has been equal to that of white men. In the south, at the present time, the natives are more industrious and ingenious ; in the norths they are more enterprising and warlike. From the traditions of the first settlement of Mexico, it is believed the ancestors of the modern Mexicans emigrated from a more northern portion of the American continent. The Toltecas were a tribe more intelligent than the rest. According to their own account of their nation, their ancestors, dwelling in a cold and desolate region, in the sixth century of our era, departed from the land which they had occupied from time immemorial in search of some more favoured country. For the space of one hundred and four years, these wanderers and their descendants sojourned in different places, always continuing towards the south in the direction they took. Wherever they remained for a season, they erected rude cabins, and sowed the land with corn and other seeds. At length they rested in the vale of Mexico, and founded the Toltecan kingdom. They collected into cities, chose a king, and lived under established laws. They practised the casting of gold and silver, and the cutting and polishing of gems, and became the instructers and civilizers of the neighbouring tribes. The Atzecas were the immediate ancestors of the Mexicans, or the inhabitants of the city and its environs. They are supposed, Hke the Toltecas, to have abandoned the northern part of the continent in pursuit of a milder climate, and finally to have established themselves in the valley of Mexico* CITY OF MEXICO. 73 This people have since been called Mexicans, from their god Mexitli. They are supposed to have laid the foundation of the city of Mexico, in the year of the Christian era, 1325. That city was at first called Tenochtitlan. The foundation of Mexico was commenced by the erection of an idol temple, and in the course of time, houses, palaces, and other temples were raised around it ; and many thousand inhabitants dwelt in the midst of them. When Cortez invaded his do- minions, Montezuma, the ninth king of Mexico, sat upon the throne. Mexico had then existed as a state a thousand years, but during the first ages, the people lived under an aristocracy. Until the year 1352, the whole nation obeyed certain nobles, twenty in number. These were respected for their wisdom, and revered for their fatherly care of the people. At length, the example of the neighbouring states induced the Mexicans to desire a king ; and their choice fell upon a very good man, after whom Mon- tezuma was the ninth king in succession. The Mexicans were at first extremely poor, but by in- dustry and enterprise, they became powerful and opulent. At the time of the invasion, all the pro- vinces from the 14th to the 21st parallel of latitude, except Tlascala, were tributaries of the king of Mex- ico ; their submission, however, was reluctantly yielded ; and, as has been related in this history, Cortez found them more than half disposed to trans- fer their allegiance to the king of Spain ; so that, in fact, he had little to conquer but the city of Monte- zuma. Of the state and magnificence in which Monte- zuma lived, the following is the account given by Clafvigero : " All the servants of his palace consisted 7 74 SPLENDOUR OF of persons of rank. Besides those who constantly lived in it, every morning six hundred feudatory lords and nobles came to pay court to him. They passed the whole day in the antechamber, where none of their servants were permitted to enter, con- versing in a low voice, and waiting the orders of their sovereign. The servants who accompanied those lords were so numerous as to occupy three small courts of the palace, and many waited in the streets. The women about the court were not less in number, including those of rank, servants, and slaves. All this numerous female tribe lived shut up in a kind of harem,* under the care of some noble matrons, who watched over their conduct ; as these kings were extremely jealous, and every piece of misconduct which happened in the palace, how- ever slight, was severely punished. " The forms and ceremonials introduced at court were another effect of the despotism of Montezuma. No one would enter the palace, either to serve the king, or to confer with him on any business, without pulling oft' his shoes and stockings at the gate. No person was allowed to appear before the king in any pompous dress, as it was deemed a want of respect to majesty ; consequently the greatest lords, except- ing the nearest relations of the king, stripped them- selves of the rich dress which they wore, or at least covered it with one more ordinary, to show their humility before him. All persons, on entering the hall of audience, and before speaking to the king, made three bows, saying at the first, Lord ; at the second. My Lord; and at the third. Great Lord. They spoke low, and with the head inclined, and received the answer which the king gave them, by means of his secretaries, as attentively and humbly as if it had * Harem signifies the women's house. MONTEZUMA. 75 been the voice of an oracle. In taking leave, no person ever turned his back upon the throne. " The audience-hall served also for his dining- room. The table was a large pillow, and his seat a low chair. The table-cloth, napkins, and towels were of cotton, but very fine, white, and always per- fectly clean. The kitchen utensils were of the earth- enware of Cholula ; but none of these things ever served him more than once, as immediately after, he gave them to one of his nobles. The cups in which they prepared his chocolate, and other drinks of the cocoa, were of gold, or some beautiful sea shell, or naturally formed vessels curiously varnished. Three or four hundred noble youths carried this dinner in form ; presented it as soon as the king sat down to table, and immediately retired ; and, that it might not grow cold, every dish was accompanied with its chafing-dish. The king marked, with a rod which he had in his hand, the meats which he chose, and the rest were distributed among the nobles who were in the antechamber. Before he sat down, four of the most beautiful women presented water to him to wash his hands, and continued standing all the time of his dinner, together with six of his principal ministers, and his carver. " As soon as the king sat down to table, the car- ver shut the door of the hall, that none of the other nobles might see him eat. The ministers stood at a distance, and kept a profound silence, unless when they made answer to what the king said. The carver and the four women served the dishes to him, be- sides two others who brought him bread made of maize baked with eggs. He frequently heard music during the time of his meal, and was entertained with the humorous sayings of some deformed men whom he kept out of mere state. He showed much 76 SPLENDOUR OF satisfaction in hearing them, and observed that, among their jests, they frequently pronounced some important truth. When his dinner was over he took tobacco mixed with liquid amber, in a pipe or reed beautifully varnished, and with the smoke of it put himself to sleep. " After having slept a little upon the same low chair, he gave audience, and Hstened attentively to all that was communicated to him, and answered every one by his ministers or secretaries. After giving audience, he was entertained with music, being much delighted with hearing the glorious actions of his ancestors sung. At other times he amused himself with seeing various games played. When he went abroad, he was carried on the shoul- ders of the nobles in a litter covered with a rich canopy, attended by a numerous retinue of courtiers ; and wherever he passed, every person stopped with their eyes shut, as if they feared to be dazzled with the splendour of majesty. When he alighted from the litter, to walk on foot, they spread carpets, that he might not touch the earth with his feet. " The grandeur and magnificence of his palaces, houses of pleasure, woods, and gardens, were cor- respondent to this majesty. The palace of his usual residence was a vast edifice of stone and lime, which had twenty doors to the public squares and streets ; three great courts, in one of which was a beautiful fountain ; several halls, and more than a hundred chambers. Some of the apartments had walls of marble and other valuable kinds of stone. The beams were of cedar, cypress, and other excellent woods, well finished and carved. " Two houses in Mexico he appropriated to ani- mals ; the one lor birds which did not live by prey ; the other for those of prey, quadrupeds, and reptiles. MONTEZUMA. 77 In the latter were many low halls filled with a great number of strong wooden cages, m which lions, tigers, wolves, cayatoes and wild cats were confined, and all other kinds of wild beasts ; which were fed upon deer, rabbits, hares, and other animals. " Montezuma, who was not satisfied with having every sort of animal in his palace, also collected there all irregularly formed men, who, either from the colour of their hair or of their skin, or some other deformity in their persons, were oddities of their species. A humour this, however, not unattended with beneficial consequences, as it gave mainte- nance to a number of miserable objects, and deliver- ed them from the inhuman insults of their other fellow creatures. " All his palaces were surrounded with beautiful gardens, where there was every kind of beautiful flower, odoriferous herb, and medicinal plant. * He had likewise woods, enclosed with walls and fur- nished with variety of game, in which he frequently sported. One of these woods was upon an island in the lake, known at present, among the Spaniards, by the name of Piiion. " Of all these palaces, gardens, and woods, there is now remaining the wood of Chapoltepec only, which the Spanish viceroys have preserved for their pleasure. All the others were destroyed by the con- querors. " Not only the palaces, but all the other places of pleasure, were kept in exquisite order and neatness, even those which were seldom or never visited ; as there was nothing in which he took more pride than the cleanliness of his own person, and of every thing else which was his. He bathed regularly every day, and had baths, therefore, in all his palaces. Every ■7* 78 RELIGION AND PRACTICES day he wore four dresses ; and that which he once put off he never after used again : these were re- served as largesses for the nobles who served him, and the soldiers who behaved gallantly in war. Every morning, according to the accounts given by some historians, upwards of a thousand men were employed by him in sweeping and watering the streets of the city. *' In one of the royal buildings was an armory jfilled with all kinds of offensive and defensive arms which were made use of by those nations, with mili- tary ornaments and ensigns. He kept a surprising number of artificers at work, in manufacturing these and other things. He had numerous artists con- stantly busied likewise, namely, goldsmiths, mosaic workmen, sculptors, painters, and others. One whole district consisted solely of dancing masters, who were trained up to entertain him." Concerning the religion of this people, it has al- ready been told that in his progress to Mexico, Cortez witnessed the worship of idols, and saw pre- parations for human sacrifices, which he prevented. The same dreadful form of paganism, was also found in the city of Mexico. Of the great temple, it is related, that it " occupied the centre of the city ; and, together with the other temples and buildings annexed to it, comprehended ail that space upon which the great cathedral church now stands, part of the greater market-place, and part likewise of the streets and buildings around. Within the enclosure of the wall which encompassed it in a square form, the conqueror Cortez affirms that a town of five hundred houses might have stood. The wall, built of stone and lime, was very thick, eight feet high, crowned with battlements, in the form of niches, and ornamented with many stone OF THE MEXICANS. 79 figures in the shape of serpents, whence it obtained the name of coatepcmtli, or the wall of serpents. It had four gates to the four cardinal points : the east- ern gate looked to a broad street which led to the lake of Tezcuco : the rest corresponded to the three principal streets of the city." Concerning funerals and some other practices, it is said by Clavigero, " There was no fixed place for burials : many ordered their ashes to be buried near to some temple or altar, some in the fields, and others in those sacred places of the mountains where sacrifices used to be made. The ashes of the kings and lords were, for the most part, deposited in the towers of the temples, especially in those of the greater temple. The tombs of those whose bodies had been buried entire, were deep ditches, formed with stone and lime, within which they placed the bodies in a sitting posture upon icpalli, or low seats, together with the instruments of their art or profes- sion. If it was the sepulchre of any military person, they laid a shield and sword by him ; if of a wo- man, a spindle, a weaver's shuttle, and a xicalli\ which was a certain naturally formed vessel, like a gourd. "In the tombs of the rich they put gold and jew'els, but all were provided with eatables for the long journey they had to make. The Spanish con- querors, knowing of the gold which was buried with the Mexican lords in their tombs, dug up several, and found considerable quantities of that precious metal. Cortez says, in his letters, that at one entry which he made into the capital, when it was besieged by his army, his soldiers found fifteen hun- dred castellanos, that is, two hundred and forty ounces of gold, in one sepulchre, which was in the tower of a temple. 80 PAINTINGS OF TtlE MEXICANS. " All daily burned incense to their idols ; no house was without censer^s. The priests in the temple, fathers of families in their houses, and judges in their tribunals, whenever they pronounced sentence in an important cause, whether civil or criminal, offered incense to the four principal winds. But incense-offering among the Mexicans, and other nations of Anahuac,* was not only an act of religion towards their gods, but also a piece of civil cour- tesy to lords and ambassadors." The Mexican empire abounded in rude paintings, and in hieroglyphic writings, called the Atzec char- acter. Many of these paintings recorded the na- tional history and religious worship. The Spaniards destroyed great quantities of these ancient paintings, but some of them have been preserved, and may be found in the museums of Mexico, and of some Euro- pean countries. " The cloth on which they painted was made of the thread of the maguey, or aloe, or the palm icxotl, dressed skins, or paper. They made paper of the leaves of a certain species of aloe, steeped together like hemp, and afterwards washed, stretched, and smoothed. Mexican paper was similar in the thickness to the pasteboard of Eu- rope, but softer, smoother, and easy for writing." , The king of Mexico exhibited as much state as European sovereigns. His crown was a small mitre, or pointed cap, of which he had several of different materials — sometimes of feathers, beauti- fully wrought, and sometimes of gold. Whenever he went abroad he was attended by a great retinue, and preceded by a noble, whose office was to de- clare his approach. The power of the kings was * Anahuac was the ancient name of the valley of Mexico. MODE OF GOVERNMENT. 81 different at different times. In the beginning of the monarchy, the king governed his people like a fa- ther; but when he had made conquests, and extended his empire from the gulf of Mexico to the Pacific, he imposed burdens upon his subjects, and lost the af- jection of many of them. He was not strictly an hereditary prince, but chosen. by law from the descendants of A-ca-ma- pit-zin, one of the most virtuous of the early kings. Four noblemen of high rank were the electors, and they did not fix their choice upon the eldest, but the wisest of the posterity of A-ca-ma-pit-zin. The election was also confirmed by the other lords of the empire, and by the tributary kings. The whole population of the kmgdom of Mexico was divided into nobility and common people. The nobihty were of two orders, the first and second. The first order comprehended about thirty famihes, the second included three hundred famihes. There were independent merchants and artizans, but the land of the empire appertained to the king and the nobles ; and it was occupied by a numerous class of labourers, who held the land which they cultivated from their lords, whom they also served in war. Property was hereditary. The king bestowed his estates as he pleased. Young persons, who have been instructed in history, will perceive that this tenure of property resembles the feudal system which prevailed in Europe during the middle ages. The vassals paid the thirtieth of their crops to their lords. The lords, to support his dignity, paid a certain tribute to the king, and the governors of provinces vied with each other which should make him the most magnificent presents. But the poli- tical state of this people was destined to a fatal re- 82 TREATMENT OF CHILDREN. verse. It will appear in the subsequent part of this history, that the whole of this large country became subject to Spain ; that all ranks and dignities fell before the artillery of Cortez, and that the posterity of the lords of Mexico, as well as that of their slaves, now holds the very lowest rank of all the inhabitants of Spanish America. The management of their children, among the Mexicans, is quite as interesting as the accounts which are given of the treatment of young persons among the Greeks and Romans. As soon as an infant was born, a female, present upon the occa- sion, received it. She immediately immersed the little babe in a bath, at the same time uttering a Messing upon it, in words like these : " May this water of purification cleanse thee from all spot and blemish. May the gods give thee a good heart, and enable thee to lead a perfect life ;" and addressing a prayer to the goddess who was supposed to preside over the birth of children, the woman, as she hfted the child from the water, concluded, " May the gra- cious Chal-chi-cue-je preserve thee from all evils." A fortune-teller was next consulted concerning the future fate of the child, and his predictions were re- lied upon. When a child was about five days old, a cere- mony not unlike Christian baptism was performed. The relatives and friends of the child's parents were invited to assemble at their house, and if the parents could afford it, they made presents of apparel to their guests. If the father of the child was a soldier, and the infant was a boy, a little bow, four arrows, and all the armour, in miniature ^ which was worn by the military, were brought out and shown as articles in dicative of the child's future occupation. If the TREATMENT OP CHILDREN. 83 parent vere not a soldier, the tools of his trade were brought out for the child. If the child was a girl, a little robe suitable for her, and a broom, a spindle, and such a loom as the women of the country used, all of a size proportioned to the baby, were pro- duced, instead of the toys proper to a boy. The company then attended the child in a sort of procession, carrying lighted torches into the open air, and the nurse laid down the babe, which she un- covered for the purpose, upon a little bed of grass. She then sprinkled it anew with water, and pro- nounced these words : " My child, the lords of heaven have sent thee into a dismal and calamitous world. Receive this water : without this element thou couldst not live." Having spoken thus, she raised the child, and offered him to all the gods, praying them to endow it with every virtue. The prayer which concluded this ceremony, was addressed to the sun and earth. " Sun !" exclaimed the nurse, " father of all that dwell upon earth, pre- serve this child ; and thou, foodful Earth, mother of all, sustain this thy son, (or daughter.) When this child shall die, may it enter heaven, and receive tho reward of a good life." She then put into the child's hand the small instrument suited to its sex. These emblematic toys were afterwards buried — those of the boys in a field, and those of the girls beneath a stone, like that used by the women in grinding corn, for these people had no mills as we have. The infant was afterwards clothed, and being laid in the cozolli, (cradle,) was commended to the god- dess of cradles, and to the god of night. The nurse prayed that the former might warm it in her bosom, and that the latter would refresh it with sweet sleep. After this the company feasted together. The names of children were taken from some circum- 84 EDUCATION AMONG stance : as a child born at the appearance of a comet, would sometimes be called Bm'ning Star. The names of girls were often taken from flowers, as we sometimes call a girl Rose. The names of animals were given to boys, as among the liahans we hear of men called Leo, or Lion. The manner in which the Mexicans educated their children, deserves in many particulars to be imitated by civilized and Christian people. " They were accustomed from infancy to endure hunger, heat, and cold. When they attained five years of age, they were either consigned to the priests, in order that they might be brought up in the semina- ries, which was the general practice with the chil- dren of nobles, and even with those of the kings themselves ; or if they were to be educated at home, their parents began at that period to instruct them in the worship of their gods, and to teach them the forms by which they were to pray and implore their protection. They were led frequently to the temple, that they might become attached to religion. An abhorrence of vice, a modesty of behaviour, respect to superiors, and love of fatigue, were strongly in- culcated. They were even made to sleep upon a mat ; and were given no more food than the neces- sities of life required, nor any other clothing than that which decency demanded. " When they arrived at a certain age, they were instructed in the use of arms, and if their parents belonged to the army, they were led to the wars along with them, that they might learn the military art, and to banish fear from their minds, by habitu- ating themselves to danger. If their parents were husbandmen, or artists, they taught their children their own profession. Girls were learned to spin and weave, and obliged to bathe frequently, that THE MEXICANS. 85 they might be always healthy and cleanly, and the universal maxim was to keep the young of both sexes constantly employed." One of the historians who has related the tradi- tions of this people as he had heard them, has given the following excellent discourse, which is suitable to all children every where, as the sum of the in- structions of a Mexican parent : " My son, God is thy father. He loves thee more than I do. Pray to him day and night. Reverence the aged. Hold no one in contempt. Comfort the distressed. Ho- nour thy parents with respect and service. Imitate not the example of those wicked sons who neither reverence their parents, nor listen to their instruc- tions. " Mock not the maimed, nor the deformed. De- spise not him who has committed a wicked action : pity him, and guard thyself lest thou fall into a like transgression. In conversation, when another speaks that which is wrong, correct him not rudely, but mildly. Spealc not too much, nor interrupt ano- ther's discourse. When any one converses with thee, hear him respectfully ; look not about you here and there, nor rise if thou art sitting. Such actions are marks of ill-breeding. ^' Eat not voraciously, nor in thy food, if aught displeases thee, show thy displeasure. Share what thou hast with him who corneth to thy dwelling. When any thing is given thee be thankful ; if the gift be great, be not vain of it ; if it be small, do not despise it. Insult not the poor man. Remember, if thou art rich, the gods give thee all things. They have taken wealth from him, and bestowed it upon thee. Imitate them, and dispense to others what they have put into thy hands. " Support thyself by thy labour, then thy food will 86 EDUCATION AMONG be sweet. Never tell a falsehood : a lie is a henious sin. Be not a news-carrier, nor a sower of discord. Spread not an evil report, lest it be a calumny of which thou shalt repent. Steal not. If thou art virtuous, thou wilt put the wicked to shame. Fol- low these counsels ; on thy obedience to them thy happiness depends." " My daughter," a mother would say, " I have fed thee with my life. My care has preserved thee ; thy father has wrought and polished thee like an emerald, that thou mayest appear to all eyes a jewel of virtue. Strive to be good, else thou wilt be de- spised of all. To toil and exertion thou wert born, therefore be not idle, but dihgent. Do not give thyself too much to sleep. When thy father or mo- ther summons thee, stay not to be twice called, lest thou offend them by thy slowness — go quickly. What thou undertakest do well. " Attempt not that thou canst not do. Deceive no one : the gods see all thy actions and all thy thoughts. Live in peace with all. Love sincerely, and thou wilt be equally loved in return. Be not greedy of gain. Envy not the blessings bestowed upon others — the gods distribute as they will. Keep not the company of the idle and the false-hearted ; they may infect thee by their example. Lose no- thing through negligence. Pay what thou owest. " Order thy household carefully. Make bread for thy family, and prepare thy husband's food. Wherever thou goest, let modesty attend thy steps. Give a courteous answer to them that salute thee.* If thy husband be foolish, be thou discreet. If thou neglectest my instructions, the fault will be thine and the evil also. Obey my words, and may the gods prosper thee." These surely were the admonitions of good pa- THE MEXICANS. 87 rents, and such as no child can misunderstand or hold in contempt. The sons of the Mexicans ge- nerally learned the professions of their fathers. The young females were instructed in sewing, weaving, embroidery, and household business, by their mo- thers. Many children of both sexes from their infancy were dedicated to the temple service ; that is, to live in the courts of the temples, under the care of certain priests and matrons, away from their pa- rents ; their employment was to sweep the floors of the temples, to adorn them with branches and flowers, to burn incense, and to perform many other offices connected with the public worship. Of the Mexican poetry or oratory, it is difficult at the present time to form accurate notions, as they had no other letters than the Atzec characters ; but from the remains of the nation, and the researches which the Spanish historians made concerning them, it may be supposed that they exhibited that sensible and persuasive eloquence, which simple men, lovers of their country, and engaged for the welfare of their children and brothers, usually display in every country. It is said of them, that in the first ages of their history, they composed the poetry common to all partially civilized nations. This consists of hymns in praise of the gods, sung in the temples, and in sacred dances ; historical poems, celebrating the exploits of heroes ; amatory verses, addressed to young and beautiful females, and others teaching morality. Theatrical representations were common among the Mexicans, The annexed account of one of their 88 THEATRICAL EXHIBITIONS, theatres, and their representation, is taken from a Spanish historian. " There was," he says, " in the area of the temple of this god a small theatre, thirty feet square, curi- ously whitened, which they adorned with boughs, and fitted up with the utmost neatness, surrounding it with arches made of flowers and feathers, from which were suspended many birds, rabbits, and other pleasing objects ; where, after having dined, the whole of the people assembled, the actors ap- peared, and exhibited burlesque characters, feigning themselves deaf, sick with colds, lame, blind, crip- pled, and addressing the idol for a return of health : the deaf people answering at cross purposes, those who had colds coughing and spitting, and the lame halting ; all recited their complaints and misfortunes, which produced infinite mirth among the audience. " Others appeared under the names of different little animals, some in the disguise of beetles, some like toads, some like lizards, and upon encountering each other, reciprocally explained their employments, which was highly satisfactory to the people, as they performed their parts with infinite ingenuity. Several little boys also belonging to the temple, appeared in the disguise of butterflies, and birds of various co- lours, and mounting upon the trees which were fixed there on purpose; the priests threw little balls of earth at them with slings, occasioning incidents of much humour and entertainment to the spectators. All the spectators then made a grand dance, which terminated the festival. This took place at their principal festivals only." The description which Acosta here gives, calls to our recollection the first scenes among the Greeks, and we doubt not that if the Mexican empire had endured a century or two longer, their theatre would have been reduced to a MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS. 89 better form, as the Grecian theatre improved itself but slowly and by degrees. ** Their music was more imperfect than their po- etry. They had no stringed instruments. All their music consisted in horns, sea-shells, and little flutes or pipes, which made a shrill sound. The Huehuetl, or Mexican drum, was a cylinder of wood, more than three feet high, curiously carved and painted on the outside, covered above with the skin of a deer, well dressed and stretched, which they tightened or slackened occasionally, to make the sound more sharp or deep. They struck it only with their fin- gers, but it required infinite dexterity in the striker. The Teponaztli, which is used to this day among the Indians, is also cylindrical and hollow, but all of wood, having no skin about it, nor any opening but two slits lengthways in the middle, parallel to, and at a little distance from each other. It is sounded by beating the space between those two slits with two little sticks, similar to those which are made use of for modern drums, only that their points are covered with ule, or elastic gum, to soften the sound. *' The size of this instrument is various ; some are so small as to be hung about the neck ; some of a middling size, and others so large as to be upwards of five feet long. The sound which they yield is melancholy, and that of the largest is so loud, that it may be heard at the distance of two or three miles. To the accompaniment of those instruments, the Mexicans sung their hymns and sacred music. Their singing was harsh and offensive to European ears ; but they took so much pleasure in it themselves, that on festivals, they continued singing the whole day." Dancing was among their accomplishments. In some dances only men displayed themselves, in 8* 90 FEATS OF STRENGTH others only women. " On such occasions, the no-- bles put on thek most pompous dresses, adorned themselves with bracelets, ear-rings, and various pendants of gold, jewels, and fine feathers, and car- ried in one hand a shield covered with the most beautiful plumes, or a fan made of feathers ; and in the other an Jljacaxili, which is a certain little ves- sel, resembling a helmet, round or oval in shape, having many little holes, and containing a number of little stones which they shook together, accom- panying the sound, which is not disagreeable, with their musical instruments. The populace disguised themselves, under various figures of animals, in dresses made of paper, or feathers, or skins." " The exhibitions of the Mexicans were not con- fined to the theatre and dancing. They had various games, not only for certain fixed seasons and public occasions, but also for the diversion and relaxation of private individuals. Amongst the public games, the race was one in which they exercised themselves from childhood. In the second month, and pos- sibly also at other times, there were military games, among which the warriors represented to the people a pitched battle. All those sports were most useful to the state, for besides the innocent pastime which they afforded to the people, they gave agility to their limbs, and accustomed them to the fatigues of war. " The exhibition of the flyers which was made on certain great festivals, and particularly in secular years, was, though of less public benefit, more cele- brated than all others. They sought in the woods for an extremely lofty tree, which, after stripping it of its branches and bark, they brought to the city, and fixed in the centre of some large square. They cased the point of the tree in a wooden cylinder, 1f ^ -■^'\yi ^^m -- mmX-Z-CAM. ■: Ci^AI^IEK. AND AGILITY. 91 which, on account of some resemblance in its shape, the Spaniards called a mortar. From this cylinder hung four strong ropes, which served to support a square frame. In the space between the cylinder and the frame, they fixed four other thick ropes, which they twisted as many times round the tree as there were revolutions to be made by the flyers. "These ropes wei-e drawn through four holes, made in the middle of the four planks of which the frame consisted. The four principal flyers, dis- guised like eagles, herons, and other birds, mounted the tree with great agility, by means of a rope which was laced about it from the ground up to the frame ; from.jpie frame they mounted one at a time succes- sively upon the cylinder, and having danced there a little, they tied themselves round with the ends of the ropes, which were drawn through the holes of the frame, and launching with a spring fi'om it, began their flight with their wings expanded. The action of their bodies put the frame and the cylinder in mo- tion ; the frame by its revolutions graduallyuntwisted the cords by which the flyers swung ; so that as the ropes lengthened, they made so much the greater circles in their flight. Whilst these tour were flying, a fifth danced upon the cylinder, beating a little drum, or waving a flag, without the sm.allest appre- hension of the danger he was in of being precipi- tated from such a height. " The others who were upon the frame (there having been ten or twelve persons generally who mounted) as soon as they saw the flyers in their last revolution, precipitated themselves by the same ropes, in order to reach the ground at the same time amidst the acclamations of the populace. Those who precipitated themselves in this manner by the ropes, that they might make a still greater display of 92 COIN OF THE MEXICANS. their agility, frequently passed from one rope to ano- ther, at that part where, on account of the little dis- tance between them, . it was possible for them to do so." Having described something of the political state, the morals, the manners, and pleasures of the Mex- ican people, it will afford a more perfect conception of them to detail the principal means by which they subsisted. These were agriculture, the manufac- ture of every article necessary for clothing, of all utensils employed in household operations, and of all tools required in the arts, and the preparation of sundry kinds of food, dye-stuffs, and drugs. Perfect savages live by the chace, and by robbing one ano- ther. Partially civilized men live like civilized men, by ingenuity, industry, and the exchange or pur- chase and sale of what they have, and what they want. All that they make is less perfect in its kind than the articles used by the highly civilized, but they are equally produced and distributed by labour and commerce. A peaceable and prosperous trade was carried through all the provinces of the Mexican empire. *' Their commerce was not only carried on by way of exchange, but likewise by means of real purchase and sale. " They had five kinds of real money, though it was not coined, which served them as a price to purchase whatever they wanted. The first was a certain species of cacoa, different from that which they used in their daily drink, which was in constant circulation through the hands of traders, as our mo- ney is among us. The second kind of money was certain small cloths of cotton. The third species of money was gold in dust, contained in goose-quills, which by being transparent, showed the precious ROADS AND BRIDGES. 93 metal which filled them, and in proportion to their size were of greater or less value. The fourth, which most resembled coined money, was made of pieces of copper in the form of a T, and was em- ployed in purchases of little value. ^ The fifth con- sisted of thin pieces of tin." The bridges, causeways, and roads, were very good for their use, as they had no carriages. They had no inns, but uninhabited houses were erected in solitary places for the shelter of travellers ; and in populous places the inhabitants afforded accommo- dation gratuitously to the wayfaring man. " Their bridges were of a curious construction ; they were built either of stone or wood, but those of stone were extremely few in number. The most singular kind of bridge was that to which the Spaniards gave the name of Hamaca. This was a number of the ropes, or natural ligatures of a tree, more pliant than the willow, but thicker and stronger, called Bejucos, twisted and woven to- gether, the extremities of which were tied to the trees on each side of rivers, the tress or net formed by them remaining suspended in the air in the man- ner of a swing. There are some rivers with such bridges still. The Spaniards durst not pass them, but the Indians pass them with as much confidence and intrepidity as if they were crossing by a stone bridge, perfectly regardless of the unclulatory mo- tion of the hamaca, or the depth of the river." " Whatever was not transported by water was carried upon men's backs, and on that account there were numbers of men who carried burdens, called Tlamama or Tamemes. They were brought up from childhood to this business, which they continued all their lives. A regular- loud was about sixty pounds, 94 MODE OF TRAVELLING. and the length of way they daily walked was fifteen miles ; but they made also journeys of two hundred and three hundred miles, travelling frequently over rocky and steep mountains. They were subjected to this intolerable fatigue from the want of beasts of burden ; and even at present, although those coun- tries abound in animals of this sort, the Mexicans are often seen making long journeys with bur- dens upon their backs. They carried cotton, maize, and other things, in 'petlacalli, which were bas- kets made of a particular kind of cane, and covered with leather. These were light, and defended their goods sufficiently from the rain or the sun. Their ingenuity in all mechanic operations was wonderful, when we consider the imperfection of their instruments, for they used neither iron, nor steel, nor any edge tools, except some made of flint stone. These are a few of the facts illustrative of the condition of the empire of Mexico, three centuries ago. They exhibit the state of a powerful monarch, and the resources of an industrious people ; but they also exhibit a horrible and inhuman religion — a re- ligion in which the doctrine of one God had no exist- ence ; in which the divine attribute of infinite mercy was unknown ; in which cruelty, and not kindness, was accounted acceptable service ; and in which sentiments of pity and respect for human nature, were excluded from divine worship, by the most cruel superstition and deplorable ignorance. What bad effect soever may have resulted from the Spanish conquest of Mexico, the introduction of Christianity in the Roman Catholic form, all over the Spanish dominions of America, is truly a vast CORTEZ'S ENTRY INTO MEXICO. 95 improvement in the faith and morals of nations that poured out the blood of their fellow creatures like water, and commended themselves for the deed. CHAPTER VII. In order to make the sequel of this history intelli- gible, the narrative has been suspended, that the characters and manners of the Mexican people, and the condition of the empire might be described. The history will now be resumed. The eighth of November, 1519, was a day not less memorable to the Mexicans than to the Span- ish nation. On that day, Cortez and his army en- tered the capital of Montezuma. Montezuma being forced to admit his unwelcome guest, made a merit of necessity, and resolved to meet him like a great king. The munificent hospitality of Montezuma, and the premeditated treachery of Cortez, will appear in the following detail. " A little way before they reached the city, Cortez was informed that the king of Mexi- co was coming to meet him; and soon after he appeared, with a numerous and noble attendance. Three nobles preceded, each holding up in his hand a golden rod, as the insignia of majesty, by which the people were advertised of the presence of their sovereign. Montezuma came richly clad in a Utter covered with plates of gold, which four nobles bore on their shoulders, under the shade of a parasol of green feathers embroidered with fancy works of gold ; he wore hanging from his shoulders a 96 RECEPTION OF CORTEZ mantle adorned with the richest jewels of gold and precious stones, on his head a thin crown of the same metal, and upon his feet shoes of gold, tied with strings of leather worked with gold and gems ; he was accompanied by two hundred lords, dressed in a style superior to the other nobles, but all bare- footed, two by two, keeping close on each side to the walls of the houses, to show the respect they bore to their sovereign. _ / : .• " As soon as the king and the Spanish general saw each other, both alighted, Cortez from his horse, and the king from his litter, who began to walk leaning on the arms of his brother and nephew. Cortez, after having made a profound bow to the king, approached him to put about his neck a small cord of gold, on which were strung glass beads which appeared like gems, and the kmg bowed his head to receive it. Cortez was also going to embrace him, but the two lords did not permit it. The general expressed in a short speech, as the circumstances required, his benevolence, his respect, and the pleasure he had in the knowledge of so great a monarch. Montezuma, answered him in few words, and having performed the usual ceremony, he in return for the present of the glass beads, gave him two necklaces of beautiful mother of pearl, from which hung some large cray-fish of gold, in imitation of nature : he charged the prince Cuitlahuatzin to conduct Cortez to his dwelling, and he himself retired with the king of Tezcuco. " The nobihty, as well as the populace, who, from the tops, doors, and windows of the houses, were observing all that passed, were equally surprised and astonished at the sight of so many extraordi- nary objects presented to their eyes. The Span- iards, full of wonder at seeing the grandeur of the city, the magnificence of the buildings, and the mul BY MONTEZUMA. 97 titude of inhabitants. Thus they travelled on for near a mile and a half within the city, unto the palace destined for their reception. "Here Montezuma, who had gone before, waited for them. When Cortez arrived at the gate of that palace, Montezuma took him by the hand, led him into a large hall, made him sit down upon a foot-stool similar in form to those of the altars of the moderns, and covered with a fine tapestry of cotton, and close to a wall also covered with a tapestry embroidered with gold and gems ; and, taking leave of him, said to him, * You and your companions are now in your own house ; refresh and repose yourselves ; I will return shortly.' " The king went to his palace, and Cortez imme- diately ordered a volley of all the artillery to be fired, in order to awe and intimidate the Mexicans by the sound : in the meaa while, he went to see all the chambers of the palace where his people were to lodge. This edifice was so large, that both the Spaniards and their allies, who, together with their women and servants whom they brought with them, exceeded seven thousand in number, were accom- modated in it ; every where there was the greatest cleanliness and neatness ; almost all the chambers had beds of mats, of rushes, and palm, according to the custom, and other mats in a round form for pil- lows, with coverlets of fine cotton, and seats made of single pieces of wood ; some chambers had the floor covered with mats, and the walls also covered with tapestries of cotton of various colours. The walls were moderately thick, and at certain distances there were little towers ; the Spaniards therefore found every thing which they could wish for their security. The indefatigable and cautious general, immediately distributed his guards, placed a battery 9 98 MONTEZUMA VISITS CORTEZ. of his cannon facing the gate of the palace, and took as much care to fortify himself, as if he had expect- ed to be assaulted that night by his enemies. That day there was a magnificent entertainment prepared for Cortez and his officers, and served by the nobi- lity, and for the rest of the army were brought vari- ous and abundant provisions." After the Spanish general was refreshed, on the same day Montezuma paid him a visit, attended by his principal lords, and bringing magnificent presents of gold and silver, besides five thousand cotton gar- ments, the manufacture of the country. Montezuma apologized to Cortez, for the frequent messages he had sent to him, requesting him to desist from his projected visit to Mexico. It was the desire of his subjects, he said, that the strangers should not enter the capital : for himself, he was sincerely glad to receive him ; and then the ill-fated Montezuma concluded his speech thus : " I accept the embassy of your king who sends you ; I respect his friendship, and offer all my king- dom to his obedience ; since from the signs we have observed in the heavens, and what we have seen in you, the period seems to be arrived when the pre- dictions of our ancestors are to be fulfilled ; that is, that there were to come from the quarter of the east, certain men, different in habit and in customs from us, who were to become lords of all this country ; for we are not the original people of this land. It is not many years since our ancestors came hither from the regions of the north, and we have not ruled these people but as the viceroys of Quetzalcoatl,ourgood and lawful sovereign." The next day, Cortez, attended by his principal officers, returned the visit of Montezuma, and they were all graciously received. Cortez took this op- DESIGNS OF CORTEZ. 99 portunity to discourse with the Mexican king, upon the excellence of the Christian religion. " He ex- plained to him the unity of God, the creation of the world, the severity of the judgments of God, the glory with which he rewards the just, and the eternal punishments to which he condemns the wicked. Then he spoke of the rites of Christianity ; and drew a comparison between it and the inhuman sacrifices of the Mexicans, declaiming warmly against the barbarous cruelty of sacrificing human victims, and feeding on their flesh." All this did not convince Montezuma ; he only gave Cortez liberty to make a place of worship for his army, and to erect in a public place a great cross,. as the symbol of his rehgion. After residing six days in his palace, and daily visiting the king, who always treated him with the same liberality and courtesy, Cortez began to feel extremely uneasy at his situation, and anxious to proceed to the conquest which ho had long medi- tated. He had been seven months in the country : it was time, according to his rapacious and cruel selfishness, that he had become its master. He deliberated upon a plan to accomplish his purpose ; it was to make a quarrel with Montezuma, and to take him prisoner, and having secured his person, to force his subjects to transfer their alle- giance to the king of Spain. In order to commence his operations to this effect, he went one day to court, attended, as usual, by his officers and Marina. The king received him with his wonted kindness, and presented to him one of the princesses his daughter, offering her to him as a wife. Cortez replied that he was already married, and that the Christian religion, and the custom of his country, forbade him to take more than one wife ; 100 QUARRELS WITH MONTEZUMA. and he proceeded to say, that though he was grate- ful to the king for manifold favours, he felt himself injured in a transaction which he took the present occasion to lay before his majesty. It was this : his former subjects, the Totonacas, had acknowledged the king of Spain to be their lord and master ; and his vassal, the lord of Nauhtlan, had taken upon himself to demand tribute from the Totonacas, and moreover, when the Totonacas had sought redress from the governor of the Spanish garrison at Vera Cruz, Juan de Escalente, the lord of Nauhtlan defi- ed Escalente, and they came to an engagement, in which Escalente lost his life. Cortez continued, that he had learned that the lord of Nauhtlan w as instructed by Montezuma himself Montezuma falsely and foolishly replied to this, that the lord of Nauhtlan had acted without his orders, and that he should instantly be ordered- to appear at court, and be delivered up to Cortez, who might do with him as he would. Cortez affected not to be satisfied with this, and told the king if he would come and dwell in the royal palace, which he had appointed for his residence, it would prove that he was sincere, and would be doing an honour to his guest. When Montezuma understood what Cortez re- quired, he felt himself to be insulted, and knew that the Spanish general intended to make him prisoner. In his agitation he replied, " When was there ever an instance of a king tamely suffering himself to be led into prison? Although I was willing to de- base myself in so vile a manner, would not all my vassals immediately arm themselves to set me free ? I am not a man who can hide myself, or fly to the mountains. Without subjecting myself to such in- PUSILLANIMITY OF THE MEXICANS. 101 famy, I am here now ready to satisfy your com plaints." Some farther parley between the king and the general ensued, but it was interrupted by an insulting threat from one of the officers, that he would either take the person or the life of Montezuma, without further delay. The king could not misunderstand the Spaniard's ferocious countenance, as he uttered these daring words, and he eagerly demanded of Marina, what that furious stranger said. " I, prince," (she answered with mildness and dis- cretion,) " as your subject, desire your happiness ; but as the confidant of those men, know their secrets, and am acquainted with theii* character. If you condescend to do what they require, you will be treated by them with all the honour which is due to your royal person ; but if you persist in your refusal, your life will be in danger." You will remember that the unhappy king, from the time that he heard of the arrival of the Spaniards, felt as Belshazzar must have felt when the prophet said to him, " Thy kingdom is divided and given to another :" as if the gods had decreed, and he must submit to see his glory depart from him. Not only Montezuma, but all his subjects, must have been pusillanimous to the last degree to have permitted the violence that was practised upon him. The words of Marina served to convince Monte- zuma that he could only preserve his life by yielding to Cortez, and after some short deliberation, he said to him, " I am willing to go with you, since the gods require it ;" and he immediately ordered his litter to be made ready to convey him to the Spanish quar- ters. In a short time he departed from his palace never more to return to it. In his passage to the place of custody, Monte- 9* 102 MONTEZUMA IN CUSTODY. zuma was attended by his retinue as usual, but the Spaniards kept close to him, watching Avith the ut- most vigilance under pretence of showing respect to him. The report of the king's imprisonment was soon spread throughout the city. Multitudes of the people were thrown into despair at the intelli- gence, and they resorted in crowds to the Spanish quarters that they might see him. Montezuma af- fected to comfort them, saying it was his own plea- sure to reside with his friends, and moreover he threatened with punishment any who should create the least disturbance. In his confinement Cortez allowed the king still to preserve the appearance of power. His servants attended him as formerly, and in the same state. He also heard petitions, and consulted with his ministers and councillors. He was permitted to go abroad and to hunt, but he was always forced to return to his Spanish prison. Cortez all this time treated him with seeming honour, never himself omitting, or allowing others to omit the least ceremony or com- pliment. One of Montezuma's daughters was mar- ried to Olid, a Spanish otficer, and she and one of her sisters were baptized and initiated in the Catholic religion, without any opposition from their father. As Montezuma had promised, Quah-po-po-ca, the lord of Nauhtlan, was summoned to the capital to defend himself. He came readily, and immedi- ately went to pay his respects to his captive master. Montezuma, as was expected, delivered him over to Cortez. As soon as the unfortunate man was asked how he had dared to demand tribute of the Toto- nacas, and, more especially, to resist the Spanish forces and to kill Escalente, he answered, Mon- tezuma had ordered that he should punish the rebel- lious Totonacas, and he felt it to be his duty to COURT-MARTIAL ON QUAH-PO-PO-CA. 103 oppose, even to death, any people who should hinder him in fullilling that duty which his sovereign com- manded. To give some colour of justice to their proceed- ings, Cortez and his officers formed themselves into a court-martial, that is, into a court which tries oflences of officers, and all persons who have broken laws of war — laws observed among military persons. This court, it appears in truth, knew no law of jus- tice, humanity, or honour. If they had been gov- erned by these laws, which are before all other laws, they would not have accused this Mexican officer, who had only done his duty, nor would they have pronounced any punishment upon him, but rather have commended him. At this period, to do right made no part of the selfish and cruel policy of Cortez. He had come into the Mexican territory to enrich himself and his followers, and to add to the possessions of the king of Spain. How this was to be done, or who was to be made miserable, he did not care, so long as he accomplished his object. He knew he must make the Mexicans believe, that the Spaniards were gods rather than men, and were irresistible, that they might never dare to set themselves ngainst them. Quah-po-po-ca and his men had not only killed Escalente, but they had killed and wounded other Spaniards. Cortez chose to make the Mexicans think that to kill a Spaniard was the greatest of crimes, and deserved the most exemplary punish- ment. In order to show them this, Cortez imme- diately pronounced sentence of death upon Quah- po-po-ca. It was ordered that this victim of Spanish vengeance, and barbarous policy, should be burned to death ; and his funeral pile was composed of arms used in war. Cortez seized upon the public armory. 104 MONTEZUMA PUT IN IRONS. and took thence a large quantity of bows, arrows, and shields, all of which were composed of com- bustible substances. In destroying these, he dimi- nished the means of defence possessed by the injured Mexicans, Before Quah^po-po-ca was led out to execution, Cortez, pretending to be much enraged at Monte- zuma, commanded one of his soldiers to take a pair of fetters, and to attend him. The man followed him to the king's apartment, and Cortez approach- ing him with a stern countenance, said, " Your offi- cer, Quah-po-po-ca, when he fell upon the Spaniards of Vera Cruz, only obeyed your orders ; you falsely denied to me having given such orders ; but I now know that you presumed to command an attack upon those invincible strangers. Know that the man who sheds their blood draws down upon himself the ven- geance of their God. He who dared to obey you shall be rewarded as he deserves ; and though in my clemency, I spare your life, you must suffer for your presumption and your deceit." Having spoken thus, he commanded the soldier to put the fetters upon Montezuma. This was the vilest indignity that could have been offered to him. His attendants had always been accustomed to re- gard their king's person as sacred ; they Avere used to spread mats upon his path wherever he went, and to express reverence and affection towards him upon every occasion. When they beheld, instead of golden anklets, rude iron rings clasp the limbs of their royal master, they were inconsolable. They fell upon the ground in their despair, bathed Monte- zuma's feet with tears, and some tenderly wound around his legs bandages of cotton, that he might not be hurt by the fetters. Unmoved at this sight, Cortez left the captive EMBARRASSMENT OF CORTEZ. 105 king, and went to the execution. When that was over he deUvered Montezuma from the irons, and that weak man seemed only to be pleased with his release, without remembering his shame — neither he nor his people manifesting any becoming dis- pleasure at the insolence with which he had been treated. The Mexicans indeed were overawed at the terrible punishment inflicted upon Quah-po-po- ca, and for six months ensuing, Montezuma re- mained a prisoner, and Cortez and his troops continued to guard him. During all this time Montezuma gave orders to the people ; old customs and laws were still in force, and every thing relating to public affairs was tran- quil. The Mexicans did not attempt to deliver their master, nor did Cortez do any thing to extend his conquests. The Mexicans, however, lived in con- stant fear, not knowing what the Spaniards might do, and the Spaniards also lived in fear of them. Cortez at that time felt very anxious and doubtful GiPncerning the future. He knew not how to pro- ceed. He resolved not to abandon the conquest, neither did he feel himself able to accomplish it. Cortez had not a sufficient military force to carry on an extensive warfare, nor had he any commission from the king of Spain to do it. You must remem- ber the order of events in respect to the discovery of New Spain, and that it was effected under the pa- tronage of Velasquez, governor of Cuba. Several rich settlers of the island of Cuba had fitted out an expedition imder Cordova. He discovered Yucatan, and explored part of its coast, but he returned to Cuba only to relate his discovery and die. A second expedition was fitted out under Grijalva, who navi- gated the Gulf of Mexico more extensively, disco- vered the country which he called New Spain, and 106 THE COUNTRY IS EXPLORED. previously to his own return to Cuba, despatched thither a messenger, to relate his success to Velas- quez. I have repeated these facts that the history may be present to your minds as a whole. Velasquez, you have not forgotten, to prosecute further disco- veries, did not wait for the return of Grijalva, but in ail haste fitted out under Cortez a new armament, to perfect what Grijalva had begun. The progress of Cortez has just been detailed. You must recollect that Cortez was neither a prince nor a rich man — he had commenced his un- dertaking under favour of Velasquez. The men, arms, ships, and money which he employed were not his own ; but he was so successful that he forgot the governor of Cuba, got himself appointed general by his followers, and sent off a ship to Spain with a petition to the king, that he might prosecute the con- quest of New Spain without any dependence upon his original patron. Nine months had elapsed since the bearei's of despatches had departed for Spain, and Cortez had received no intelligence of the pleasure of the king in relation to his enterprise. He thought it prudent not to attempt to overturn the Mexican government, nor was he provided with a sufficient force to do it ; but he felt much concern for his own safety, placed as he was in the midst of a numerous people, who, weak as they had shown themselves to be, might with little difficulty at any time rise upon their inva- ders and destroy them. But, though Cortez suffered much from the sus- pense in which he was, he was not therefore idle. He inquired of Montezuma the extent of his domi- nions, and with the consent of the king, despatched officers to explore the country, attended by natives HUMILIATION OF MONTEZUMA. 107 as guides. These officers visited most of the pro- vinces, surveyed the districts which contained gold and silver, pitched upon proper places for the estab- lishment of colonies, and endeavoured to prepare the natives to admit the Spaniards as residents among them. To establish the authority of his king, even before his own should be acknowledged, Cortez urged Montezuma to declare himself a vassal, or depen- dent of the king of Spain, still wearing his crown, and caUing himself king of Mexico, but binding himself to pay tribute to the monarch of a distant country, whose very existence was only known to him by report Montezuma upon this, assembled his nobles and informed them of the proposal of Cortez. His man- ner of addressing them upon this humbling occasion, was solemn and affecting ; groans and tears inter- rupted his discourse. " I speak as the gods direct me," said he. " You know our diviners have told us, that as other nations possessed this land before our ancestors came hither, and as our fathers sup- planted their predecessors, so must a new race over- come and supplant ours. That hour is come ; the sceptre is passed from my hands ; the crown which my fathers wore, and which you placed upon my brow, must be laid at the feet of the stranger who has appeared among us, and who now requires me to surrender my power and your allegiance to the will and the service of the- king of the east." The assembly were struck dumb ; but indigna- tion as well as astonishment, appeared in their coun- tenances. At this moment, thought Cortez,' they will scorn my presumption ; they will feel that they are required to degrade themselves ; and they will also feel their own rights, and their own strength. 108 CORTEZ ADDRESSES THE NOBLES. In a moment the whole population of this city might assemble, and their numbers might overcome this little band of mine. But neither danger nor fear ever dismayed this wonderful man ; he had a grand design to accomplish, and he suffered no obstacle to divert him from it. At this juncture, notwithstanding the agitation of his mind, Cortez addressed himself graciously to the assembled nobles. " My friends," said he to them, " you are disturbed, I see, at this proposal of the great Montezuma ; you fear that you are to be de- prived of his fatherly care, and that a strange and tyrannical master will be set over you : but you de- ceive yourselves. The king of Spain dwells beyond the great sea ; he is as good as he is glorious ; he only desires to send his subjects among you, that they may dwell peaceably with you. You have gold ancl silver, and abundance of the good things of the earth ; give him a portion of those things, and he will give you h portion in heaven, in another and a better world. He will give you a new and a pure religion, and he will leave you all that you value ; your families, your laws, and your king. Believe me, I would not hurt you. I came hither to declare my master's will ; submit yourselves to it, and you have nothing to dread from me or from him." This was the substance of the declaration of Cor- tez. The ill fated Mexicans had no wise and valiant leader to exhort them to crush this daring usurpation upon their national rights, and they con- sented that their king should acknowledge himself the vassal and tributary of the king of Spain. One of the first demands of Cortez was, as much gold and silver as could be found, and this, having re- served one fifth for the king of Spain, he divided between himself and his followers. The quantity EXPEDITION OF VELASQUEZ. 109 of this gold and silver was inconsiderable, for the Mexicans did not understand the working of mines, or the refining of ores, and obtained their gold chiefly from the soil washed by rivers, and which exposed that precious metal upon its surface. When Cortez despatched his messengers to Spain, he commanded them not to touch at Cuba, but they disregarded his injunction, stopped on their way at the island, and informed Velasquez of the success of Cortez. Velasquez was highly provoked at the conduct of Cortez, and as soon as was practicable, fitted out a military force of eight hundred men, with orders to punish him, and take possession of the country in the name of Velasquez. Velasquez felt himself entiUed to do this, because, when Grijalva's discovery of New Spain was reported to the king, he appointed Velasquez governor of the country. The expedition fitted out by Velasquez, was en- trusted to an officer by the name of Pamphilo de Narvaez. His army landed safely in Mexico. When Cortez heard of the arrival of Narvaez, he thought it expedient to quit the city of Mexico, and encounter him at another place, to which Narvaez marched his troops. Before he proceeded to hos- tilities, Cortez endeavoured to reconcile Narvaez to his authority, but the latter would not submit to any accommodation. Cortez left the city and the cap- tive king, under the charge of Pedro de Alvarado, one of his officers, with one hundred and fifty Span- iards, and with about two hundred and fifty men marched to Chempoalla. At Chempoalla, Cortez met Narvaez and his army, but the excessive rain which was falling at the time, prevented Narvaez from attempting battle. Cortez and his hardy followers were not discour- aged by the elements. The Spanish conqueror, for 10 110 VICTORY OVER NARVAEZ. SO he may be called, in the middle of the night, under cover of darkness and in torrents of rain, attacked the encampment of Narvaez ; and the lat- ter, wholly unprepared, soon yielded to the well con- certed onset of his adversary. In this engagement, but nineteen were killed in all ; only two of the sol- diers of Cortez lost their lives. Cortez made a generous use of his victory. Of the gold acquired by the general and his soldiers in Mexico, a large portion had been converted into rings, chains, and other personal ornaments. These were freely given to the soldiers of Narvaez, now under the command of Cortez. Presents, which they considered of great value, together with the gracious manners of Cortez, reconciled these men to a new service, and they gladly marched under the orders of Cortez to the city of Mexico. The general, now a thousand strong, returned thither. The presence of Cortez was indeed required in Mexico. In his absence, Alvarado at the head of only one hundred and fifty men, had not the authority of the general ; and no sooner was the latter with- drawn, than the Mexicans and Spaniards com- menced mutual provocations, which ended in blood- shed. A few days after the discomfiture of Narvaez, Cortez received intelligence that Alvarado was driven into his quarters, and though he and his men defended themselves bravely, they stood in need of assistance. As soon as Cortez learned the dangerous situa- tion of the Spaniards, he hastened back to Mexico, which he was permitted to enter without opposition. Alvarado received Cortez with delight, and he in the pride of success, exulting in the victory he had just achieved, threatened the Mexicans iviih the ven- geance of the Spaniards^ for their presumption ap** THE MEXICANS ATTACK CORTEZ. Ill insolence, as he called their attempts at retaliation, for the injuries they had suffered. Cortez was not a man of words. All that he threatened to inflict upon the Mexicans, he com- menced to do. His outrages exasperated them highly, and in their rage they assaulted the Spanish quarters in greater numbers, and with more order and courage than they had ever displayed. All this was unavailing; the artillery of Cortez but too easily destroyed or dispersed these unfortunate people. Still, not in despair, they returned again and again, and as often were repulsed with loss. At this period the Mexicans, hitherto so tame and passive, appeared in a new character ; nor was it one to be despised. They collected in great numbers, and seemed not only to be animated with implaca- ble hatred to the Spaniards, but with an unconquer- able purpose to preserve what was dear to them, and to expel their lawless invaders. *' They were led," says Dr. Robertson, " by their nobles, in- flamed by the exhortations of their priests, and fought in defence of their temples and families, under the eye of their gods, and in presence of their wives and children." In this state of excitement, notwithstanding the superiority of the Spanish discipline and arms, Cor- tez had every thing to fear from the numbers and the spirit of the enemy. In his apprehension he thought of an expedient, which he conceived might mitigate the ferocity of the enraged Mexicans. It was the interposition of Montezuma, whom he per- suaded or compelled to address his subjects, and to counsel them to yield to the Spaniards. Montezuma, being entirely at the mercy of the Spanish general, did as he was desired ; and, in his royal robes and attended with unusual pomp, he 112 DEATH OP MONTEZUMA. permitted himself to appear before his unhappy sub- jects, when in their hostile array they surrounded the place of his imprisonment. " At sight of their sovereign, whom they had long been accustomed to honour, and almost to revere as a god, the weapons dropped from their hands, every tongue was silent, all bowed their heads, and many prostrated them- selves on the ground." Montezuma said all that he could to dissuade them from persevering in the war so unhappily com- menced. " When he ended his discourse, a sullen murmur of disapprobation run through the ranks ; to this succeeded reproaches and threats, and the fury of the multitude rising above every restraint of decency or respect, flights of arrows and volleys of stones poured in so violently upon the ramparts, that before the Spanish soldiers appointed to cover Montezuma with their bucklers, had time to lift them in his defence, two arrows wounded the unhappy monarch, and the blow of a stone on his temple struck him to the ground." The veneration with which the Mexicans were accustomed to regard their king, inspired them with horror at their crime ; and when they saw him fall, they fled as if the vengeance of Heaven had driven them. Montezuma was immediately conveyed to a couch, and his wounds were dressed, but despair, from this moment of utter degradation, seized his soul. He tore the bandages from his wounds, re- fused all nourishment, and in a few days, exhausted with miseries and wrongs, ended his wretched life. After the death of Montezuma, Cortez finding it impossible to make any accommodation with the Mexicans, thought it best to retreat from the city, and accordingly made the attempt. But the Mexi- cans, still bent upon vengeance, resolved to cut off* DEFEAT OF THE SPANIARDS. 113 the retreat. To effect this, " all Mexico was now in arms, and so eager were the people in the de- struction of their oppressors, that fresh warriors constantly poured into the ranks of those that fell. The Spaniards, weary with slaughter, began to give way. The confusion became universal ; horse and foot, officers and soldiers, friends and enemies, were mingled together, and while all fought and many fell, the hand which dealt the blow could hardly be dis- tinguished." From this memorable action, Cortez and about half of his men escaped, but many of the Spaniards were killed, and others fell alive into the hands of the Mexicans. These they carried off. in triumph, and sacrificed to their god of war. All the artillery and baggage were lost, the greater part of the horses, and about two thousand Tlascalans were killed, and only a small part of the treasure they had amassed was saved. Amidst so many disasters, Aguilar and Marina, who were so necessary to the Spaniards as interpreters, had the good fortune to escape. This memorable night is still distinguished by the name of JVoche Triste — the sorrowful night. When the morning, after this night of sorrow, dawned, Cortez found himself in the midst of his shattered battalions — their numbers deplorably diminished, and those who survived sadly dejected. He could not think of his friends slain, and his remaining fol- lowers so fearfully exposed, without anguish ; and though he showed so little mercy in his conduct towards the Mexicans, he seemed to regard his countrymen with sympathy and compassion, for upon this occasion he was observed to weep. JFIaving escaped from Mexico to Tacuba, a place in the vicinity, Cortez knew that he could not remain 10* 114 RETREAT FROM MEXICO. there, and that it would be impossible to retreat to any safe place except through the woods to Tlas- cala, as the Mexicans would undoubtedly pursue and waylay the Spaniards upon any ordinary track. They were on the west side of the lake. The place which Cortez desired to reach was the capital of their allies. This place was sixty-four miles east of Mexico, and thither a Tlascalan soldier undertook to guide the broken host through marshes and over mountains, and across a country little cultivated and thinly peopled. During this tedious march, no provisions could be found but berries and roots ; and famine wasted the strength of the fugitives, while their dangerous situation called for increased strength and activity. But the greatness of Cortez was never more mani- fested than during this trial. He was foremost in every danger, and endured every hardship with cheerfulness. So kindly did he encourage his de- jected companions, and so vigilantly did he provide for every danger and difficulty, that their confidence in him inspired in their minds hope for themselves. On the sixth day of their flight, the guide told them they were near Otumba, a place on the road between Mexico and Tlascala, and here they per- ceived small detachments of Mexicans pursuing them. Marina declared that the exclamations which these uttered, signified, " Go on, robbers ; go to the place where the vengeance of the gods awaits you— there you will meet the punishment due to your crimes." The meaning of this threat the Spaniards did not comprehend until they reached the summit of an eminence before them. There a spacious valley opened to the view, covered with a vast army, ex-^ tending as far as the eye could reach. While the BATTLE AT OTUMBA. 115 Spaniards had retreated by a circuitous route, the Mexicans, aware of their design to reach Tlascala, took a direct road thither, and now stationed their army at Otumba, near which they knew the Span- iards must pass. The Spaniards, ah'eady disheartened, were thrown into despair at sight of the army before them. The unbroken spirit of Cortez, however, was equal to this exigency. He disposed his men in the best manner for battle, exhorted them to take courage, and with incredible skill and boldness, directed them how to act. The great standard of the empire was an object of reverence and trust to this superstitious people, and as the Trojans believed that their city could not be taken while the Palladium remained in it, so the Mexicans trusted that while they preserved this standard, their enemies could not prevail against them. Cortez had heard of this superstition, and he therefore conceived that he might wholly dis- concert and overcome the Mexican host by seizing this standard. Cortez resolved at any hazard to possess himself of this ensign, and with the aid of his principal offi- cers, to whom he confided his purpose, made the desperate attempt. The manner in which he achiev- ed this enterprise and its consequences, shall be related in the words of Dr. Robertson. Cortez and his aids made directly towards the standard, and the Mexicans perceiving their design, used their utmost efforts to baffle them. " A chosen body of nobles, who guarded the standard made some resistance, but were soon broken. Cortez, with a stroke of his lance, wound- ed the Mexican general and threw him to the ground. One of the Spanish officers alighting, put an end to his life, and laid hold of the imperial 116 CORTEZ REINFORCED, standard. The moment that their leader fell, and the standard, towards which all directed their eyes, disappeared, a universal panic struck the Mexicans, and, as if the bond which held them together had been dissolved, every ensign was lowered, each soldier threw away his weapons, and all fled with precipitation to the mountains. The Spaniards, unable to pursue them far, returned to collect the spoils of the field, which were so valuable as to be some compensation for the wealth which they had lost in Mexico ; for in the enemy's army were most of their principal warriors, dressed out in their richest ornaments, as if they had been marching to assured victory." Next day, to their great joy, the Spaniards entered the Tlascalan territories. The Tlascalans received the Spaniards with their wonted friendhness. The followers of Cortez, not- withstanding their late success, had now become weary of war, and of New Spain, and they earnestly entreated their commander, that they might with- draw from the country ; but he did not fall in with their proposal. Cortez had still a greater force than that with which he first entered Mexico, and he unexpectedly increased it. Yelasquez not knowing that he had submitted to Cortez, had sent out rein- forcements to Narvaez, and these troops joined Cortez. Francisco de Garay, governor of Jamaica, also fitted out an armament on his own account, to take a share in the spoils of New Spain, and this venturing to Vera Cruz, attached itself likewise to the fortunes of the Spanish general. Thus " an avowed enemy who aimed at his de- struction, and an envious rival who wished to sup- plant him," became the allies and the instruments of this most remarkable man, whose success was as conspicuous and extraordinary as his abilities. With THE MEXICANS SUBJUGATED. 117 these adjuncts, Cortez projected the recovery of Mexico. He communicated his plan to his soldiers, and permitted those who were disinclined to the service, to quit it. After these had departed, with five hundred and fifty infantry, forty horsemen, and ten thousand Tlascalans and other friendly Indians, Cortez began his march towards Mexico, on the 28th of December, six months after his disastrous retreat from that city. CHAPTER VIII. The fatal siege and final conquest of Mexico, is all that remains to be related to conclude the his- tory of a people, who, from that event, ceased to be an independent nation ; and who now only form an inferior class, where they once lived in honour and power ; it may be said, in a world of their own, where the tyranny of Europeans was not felt nor feared, nor even the name of Europe known. To make this history intelligible, this small map is inserted here. Mexico. 'q Chalco. The young reader should first examine a large map. He will see the city of Mexico in the interior of the country ; he will observe that it lies north 118 LAKE OF TEZCUCO. west from Vera Cruz, about two hundred miles ; he must remember that the Tlascalans and other In- dians friendly to the Spaniards, dwelt between Vera Cruz and Mexico ; and then looking at this little map, he will the better understand the position of Mexico, and the nature of the siege. The salt and large lake, Tezcuco, was divided from lake Chalco by a peninsula. At the extremity of this peninsula was Ix-ta-pal-a-pa, a city in alliance with Mexico, and connected with it by a causeway or road, con- structed over water. Mexico was raised upon an artificial soil in the lake, and the lines on the map which look like the radii of a wheel, represent causeways which connected the city with other towns on the shores of the lake. Tezcuco lay op- posite to Mexico, and Chalco was a town south of Tezcuco. Besides these the lake was surrounded with other populous towns. Cortez on entering upon this important enterprise, met with some opposition among his followers, but with his usual address, he reconciled all the dis- affected, and marched his army to the town of Tez- cuco, of which he took possession. For some rea- son, the Tezcucans did not approve of the chief that governed them, and Cortez deposed him and set another in his place. Nor did he fail, by conferring many seeming benefits upon this people, to gain their entire confidence and affection. Cortez knew it was necessary that he should have entire command of the lake, so that no provisions or succors from the neighbouring country, should pass to the city of Mexico, and that the Mexicans them- selves should have no command of it. In order to take the command of the lake, he caused twelve small vessels to be contrived at Tlascala, and all the different parts of them to be exactly fitted at that FLEET ON THE LAKE. 119 place. This being done, the whole was conveyed to Tezcuco. The beams, the planks, the masts, the cordage, the sails, the iron work, and all the in- finite variety of articles requisite for the construction of thirteen small brigantines, as these vessels were called, were carried over land to the borders of the lake, - This laborious service was performed, not by beasts of burden, but by eight thousand Tamenes or carriers, and these were guarded by fifteen thousand warriors, who accompanied them, that they might not be intercepted on the way. The whole marched imder the conduct of Sandoval, one of Cortez's principal officers. In three months, by means of some unskilful carpenters, assisted by the Indians, the brigantines were ready to be launched, and these three months, Cortez employed in gaining over the neighbouring country. Most of the cities in the vicinity had been inde- pendent, and had gradually fallen under the power of Mexico. They still remembered their ancient liberty, and in their hearts revolted from their pre- sent subjection. Cortez easily persuaded these disaffected people, that the king of Castile was a generous master, and without reluctance, most of them went over to his interest. They readily entered into the military service of Cortez, nor did they refuse to supply the Spanish camp liberally with provisions, and whatever was demanded of them. Upon the death of Montezuma, the Mexican chiefs placed his brother Quetlavaca on the throne. Quet- iavaca was a man of more energy and resource than Montezuma, and he took every means in his power to defend the city of Mexico ; to prevent the revolt of the dependent provinces, and to punish those who 120 QUETLAVACA SUCCEEDS MONTEZUMA. inclined to favour the enemy. He summoned the people in every province of the empire, to take up arms against the invaders, and as an encourage- ment to them, he ordered the taxes which former kings had imposed, to be remitted. Quetlavaca also sent ambassadors to the Tlasca- lans, conjuring that people to deny their aid to the Spaniards. " Dare you," said an ambassador of Quetlavaca to the Tlascalans, " assist in their cruel and rapacious warfare, an impious people who defy the gods of your fathers ? If you would not bring down upon yourselves the anger of those oiTended gods, offer not your friendship to men who throw down their altars, and insult their worshippers. Would you help them to bend our necks to servi- tude '? When you have done that, they will make you the bearers of their burdens, and trample you beneath their feet." The Tlascalans " heard, but heeded not." Quetlavaca did not live to witness the fearful catastrophe which he endeavoured to prevent. His days were cut short by small pox, a disease brought to America by the Spaniards. After the death of Quetlavaca, he was succeeded by his nephew Guat- arnozin, a man who was respected for his abilities and courage. But how deserving soever he was, he was destined to an unhappy end, for the re- sources of Cortez were infinitely more effective in destruction, than all the means of defence possessed by the unfortunate Guatamozin. Just as the brigantines were ready to be launch- ed, a supply of men, arms, and horses, arrived from Hispaniola at Vera Cruz ; and with this augmented force, Cortez was better provided than ever, to com- mence his meditated attack upon Mexico. On the LAUNCH OF THE VESSELS. 121 28th of April, 1521, the brigantines were launched amidst multitudes of admiring spectators. The Indians had never seen any other vessel than the small canoes with which they navigated the lakes, and nothing could appear to them more won- derful than these Spanish vessels. As the brigan- tines, one after another, glided into the water, Father Olmedo, the chaplain of Cortez, pronounced a blessing upon them, and gave each a name ; and when they hoisted their sails, and bore away before the wind over the glittering waters of the lake, a general shout of joy was raised. The vessels were each armed with a small can- non, and manned by twenty-five Spaniards. This little navy was commanded by Cortez himself. The army destined to the destruction of Mexico was divided into three portions, under three officers, and appointed each to a different station on the cause- ways leading to Mexico. Sandoval, Olid, and Alvarado, were the commanders of these different positions. The history of the siege of Mexico, is very exactly described by some who were present, but it would not enlighten any young persons to read these cruel details. It is sufficient that they know the result. I shall endeavour to make the painful narrative as brief as possible. As the Spanish commanders of the several detach- ments advanced to their stations, they broke down the aqueducts which conveyed water to the city, thus at once reducing the inhabitants to the greatest dis- tress. These preparations were in sight of the people, and Guatamozin, in order to check such enormous aggressions, thought it expedient first to attempt the destruction of the brigantines. In order 11 122 SIEGE OF MEXICO. to do this, he assembled such a multitude of Indians, and such a number of canoes, as almost covered the face of the lake. These, confiding in the ability of many opposed to few, boldly attacked the Span- ish vessels, but in a moment European art and knowledge overwhelmed their presumption. The brigantines broke through their feeble opponents, overset the canoes, and dissipated the whole arma-^ ment withr imense slaughter. Totally overcome upon the water, the subjects of Guatamozin, incited by their valiant monarch, still resolved to defend themselves upon land, and for a whole month, the Spaniards were unable to get a footing in the city. The toils and dangers of both parties were continually renewed, the Mexicans re- pairing in the day what the Spaniards had destroyed in the night, and recovering from time to time, posts which the Spaniards had taken. Still the latter gained ground, and famine and despair wearied and broke down the Mexicans. At the end of a month, Cortez became tired of the slowness of the siege, and determined to hazard a less cautious procedure. He ordered Sandoval and Alvarado to join their divisions, and at their head, he resolved to force his way into the city. Anima- ted by the presence of their leader, the Spaniards pushed forwards with furious courage. " They broke through one barricade after another, forced their way over ditches and canals, and having entered the city, gained ground incessantly, in spite of the mut* titude and ferocity of their opponents." Guatamozin conceived, if his people should per- mit the Spaniards in their eagerness to penetrate into the heart of their city, they might, before they were aware, be surrounded and cut off, without chance of escape. At the command of their king. BIKGK OF MEXICO. 123 the Indians slackened their efforts, and the Spaniards rushed forward with redoubled impetuosity. On a signal, commanded by Guatamozin, the priest in the principal temple, struck the great drum consecrated to the god of war. No sooner did the Mexicans hear its solemn sound, than rage and contempt of death inspired them, and they rushed upon the Span- iards with a frantic and invincible ardour, for which the latter were wholly unprepared, and which even rendered them regardless of the entreaties and com- mands of their leader. In this fearful encounter six Mexican chiefs at once seized the intrepid Cortez, and were hurrying him off, when two of his officers, at the expense of their own lives, delivered him. Cortez received several dangerous wounds, but he escaped with life. Sixty Spaniards perished in their flight before the foe. Forty of these fell alive into the hands of the Mexicans, and were barbarously sacrificed to their gods. Having withdrawn his forces, as many as sur- vived, Cortez collected his spirits, and meditated upon a mode of proceeding which should be less dan- gerous, and more effectual. He again renewed the siege, but with every possible precaution, and Guat- amozin defended his capital with the utmost vigi- lance and skill — but in vain. Incredible numbers of the Mexicans fell daily ; war wasted them with- out, and famine consumed them within their city. The brigantines cut off all supplies of food on the one hand, and the allies being stationed on the land west of the city, prevented all approach to it on the other. Cortez, aware of the condition to which the people were reduced, proposed to Guatamozin to surrender, but he disdained submission to his oppressors, and 124 BRAVERY OF SPANISH WOMEN. chose rather to sacrifice himself and his subjects, than to acknowledge that they were conquered. The Spaniards now continued their progress in the work of destruction. All three of the divisions of the army penetrated to the centre of the city, and made a secure lodgment there, and three-fourths of the Mexican capital were laid in ruins. The remaining quarter was so closely pressed, that it could not be expected long to sustain itself against the assailants. " Cortez now seeing the resolution of the Mexi- cans, after forty-five days of siege, and that the more he made overtures of peace the more obstinately they rejected them, determined not to take another step into the city, without destroying every building on either side of the road, not only to prevent the mischief which the troops suflfered from the terraces, but likewise to force the besieged, by constant hos- tilities, to accept of his propositions. " In his entries into the city, several Spanish women made themselves famous by their bravery : they voluntarily accompanied their husbands to war, and, from the continual hardships they underwent, and the examples of valour which they had always before their eyes, were in a manner become soldiers : they kept guard, marched along with their husbands, armed with breast-plates of cotton, shields, and swords, and threw themselves intrepidly into the midst of the enemy, adding, in spite of their sex, to the number of the besiegers. " From a Mexican woman of rank, taken in the last assault, the Spanish general learned the mise- rable state of the city, through the scarcity of provi- sions and the discord prevailing among the besieged : for the king, and his relations, and many of the no- bles, were determined to die rather than surrender ; while the people were discouraged and weary of th© BURNING OF THE TEMPLE. 125 siege. Her account was confirmed by two deserters of inferior rank, who were impelled by hunger to come to the camp of Cortez. " Upon gaining this intelligence, Cortez resolved not to let a day pass without entering the city, until he should take or ruin it. He therefore returned with his army on the 25th, and got possession of a deep road, in which there was so wide a ditch that the whole day was not time sufficient to fill it up. They demolished or burned all the houses of that quarter, in spite of the resistance of the enemy. The Mexicans, on beholding the allies busied in razing the houses, cried out to them, ' Demolish, ye traitors ! lay those houses in ruin, for afterwards you will have the labour of repairing them.* * We,' answered the allies, * will unquestionably rebuild them, if you should be conquerors ; but if you should ibe conquered, yourselves must rebuild them, and your enemies inhabit them.' " Persevering as Cortez was in this terrible siege, lie more than once suspended hostilities, and vainly untreated the Mexicans to yield. One day he entered with some cavalry, into a square of the city, and ** found innumerable people there, lodged in the jjorticos, the houses of that district not being suffi- cient to contain them. He mounted the temple, from which he observed the city, and perceived, that of the eight parts of which it consisted, only one re- mained to be taken. He ordered his people to set fire to the lofty and beautiful towers of that temple, where, as in the greater temple of Tenochtitlan, the image of the god of war was adored. " The Mexican populace, on seeing the great flame which arose and seemed to reach the clouds, uttered deep lamentations. Cortez, moved with pity at seeing so great a body of people reduced to 11* 126 DESPAIR OF THE MEXICANS, the utmost distress, commanded all hostilities to cease for that day, and new proposals to be made to the besieged, if they would surrender ; but they answered that they never would, and that while but one Mexican remained alive, he would continue the defence till death." Though the greater part of the Mexicans remain- ed firm, the spirits of some of them sunk under their calamity, " seeing such a host of enemies come against them, and among them their own subjects, who had formerly served them, and now threatened them with ruin ; these finding themselves reduced to the most distressing situation, and viewing be- fore their eyes so many objects of affliction, having hardly a place to set a foot upon except the dead bodies of their citizens, vented their anguish in hor- rid cries, and demanded death as the only cure for their misery. " Some of the common people requested Cortez to treat with the nobles about an accommodation : Cortez went to them, but with little hopes of success to his propositions : they happened to be some of those persons who could no longer endure the seve- rity of the siege. When they saw Cortez advan- ing towards them, they called out with the accents of desperation, 'If you are the child of the sun, as some do imagine, when your father is so swift, that in the short space of a day he finishes his airy course, why are you so tedious in delivering us from all our calamities by death ? We would die, that we may pass to heaven, where our god Huit-zil-o-pot-li waits to give us the repose and reward our fatigues and services and sacrifices to him have earned.' " In their forlorn state, whatever might be their own fate, the Mexicans earnestly desired to pre- serve the life of Guatamozin, and they conspired to CAPTURE OF GUATAMOZIN. 127 convey him across the lake to a place of security. Cortez had anticipated that measure, and ordered Sandoval to keep a strict watch upon all the move- ments of the Indians. Guatamozin having defended his people as long as his presence and counsels could benefit them, at their entreaty, consented to save his life by flight. The plan for the king's preservation failed of success. Sandoval perceived the canoe in which he was placed in the hope of escaping unobserved, and ordered Garcia Holguin, an experienced cap- tain of one of the brigantines, to pursue and bring the king to land, if he should be found in the little vessel. Garcia Holguin made such speed, that in a short time he came up with it, and the Spaniards were pre- paring to fire into it, when the Indians ceased their oars and threw down their arms in token of surren- der. In that large vessel, or piragua, were the king of Mexico, the queen, and several chiefs and nobles. " Holguin eagerly seized his prize, and the king of Mexico advancing towards the Spaniards, said to the captain, ' I am your prisoner : I have no favor to ask, but that you will show the queen, my wife and her attendants, the respect due to their sex and rank.' And taking hold of the queen by the hand, he passed with her into the brigantine. Observing afterwards, that the Spanish captain looked anxiously after the other vessels, he told him that he needed not doubt, as soon as they ail knew that their sovereign was prisoner, they would come to die with him. " Holguin conducted the prisoners to Cortez. He received them with every mark of respect and hu- manity, and made them sit down. Guatamozin with much greatness of mind, told him, ' I have done. 128 GUATAMOZIN TAKEN CAPTIVE. brave general ! in defence of myself and my subjects, every thing which the honour of my crown and re- gard for my people demanded ; but as the gods have been against me, I see myself now deprived of my crown and my liberty : I am your prisoner ; at your pleasure dispose of my person :" and putting his hand upon a dagger which Cortez wore at his girdle, he added, 'with this dagger take that life from me, which I have not lost in the defence of my kingdom.' " Cortez strove to console him, declaring that he did not consider him as his prisoner, but the prisoner of the greatest monarch of Europe, from whose clemency he ought to trust, that not only the liberty which he had lost, but also the throne of his ances- tors, which he had so worthily occupied and defend-^ ed, would be restored to him. But what solace could he have from such declarations, or what con- fidence could he put in the words of Cortez, who had always been his enemy, and after having seen that though he affected to be the friend and protector of Montezuma, both were not sufficient to save to that monarch his crown, his liberty, or his life. " He desired of Cortez, that he would do no hurt to his subjects ; and Cortez in retmn desired of him, that he would command them all to surrender. Both gave their orders, and both were instantly obeyed. It was ordered also, that all the Mexicans should leave the city without arms or baggage; and accord- ing to the affirmation of an eye-witness of the utmost veracity, for three days and three nights all the three roads leading from the city were seen full of men, women, and children ; feeble, emaciated, and dirty, who went to recover in other places of the empire. *' The news of the taking of the capital spread PLUNDER OF MEXICO. 129 quickly through all the land ; most of the provinces of the empire acknowledged obedience to Cortez, though some few for two years after continued to war upon the Spaniards. The allies returned to their native districts, joyful beyond measure with their prey, and gratified in extreme to have shaken and convulsed that court whose dominion they never could endure, and whose arms kept them in perpe- tual uneasiness ; never perceiving, that with their own hands they had been forming the chains which were to fetter their liberty, and when that empire was fallen, all the other nations of the region must be degraded and enslaved." The plunder was greatly inferior to the hopes and expectations of the conquerors. The garments and apparel which they found in the capital were divided among the allies : those works of gold, sil- ver, and feathers, which, on account of the singu- larity of their workmanship were preserved entire, were sent as presents to the emperor Charles V. all the rest of the gold, which was melted, hardly amounted to nineteen thousand two hundred ounces ; not only because the Mexicans threw the greater part into the lake, but also because individuals, both Spaniards and allies, endeavoured, in plundering, to recompense themselves secretly for their hardships and toils. The taking of that capital, happened on the thirteenth of August, 1521, one hundred and ninety- six years after the foundation of it by the Aztecas, one hundred and sixty-nine years after it was erect- ed into a monarchy, which was governed by eleven kings. The siege of Mexico, something resembling in the disasters and slaughters with which it was attended that of Jerusalem, lasted seventy-five days ; during which time, of two hundred thousand and 130 DEATH OP GUATAMOZIN. more allies, some thousands perished ; and of nine hundred Spaniards, more than one hundred were killed and sacrificed. The number of the Mexicans killed is not known. The city appeared one complete ruin. The king of Mexico, in spite of the magnificent promises of the Spanish general, was in a few days put igno- miniously to the torture, which he bore with unshaken firmness, that he might declare where the immense riches of the court and temples were deposited ; and in three years after, was hanged, together with the kings of Tezcuco and Tlacopan, on account of some suspicious circumstances in their conduct. It has been remarked that one happy change in the condition of the Mexicans was produced by the Spanish conquest — the introduction of Christianity among them, and the suppression of human sacri- fices. In respect to the numbers sacrificed in the Mexican empire annually, historians disagree. Some reckoning them to be twenty thousand, and others presume that the victims were not more than one hundred and fifty prisoners of war. •• Dr. Robertson, a learned and judicious historian, inclines to the latter opinion. Be that as it may, " the conquerors of Mexico," it has been said, " in one year of merci- less massacre, sacrificed more human victims to avarice and ambition, than the Indians during the existence of their empire had devoted in worship to their native gods. There the legislative art of Europe corrected the bloody policy of American tribes, and introduced the ministry of justice, by despoiling In- dian caziques of their territories and tributes, tor- turing them for gold, and enslaving their posterity : and there the mild parental voice of the Christian rehgion, was suborned to terrify ignorant savages ; and her gentle arm lifted up in violence, to raze CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 131 their temples and habitations, to ruin every fond relic and revered monument of their ancestry and ori- gin, and drive them in anguish from their lands and their dwellings !" The sad story of the conquest of Mexico is now brought to a close. It remains to relate what use the Spaniards made of their victory, and to show what is the present state of a country which three centuries ago was deluged in blood to gratify a king greedy of gold and of power, and to enrich lawless men, his subjects, at the expense of justice and hu- manity. One of the ancients wept, because there were no more worlds to conquer. Modern navi- gators have traversed almost the whole surface of the globe, and have shown that there is no con- tinent now unexplored, and yet no monarch weeps because he cannot extend his dominions. Now princes and governments are wiser and better than they were three thousand, or three hun- dred years ago ; they have discovered that violence, bloodshed, treachery, and robbery are crimes, and that commerce, and knowledge and industry must exchange the productions of different countries, and equity, and honour, and mutual respect, divide the inheritance of the earth. CHAPTER IX. CoRTEZ did not rest satisfied with the subjugation of a single monarch. As Guatamozin had declared to the Tlascalans, nothing less than the conquest of 132 COUNCIL OF THE INDIES. the whole country could content him, and in no long time the provinces submitted, one after another. Small detachments marched from district to district without any effectual opposition, till the whole terri- tory, from the Gulf of Mexico to the Pacific, fell under the power of the king of Castile. Cortez, however, during all this time, did not pur- sue his conquest under a commission from the king. A body of men in Spain, with Fonseca, Bishop of Burgos, at their head, who must be remembered as the enemy of Columbus, had been appointed by the king to manage affairs in the new world. Those to whom this trust was committed, formed what is called the Council of the Indies, and this council long subsisted as the directors of the government of New Spain. When the petition of Cortez to the emperor reached Spain, with intelligence of his con- quests, and the mines of wealth which his sword was opening to satiate the avarice of his king and his countrymen, the appointment of a commander in chief in the new dominion was left to the Council of the Indies. Velasquez did not fail to remind Fon- seca that the appointment had actually been given to him, but the Bishop of Burgos had a favourite of his own, one Christoval de Tapia, to whom he gave the commission, without regard to the claims of either Velasquez or Cortez. Besides bestowing the honours due to Cortez upon this interloper, Fonseca declared the proceed- ings of the former to be an usurpation, as he acted without authority from the king, and commanded, when Tapia should enter upon the station, that the person of Cortez should be seized, his property con- fiscated, and the whole of his conduct submitted to the judgment of the Council of the Indies, who it was most likely would bring him to punishment. FAME OF CORTEZ. 133 But Cortez, though he showed respect for au- thority, acted for himself. Tapia, a few weeks after the reduction of Mexico, landed at Vera Cruz with his commission, and Cortez commanded that he should be honourably received ; nevertheless, after a short experiment, Tapia found himself incapable of taking the command, and relinquished to Cortez all authority. Cortez choosing to act legally, a second time despatched deputies to Spain, and these set forth pompously the eminent services of the conqueror. Multitudes of people, when they heard of the great and rich country which he had subdued, hoped to partake of its gold and silver, and Spain rang with the praises of the great Cortez. The emperor Charles arrived in Spain just at this time, and he warmly entered into the public sentiment in relation to Cortez. Charles in this matter showed no re- gard to Fonseca, but appointed Cortez captain- general and governor in chief of New Spain, judging that no person was so capable of maintaining order, both among his Spanish and Indian subjects, as the victorious leader whom the former had been taught to obey, and the latter to fear. Cortez did not wait for his commission to arrive before he commenced operations for the establish- ment of the Spaniards in Mexico. The ancient city of Mexico was laid in ruins by the terrible war- fare which has been described, and Cortez pro- jected another city on the site of the former capital ; and in 1525, the new city had in it spacious streets, rich churches, and many commodious houses, built in the Spanish fashion. Skilful persons were em- ployed in different parts of the country to search for mines, and at the same time " he detached his prin- cipal officers into the remote provinces, and en- 12 134 OPPRESSION OF THE INDIANS. couraged them to settle there by bestowing upon them large tracts of land, and by granting them the same dominion over the Indians, and the same right to their service, which the Spaniards exercised in the islands. A perfect change in the whole face of a country, among a numerous native population, could not be effected peaceably. Terrified as the Indians were at the power of the Spaniards wherever they appear- ed, they would sometimes struggle against it, and they always suffered in consequence. The Span- iards, after the surrender of Guatamozin, pretended that the king of Castile was the sole master of the late king's dominions, and that ail his subjects were at the disposal of the officers of Spain. In this presumption they declared that the per- sons and property of the Indians belonged to those to whom the king's representative should give them, and that the Indians ought to perform all labour re- quired of them, without resistance or murmuring. The poor Indians could not submit to these false reasonings and this tyrannical conduct of their op- pressors, without aversion to them, and some at- tempts to escape from their impositions. But cruelly were they punished whenever they asserted their liberty. Nothing can be more disgraceful to humanity than the manner in which they were now treated. I will not be exact in the relation of these enor- mities. I desire principally to direct the attention of young persons to good examples in the history of mankind. But we cannot honour the deliverers and benefactors of society as they deserve, unless we can oppose to them the crimes of the abusers of power — we cannot see how God brings good out ^ CRUELTY OP THE SPANIARDS. 135 evil, unless we know what the evil is — we cannot understand the plan of Providence, unless we know what misery grows out of all guilt, and what happi- ness arises from peace on earth, and generosity and good will to men. Those who have read the history of William Penn and his colony, and who read that of Cortez, and of all that followed the conquest, will know what I mean. Among the cruelties practised upon the Indians, it is related that sixty caciques, and four hundred nobles, were burnt by the orders of Sandoval at one time ; and the example of Cortez and his principal officers in the infliction of all injustice upon this wretched people, encouraged Spaniards of the low- est rank to a conduct as severe and merciless. After a time, this atrocious treatment was altered. Catholic priests interfered in behalf of the Indians ; they submitted to every thing, and a milder gene- ration of Spaniards have brought the descendants of the primitive race to a condition which is tolerable in comparison with that into which they were thrown immediately after the conquest. The whole of the natives of New Spain have never been subject to the Spaniards. Independent Indians still occupy the interior and the northern parts of the country. In a subsequent part of this book, a short account of the present character and condition of these Indians will be found. The man- ner in which some of the oppressions exercised upon the Indians was regarded by them is very affect- ing. Among the burdens laid upon this defenceless people, was a personal service to the crown, called the mita, and it was imposed by conscription, A service to the crown, signifies a service to a king, commanded by law. Conscription is one manner 136 GOLDMINES. of selecting persons for a public service. A list being made of a number of persons of a certain age. a portion of these persons are taken for the service — as from eighteen men, three upon the list, or one sixth, might be taken to labour in any public work. After the mines were in operation, thousands of the Indians were subject to the mita — that is, to be called to labour in the fields or the mines. The period of the labour required from them was some- times eighteen months, but so dangerous was the service in the mines, that the order to enter upon it was considered a death-warrant. The conscripts on receiving it would depart from their homes at- tended by their friends and relations, and these would sing melancholy dirges, and mourn over the fated men with all the ceremonies and all the giief which they expressed over the grave. At the frightful mouth of the mine, their wives and children often bade them an eternal farewell. It is but justice to state here, that the mines in JMexico are not now wrought by compulsory labour — that the mita is no longer in force — that its most fatal operation ever was in Peru, and not in Mexi- co — and that labourers in the mines of Mexico now receive tolerable wages, and are as comfortable and healthy as other labourers. Nor were the Indians the only sufferers in the colonisation of New Spain. " Certain it is," ob- serves one of the Spanish historians, " the suffer- ings of the Spaniards in the ?.>e\v v-frld, in search of wealth, have been more cruel and severe than ever nation endured." The difiiculties of raising houses to dwell in, the unhealthfulness of the climate in many places, the immense labour of constructing roads, the toil of labouring without proper tools, the state of warfare in which the first settlers lived, COMPLAINTS AGAINST CORTEZ. 137 quarrels among themselves, and the small amount of what they could plunder from the natives when divided among many^ — all these, and greater trials, served to vex and wear out these selfish and tyran- nical men. Cortez himself did not continue to prosper. The emperor, after he had bestowed the supreme com- mand upon him, did not commit to him the disposal of all the profits arising from the wealth of the coun- try. Persons to whom lands were given were re- quired to pay taxes to the emperor, and to prevent any of this revenue from being misused or embez- zled, commissioners were appointed by the emperor to reside in New Spain, to take account of the revenues, and to make faithful reports and remit- tances to Spain. The commissioners were neither honourable nor just men, and they soon began to quarrel with Cortez. They sent to Spain false accounts of his wealth and misgovernment, and excited suspicions of his honesty in the mind of Charles. Inhumanly as Cortez acted towards the Indians, it appears in the whole of his history, that he was just to his coun- trymen and loyal to his king. When he found in- triguing and false-hearted men prejudicing the peo- ple and the king, whom he was endeavouring with such immense hazard and toil to enrich and exalt among the nations, he felt grieved and indignant ; and to vindicate his character, repaired to Spain in person. Cortez appeared in his native country in a style suitable to his riches and his achievements. He brought with him much of the wealth he had ac- quired, many jewels and ornaments of great value, several curious productions of the country, and was attended by most of his chief officers, and some 12* 138 CORTEZ VISITS SPAIN. Mexicans of high rank. Though this extraordinary man had passed great part of his hfe among rough adventurers, he was not destitute of refinement ; and the dignity and elegance of his manners, as well as the luxury of his equipage, challenged respect. The people of Spain felt all the admiration for Cortez with which common minds always regard conquerors ; and the emperor, in consideration of the eminent services he had rendered to Spain, re- ceived him courteously, and indeed admitted him to all the familiarity that was enjoyed by noblemen of the highest rank. Just before the departure of Cortez for Europe, a commissioner. Ponce de Leon, had been sent out to Mexico to seize his person, and send him prisoner to Spain, to answer to certain charges that had been made against him. Immediately on his arrival in New Spain, Ponce de Leon died, but Cortez understood the intention of his coming to the colony, and he was determined to defend himself before another summoqs so dis- graceful should recall him. Favourably as Cortez was received in Spain, he did not forget that he had been accused, and he desired to recover all his honours. The emperor notwithstanding did not reinstate him fully in his government, but he be- stowed on him certain flattering titles and other favours. The order of St. Jago, the title of Mar- quis del Valle de Guaxaca, were given him, besides large grants of land in New Spain. Cortez, though dignified with new titles, returned to America with diminished authority. He still re- mained commander of the army, and had a commis- sion to prosecute further discoveries ; but a court, which was called the Audience of JVeiv Spain^ took the civil affairs out of his hands ; and at a subse- quent time, Antonio de Mendoza was appointed DEATH OF CORTEZ. 139 Viceroy, or representative of the king, and conse- quently held the highest dignity in the province. Mortified and afflicted to lose his pre-eminence, sought through so many dangers and crimes, Cor- tez employed his active spirit in prosecuting further discoveries. He fitted out ships from the ports on the Southern Ocean, discovered the large peninsula of California, and explored greater part of the gulf of that name. He afterwards penetrated by land from Mexico to Honduras ; and though this seemed to crown his first great enterprise, when he after- wards returned to Spain, he received no favors, and his consequence was so much reduced that he ended his days in vexation and sorrow. Cortez died in Spain, in 1547, in the sixty-second year of his age. " His fate," says Dr. Robertson, ** was the same with that of all the persons who dis- tinguished themselves in the discovery or the con- quest of the New World. Envied by his contem- poraries, and ill-requited by the court which he served, he has been admired and celebrated by suc- ceeding ages." The ingratitude he suffered from the country which he laboured to benefit, is the article in which the history of Cortez chiefly resembles that of Co- lumbus. The character of Columbus is infinitely superior of the two, though there are some points of agreement between these extraordinary men. The love of science, and the love of mankind, were distinguishing qualities of Columbus, — in Cortez neither was manifest. Cortez was not without one species of charity, for he founded a hospital, and did other benevolent deeds ; but his treatment of tho Indians evinces a total want of the philanthropy which the conduct of Columbus exhibited. The love of his country, loyalty to his king, and zeal for 140 GOVERNMENT OP religion, as they appeared in the actions of Cortez, had they been tempered with justice to all men, were noble sentiments. His spirit in enterprise, his per- severance in prosecuting his undertakings, his self- possession in danger, and the conciliatory deport- ment by which he secured his friends and appeased his enemies, are traits worthy to be honoured and imitated. CHAPTER X. Having concluded the life of Cortez, I think pro- per, before I describe to you the progress of the Spaniards in the conquest of the greater part of South America, to give you some information in re- spect to the government which was afterwards adapted, with some variations, by the emperor Charles V. to all the colonies of Spanish America. One of the first regulations of the emperor was, that a viceroy should reside in the conquered countries, and, as the name of viceroy signifies, that he should represent the king of Spain — that is, should be con- sidered a king — should govern the king's subjects with the same authority as the king, and that he should upon all occasions be treated with the same respect. The first viceroyalty established in America, was that of New Spain. It included the dominions of the king of Mexico, and extended to New Mexico, to the borders of that co\mtry now called Louisiana, and included the regions on both sides of the gulf NEW SPAIN. 141 of California. It was a long time after the death of Cortez, before many Spanish settlers penetrated into these last mentioned territories, and their number of Spaniards is even now small. The natives have not easily submitted to the Spanish arms, and it was not till so late as 1771, that these countries were entirely conquered ; and there are still scattered tribes that maintain their independence. The whole country, from the gulf of Tehuantepec to the Isthmus, in- cluding Yucatan and Guatemala, belonged to the viceroyalty of New Spain. Look upon the map — all South America, except Brazil, became subject to Spain, and was divided into two viceroyalties ; that of Peru, which compre- hended the western division of the continent, and that of Terra Firma, which contained the countries that now form the republic of Colombia. A vice- royalty of La Plata, was afterwards added. The viceroy not only held the authority of a king, but he lived like one. His wife was called the vice- queen ; he had, about his palace and his person, a military guard of horse and foot soldiers, numerous servants, and a revenue, equipage, jewels, and apparel, like the kings of Europe, though not quite so splendid. The viceroy might have been a perfect despot, and have abused his power excessively, but a su- preme court, consisting of several judges, establish- ed over eleven districts, and called the Audieru.., was appointed to determine disputes and redress abuses. Though the viceroy appointed all public officers, granted pardons, and inflicted punishments, he was obliged to do all this according to certain laws of the Emperor Charles, called the Laws of the Indies. If the viceroy did not administer the government 142 SPANISH GOVERNMENT as these laws directed, information against him might be made to the Audienca, and that tribunal might give information of his conduct to the Council of the Indies, who might condemn or justify him as they pleased, though the king of Spain might over- rule that Council if he chose. On the death of a viceroy, before another could be appointed, the senior judge of the court of Audienca, who resided in the capital, governed in his place. You will remember that Pope Alexander VI. gave all the countries which the Spaniards should discover in the western world, to the king of Spain. When a new tract was discovered, and taken forcibly from its former owners and occupants, the conquerors sent information of their conquest to the king of Spain, though the chiefs in the expeditions, divided the lands among themselves as they could agree upon. The principal officer, however, had need of a commission or writing from the king, to give him leave to dispose of the newly acquired territory. The Council of the Indies, was estabUshed by Ferdinand, in 1511. All the duties and privileges of this court, were determined by Charles, in 1 524, and it continued to direct American affairs, as long as the people of Spanish America acknowledged their dependence upon Spain. When, in trials, the parties concerned were not satisfied with the deci- sions of the Audienca, they referred to the Council of the Indies as a supreme court of appeal — one where a last sentence might be pronounced, which sentence finished the dispute. In respect to the trade of the Spanish colonies, the Council of the Indies would not permit the ships of any other country than Spain, to carry goods to them. The colonists were not permitted to send the productions of the country any where but to OF SOUTH AMERICA. 143 Spain, and only to Seville, for a long time ; after- wards the merchants of Cadiz and of other ports in Spain were allowed to trade with the colonies. The inhabitants were only permitted to manufacture the coarsest articles of apparel. They could not culti- vate vines, olives, or silk worms, without a severe penalty ; and their clothes, furniture, instruments of labour, and many articles of food, were sent from Spain. As no other nation was allowed to send those articles from Europe, the Spanish merchants re- quired just what they chose, and the people, who paid for it chiefly in gold and silver, gave exorbitant prices. The people of Spain, therefore, were made ingenious and industrious, because they manufac- tured whatever was wanted in America, and they were made rich by the gold and silver from the colonies ; but the poor colonists were neither so well, nor so cheaply furnished as they might have been by a free trade. Though the settlers in Spanish America enjoyed a delightful climate, and the fruits of the earth were abundant, yet they were soon divided into the very rich and the very poor ; and all classes, for the want of schools of learning, were extremely igno- rant. The settlers and the Indians also, were instructed in religion by the Catholic priests. But the people were obliged to pay a tax to maintain these, and as there were many more of them than were useful, they became a great burden to the com- munity. The ecclesiastical establishment of a country, con- sists of the ministers of religion,.of churches, and of property for the support of the ministers. The ec- clesiastical establishment of New Spain, consisted of superior and inferior clergy. The rich and 144 CHURCHES ESTABLISHED. titled, being archbishops and bishops. The inferior were parish ministers and missionaries. The former were the curas, and resided with their people ; the latter, the missionaries, were sent to the frontiers, to convert and civilize those rude natives who never submitted to the Spanish arms. The soldier of the cross, often effected that which he of the sword failed to do, and the good Jesuit in Paraguay and Califor- nia, brought under the discipline of religion, fierce spirits that armies could not terrify, nor fire-arms subdue. The churches in all the cities of New Spain, were exceedingly costly. Churches and convents in that country, are magnificent and richly adorned ; and on high festivals, the display of gold, silver, and precious stones is so great as would astonish a young person only accustomed to such " plain roofs as piety can raise" — simple places of worship, where God only, and not things of man's device, occupies the thoughts of the worshipper. Convents are esta- blished every where in New Spain. These are filled with unmarried men and women, who must be clothed and fed by the labour of others. Previous to the late revolution in Mexico, the in- habitants consisted of native Spaniards, of Creoles, or natives of the country, descended from Spanish ancestors ; of Mestizos, descended from Indian and white parents, and native Indians. Of the present population of Mexico, exclusive of Guatemala, a recent work on geography,* gives the following es- timate. One million of pure European blood ; and four millions of Indians. The mixed races com- prise two millions ; and about ten thousand negroes. It has been stated in this history, that when the * Hale's Geography. INDIAN WRONGS ALLEVIATED. 145 Spanish conquerors took the lands, they dispossessed the Indians, and a law was made that the Indians should be divided into what was called Reparti- mientos, or so many Indians who were obliged to labour for the proprietor of a certain tract. These poor people were so greatly abused, that representations were made to the emperor of their injuries, and he took upon himself to redress them. Among the laws was one, that " the Indians should not be compelled to carry the baggage of travellers, to work in the mines, or to dive in the pearl fishe- ries." Other laws equally just to those unfortunate people, were made ; happy would it have been, could they have been carried into effect ! Every government requires, that every citizen should pay to support the civil order and establish- ed government. In every state there are officers of justice, an army to defend the nation, and other public servants. All these employ themselves for the benefit of the community — all people who live in society ; and, therefore, it is just that the people whom they serve should support them. To do this, every person who has any property, pays a small portion called a tax. All the taxes collected, form the revenue of the state, and this is paid to the public officers, as a recompense for their services. The Indians in Spanish America after the con- quest had no property, but, as they were declaredy^'ee citizens, the law required of them a certain service, as equivalent to the tribute or tax demanded of a freeman. The Indians occupied land belonging to the king, or to the proprietor of the district, and for this privilege he paid in labor. He was obliged to assist in the culture of the maize and other grain, in tending cattle, in erecting public buildings, in build- ing bridges, and constructing roads. 13 146 PRESENT STATE OF THE MEXICANS. The Indians who hved in towns, were subject to the Spanish laws and magistrates ; but in their own villages, for they are permitted still to reside in little communities, they were and are, in many instances, governed by their caciques ; some of whom are de- scendants of their ancient chiefs. These regulated, and still regulate their little affairs, according to their traditions and customs. At present, their mayor is often called by the Spanish name, alcalde. To en- force all these laws in every district, an officer was to reside, called Protector of the Indians. Part of the fruits of their labor, the tribute, was bestowed upon the alcalde, the protector, and the priests, who sedulously instructed these poor people. The monarchs of Spain at first devised generous things for their Indian subjects. -The young reader does not forget the pious purposes of Isabella in regard to them ; and her grandson, Charles of Austria, cannot be accused of an oppressive or extermina- ting policy towards them. But his wise and humane regulations were not carried into effect. The avarice, of the Spanish landholders, and the neglect or dis- honesty of magistrates, may have done much wrong to the natives, but it was not universal. The condition which some of them were in half a century ago, is thus described by Dr. Robertson : " In several of the provinces, they enjoy not only ease, but affluence ; they possess large farms ; they are masters of numerous flocks and herds ; and by the knowledge which they have acquired of Euro- pean arts and industry, are supplied not only with the necessaries, but many of the luxuries of life." Some account of the present state of the Indians, according to the report of late travellers, will be given in a subsequent portion of these pages. VICEROYS TO NEW SPAIN. 147 CHAPTER XI. In the foregoing chapter I related to you some of the leading circumstances of the condition of Span- ish America during the first period of the colonisa- tion. The form of government ; the provision for the support of religion ; the restraints laid upon trade ; the different classes of people who became occupants of it, and the policy of the emperor Charles in respect to the natives of New Spain. In 1530, Antonio de Mendoza received the ap- pointment of Viceroy to New Spain, and one huU' dred and sixty persons after him were successively appointed to that function. In 1810, many of the inhabitants of Mexico having conceived a strong dislike to the government, determined to follow the example of their neighbours in the United States, and govern themselves. This change could not be effected peaceably, for numbers of the subjects of the king of Spain loved their dependence, and were imwilling to separate themselves from the parent country. In consequence of this difference, a long and dreadful civil war has ensued. This war, and the change of government that has resulted in con- sequence of it, is commonly called the Mexican Revolution. Among the Laws of the Indies, (Leyes de las Indias,) it was enacted that the discoverers, the set- Hers, and their posterity, and those horn in the coun- try, were to be preferred before all others in the public offices. If such persons had been chosen for magistrates, men who loved their countrymen, and who would have endeavored to make them good ^nd happy, the people of Spanish America might 148 THE MEXICANS DISSATISFIED have grown wiser and better. But of all the Vice- roys, only four of them were Creoles, and they were educated in Spain — thus the Spanish government did not observe its own laws in regard to the colo- nies. The Viceroys, and most of the principal officers of the army and the state, and the principal eccle- siastics, were European Spaniards, who were ap- pointed in Spain and came out to America to amass money, and did not care for the welfare of the colo- nists. Many of the Viceroys were vile men, who extorted ienormous sums from their subjects, and returned with their ill-gotten wealth to Spain ; and these, generally, besides the oppressions they in- flicted, injured the people by keeping them in igno- rance, declaring it not to be expedient for learning to become general in JVew Spain. In time, the Creoles feeling themselves to be in- jured, began to hate the Europeans; and the Eu- ropeans, enjoying the favour of the Spanish govern- ment, were proud of their advantages, and disdain- ful of the natives, so that they regarded each other with mutual jealousy and ill-will. Some of the Viceroys, however, were excellent men, who ad- rriiriistered the government with uprightness, and did much to promote the happiness of their people. Liberty is the right to make the best of their con- dition, which all people desire. Political liberty does not allow every man to do as he pleases — the strong to abuse the weak — the rich to oppress the poor— but it permits good laws to be enacted — it allows the people of a state to choose their rulers — it enables every person to go Avhither he desires, and to f6llow the business he likes. But that one man's freiedom may not destroy another's, laws are made for the benefit of the whole community ; and WITH THEIR RULERS. 149 the laws instruct every one in society what he may do, and what he must not do, that all o^er people may be safe and happy. Nothing like this existed in Mexico. You have been told that the laws did not allow the Mexicans to trade with other countries than Spain, nor to cul- tivate certain useful vegetables, nor to educate their children liberally, nor to choose their own rulers. And the vast estates which in the settlement of the country were given to emigrants from Spain, enabled the great landed proprietors to keep large numbers of dependants in ignorance and poverty, so that the con- dition of no people could be more degraded. All these evils made some change necessary. The Mexicans were not all so very ignorant, that some of them had not heard there existed upon earth nations, among whom all people were cared for ; in which every man had his own property, every man might be taught to read and write, and every man might worship God in his own way — countries where the man who is injured may com- plain, and where he who wrongs his fellow-citizens must be punished. These better instructed persons wished to procure the blessings of civil liberty for their unhappy country. From the appointment of Mendoza in 1530, to 1810, a period of two hundred and eighty years, this miserable people had suffered from the mis- government of Spain. You have been told that the condition of the peasantry is in some places tolera- ble, but that of great numbers in Spanish America is grievous. Some notion of their unhappy state is afforded by the facts that follow, as they are related by a gentleman once resident in Mexico. Sixty miles north of the city of Guanaxuato is one of the most extensive and valuable estates in Mexi- 13* 150 TENANTRY OF MEXICO. co-^the Hacienda del Jaral. Its proprietor, in 1810, was a Creole, Don Juan de Moncada. His mansion, with all the gold and silver it then con- tained^ was valued at six millions of dollars. His estate extended two hundred miles in length, and the revenues derived from sales of cattle, horses, corn, wheat, and chile^ produced upon it, were immense, ¥et this vast estate, and others of great magni- tude, exhibit the most miserable tenantry. No part of the earth affords more striking contrasts of wealth and misery. The master of this wealth may be seen decked out in awkward grandeur. " He has on a pair of country made boots, which cost from fifty to a hundred dollars; large spurs inlaid with gold and silver ; a superb horse, with a bridle and saddle which cost from a hundred and fifty to three hundred dollars ; a cloak or mangas richly em- broidered, and full of gold or silver buttons, laces and fringe. He lives in a spacious house, within whose walls every luxury is to be found that the country affords ; but when he sallies forth, he is lost * The great quantities of this pungent vegetable, which is gr'own in ahiiost every part of Mexico, strikes a stranger with astonishment. In the districts where the soil is best adapted to its culture, we behold enormous collections of it in all the magazines. For all culinary purposes, this vegetable is as essential to the Mexican, as salt is to the European, and indeed more so, because a Mexican would rather go without bread, than lack chile with his meat. At the table of the rich and poor, it constitutes an article of luxury, as well as necessity. Both in its green and dried state, the quantity consumed is incredible. When mashed, and mixed with a little water, it is the universal sauce or seasoning on the tables of the great ; whilst with the poor, it forms n. component part of their diet. More than one third of the Mexican population, live through- out the year on forlillas and chile; which last is spread on their tortillas, as butter is with us, though much thicker. On days of festivity, these poor people have an occasional change of diet, by the adNS. Oa. P»ee. 28 19 How did Pedrarias treat Balboa ? 29 — What was the condition of the colony under Pedrarias? 30 — What measures did Pedrarias take to relieve the coloni&1;3, and what was their conduct ? 31 — How did Balboa regard' Pedrarias ? 32 — What amends did the King of Spain make to Balboa for his injustice ? 33 20 How did Pedrarias further manifest his ill-will to Balboa ? 34 — What was the end of Balboa, and what became of the colony of Santa Maria? CHAPTER XL 35 21 Under whose government was Cuba settled, and what was the effect of European colonization upon the Indians? 36 — Who was the first governor of Cuba, and how was that island subdued ? 37 22 Who resisted the landing of the Spaniards, and what was the fate of that chief? 38 — What notion had Velasquez of the character of Hatuey ? 39 — How did Hatuey conduct himself at the time of his execution ? 40 — What effect did the violent death of Hatuey produce upon the Indians ? 41 23 Who discovered Florida, and what disposed the discoverer to undertake that enterprise ? 42 — Did the colony of Cuba flourish under Velasquez, and what expedition did he fit out ? 43 — What happened to Cordova at Yucatan ? 44 24 Did Velasquez fit out another expedition, and what'course did it take ? 45 — What country did Grijalva discover, and what name did he give it ? 46 — What information did Grijalva obtain concerning the country which he discovered, and when did he return to Cuba ? 47 25 What measures did Velasquez take in consequence of the intelligence he received of New Spain ? 48 — What was the progress of discovery upon the western con- tinent in twenty-six years ? 49 — With what habits of mind must young persons read history, and how will the humane heart regard the conduct of the Spaniards in America? 50 26 Did Velasquez meditate the conquest of the new countries, and why did he think it justifiable? 61 — Who was the man selected by Velasquez to follow the course which Grijalva had taken? 62 27 What were the leading circumstances m the life of Cortez ? 63 — Did'the character of Cortez command respect ? 64 — Did Velasquez endeavour to deprive Cortez of the command which he had bestowed upon him ? 65 28 With what equipment did Cortez set out for New Spain? 56 — Whom did Cortez find at the island of Cozumel? QUESTIONS. 3 as. Page. 37 29 How did the Mexicans regard the Spaniards when they firs saw them ? 38 — What opinion did Montezuma form of the Spaniards ? 59 — Did Grijalva receive any message from Montezuma? 60 30 Did the Mexicans give Cortez a cordial reception? 61 -- Did Cortez bring the Mexicans of the coast under subjection? 62 — What arms did me Indians use in their warfare ? 63 — Were the chiefs and their men arrayed alike? 64 31 Of what musical instruments did the Indians make use, and how did they commence their combats ? 65 32 WJiat young girl was presented to Cortez? 66 — Was Marina's history extraordinary ? 67 — How did Marina exhibit uncommon talent and excellent dis positions ? 68 33 How did the Spaniards treat Marina ? 69 — How did Marina treat her mother and brother ? 70 — Did Cortez leave Tabasco? 71 — When Cortez arrived at the place, now the site of VeraCrur, had he an interview with the natives ? CHAPTER III. 72 34 Who paid Cortez a visit at the harbour where he staVioned himself ? 73 — What speech did Cortez make to the Mexican lords? 74 — What reply did Teutile make to Cortez? 75 35 What presents did the Mexicans make to the Spaniards, and how were the Mexicans treated by the Spaniards ? 76 — Did Teutile make a second visit to the Spaniards ? 77 J6 How was Montezuma affected by the arrival of the Spaniards? 78 — Did the Mexicans send more presents to the Spaniards ? 79 — What address did the Mexican ambassador make to Cortez? 80 37 What were the gifts brought by the ambassador to Cortez? 81 — Were the Spaniards pleased with the presents made to them ? 82 38 Did the Mexican king invite Cortez to pay him a visit? 83 — Was Cortez vexed at Montezuma's message ? 84 — Did Teutile bring to the Spanish camp a present for the king of Spain ? 85 — What is the effect of avarice upon the minds of men? 86 39 Had the Spaniards any rehgious motives in their intercourse with the Mexicans / 87 — Upon what occasion did the Spaniards offer the Indians reli- gious instructions, and what were those instructions ? 88 40 How did it appear that the Mexicans became enemies of the Spaniards ? 89 — Who paid an unexpected visit to the Spanish camp? 90 41 From what city did these visiters come, and on whom were they dependants ? 91 — Was Cortez gratified to meet with enemies of the Mexicans? 92 — Did Cortez accept the invitation of the Chenipoallese ? QUESTIONS. Os. Page. 93 41 Did the adherents of Cortez willingly accompany him to Chempoalla ? 94 42 What new regulations were made in the Spanish camp ? 95 43 What reception was given to Cortez near Chempoalla? 96 — What was the condition of the city of Chempoalla ? 97 — Were the Spaniards hospitably entertained at Chempoalla 1 98 44 What description did Cortez give the lord of Chempoalla of the king of Spain, and of his own enterprise ? 99 — Did the lord of Chempoalla appear grateful to Cortez? 100 45 What account of the Mexicans did the lord of Chempoalla give, and what favour did he ask of Cortez ? 101 — Did Cortez make any promises to the Chempoallese lord? 102 — Who attended Cortez to perform any labour he might require? 103 — Whither did Cortez next go, and what happened itt Chi-a- huitz-la ? ' ^ 104 46 What measure did Cortez recommend to the dependent Jords? 105 47 Of what deceitful act was Cortez guilty in respect to the lords of Chempoalla a.r>.d Chi-a-huitz-la ? CHAPTER IV. 106 47 Did Cortez liberate all the Mexican collectors ? 107 48 When did Cortez commence a settlement ? 108 — Did Montezuma sex.'* his nephews to visit Cortez? 109 — Did the Totonacas and otlter people near the coast join to furnish an army to Cortez ? 110 49 In what rash manner did Cortez introduce Christianity among the Chempoallese? 111 50 In what manner did the Chempoallese chief vindicate the religion of his nation ? 112 — How did Cortez further express his enthusiasm in respect to religion ? 113 — Did the Chempoallese resist the violence of Cortez? 114 — What services did Cortez introduce into the Chempoallese temples ? 115 51 What favor did Cortez request of the Emperor Charles? 116 — What presents did the followers of Corlez make to the Em- peror, and what did their liberahty manifest ? 117 — What expedient did Cortez adopt to prevent the desertion of his followers ? and when did he set out for Mexico ? 118 — Whom did Cortez first encounter? 119 52 Did the lord of Xocotla bestow any gold upon Cortez? and how did he treat the Spanish general ? 120 — Did Cortez obtain any gifts, and towards what territory did he proceed ? 121 53 What was the character of the Tlascalans ? 122 :— Under what political institution did the Tlascalans live ? 123 — What prepossessions had been given to the Tlascalans in respect to the Spaniards ? 124 — Did Cortez send envoys to the senate of Tlascala? QUESTIONS. da. Page. 125 34 What reception did the lords of TIascala give the envoys of Cortez ? 126 — What speech did one of the envoys address to the Tlascalan senate ? 127 55 What account did the envoy give of the rehgion of the Span- iards ? and what disposition did he impute to Cortez ? 128 — What advice did the envoy offer the Tlascalans ? 129 — What reply did the Tlascalans make to the envoys ? 130 — What opinion did the chief of the Tlascalan senators express in respect to the Spaniards '/ 131 56 Did all the senators agree in their judgments ? 132 — Who determined the Tlascalan senate how to act? 133 57 What immoral practice is allowed in the warfare of all nations ? 134 — Which is the most efficient, the power of the mind, or of the body? 135 — What caused the defeat of the Tlascalans? and what effect did these disturbances produce upon Montezuma ? 136 58 What further measures were taken by the Mexican King in respect to Cortez ? 137 — Did the Spaniards and Tlascalans make peace with each other ? 138 — Who was the messenger of the Tlascalans, and what were his overtures to Cortez? 139 59 Did Cortez accept the concessions of the Tlascalans, and did he receive ambassadors from other nations ? 140 — Who paid Cortez a visit, and how did he receive them? 141 — Did the adherents of Cortez willingly accompany him to the city^of TIascala ? 142 60 What is Clavigero's description of the entry into TIascala ? CHAPTER V. 143 60 Who restrained Cortez from destroying the Tlascalan idols? 144 61 What answer did the Tlascalans make to the arguments of Cortez in respect to religion? 145 — Did Cortez produce any reform in the superstitious practices of the Tlascalans ? 146 — What information did Cortez obtain in respect to the king- dom of Mexico? 147 — What passed between Cortez and the Cholulan envoys? 148 62 What account have Cortez, and the historian Clavigero givenof Cholula. 149 — To what god was Cholula consecrated, and how did the Cho- lulans conduct themselves in respect to the Spaniards ? 150 63 How was Marina instrumental to the preservation of the Spaniards ? 151 — In what manner did Marina receive the good offices of a Cholulan woman? 152 — Of what did Marina's Cholulan friend inform her, and how did Cortez receive that information ? 22 6 QUESTIONS. (is. Pago. 153 63 How did Cortez and the Cholulans mutually endeavour to de- ceive each other ? 154 64 What happened on the morning of Cortez's intended de- parture ? 155 — What address did Cortez make to the Cholulans ? 156 65 What was the next measure of Cortez, and Vfhat conse- quence followed it ? 15 — What use did Cortez make of his victory ? 158 66 What is the present appearance of Cholula? 159 — How did the governor of Nauhtlan maintam the authority of Montezuma ? 160 — On what occasion was Juan de Escalente killed ? 161 67 Did Montezuma persevere in requiring Cortez to desist from approaching Mexico? 162 — How did Montezuma await the coming of Cortez ? 163 — What counsel did Montezuma seek in regard to the reception of the Spaniards ? 164 68 Did the forces of Cortez augment as he advanced towards Mexico ? 165 — Who came out to meet Cortez near the lake Chalco? 166 — In what manner did Cortez and the king of Tezcuco meet? 167 69 How did the king of Tezcuco remonstrate with Cortez? 168 — What reply did Cortez make to the king of Tezcuco'^ 169 — How did the king of Tezcuco take leave of Cortez? 170 70 Where was the city of Cuit-la-hu-ac? what was its appear- ance, and how was Cortez received there? CHAPTER VI. 171 71 What was the kingdom of Mexico, and where was the capital? 172 — What lakes occupy a large portion of the vale of Mexico? 173 — What cities were on and near the lake Tezcuco, and what is the present population of that region ? 174 — Did the Mexicans exhibit any capability of improvement ? 175 — How do the Mexicans compare with other nations? 176 72 Who were presumed to be the ancestors of the Mexicans? 177 — What progress did the emigrants to Mexico make in civili- zation ? 178 73 Whence did the Atzecas take the name of Mexicans, and when was the foundation of the city of Mexico laid ? 179 — What was the progress of political government in Mexico? 180 — Did Cortez tind the Mexicans disposed to submit themselves to the Spanish domination ? 181 74 What particulars has Clavigero given of the state of Monte- zuma — of the homage paid to him — of the arrangements of his table — his appearance abroad — his palace — his mena- geries — dwarfs, &c. — his personal habits ? 182 78 What was the religion of the Mexicans? 183 — How does Clavigero describe the great temple of Mexico? 184 79 What were the observances of the Mexicans in respect to the dead? QUESTIONS. Oa. Pase. 185 80 What paintings, writings, cloth and paper were found In Mexico ? 186 81 How was the population of Mexico divided, and what was the tenure of property? 187 — How was government supported ? 188 — Was the king of Mexico a paternal or tyrannical governor? 189 — In -what manner was a king appointed ? 190 82 What was the management of children among the Mexicans, and how were infants treated ? 191 — Was any ceremony resembling baptism practised by the Mexicans ? 192 83 What part in this ceremony did the nurse take? 193 — What prayer concluded this ceremony? 194 — To what gods were infants commended, and what names were given them among the Mexicans ? 195 84 What moral and physical habits were inculcated by parents upon children? 196 — Was the profession of a parent ordinarily continued by his child amoncfthe Mexicans? 197 85 In what religrous and moral sentiments were the Mexican children educated ? 198 — What actions did the Mexicans regard as marks of ill breeding ? 199 — Were liberality, modesty, and humility commended among the Mexicans ? 200 — What did parents tell their children that happiness depend- ed on ? 201 86 What was a mother's advice to her daughter? 202 — What maxims were recommended by mothers ? 203 — What domestic virtues were taught, and what consequences were attached to virtue and vice ? 204 — Were the sexes educated according to their respective abili- ties ? 205 87 What religious services did young persons perform ? 206 — What was the character of the Mexican poetry and oratory? 207 — What poetry is produced in an early stage of national civi- lization ? 208 88 How does Cla\'igero describe a small theatre in Mexico ? 209 — Did the Mexican actors imitate animals? 210 89 What musical instruments did the Mexicans use ? 211 — How was the Mexican drum used ? 212 — Was dancing practised by the Mexicans ? 213 90 What public games were practised among the Mexicans ? 214 — When were the Hyers exhibited? 215 91 What disguises did the Hyers assume, and how perform their evolutions ? 216 — What feat concluded the exhibition ? 217 92 By what modes of industry did the Mexicans ordinarily subsist? 218 — How was trade carried on in the Mexican dominions? QUESTIONS. tU. Page. 219 92 What money was in use among the Mexicans? 220 93 What accommodations were provided for travellers 221 — What sort of bridges were constructed in Mexico? 222 — Who carried burdens ? 223 94 What edge tools were in use among the Mexicans ? 224 — What religion prevailed in Mexico ? 225 — What benefit has resulted from the conquest of Mexico? CHAPTER VII. 226 95 On what day did Cortez first enter Mexico, and what was his reception ? 227 — With what feelings did Cortez enter Mexico? 228 — In what style did Montezuma meet Cortez? 229 96 What mutual respect did Montezuma and Cortez display? 230 — How did the inhabitants of Mexico receive Cortez? 231 97 What habitation was assigned to Cortez? 232 — What accommodations were afforded to the Spaniards? 233 98 What presents and professions did Montezuma make to Cortez? 234 — What explanations of Christianity did Cortez make to the king of Mexico, and how did he receive them? 235 99 Did Cortez immediately proceed to the conquest of Mexico ? 236 — What quarrel did Cortez seek with Montezuma ? 237 — Of what did Cortez accuse the governor of Nauhtlan? 238 100 What foolish reply did Montezuma make to Cortez, and what proposal did Cortez make to him ? 239 — What threat was made to Montezuma ? 240 101 Were the Mexicans a pusillanimous people? 241 . — Did Montezuma permit himself to be imprisoned by Cortez ? 242 102 What treatment did Q,uah-po-po-ca receive ? 243 103 Did the Spaniards exert a vigilant superintendance over Montezuma ? 244 104 What treatment did Montezuma and his family receive from Cortez? 245 105 Did Cortez receive a commission from Spain ? 246 106 Did Cortez cause the provinces of the Mexican empire to be explored? 247 107 What further submission did Cortez exact from Montezuma? 248 — Did Montezuma readily comply with the demands of Cortez? 249 — Did the subjects of Montezuma deplore his degradation ? 260 108 Did Cortez admonish the Mexicans to acquiesce in his requirements ? 251 — What further demands did Cortez make ? 252 109 With what dispositions did the governor of Cuba regard Cortez at this time ? 263 — What measures to restrain Cortez did Velasquez *Qopt? 254 110 What reception did Cortez give to Narvaez? 255 — What use did Cortez make of his victory? 256 — What happened in Mexico during the absence ofCorl/,z? 257 — What displeasure against the Mexicans did Cort jz affict? QUESTIONS. 9 Os. Page. 258 111 What punishment did Cortez inflict upon the Mexicans, and how did the Mexicans resist Cortez ? 259 — Did Montezuma interpose — how did they receive his ex- postulation, and how manifest their displeasure ? 260 112 When Montezuma fell, were his subjects distressed? 261 — Did Cortez persevere in his warfare? 262 113 What was the result of this enterprise? 263 — What is signified by Noche Triste ? 264 114 To what place did Cortez retreat? 265 — What were the sufferings of the Spaniards on the retreat to Tlascala ? 266 — Did the Mexicans pursue the flight of the Spaniards ? 267 115 What occurred near Otumba? 268 — What ensign was carried by the Mexican army ? 269 — Did Cortez resolve to take the standard, and was it seized? 270 116 Was a memorable victory achieved by the Spaniards near Otumba ? 271 — How did the Tlascalans receive the Spaniards ? 272 117 When did Cortez again march against the city of Mexico? CHAPTER VIII. 273 117 What event established Cortez in New-Spain ? 274 118 Through what tract of country did Cortez carry his conquest ? 275 — What was the position of Mexico, and the neighbouring cities'? 276 — Why did Cortez cause small vessels to be constructed? 277 119 Who transported the ships? 278 — How did Cortez persuade the tributaries of Mexico to yield to him ? 279 — Did any king succeed Montezuma? 280 120 How did Quetlavaca remonstrate with the rebels ? 281 — Who succeeded Quetlavaca? 282 121 How did the preparations of Cortez proceed ? 283 — What circumstances attended the launching of the brig- antines ? 284 — How were the brigantines armed and commanded ? 285 122 Did the siege of Mexico occasion great destruction of life? 286 — In what spirit did the Indians defend themselves? 287 — Did Cortez become discouraged by delay ? 288 123 Did Guatamozin lose courage during the siege? 269 — Was the life of Cortez often in danger ? 290 — Did Cortez display great perseverance ? 291 — Did Guatamozin exhibit equal firmness of purpose ? 292 — What disasters and distresses conduced to the redaction of the city ? 293 124 Did the Indian allies perform important services to the Spaniards in the demolition of Mexico, and how did the natives regard their rebellion ? 294 — Did Cortez manifest any relenting of purpose in the pro- gress of the siege of Mexico ? 22* 10 QUESTIONS. Us. fage. / 296 125 How did the natives receive proposals to surrender th^ir city ? 296 126 In their last extremity, how did the Indians sustain them- selves ? 297 — What pathetic appeal did the Indians make to Cortez? 298 — Did the Indians exert themselves to preserve the life of Guatamozin 1 299 127 Who intercepted the flight of Guatamozin ? 300 — By whom was Guatamozin accompanied when he surren- dered his person? 301 — What did Guatamozin request on that occasion? 302 — How did Holguin treat his prisoners, and what was the ad- dress of Guatamozin to Cortez? 303 128 What hollow professions did Cortez make to the Mexican king? 304 — What was the appearance of the Mexicans when they de- parted from their city ? 305 129 How was the whole Mexican empire gradually subdued ? 306 — Did the spoil taken by the Spaniards equal their expecta- tions ? 307 — On what day was the city of Mexico taken by the Spaniards, and what fact recorded in history has been compared with the siege of Mexico ? 308 130 How did Cortez fulfil his promises to the Mexican king? 309 — Is it known how many victims were annually offered as sacrifices in the Mexican dominions ? 310 — Have truly Christian principles governed the policy and conduct of the Spaniards in America? 311 131 Is the ambition of monarchs at the present time restricted to narrower limits than in former ages? 312 — Of what is true glory and national honour found to consist ? CHAPTER IX. 313 — Did the Spaniards pursue further conquests in America? 314 132 Did Cortez act under a royal commission, and who inter- fered with his plans ? 315 — How did Fonseca regard the achievements of Cortez, and how was Cortez treated by order of Fonseca? 316 133 Did Tapia assume the direction of the affairs in New Spain ? 317 — Did Cortez succeed in obtaining a commission fi'ora the emperor? 318 — In the mean time, how did Cortez proceed in the establish- ment of the Spanish dominion in New Spain ? 319 134 Did the natives at all oppose the progress of the Spanish conquerors in America? 820 — Of what use is it to exhibit the examples of bad men, in history ? 321 135 Under whose influence was the condition of the Indians in Spanish America improved ? QUESTIONS. 11 Os. Page. 322 133 Have all the natives of the conquered countries ever been subject to the Spaniards ? 323 — What is the meaning of the word conscription ? 324 — What w^as the mita, and was that service willingly ren- dered ? 325 136 Are the mines in America still wrought by compulsory labour ? 326 — Were the Indians the only sufferers in the conquest and colonisation of Spanish America? 327 137 Did Cortez continue to prosper? 328 — Who misrepresented the character of Cortez, and what were his virtues ? 329 — How did Cortez appear at the court of Spain? 330 138 How was Cortez received in Spain? 331 — On what account did Cortez desire to be vindicated, and how far was he successful ? 332 — How was the authority of Cortez in New Spain limited, and who was the first viceroy in New Spain ? 333 139 What is the conclusion of the history of Cortez? 334 — When did Cortez die, and under what circumstances? 333 — Are there any resemblances between Columbus and Cor- tez, and what traits in the character of Cortez are worthy to be imitated ? CHAPTER X. 336 140 Was the form of government uniform in all Spanish Ame- rica? 337 — What countries were included in the viceroyalty of New Spain? 338 141 What other viceroyalties were afterwards created ? 339 — What state did a viceroy maintain ? 340 — What was the extent of a viceroy's function ? 341 142 What court might impeach a viceroy, and who governed sometimes in his place ? 342 — What established the rights of individual property in newly- conquered countries dependent upon Spain ? 343 — What restrictions were laid upon trade in the Spanish colonies ? 344 L43 Did Spain prosper in consequence of her arbitrary pohcy in relation to New Spain ? 345 — What distinction was soon created among the settlers in New Spain, and what was burdensome to the community? 346 — What is the ecclesiastical establishment of a country, and what was that of New Spain? 347 144 What sort of edifices are the churches of New Spain? 348 — What are the different classes of inhabitants in Mexico? 349 145 According to what law was labour performed in the Spanish settlements ? 350 — Did the emperor make any humane laws in respect to the Indians ? 12 QUESTIONS. Us. Page. 851 145 By what provision are magistrates in every country main- tained ? 352 — What was required of the Indians as citizens in the Spanish colonies ? S53 146 What is the condition of the Indians in their own villages ? 354 — Did the wrongs done to the Indians in the Spanish colonies originate in individuals or the laws ? 355 — How has Dr. Robertson described the condition of some of the Indians ? CHAPTER XL 356 147 In two hundred and eighty years how many A-iceroys ruled in New Spain, and what did the public feehng become in regard to their government ? 357 — What was enacted, according to the laws of the Indies, in respect to the natives of New Spain, and how was that law observed ? 368 148 What was the general character and principles of the vice- roys of Mexico? 359 — What created ill-will between Spaniards and Creoles ? 360 — What is political liberty ? 361 149 What causes contributed to perpetuate ignorance and po- verty in New Spain ? 362 — How long did the colonists in Mexico suffer from the mis- government of Old Spain ? 363 150 What is the Hacienda del Jarall 364 — What appearance do the great landholders make in Mex- ico? 365 — Do the t':reat proprietors exhibit much concern for their dependants ? 366 151 What are the Indians of the cities called, and what are their employmenis ? 367 — What are the most lamentable circumstances of tlie moral condition of the Mexicans ? 368 — Into what parties was the white population of Mexico divided in 1810? 369 152 What circumstance in the political state of Spain offered an opportunity to emancipate themselves to the Spanish colonists ? 370 — How did Bonaparte act in relation to Spain, and how were his encroachments repelled ? 371 — In consequence of the state of affairs in Spain, what mea- sures were taken by the viceroy in Mexico ? 372 153 How was Iturrigaray treated, and who succeeded him? 373 — Under what leaders were hostilities commenced between the royaUsts and patriots ? 374 — What did Hidalgo gain by the surrender of Guanaxuato ? 375 154 How did the cause of the patriots continue to prosper? 376 — How was the good fortune of Hidalgo terminated ? 377 — What was the fate of the first patriot commanders ? QUESTIONS. 13 as. Puce. 378 155 Who after the death of Hidalgo succeeded to the command of the patriot forces ? 379 — .Vhere was a constitution framed by the patriots ? 380 — Who was appointed viceroy at this time? 381 — Did the Congress and Morelos agree in their projects? 382 156 Who was Metamoros, and what was his end ? 883 — When and where was Morelos shot '? 384 — Who was General Mina ? 383 157 Did the Spanish nation resist the encroachments of Bo- naparte ? 386 — How was the Cortes chosen in Spain? 387 — In what manner did Ferdinand VII. meet the expectations of the constitutionalists in Spain ? 388 158 On what account did Xavier Mina abandon his studies ? 389 -r- What dangerous service did Mina undertake ? 390 — Did Mina cut off supplies from the French army in Spain ? 391 159 What provoked the vengeance of ihe French upon Mina? 392 — From which of his friencls was Mina separated ? 393 — What retreat served Pdina for a secure position ? 394 160 What further su^.-ess rewarded Mina's efforts ? 395 — What event terminated Mina's career in Spain? 396 — Where was Mina imprisoned and when set at liberty ? 397 151 Did Ferdinand VII. esteem Mina? 398 — Why did Mina accept an appointment from Ferdinand? 399 — Why did Ttlina leave Spain, and whither did he go ? 400 162 How was Mina treated in England? 401 — Why did INIina visit the United States ? 402 — With what force did Mina march to Sombrero ? 403 163 To whom did Mina oifer his services ? 404 — Was Mina well informed in respect to the merits of the people in whose cause he engaged? 405 — What was the character of the officers in the patriot army of Mexico ? 406 — Was the commander of the patriot army a victorious man? 407 164 What letter did Torres write to his brothers? 408 — How did Torres preserve his authority Virith the officers of his army? 409 165 Was Mina mortified when he learned the character of the patriot army ? 410 — Did Mina succeed at all against the royalists in Mexico ? 411 156 Did any cordial union subsist between Mina and Torres ? 412 — What distress increased the horrors of the siege of Som- brero ? 413 1 67 What was the effect of thirst upon the garrison of Sombrero? 414 — In what manner did Mina comfjrt the distressed people ? 415 — What aggravated the sufferings of the garrison of Sombrero? 416 168 Was the garri-on of Sombrero at length r^slieved ? 417 — Did Mm a obth a possession of the city of Guaaaxuato? 418 — Where did Mina take refuge after his defeat? 419 169 Was Don Mariano Herrera a sufferer by the revolution? 14 QUESTIONS. Os. Page. 420 169 Did Herrera repair his losses? 421 — Did Mina take proper precautions for his own safety ? 422 — Who gave information to Orrantia of Mina's retreat? 423 170 Was Mina's person taken by Orrantia's men? 424 171 How was Mina treated by the royalists ? 425 — How did Mina sustain himself in his misfortunes? 426 — Were other patriots besides Mina ezecuted at this time ? 427 172 What example of domestic virtue is recorded in this place ? 428 — Where and when was Mina executed ? 429 — Did Mina's character exhibit praiseworthy traits ? 430 173 Did Mina possess the virtues that adorn the soldier? 431 — Might Mina's vii'tues have been better employed ? 432 — What occured in Mexico in 1822? 433 174 What plan of government did Iturbide propose? 434 — Did the people fall readily into Iturbide s plan ? 435 — Did the Spanish viceroy surrender to Iturbide ? 436 175 What was the end of Iturbide's government ? 437 — What was the conclusion of Iturbide's life ? CHAPTER XII. 438 176 What besides pohtical history furnishes a more perfect idea of countries ? 439 — What territories are comprehended in Mexico ? 440 — What political divisions exist in Mexico ? 441 177 On what account did the Creoles dislike the Spaniards? 442 — What law against Spaniards was passed by the Congress in Mexico ? 443 — Have the Indians in Mexico become Catholics ? 444 — What are the principal towns in Mexico ? 445 178 Where is Vera Cruz? 446 — How is Vera Cruz described? 447 — What supplies the place of scavengers to Vera Cruz ? 448 — Where is Xalapa ? 449 179 What enlivens the jourrey from Vera Cruz to Xalapa? 450 — What may be seen on the road to Xalapa, and in that city? 451 180 Are the Creoles in Mexico well informed? 452 — Are the Mexican people superstitious ? 453 — What are the favorite amusements of the Mexicans ? 454 181 In what manner is a bull-fight sometimes commenced? 455 — How is the bull-fight sometimes concluded ? 456 182 Do the women in Spanish America display the i«telligence and refinement of the females of the United States^ 457 — What-city is fifty miles from Xalapa? 458 — How are the houses of Puebla adorned and disposed? 459 — Is the cathedral of Puebla a splendid building ? 460 183 Are the services of religion performed in a striking manner? 461 — V»^hat is the police of Puebla, and how is that city sup- ported with the necessaries of life ? 462 184 In what manufactures do the Mexicans excel? 463 — Where is the pyramid of ChoJula? Q,tJESTIONS. 15 Os. Page. 464 184 Are there any volcanoes in Mexico? 465 185 What appearance does the city of Mexico first offer to the traveller ? 466 — Are the houses in Mexico adapted to the cHmate ? 467 186 How are the fronts—interior— and roof of the houses finished? 468 187 Is the former luxury of houses still in use? 469 — Is the cathedral of Mexico magnificent ? 470 — How are seats in churches occupied in Mexico ? 471 — Are monuments in honour of the dead common in Mexico ? 472 188 Are the public spectacles imposing ? 473 — What are the public buildings? 474 — Who was the founder of the hospital of Jesus? 475 189 How is the Alameda described, — and the Passeo ? 476 — How do the Indians in the vicinity of Mexico appear? 477 190 How is an Indian village described ? 478 191 How is the market of Mexico supplied? 479 — Do the Indians exhibit hospitality ? 480 — Are the necessaries of life abundant in Mexico? 481 — Do women navigate the boats of the lake Chalco? 482 192 Are the Indians courteous in their behaviour ? 483 — Does the market afford an animating sight? 484 — Do the Indians sell their manufactures ? 485 — What marks of civilization do they exhibit ? 486 193 How do the Indians construct houses — and how do they furnish them ? 487 — What people in Europe resemble the Mexican Indians ? 488 194 What are the principal curiosities in Mexico — how many monks and nuns are there, and what is the dress of tho common pec ole ? 489 — What is related of Tezcuco? 490 195 What did the first Bishop of Mexico in Tezcuco ? 491 — Where is Otumba ? 492 — What are the most remarkable curiosities in the valley of Mexico ? 493 196 Did the Spaniards destroy Mexican monuments? 494 — How are men sometimes employed in Mexico ? 495 197 How is water distributed? 496 — Do the Mexicans dress in the European fashion ? 497 — How do the ladies dress, and the country gentlemen? 498 198 In what article are the Mexicans extravagant? 499 — Do the Mexicans appear well on horseback ? 500 — Are the customs of the provinces similar ? 601 199 Are mules valued in Mexico, and how are they used ? 602 — How is the aloe described ? 603 200 Why are the manufactories of New Spain inconsiderable? 504 — Are the arts likely to advance in Mexico ? 505 201 Is education general in Mexico ? 506 — What observation upon the Indian character was made in 1823? 507 202 How is the village of St. Miguel described? 16 QUESTIONS. Us. Page. 608 202 What reception is afforded to travellers in Mexico? 509 203 Of what use is candle wood ? 610 — How do the Indians celebrate the festival of St. Mark? 611 — Is the appearance of the country agreeable ? 512 204 What is the most remarkable production of Mexico? 513 — What is the state of the Mexican mines at present '^ 4 — How were the mines wrought ? 5 205 Which are the most productive mines in Mexico ? CHAPTER XIII. 6 ■ — How is Texas described ? ■ 7 206 Did any tribe of Indians ever resist the Spanish aggressions? .8 — Did the Yaquis and Opatas submit patiently to the Spaniards ? 9 207 What example of firmness was once displayed byanOpata? ;0 — What was the character of Banderas ? Jl — Why did Banderas execute certain Spaniards? J2 208 What was the letter of Banderas ? >3 — Did Banderas regard the memory of his ancestors? 14 — What district is inhabited by the Yaquis and Mayos ? >5 — Who exhorted the Mayos to revolt from the Spaniards, and what was his speech to them ? 526 209 What effect had the exhortation of Banderas ? ."27 — Was an accommodation effected between Banderas and the Mexican government ? 28 — Are the Yaquis agriculturists ? 29 210 Whom do the Tiburones resemble ? ,30 Do the Indians ofthe north of Mexico admit Spanish settlers into their territory ? •31 — How do those Indians compare themselves and white men? 632 211 Do Indians ever sell their children? 533 — Do Indians reverence Catholic priests? 534 — Do some of the Spanish settlers live very comfortably? 635 212 How are cattle tended in the woods sometimes ? 636 213 How is a neat Indian's hut furnished — how did one receive a traveller — what account did he give of himself, and how do such persons live ? CHAPTER XIV. 537 214 What progress in discovery was made on the American continent from 1498 to 1536 ? 538 215 What sort of man was the youn^ Indian who suggested to Balboa the existence of Peru? 539 — Did Comagre despise the sordidness of the Spaniards? 540 — Where did Comagre sav that gold was abundant ? 541 216 When was Balboa determined to Peru ? 542 — How were Balboa's vessels built ? 643 217 Who were emploved in this toilsome task? 544 _ Who endured the" passage of tlie Isthmus with the greatest firmness '^ QUESTIONS. Qa- Page. ~~" ' — -— 545 218 When did Vasco Nunez first embark on the Pacific "? 546 — Were Spaniards well fitted for hazardous exploits ? 547 _ Did Nunez proceed far in his voyage ? 548 219 What stopped the progress of Balboa? . 549 — Of what treachery was Garabito guilty'? 550 _ Who arrested Balboa ? 551 220 Of what tyrannical act was Pedrarias guilty? 552 — Did Balboa meet his fate with dignity ? 553 — Who sutfered with Balboa ? CHAPTER XV. 554 221 What led to the settlement of Panama? 655 — Who took up the project of conquering Peru?- 556 222 Who excited the cupidity of Morales and Pizarro? 557 — Who were Pizarro — Almagro — and De Luque, and whaC were their respective appointments? 558 223 What was the extent of Peru ? 559 224 Were Pizarro and Almagro separated in the voyage to Peru? 560 — Did Pizarro and Almagro meet ? 561 — What appearance did Uie coast of Quito make ? . 562 — Did the governor of Panama favour Pizarro? 563 225 How did Pizarro export his men ? 564 — Did the followers of Pizarro abandon hiro? 565 — Did Almagro succeed in obtaining assistance ? 566 226 Where did Pizarro land, and what did he see ? 567 — What did Pizarro take to Panama, and what was the effect of adversity upon him ? 668 227 Did Pizarro "apply to the Emperor Charles for aid ? 569 — What plan did Pizarro and his confederates devise for the prosecution of his designs? 570 — How did the Emperor facilitate the projects of Cortez? 571 228 What officers joined Pizarro? 572 — What forms the most interesting portion of this history? 573 — What is the primitive history of Peru ? 674 — Who were the first civilizers of Peru? 575 229 What improvements did the Peruvian legislators introduce ? 576 — Did Manco Capac pretend to be a god — and who were his descendants ? 577 — '.Vhat was the condition of Peru when Pizarro invaded it? 578 230 Who were the princes who were disputing concerning the sovereignty of Peru when Pizarro invaded the k'mgdom ? 579 — Which of the princes appealed to Pizarro? 580 231 What part did Pizarro take in the quarrel of the princes? CHAPTER XVI. 581 — At what place did Pizarro arrive in the Peruvian dominions ? 582 — What reception was given to Pizarro's messengers ? 683 232 What preparations did Pizarro make to receive Atahualpa? 584 — How did Atahualpa aopear in Caxamalca? 685 — Who first saluted Atahualpa, and how? 586 233 What reply did Atahualpa make to Father Valverde? 23 QUESTIONS. ^*^^5 --^FV 37 233 What was Valverde's rejoinder ? * ;^8 234 How did Pizarro proceed? .■ i89 What effect did the treacherous attack of the Spaniards^:- produce upon the Peruvians ? .*| 590 How many on both sides were killed in this encounter ? i '91 How did Atahualpa regard his imprisonment ? i 92 235 How did the subjects of Atahualpa treat for his ransom ? j^ 93 — What use was made of the Peruvian gold and silver ? V •,94 — Did any of the conquerors of Peru return to Europe? ^ 595 236 Of what further treachery was Atahualpa guilty ? j .98 — . What became of Huascar ? '| 97 — What increased Pizarro's ill-will to the Inca? -^ 98 — What diminished the Inca's respect for Pizarro? j 99 — Under what pretence was the Inca murdered? \ ■00 237 Did the Peruvians take another king ? 1 • 01 — Did new adventurers repair to Peru ? j ')2 — Were all the Spanish adventurers as bad as Pizarro ? i : 3 — What grant was made to Almagro ? i )4 238 What induced Almagro to give up disputing with Pizarro ? j -•')5 — Did Pizarro assume the functions of a legislator? (j06 — Did the last of the Incas maintain the sovereignty ? -• A07 239 When was Juan Pizarro killed — how did the Peruvian j prince regard Ahnagro, and what was his fate? ' •:;08 — Did Almagro suffer with fortitude ? , ?! — Does retribution overtake the wicked ? . ) 240 What course did Pizarro now take ? f ./ — Who reduced Chili — who Quito, and in what other enter- \ prise did Gonzalo Pizarro engage? - 2 — What did Orellano undertake? ' ', 3 241 Did Orellano aspire to the fame of Pizarro ? . ^14 — What was the passage of Orellano? 315 — What fiction did Orellano invent ? : 616 — Whp.t was the fabulous city of Orellano? 617 — What effect hadOrellano's'desertion upon Gonzalo Pizarro, i and what misfortunes followed? ■ 618 242 Who was young Almairro? ; 619 — How was the death of Francisco Pizarro effected ? ; 620 244 How did laws passed in Spain regulate the colony in Peru? i 621 — Did Gonzalo Pizarro peaceably submit to the appointments ■ of the Emperor Charles ? • ' 622 — Who was sent to Peru to settle disturbances? j 623 245 What v/as the character of Gasca ? < 624 — W\\- was Gasca's commission, and his reception every \ waere? 625 246 Was Pizarro exasperated by the reception of Gasca? 626 -— Did Pizarro declare war against the President? '■ 627 -~ What use did Gasca make of victory, and what concludes the history of that good man ? ^ 628 247 What was the end of the Pizarros ? \ 629 •— Did a happy state of society grow out of tlie Spamsh j conquests ? j