Book_ti':(JALa^, / RECOLLECTIONS OF THE LIFE OF THE LATE RIGHT HONORABLE CHARLES JAMES FOX; EXHIBITING A faithful Account of the most Remarkable Events of HIS POLITICAL CAREER, .^ ., ^ AND . ,, A Delineation of his Character AS A STATESMAN, SENATOR, & MAN OF FASHION. COMPREHENDING NUMEROUS ANECDOTES Of his Public and Private Life ; AND AN ACCURATE DESCRIPTION OF THE CEREMONIES Which took place at HIS FUNERAL IN WESTMINSTER A B B E Y . ,<'^^7^ On the lOth October, 1806. ;;^^ ■■'^' BY B. C. WALPOLE, ESQ. ' [< ^ TO WHICH IS ADDED, THE CHARACTJEH OF MR. F((p' BY R. B. SHERIDAN, ESQ. ml JVEW.YORK: PRINTED FOR E. SARGEANT, 3 9 WALL-STREET i R B. HOPUINS AND CO. WM. P. FARRAND, PHILADEL- PHIA ; AND GEO. HILL, BALTIMORE. 1807. Printed by D. & G. Bruce, PREFACE. THE author of the following pages has not the presumption to present thern to the public as containing a complete and finished biogiaphy of the distinguished character of whom they treat. He knows how impossible it would be to do jus- tice, in the compass within which he has limited his labors, to a m.an who, for so many years, has filled such a considerable space in the political history of this country. His object was rather to exhibit such traits of his private character, and to rescue from oblivion such facts, as are calcu- lated to inform and to interest not only the states- man and politician, but every one who is endued with the feelings of a man. Some, there probably are, and among the rest the more immediate friends of Mr. Fox, who may probably be disposed to censure the author for introducing into these Sketches various cir- cumstances which are far from reflecting credit either on his morals or his principles. Disclaim- ing, however, every feeling of malignity prejudice, he has no hesiL:ik)n to decl-xv: his hope that these details, though obnoxious ta - PREFACS- some, may prove of utility to others. If but one fond parent, gratifying every whim and every ca- price of his darling child, is led by the example of I'ox's dissipation and extravagance to reflect on the consequences of his weak and injurious indulgence—if but one youth, ready to plunge into the vortex of fashionable follies and vices, is induced to pause and consider the inevitable riun in which they must sooner or later involve Jaim-— his failings and his deviations will not have been recorded in vain. The example of Mr. Fox during his life was surely productive ver. In case this plan should succeed, Charles expected to be the Chancellor of the Exchequer ; and it was not doubt- ed from the remarkable prudence he had manifested in the managemant of his own affairs, that the nation- al revenue would be highly improved under his ad- ministration. It was likewise whispered that Lord North's having declared that " the defaulter of un- accounted millions,'* should come to a settlement with the people, was another cause of Mr. Fox's op- position ; and indeed from his language in the house, it might have been imagined that he had already re- alized his ambitious project, as he never failed to talk largely " of his measures" and what " he meant to do," whenever he took part in an argument. * It is well known that, on this occasion, the ministerial party were completely foiled, to the mortification of their champion. Sometime afterwards George Onslow, feeling extremely sore at tlie freedom with which he and some of liis brother members had been treated in a poem called the . Senators^ spoke to several gentlemen about calling the au^ tiior and publisher to an account. Among the rest he ap« plied to Charles Fox, who jocosely answered : *' Let them alone, Q^Qv^it— printers you know, are no game for you." 34 LIFE OF Though the public in general were filled with in- dignation at the bare idea of Mr. Fox's being intrust- ed with the finances of the nation ; still it was observ- ed that his greatest enemies were obliged to allow that he possessed one very admirable requisite for a Chancellor of the Exchequer, namely, as perfect a knowledge of the ways and means to raise a supply as any man in the three kingdoms. The act for deciding contested elections was about this time expiring. Lord North expressed his wish to render it perpetual, but Mr. Fox publicly declar- ed that he would oppose it to the utmost of his power. Being asked whether he thought this method a likely one to ingratitate himself v/ith the people, he care- lessly replied, " Poll ! damn the people, they can neither put me in nor keep me out ; and if my ground is only good at St. James's, I'll soon convince them that I am neither to be moved by their complaints, nor intimidated by their execretions." Sometime previous to this event he had begun to associate with several members of the opposition, and had been, by the sympathy of genius, attracted to the celebrated Edmund Burke. The minister had repeatedly represented the suspicions to which his association with the opposers of government had given rise, and enforced them with this argument : " If (said he) we see a woman frequently coming out of a bagnio, we cannot swear she is not virtuous ; yet we should judge of her from her company." These remonstrances had, however, very little weight with Fox, who was now freed from all pa- rental restraint in his political career, by the death of his father, Lord Holland. He began to think for CHARLES JAMES FOX. 36 himself, and opportunities were not wanting when he endeavoured to shake off the trammels of depen- dence, and allowed his manly mind to take its full scope. Not the least m.emorable of these occurred during the debate on the bill brought into the House of Commons by Sir William Meredith, for the pur- pose of relieving persons from subscription to the thirty-nine articles of the Church of England ; and in the liberal sentiments delivered on that occasion Mr. Fox ever afterwards steadily persevered. As a proof of the great abilities of the young cud, as he was then generally denominated, and that he was perfectly versed in all matters, though ever so opposite in their nature, the following fact may be mentioned : — The whole night before the question on the thirty -nine articles were agitated, he spent at the gaming-table, where he actually lost two thousand pounds, after which he went home, washed his face, and immediately proceeded to the House of Com- mons, where he made a speech on this important religious subject. The opposition he now began to make to the views of administration could not pass unnoticed ; and in February, 17^4, the following laconic letter was delivered to him while sitting on the Treasury bench, in the House of Commons, by the side of the minister ; ^ " His Majesty has thought proper to order a new com- mission of the Treasury to be made out, in which I do not perceive your name. " NORTH," When this billet was presented to Mr. Fox, his reply was, that the minister had not behaved like a man of spirit. 36 THE LIFE OF The circumstances immediately preceding this abrupt dismissal are understood to have been these : Mr. Fox, who had always given it as his opinion at the council-board, that lenient measures were not the proper pursuits of government, took occasion, on the business with Woodfall and the Rev. Mr. Home, to urge Lord North to what he termed a proper spirit of resentment. The latter answered, " That as he was flattered he had acted himself into the good opi- nion of the public, he would take care how he was printed out of it." This cool reply irritated Mr. Fox the more ; and, in the warmth of his temper, he dropped expressions which obliged Lord North to leave the council. Next morning the minister had a conference with his lyiajesty, and the same day Mr. Fox had notice of his dismission. In 1773, an offer of marriage with an heiress to one of the first fortunes in the kingdom, was said to have been made him, on condition of his engaging never to lose more than one hundred pounds at one bet or at one sitting ; and report added, that his father had agreed once more to pay off all his annuities and other debts on the same conditions. After his rupture with the minister, it was believed tl^gt nothing but the hope of an advantageous matrimonial alliance kept him in England. Had it not been for this hope, it was his intention to have fixed his residence ft France for two or three years, if peace should have continued so long. In 1774, Mr. Fox visited Oxford, on occasioa at the Eneas nia held in that city. In a conversation which took place there between him and some other sprigs of nobility, it was rnentioned as a matter of GHAHLES JAxVIES FOX. 37 wonder that Mr. Fox did not receive tiie honorary degree of doctor of ci\dl laws, as well as the other noblemen and gentlemen who had been that morn- ing admitted. Charles replied, he had been, in the proper form, and at the prescribed period of tinie, ad- mitted a master of aits ; and for a man so circum- stanced to accept the honorary degree of doctor of ci- vil laws, would be like a regular's suffering himself to be dubbed a quack. Few young men were so remarkable as Mr. Fox for readiness at repartee and shrewdness of observa- tion. Of this the following instances may be cited : Meeting one daj^ the Hon. J. Dyson, who was un- commonly thin and meagre, the latter, in the course of some ordinary conversation broke off rather ab- ruptlv, by recollecting that he had some business at the Navy Office ; on which Charles very coldly re- plied : " I should rather imagine, Mr. Dysonf that your business lay at the Victualling Office.** Being asked Avhat measures government would take to prevent emigrations, Mr. Fox replied, that he knew not positively, but whatever might be at- tempted, he knew but one effectual way, and that was, to make it worth the subject's while to stay at home. Lord Suffolk, a few days before his marriage, was descanting, in the presence of Mr. Fox, in his usual pompous style, on what an invaluable treasure a virtu- ous woman was.-^" Very true, my lord," replied Charles : " but methinks the possession is very pre- carious, because it is a treasure I will allow, locked up, to which every man has a key." Charles one day received a severe reprehension from his father, who asked him how it was possib^r D 38 THE LIFE OF for him to sleep, or enjoy any of the comforts of Jife, when he reflected on the immense sums he stood in- debted. " Your lordship need not be in the least sur- prised," answered Charles ; " your astonishment ■ought to be how my creditors can sleep." Mr. Fox supped one evening with Edmund Burke, at the Thatched House, where they were served witli dishes more elegant than substantial. Charles's ap- petite being rather keen, he was far from relishing the kick-shaws that were set before him ; and addres- sing his companion : " These dishes, Burke," said he, " are admirably calculated for your pallate : they are both sublime and beautiful." In his house at St. James's-place, Mr. Fox had a back parlour, which he facetiously denominated the Jerusalem CAamSer, because it was the theatre of his negociations with the children of Israel ^relative to the raising of occasional supplies. When his sister, Lady Mary Fbx, was brought to bed of a son and heir, which cut Charles out of the estate and title, he v/as called out of this Jerusalem chamber, where he had a large levee, to be informed of the circum- stance. On his return, perceiving some appeai^an<;e of disappointment in his countenance, the whole tribe of Levi unanimously exclaimed : " Vat is dc rnatter ? Vat is de matter, Master Fox ?" " Bad enough, in- deed," replied Charles ; " here is a second Messi^ come to plague you all." Mr. Thomas Townshend, afterwards Lord Sidney, being in company with Mr. Fox, and some other par- liamentary friends, was talking of the debates the pre- ceding winter in the House of Commons, and observ- ed, that Mr. Fox had never been oftener on his le§:ii CHARLES JAMES FOX. 39 in jfiiy one session. — "True," answered Charles, who loved to joke on his own misfortunes, " for the Jews left me not a chair to sit on.'* Mr. Hare, breakfasting one morning at the house of Mr. Fox, and looking out of the window, perceived a great number of the money-hunting tribe about the ^or ; on which he called out ; " Pray, gentlemen, are ye/bj: -hunting or hare hunting this morning ?" Lord North, exulting over Mr. Fox on the news contained in an Extraordinary Gazette, of the con- quest of New-York ; the wit replied : " It is a mis- take ; New-York is not conquered; it is only, like the ministry — abandoned. At this period of his life Mr. Fox united to his political reputation a celebrity of a very different kind. He was a leader in every species of fashion- able dissipation among the young men of rank of his own age. His expences v/ere unbounded ; and not- withstanding his father's liberality, his debts were enormous. He had already consumed his whole patrimony. . Lord Holland, at his death, bequeathed to his son Charles a large sum of money, and consi- derable e^states in the neighbourhood of Kingsgate,* with the house he had built there in imitation of * Lord Holland left by his will, to his eldest son, Ste- phen, the Wiltshire estate, 50001. per annum, and 20,0001. ; to Charles, the Sheppy and Thanet estate, 9001. per anniim, and 20,0001. ; to Captain Fox an estate in the North, 5001. per annum, and 10,0001. ; to his Lady, 20001. per annum, with Holland house, estate, plate, &c. to pay some small le- gacies, and to be held sole executrix. — As residuary leg-atee it was computed that her ladyship would be worth 120,0001. in government securities, besides her jointure. She, how- ever, lived not to enjoy it, for she died in the shprt |pace of. three weeks after her Lor.d. ' 10 THE XI F£ GI- Tully's Formian ville on the coast of Baijc . These bequests, in addition to the clerkship of the pells in Ireland, which devolved to hira on the death of hia brother in 1774, and was soon afterwards sold to Mr, Jenkinson, now Lord Liverpool, * could not, it is thought, have produced a less annual income than four thousand pounds. This large property he soon dissipated, and being likewise deprived of his situa- tion at the Treasury, he was now left without any other resource than the gaming-table. An orator from his infancy, and a sportsman by intuition, or the prevalence of fashion, it can create no surprise that we find him a blazing comet of the senate and a member of the jockey club, immedi- ately after his emancipation from the dreary dic- tates of the more dreary drudgery of collegiate ty- ranny and scholastic subordination. In his initia- tion to the music of the bonesy or the pleasures of the turf, eternal losses paved his way, as is the custom with all noviciates at their introduction. To de- predations of the first magnitude he opposed the most unsullied honor, and sustained the injuries that were so lavishly heaped upon him with the greatest . patience, as they unfolded a variety of the myste- ries contained in' the immense volume of human * The clerkship of the pells, in Ireland, enjoyed by the elder brother of Mr. Fox, and wliich reverted on his decease to Charles, had been mortgag-ed sore time before tlie fa- thei-'s death for near the full value. Lord Holland hearing- of the cilx^um stance, privately paid off" the mortgage, and senduAg for his sons, first made them give their words of honor, that they would take wp no more money upon it, ami then delivered them the papers, saying : *' Why, then, it is clear to you both for youi* lives," — This place was worth 1.7001. per annum. CHTARXES JAMES FOX. 41 depravity. So great and diversified were the infinite resources of his genius and intellect that, in the very zenith of his popular attraction, when surprising the senate with the utmost force and power of rheto- rical fascination ; and his patriotic exertions i'^- sounded through the remotest corners of the king- dom, he has been seen an invariable nocturnal de- votee at the court of Comus, and been known to take in succession, the senate and the subscriptioti house without the intervening assistance of the pil- low for the renovation of either body or mind. Thus, possessed of such an immense store of mental energy and personal experience, it is natural to suppose that he was proof against every attack of the family. The reverse was, however, the *ctise. The liberality of his mind — the openness of his heart, rendered him the unsuspecting and eternal dupe of their determined villainy, in habitual subservience to which, a very considerable property became totally appropriate.* His engagements upon the turf were not the most numerous, but of the most honourable kind. His confederacy was with his intimate friend the late Lord Foley, and so strictly just and equitable were they in tlie most minute and trivial part of their * The elder brother of Mr. Fox was equally a dupe to the artifices of these black -leg-ged gentry. On one occasion in particular he was cruelly fleeced at a receptacle for gamesters at the west end of the town. He entered with 13,0001. and retired without a farthing-. He was habitually somewhat lethargic, but that evening more so than usuaV which created considerable diversion among his companions, who every now and then disturbed him by a pull of the sleeve and-^" Stephen, you owe me two thousand pounds- Stephen, you gave me but five hundred ; one thousr.id is the money." In this manner they.proceeckd till he was en- tirely stripped. D 2 4-2 THE LIFE OF concerns that neither envy, prejudice, nor the spirit of opposition, has ever presumed to arraign their con- duct in any point of view. Upon the turf he was always accustomed to ani- madvert with jocularity upon his own losses, and repeatedly observed, "*his horses had as much bot- tom as other people's, but they were such slow, good ones, they never went fast enough to tire themselves." He had, however, the gratification to experience some few exceptions to this imaginary rule, for, in April, 1772, he was so lucky at New-market, as to win nearly sixteen thousand pounds, the greater part of which he got by betting against the celebrated Pincher, v/ho lost the match by only half a neck. The odds at starting were 6 to 4, and 2 to 1 on the losing horse. In the year 1790, his horse Seagull won the Oatlands stakes at Ascot, of one '.undred guineas each, (nineteen subscribers) beating the Prince of Wales's Escape, Serpent, and several of the very best horses of that year, to the great mortification of his Royal Highness, v/ho immediately matched Magpie against him, to run four days afterwards, t\A o miles for five hundred guineas. This match, on which immense sums were depending was won with ease by Seagull. In the same year Mr. Fox and his partner had. thirty horses in training, the majority of which were of no great celebrity ; but the winnings of Seagull, in stakes, only, amounted to no less than fifteen hundred and twenty guineas, and as sportsmen it is natural to conclude that the common field-betting must liave exceeded t^e principaL CHARLES JAMES FOX. 4i> The death, in July, 1793, of Lord Foley, the friend in whose judgment Mr. Fox most confided, relaxed his ardor in a pursuit that seems, in more respects than one, to be deprived of the former fervency of fashion. His lordship entered upon the turf with a clear estate of 18001. a year, and 100,0001. in ready money. He left it without ready money, with an encumbered estate, and with a constitution injured by the labors and care of a business unsuitable to the benevolent character of his mind. Mr. Fox was ever at the head of every thing in ■which he. was engaged. He ranked with the first players, and excelled most at whist, quinze, and all the fashionable games of skill. But horse-racing was his darling amusement, until, from prudential motives, he quitted the turf and all other play. He played at other games with indifference, and would throw for a thousand guineas with as much'JsaJig'froid as he would play at tetotum for a' shilling.* But when his horse ran, he was all eagerness and anxiety. He always placed himself where the animal was to make a push, or where the race was to be most strongly contested. From this spot he eyed the horses -advancing with the most immoveable look ; he breathed quicker as they accelerated their pace ; and when they came opposite to him, he rode in with them at full speed, * The Duke of Devonsliire, wlio, much to his honour, made a point of never touching a card, went one day out of curiosity to the Thatched House. After some time, finding himself awkward at being the only person in the apartments disengaged, he proposed a bet of fifty pounds on the odd trick to Charles Pox. — " You'll excuse me, my Lord Duke," re- plied Charles, *' I never play for pence." " 1 assure you Sir," answered his Grace, "you do, as often as 1 play for fil- ty pounds " 44 THE LIFE or whipping, spurring and blowing, as if he would have infused his whole soul into the courage,Bpeed and per- severance of his favourite racer. But when the race was over, whether he won or lost, seemed to be a mat- ter of perfect indifference to him, and he immediately directed his conversation to the next race, whether he had a horse to run or not. Individuals may differ in their idea concerning the integrity of Mr. Fox as a patriot, but of his principles as a man theref'is but one opinion, which, while it can- didly admits his exti^avagance, ascribes them to an in- nate frankness and generosity of disposition. From this amidst all the misfortunes, public as well as pri- vate, (and of both few men in high life have experi- enced a greater share,)he was never knov/n to swerve. Having once an old gaming debt to pay to a dash- ing baronet known by the familiar appellation of Sir John Jehu, and finding himself in cash after a lucky run at the pharo-table, he sent a card of compliments to Sir John, desiring to see him, in order to discharge his demand. When they met, Fox produced. the money, which Sir John no sooner saw, than calling for a pen and ink, he very deliberately began to reck- on up the interest. " What are you doing now ?" cries Charles—" Only calculating the amount of the interest,*' replied the baronet. — '•^ Are you so ?" re- turned Fox, coolly, and at the same time returning the cash, wliich he had already thrown upon the table, to his pocket. — " Why, I thought. Sir John, that my debt to you was a debt of honour ; but as you seem to view it in another light, and seriously mean to make a trading debt of it, I must inform you that I make it an invariable rule to pay my Jew creditors last : CHARLES JAMES TOX. 45 y>9U must therefore wait a little longer for your mo- ney, Sir : and when I meet my money-lending Israel- ites I shall certainly think of Sir John Jehu, and ex- pect to have the honour of seeing him in the compa- ny of my worthy friends from Duke's Place.** The Hon. Mr. L. one night lost at Brookes*s se- venty thousand pounds with his carriages, his horses, Sec. which were his last stake. Mr. Fox, who was present and partook of the spoils,moved that an annu- ity of fifty pounds per annum should be settled on the unfortunate gentleman, to be paid out of the general fund. This motion was agreed to nem. con. and a resolution was entered into, at the instance of the same distinguished character, that every member who should be completely ruined in that hoiise, should be allowed a similar annuity out of the same fund, on condition that he never be admitted as a sporting member, as in that case, the society will be playing against ther own money. An anecdote, for the truth of which, how^ever it is impossible to vouch, is thus related concerning Mr» Fox and Mrs. Crewe : At one period of his life he was fond of ranking among her admirers. A gentlemtm who had lost a considerable sum to her at play, knowing Mr. Fox's acquaintance with the lady, and being obliged to leave town suddenly, gave him the money to pay her, and begged he would apologize to the lady for his not having paid the debt of honour in person. Mr. Fox, whose necessities were always very pressing, appre- hended that he might trespass a little on the good-na- ture of the lady, and accordingly, instead of waiting on her with the money, appropriated it to his own 4?6 THE LIFE OF uses, or, in other words, actually lost every shilling of it before morning. Mrs. Crewe often met her supposed debtor in public afterwards, and was aston- ished thathe took no notice of the sum she had won from him : at length when a considerable space had elapsed,* she hinted the matter delicately to him. " Bless me,** said he, with surprise, " I paid the money to Mr. F. three months ago.*'-—" Oh you did Sir !" replied Mrs Crewe, who was not more remarkable for beauty and sense than good na- ture, " then probably he has paid me, and I have for- gotten it ; but I shall speak to him ; for either his memory or mine must be very treacherous on this occ£\sion." When he was taxed with the matter, he owned the truth, but swore he could not have taken so much liberty with any woman on earth but her- self, begged she would give him a little time ; but whether he ever paid her, was much doubted by ma- ny well-informed sceptics about St. James*s. The lines which Mr. Fox wrote on the above mentioned lady, about the year 1780, prove the ver- satility of his genius ; and that he who made such a distinguished figure in the fields of eloquence,; ' might have attained no small degree of emmence in the regions of Pernassus, had inclination and circumstances led him to the cultivation of the poe- tic talent with which he was gifted. Where the loveliest expression to features is join'd. By nature's most delicate pencil design'd ; Where blushes unbidden, and smiles without art. Speak the softness and feeling that dwell in the heart; Where, in manners enchanting-, no blemish we trace. But the soul keeps the promise we had from the face; CHARLES JAMES FOX. 47 Sure, philosophy, reason, and coldness must prove Defences unequal to shield us from love ! Then tell me, mysterious enchanter! O tell. By what wonderful ;irt, by what magical spell. My heart is so fenc'd, that for once I am wise. And g-aze without raptures on Amoret's eyes ; That my wishes which never were bounded before. Are here bounded by friendship, and ask for no more. Is't reason ? No : that my whole life will behe. For who so at variance as reason and I ? Is't ambition that fills up each chhik of my heart, Nor allows any softer sensation a part ? Oh no ! for in this all the world must agree. One folly was never sufficient for me. Is rny mind on distress too intensely employ'd, Or by pleasure relax'd, by variety cloy'd ? For, alike in this only, enjoyment and pain. Both slacken the springs of those nerves which they strain. That I've felt each reverse that from fortune can flow. That I've tasted each bliss.that the happiest know. Has still been the whimsical fate of my life. Where anguish and joy have been ever at strife. But, tho' vers'd in th' extremes both of pleasure and pain, I am still but too ready to feel them again. If then, for this once in my life, I am free. And escape from a snare might catcli wiser than me, 'Tis that beauty alone but imperfectly charms. For, tho' brightness may dazzle, 'tis kindness that warms. As on suns in the winter with pleasure we gaze. But feel not their warmth, though their splendor we praise, So beauty our just admiration may claim, . But love» and love only, our hearts can enflame. It appears to have been then, as it is at present, the practice of persons in the higher circles to amuse themselves with private theatrical representations. In the month of January, 1774, we find Mr. Fox en- 48 THE LIFE OF joying this recreation at Winterslow-house, in Wilt- shire, the seat of his brother Stephen. On the 8th of the above-mentioned month he sustained the part of Horatio in the tragedy of the Fair Penitent, and that of Sir Harry's servant in High Life Below Stairs. The other parts were performed by the various members of the family, or fashionable friends, among whom was the Hon. Mr. Fitzpatrick. The folio^^ing day the mansion of Winterslow was unfortunately consumed by fire. But it is now time to return to the political exertions of this celebrated character. Fox, although in his disposition candid, liberal, and of the most expanded benevolence, yet, in his temper ruling and irritable, was filled with resent- ment at the mode of his dismissal, and now became a most strenuous and formidable opponent of the mini- ster. One of the principal features in his character was openness ; and in every part of his conduct, whether public or private, boldness and decision have been equally prominent. Whether the ends which he pursued were beneficial or hurtful, there was no petty intrigue, no duplicity in the means. Such a character was totally unfit for the tricks and suppleness of a mere courtier. The greatness of hia mind was as incompatible with the frivolity of court etiquette, as his candour with the duplicity of court artifice. The year 1774 was pregnant with remarkable events to Mr.Fox. He was discarded from theTreasu- ry ; his father died in July, his mother in August, and his elder brother Stephen Lord Holland, on the 26th November. To this may be added, that, at the gene- ral election in the same year, he w^as an unsuccessful CHARLES JAMES TOX. 49 candickte for Poole, though he was aftjerwards chosen forMahnsbury, in Wiltshire, with William Strahaii,^ Esq. joint printer to his Majesty. He now joined, in the most unqualified manner, in the opposition of the measures of the minister, arid to this opposition he owed the commencement of his reputation. Just before his dismission he had made a speech, in which he described, in glowing- terms, the happiness of the nation ; but the striking differ- ence which afterwards took place in the tone of his declarnatibn, occasioned the following lines of Pope tt> l?e applied to him : Ask men's opinions — Scoto now shall tell How trade increases, and the world goes well Strike off this pensioii, by the setting' sun. And Britain, if not Europe, is undone. From the year 1774 to 1781, the question of com- pliance with the demands of the <:olonists, or taxation and rigorous coercion ; the utility or prejudicial in- fluence of each particular measure adopted by ad- ministration ; the prudence or folly of raising all Eu- rope in arms against Britain, at the moment when she was at war with her own subjects, gave rise to a l^ series of the most eloquent debates that ever place within the walls of an English House of mons. Fox, Burke, Barre, Dunning, were the mo«t c quent speakers on the side of opposition. Thurlow, Wedderburn, Lord North, spoke on the other side with different, though scarsely inferior talents. Fox, trained by Burke to the industry of a leader, and in- structedby him in the details of business, became con- E V 50 THE LITE OF tinually more eminent as an orator and a statesman in the house. The effects of opposition weakened the hands of the ministers ; rendered them timid, uncer- tain, more anxious to avoid censure, then by exertion to command success. They contributed signally to produce the misconduct they arraigned, and the mis- fortunes which they affected to deplore. American freedom was not more strongly vindicated, by the arms of Washington, than by the eloquence of the op- position. It was chiefly during this period, that the perma- nent principles, political and moral, of Charles Fox, must have been formed. By his father he had been taught to think, that every thing was pardonable to active and splendid political. talents ; that by political exertions arid intrigue he ought to make his fortune ; that fashionable excesses, if they could be reconciled with political industry ,',were only commendable proofs of spirit and genius. From the Rockingham party, he learned to believe that the great whig fam»iiies, whose ancestors were the authors of the revolution, and of the settlement in favour of the house of Hano- ver,ought still to hold the crown, as it were in tutelage, k to leave to the sovereign little more than the empty honours, and the mere nominal power of government. Fromx Junius, from Franklin, from Dunning, from the remonstrances of the city of London and of the Americans, from Hume, Smith, Voltaire, and Price, iie imbibed a taste for that philosophy which prefers an ideal semblance of right to tried order and expe- diency. Burke taught him to throw the veil of fanci- ful ornament and of sophistical refinement, over that practical good sense, which, in politics, it was almost CKARLES JAMES FOX. 51 natural for him, even unconsciously, to exercise. His practice at the gaming-table,in the house of commons, in the meetings of party-cabal,had given him new con- fidence in his own powers, new controul over his own passions, a deeper insight into the complexities of human character, and the frailness of human nature — by no means a nicer sense of honour, or a more sa- cred observance of moral principle, — but certainly more of that lofty magnanimity which the ingenuous, mind delights to cherish, when it feels itself capable of surmounting every difficulty of fortune, and of iri- umphing over the most skilful artifices of its oppo^ nents. The measures which led to the American war had now come to a crisis, and were loudly execrated by a formidable party in the mother country. To this party Fox united himself, and, from his conspicuous talents, soon acquired the authority of a leader. In 1773 he opposed the introduction of the Boston Port Bill, and apologized for the conduct of the colonies. In his speech, on this occasion, he arraigned the mea- sures of the minister in bold and energetic language, and explained the principles of the constitution with masculine eloquence. The treasury-bench now began, for the first time, to calculate the loss it had sustained, the opposition to estimate the strength it had acquir- ed. The session of 1775 opened with a speech, de- claring the necessity of coercion. On this occasion. Fox poured forth a torrent of his powerful eloquence. In that plain, forcible language, which forms one of the many excellencies of his speech, he shewed what ought to have been done, what ministers had promis- ed to do, and what had been done. He affirmed that. 52 THE LIFE OF Lord Chathaiji, the King of Prussia, nay, even Alexander the Great, never gained more in one cam- paign than Lord North had lost. "He has lost," said he, " a whole continent." His sagacious mind, at the commencement of the war, foresaw the event. Fox perceived, and predicted, that men fighting for liberty v/ould ultimately prove succssful. He endeavoured to disuade his country from war, foreboding that dis- comfiture must be the event of such a contest. Un- fortunately, administration disregarded his admoni- tions, and the consequent calamity far exceeded the anticipation even of Mr. Fox's foresight. Nevertheless, persons were not wanting, who as- cribed Fox's opposition less to patriotic motives than to the effects of private pique against Lord North. That minister particularly interested himself in pro- curing the refund of the money due to the public by I^ord Holland ; v/hose executors actually paid into the treasury two hundred thousand pounds, part of a much larger, sum, vThich came into his hands while paymaster-general, and never passed the auditor's office. This was surmised to be, in part the reason of the virulence which Mr. Fox displayed against him on every occasion. In 1776 Mr. Fox paid another visit to France, ind his sudden return, at the commencement of the tbllowing year, not a little embarrassed the minister, who was in hopes that he would have amused him- sieif on the continent during the remainder of the session. While his political antagonists thought him engaged in the diversions of the Plaine de Sab- hns, he was gleaning the best intelligence relative to the affairs of Europe, which his knowledge of the CHARLES JAMES FOX. 5S larjguag'e, his intimacy with the French noblesse, and, above all, his superior address, gave him every opportunity of doing-. It was this that enabled him with such confidence to contradict, in December 1777, the statem.ents of the minister, who declared that France did not threat- en to molest Great Britain, nor did he believe that either France or Spain entertained any such inten- tion. Mr. Fox, on the contrary, insisted, that the whole house of Bourbon was hostile, and only waited for a favourable opportunity, which w^ould present itself the very instant the first bad news should arrive from America. How exactly the event justified his predictions, is too well known to be here repeated. About this time Mr. Fox obtained admission to a seat at the meetings of the literary club, founded by the celebrated Johnson, which likewise numbered Gibbon, Burke, and Sheridan, among its members. His attendance was eagerly encouraged ; but it was remarked, that when Johnson was present, the states- man rarely engaged in the conversation. This taci- turnity, which could not possibly proceed from fear^ probably arose from a desire of informatioil and in- struction, which a young man, not inferior in abilities^ might reap fi^om the knowledge and experience of the sage. lathe autumn of 1777 Mr. Fox visited Ireland. This gave rise to a silly report, that he was gone to so- licit of the viceroy a seat In the Irish parliament, in order to support administration ; particularly as he was often seen at the castle of Dublin, and in company with the placemen and pensioners of that kingdom. 54 THE LIFE OF These visits, however, were nothing more than the relaxations of a man of pleasure and fashion. In this tower of Ireland, Mr. Fox, among other places went to see the Lake of Killarney, near which stood the mansion of Sir Boyle Roche, gentleman usher of the castle, and whose talents at making /^w//5 were so notorious, that every whimsical blunder of that description was placed to his account. Sir Boyle took a pride in escorting the orator, and shew- ing him all the curiosities of that part of the country. In the course of their peregrinations, he took him to a lofty mountain by the side of the lake, to the top of which the traveller is conducted by a circuitous road. At the summit is a small lake, which, from the popu- lar idea that it cannot be fathomed, has acquired the appellation of the Devifs Punch-Bowl, and the water of which is excessively cold. Mr. Fox arriving on the brink, rather heated, stripped and plunged in, but this indulgence had nearly cost him his life ; a se- vere indisposition was the result of his imprudence. Mr. Fox was never- at any pains to conceal his vices and his foibles from the public, and it cannot therefore appear surprizing, if he occasionally re- ceived a gentle hint on' that subject. At a masque- rade at the Pantheon, in March 1778, a newspaper ■was distributed among the company, entitled the American Gazette, published by order of Congress. One of these was put into the hands of Mr. Fox, who turned his eye first to the following paragraph of resolutions, passed by that assembly-—" That no plan of reconciliation will be regarded, unless Lord Chiithani is made premier ; Lord Camden lord- -chancellor ; the Kev John Home lord chiyef justice ; CHARLES JAMES TOK. 55 the Plon. Charles Fox, archbishop of Canterbury and collector of the duties on cai'ds and dice. His antipathy to the Jews was so notorious, that, on the publication of Mademoiselle d'Eon's poetical Epistle to Lord Mansfield, which, at first, appeared without any name, it was ascribed by many to Mr. Fox, on account of the severity with which the chil- dren of Israel were treated in it. His own counte' nance, it was at the same time observed, was so strongly Judaic, that, had a stranger been asked at his Jerusalem levee which of the chosen race pre- sent had most of the blood of Jacob in his veins, Mr. Fox would have been pointed out as the man. Just after the prorogation of parliament, in 1778, Mr. Fox being one morning at Almack's, after los- ing all his money, and a short slumber, he started up, and sent for his valet : — ^*' Egad," said he " I shall be too late — my motion is to come on to-day.'* Almack set him right, and told him that he need not be in such a perturbation of spirits, as the parliament was prorogued. " Well, that may be," replied Charles, " I must raise supfilies then without the committee of ways and means,''* During the whole American war, Mr. Fox suc- cessively protested against every measure of hostility directed against the colonies ; and when he found that they had entered into treaties of commerce and amity with the kings of France and Spain, and that consequently both these powers were bound in gra- titude and good faith to assist them, as well against the resentment of Britain, as the endeavours of the ministry to destroy their connection. Mr. Fox de- ckired, that the duty of England, after the bloody 56 THE l.irE OF transactions her unjust policy bad occasioned, was to endeavof to secure a large share of their commerce-. hy a perpetual alliance on a federal foundation. In the sessions of 1776, finding that all attempts to prevent the continuance of the' war were unavail- ing, the manner of conducting it next became a sub- ject of animadversion. In the discussion of this point in the House of Commons, Fox took the lead. The Americans, he contended, had been successful in the preceding campaign ; their success must have been owing either to the weakness or inadequacy of the ministerial plans, or to tlie misconduct or misfortune of the British naval and military commanders. He therefore moved an inquiry, as the means of fixing the blame if there were any. " Admitting," said he, " the coercion of America to be right, the question, now is about the means. The means have not hi- therto ansv/ered the end; we must inquire to what this has been owing, that we may apply better means, or apply them with greater vigour. If we wish to subdue America, let us see how it is to be done ; and for that purpose, what has till now prevented our progress." The necessity of this inquiry Mr. Fox, pressed with such force, that the ministry could not give him a direct answer, but were obliged to elude the question by the common place expedient, that this was not the proper time for an inquiry. In- deed, whenever Fox chose the right side, and ex. erted the whole force of his mind in support of it, evasion was the most prudent mode of opposition to his arguments. On the arrival of the news of the melancholy ca- tastrophe of Burgoyne's expedilion,Mr. Fox proposed CHARLES JAMES FOX. 57 a number of motions for inquiry into the state of the forces in America, from the commencement of the war, and of the losses that had been sustained. His object was to demonstrate, that the men and money employed in the contest had been thrown away, and that the reduction of America by force was an object not to be attained. This proposal was opposed by administration, who alledged that it would be impru- dent to expose the number of our forces. Mr. Fox asserted, that twenty thousand men had already perished in the contest, but the minister replied, that not more than tXvelve hundred had been slain. Ever prompt in the application of a just criterion, when truth was his object, Mr. Fox moved for an account of all the men sent to America, and of all that still re- mained, when the difference would be the amount of the loss sustained ; but the minister declined to fur- nish this information, on the ground of inexpediency. In the dispute between Admiral Keppel and Sir Hugh Paliiser — a dispute kindled entirely by the arti- fice of opposition, Mr. Fox, as might naturally be sup- posed, was extremely active in supporting the for- mer, who was his ra^.ation and partizan. Sir Hugh, in justice to his own character, was obliged to call for a court-martial on his commander and himself, and they were both honourably acquitted of any miscon- duct in the indicisive action which took place between them and the French fleet, in July 1779. * This dis- pute excited the utmost animosity not only in the * The trial of Admiral Keppel, is remarkable for having' afforded the first opportunity to one of tiie greatest judicial spejtkers of modern times (Mr. Erskine, now Lord Chancel- lor') to display his extraordinay powers. 58 THE LIFE OF navy, but throughout the whole nation ; and during these commotions, Sir Hugh resigned his situation as lieutenant-general of the marines, together with Lis seat in parliament, to accommodate a timid minis- try overawed by a powerful opposition. The court- martial having pronounced his conduct highly merit- orious & exemplary, the minister soon afterwards con- ferred on him the appointment of governor of Green- wich Hospital, on the death of Sir Charles Hardy. This step was considered by Mr. Fox as a measure of so much criminality, so incongruous to the sense and derogatory to the honour of the nation, that it drew from the relative of Admiral Keppel a torrent of indignant oratory, and a motion of censure on the appointment. Mr. Fox has been heard to say, that all private aversions he sincerely and solemnly disclaimed : and he has often protested that there was not* that man upon earth against whom he harbored the least personal antipathy. >* Malignity," he has said, " is, I thank God, a sensation totally foreign to my feelings.'* Those, however, who recollect the point- ed and personal abuse which Mr. Fox never failed to lavish upon every occasion, upon Lord North, during the American contest, will justly be inclined to doubt the sincerity of these declarations. Tho bold and undisguised manner in which he spoke of men and their actions, not only involved him iu altercations, but, in one instance, brought his life into danger. In the session of 1779, Mr. Adam, a Scotch gen- tleman, and representative for Gatton, who had pre- viously acted iu concert with the minority, hinted to CHARLES JAMES FOX. 59 the house that he should vote with administration. This secession greatly altered the opinion of Mr. Adams's former friends concerning the integrity of his views, and raised the tone of the party he had joined. Ministers countenanced the idea that all the misfortunes and disasters in the prosecution of the war were chargeable to the opposition, who impeded the measures of government, and defeated its opera- tions. Mr. Fox warmly defended himself and his friends from the imputation df struggling as a party merely for place, power and emolument. Such a preposterous mode of slandering opposition, he ob- served, scarcely merited a serious answer. — " I can bear well enough, in some respects," said he, "and even make allowance for the ignorance, folly, incapa- city, corruption, love of place, emolument and power in these men. I can even pity them for their wants, their impudence, and their gross stupidity. I feel for their miserable infatuation, not knowing whether to rush headlong into immediate ruin, or retreat with safety. Despicable and unprincipled as they are, I have nevertheless learned to regard their persons with respect, from the conspicuous stations they hold in the view of the public. But when such men, thus involved, and involving others in every possible mis- fortune and disgrace, urge their claims of merit for what deserves an axe or a halter, and, under a com- plication of great national calamities, coolly contend that those disasters, which every individual feels, do not exist or if they do, that they ought justly to be a- scribed to (Opposition ; such a lump of deformity and disease, of folly and wickedness, of ignorance and temerity, thus deeply and incurably smitten with 60 THE LIFE OF pride, and distended by audacity, breaks all measures of patience." This portraiture of the new associates of Mr. Adam, was rather galling- to that gentleman ; it is, therefore, not very surprizing that a misconstruction in a warm debate should lead him to think his personal honour implicated by the pointed allusions to the whole party of which he had become a member. Mr. Adam was alawyer,but he forgot that it was wrong to strengthen by his own example, a custom sanctioned by the sav- age etiquette of puerile resentment, which often stakes a valuable life againt the most worthless, and involves the innocent in those calamities which should be the exclusive portion of the guilty. The day after the obnoxious expressions had been uttered by Mr. Fox, he received a note from Mr. Adam to the following effect ; " Mr. Adam presents his compliments to Mr. Fox, and begs leave to represent to him, that upon considering again and again what passed between them last night, it is impos- sible for him to have his character cleared to.the public without inserting the following paragraph in the news- papers : " We have authority to assure the public that, In a con- versation that passed between Mr. Fox and Mr. Adam, m consequence of the debate in the House of Commons on Thursday last, Mr. Fox declared, that, however much his speech may have been misrepresented, he did not mean to throw any personal reflection upon Mr. Adam." In a postscript was added : " Major Humberston does me the honour of delivering this to you, and* will bring your answer." The reply of Mr. Fox was as follows : CHARLES JAMES FOX. (31 . "Sir, " I am sorry it is utterly inconsistent v.ith my ideas of propriety to authorise the putting- any thing- into tlie news- papers relative to a speech, which, in my opinion, required no explanation. You, who heard the speech, must know tliat it conveyed no personal reflection upon you, unless you i'elt yourself in the predicament upon which I animadverted. The account of m}' speech in the newspapers is certainly in- correct, and as certainly unauthorised by me ; and therefore, with respect to that I have nothing to say. Neither the con- ^ersation that passed at Brooks's nor this letter is of a secret nature ; and if you have any wish to relate the one, or shew the other, you are perfectly at liberty to do so. I am, &c. &c. "C.J. FOX. The result was a duel which took place on the morning of the 28th of November. Mr. Adam was accompanied by Major Humberston, and Mr. Fox by Colonel Fitzpatrick. The following account of this affair was published by the seconds : *'In consequence of a previous misunderstanding tlieymet^ according to agi-eement, at eight o'clock in the morning. After the ground was measured out at the distance of four- teen paces, Mr. Adam desired Mr. Fox to fire, to which Mr Fox replied — * Sir I have no quarrel v>'ith you ; do you fire' — Mr. Adam then fired and wounded Mr. Fox, which we ijelieve was iiot at all perceived by Mr, Adam, as it was not distinctly seen by either of ourselves ; Mr. Fox fired with- out effect ; we then interfered, asking Mr. Adam if he was satisfied. Mr. Adam replied : * Will Mr. Fox declare he meant no personal attack upon ray character r' Upon which Mr. Fox said : * This is no place for apologies,' and desired him to go on. Mr. Adam fired his second pistol without ef- fect ; Mr. Fox fired his remaining p'stol in the air, and then F 62 THE LIFE OF ■saying', as the affair was ended, he had no difficulty in de- daring- he meant no more personal affront to Mr. Adam than he did to any other gentleman present. Mr. Adam replied : *Sir, you have behaved like a -man of honor.' Mr. Fox then, mentioned that he believed himself wounded, and upoi-j open- ing his waistcoat, it was found he was so, but to all appear- ance slightly. The parties then separated, and Mr. Fox's wound Wife, on examination, found not likely to produce any dangerous consequences. " RICHARD FITZPATRICK. «T. MACKENZIE HUMBERSTON." This affair had the effect of increasing the popu- larity of Mr. Fox. The fortitude, generosity and courage he had displayed, exalted him in the public opinion, and he was visited and congratulated on his escape by many of the most distinguished characters in the kingdom. He soon recovered of his vi^ound ; for on the 6th of December we find him in the House delivering an eloquent harangue on the affairs of Ire- land. " What was it," he aked, " that had armed forty- two thousand men in Ireland which arguments carri- ed on the points of forty-two thousand bayonets ? The American war. It was this ruinous war that brought on the distresses of Ireland. It was this war that had obliged this government to abandon that of Ireland. It was this war that had consequently armed Ireland ; and in short, reduced the people to associate, in order to defend themselves, as well against their domestic enemies, tlie ministers of Great Britain, as their fo- reign foes. The Irish associations have been termed illegal ; but legal or illegal, he entirely approved of them. He approved of that manly determination which, as the last resort, flies to arms to obtain de- liverance. When the last particle of good faith in CHARLES JAMES FOX. 63 men is entirely exhausted, they will seek in them- selves the means of redress ; they will recur to first principles ; to the spirit as well as to the letter of the constitution: and they can never fail in such resources, though the law may literally condemn such a depar- ture frorn its general and unqualified rules ; for truth, justice and public virtue, accompanied with prudence and judgment, will ever bear up good men in a good cause, that of private protection and national salva- tion." Among the various subjects of attack against the administration, the waste of the public money was one of the most important. The burthen of the im- posts began to be sensibly felt, and the means of re- ducing them to be discussed not only by the senate, but by the people at large. The subject rouzedthe attention of the inhabitants of the metropolis, and of the different counties of the kingdom. The county ofYork took the lead, and the example was followed by Westminster. A meeting was held in the hall of the said city, and Mr. Fox was unanimously called to the chair. Petitions were prepared, and associations formed all over the kingdom, for the purpose of pro- curing a decrease in the public expenditure, and a more equal representation in parliament. In the parliament which was dissolved in the year 1780, Gibbon, the celebrated historian, had a seat. What Mr. Fox thought of the political principles of that gentleman, v.-as made public in a singular manner. On the sale of his library the following- memorandum and verses were found v/ritten in the first volume of Gibbon's history, on the author's ac- cepting a seat at the Board of Trade. 64 THE LIFE OF " The author of this book, upon the delivery of the Spanish rescript,inl779,declarecl publicly at Brooks's — ^ That there was no salvation for this country un- less six of the heads of the cabinet council were cut off and laid upon the tables of the houses of parlia- ment as examples' — and in less than a fortnight after this declaration, he took an employment under that same cabinet council.'* THE VERSES. •♦ King George in a fright. Lest Gibbon should write The story of Britain's disgrace. Thought no means niore suce His pen to secure. Than to give the historian a place. But his caution is vain, 'Tis the curse of his reign That his projects sliould never succeed . Though he ywhe not a line. Yet a cause of decline In the author's example we read. His book well describes How corruption and bribes Overthrew the great empire of Rome ;- And his writings declare A degen'racy there. Which his conduct exhibits at home." The discontents occasioned by the conduct of ad- ministration became more and more general. The active part taken by Mr. Fox at the meetings of the electors of Westminster acquired him great popu- larity, and he received the most flattering assurances CHARLES JAMES FOX. 65 of support, if he chose to offer himself as a candidate for the representation of that city. Encouraged by these promises, Mr. Fox suffered himself to be pro- posed at the general election in 1 780. Notwithstand" ing the powerful opposition he experienced from the Newcastle family, the Man of the People^ as he began about this time to be styled, secured his election. Such was the animosity which prevailed on this occasion, that a few days afterwards it was current- ly reported that Mr. Fox had been killed in a duel by Lord Lincoln, the rival candidate. An immense con- course of people immediately assembled round Mr. Fox's house to inquire the truth. A wag passing by at the same time advised them not to mak'e them- selves uneasy, " for," says he, " you may depend up- on it there is no truth in it, otherwise the Tower guns would certainly have been fired on the occasion." This observation struck many of them so forcibly that they immediately departed perfectly satisfied. A scrutiny was expeo^ed to have taken place, but when all the necessary forms had been gone through previous to commencing it,LordLincoln declined giv- ing any further trouble, as his friends had discovered that a legal majority of the electors were in favour of Sir G. Rodney and Mr. Fox. In February 1781, Mr. Burke revived his plan of economy, which he had unsuccessfully proposed in the preceding session of parliament. In this busi- ness he experienced the cordial co-operation of Mr. Fox, and their exertions were seconded by one who was destined to make a distinguished figure on the theatre of politics as the rival of the latter. On this question William Pitt, then in his 22d year, made F 2 66 ■ THE LIFE Oi ' his first speech in the House of Commons, and he ac- quitted himself in such a manner as to justify the an- ticipation of the public in his favour. Though he join- ed, in some measure, the party headed by Fox and Burke, he, however, maintained the sentiments of his father with respect to the independence of America. Towards the close of the session, a motion was made and introduced by the energetic eloquence of Fox, for the house to resolve itself into a committee, to consider of the American war ; but though it was sup- ported by the whole force of opposition, by a rare combination of talents of the highest rank, by Fox, by Pitt, by Burke, by Dunning, and by Sheridan, their exertions failed of producing the desired object. The ill success of the operations in America, and the capture of Lord Cornwallis, furnished - the oppo- sition with new matter for criminating the ministry. It was concerted, that immediately after the Christ- mass recess, Mr. Fox should make a motion for an investigation into the conduct of Lord S?Jidwich, who was at the head of the Admiralty. Indisposition for some days prevented that orator from attending the house, on which Mr. Burke said : " No one laments Mr.. Fox*s illness more than myself, and I delare, that should his indisposition continue, the inquiry in- to- the conduct of the first lord of the Admiralty shall be proceeded in. SLculd even the country suffer a calamity so serious, as his death, still it ought to be followed up earnestly and solemnly ; nay, of so much importance is this inquiry to' the public, that no bad ■use would be made of the skin of my departed friend, (should svich be his fate) if, like that of John Zisca^ CHARLES Jx\MES FOX-. 67 it be converted into a drum, and used for the purpose of sounding an alarm to the people of England." The illness of Mr. Fox "vvas not however of long continuance. On the 7th of February, 1782, he commenced his attack on the ministry, by moving accusations against Lord Sandwich, under five se- veral heads, which he simimed up as the ground of a resolution declaratory of mismanagement in naval affairs. Though the motion was negatived, yet the majority was so small as to render it probable that ministers could not much longer maintain their ground. After the debate on this subject, when the minority were returning into the house from the lob- by on the division, having lost their question, the fa- cetious Mr. Selwyn, just as Mr. Fox was passing by him, put himself into the attitude of a banker tallying at faro, and making, as though he turned up cards to the right and to the left, called out in the style of that game, " Charles, knave looses — king Avins." A hon mot which at that time was received with universal applause. Soon afterwards Lord John Cavendish made a motion, declaring, that the house could no longer re- pose confidence in the ministry, which was rejected by a small majority ; but on a similar motion being made after an interval of a few days. Lord North rose and declared he was no longer minister. In the month of march a new administration was formed ; the Marquis of Rockingham was its nominal head ; but Mr. Fox, as secretary of state, became the prin- cipal efficient minister. At this period of Mr. Fox's history, it may not be €leemed improper to take a brief retrospective view of his political and public conduct. 6S THE LIFE or From his first entrance into public life Mr. Fox Lad a desperate game ta play, and he played it on the principles of a des.perate gamester. He first appeared as the public encomiast and personal friend of Lord North, 3Jid that at a time when it was the.. fashion to carry the prerogative to its utmost extent. The old Whig interest was then in strong opposi- tion to the court; nor had Whigs at that period for- feited every pretension to principle. Mr. Fox op- posed them — spoke against them—turned them into ridicule — was the most forward in suppressing the spirit of liberty out of the House of Commons, and the foremost in recommending prosecutions against those who supported^the people's rights, and who exposed the weakness of the most unfortunate admi- nistration with which the kingdom had ever been cursed. It certainly was suspected that this conduct of Mr. Fox was well calculated to advance his interest at St. James's. Lord North, though a professed Tory, wanted a little of Mr. Fox's boldness. He declined to go the violent lengths which Mr. Fox had recommended, and in consequence that gentle- man was dismissed from the Treasury Board with every circumstance of rudeness and personal insult. By this conduct Lord North proved himself a short-sighted politician. Mr. Fox, finding one ave- nue to preferment closed upon him, shook off with the utmost ease his old connexions and his old prin- ciples. The Whigs who, for four years, had smarted under the lash of his eloquence, refused him their confidence until the breach between Lord North and him a'ppeared irreparable. Fromi theii* decided ene- CHARLES JAMES FOX. , 69 lYiy he became their leadem — With indefatigable in- dustry he opposed, for more than seven years, every measure of Lord North's administration, and with as strong marks of personal enmity and insult as parlia- mentary terms would allow. For the same space of time he was the champion of the people against a majority of the House of Commons, whose proceed- ings he canvassed, exposed and ridiculed at the Shakspeare, the King's Arms, and among a mob in Westminster-hall. At length, when even in the opinion of the most sanguine the country was in a very miserable state, but absolutely ruined in the opinion of Mr. Fox, the king resigned himself implicitly into the hands of fi new administration. Mr. Fox now came into power with th€ favourite appellation of the Man of the People, and with the support of the Whig families, who, though inherit- ing the estates, displayed none of the splendid abi- lities^of their ancestors. In this administration were combined the king's friends, as they were called, the Rockingham and Newcastle Whigs, and the Pitt and Grenville Whigs. Those who were distinguished as the king's friends, were not, however, disposed to act cordially with a party whose avowed object was to restore the reign of the Whig aristocracy, and to conciliate to the great Whig families the favour of the people, by concessions which were judged to be not perfectly compatible with the order of good go- vernment. The first measure proposed by Mr. Fox as mini- ster, appeared rather too precipitate. Overtures of peace were made to Holland and America, but by rO THE LIFE OF the former they were received very coldly. Mr. Fox soon afterwards brought a message from the king, recommending the adoption of a plan for the retrenchment of the piibic expenditure. The object of this was to pave the way to the revival of Burke's reform bill, which passed after it had undergone se- veral modifications. Various popular measures were proposed and adopted. Contractors were excluded, by act of parliament, from the House of Commons ; officers of the customs and excise were disqualified from voting at elections ; and the resolutions of 1769, relative to the Middlesex election, was expunged from the journals of the house. The only party- measure with which this administration could be charged, was the appointment of Admiral Pigot to supercede Rodney, of whose glorious victory, on the 12th of April, they were still ignorant. They were proceeding to carry into execution all their plans for domestic government, and for the arrangement of the foreign affairs of the empire, when the death of the Marquis of Rockingham, the nominal head of the whole party, enabled the sovereign to emancipate himself from its controul. L^-^The Marquis of Rockingham died on the 1st of July. Upon this event Mr. Fox expected to be cal- led by the sovereign to fill the post of prime minister. Several days, however, elapsing, without this expec- tation being verified, he summoned a secret council at his house in Grafton-street, consisting of the Ca- vendishes, Lord Keppel, Mr Burke, the duke of Richmond, Mr. T. Townshend, &c. when he con- cisely informed them, that unless they firmly united to oppose such a measure, the Earl of Shelburne CHARLES JAMES FOX. 71 would be appointed minister. On this it was unani- mously agreed, that the Duke of Portland would be an excellent man of straw for prime minister under their auspices, and that Mr. Fox should immediately v/ait upon the king with a strong recommendation of his grace by this majority of his cabinet. Mr. Fox, however, reached the closet only time enough to learn that Lord Shelburne had just gone out with the appointment of first lord of the Treasury. Mr. Fox expressing great astonishment on hearing this, asked his Majesty, if, under this circumstance, he had any objection to his (Mr. Fox's) naming the new secre- tary of state ? To this his majesty replied : " That, sir, is already done." On which Mr. Fox rejoined — " Then I trust your majesty can dispense with my services." The answer to this was, " certainly, sir, if you feel them the least irksome." Mr. Fox bowed, retired, and the next day had a farther audience, only to deliver up the seals of his office. — Mr. Pitt, who had refused a high situation in the Rockingham ministry, was appointed Chancellor of the Exche- quer ; and Lord Temple succeeded Mr. Fox as Se- cretary of State for the northern department. The sentiments expressed by Mr. Fox, on quit- ting administration, were highly honourable. " In resigning my situation as secretary of state," said he, *' I am not insensible to the convenience, I might al- most say, to the necessity of its emolument ; but in a case where honour c-' profit must be sacrificed, I could not be long in resolving what to do. I dictate to no gentleman hov/ he is to act ; but as there are several in the same pi^dicament with myself, if they feel as I do, they will act as I do. '7'2 THE LIFE OF Indignant at the secret manner of Lord Shelburne's elevation,* after they had considered him as having agreed that the Duke of Portland should be invested with the office of prime ministei;, several of Mr. Fox's friends followed his example. Among these were Mr. Burke and Lord John Cavendish. In the next meeting of parliament each of them, in an able speech, assigned the motives of their resignation^ Lord Shelburne was known to be hostile to the inde- pendence of America ; the declaration of which wa3 considered, by Fox and his party, as an indispensable preliminary to peace. Mr. Pitt, on this occasion, bore honourable testimony to the merits of Mr. Fox. He said, he could not think the retreat of the right iionourable gentleman warrantable at such a crisis, and that his singular abilities marked him to be pub- lic firoperty . * To demonstrate the-'habitual insincerity of this noble- vnan, the following anecdote was about tliis time related as a fact well known at St. James's, and to those who frequented the political circles. When Lord Shelburne, was a young man, he was employed by the Earl of Bute to negcciate be- tween him and the father of Mr. Fox, who had been promis- ed, through Lord Shelburne, the dignity of eari From some intrigues in the cabinet this was opposed, and the rank of baron only was conferred. Lord Bute was at a loss how to act, as he had promised the earldom ; lie mentioned his embarrasment to Lord Siielburne, w^lio undertook to extricate liim, by desiring the earl to say, that if Lord Shelburne had promised tliat dig-nity, he exceeded his commission. Mr. Fox said he would leave tlie matter en- tirely to the young nobleman with whom he ncgociated. Lord Shelburne was sent foi*, fi-d, with unblushing front, insisted that he had promised only a barony. Mr. Fox, asto- nished at such behaviour, was silent for some moments ; wiien lie recovered liimself, lie addressed Lord Shelburne in these words : — " Young man, you have begun your politi- cal hfe with an act that generally terminates the political existence of the oldest statesmen, falshood and deceit." CHARLES JAMES i'OX. 73 » So persuaded was the Duke of Portland that Mr. Fox could not remain in office,if Lord Shelburne were. appointed first lord of the treasury, that as soon as he heard of the appointment, he wrote a letter from Dub- lin to Mr. Fox, which he directed to the lion. Charles James Fox,, and began it by remarking, that if Mr. Fox read the superscription he would see that he took il for granted, he would' be a private man again before the letter would reach him, as he could not imagine it possible that two such opposites as he and Lord Shelburne could ever coalesce. Soon after the resignation of Mr. Fox and his friend^, the well-known Charles Maklin being asked his opinion (^them, replied : " I am no astronomer, but they seem to me to be wandering planets ; though it would be much better for the people of this distract- ed country, if they were fixed stars at Tyburn, or Temple Bar." About this time Mr. Fox conceived a strong attach- ment to the celebrated Tvlrs. Robinson, who was then distinguished by the appellation of Perdita. She had a house in Berkley-square, which commanded a view of the princely mansion of Loixl Shelburne. Here Mr. Fox was so constant in his attentions, that his friends seldom saw his face. A gentleman one day raeeting him accidentally, asked him the reason of his absence from Brookes's, where his friends used to «njoy his company and conversation almost every evening. " You know," replied the orator, with his usual pi'esence of mind, " I have pledged myself to the public to have a strict eye on Lord Shelburne's Biotions ; that is my sole motive for residing in Ber]?e- 74 THE J-IFE OF ley-square, and that, you may tell ray friends, is the reason they have not seen me at Brookes*s.'* Notwithstanding this reply Mr. Fox never attempt- ed to conceal this intrigue. He appeared in public with Mrsi Robinson, and drove about with her in her own carriage. This furnished the witty George Sel- wyn an opportunity to observe, at Arthur's , that " the connection was perfectly right ; the Man of the Peo- ple^ and no other, should be the cicisbeo to the Wo- man of the People." Mrs. Robinson's affairs soon afterwards became so much involved, that she was under the necessity of going to the continent, to avoid the importunities of her creditors. Her place, in Mr. Fox's affections, was supplied by Mrs. Armstead. Of this lady, it was observed, that she was the most extraordinary char- acter in the class to which she belonged. She lived in splendor, kept two sets of horses for her carriages, a proportionable establishment of servants ; her table was the constant resort of all the young men of fa- shion in the kingdom ; yet no one ever heard of any person being ruined by his attachment to her, which is more than can be said of any other woman who has been fashionable for many years. For a consid- erable time previous to her connexion with Mr. Fox, Mrs. Armstead had been the chtre amie of Lord George H. Cavendish. His lordship's conduct to- wards her was generous and noble. On their separa- tion he made her a liberal settlement, and their inti- macy was only dissolved in consequence of an advan- tageous marriage with a lady, who is a pattern to her CHARLES JAMES FOX. 75 It was probably about this period that Mr. Fox composed the following INVOCA TION TO PO VER TV. ' O Po.vERTY ! of pale consumptive hue. If tliou delight'st to haunt me still in view, If still thy presence must ray steps attend. At least continue, as thou art, my friend. When Scotch example bids me be unjust. False to my word, unfaithful to my trust. Bid me the baneful error quickly see. And shim the world to find repose with thee. When vice to wealth would turn my partial eye, Or int'rest shut my ear to sorrow's cry. Or courtiers' custom would my reason bind My foe to flatter, or desert my friend, Oppose, kind Poverty, thy temper'd shield, Andbear me ofTunvanquish'dfrom tlie field '^ If g-Iddy fortune e*cr return again. With all her idle, restless, wanton train ; Her mag-ic g'lass should false ambition hoM. Or av'rice bid me put my trust in g-old ; To my relief then virtuous goddess, haste, And with thee bring thy daugliters ever chaste- Health, Liberty, and Wisdom, sisters bright. Whose charms can make the worst condition ligdi. Beneath the hardest fate the mind can cheer. Can heal affliction, and disarm despair ; In chains, in torments, pleasures can bequeath. And dress in smiles the tyrant-hour of death 1" On the meeting of parliament in the winter of 1782, Mr. Fox found himself too weak to act without assist- ance, tind he now thought it high time to play a new 76 TEE LITE OF game. Perceiving the grov/ing strength of those by whom he am] his adherents had been supplanted, and how utterly unable they were to make any -effectual opposition, he opened a negoeiation and signed a treaty with Lord North, that nian whom he had des- cribed as the " submissive minister of the crown," " the supporter of corrupt infiuence," " the patron of contractors," " the father of jobs," " the enemy of America," "'the sleeping state pilot," " the man whose blood was to expiate the calamities he had brought on his country." Such were the epithets he had him- self applied to Lord North for eight successive years, and yet, with this man did Mr. Fox now unite. The causes which more immediately led to this political connection, are probably known only to a few, and these m^ay^^iiot be in haste to reveal them. The conduct of public men is not sometimes so hap- py as to carry its reasons on tlie face of it, and the real inotives, which confound the pursuits- and annihi- late the distinction of parties, are seldom avowed- With regard to tiiis coalition between Mr. Fox and Lord North, which proved peculiarly obnoxious to the majority of the nation, it was insinuated that tlie latter was induced to accede to the measure in consequence of debts to a considerable amount, con- tracted by his son at the gaming-table, and a largo ])ortion of which v. ere due to Mr. Fox. Be this at it may on the signature of the prelimi- nary treaty with France and Spain, when the terms \, ere submitted to parliament, they excited the ut- ^iiost disaf>pr6bation of Mr. Fox, Lord North, and their respective friends ; though the former had af- lirmed, that peace upon any terms would be desirable. CHARLES JAMES FOX. 77 The coalition incurred the bitterest invectivess both in and out of parliament, but it procured a majority in the house, and passed a vote of censure on the ministry. Of the combined pai^es, it was impossi- ble to assert that either the one or the other enjoyed the confidence of the sovereign, or of the people ; they, nevertheless,claimed a right to seize the govern- ment on this ground alone, that they had a ma- jority of the House of Commons in their favour ; and, after an ineffectual struggle of six weeks, their ad- versaries v/ere completely driven out of the field. The king was obliged to yield to the torrent. A new- administration was formed, the eiiicient authority of which was divided between Mr. Fox and Lord North, who were appointed the principal secretaries of state, while Lord John Cavendish v. as made chan- cellor of the exchequer, and the Duke of Portland was placed at the head of the treasury. Mr. Fox having now accomplished the object of his ambition, continued nevertheless to adhere to the counsel given him by his father, from Avhich, it must be acknowledged, he never swerved. In a letter, written with his own hand. Lord Holland gave his son the following advice, on the subject of his political conduct : Aspire, Charles, to the first em- ployments, but do not aim at being a favourite ; that is acquired with difficulty, preserved with anxiety, and lost often with despair." On coming into office, Mr. Fox sold his horses, and erased his name from the books of the several clubs ofv/hichhe was a member, and received the praise due to such a laudable sacrifice of his private pi-open si tics to his public duties. It was not long, ' G 2 t « ^ THE LIFE OF however, before he again purchased horses, and, in October, IZSS, he attended the meeting at New- market. . The kmg's messenger was obliged to ap- pear on the course%) seek one of the ministers of England among the horsemen on the turf, to deliver him dispatches, on which the fate of the country might have depended. The messenger was observ- ed, as if part of the shame was his to be seen at such a place, v/ith the grey-hound under cover^ and all the marks of office studiously concealed. With the aid of Lord North's old fiiends and con- tractors, and with such assistance as the Cavendishes and Benticks could give him, Mr. Fox struggled tljrough that session ; but he was too wise not to know, that without some additional influence to coun- teract the king and the people, it would be impossi- ble for him to stand. Soon after the prorogation of parliament, the de- iinitive treaty with France and Spain was concluded at Paris. A few days before its arrival in London, Mr. Fox was boasting at Brookes's of the advanta- geous peace he had ratified, considering the odious preliminaries on which he had to ground it ; and, among other circumstances, said, he had at length pt'e vailed upon the court of Versailles to relinquish all pretensions to the gum trade in favour of Great Bri- tain. Mr. Selwyn, who was present, and appeared fo be asleep in his chair, immediately exclaimed : — '^ That, friend Charles, I am not at all surprised at ; for, having permitted the French to draw your teethy they would be d — d fools indeed to quarrel with you about your gums" CHARLES JAMES TOK, 79 As the ministry had been active before the close of the session in procurin,^ a separate establishment for the Prince of Wales, its leading members were frequently in the company of his royal highness. This laid the foundation of a friendship between the piince and Mr. Fox, which has continued uninter- rupted ever since. It cannot be doubted, that the example of that statesman and some of his associates, had the effect of strengthening in the heir apparent to the throne propensities not perfectly compatible with the dignity of royalty. Encouraged by them, he plunged with eagerness into all the fashionable extravagancies and follies of the day, and frequently found himself in situations ill befitiug his distin- guished rank. These, however, often elicjted traits highly honorable to the good sense and understand- ing of the prince ; as the following fact will demon- strate. In the month of April 1784, his royal Highness and three of his gay companions, elated with the bottle, were interrupted by the wajch in a mid- niglit frolic, and, after a scufRe, overpowered and taken to the watch-house in Mount-street. The party were obliged to send for one of their trades- men, who on entering, started at the sight of the prince. The constable and watchmen, on discover- ing the rank of their prisoner, pressed round him, and hoped his royal highness would not be offended at their having detained him. The pririce, who was only elevated with wine, exclaimed : — '* Offended ! my good fellows !— By no means. — Thank God, the laws of this country are superior to rank ; and when men of high station forget the decorum of the com- 80 THE LIFE OF nity, it is fit that no distinction should be made with respect to them. It should make an Englishman proud, to see the Prince of Wales obliged to send for a tailor to bail him.*' The session of Parliament opened on the 1 1th of November, 1783, and, on the 18th, Mr. Fox introdu- ced, in a speech that few have equalled, and he him- self never surpassed, his famous bill for the govern- ment of India. The system proposed by Fox characterizexl his ardent and daring spirit, his com- prehensive, expanded, and inventive genius. He assumed the position that the East India company had so completely piismanaged their affairs, as to be in a state of insolvency, and that their servants had been guilty of the most atrocious oppression in India. To prevent the continuance of this mismanagement, he proposed to take from the East India Company all controul over their affairs, territorial and commercial, and to vest all the i>ower they possessed in the hands of certain commissioners, to be appointed in the first instance by the whole legislature, and afterwards by the crown. Eight of the particular friends of INIr. Fox were mentioned as the intended commissioners. In the opposition to this bill Mr. Pitt and Mr. Dundas took a decided part. It was attacked, by the former, as an infringement, or rather annihilation, of the company's charter ; the violation of which would augur very unfavourably for the security of all char- tered rights. He insisted that, besides its injustice to the company,it would be dangerous to the constitutioo, by establishing an influence independent of the legis- lature ; an hifluence, whicli, from its nature, would be CHARLES JAMES FOX. 81 under the controul of its creator, Mr. Fox. He did not hesitate to impute a plan so unjust and unconsti- tional, to an ambitious desire of becoming perpetual dictator. Dundas coinciding with the ideas of Mr. Pitt, entered into a detailed discussion of Mr. Fox*s statement of the finances of the company, insisting that their affairs were by no means in the desperate state that Fox had alleged. The proprietors and directors of the East India Company petitioned the house not to pass a bill, operating as the confiscation of their property and the annihilation of their char- ter, before they had proofs of specific delinquen- cy, which alone could justify such a measure. The people in general, were strongly impressed with the validitity of the arguments adduced by the opposers of the bill, and by the representations of those whose rights and property it appeared so mate- rially to affect. The bill, nevertheless, passed the House of Com- mons, by a very great majority ; but it was unex- pectedly thrown out by the peers. The Pitt and Grenville whigs looked upon this as no common scheme of opposition, which, if successful, must have excluded them from ail hope of ministerial emolu- ment and power. Those who were distinguished by the appellation of the king's friends, saw their politi- cal existence threatened by this measure Vv'ith utter annihilation. Even the sovereign himself began to be alarmed for the honour of the crown ; and, though the ministry had a majority in parliament, he thought fit to dismiss them from their offices, to which Mr. Pitt and his friends were appointed. 82 THE LIFE OF The circumstances attending* the dismissal of Miv Fox and his colleagues were rather singular. At twelve o'clock, on the night of the 13th of Decem- ber, Mr. Fox and Lord North, the other secretary of state, were informed, by a special messenger, that his Majesty had no longer occasion for their servi- ces, and desiring them to render up the seals of their offices : at the same time mentioning, that it was the royal pleasure that they should be delivered to him by the under secretaries, as a personal interview on the occasion would be disagreeable to him. The secrecy with which the measures, preparatory to this change, were carried on, was such, that though Mr. Fox had an interview with his Majesty the same day, and had a select party of friends at his house at ten o'clock in the evening, yet notliing of the opera- tions had transpired. The Prince of Wales acted on this occasion with the greatest dignity and manliness. He all along declared his approbation of the intended system for the government of India, and knew not that his royal father was inimical to the bill ; but finding that he was so, he went into the closet, and gave the most unequivocal proofs of his filial duty and attachment. At the same time, he begged leave to do honourable justice to Mr. Fox, and assured the king, that in all his conversations, so far from instigating him to a breach, that gentleman had inculcated the virtue of strict and perfect cordiality with the court. Previous to the meeting of parliament after Mr. Fox's dismissal, the following jeu d'esfirii made its appearance : ) CHARLES JAMES FOX. 85 " Intelligence Extraordinary . " On Monday, for the entertainment of British sportsmen, a noble huiiting; matph will take place upon St. Stephen's common, in conse5ciuence of a remarkably fine Fox having been lately turned out of the King's park. The attention of the public has been uncommonly attracted upon this occasion ; and the odds are six to four that Reynard will not be run down. Though the hunters are well mounted, many ex- perienced jockeys are of opinion, that they will not be able to kee/i their seats^ and others think that the/m/z- fiies of the pack ai'e not sufficiently staunch or entire- ly at command. It is whispered also, that what the enemies of Reynard cannot accomplish by difair chascy they mean to effect by way o^ fraud, a very capa- cious Pit being in his way ; though it is generally im- agined that instecd o{ falling into it, the animal, from his known sagacity, will either run round^or lea/i over it ; and that upon the whole, instead of a Fox-hunt, it is not improbable the day's sport will end in a ivild- goose chase /" Being thus finally worsted in a contest with the crown, and the Pitt and Grenville division of the Whigs, Mr. Fox returned to his former station as a leader of opposition. Not content with this charac- ter alone,he resumed that of the popular demagogue. He called meetings of his constituents, who assem- bled in Westminster-hall, where he endeavoured to inflame their minds against the new administration. Atone of these meetings on , the 14th of February, 1784, a bag was introduced by some unseen hand un- der the eminence on the hustings upon which Mr, 84 THE LIFE OP Fox Stood ; the noisome effluvia arising from it in a cloud for several minutes, affected him so much, as almost to deprive him of breath. Its contents were afterwards examined by a chemist of eminence, who declared them to be a mixture of euphorbium and capsicum, two of the most subtle poisons in na- ture, whose quality it is to ulcerate and blister what- ever they touch. A reward of two hundred pounds was offered by the Westminster Committee for the discovery of the authors of this unmanly trick. This circumstance furnished Mr. Sayre,of Gray*s Inn, with a subject for an ingenious caricature, repre- senting Mr. Fox sneezing. The likeness was inimi- table ; the contortion of the features waspourtrayed in the lineaments of nature, and from every sneeze were supposed to issue etherial particles, represented as so many rays partaking of the following qualities : — Euphorbium, Coalition, Capsicum, Receipt Tax, India Bill, Violation of Charters, Cromwell's Ambi- tion, Catiline's Abilities, Damien's Loyalty, Ma- chiavel's Politics. Underneath were these lines : Whereas some d — d rogues liave been guilty of treason In making me sneeze when I wanted to reason. And wliereas it appears upon analyzation That the bag's vile contents would have poison'd a nation. And whereas, tho' the scheme has for once been defeated. The dose may at some future time be repeated, I conjure my constituents wherever they'be To take care of themselves and be careful of me. When Mr. Fox went down to one of the West- minster meetings, he was driven by Colonel Hanger, and Colonel North was mounted like a footman be- CHARLES JAMES FOX. 85 hind his carnage. When this came to the ears of the queen she dismissed the latter from his office of Comptroller of her household, observing at the same time, " that she did not covet another man's servant." The antipathy of Fox's and the ministeralists broke forth on occasion of Mr. Pitt's receiving the freedom of the city of London, at Gi'ocer's Hall, where a splendid entertainment w^as given in honor of him, on the 1st of March 1784. At night, on the return of the cavalcade, a mob assembled, drew the carriages and broke the windows of many houses whose inhabitants refused to illuminate. Even the palace of the Prince of Wales was not spared, and when they came to Weltjie's in St. James's Street, the tumult rose to a great height. Colonel North, Mr. Seymour Finch, and» other gentlem.en being in the house, appeared on the balcony, where they drank, " Fox for ever 1" and declared th^y would not illumi- nate. A veley of brickbats demolished the v/indows, on which the populace drew off the carriages to Brookes's. Here they drew up Mr. Pitt, the Earl of Chatham, Lord Sydney, and Lord Mahon under the windows, and began the attack ; but the gentlemen from the balcony positively refused to comply with their demand for lights. The mob vociferated : " Pitt and the Constitution !" The other party returned : " Fox and a popular government." The multitude now began to assail the house with stones, on which the chairmen in waiting at the doors, sallied out with their poles, and in a few minutes dispersed the mob. A flambeau was thrown into the carriage ; on which Mr. Pitt and his companions alighted and made good their retreat into White's. Th^ carriage, which be- H 8b IHE LIFE 01 longed to the Earl of Chatham, was broken, but a guard arriving order was soon completely restored. On the 27th of March, 1784, a bill of indictment was preferred against Mr. Fox, for bribery, before the grand jury for the county Somerset, at Taunton, which was returned by them a true Bill. The cir- cumstances of this scandalous case were these — More than a year before, Mr. Fox had received a letter from a freeman of Bridgewater, stating the balance of an account between them, requesting payment, and de- sired at the same time to know whether Mr.Fox wish- ed him to vote for any particular person as mayor of Bridgewater. Mr. Fox*s answer conveyed a draft for the money due ; and the concluding paragraph pointed out a certain person to whom Mr. Fox wish- ed success. This letter having fallen into the hands of an enemy of Mr. Fox, it was thought that it might be turned to some account, if, by coupling the two distinct circumstances together, a man could be pro- cured bold enough to give them the colour of bribe- ry before a grand jury. Meanwhile the majority in the House of Com- mons continued in favour of the opposition. A series of motions were proposed, tending to prove that the minister ought not to continue in office without the support of the House of Commons. Though the majority was against the minister in the house, it was evident that it was for him in the nation. His Majes- ty finding that the opinion of the commons continu- ed contrary to his own, and conceived it to be oppo- site that of his people, determined to enable the lat- ter to manifest their approbation or disapprobation of their representatives, by dissolving the parliament. CHARLES JAMES EOX. 8^ At the ensuing general election, a most cxtraordi- ry contest took place for Westminster. The candi- dates for the representation of this city, besides Mr. Fox, were Lord Hood and Sir Cecil Wray, who, though formerly his colleague, was now supported by a formidable party, disgusted by the late coalition. The poll commenced on the first of April, and for some days Mr. Fox maintained the superiority ; but on the 8th, 9th, and 10th, the tide of popular favour began to turn, and on the 12th, the baronet, who was second in point of numbers, had a majority of 3 1 8 over his former friend. Ten thousand electors had now polled, and the contest had continued a fortnight. It was even supposed, judging from the example of former times, that as the votes were exhausted, the books must have been closed. It is not improbable that Mr. Fox would have been defeated in this memorable contest, had it not been for the irresistable exertions of his female aux- iliaries. Several of the most beautiful and accom-. plished women of the age, were zealously engaged in Canvassing in his behalf, and with such success as to turn the popular tide in his favour. It was observ- ed, that if Mr. Fox w^as no longer the man ofthe/ieo- pie, it could not be denied, from the number of fe- males who attended to give him their support, that he was at least the man for the ladies. In their arge for Mr. Fox they even adopted a dress in compliment to him composed of a mixture of garter-blue and buff. Not the least serviceable of these lovely support- ers, was the late Dutchess of Devonshire, tlien in 88 THE LIFE OF the zenith of her beauty.* It was said of her, and her no less amiable sister, Lady Duncannon, now Countess of Besborough, while they were soliciting votes in favour of Mr. Fox, that they were the most lovely /207';rflzV s that ever appeared upon a canvass. The following lines were written on the former of these Ladies, who, in her zeal to gain her favourite point, permitted a butcher to kiss her : Condemn not, prudes, fair Devon's plan In giving Steel a kiss ; In such a cause, for such a man She could not do amiss. The following epigram was likewise composed on the same occasion : Array'd in matchless beauty Devon's fair In Fox's favour takes a zealous part : But oh ! where'er the pilferer comes beware, She supplicates a vote and steals a heart. It is said that even the highest personages in the kingdom did not disdain to take a part in this elec- tion. When his majesty first heard that the Prince of Wales interested himself for the success of Mr. Fox, he deputed one of the lords of the bed-chamber to wait upon his royal highness, and remonstrate with * The impression which the beauty of this accomplished female was calculated to make on every one who beheld her, cannot be more forcibly illustrated than by the follow- ing fact: When the Dutchess made her first appearance at Derby races, after her marriage, an honest rustic, on her grace beln^ pointed out to him, exclaimed in rapturous as- tonishment, *' that were he God Almighty, he would make her Queen of Heaven." GHTARLES JAMES FOX. 89 him on the impropriety of his behaviour. His ma- jesty, said the lordly messenger, is surprized that the heir apparent should take an active part on the subject of an election. — " Be so good as to present my humble duty to the king,'* replied the prince, and say, " it does not appear half so strange that the heir to majesty, as that majesty itself should take an active part on such an occasion. I never employed Weltjie till his majesty had first employed the Earl of Sand- wich ; and if there was any difference between us, it was only that I had employed the more respectable messenger." It is related that the Duke of Newcastle applied to Sir Henry Clinton, who had been Mr. Fox's oppo- nent at the general election in 1780, and desired him cO vote for Sir Cecil Wray. The General told his noble relation that his opinions were with Mr. Fox, but the duke peremptorily insisted on his voting fo#! Sir Cecil. The general as peremptorily declared, that no man should dictate to him in his choice. — ^' Then," said the noble duke, " here. Sir, are the ac- counts of the expence of your two last elections, which 1 desire that you will immediately discharge .'*^ A very zealous partizan of Mr. Fox's during this election was the well-known Sam House. He did not long survive it, but carried his passion with liim till his death. On the last day of his life he expressed to his physician. Sir John Elliott, his earnest desire to see Mr. Fox, adding, that he should then die con- tented. Sir John communicated the anxiety of his patient to Mr. Fox, who instantly waited upon him, and sat by his bed-side for some time. From that jaiom^ent the poor man declared himself to be perfect- H 2 90 THE LIFE OF ly resigned, and died in a few hours without a pang*. The unexampled violence of paity spirit which prevailed during this election, produced frequent disputes between the adherents of the rival candi- dates. On the 1 st of May, there were the whole day strong indications of a disposition to riot. On the hustings much low abuse passed on either side ; and on the close of the poll several of Mr. Fox's friends, and particularly Colonel Fitzpatrick, were treated with very unbecoming indignity. In the evening the butchers were in Covent garden with their mar- row-bones and cleavers, conducting Mr. Fox's friends to their carriages. As they came opposite Wood's Hotel, they were stopped, and were told that they must not sound their execrable music there. To this they replied with a general shout of "Fox for ever !" and a battle instantly commenced. For a time apprehensions of fatal consequences were enter- tained ; for Sir Cecil Wray's party retreating into Wood's, they were pursued by the other, who pres- sed into the house, and committed many acts of out- rage and disturbance. Several of the officers drew their swords, and a blunderbuss was fired to intimi- date them : this, however, had but little effect ; and it was only by the approach of a party of the guards that an end was put to the contest, fortunately with- out the loss of any lives. — -Towards the close of the poll one of the constables was actually killed in the dischai^e of his duty, in an affray near the hustings. This election was productive of some whimsical circumstances. One evening, a young man of gen- teel appearance, and a physiognomy expressive of good humour, hilarity, and an honest heart, reeled, CHARLES JAMES FOX. 91 smiling, into the lower boxes of Covent-garden The- atre, " hot with the Tuscan grape and high in blood." A gentleman soon afterwards appearing with Mr, Fox's favors in his hat, the disciple of Bacchus vo- ciferated — " Fox for ever!" A phlegmatic politi- cian in the opposite interest immediately took up the matter gravely, — " Sir, said he, " do you consider the place you are in ?" — " Fox for ever 1" exclaimed the buck. — " Sir, the audience must not be disturbed," rejoined the other.—" Fox for ever !" was the re- ply. — " Sir, you are intoxicated," said the grave man. — " Fox for ever !" reiterated the buck. The grave man now began to be irritated : " d — n me," said he, " but I wish you were at Calais." — " I am half seas over, already," replied the other. The grave man now rose with an air of the utmost sclf-iraportance : — "Sir," said he, "you have offended the ladies and gen- tlemen round m'e, and I insist on your asking par- don." — " Ladies and gentlemen round me," said the buck, with a bright effusion of good humor emana- ting from his eyes, " If I have offended you, I ask pardon ; but as for this vinegar-faced curmudgeon, (looking at the grave man with ineffable contempt) remember I make no apology to him — so. Fox for ever ! and let me see if he will follow me out." Hav- ing said this, he withdrew ; but the grave man little expecting such a rebuff, chose rather to stay quiet- ly till the conclusion of the piece, than to accompany his antagonist out of the house. Mr. Fox, in his canvass, having accosted a blunt tradesman, whom he solicited for his vote, the man answered, " I cannot give you my support ; I ad- mire your abilities, but d— n your principles." — Mr. 92 THE LIFE OF Fox replied, " My friend, I applaud you for your sin» cerity, but d — n your manners." One day towards the conclusion of the poll, a qua- ker stepped forward to the hustings, being asked the usual question : whom do you poll for ? replied : " for the man who calleth himself Lord Hood, andal* so for the man who calleth himself Sir Cecil Wray." Another friend soon afterwards voted : " For the man who is called the Man of the People." When the ferment occasioned by this election was at its greatest height, a carpenter in Petty France, who had been greatly emaciated by a nervous fever, was attended by a physician well known for his stren- uous exertions on the side of the ministerial party. During the doctor's visits, the patient's wife, not knowing the att.ichments of that gentleman, often expressed her regret that her husband could not get up to vote for Mr. Fox. Toward the latter end of the poll, when every method was employed on both sides to procure suffrages, the doctor calling one morning on his patient, to his great astonishment found him up, and almost dressed with the assistance of the nurse. " Hey-day ! what is the cause of this r" exclaimed the doctor. " Why would you get out of bed without my leave ?"— " Dear Sir," replied the carpenter in broken accents, " I am going to poll." — « " To poll !" rejoined the doctor with great warmth^. Supposing him of the same opinion as his spouse, ^* going to the devil, you mean ; do you know that the cold air would infallibly destroy you ? Get to bed^ man, get to bed as fast as you can, or immediate^ death may ensue."- — '' If that is the case. Sir" return- ed the patient, " to be sure I must do as you advise CHARLES JAMES FOX. 93 me ; but, I thought, * while my wife was out, to take the opportunity to go to the hustings and vote for my friend Sir Cecil Wray ."— " How ! what ! for Sir Ce- cil ?" — "Yes Sir, I have some reasons to wish him well.'* — " Have you ?'* cried the medical politician. " Hold, nurse, don't pull off his stockings yet. Let me feel his pulse.— Very well ! — a good firm stroke. — Egad this will do. You took the pills I ordered you last night ?" " Yes, Sir, but they made me very sick." — ^" Aye, so much the better. How did your master sleep, nurse ?" — " Oh charmingly, Sir."— *< Did he ? — .Well, if his mind be uneasy about the election, he must be indulged. The body when dis- eased is prodigiously affected by uneasiness of the mind. Come ; 'tis a fine day ; throw a great coat about him, and the sooner he goes the better. Here, lift him up, a ride will do him good, and so— he shall go to the hustings in my chariot." The doc- tor was obeyed : the carpenter voted for Sir Cecil, and actually gave up the ghost two hours after his medical friend had left him at his own house. Towards the close of this memorable contest the hustings resembled the stand at Newmarket, " An even bet that he comes in second," — and " five to four on this days poll," being the language continu- ally vociferated from every part of the building. By dint of extraordinary exertions the poll was conti- nued till the 1 7th of May, and after a lapse of forty- seven days, it concluded with a majority of 235 in favour of Mr. Fox. At the final close of the poll the numbers were i For Lord Hood 6694 For Mr. Fox 6233 For Sir Cecil Wray - - - - - 5998 94 THE LIFE OS" On the day of Mr. Fox's triumph there wa^ a ca- binet dinner, during which the persons present conversed on the subject of the splendid procession which took place when he was chaired, and one of the company expressed his wonder where the peo- ple had procured such an immense number of foxes* tails. " That is by no means to be wondered at,** replied Mr. Pitt, " this has been a good sporting year, and more foxes have been destroyed than in any for- mer season — I think upon an average there has been at least one Fox run down in every borough in the kingdom." Notwithstanding the majority which appeared in favour of Mr. Fox, a scrutiny was demanded and obtained in favour of the unsuccessful candidate. The high-bailiff refusing to return the victorious one, he was afterwards prosecuted, and paid damages to the amount of two thousand pounds. In the mean time that officer, assisted first by Mr. Hargrave, and then by Mr. Murphy, as his assessor, commenced his laborious research on the 1 6th of June. After a long^ tedious struggle, attended with enormous expence>, which was defrayed by the great aristocratic familie& in the interest of Mr. Fox, that gentleman, who had been returned for a district of Scotch boroughs, Dor- noc. Tain, Dingwall, Wick, and Kirwall, was declared duly elected. The inveteracy of the court party against Mr. Fox, at this period, may be collected from the following in- cident. — At a ball given in the month of June by the French ambassador. Lord Mountmorris had in vain canvassed the room for a partner. Not one lady of fortune was disengaged. He begged Miss Vernon CHARLES JAMES POX. 93 to interfere, and to procure him the honour of a lady's hand for the country dance. Miss Vernon said she would exert her interest, and in a few minutes she introduced him to a very elegant young lady, with whom the noble lord danced for a considerable time, ^vhen, at one of the side-boards, a gentleman came up to him, and said : " Pray, my lord, do you know the lady with whom you are dancing ?*' — " No," re- plied he, " pray who is she ?" — " Coalitions," answer- ed the gentleman, " will never end. Why it is Miss Fox, the niece of Charles, and sister of Lord Hol- land." The noble lord was thunderstruck. If Pitt should see him, he was undone. He ran up to Miss Vernon, and exclaimed : " In the name of heaven how could you introduce me to Miss Fox ?" The lady drew him aside, and with a significant hist, whispered in his ear, " that it was true slie was Mr- Fox's niece, but she could not think she had acted improperly in introducing his lordship to her, for she had twenty thousand pounds to her fortune." At the beginning of September, 1784, Colonel Fox, as the representative of Lord Holland, paid in- to the Bank for the use of government, 46,0G0l. This payment was made by a bill on the, house of Drummond. The reason why this balance was paid by the Colonel and not by his elder brother Charles was, that the latter would not administer from mo- tives of delicacy, because he had engaged himself so deeply in politics. The following fact, which occurred about this time, furnishes a striking illustration of the liberality of Mr. Fox's mind. — A gentleman, high in the con- fidence of administration, was detected in a situation^ 96 THE LIFE OF the exposure of which would have degraded hifh from his species, and driven him into obscurity. The mat- ter was mentioned to Mr. Fox, and his advice was asked whether the charge should not be exhibited for the political ruin of the culprit. Mr. Fox objec- ted to the idea with scorn and contempt — " I am at war, said he, "only with political principles, and the public measures to which the gentleman gives coun- tenance. I have nothing to do with his pleasures or his tastes." About this period a number of independent coun- try gentlemen, who were in parliament, animated with a sincere desire to promote the interest of their country, conceived that this could not be done more effectually than by bringing about a reconciliation between the rival parties, headed by Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox, who was supported by the Duke of Port- land. They accordingly met at the St. Alban's Tavern, and appointed a committee, composed of the Hon. Mr. Grosvenor, the Hon. Charles Mars- ham, Sir William Lemon, and Powys, to confer with the leaders of the great political bodies by which the nation was agitated ; and, if possible, to effect an union between them. Their exertions were contin- ued for some time ; but as Mr. Fox and the Duke of Portland, insisted that Mr. Pitt should divest him- self of his office, that, as they alledged, they might treat with him on equal terms, and as the minister absolutely refused to comply with this requisition, their endeavours proved unsuccessful. In the early part of the year 1785, Mr. Fox had a private interview with his majesty, which gave rise to a variety of rumours and conjectures ; nor was CHARLES JAMES TOX. V7 It till some time afterwards that the occasion of it became publicly known. The Prince of Wales had often expressed a very ardent desire to visit the con- tinent. The court were perplexed, and every ex- pedient was employed to prevail on him not to think of quitting the kingdom, but without effect. Mr. Fox, however, had sufficient influence with his royal highness to induce him to relinquish his intention, by representing to him the impressions it would give the public mind of his imbibing notions incom- patible with the constitution of the empire he would one day be called upon to govern. The king being informed of the success of Mr. Fox's efforts, expres- sed himself in terms of warm approbation, and direc- ted Lord Southamptom to inform that gentleman, how much his majesty considered himself obliged to him ; on which Mr. Fox attended on the king to pay his respects in return. During the summer of 1785, Mr. Fox, who had acquired great popularity by his opposition to the new taxes laid on by Mr. Pitt, and particularly to the obnoxious shop-tax, paid a visit to Lord Derby at his seat near Prescot, in Lancashire. A petition from Manchester against the shop-tax, signed by 120,000 persons, had ^een presented to the house of Lords by the Earl of Derby, who was obliged to request the assistance of two other peers to lay it upon the table. The gentlemen of that town and vicinity, hearing of his'arrival in their neighbourhood, sent Mr. Fox and his lordship an invitadon, and they accordingly pro- ceeded to Manchester from Knovvsley, accompanied by several other persons of distinction. They were met above a mile from the town by great numbers of I 98 THE LIFE or respectable inhabitants on horseback, and the different trades with their bands of music in grand procession. The horses were immediately taken from the carri- age in which were Lord Derby and Mr. Fox, and it was drawn amidst the acclamations of the surround- ing multitudes to the town, where an elegant enter- tainment was provided. As soon as the circumstance was known at Liverpool, the merchants of that place copied the example of their neighbours, and invited jSIr. Fox and his friends to a public dinner. This in- vitation was likewise accepted, and the two days were spent in both towns with great glee and satisfaction. When the minister had resolved to endeavour to negociate a commercial treaty with France, Mr. Eden (now Lord Auckland) was selected as the person best qualified from his talents and pursuits to conduct the business. The appointment was abcepted by Mr. Eden, though he had before acted in conjunction with the opposition. On his secession from their party, he was sharply attacked at the opening of the session in January 1786, by Lord Surry (now Duke of Nor- folk) and Mr. Fox likewise rose to give him a rebuke. No sooner had he begun, than Mr. Eden hung his head, and his misery and dejection were so appa- rent, tiiat tlie generous -bosom of Fox revolted at the continuance of his torture. Turning to his friend, he said, in a whisper, *' I cannot go any farther ; 'tis like kicking a man when he is down :" on which he immediately changed the subject. Mr. Fox was now fast recovering that popularity which he had lost by his coalition with Lord North, by the strenuous opposition he made to the measures of the minister, who became disliked in the same pro- CHARLES JAMES FOX. 99 poriioTi, on account of the new imposts which it was found necessary to lay upon the nation. The free- dom of Hereford was decreed him ; and on the 1st of June, 1786, it was presented to him in a box made of apple-tree wood, by Mr. Walwyn, one of the mem- bers for that city. The summer of 1785 was spent by Mr. Fox at St. Ann'-s Hill, though it was currently reported that he had undertaken a second journey to Ireland. The following singular anecdote relative to his visit to that country in 1777, having been accidentally omitted in its proper place, shall be introduced here :-— While in Dublin, he obtained permission to sit among the members of the House of Commons, that he might the better hear their debates. In a short time, how- ever, the power of habit obliterated the remembrance of this circumstance from his mind, and in the mid- dle of the debate he was so animated with the sub- ject, that he rose to speak ; nor was it till the gentle- man next to him reminded him of his situation, that lie recollected he was not a member of the Irish House of Commons. Mr. Pitt, with the assistance of Mr. Dundas, had formed a new system for the government of Indian which was loudly reprobated by Mr. Fox and his adherents. To avenge themselves of the East-India interest, and to embroil Mr. Pitt with those by whom he had been supported, they now instituted an im- peachment of Mr. Hastings, the governor-general of the British possessions in the East. In this business Mr. Fox acted a principal part, being appointed one of the managers for conducting the impeachment. This measure, at first, seemed likely to fulfil thei^^ 100 THE LIFE OF hopes, but though a combination oftalents rarely par- ralleled, were inclefatigably exerted to convict the ac- cused, his innocence was finally crowned with a glo- rious triumph. Among the amateurs of distinction, ti>e Duke of ^Richmond gave, in 1787, frequent theatrical repre- sentations. On the 20th of April, the dayon-which the opening of the budget came on in the House of Commons, the Duke sent Mr. Pitt a ticket of admis- sion. The minister observed the nota bene at the bottom : " None to be admitted after half an hour past seven," offered to return it, on account of the improbability of his attendance, as he had the budget to open on the same day. The duke politely answer- ed : " No, Mr. Pitt, keep the ticket ; it is but fair that you should have an exclusive privilege." Mr. Fox being made acquainted with this circumstance, as soon as the house? was up, followed Mr. Pitt's car- riage, and they both came to the door leading to the great saloon together. It was near nine o'clock ; but the door-keeper, acquainted with Mr. Pitt's ex- clusive privilege, admitted him. Mr. Fox following, was significantly told, it was' more than half past seven. — i" Poh ! poh I'* said he, with great vivacity, •' I know that well enough ; but to-night I cm a rider on Mr. Pittr Mr. Fox still continued to retain his predilection for the turf. At the Newmarket meeting in April, 1788, he and the Duke of Bedford were the princi- pal winners, they both betted on the same side, and shared eight thousand guineas. In the course of these races, Mr. Fox and Lord Barrymore had a matcli, when the horses came in so equally that the CHARLES JAMES FOX. 101 judges not being able to determine the winner, the bets were withdra'wn. On one of the days of the same meeting, (proba- bly in the early part of it) Mr. Fox, being on the ground, missed his pocket-book containing notes to the amount of several thousands of pounds, on which he gave the alarm, and a suspicious character being observed riding off at full speed, Mr. Wyndham and Sir T. Stepney galloped after him, and brought him back. Before they proceeded to search him, Mr. Wetherby rode up with the book, which he found lying on the table of the coffee-room. Mr. Fox gave the man five guineas, and was highly pleased at recovering the book, observing jocosely that it prevented his levanting^ (running away) which he must have done, having laid several bets that had proved to be on the wrong side. On the decease of the Earl of Poulet, Mr. Fox was, in April, 1788, unanimously elected recorder of Bridge water. After taking a very active part in promoting the election of Lord John Townshend, as colleague to himself for Westminster, Mr. Fox again went to the Continent in the summer of 1788. This journey, according to report, was partly undertaken for the purpose of seeing a natural son, who was then at Ge- neva for the benefit of his education. This child, possessing good abilities, had the misfortune to be bom dumb, and at the period of which we are speak- ing, was about eleven years of age. He accordingly proceeded to Switzerland and vi- sited Lausanne, where the celebrated author of the Decline and Fall of t lie Roman Empircy then resided.. I 2 102 THE LIFE 01-* " The man of the people," says Gibbon, *' escaped from the tumult, — the bloody tumult of the West- minster election, to the lakes and mountains of Swit- zerland, and I was informed that he was arrived at the Lion d*Or, (at Lausanne.) I sent a compliment : he answered it in person, and settled at my house for the remainder of the day. I have eat, drank and conversed and sat up all night with Fox in England, but it never has happened, perhaps it never can hap- pen again, chat I should enjoy him as I did that day, alone from ten in the morning till ten at night. Our conversation never flagged a moment ; and he seemed thoroughly pleased with the place and with his company. We had little politics, though he gave me in a few words, such a chamcter of Pitt, as one great man should give of another, his rival; much of books, from my own, on which he flattered me very pleasantly, to Homer and the Arabian Nights; much about the country, my garden, (which he understands far better than I do) and upon the whole I think he envies me, and would do so were he minister. The next morning I gave him a guide to walk him about the town and country, and invited some company to meet him at dinner. The follow- ing day he continued his journey to Bern and Zurich, and I have heard of him by various means. The people gaze on him as on a prodigy, but he shews little inclination to converse with them." The historian might here be accused of some mis- representation fi'om partiality to his countryman. The truth is, that, in this tower in which he was ac- companied by Mrs. Armstead, they were totally ne- glected by the people of any consideration. The opi- CHARLES JAMES FOX. 103 iiion that his talents were on the decHne had been gen- erally adopted by the English residing in Switzer- land, and the native gentry respected, with such in- variable propriety, each due decorum of life as to be above all intercourse with persons whose characters were not free from the slightest slur. In another of his letters, written in September, 1788, Gibbon thus characterizes him: " in his tour of Switzerland, Mr. Fox gave me two days of free and private conversation. He seemed to feel, and even to envy the happiness of my situation ; while I admire the powers of a superior man, as they are blended in his attractive character with the softness and simplicity of a child. Perhaps no human being was ever more perfectly exempt from the taint of ma- levolence, vanity, or falshood." The opinion which the historian entertained of Mr. Fox*s oratory is whimsically demonstrated in the following anecdote : — When the debates between Pitt and Fox were first rising into notice, Gibbon, rapping his box with his usual sign of mental pene- tration, compared Mr. Pitt's eloquence to a pretty painted, little, pleasure-boat. " But, wo betide it.'* continued he, " if he run foul of Charles Fox's great black collier." Leaving the majestic mountains of Switzerland, Mr. Fox proceeded to the delicious plains and clas- sic soil of Italy. Having visited Bologna, he was on the way to Rome, when he was overtaken about the middle of November, by a messenger dispatched to acquaint him with the alarming indisposition with which his Majesty was afflicted. He instantly set out on his return, leaving Mrs. Armstead behind 104 THE LIFE OF him at Bologna. He never quitted his chaise during the whole journey, travelling night and day, and with such expedition that in nine days he performed a journey of 1020 miles, the distance between Bo- logna and London, where he arrived on the 24th of November. It is not improbable that this extraordinary haste might have been partly occasioned by the intelligence of the illness of his nephew, Lord Holland, whose indisposition had reduced him to such extremity, that his death was actually announced in the public prints towards the conclusion of October. — Had this event taken place, Mr. Fox, would have succeeded to his fortune and honors. After his arrival in England, Mr. Fox was for some time indisposed with dysentery and an obstruction of the bladder, which gave his friends very great alarm, though he persisted at this momentous crisis, in at- tending his parliamentary duty. Both these com- plaints originated in his travelling with such expedi- tion ; yet such is the force of habit, that the courier who was dispatched for him, rode the whole journey on horseback, and attended him on his return in the same way as far as Calais. Nor would he have stop- ped there, so little did he find his health and spirits di- minished, had it not been for the humanity of Mr. Fox, who insisted on his remaining two days to take rest and refreshment. On the 20th of November both houses of parlia- ment met, and were officially informed of the king's incapacity to attend to the affairs of government. An adjournment for a fortnight was proposed and agreed to. In this interval Mr, Fox was not inactive. He CHARLES JAMES FOX. 105 had several private conferences with the Prince of Wales, and his whole party resolved to exert their utmost influence in favor of the prince's right to be sole regent, with all the powers of the sovereign. Had they been successful in establishing this point, what a vast field would have been opened to the am- bition of Mr. Fox ! The civil list, patent places, re- versions, peerages, in short, every power of Great Britain v/ould have been at his disposal. The two houses of parliament met, according to adjournment, on the 4th of December ; and on the 10th the Chancellor of the Exchequer proposed the appointment of a committee to search for precedents, in order to learn what had been the principle and practice of the constitution in similar exigencies, Mr. Fox combatted the necessity of appointing this committee, which would only be productive of de- lay, as the house had before them all the informa- tion that could be obtained. With respect to pre- cedents, there was not one to the point, not one of a suspension of government when there was an heir- apparent of full age and capacity. He was fully con- vinced himself, from the history of former times, from the principles and practice of the constitution, from the analogy of the common law of the land, that where the sovereign, from sickness or infirmity, was unable to exercise the functions of his high office, if the heir-apparent were of full age and capacity, he had as natural and indisputable a claim to the full ex- ercise of the executive power, in the name, and on behalf of the sovereign, during the continuance of such incapacity, as in case of his natural demise. This incapacity, while it lasted was a civil death, the 106 THE LIFE OF houses of parliament were not competent to exercise any of their functions, much less to decide on a point which the constitution had already placed beyond the reach of their cognizance, even if they had assembled with the usual and necessary formalities, or their powers were competent in other instances. He con- ceived all farther delay to be impropef, because the heir-apparent, although, from his character he would not be forward to signify his claim without some sort of notice from the house, was yet so well acquainted with that constitution, and with those principles which had seated the House of Brunswick on the throne, as to know that he had such a claim. Mr. Pitt, on the other hand maintained, that iii every interruption of the personal exercise of the royal power it rested with parliament to determine in whom it should be vested. To assert the contrary —to say that these branches of the constitution were not to be consulted, but that a right of sovereignty instantly devolved to any person, was little less than treason. He therefore contended, that, until the sanction of parliament was obtained, the Prince of Wales had no more right to exercise the powers of government than any other person in these realms. On the 12th Mr. Fox denied his having asserted the right of the Prince in the terms which had been ascribed to him, affirming the right to be absolute, but admitting it nevertheless to be subject to the ad- judication of parliament— a distinction not in itself very satisfactory, and rendered still more ambigu- ous by the doubts which were suggested of the legal- ity of the existence of parliament. Still Mr, Fox's explanation implied a concession^ CHARLES Jx\MES FOX. 107 in whatever degree it might be construed : but it was the concession of an individual which bound no one else j and that it might not be taken in too large a sense, either of deduction or of authority, Mr. She- ridan brought back the claim to its original position, by *' warning the house of the danger of provoking a claim from the Prince of Wales, which as yet had not been asserted." At the same time the whole party in both houses violently opposed the examina- tion of the right, not merely as being unnecessary, but tending to produce dangerous consequences. Among other digressive arguments, Mr. Fox charged Mr. Pitt with not being in the confidence of the prince, with a fore-knowledge that his royal highness, when in power, would make a change in the administration, and with a consequent determi- nation to tie up the hands of hi^ successors, and to disable them from conducting the public business. Through the whole tenor of this declaration it was clearly understood that Mr. Fox meant to hold him- self out as destined to fill an important place in the impending succession. Mr. Burke in plain terms, though thinly veiled in hypothetical language, announced the intended ele- vation of Earl Fitzwilliam to the dignity of Marquis of Rockingham, and a new peerage destined for the house of Cavendish. He gave very flattering assur- ances to the country gentlemen of the house of com- mons, that they might also come in for their share in the general distribution ; and was preparing to ex- hibit a complete list of projected creations, except perhaps such as might be held up for competition and conversion, when tl.e acclamations of his oppo- 108 THE LIFE OF ncnts warned him of his indiscretion, and his o\vTi party repressed his impetuosity. His next sally was of a more serious kind, and when considered as the avowal of one of the party uncontradicted by the rest, most alarming in its tendency, and most wicked in its intention. The king, he said, might possibly recover ; he might relapse and the disorder might attend him, with lucid intervals through life : that it was therefore the duty of parliament to pro- vide against the mischiefs incident to such a condi- tion of the first magistrate, by fixing a firm and du- rable government ; that is, (for such a declaration could admit of no other possible construction) by de- throning the king, and placing the crown on the head of his son. Such were the loose hints by which the advocates for an unlimited reg^npy, either incautiously betray- ed, or intentionally proclaimed their own connection with, and interest in its establishment, the principles on which they recommended it, and the measures which were to have resulted from it. The principal debate on this most important sub- ject took place on the 1 6th of December, when Mr. Pitt moved three resolutions, which went to this point — that it was necessary that the two houses of parliament should determine on the means by which the royal assent might be given in parliament to such bill as might he passsed by the two houses respect- ing the exercise of the powers and authority of the crown, in the name and on behalf of the king, during the continuance of his Majesty's indisposition. A most animated and interesting debate took place on the subject of these resoiutions,and it was not conclud- CHARLES JAMES FOX. 109 edtill seven in the morning of the 17 th, when on the division, the minister was supported by a majority of 64. The number that voted for him were 268, for his opponents 204. "As lovers of our country, and lovers of human nature,*' says a spirited writer in treating of this sub- ject, "we must rejoice to see that a powerful body, who had the common spirit of honour in them, forsook neither their beloved sovereign, nor the interests of the people. Posterity will rejoice to observe that some virtue was left among us, when they contem- plate the names of those who dared to defend them- selves when attacked in their very vitals ; of those who voted in the majority on the morning of the 1 7th. But had there not been that majority, still would two names, by the superior excellence that attaches to them, rescue us from the disgrace which would oth- erwise have covered us. Throughout the present contest they have been eminently illustrious for the firmness, the consistency, the honest integrity, the calm wisdom of their possessors. Long after the pe- riod when we shall be taken from this scene of agita- tion and struggle ; when the factions of Britain shall be no more ; when her obscurity will perhaps equal that of the present Ilium or Athens, will the names of Thurlow and of Pitt be known to future patriots ; the virtuous leaders of party will be emulous to imi- tate them ; and the generous youth, while grounding themselves in the principles of public honour, will think of them with veneration, and mention them with rapture. In this cruel affliction of the king, cut off from the family' whom he loved, and the wife whom he adored, and with whom he had lived a K / ilO THE LIFE or matchless example of conjugal fidelity and hap- piness ; the virtuous heart dweljs "with emotion on those generous words that still vibrate in the ear of sensibility — " When I forget his favours may God forget me !"* The same writer has some observations on the character and conduct of Mr. Fox, which appear so just that we cannot refuse them a place here. — " The personal influence," says he, "• of the man whose talents might make us bless him, but whose charac- ter makes us fear him, is too well known to mention ; in every province of England he has a supporter ; he revels in all the pride of dominion in Westmin- ster. It was such a combination of great families and talents, which, in another kingdom, and under a despotic government, controlled and insulted the last prince of the house of Valois. It was such a combination which in the anarchies of the Roman republic, overcame the eflbrts of all good men ; and after tearing the very bowels of the states, ended in tyranny and a perpetual dictatorship. Who that has seen this man, who, like the conspirator Shaftsbury, has ten thousand brisk boys ready to start at a mo- tion of his finger, making a progress through his kingdom of Westminster, and supported by the Pompeii and the Crassi of Britain ; will not be able to liken the present times and factions to that period of antiquity, when the Roman liberty and the mild power of the senate perished together ? It has been the fashion of late among the admirers of this man, * Such, it Is well known was the emphatic exclamation of Lord Chancellor 1 hurlov/, in one of his speeches on this iiviportant business. CHARLES JAMES FOX. Ill I do not mean his more intimate associates, for they are too like him in all points of his conduct not to suppose hini perfection ; but those admirers which he has among citizens, who are even honest and Well disposed, but subject to the frailties and mis- takes common to human nature — to admit his pro- lligacy and total disregard of all regularity, but to dwell upon those shining abilities, and that profun- dity of political knowledge which mark him as the most accomplished minister of the age. It may be so : those who have the fortune to be in the com- plete possession of his mind may tell them so ; but we, who compose the mass and body of the citizens, are so far removed from this intimate acquaintance with his superiority, that we can only judge of his abilities in this point by the proofs he has given of them ; and whether well or ill for the country, he has not had much opportunity for displaying these proofs. Where, I would ask, was this astonishing knowledge, which is to penetrate into the views of all the courts of the world, overshadow all other minis- ters, and tower above the genius of all the enemies of Britain—where was it acquired ? In those temples consecrated to the destruction of all that is good and generous, where the daemon of chance and gaming keeps his " pale-eyed vigils," — or in that admirable selection of the accomplished youth of this country, who, not dreaming that there are things in the, state worthy their attention, waste their spirits and their fortunes at Ascottand Newmc.rket ? Was it acquired in those habitations of filth and meanness with which the metropolis,splendid as it is, abounds, Sc with which this companion of the scum of the people, as well as 112 THE LIFE OF of the proudest of the nobles, in his many canva'sses, has been perfectly acquainted ? Or was it in the arms of a faded beauty, whom reeking with public prostitution, this virtuous citizen is not ashamed to take to his bosom, and to the honour of Britain and the pride of her matrons, to introduce as his compa* nion among the nations of Europe ? Human nature must sigh when she contemplates these nauseating parts of his character, and lament that one who was formed to be her ornament and pride, can suffer his passions to make him her disgrace." Such too were the sentiments pretty generally en- tertained at this crisis. Fox found, as on a former occasion, that the want of character in the estimation of the people was highly injurious to his own inter- est, and those of his political associates. The voice of the country was against them, though they omitted no possible means to change that voice, and with such success, that there was scarcely a country paper in England which was not filled with misrepresenta- tions of the proceedings in parliament. Notwith- standing all this, Mr. Fox himself, and the other leaders of his party, were looked upon as needy and desperate political adventurers, who sought office on- ly for the sake of its emoluments: who would shame- lessly squander the public money if it were entrusted to their hands, and who v/ould venture upon any mea- sure, however unconstitutional and flagitious, that would but acquire and secure to them the powers of the government. During the' agitation of the regency business, a new arrangement of administration was spoken of with the greatest confidence, and Mr. Fox was men« CHARLES JAMES FOX, 113 tioned as one of the intended secretaries of state. So secure were some of his friends of succeeding to the appointments destined for them, that Earl Spen- cer, who, according to the new arrangement, was to have been lord-lieutenant of Ireland, actually ordered liveries with that view, and insured his plate to the a- mount of one thousand pounds for the voyage. On the same idea a medal was struck, representing the prince on one side, and his crest on the other, with the inscription— "His Royal Highness George Au- gustus Frederic, Prince Regent, 1789." Fortunately for the nation, symptoms of convales- cence began to manifest themselves in his majesty early in the year 1789. He was soon able to resume all the functions of sovereignty, and thus the cup of hope, which Mr. Fox and his party had just raised to their lips, was suddenly dashed to the ground. During the whole of the proceedings relative to the regency, the illness with which Mr. Fox was at- tacked immediately after his arrival from the conti- nent, continued to hang about him in slich a manner, that, though he seldom staid away from the house of commons, his friends were at times alarmed for his safety. His indisposition increased in violence to- \rards the end of January, 1789. His v/hole system was much relaxed, and his physicians enjoined on him a total abstinence from business, as well as the strict- est attention to regimen. They likewise prescribed a journey to Bath, and if that failed of producing the desired effect, they recommended a visit to the Ger- man Spa. He accordingly went to Bath, and during his resi» ^ence there he went to the pump-room every day K 2 il4f THE LIFE OE precisely at half past one o'clock. Such was the ea- gerness of the public to see him, that the room was filled a considerable time before, besides a great con- course of people who followed him to and from the carriage. Mr. Fox derived so much benefit from the waters of Bath, that towards the end of February he returned to London perfectly recovered. For several years Mr. Fox had been a considerable gainer on the turf. At the spring meeting at New- market, 1789, he is said to have won not less than fifty thousand pounds; and at the October meeting at the same place, the following year, he sold two of his horses, Seagull and Chanticleer, for four thou- sand four hundred guineas. After the hopes excited by the king's illness were frustrated. Fox's parliamentary exertions were vi- gorously renewed and prosecuted. The measures of the minister were often suggested, always, cor- rected, and sometimes disappointed by him. — When a contention arose with Spain respecting Nootka sound, Mr. Fox's opposition was exercised for the purpose of averting the calamities of war. When Russia was menaced on account of her ambitious de- signs against the Turkish empire, Mr. Fox not only opposed the intended hostilities in parliament, but is even said to have sent an agent from himself and his party to the empress Catharine, to concert with her the best means of frustrating the English minister's design. So much, hovv^ever, is certain, that the Em- press of Russia entertained so high an opinion of Mr, Fox's exertions to prevent a rupture between the two countries, that she wrote to her ambassador in Lon- don to request Mr. Fox to sit to NoUekins for a bust CHARLES JAMES FOX. 115 in white marble, which she intended to place between statues of Demosthenes and Cicero, as a mark of her esteem for a man whose eloquence and wisdom had preserved his own country and the British em- pire from the calamity of war. it is needless to addj that her request was complied with ; and the bust was transmitted in the month of August, 1 79 1 . When it was shipped at the Custom-house,* the artist repre- sented to the officers that the bust might be injured by opening the box which contained it ; on which, with an honorable liberality, they not only declined the inspections, but refused to accept the usual fees. On the dissolution of parliament in 1790, and the general election by which it was succeeded, Mr. Fox and Lord Hood were opposed by John Home Tooke, who proposed himself as a candidate for the repre- sentation of Westminster. At the final close of the poll on the 2d of July, the numbers were — For Mr. Fox ....-- 3516 For Lord Hood 3217 For J. Home Tooke, Esq. - - - 1679 A petition against the return was presented by Mr. Home Tooke to the House of Commons. Mr. Fox's conduct on this business was throughout con- sistent with his own dignity When the petition was presented, he insisted on the necessity of trying its merits, and forbore any censure of those parts to which other gentlemen objected. When a com- mittee was appointed for this purpose, Mr. Fox's agent, by his own particular direction, struck off the names of all his particular friends who had been re- turned by ballot. The investigation proved fatal to the pretensions of Mr. Tooke, whose petition was 115 THE LIFE OF by the committee deemed frivolous and vexatious. The first events of the French revolution now began to attract the attention of mankind. In Bri- tain they were generally hailed as auspicious to the state of social life. Englishmen had pitied and des- pised the French as slaves, and novi^ rejoiced, with liberal philanthrophy, to see them emancipated into a freedom like their own. Among those whose minds were transported by the first wildly beautiful and magnificent, but delusive, prospects presented by the French revolution, we are not surprized to find Charles Fox. The opinion that it was likely to produce more happiness to the natives of France, and more tranquillity to adjoining states, especially to this country, seems to hctve been one of the principal causes that rendered him so fiivourable to the new order of things. The anticipation of this happiness, and of this tranquillity, appears to have proceeded from the circumstance that his attention was rather directed to the general effects of liberty, than to the contemplation of the particular character of its new voteries, and to the principles and views of its most active supporters. Had his comprehensive mind re- curred to the events of history, he would have imme- diately perceived that free nations have been as pro- pense to hostility as the subjects of an arbitrary prince, and with much more effect, because with much great- er energy ; but the reasonings of the orator were deduced rather from abstract principles than from experience. Such vrere the sentiments expressed by Mr. Fox at the discussion of the army estimates for the year 1790. His friend Mr. Burke soon afterwards deliv- CHARLES JAMES FOX. 117 ered his opinion on the subject. Entertaining the highest respect for the genius and wisdom of Mr.Fox, he expressed his anxiety, lest the approbation be- stowed on the French by a man whose authority car- ried so much weight, should be understood to hold up the transactions in that country as a fit object for imitation in our own. He declared his thorough conviction that nothing could be farther from the in tentions of such an able and uniformly patriotic cham- pion of the British constitution, and entered on the merits of his arguments and of the question from which they had arisen. Fully coinciding with Fox respecting the evils of the old despotism, he, how- ever, thought very differently of the tranquillity to neighbours and happiness to themselves likely to en- sue from the recent proceedings in France. Burke concluded his first public discussion of the French revolution with a very high eulogium on the genius and disposition of his friend, Mr. Fox. It was in re- ply to this speech that Fox, after expressing his es- teem and veneration for Burke, declared, thai " were he to put all the political information that he had gained from books, all that he had learned from sci- ence, or that the knowledge of the world and its af- fairs had taught him, into one scale ; and the im- provement he had derived from Mr. Burke's conx't^r- sation and instruction, into the other; the latter would preponderate." Still, however, he could not agree with the opinion of his friend respecting the French revolution, at which he rejoiced, as an e- mancipation from despotism. He declared himself as much an enemy to democratical despotism as to that of aristocracy or monarchy, but he entertained 118 T%E LIFE OF no apprehension that the new constitution of France would degenerate into tyranny of any description whatever. After this discussion between Fox and Burke, in the session of 1 790, the latter adhered uniformly to the sentiments he had avowed. He opposed the re- peal of the test-act, and a motion for a reform in parliament. Mr. Fox and he still continued on terms of friendship, though they did not meet so often as before. In 1791, a bill was proposed for the formation of a constitution in Canada. In the discussion of this subject Burke entered into the general principles of legislation, considered the doctrine of the Rights of Man, proceeded to its offspring, the constitution of France, and expressed his conviction, that in this country a design had been formed against the es- tablished government. Burke had been more than once called to order by the members of the opposition, when Mr. Fo? rose. Conceiving that an insinuation of maintaining republican principles had been made against him, and that part of Burke's speech tended to strength- en the idea, in order to remove the impression, he declared his conviction that the British constitution, though defective in theory, was, in practice, admira- bly adapted to this country. He, however, repeated his praises of the French revolution ; he thought it, on the whole, one of the most glorious events in the history of mankind, and expressed his dissent from Burke's opinions on the subject, which he said were inconsistent with his former principles. He also contended that the disclission of the French revolu- tion was irrelative to the Quebec BilL CHARLES JAMES FOX. 119 Burke in reply, said " Mr. Fox has treated me with harshness and malignity ; after harrassing with his light troops in the skirmishes of order, he has brought the heavy artillery of his own great abilities to bear on me." Having defended his opinions rela- tive to the French constitution and vindicated him- self from the charge of inconsistency, he avowed that Mr. Fox and he had often differed, and that there had been no loss of friendship between them ; " but," continued he, " there is something in the cursed French constitution which envenoms every thing."-— Fox whispered : " There is no loss of friendship be- tween us." Burke answered : " There is.— I know the price of my conduct : our friendship is at an end." He,' then concluded with exhorting the two great men at the head of the opposite parties,. " whether they should move in the political hemisphere, as two blaaing stars in opposite orbits, or walk together as brethren, to preserve the British constitution, and to guard it against innovation." On hearing this declaration of his former friend and political instructor, the feelings of Mr. Fox were too powerful to be suppressed. He rose to re- ply, but they denied him utterance. Relieved by involuntary tears, while the most profound silence prevaded the house, he said, " that however events might have altered the mind of his honorable friend, for such he must still call him, he could not so easily consent to relinquish and dissolve that intimate connexion which had for twenty-five years sub- sisted between them. He hoped that Mr. Burke would think on past times, and whatever conduct of 120 THE LIFE OF his had caused the offence, that he would, at least believe such was not his intention.'* — In the course of his speech he still maintuiiied that Burke had once held very different principles, and that he himself had learnea from him those very prin- ciples which he now reprobated.' He endea- voured to support his allegation by references to measures which Burke had either proposed or pro* moted, and also cited ludicrous expressions and ob- servations of his to the same purpose. Mr. Fox concluded with making a beautiful application of a passage he recollected: " We may bear to be ill used and abused by those on whom we have conferred fa- vours, and who owe every thing to our kindness. It is a calamity which the mind may endure. The in- justice and ingratitude of the world are old topics of reflection. But to be ill-used and abused by one who has previously won and engaged the soUl by kindness, is an affliction for which a grateful heart has no balm." The repetition of the charge of inconsistency which Mr. Fox made in the middle of this speech, completely effaced in Burke*s mind that impression which the tenderness displayed at the beginning and the conclusion were calculated to produce. This separation Mr. Fox painfully felt to the latest period of his life. Both before and after the public declaration of Mr. Burke's resolution, he spared no efforts to effect a reconciliation, but Mr. Burke's in- variable reply was : " Will he pronounce the renun- ciation ?" He alluded to a singular paper drawn up by himself, containing a solemn renunciation of the princijDles of the i-'rench revolution, and a promise CHARLES JAMES iOX. 121 that he would never again propose a reform in parlia- ment or the abolition of the test. Mr. Burke insist- ed that Mr. Fox should make the contents of this pa-* paper a part of his speech in a full house, a call off which-he proposed to procure, that, as he' said, no- ^ thing might be wanting to the impossibility of future apostacy. To this humiliation Mr. Fox could not subfnit ; . and though their mutual friends exerted their good offices — though the late Duchess of Devonshire — though Mr. Windham,* the favourite, and almost the adopted son of Mr. Burke, united all their efforts, the latter still remained inflexible. To one of these applications he replied : " My separation from Mr. Fox is a principle, and not a passion ; I hold it as a sacred duty to confirm what I have said and written by this sacrifice ; and to what purpose would be the re-union of a moment ? I can have no delight with him, nor he with me." The severe remarks on Mr. Fox's friends, in which Burke frequently indulged, were constantly reported to Fox ; but such was the attachment of the latter., that nothing could eradicate it. This was so well known * The opinion which Mr. Fox etertained of Mr, Wind- ham, he once expressed in the following words : '* He is indeed a singular character, and almost the only man whoni I ever knew, who was athinldng man Without being a grave man ; a meditating man, with so much activity ; and a read- ing man, with so much practical knowledge. He is so ab- ' sent that Sheridan once betted that he would introduce the Duchess of Devonshire to him, and say : I met Mrs. Windham by the way. Sir, and took a seat in her carnage home — and Mr. Windhain would not know the dift'erence. Sheridan's bet was not taken, or I am persuaded he would have won it. I once saw liim stir the fii'e, and take the poker out of the room, at St. James's. L 122 THE LIFE OF to his friends, that at St, Ann's Hill, Burke was never mentioned but with respect. A gentleman having once observed that Burke was a sophist, and would be thought nothing of but for his dazzling eloquence ; Mr. Fox immediately replied, tliat he entertained a very different opinion of that gentleman :^" The eloquence of Mr. Burke," says he, "rather injures his reputation ; it is a veil over his wisdom ; remove his eloquence, reduce his language, withdraw his images, and you will find that he is more wise than eloquent ; you will have your full weight of the me- tal, though you should melt down the chacing." Lord Lauderdale once said in the presence of Mr. Fox, that Burke was a splendid madman.-^" It is dif- ficult," replied Mr. Fox, " to say whether he is mad or inspired ; whether one or the other, every one must agree that he is a prophet.'* The first intelligence of the last illness of Burke, convey.ed in a letter from Lord Fitzwilliam, deeply affected Mr. Fox. When he was afterwards inform- ed that it could not fiiil to terminate fatally, he was agitated as with the expectation of some great cala- mity. In this state of mind he wrote to Mrs. Burke, expressing his^ intention of passing through Beacons- field; and the following day received by an express this answer : " Mrs. Burke's compliments to Mr. Fox, antf thanks him for bis oblig-ing inquiries, Mrs. Burke communicated his letter to Mr. Burke, and by his desire, has to inform Mr. Fox that it has cost Mr. Burke the most heartfelt pain to obey the stern voice of his .duty, in rending- asunder a long friendship, but that he had effected this necessary sacrifice ; that his principles rem aiiied the same ; and that, in what- CHARLES JAMES FOX. 12," ever of life yet remained to him, he conceives that lie must continue to live for others, and not for himself. Mr. Burke is convinced, that the principles which he has endeavoured to maintain, are necessary to tlie good and dignity of his country, and that these principles can be enfoixed only by the general pursuasioh of his sincerity. For herself, Mrs Burke has ag-ain to express her gratitude to Mr. Fox for his inquiries." Thus terminated for ever the connection between Mr. Burke and Mr. Fox, who wept bitterly when he received the intelligence of the death of that vene- rable man. To the honor of Mr. Fox, he has been a strenuous advocate for the abolition of the Slave Trade ever since the first agitation of the question in April 179 1, In the discussion of this subject on the 18th of that month, party considerations gave Vv'ay to those of justice and humanity, and united in one cause the two great leaders in parliament, hostile as they were on almost every other occasion. In an animated speech, in which he described the sufferings of the injured Africans, Mr. Fox likewise took occasion to pronounce an elegant eulogium on the Christian re- ligion, which had the greater weight as coming from a man whose conduct had justly led many to doubt the existence of any fixed religious principles in his mind. He called on gentlemen to make the case of the negroes their own. " Let them suppose,** said he, " what might happen, that in some improbable turn in human affairs, England should be over-run with a tribe as savage as Englishmen were on the coast of Africa ; and that they carried into slavery a number of the people of England. From what class 124 THE LIFE OF of Englishmen, however low and uneducated, could they find men so generally dull and sefiseless as to have no feeling to the wretchedness of personal sla- very ? What arrogance and blasphemy was it then to suppose that Providence had not endowed men with equal feelings in other countries ! Let them look to the words of our Saviour; let them deeply weigh one of the most splendid doctrines of the Christian dispensation — a doctrine, which served perhaps more than any other to illustrate the unpa- ralleled beauty and grandeur of that most amiable of all religions — a cloctrine before which slavery was forced to fly ; and to which doctrine he attributed . the memorable and glorious fact, that soon after the establishment of Christianity in, Europe, human sla- very was abolished. This doctrine was — high and |ow, rich and poor, are equal in the sight of God ', Here was a doctrine which required only to be duly impressed on the heart of man to extinguish the term of slave ; and, accordingly, what all the ancient sys- tems had failed to do, Christianity accomplished ; and yet, in the ancient systems of philosophy, we iind a liberality and views of human rights as perfect as in any of the theories of the present day. It would be idle to pay so false a complimeDt to any. of the great names that adorned the present time, as to bay that there were men now alive more capable of delivering the truths of an enlightened philosophy and a commanding eloquence, than Demosthenes and Cicero — that there were historians and writers more capable of asserting the rights of men than Tacitus or Thucydides , and yet these were content- ed to live in states where men were slaves. It v/as in CHARLES JAMES FOX. 125 his opinion to the' pure light which this great doc- trine of our Saviour diffused over the heart of mail that the abolition of slavery was to be ascribed." Mr. Fox concluded his speech with pledging himself to continue in all situations to exert himself for the ac- complishment of t^e object, a promise, which, as we shall see hereafter, he did not neglect to fulfil. Such was the enthusiasm in favor of the French revolution, in its early stages, that an anniversary dinner was gi\ien in celebration of it on the 14th of July. To this dinner the members of the Whig Club, to which Mr. Fox had many years belonged, were invited in 1791, but many of them, and Mr. Fox among the rest, prudently declined the invita- tion. The mischiefs resulting from a similar pro- ceeding to Dr. Priestly and his friends at Birming- ham on the same day, are too well known to be re- peated. On the 2d of May, 1792, Mr. Fox obtained a ver- dict in the Court of King's Bench for 1951. the amount of damages sustained by him in defending himself against the petition of John Home Tooke, complain- ningof an undue election for Westminster, which a committee of the House of Commons pronounced frivolous and vexatious. During the year 1792, the operation of French principles in Britain became very extensive and very dangerous. The minds of the people were enflam- ed by the writings of Paine, and other political in- cendiaries, which were circulated with the utmost industry. About the same time an association was formed by the principle members of opposition, com. prising great talents, property, and respectability, L2 126 TH£ LIFE OF under the name of the " Friends of the People,** to procure a reform in parliament* Although the cha- rajctep of the individuals that composed this associa- tion, and the stake which maAy of them had in the country ,precluded every idea that their object was any thing more than a moderate reform, yet they afforded a pretext for the formation of societies of a different description in every quarter of the country. From, these societies deputations were sent to congratulate the French on the murder of their king, and their victories over the allied armies : and they in return published their offers of support to all people desi- rous of vindicating their liberty, or in other words, inclined to overthrow the legitimate government of their country. \/ The British constitution was openly threatened with destruction ; and had it not been for the uncom- mon activity, vigilance and promptitude of the ad- ministration and their friends, the consequences might perhaps have proved highly calamitous. — Alarmed at the dangers which seemed to threaten the country both from within and without, and rou- zed by the eloquence of Edmund Burke, the leaders of the Whig aristocracy began to think it high time to unite cordially with the ministerial and parliamen- tary supporters of the crown, in order to avert the impending ruin. Mr. Fox and his party ridiculed the idea of inter- nal danger, and considering the invasion of France as a combination of despots against freedom, expressed their joy at the compulsory retreat of the Ei^ussian and Austrian armies. Fox censured ministry for re- moving from their Commands military ofiicers who CHARXES jAMtS POX. 12T had sought and received fraternity from the enemies of regal government abroad, and were connected with societies inimical to the British constitution at home. He seemed indeed to have retained his admiration of the French spirit, even when it was producing ef- fects the very reverse of those which, had he paid sufficient attention to them, his patriotism, benevo- lence and wisdom would have approved. With a mind possessing an energy and comprehension which few have equalled, he did not always direct his ob- servation to the whole circuit of affairs. The love of liberty, a sentiment so congenial to the feelings of a noble and generous mind, so entirely occupied Mr. Fox, that he cherished its excesses, and. even its counterfeit, while his ardor rendered him blind to the mischiefs that were likely to result both to its vo- taries and the rest of mankind. On this principle Mr. Fox made every possible ef- fort to prevent Britain from being involved in a war with republican France. His motives for such con- duct, as may naturally be supposed, were traduced by the opposite party. — Among the base insinuations thrown out about the conclusion of 1792, by the mi- nisterial prints against him, one of those papers positively asserted, that Brissot's Journal of a cer- tain date, published jat Paris, stated, that Mr. Fox and Mr. Grey were, on such and such particular days, immediately after the opening of the parlia- ment, to make such and such specific motions, which were accordingly made. A wilful and malicious falsehood, which was soon exposed to the detesta- tion it so justly deserved. At this juncture occurred an event which tended 128 THE LIFE or greatly to diminish the strength of Mr. Fox's party At a meeting- of the Whig Club on the 20th of Feb- ruary, 1793, the members agreed to the following resolution — " That this club think it their duty at this extraordinary juncture, to assure the Right Hon. Charles James Fox, that all the arts of misrepresen- tation which have been so industriously circulated of late for the purpose of calumniating him, have had no other effect upon them than that of confirming, strengthening and increasing their attachment to him." — This resolution was productive of a chism in the club. Forty -five noblemen and gentlemen, among whom were Edmund Burke and his son, con- ceiving that something more than a personal mark of respect was implied, and that it conveyed an ap- probation of the principles supported by Mr. Fox, which they conceived detrimental to the interest of their country, withdrew their names from the list of its members. In consequence of their cesession and of that of the Duke ofPortlanxl, Earl Fitzwiliiam, Earl Spencer, and other leading men of the old Whig interest, the party of Mr. Fox received a blow, from which it was never afterwards able to recover. Before they decidedly separated from Mr. Fox, his old associates, in conjunction with these who still firmly adhere to his principles, performed for him an act of noble generosity and substantial justice. ^ After recovering a fortune at the gaming-table and on the turf, he was once more stripped of all his win- nings, and left witlicut it shilling. His political friends saw his distre^ss, and resolved effectually^ to relieve him. Accordingly on the 5th of June, 1790, a meet- CHARLES JAMES FOX. 129 ing of noblemen and gentlemen took place at the Crown and Anchor, for the purpose of giving Mr. Fox some effective testimony of gratitude for his long and unwearied political exertions. The objoct of the meeting was explained by Mr. Francis, who obfierved, at the conclusion of his speech, that every possible precaution had been taken to keep the steps hitherto pursued with regard to the business from the knowledge of Mr. Fox. The chairman, Mr. Serjeant Adair, then addressed the assembly, and said, " Whatever difference of opinion may prevail as to the particular measures which Mr. Fox may have supported or opposed, in the long course of his parliamentary exertions, there is one point to which all mankifKl must agree, and which even his most inveterate enemies will not dare to call in question, — that if the wonderful talents of his mind, instead of being exerted in the service of his country, had been directed to objects of private interest and per- sonal ambition, they would long ere this have placed their possessor in a situation of opulence and power equal to his fame and celebrity. That this has not been the fact is equally notorious., and it must there- fore be the natural wish of every man of liberal feel- ings, that he who has conducted himself in so dis- tinguished a manner should be placed in a situation as independent as his mind." Several resolutions founded on the above state- ment were' put and unanimously agreed to. They tended to this point — that an effective demonstration and honourable proof of the affection, esteem, and gratitude of his*constituents, and of the public, ought to be offered to Mr. Fox, as an acknowledgment and 130 THE LIFE OF retribution due to his services and merits. A com-j- mittee was appointed to forward the execution of the plan, consisting e>f the following noblemen and gentlemen : — Lord John Russel, Lord G. H. Caven- dish, Messrs, Francis, Crewe, Vyner, Wrightson, Skinner, Coombe, and Adair. Mr. Cooke, Mr. Pel- ham, and Mr. Byng, were requested to act as trus- tees, in the discharge of any personal trust which might be found necessary for carrying the resolu- tions into complete execution. The meeting than adjourned till the 1 1th. On that day Mr. Serjeant Adair reported from the committee that he had communicated their resolu- tions to Mr. Fox, and that Mr. Fox had returned the following answer : St. Ann's Hill, June QtK 1792. ** DEAR SIR, «* You will easily believe that it is not a mere form of words, when I say, that I am wholly at a loss how to express my feelings upon the event which you have in so kind a manner communicated to me. *« In difficult cases it is not unusual to inquire what others have done or said in like circumstances, but in my situation, this recourse is denied me ; for where am I to look for ah instance of such a proof of public esteem as that which is offered to me ? To receive at once from the public, such a testimony to the disinterestedness of my conduct, and such a I'eward as the most interested would think their lives well spent in obtaining, is a rare instance of felicity which seems to have been reserved for me- ** It would be gross affectation, if, in my circumstances, I were to pretend that what is intended me is not in itself of the highest value. But it is wjth perfect sincerity that I declai'e, that no other manner in which a fortune could have CHARLES JAMES FOX. 131 come to me, would have been so hig-hly gratifying' to the feelings of my heart. I accept, therefore, with the most sincere gratitude, the kindness of the public, and consider it as an additional obligation upon me, if any were wanting to continue steady to the principles which I have uniformly professed, and to persevere in the honest and independent line of conduct, to which alone I am conscious tliat I am in- debted for this, as well as for every other mark of public approbation. ** I hope I need not add, my dear Sir, that 1 could not have received this honourable message through a more ac- ceptable channel. ** I am with great truth. My dear Sir, ** Your mo3t obliged humble Servant, « C. J. FOX." '* Mr. Serj: Adatr.^* The committee assuring tlie meeting that the zeal and spirit with which their plan had been adopted in the capital, gave them the greatest reason to hope that they should not only be able to secure a perma- nent income to Mr. Fox, but shortly to present hinx an honourable testimony of the public esteem. Nor were these hopes disappointed; by means of a gene- ral subscription, they raised a sum sufficient to pur- chase for him an annuity for life, of not less than three thousand pounds ; and this annuity was settled in such a manner as to render it impossible for him to squander it in those amusements to which he was known to be strongly addicteil. War with France was at length resolved upon by a great majority of the British parliament. Fosc,. still true to his former principles, proposed that in- stead of declaring war, an ambassador should be 132 THE LIFE or sent to treat with the French. It was argued that if Fox could propose a negociation with men pollu- ted by every crime that can disgrace human nature, he must likewise be willing 'to share their guilt. A gen,eral outcry was excited against him by the en- emies of revolution, and he himself began to fear that he might have lost the favor of the people, which he had prefered to every other possession. To repel the accusation with which he was assailed, he thought it necessary to exhibit himself in the character of an author. In a letter addressed in 1793, ^to the Electors of Westminster, he endeavored to vindicate the wisdom, the integrity and the constitu- tional propriety of those proposals for negociation on account of which he was most abusively calumniated. This composition is not more remarkable for be- ing the only production of Mr. Fox's pen that he gave to the world, than for the penetration into the future which it bespeaks. In one place he says : " Let us not attempt to deceive ourselves : whatever possibil- ity, or even probability, there may be of a counter- revolution from internal agitation and discord, the means of producing such an event by external force can be no other than the conquest of France. The conquest of France ! ! ! — O calumniated crusa- ders, how rational and moderate were your objects ! — O miich injured Louis XIV. upon what slight grounds have yon been accused^^of restless and im- moderate ambition ! — O tame and feeble Cervantes, with what a timid pencil and faint colours have you painted the portrait of a disordered imagination !" With the same prophetic spirit he, early in 1794, deprecated the idea, that while the Jacobin system CHARLES JAMES FOX. 133 existed, no peace could take place with France. He asked, " whether it was not more advisable provi- ded honorable terms could be obtained with the pres- ent government of France, to trust to our caution and vigilance for the preservation of the coun- try, than to continue hostilities, attended with an e- normous waste of blood and treasure, but no more productive of security than a pacification ? Allowing the danger to be equal in either case, that which freed us from an immense charge, was unquestion- ably preferable to the other. It was vain to calcu- late the resources of the French at the rate of a commercial proportion. They had no commerce — they derived no expectations from any other funds than the productions of their soil*— The depreciation of their paper-money had not depressed their affairs ; and wherever men were willing and resolved to bear hardships, historical experience had piovedthat their resourses were inexhaustible. In war it somv- times happens that rage and courage supply the want of ordinary arms. Xenophon, in his Cyropse- dia, has observed that iron commands gold. " The French," continued Mr. Fox, ''when their assig- nats fail, as it is predicted they will do, may plun- der their neighbors. It must be allowed, indeed, that plunder is but a fleeting resource ; yet, when a nation has abandoned habits of peace and industry, and ac- quired the views and manners of predatory warriors, it is a resource that enables it to spread desolation far and near." It has been lamented by many sincere friends to the country, that Mr. Fox did not enter into adminis* tration w ith Earl Fitzwilliam and the Duke of Port- M 134- THE LIFE OF land, towards the close of 1794. The error of mi- nisters was, not that? they entered into the war, but that they knew not the most favorable moments for concluding an advantageous peace. Had Fox been placed in a suitable situation, it is not improble that he would have procured peace on various occa- sions which, were unfortunately lost. In that case, France might not perhaps have attained the gigantic power she now possesses, and much bloodshed and misery might have been spared to all Europe. Before the meeting of parliament, in November, J 79 5, frequent meetings of disaffected persons, call- ing themselves the London Corresponding Society, took place in the fields in the vicinity of the metro- polis, and inflammatory discourses were delivered by factious demagogues, tending to excite a spirit of resistance to the measures of government. Nor was thk all. On the 29th of October, when his Majesty was proceeding in his usual state to .the hoijse of peers, he was not only insulted, and assaulted with fitones, but on his return his state coach was demo- lished by the infuriated mob. These outrages cal- led for strong measures on the part of the govern- ment, and bills were brought into the House of Com- mons, for the more effectually preventing of sediti- ous meetings and assemblies. In the different de- bates on these bills, very energetic expressions were used, which themselves became the occasion of very animated discussion. Among their most strenuous opposers, was Mr. Fox. " Should these bills pass," said he, " by the mere influence of the minister, contrary to the sentiments of the great majority of the nation, and he was asked without doors what was I CHARLES JAMES FOX. 135 to be done, he would say : ' This was not now a question of morality or of duty, but of prudence. Acquiesce in the bills only as long as you are com- pelled to do so. They are bills to destroy the consti- tution, and parts of the system of an administration aiming at that end.' " Being interrupted by loud cries of Hear I hear I Mr. Fox said, " he knew the misconstructions to which such sentiments were lia- ble, and he braved it. * No attempt of the Stuarts called for more opposition than the present bills, and extraordinary times demanded extraordinary decla- rations.'* On this Mr. Pitt, with great warmth, observed, " that the right honourable gentleman's declaration could not be misunderstood. He thanked him for making it,that the public might see him setting up his own judgment against a majority of the house,attemp- ting the dissolution of society ,and persuading the peo- ple of England to have recourse to the sword if they thought they could succeed by it. Let him not ima- gine, however," continued Mr.Pitt, "that Englishmen win want spirit to support the laws. The right ho- nourable gentleman will probably find the law too strong for him j but if that should not be so, I hope he will find the valor that should aid the law." — Mr. Fox replied, that he would not retract a syllable of his assertions, which, he said, the right honourable gentleman had much misrepresented. He had sta- ted, that if bills tending to destroy the constitution were passed against the sense of the majority of the nation, he would give the advice which he had men- tioned. He would stand and abide by his words, which he was willing to have taken down, if requir- 135 THE LIFE OF ed. The words might be strong, but strong mea- sures called for strong words. — Mr. Windham ob- served, that from the declaration of Mr. Fox, people v/ould now see the necessity for a vigor stronger^^ than the laws — Mr. Sheridan made an able reply to Mr. Windham, and said, " that wh«sn plot-forging ministers meditated attacks upon the constitution ; when the Secretary of War had made London, the seat of parliament, a garrison, and talked of a vigor stronger than the lav/, he would advise every man to resist the establishment of the system of terror in this country.'* During the discussion of these bills, the attention of the House of Commons was called to a work pub- lished by Mr. John Reves, entitled, " Thoughts on the English government,'* which was pronounced a daring libel on the constitution. It must be observ- ed that at the time when this subject was brought before parliament, Mr. Reves had promoted in the city of Westminster and various parts of the county of Middlesex, a very strong petition in opposition to one procured by Mr. Fox against the Treason and Sedition Bills, and nothing could prevent, in a great- er extent, the effect of the measure, than to bring the promoter of it into disrepute. This explains the motives of the chiefs of opposition, and their success demonstrates the skilfulness of the ma- noeuvre. On the passing of those bills a committee of the Whig Club was formed for the purpose of obtain- ing their repeal ; and of this committee Mr.'^Fox was an active member. At the dibsolution of Parliament, in 1796, Mr. CHARLES JAMES FOX. 137 Fox again offered himself as a representative for Westminster. The other candidates were Admiral- Sir Alan (now Lord) Gardner, and Mr. Home Tooke. On the second day of the poll, the latter seemed greatly out of humour at his being the low- est, and observed, " that if Mr. Fox and Sir Alan were returned by the electors of Westminster, they would be literally not represented' at all ; they would be like a man setting out in a carriage with one horse harnassed before and the other behind, both pulling different w^ays, which was a pretty method of arriving at the journey's end." It was understood that while Mr. Fox and Mr. Tooke secretly threw in their second voices to eacTi other they studiously avoided all appearance of coa- lition. The latter was assisted hi the poll by Mr. Thelwall, and it was observed with pleasure, that Mr. Fox, though cautious of offending, carefully avoided all the impertinent intrusions by which he endeavoured to draw him into conversation. Ail idea of a coalition was, however, repeatedly disclaim- ed by Mr. Fox, which greatly irritated Mr. Tooke, who declared " that the only distinction between them was, that Mr. Fox was Right Honourable ; but as he himself was neither Right Honourable nor Ho- nourable, he must consider himself as a private in the ranks ; and though he was afraid he could never command, yet he could fight as bitterly and as effec- tually as any of them.'* The indecency of the election exceeded all that had been formerly practised at Westminster. Admiral Gardner was one day even pulled from his carri^ige by the mob in the interest of Mr. Tooke. The gaf- M2 138 THE LIFE OF lant Admiral behaved with the greatest coohiess, expostulated with his furious antagonists, who com- menced a general assault with stones, that obliged him to take refuge in a shop, on which the populace proceeded to destroy his carriage. At the final close of the poll the numbers were : For Mr. Fox - 5160 For Sir A. Gardner 4814 For Mr. Home Tooke ... - 2810 The new parliament commenced its operations in October, when Mr. Fox expressed his hearty con- currence in the endeavours of the minister to re- store peace, by opening a negociation with France, and sending an ambassador to Paris. In December he moved for a vote of censure against Mr. Pitt, for having advanced money to the Emperor of Germany and the French emigrant princes, without even the previous corrsent or knowledge of parliament. The debate on this occasion was long and animated, and even some of the minister's friends concurred in the sentiments of Mr. Fox on this transaction. An amendment was proposed, by Mr. Bragge, by which the motion was finally lost by a majority of 285 against 81. So large a minority was considered as unprecedented since the commencement of the war. In the early part of 1797, a number of gentlemen who had before given their support to Mr. Pitt, alarmed at the strong measures adopted by govern- ment, formed themselves into a sort of confederacy, by the appellation of the Neutral Squad. They were desirous of seeing an administration formed on the principles of Mr. Fox, and in which his friends should have a decided majority, but from Vv'hich, in CHARLES JAMES FOX. 139 tenderness to the prejudices of the tory party, that gentleman himself was to be excluded. Private ap- plications were made to the friends of Mr. Fox, but with a consistency which did them honour, they infused any participation in such a measure^ unless under the immediate auspices of their distinguished leader. Mr. Fox was one of three gentlemen, who, on the 10th of May, 1797, presented to his Majesty a petition from Bristol for the dismission of ministers, signed by between three and four thousand persons. A similar petition was a few days afterwards pre- sented by him from Antrim ; and as a privy coun- sellor of the king, he desired an audience in the clo- set, in which he represented to his Majesty the alarming situation of the two kingdoms.— The king was, however, too well convinced of the ability and integrity of those to whom he had committed the management of affairs, to suffer the insinuations of the opposite party to make any impression on his mind. On the 23d of May, 1797, Mr. Fox moved for the repeal of the Treason and Sedition Bills, but on a di- vision, found himself in a minority of 52 against 260. A few days afterwards, on the 26th, his friend, Mr. Grey, submitted to the house a motion for a reform, in the representation of the people in parliament, in which he was seconded by Mr. Erskine. On this occasion Mr. Fox expatiated at great length on the urgent necessity of a reform, and concluded one of the most brilliant and argumentative speeches ever delivered in parliament, in the following words : " I aow return my most hearty thanks to those 140 THE LIFE OF v^ho brought forward this motion, in the hope that it will save the country. We are now at our last stake, and if public affars are continued to be ma- naged by the present men, the nation must go to ruin. If it be thought that I have any personal wish to be one of their successors, it is a mistaken idea ; it is true, that I should be glad to see other men fill their situations, but I solemnly declare that I have no wish to be one of them. I heard it said ; " You do nothing but mischief when you are here, and yet ■we should be sorry to see you away." I do not know how we shall be able to satisfy the gentlemen who feel towards us in this way ; if we can neither do our duty without mischief, nor please them by doing nothing, I know bat one way by which we can give them content, and that is by putting an end to 4 our existence. With respect to myself, and I be- ^ lieve I can also speak for others, I do not feel it to be consistent with my duty totally to secede from this- house. I have no such intention ; but I have no hesitation in saying, that after seeing the conduct of this house ; after seeing them give to ministers their confidence and support, after convicted failure, im- position, and incapacity ; after seeing them deaf and blind to the consequences of a career that penetrates the hearts of all other men with alarm ; and that nei- ther reason, experience, nor duty, are sufficiently powerful to influence them to oppose the career of government, I certainly do think that I may devote more of my time to my private pursuits, and to the retirement which I love, than I have hitherto done : ._i I certainly think that I need not devote so much of it |fj to fruitless exertions and to idle talk in this hou^e CHARLES JAMES FOX. 141 Whenever it shall appear that my efforts may con- tribute, in any degree, to restore us to the situation from which the confidence of the house, and an inca- pable administration, has so suddenly reduced us, I shall be found ready to discharge my duty. Sir, I have done ; I have given my advice. I propose the remedy : and fatal will it be for Eti^land, if pride and prejudice shall much longer continue to oppose it." Conformably to this declaration, Mr. Fox retired from his ordinary service in parliament, and even signified his readiness to resign his seat, if he should be called on to do so by his constituents. About this period he was daily pestered with abusive letters, under the signature of " An Elector of Westminster.** For Uiis vexation there was no remedy. On recei- ving the letters he used to throw them on the table, and say, " There are another score of electors." On opening them and looking at the subscription, if he found the word Elector : " Here's more paper for tlie cook," he would exclaim, and throw one after the other upon the floor. " Lord North" he observ- ed on one of these occasions, " read every thing that was written against him, and rewarded those who wrote wittily, but I cannot imitate him, for I could wish to believe that I have no enemies." Mr. Fox now steadily adhered to his resolution of coming forward in parliament only on important occasions. One of these presented itself on the dis- cussion of the assessed tax bill, when he resumed his seat, and appeared in strenuous opposition to that measure. If Mr. Fox discontinued his attendance in the House of Commons, still his exertions were not 142 THE LIFE OF wanting to cheer and animate his party. At the numerous meetings of the Whig Club, by which the anniversary of his birth-day, and of the first elec- tion for Westminster, had been for many years cele- brated-, he never failed to be present. At these con- •vival assemblies, it is not improbable that their liba- tions to Bacchus heated their imaginations to such a degree, as to cause Mr. Fox and his friends to trans- gress those limits which prudence in their cooler mo- ments would have prescribed. The anniversary of his birth-day was held on the 24th of January, 1898, at the Crown and Anchor. Tickets, to the number of eighteen hundred, were issued; and several who had paid for admission, were obliged to seek entertainment elsewhere. So great was the crowd, that many were hurt in attempt- ing to gain admission. The principal leaders of the Corresponding Societies attended. The Duke of Norfolk presided as chairman. Af- ter dinner his Grace addressed the meeting . — *' We are met," said he, " in a moment of difficulty, to ce- lebrate the birth of a man dear to the friends of free- dom, I shall only recall to your memory, that, not twenty years ago, the illustrious George Washington had not more than two thousand men to rally round him when his country wa.s attacked. America is now free. This day full two thousand men are as- sembled in this place. I leave you to make the ap- plication." — The Duke then gave this toast — " Our sovereign's health, the majesty of the people." The consequence of this intemperate and indecent con duct, (to say no more of it) in the first peer of the realm, was, that in a few days his Majesty signified CHARLES JAMES TOX. 143 his pleasure, that the Duke should be displaced from 'his appointment oi ioid-lieutenant of the West-Rid- ing- of the County of York, and also from the com- mand of the militia of that Riding. So far from being daunted by this mark of royal displeasure, Mr. Foxnotlong afterwards by a similar conductj incurred alike disgrace. On the 3d of May a great number of the members of the Whig Club dined together at Freemason's Tavern. Mr. Fox was in the chair ; and after the ordinary toasts, he said ; " I will give you a toast, than which I think there cannot be a better, according to the principles of this club — I mean the Sovereignty of the People of Great Britain." He then in a speech fully decla- ratory of his sentiments, condemned ministers in the most pointed manner for the strong measures at that time adopted in Ireland, and which measures, he said, they certainly intended should soon be enforced in J^ngland. He, however, declared, that he would be one of the first in repelling any foreign enemy under whatever government England might be. He compa- red the ministry to the Directory of France ; affirmed that he was resolved upon retirement ; but that he would be happy to come forward whenever the coun- try demanded his services. He entertained no ap- prehensions of an invasion, (the country being then menaced by the French,) and was fully persuaded, that should the enemy be rash enough to land even with a formidable force, the people would soon rout them and destroy the invaders. The opinion enter- tained by his Majesty of the sentiments avowed by Mr. Fox on this occasion, was immediately manifest- ed in, the erasure of his name from the list of privy- counsellors. 144 THE LIFE or At the trials for high treason which took place in the same month at Maidstone, Mr. Fox was one of the -many distinguished characters whose testimony- was given in favour of Arthur O'Connor. Though he undoubtedly gratified the feelings of private friend- ship by the part he acted on this occasion, yet it was not calculated to add to his reputation with the pub- lic, many of whom did not hesitate to stigmatize him as a secret accomplice of the prisoners, one of whom paid the forfeit of his life to the violated laws of his country. Turning now from scenes of clamorous opposition, we shall folloV the statesman into the privacy of do- mestic life, at St. Ann's Hill, where he spent the principal part of his time in profound retirement dur- ing his secession from parliament. Here he was able to resume those literary pursuits which pleasure and dissipation, or the performance of his senatorial du- ties, had so long interrupted. His mode of life was regulated with gfeat unifor- mity. Contrary to the practice of former times, he rose very early. Habits of regularity, more suited to his advancing years, were now substituted for the watching of the tavern and the ferment of the gaming- houses. Burke, befwe his rupture with Mr. Fox, used frequently to call on his friend on his way to the house, and found him at three o'clock beginning his breakfast. — " There's Charles," he would say, " while I am exhausted by reading and business, he is quite fresh ; it is no wonder that he is so much more vigo- rous in the house." In his retirement Mr. Fox became acquainted with the pleasures and advantages of early rising. — On the CHARLES JAMES FOX. 145 western extremity of St. Ann's Hill stands a solitavy beach-tree, which grows upon a narrow platform ele- vated above the general surface of the hill. This point commands an extensive view of the vale through which Father Thames winds his majestic course from Chertsey to Windsor. This was a favourite spot with Mr. Fox, who caused a seat to be made around the tree, and this was his usual walk oefore breakfast. Such was his attachment to study, that he had form- ed a certain daily plan, to which he adhered so in- flexibly, that he was sometimes impatient when in- terrupted. He dedicated an hour before breakfast either to the acquisition of a new language, or the recollection of one in some degree obliterated. His method of learning a language was singular. After labouring a week at his grammar, in getting by heart the declinable parts, the, substantives, adjectives, and verbs, he immediately began, with the assistance of his dictionary, to read some classic author, learning the syntax by reference as the examples occurred. After breakfast Mr. Fox usually employed himself in reading till two o'clock, and in this he also followed a certain method. In reading Gibbon's history, for example, he compared that author with the writers whose authority he has quoted. Of Gibbon and Hume, he observed, that the one so loved a king, and the other so hated a priest, that neither of them could be depended upon where either a priest or a king was concerned. He discovered that the former had quoted many books as authority of which he had only read the preface. Of this he produced a singular instance, where the historian has quoted a passage of N 146 THE LIFE OF a writer as being in the third book, though the whole work consists only of two. Into this error Gibbon was led by a mistake in the preface of the book quoted. Mr. Fox disliked the florid stile and verbosity of Gibbon as much as he approved his his- toric concentration. " He thinks," said he, '' like Tacitus, and writes like Curtius.'* It was a frequent practice with him in his reading to erase unnecessary words with his pen ; this method he likewise followed with his copy of Gibbon's work, which could not fail to be interesting to the public* Smith's " Wealth of Nations" was a favourite ele- mentary book with Mr. Fox, who, however, used to observe, that he v/as tedious, formal beyond the ne- cessity of his work, and too fond of deduction where there is nothing to deduce. " He proves," said Mr. Fox, " where no one can doubt, and enters upon a chain of reasoning to produce a most unmeaning re- sult. HoM^ever closely and drily he has written, one half of his book may be omitted with great benefit to the subject." Of the works of Turgot he spoke with contempt, and said, " that the French had not liberty enough to understand finance and political economy." Henry's History of England he treated with respect ; but often expressed his surprise at Belsham's George III. and would exclaim, *' How can a man with his eyes open write in this manner !" Mr. Fox regularly took every paper morning and evening. The Morning Chronicle, which might justly be denominated the mouth-piece of his party, was of coiU'se his favorite. Though we cannot af- * It is said to be at present in the possession of Lord Lau- ^deidale. CHARLES JAMES FOX. 147 iirm that he ever wrote for that paper, yet his friends have, on various occasions, imagined that they re- cognized not only the style, but the very ideas and words tvhich he expressed in conversation. Having passed the morning in this manner, Mr. Fox, wlien the weather permitted, would walk to Chertsey, and thence to Laleham, and return to dinner. He seldom had any company ; the Duke of Bedford was occasionally his guest ; but most fre- quently he was alone with Mrs. Armstead. His mode of living was simple and unexpensive ; his wine indeed cost him nothing; for at the earnest re- quest of one of his ardent admirers, who was ^ wine-merchant, he permitted him to supply his ta- ble, and could never prevail upon him to produce his bill. According to his own confesison, Mr. Fox enjoyed his tea more than either breakfast or dinner. A novel was an invariable appendage of his tea-table ; ' and he would read alternately with Mrs. Armstead' and the Duke of Bedford, when that nobleman was present. On the arrival of Miss Burney's Camilla^ Mr. Fox w^as at dinner, and was eager to begin rea- ding the book immediately ; but IVIrs. Armstead took it from him, laughing, telling him at the same time, that he must be regular and wait ti!I tea. The books were accordingly conveyed to the tea-room : the wished-for moment came ; Mrs. Armstead com- menced, and it was truly pleasing to see tlie in- terest vvith which Mr. Fox listened to the work. It is pretty certain that Mr. Fox wrote very little, and persons intimately acquainted with him, have no hesitation to declare, that his history of the Revolu- 148 THE LIFE OF tion, of which so many silly reports have been pro- pagated, existed only in idea. He has been heard indeed, to say, that no reign i^ so unsatisfactorily written as that of William the Third, but h^ never intimated any serious intention of supplying the de- ficiency himself. Mr. Fox was an excellent swimmer, and from his boyish years bathing was his delight. He used dai- ly to plunge into the river, but remained in the water a very short time. In summer he walked much in the evening, and never retired to bed till a very late hour. In this manner day after day passed away in tran- quil retirement. His felicity was not a little height- ened by the society of the female whom he had cho- sen for his companion, and whose conduct during her whole connection with Mr. Fox, appears to have been truly exemplary. So sensible was he to the share which Mrs. Armstead contributed to his feli- city, that he presented her, while at the breakfast table on the morning of the 24th of January, 1799, tlie following elegant complimentary lines : % Of years I have now half a century past And none of the fifty so blest as the last. How it happens my troubles thus dally should cease, A.nd my happiness still with my years should increase, This defiance of Nature's more general laws You alone can explain, who alone are the cause. From this enviable solitude the statesman was oc- casionally called forth by the discussion of important questions in the House of Commons. On the 3d of February, 1800, he delivered a long and animated CHARLES JAMES FOX. 149 Speech on the subject of the overtures of peace, made by Bonaparte, on his elevation to the consulship. He likewise took an active part in the debate on the 25th of March, 1801, when Mr. Grey moved for an inquiry into the state of the nation. The union with Ireland was productive of cir- cumstances which rendered it necessary for Mr. Pitt to retire from office. Mr. Fox and his associates were held forth by the opposition as the only public men fit to succeed the ministers who had resigned. The king, however, could not reconcile such an ap- pointment with his feelings, and the arrangement of a new administmtion was confided to Mr. Adding- ton. Under his auspices the peace of Amiens was negociated. Mr. Fox, who had ahvays been inimi- cal to war, assented to the measure, not perhaps on the ground of its being the best possible peace, but mierely because it was in every point of view prefe- rable to the state of warfare in which the country had been for so many years involved. For the abilities of Mr. Addington, Mr. Fox en- tertained the most sovereign contempt. He once observed in a large party : " My Lord Salisbury would make a better minister, only he is wanted for court dancing-master." Being asked what Mr. Ad- dington would do after he had made peace, he repli- ed : "I cannot say ; but it will be something which "Will render him ridiculous to the end of time. If Mr. Addington wishes for supreme authority, let him be King of Bath, if he has interest enough at the Rooms ; he will find it more pleasant, and, more to bis reputation." N 150 THE LIFE OF In March, 1802, Mr. Fox lost one of his firmest friends and supporters in the Duke of Bedford. In moving for a new v/rit for Tavistock, for the elec- tion of a member for that borough in the place of the present duke, Mr. Fox took occasion to pro- nounce the following eloquent eulogium on his de- ceased friend. " If the sad event which has recently occurred were only a private misfortune, however heavy, I should feel the impropriety of obtruding upon the House the feelings of private friendship, and would have sought some other opportunity of expressing those sentiments of gratitude and affection, which must be ever due from me to the memory of the ex- cellent person, whose loss gives occasion to the sort of motion of course, which I am about to make to the house. It is because I consider the death of the »Duke of Bedford as a great public calamity, because the public itself seems so to consider it ; because, not in this town only, but in every part of the king- dom, the impression made by it seems to be the strongest and most universal, that ever appeared up- on the loss of a subject ; it is for these reasons that I presume to hope for the indulgence of the House, if I deviate, in some degree, from the common course, and introduce my motion in a manner which I must confess to be unusual on similar occasions. At the same time, I trust. Sir, that I shall not be suspected', of any intention to abuse the indulgence which I ask, by dwelling, with the fondness of friendship, upon, the various excellencies of the character to which I have alluded, much less by entering into a history CHARLES JAMES FOX. 151 of the several events of his life, which might serve to illustrate it. There was somethini^ in that charac- ter so peculiar and striking, and the just admiration which his virtues commanded, was such, that to expa- tiate upon them in any detail is unnecessary, as upon this occasion it would be improper. That he has been much lamented and generally, cannot be won- dered at, for surely there never was a more just oc- casion of public sorrow. To lose such '•a man 1 — at such a time ! — so unexpectedly 1 The particular stage of his life too in which we lost him, must add to every feeling of regret, and make the disappoint- ment more severe and poignant to all thinking minds. Had he fallen at an earlier period, the public to whom he could then (comparatively speaking at least) be but little known, would rather have compassioned and condoled with the feelings of his friends and re- lations, than have been them&elves very severely af- flicted by the loss. It would have been suggested, and even we who were the most partial must have admitted, that the expectations raised by the dawn are not always realized in the meridian of life. If the fatal event had been postponed, the calamity might have been alleviated by the consideration, that mankind could not have looked forward for any length of time to the exercise of his virtues and ta- lents. But he was snatched away at a m.oment when society might have been expected to be long bene- fited by his benevolence, his energy, and his wis- dom ; when we had obtained a full certainty that the progress of his life would be more than answerable to the brightest hopes conceived from its cutset ; and when it might have been reasonably hoped, that 152 THE LIFE OF after having accomplished all tbe good of which if was capable, he would have descended not imma- turely into the tomb. He had, on the one hand, liv- ed long enough to have his character fully confirmed and established, while, on the other, what remained of life seemed, according to all human expectations, to afford ample space and scope for the exercise of the virtues of which that character was composed. The tree was old enough to enable us to ascertain the quality of the fruit which it would bear, and, at the same time, young enough to promise many years of produce. The high rank and splendid for- tune of the great man of whom I am speaking, though not circumstances which in themselves either can or ought to conciliate the regard and esteem of ration- al minds, are yet so far considerable, as an elevated situation, by making him who is placed in it more powerful and conspicuous, causes his virtues or vi- ces to be more useful or injurious to society. In this- case, the rank and wealth of the person are to be attended to in another and a very different point of view. To appreciate his merits justly, we must con- sider, not only the advantages, but the disadvantages,, connected with such circumstances. The dangers attending prosperity in general, and high situation in particular, the corrupt influence of flattery, to which men in such situations are more peculiarly ex- posed, have been the theme of moralists in all ages and in all nations : but how are these dangers in- creased with respect to him who succeeds in his- childhood to the first rank and fortune in a kingdom such as this, and who having lost Ms. parents, is ne- ver approached by any being who is not represented. CHARLES JAMES FOX. 153 to him as in some degree his inferior ! Unless bles- sed with a heart uncommonly susceptible and dispo- sed to virtue, how should he who has scarcely ever seen an equal, have a common feeling, and a just sympathy, for the rest of mankind, who seemed to have been formed rather/or him, and as instruments of his gratification, than together toith him for the general purposes of nature ? Justly has the Roman satirist remarked, Rarus enim fel'me sensus communis in ilia Fortuna. " This was precisely the case of the Duke of Bed- ford, nor do I know that his education was perfectly exempt from defects usually belonging to such situa- tions ; but virtue found her own way, and on the very side where the danger was the greatest was her tri- umph most complete. From the blame of selfish- ness no man was ever so eminently free. No man put his own gratification so low, that of others so high in his estimation. To contribute to the welfare of his fellow citizens was the constant, unremitted per- suit of his life, by his example and his beneficence to render them better, wiser, and happier. He truly loved the public, but not only the public, according to the usual acceptance of , the word ; not merely the body corporate (if I may so express myself) v/hich bears that name, but man in his individual capacity ; all who came within his notice and deserved his pro- tection, were objects of his generous concern. From his station the sphere of his acquaintance was larger than that of most other men ; yfet in his extended circle, few, very few, could be counted to whom he 154 THE LIFE OF had not found some occasion to be serviceable. To be useful, whether to the public at large, whether to his relations and nearer friends, or even to an individual' of liis species, was the ruling passion of his life. " He died, it is true, in a state of ceHbacy, but if they may be called a man's children whose concerns are as dear to him as his own — to protect whom from evil is the daily object of his care — to promote whose welfare he exerts every faculty of which he is pos- sessed : if such, I say, are to be esteemed our chil- dren, no man had ever a more numerous family than the Duke of Bedford. • " Private frie'ndships are not, I own, a lit topic for this House, or any public assembly ; but it is difficult for any one who had the honour and happiness to be his friend, not to advert (when speaking of such a man) to his conduct and behaviour in that interesting character. In his friendship, not only he was disin- terested and sincere, but in him were to be found united all the characteristic excellencies which have ever distinguished the men most renowned for that most amiable of all virtues. Some are warm, but vo- latile and inconstant ; he was warm too, but steady and unchangeable. Never once was he known to vi- olate any of the duties of that sacred relation. Where his attachment was placed, there it remainded, or rather there it grew ; for it may be more truly said of this man, than of any other tljat ever existed, that if he loved you at the beginning of the year, and you did nothing to forfeit his esteem, he would love you still more at the end of it. Such was the uni- formly progressive state of his affections, no less than of his virtue and wisdom. CHARLES JAMES FOX. 155 " It has happened to many, and he was certainly- one of the number, to grow wiser as they advanced in years. Some have even improved in virtue, but it has generally been in that class of virtue only' which consists in resisting the allurements of vite, and too often have these advantages been counterbalanced by the loss, or at least the diminution of that openness of hoart, that warmth of feeling, that readiness of sym- pathy, that generosity of spirit, which have been reck- oned among the characteristic attributes of youth. In this case it was far otherwise ; endued by nature with an unexampled firmness of character, he could bring his mind to a more complete state of discipline than any man I ever knew. But he had, at the same time, such a comprehensive and just view of all moral ques- tions, that he well knew to distinguish between those inclinations, which, if indulged, must be pernicious, and the feelings, which, if cultivated, might prove beneficial to mankind. All bad propensities there- fore, if any such he had, he completely conquered and suppressed, while, on the other hand, no man ever studied the trade by which he was to get his bread — the profession by which he hoped to rise in wealth and honour — nor even the higher arts of poetry or eloquence, in pursuit of a fancied immortality, with more zeal and ardour than this excellent person cul- tivated the noble art of doing good to his fellow-crea- tures. In this pursuit, above all others, diligence is sure of success, and accordingly it would be difficult to find an example of any other man to whom so many individuals are indebted for happiness or comfort, or to whom the public at large owe more essential obli- gation. 156 THE LIFE or " So far was he from slackening or growing cold in these generous pursuits, that the only clanger was, lest, notwithstanding his admirable rood sense, and that remarkable soberness of character, which distin- guished him, his munificence might, if he had lived, have engaged him in expenses to which even his princely fortune would have been found inadequate. Thus the only circumstance like a failing in this great character was, that, while indulging his darling pas- sion for making himself useful to others, he might be too regardless of future consequences to himself and family. The love of utility was indeed his ruling passion. Even in his recreations, (and he was by no inea,ns naturally averse to such as were suitable to his station of life) no less than in his graver hours, he so much loved to keep this grand object in view, that he^ seemed by degrees to grow weary of every amuse- ment which was not, in some degee connected with it. Agriculture he judged rightly to be the most useful of all sciences, and more particularly, in the present state of affairs he conceived it to be the de- partment in which his services to his country might be most beneficial. To agriculture, therefore, he principally applied himself, nor can it be doubted but with this capacity, activity, and energy, he must have attained his object, and made himself eminently \^se- ful in that most important branch of political economy. 'Of the particular' degree of bis merit in this respect, how much the public is already indebted to him — how much benefit it may still expect to derive from the ef- fects of his unwearied diligence and splendid exam- ple, is a question upon which many members of this house can form a much more accurate judgment than €HAIILES JAMES FOX. 157 I can pretend to do. But of his motive to these ex- ertions I am competent to judge, and can affirm Avith- cut a doubtj that it was the same which actuated him throughout — an ardent desire to employ his faculties in the way, whatever it might be, in which he could most contribute to the good of his country, and the general interest of mankind. " With regard to his politics, I feel a great unwil« lingness to be wholly silent on the subject, and at the same time much difficulty in treating it with proprie- ty, when I consider to whom I am addressing myself. I am sensible that those principles upon which in any other place I should not hesitate to pronounce an un- qualified eulogium, may be thought by some, perhaps by the majority of this House, rather to stand in need of apology and exculpation, than to form a proper subject for panegyric. But even in this view I may be allowed to offer a few words in favour of my depart- ed friend. I believe few, if any, of us are so infatua- ted with the extreme notions of philosophy as not to feel a partial veneration for the principles, some lean- ing even to the prejudices of the ancestors, especially if they were of any note, from whom we are respec- tively descended. Such biassesare always, as I sus- pect, favourable to the cause of patriotism and public virtue ; I am sure, at least, that in Athens and Rome they were so considered. No man had ever less of family pride, in the bad sense, than the Duke of Bed- ford ; but he had a great and just respect for his an- cestors. Now if upon thfe principle to which I have alluded, it was in Rome thought excusable in one of the Claudii to have, in conformity with the general manners of their race, something too much of an ar- O 158 THE LIFE OF istocratical pride and haughtiness, surely in this coun-. try it is not unpardonable in a Russell to be zealously attached to the rights of the subject, and peculiarly tenacious of the popular parts of our constitution. It is excusable, at least, in one who numbers among his ancestors the great Earl of Bedford, the patron of Pym, and the friend of Hampden, to be an enthusias- tic lover of liberty : nor is it to be wondered at if a descendant of Lord Russell should feel more than common horror for arbitrary power, and a quick, perhaps even a jealous discernment of any approach or tendency in the system of government to that dreaded evil. But whatever may be our differences in regard to principles, I trust there is no member of this House who is not liberal enough to do justice to upright conduct even in a political adversary. What- ever, therefore, may be thought of those principles to which I have alluded, the political conduct of my much-lamented friend must be allowed by all to have been manly, consistent, and sincere. " It now remains for me to touch upon the last melancholy scene in which this excellent man was to be exhibited, and to all those who admire his charac- ter, let it be some consolation that his exit was in every respect conformable to his past life. I have already noticed that prosperity could not corrupt him. He had now to undergo a trial of an opposite nature. But in every instance he was alike true to his charac- ter, and in moments of extreme bodily pain and ap- proaching dissolution, when it might be expected that a man's every feeling would be concentrated in l)is personal sufferings — his every thought occupied by the awful event impending — even in these mo- CHARLES JAMES FOX. 159 ments he put by all selfish considerations ; kindness to his friends was the sentiment still uppermost in his mind, and he employed himself, to the last hour of his life, in making the most considerate anange- ments for the happiness and comfort of those who were to survive him. While in the enjoyment-of prosperity he had learned and practised all those milder virtues which adversity alone is supposed ca- pable of teaching ; and in the hour of pain and ap- proaching death, he had that calmness and serenity which are thought to belong exclusively to health of body, and a mind at ease. " If I have taken an unsual, and possibly an irregu^ lar, course upon this extraordinary occasion, I am confident the House will pardon me. They will for- give — something, no doubt, to the warmth of private friendship — to sentiments of gratitude which I must feel, and, whenever I have an opportunity, must ex- press to the latest hour of my life. But the consider- ation of the public utility, to which I have so much adverted as the ruling principle in the mind of my friend^ will weigh far more with them. They will in their wisdom acknowledge, that to celebrate and perpetuate the memory of great and meritorious individuals, is in effect an essential service to the community. It was not therefore for the purpose of performing the pious office of friendship by fondly strewing flowers upon his tomb, that I have drawn your attention to the character of the Duke of Bed- ford : the motive that actuates me, is one more suit- able to what were his views. It is that this great character may be strongly impressed upon the minds of all who hear me — that they may sec it — that they leO THE LIFE OF may feel it — that they may discourse of it in their domestic circles — that they may speak of it to their children, and hold it up to the imitation of posterity. If he could now be sensible to what passes here be- low, I am sure that nothing could give him so much satisfaction as ta find that we are endeavouring to make his memory tind example, as he took care his life should be useful to mankind. " I will conclude with applying to the present oc- casion a beautiful passage from the speech of a very young orator.* It may be thought perhaps to savor too much of the sanguine views of youth to stand th^ test of a rigid philosophical Inquiry ; but it is at least cheering and consolatory, and that in this in- stance it may be exemplified, is, I am confident, the sincere wish of every man who hears me :— 'Crime,' says he, ' is a curse only to the period in which it is successful ; but virtue, wheth;sr fortunate or other- wise, blesses not only its own age, but the remotest posterity, and is as beneficial by its example as by its immediate effect.'* At the general election in 1802, Mr. Fox and Lord Gardner again appeared as candidates for Westminster, but an extraordinary opposition took place on the part of Mr. John Graham, a SheriflT's broker. Notwithstanding the small number that ^t first polled for the latter, he persevered till the ninth day, by which time he became such a favourite with the populace as to obtain many more votes than could have been imagined. The friends of Mr. Fox then began to exert all their influence on his behalf, and * The Hon. William Lamb, CHARLES JAMES FOX. 161 even resolved on a personal canvass of the electors, which induced Mr. Graham to relinquish his preten- sions. At the close of the Poll, the numbers were : For Mr. Fox - 2673 For Lord Gardner 243 i For Mr. Graham 1691 Mr. Fox, after taking an active part in promoting the election of his friend, Sir Francis Burdet, for Middlesex, set out for the Continent about the be- ginning of August, It was generally reported that the object of this visit was to make historical re- searches at the Scotch College at Paris, for mate- rials towards his intended history of the Stuarts. That Mr. Fox did actually engage in some research- es of that nature is certain ; but whether he ever en- tertained the design ascribed to him may, as has been already observed, very justly be questioned. Previous to his departure, resolving to spare him- self the mortifications he had experienced in his tour in 1788, he procured a licence, and was ma,r- ried to Mrs. Armstead. The ceremony was pri- vate, and was performed by the Hon. and Kev. Mr, St. John. On the arrival of Mr. and Mrs. Fox at Calais, they were waited on by the municipality in their scarfs, and treated with the most flattering marks of respect. In a handsome speech to Mrs. Fox, the mayor ex- pressed " the high gratification which he and his fel- low citizens felt in seeing in their municipality the great and disinterested statesman, whose counsels, had they been seasonably adopted, would have pre- vented the calamities that have distracted the world." They desired to know if they would order any par- O 2 132 THE LIFE OF ticular play for the evening. This they declihed to do ; and the next day proceeded on their way to Am- sterdam, whence they went to Paris by the way of Spa. At Lisle INIr. Fox was recognized, though he tra- velled incognito. He immediately received congra- tulations in the name of the citizens and of the gar- , vision, and was invited to an entertainment given in honoui^ of him the next day at the Circus. At the Theatre, Avhich was very full, his reception was ex- tremely flattering ; fire-works announced his return to the Circus, which was illuminated with mfich taste, and thronged. The band of the 61st demi- brigade waited for him at his lodgings to give him a serenade. "^ On his arrival at Paris, every one hastened to hail the " English patriot and. the benefactor of the human race." This homage was not only paid him by private individuals, but he received addresses from (>]1 the public and learned bodies, complimenting him Vv'ith the same term. He visited all by whom he was invited : and as he was invited every where, liis circle of acquaintance was very extensive. This afforded him an opportunity of seeing and studying many of the most eminent characters during the re- volution, of which he did not fail to avail himself. At the consular court Mr. Fox was received with the highest distinction. It was even said that, a few days after his arrival, Mr. Fox having sent his com- pliments to the first Consul, requesting to know when he might wait upon him, received for answer from Bonaparte, " that he would be happy to see such CHARLES JAMES FOX. 163 a man as Mr. Fox at any hour of the day or night he might chose to appoint." At the public audience on the 3d of September, Mr. Fox was presented by Mr. Merry. Twice did the First Consul accost him, and among the flattering things said, " that there were in the world but two nations, the one inhabiting the east, the other the west. The English, French, Germans, Italians, 8cc. under the same civil code, having the same manners, the same habits, and almost the same religion, are nil members of the same family,* and the men who wish to light up again the flame of war among them wish for civil war ; these principles, Sir, were deve- loped in your speeches with an energy that does as much honour to your heart as your head." Mr. Fox dined the same day with the first Consul, who had a very long conversation with him in the presence of a numerous company. It is certain that Bonaparte entertained a very high regard for Mr. Fox, and eagerly seized every opportunity of manifesting it. He publicly declared that, if the then English ministers had been such men as Mr. Fox, England and France might remain at eternal peace, and mutually concur in each other's happiness. From the intimacy of Mr. Fox with the details of the French administration, his country might probably have derived advantage, had it plea*- sed Providence to prolong his life. In the formation *' This was spoken by the same man who a few weeks before had sanctioned in his officiat paper, the Moniteur, a tirade equally violent, puerile, and illiberal, abusing the na- tives of England for durning coaly eating beef, and drininig porter ►' / / 164 THE LIFE OF of many of the internal arrangements of the French government he was personally concerned. He ex- plamed to their ministry the English law of the liber- ty of the press, and aided them in the adaptation of the civil code to the circumstances of France at that period. On the 16th of September Mr. Fox assisted at the extraordinary sitting, which took place at the Tribu- nate. A few minutes before the opening of the sitting, M. Boyer, captain of the guard of the Tri- bunate, advanced to Mr. Fox, and addressed him in these words : " I am one, Sir, of two hundred F'rench prisoners, who in the year 3, (1795) were prisoners at Portchester. We applied to you and you had the generosity to exert your eloquence in our favor. On a sudden our chains were broken, and we were almost free. This benefit will never be forgotten by my companions in misfortune : but I am at pre- sent happier than they are, because I am able to de- clare to you publicly my gratitude. I intreat you to add to it if it be possible, by condescending to ac- cept my weak but sincere expression of it.'* Mr. Fox appeared to be much affected by this expres- sion, of gratitude. He replied, with a motion indica- tive of modesty : " O yes, Sir, I recollect.'* To ape Mr. Fox was now the fashion at Paris. His dress, his manner of speaking, nay, his very dinners, were imitated. The beaux of Paris exhibited a sin- gular contrast between what they actually were, and what they endeavoured to appear. It was the fashion to be a thinking man, to think like Fox ; and the cox- combs endeavoured to model their features to that chai'acter. At the opera he attracted every eye, and CHARLES JAMES EOX. 165 was followed as a spectacle through the streets. His picture was exhibited in every window, and no medal- lions had such a ready sale as those which bore the head of Mr. Fox. The artists alone felt some dis- satisfaction, as he refused to sit for his portrait. It is said that % celebrated statuary sent his respects to Mr. Fox, and informed him that, being desirous to partake of his immortality, he proposed to execute a statue of him, and would call the following day, when he flattered himself that Mr. Fox would have no objec- tion to sit half an hour in his shirt, while he took the exact contour of his body. Among the fashionables of Paris Avho were particu- . larly attentive to Mr. Fox, was Madame Recamier. She called for him one day in her carriage, but Mr. Fox hesitated to accompany her. " Come," said the lady, " I must keep my promise, and show you on the promenade. The good people of Paris must al- ways have a spectacle. Before you came, I was the fashion ; it is a point of honour therefore that I should not appear jealous of you. You must attend me, Sir." A few days afterwards appeared an ode, in which Mr. .Fox and Madame Recamier were transformed into Jupiter and Venus. The author, with all the modes- ty of a Frenchman, put a copy of this ode into the hand of Mr. Fox, and another into that of Madame Recamier, whom he was attending to the opera. On reading the subject, Mr. Fox appeared confused, but his fair companion, smiled—" Let them say what they please,'* said she, " as long as Mons,. Recamier pre- serves his senses, and laughs at them as I do^'* Of this lady Mr. Fox entertained the highest opinion ; 166 THE LIFE OF and observed, that she was the only woman who unit- ed the attractions of pleasure to those of modesty. During his residence at Paris, Mr. Fox had fre- quent interviews with Bonaparte, of whom he form- ed a very peculiar opinion. Mr. Burke, speaking of the French revolution, asserted that it had not only shaken all Europe, but almost every man individual- ly ; that it had shaken Mr. Fox till it had shaken his heart into the wrong place. Though this might per- Ijaps be too severe, the best friends of Mr. Fox will not attempt to deny that he had this French bias. Mr. Fox said of Bonaparte, that he was a man as magnificent in his means as in his ends ; that he pos- sessed a most decided character ; that he would pur- sue his purpose with more constancy and for a longer period than was imagined ; that his views were not directed against Great Britain, but that he looked only to the continent. His commercial enmity was, he asserted, only a temporary measure, and was never intended to be acted upon as permanent policy. He observed that he had a proud candour, which, in the confidence of success in whatever he resolved, scorn- ed to conceal his intentions. " I never saw," said he, '* so little indirectness in any statesman, as in the First Consul. He makes no secret of his designs.'^ How far these opinions of Mr. Fox were well founded, it is not our purpose to investigate. About the middle of November, 1802, Mr. Fox re- turned to England. He soon committed his reflec- tions on the manners of the French to writing at con- siderable length. He was induced to do so by an ob- servation of Lord Fitzwilliam, that " the revolution had found them a nation of coxcombs, and left them CHARLES JAMES FOX. 167 a nation of blackguards ; that manners, the civility of man to man, and the chivalrous homage to v^oman, which softens and gives a picturesque splendour to life, hacf wholly vanished, and a nation of citizens had replaced a nation of gentlemen." Mr. Fox, on the other hand, maintained that the same gallantry still continues to exist, though the foundation is gone, and that a distinction of rank, sufficient for the pur- pose of social order, still remains. He allowed that the revolution had doubtless done much mischief, but the ferment had ceased, and the sediment sunk to the bottom never to appear again ; and affirmed, that a century hence, the French government would exhib- it a most interesting spectacle, that of a government not founded on feudal principles. The period of this his last visit to France, Mr. Fox always recollected with satisfaction. He used to say that he had learned more of the French character during his short tour, than in his former longer ex- cursions. He not only saw more, and in different points of view, but a possessing greater maturity of judgment, he probably formed more solid estimates. Scarcely had Mr. Fox returned home, than we find him opposing the new administration, who seem- ed inclined to renew the contest. On the motion of an address to his Majesty on the 23d of November, 1802, he expressed liis opinion, " that the object of security would be best promoted by a small military establishment, whet4ier with a view of preserving the peace, or of renewing the war. Supposing for a moment," added he, " that war was to be renewed, gentlemen "would do well to reflect in what manner hostilities would be conducted. On this part of the 168 THE LIFE OF subject I will not go into detail ; but suppose that a determination were taken to recommence hostilities, it is obvious that our means of annoying the enemy- would consist simply either in retaking the places which by the treaty we have agreed to cede, or in retaining those still in our hands. Now, I say dis- tinctly, that to violate the treaty of peace for such an object as this — and under the present circumstances there is no other object which could be obtained— would be to place the ministers of this country, and the members of the last parliament who approved of the treaty, in a situation to excite the ridicule of all Europe. The continuance of peace I do contend, is infinitely desirable ; I feel its importance in the strongest manner. Adverse, however, as I am to the contest, I do not mean to assert, that no circum- stance may have followed the treaty of Amiens which would fully justify ministers for refusing to comply with its provisions. I am not ashamed to avow an opinion, for which I have been not unfrequently ex- posed to ridicule, and now explicitely declare, that I consider the preservation of national honour as al- most the only legitimatdf cause of war. This doc- trine I hold on the plain principle that honour is in- separably connected with self-defence. If it can be proved to me, that the national honour has been in- sulted, or the national dignity disgraced, I will, with- out hesitation declare my opinion, which is, that it ■would be a fair and legitimate cause for recommenc- ing hostilities. I must, however, hear a very strong case made- out, before I can give my vote for re- plunging the country into those disaste rs which a i CHARLES JAxMSS FOX. W*9 edamitous contest had produced, and froii^ which we have been so recently delivered. On the 9th of March, 1803, when the king's mes- sage was brought down to the Hou^e, Mr. Fox ex- pressed his alacrity to vote for the address, but he, at the same time, observed, " that there never was a situation in which it would be more imprudent to engage the country in an unnecessary war, than at that moment ; and never were any ministers more guilty than they would be, in recommending or sup- porting aline of policy so destructive to the best in- terests of the people." Notwithstanding this, after the declaration of war, when Colonel Patten, on the 3d of June, moved for a vote of censure on ministry, Mr Fox did not give his support, though he found it impossible to ap- prove of all their conduct, partly because it was too late, and partly because he did not know that their successors might not be more objectionable to him than they. On the ISthof July, he expressed his concurrence in the Additional Force Bill, on which occasion lie observed, that he had absented himself for the last three weeks, because, having already assigned his reasons for not approving of the war, he did not wish to oppose those measures, which must, of course, be necessary for carrying it on with effect. On the 7th of March, 1804, vv^e find Mr. Fox vin- dicating the conduct of his brother. General Fox, as commander-m-chief in Ireland, and insisting on the propriety of an inquiry into the government of that country, during the recent insurrection there. On the P 170 THE LIFE OF 22d of March, he pressed the mmister relative to any communications which might have been receiv- ed on the subject of the mediation of Russia ; and on the 23d of April, he made amotion on the posture of national affairs. After a long and able speech, in v/hich he hinted at the impolicy of the war, while he at the same time openly accused the ministers of incapacity, Mr. Fox concluded by movii^, " that it be referred to a committee to revise the several bills which have passed the House during the last and present session of parliament, for the defence of the country, and to consider of such farther measures as may be necessary to render th-e said defence more complete and permanent." On this occasion he was seconded by Mr. Pitt, who professed his cor- dial and zealous support of the measure. On the division which followed an animated debate, these two rivals found themselves in a formidable mino- rity, of 2 34 against 256. s Mr. Addington being incapable of holding any longer the reins of administration, they were again placed in the hands of Mr. Pitt. It was now ima- gined by many, that the critical state of public af- fairs, and the common safety of the empire would have produced a coalition between the minister and his former adversary, who had meanwhile effected an union between his own and the Grenville party. Lord Grenville declared that he was resolved to accept no official situation unless Mr. Fox were 'in- cluded in the new arrangement. Mr. Pitt expressed his readiness to comply, and it is supposed that no- thing but the invincible dislike of Mr Fox manifest- ed by his Majesty, prevented the execution of the CHARLES JAMES lOX. 171 plan. Mr. Fox, however, is said to have spoken of Mr. Pitt's conduct in this transaction, with a liveli- ness of indignation unusual to him. At the same time he did justice to his rival, and acknowledged that he was almost the only man who had ever sub- dued such great talents under- such complete sub- jection to official formality. On Mr. Pitt's return to power, the war was im- mediately extended to Spain, which had hitherto been permitted to enjoy all the benefits of an insidu- ous neutrality. This measure was strongly censur- ed Dy Mr. box, who, in the adjourned debate on the subject, February 12th, 1805, entered at large into a discussion of the negociation with the court of Madrid, in the course of which he maintained that a characteristic duplicity appeared the most conspic- uous feature in the whole of the transaction. — He afterwards asserted that the detention of the Spanish frigates was a measure of war and not of precaution ; insisted on the excellence of the old practice of commencing hostilities by a declaration, and concluded with stating his sincere conviction that rninisters had acted rashly and unjustly in their con- duct towards Spain. In the discussion on the 8th of April, relative to Lord Melville's alleged malversation, while Trea- surer of the Navy, Mr. Fox spoke with his accus- tomed energy. He began with observing, " that he could not reconcile it to his mind to be silent on such an occasion, lest he should be suspected of de- clining to mark with the strongest reprobation guilt of a nature so glaring, that any man who gave it the sanction of his vote, or attempted to protect it from 172 THE LITE or punishment, must be viewed in the light of an ac- complice, or one at least disposed to become the ac- complice of similar transactions.'* " Before he would proceed to the merits of the charges under consideration, he thought it proper to notice the arguments of the gentl(?men upon the other side ; not because he considered these argu- ments possessed of any intrinsic force ; but lest, from the authority of the persons from whom they proceeded, they might have the effect of leading the House to a decision, which, if it should corres- pond with the wishes of those by whom such argu« ments were used, must destroy its character with the country and with all Europe. The first gentle- man with whom he would begin was the last who spoke, (the Master of the Rolls) That learned gentleman directed the whole of his observations to show that the House should go into a committee, in order to ascertain whether the breach of the act of parliament, not of which Lord Melville stood charged, but of which he confessed himself guilty, proceeded from corrupt motives. If corruption con- sisted merely in a man putting money into his own pocket, according to the vulgar conception, perhaps some of the deductions of the learned gentleman would be right. But he would contend that nothing could be more corrupt, in his opinion, than to per- mit a man's own agent to convert the money of others to his own private emolument. This was the amount of Lord Melville's confession ; and although it might be possible, from a further examination, to prove the nobl:^ Lord more guilty, it did appear to him utterly impos;^ible to prove him less so. For CHARLES JAMES FOX. 173 the most conclusive evidence of the noble lord's corruption, he would only refer to the declaration of the noble lord, who stated, that " although he knew his agent Trotter was applying the public mo- ney to other purposes, than that for which it was legally intended) he did not prohibit him from doing so." What was that, he would ask, but com- plete corruption, even taking the case simplicter ? but combining it with other circumstances, could any man entertain a doubt upon the subject of his guilt ? What greater aggravation of his delinquency in tolerating the breach of his own act of parlia- ment could be imagined, than allowing his agent to misapply the public money, for the safe custody of which that act was intended? But it is preten- ded that no loss had accrued to the public from this malversation ; and a very singular argument was advanced that as there was no loss there was no risk. Now (said Mr. Fox) it happened in certain parts of my life, which I do not quote with a view to recommend my example to others, that I was in the habits of engaging in speculations, which are commonly called gaming. If a man should, in that kind of speculation, win a lari;e sum of money, I am sure that an argument would not thence arise that he had made no risk. I rather think the natu- ral inference would be, that his risk was consider- able. Probably, however, in this case, Lord Mel- ville did not care that Mr. Trotter should lose any money. Mr. Trotter was the confidential agent of Lord Melville, and Lord Melville was the confi- dential agent of the state. Therefore, in this sort of speculation in which Trotter engaged, Lord Mel-' P2 174 THE LII-E Of ville could guard against much risk. If two m6n play cards together, and a third person stands be- hind one of them and throws hints to tJie other, he that receives the hints is tolerably sure of winning. Just so ia this business : Lord Melville knew when the navy bills were likely to be funded, and Mr. Trotter could act upon the information he might receive. Will any one say then, that from such acting upon such information, no loss would accrue to the public ! On the contrary, I maintain, that the public would suffer a loss of one per cent, upon the discount of such bills. But then, the learned gentleman desired the House to go into an inquiry, in order to obtain farther evidence. — He would ap- peal to the judgment of the House, whether any farther evidence could .be necessary to enable it to come to a decided opinion upon the breach of law, which the noble lord himself confessed ? — That opinion the House was called on to declare. — Tho public had a right to demand it from them. It was said, ' that the House ought not to think of acting judicially, of inflicting punishment without the full- est examination into the merits of the accusation, and affording the accused the fullest opportunity of vindicating himself. And so far as the confession of Lord Melville w^ent, he had been already tried. — He would, however, defy those gentlemen who rest- ed their objection so very much upon the question of punishment, to show that it was at all times in the power of that House to inflict any punishment on such delinquents as Lord Melville and Mr. Trotter. But if the House should determine on prosecution in any way with a view to punishment ; CHARLES JAMES FOX. 175 whether by directing- the attorney-g-eneral to prose- cute, whether by moving an impeachment, or pre- paring a bill of pains and penalties, which perhaps would be a more p'roper mode of proceeding, he •would maintain that the confession of the party accu- sed would be evidence to proceed upon, and that the House was now called upon to act, as it must in every similar case, as a grand jury, to pronounce upon the guilt of the accused. It v/as strange to hear it as- serted that the accused was not guilty, because no loss accrued from the scandalous transaction. To those to whom the loss of honour was nothing, per- haps it might be said that no loss had arisen. But what was the loss of honour to that government which, after such a palpable instance of delinquency, should preserve its connexion with the delinquent ? And what is the loss of character and honour to that house, should it attempt by its vote to screen such a delinquent ? Infinitely more than any sum of money could possibly amount to. Whatever the learned gentleman, to whom he had already adverted might assert, he could not see that any farther inquiry could be necessary to enable the house to decide that a great public ofiicer, who allowed his servants to make illi- cit profit from the public money, in the teeth of an act of parliament, was guilty of a most serious offence. The guilt consisted in the violation of the law, and it never could be pretended that any such violation could be innocent. There were, indeed, many cases in which the most severe punishments attached to of- fences to which the charge of moral turpitude did not apply, but whicii were criminal in consequence of the precept of the law. Such were many of the 176 THE LIFE OF offences against our revenue laws. Not tw© years ago an act was passed declaring a man guilty of felo- ny, without benefit of clergy, if paper of a certain sort should be found in his possession, this sort of paper being used for the manufacture of bank-notes. Now the reason of this statute was this, that a man could not be presumed to have such paper in his possession but with a criminal intention. Therefore the breach of the act wasproof against him. And the act of the 25th of the king, which applied to the case under con- sideration, was drawn up upon a similar principle, and the breach of it was to be deemed the proof of the criminal intention. Upon this proof, which arose out of the reasonof the law, he had no hesitation to pronounce the noble lord guilty. The noble lord, it would be recollected, retained the office of treasurer for nine years after he had been appointed to that of secretary of state. [This was denied by the Chancellor of the Exchequer across the table.] No matter, re- sumed Mr. Fox, as to tlie precise time. The noble lord retained the office for several years ; and when in that House allusion was made to the circumstance of his holding the two offices, the answer from the other side of the House was, that although he held" those offices, he only received the salary of secre- tary of state, and nothing from that of treasurer of the navy. Ay, that is, nothing of the legal salary. Did not this justify something more than suspicion ? Why shoidd the noble lord so fondly cling to this office of his friend, Mr. Trotter? There were many other persons among even his own relations who would have been glad to occupy this situation. But no, Lord Melville seemed particularly attached to it ; CHARLES JAMES FOX. 177 and would common sense, in considering a thing of this kind, make no inference from that attachment. Another objection arose against the proposed com- mittee, from this consideration, that he did not see that any of the difficulties whicih some gentlemen complained of, could be removed—that any of the obscure accounts could be explained. Those accounts were indeed of such a nature, that the parties them- selves could not understand them, and how then could it be possible for a committee of that House to make any thing of them ? " It had been said that the house should proceed with the utmost deliberation in deciding upon cha- racter. But upon whose character were they to decide on this occasion ? Not certainly upon that of Lord Melville, for his character was entirely gone, but upon the character of the house and government, which must depend upon ;the vote of this night. A$ to the character of Lord Melville, it was so com.plete- iy destroyed in public estimation for ever, that he would venture to say, that were the vote of the house unanimous in his favour, it would not have the slightest effect in wiping away the stigma that was miiversally affixed to his name. What then must the world think of retaining such a m?ai at the head of the glory of the country? It was dreadful to re- flect that the most honourable claims, honourable professions, should be placed at the disposal of a man with whose name dishonour was inseparably associ- ated, who had confessed himself guilty of an act of corrupt illegality. The honourable gentlemc^n took notice of an ingenious and forcible argument advan- ced by a noble friend behind him (Lord Henry Petty), 178 THE LIFE OF whose speech he considered, and he was sure the house felt it to be, the best that had been delivered in the course of the debate. He recollected, that when the right honourable gentleman on the other side (Mr. Pitt) made his entree in that house, his first essay was in favour of reform and against corruption* With what pleasure did the house listen to him upon that occasioii ! — but how soon was the promise of his early years abandoned !— " ^antwin onutatus ah illoP Let the speech which the right honourable gentle- man delivered on that occasion be contrasted with that of this evening, and the change would be glar- ing ! There was something also in the dying legacy of Trotter to the navy office, that was particularly deserving of remark. It amounted to this, that Trot- ter said to his successors, " Now, as I am leaving the paymaster's office, I shall provide that not one of you shall ever make a shilling by the same means that I have done." But this he left as a bequest after the death of his own power. He did not even offer it while living. An honourable gentleman had expressed a hope that some measure would be adopted to prevent the recurrence of such a practice as the report on the table disclosed. But no mea- sure in the shape of an act of parliament could be efficient, if this precedent were to be established, that an act of parliament was to be violated with impunity. For his part, when he read over the evidence, he was rather filled with disgust, than indignation^ He was ashamed of having any con- nexion, even hostilely, with a person who had so degraded himself. Indeed it made him ashamed of 6HARLES JAMES FOX. 179 being of the same class. What does the evidence exhibit ? A man of such power and elevated situa- tion as the noble lord shriuking from answering the questions put to him, on the ground that he was not to criminate himself; and again saying, when the question was repeated, that he did not recol- lect how far he might have benefited by Mr. Trot- ter's money transactions. — Recollect ! Does a man apply to his recollection on such an occasion and re- specting such circumstances ? A man, when asked whether he had ever been in company with John Noakes, for example, may very well say, " To the best of my recollection I never have." But were it inquired whether he had not been kicked out of company by the same person, for attempting to pick his pocket, what would be thought of him if his an- swer should be " To the best of my recollection I never was." Besides, the noble lord never thought of attempting any explanation of his evidence till the report had been nearly two months before the house. He knew nothing of it till it was printed. —What! the report was so long before the house, of which the noble lord is a member, and, though it so nearly concerned himself, he never had the curiosity to look into it until it was printed. Who can believe it ? Or did the noble lord only begin to be alarmed when he found the effect which the printed report had made on the public ? Then he writes a letter, which he had much better have left unwritten. It was a vain attempt to do away the damnation. He still remains involved by Mr. Trotter's evidence. Was it not wrong in Mr. Trotter thus to commit his principal ^ Yet no anger l80 TfrE LIFE dF is betrayed against him— no indignation manifested by the noble lord at the slur thus cast upon his character. But hotv could he blame Mr. Trotter ? He must have known the whole transaction. Mr. Fox, after again adverting to the situation to which the right honourable gentleman (Mr. Pitt) was re- duced by his noble friend, could not help asking how it came to pass that, although notice had been given a fortnight ago of the motion brought forward this night by his honourable friend, yet the right honourable gentleman never then alluded once to the letter he was afterwards to produce ; nor, when he produced it, did he make any mention of the necessity of a farther inquiry. How did this hap- pen ? If he was to believe the reports of the day, the idea was suggested to him from a quarter which he did not chuse to disoblige ; though that quarter was not generally supposed to be in possession of power, From whatever intimation the measure arose, no good could be expected from a committee of inquiry. When it was known and seen how low was sunk the man, who holds so splendid a situa- tion in the state, what would be thought of the go- vernment ? In what light could it be beheld, either abroad or at home ? Th^ bravest generals, the most gallant admirals, the ablest statesmen, have ab- stained from the discharge of office while under an accusation, though conscious of their innocence, and certain to come forth more spotless than before. Could the noble lord continue the administration of his liigh department while his character was thus exposed ? The house, no doubt, would feel the ne- cessity of speedily deciding on that point, and of CHARLES JAMES rOX. 181 showing, that to innocence they would aiford pro- tection, in defiance of influence or power. With respect to the noble lord's offer to swear positively that he did not profit from the misappropriation of the public money, it was remarkable, that this offer was confined to the period in which Mr. Andrew Douglas, who was now dead, was paymaster of the navy, but did not at all extend to the paymastership of Mr. Trotter. What was the conclusion then to be drawn from this ? Why, that he was ready to make oath as to the paymastership of Douglas, because he was dead ; but did not think proper to swear as to Trotter, because he was alive. The honourable gentleman made an appeal to the pride and feelings of the house, and particularly to that of Mr. Pitt, advising him not to risk the little of reputation that remained to him upon this occasion — not to stake this card for his last. He concluded with expres- sing a hope, that the facts exposed in the Tenth and Eleventh Reports would provoke an inquiry into, and a reform of, the several departments of the public expenditure . He trusted that there were men around him who would promote an investigation so desirable for the cawse of justice and the interests of the coun^ try.*' On the division of the house it appeared that the numbers on each side were even : Ayes 216— Noes 216. The speaker gave the casting vote, which made 217 for the resolutions proposed by Mr. Whitbread, censuring the conduct of Lord Melville. Q 182 THE LIFE OF After these resolutions had been carried. Mr. Pitt moved that the House should adjourn to the 10th, on which Mr. Fox submitted to the good sense of the house, whether in so critical a moment they should adjourn over a single day. " They would re- collect," said he, " that the country was now in the hands of a disgraced administration." When the consideration of this business was re- sumed on the 10th, Mr. Whitbread moved that an humble address should be presented to his Majesty, praying that he would be graciously pleased to dis- miss Lord Melville from all offices held by him during pleasure, and also from his councils and presence for ever. The arguments of Mr. Whit- bread were opposed by Mr. Canning, (then trea- surer of the navy) who concluded his speech with a panegyric on Lord Melville. Several gentlemen had expressed their sentiments, when Mr. Fox rose and declared that Mr. Canning had deliverd him- self in a manner so extraordinary and injudicious, that it was scarcely worth while to take notice of his observations. After animadverting on the conduct of Mr. Canning with respect to Mr. Trotter, he then continued : " The next feature in the very extraor- dinary speech of the right honourable gentleman, was the argument he used for the lenient application of our resolutions against Lord Melville, and the cir- cumstances on which this lenity is to be founded. Perhaps, in what I am now about to say, the right honourable gentleman may think me bitter and ran- corous ; but in spite of this, I feel myself called on to say, that I shall never sit in this House, and patiently hear these extravagant panegyrics on Lord Melville*s CHARLES JAMES FOX. 183 public conduct. I am at a loss where to find v/hat are the circumstances which are to incline us so power- fully to mercy. , What particular claims does he pos- sess to induce the House to pass over his aggravated offence with a comparatively trifling punishment? Is this motive to lenity to be found in the eagerness which his lordship has ever shown to heap up emolu- ments, and to systematize corruption ? Is it in the gift of the chamberiainship of Fife granted to his wife, with arrears to a vast amount, procured under false pretences ? Is it in procuring a year ago fifteen hundred a year in addition, not, sir, to the salary of first lord of the admiralty, for I know that is very in-' adequately paid, but in addition to his salary as lord privy seal for Scotland ; But, the right honourable gentleman lays great stress on his discovering no political or party partialities in the appointment of officers, either for the naval or military service. I deny, that there is the least merit in this supposed im- partiality. It is what every minister, whoever he be, is obliged to preserve an appearance of, as an open dereliction of it would be attended with instant dis- grace. Indeed, party distinctions were almost al- ways^from necessity, overlooked. But, I cannot hear the right honourable gentleman stating that the no- ble lord was free from party violence, without re- minding the House of one or two circumstances, which demonstrate the existence of party spirit in all its most intolerant and disgusting features. I shall mention one, sir, which fell within my own know- ledge, and which will fully illustrate my position. At a period of the late war, when the danger of invasion was supposed to be at the height, when offers of vol- 184 THE LIFE OF luntary service were eagerly accepted, a numerous and loyal body of men in Tavistock made a tender of their services. The tender vi^as refused by this self same moderate Lord Melville, on the sole ground, for no other could be alleged, that-the corps, when raised, was to be commanded by the late Duke of Bedford. It may perhaps be imagined, that my feel- ings at the recollection of the deceased are so strong as to hurry me into some degree of exaggeration j but I solemnly protest that I am stating the matter precisely as it happened. And yet, we are to hear of Lord Melville's moderation and perfect freedom fromi all party spirit. There is another circumstance,which also pretty strongly illustrates his lordship's forbear- ance and superiority to any of the workings of the angry passions. It is well known that the Dean of the Faculty of Advocates in Edinburgh is generally the most eminent person in the profession, and that it is seldom customary to interfere with him from any political considerations. Yet this mild and mode- i-ate Lord Melville actually did interfere, and by em- ploying all the influence of government against the Hon. Henry Erskine, a gentleman confessedly the most eminent at the Scotch bar, he was actually dis- possessed of a situation which he had many years held with the greatest honour and credit. So much, sir, for the boasted liberality of the noble lord, which we aie called on to look to for a motive to influence our decision. As to the favour bestowed on two no- ble lords, on which the right honourable gentleman (Mr. Cunning) rested so much stress, I entirely agree witii my honourable friend near me (Mr. Grey), in every one of his observations. The right honourable CHARLES JAMES FOX. 185 gentleman says, that my tM-o honourable Mends must possess Spartan virtue to be able to follow that line of accusation against the noble lord which they had pursued. If extraordinary exertions in virtue were required, I do not know any men in whom they would be more readily found than in my honourable friends. But I must beg leave to say, that they are under no obligations to the. noble lord for the defence he made of those relations, to whom they were na- turally so strongly attached. Sir Charles Grey and Sir John Jervis were selected for a very difficult ser- vice in the West Indies, which they performed with gallantry. Some misunderstanding, however, aris- ing, they returned, and a charge was preferred against them in this House. If I recollect right, there wci e three divisions on the subject, when the minority were successively thirteen, fourteen, and seventeen, and this was the formidable phalanx which the noble lord had so much merit in combating. I take it for grant- ed, that he believed the charge to be false ; and if he did believe it to be unfounded, what merit had he in defending the gallant officers ? It was no more than indispensable duty to those whom he had employed on a difficult service, which they executed M'itli promptitude, vigour, and success. If this be nitiril, it is impossible to say, how far the line of obligation may be extended. An honourable gentleman vinder the gallery (Mr. S. Thornton), has given a curious reason for voting for the resolutions on Mooday night, (the 8th) on which it is impossible for me not to make a few observations. He says, ihtit he voted for the motion, conceiving the noble lord guilty of a certain degree of negligence and inat- Q 2 186 \ THE LIFE or tention. I confess I am utterly astonished at sueh a declaration, after attending to the language of our resolution, that the noble lord had been guilty of a gross violation of an act of parliannent, and a high breach of duty. Surely, this heavy charge is not to be confounded with inattention and negli- gence. How the honorable member could have misunderstood them, is to me incomprehensible, as they were particularly objected to on the other side of the House. With respect to the resolutions, it appears to me that they complete the criminal part of the charge against the noble lord, and I am not at present for pressing any farther proceedings in that way. If the attorney-general is to proceed against him for refunding the money derived from the profits of money misapplied, this will be by civil and not by criminal action ; for recovery of money is always ranked among the civil actions. The same observation will apply to any action for recovering grants obtained under false pretences. — I have the less objection to press the motion in the mean time, on the grounds of the pledge which the right honorable gentleman (Mr. Pitt) has this night so distinctly given to the House. I find, after a careful examination, that during his Majesty's long reign, now a period of nearly forty-five years, only the Duke of Norfolk and myself have been dis- missed his Majesty's councils : and I assure you, sir, we want no such person as the noble lord to be our associate. I had almost forgotten Mr. Grat- tan, who had the like fortune in Ireland- None of us could, however, be proud of any connexion with such a man as Lord Melville has shown him- CHARLES JAMES FOX. 187 self to be throughout his whole career of life. I have said, I would not now press the motion to a discussion, but I should be grieved indeed to see the resolutions passed without being> followed by some lasting result. Such a work as that which we on Monday accomplished, must not be suffered to pass away unimproved. From one end of- the empire to the other the people will rejoice in the hope that a better system is about to be adopted, and we must not let their just expectations be dis- appointed. It is necessary for us, by making Lord Melville a signal mark of the vengeance of this House, to show the country that we are indeed their representatives — that we are determined equal- ly to Avatch over their property and their liberties. The public have received our work with the purest gratitude ; but is no part of this great work to be- long to the government ? Is his Majesty to have no opportunity of manifesting his paternal interest in the subject ? In what situation do we leave our so- vereign ? The people applaud us in the warmest terms. They say the House of Commons have taken up our cause against the whole host of contractors and peculators. The House of Lords may do the same ;- and shall not our beneficent sovereign have ^n opportuity of expressing the warm interest he takes in every plan of alleviating the burdens, and improving the condition of the people ? I admire this House as the corner stone of the constitution—- as the source of all reforms and improvements — as the balance by which the constitution is kept in pu- rity and vigour. But I do not vash to exclude the monarchy from its proper share in everybeneficent 188 THE LIFE OF work. I think our resolutions ought to be presented to the throne. Like us his Majesty has read the report, but he has not hitherto had an opportunity of expressing his feelings on the subject. I strongly impress this subject on the minds of ministers. They are bound to carry the resolutions to the throne. They owe it as a sacred duty to the king whom they serve.'* After a few more observations, Mr. Fox agreed to withdraw the motion, on an un- derstanding that the whole matter should afterwards be fully investigated. Though no one will attempt to deny that It is the duty of every man to bring public delinquents to punishment, yet many considered Mr. Fox's extra- ordinary zeal on this occasion as rather intemperate and ill-judged. Persons were not wanting to remind him that by peculations infinitely more culpable than those of which Lord Melville was accused, his own father. Lord Holland, had amassed princely wealth, and founded the fortunes of his family, and that consequently whatever he urged ir. reprehension of Lord Melville, was an indirect but equally severe censure on the conduct of his parent. This censure would undoubtedly have had more weight, and have come with a better grace, from the mouth of a man, who had not only clean hands himself, but whose predecessors had not disgraced themselves with practices similar to those which were the subject of such pointed reprobation. On the 12th of May, Mr. Fox introduced the subject of the petition of the Catholics of Ireland, which had before been presented by him, and in a long and elaborate speech pointed out to the House CHARLES JAMES FOX. 189 the propriety of going into a committee, with a view of redressing- the grievances of which they com- plained. Though the petition was thrown out by a great majority, yet a large portion of the empire was conciliated by the consideration that it was not destitute of powerful protection. During the summer of 1805, Mr. Pitt's pergonal credit had contributed towaixls a coalition between Russia and Austria, for the purpose of checking the domineering influence of France, and vindicating the violated liberdes of Europe. After a campaign, unexampled in the annals of warfare, the battle of Austerlitz was lost, the treaty of Fresburg was sign- ed, and on the 23d of January, 1806, Mr. Pitt, partly the victim ofhereditary disease, partly broken-heart- ed for the misfortunes of Europe, breathed forth his spirit, while the words — " Oh ! my country 1" died away in his expiring sigh. On the death of Mr. Pitt the conduct of Mr. Fox was thought deficient in generosity. When tlie mo- tion was made for public funeral honors to that dis- tinguished statesman, he certainly bore testimony to the virtues of Mr. Pitt, to his exalted patriotism, to his unsullied purity and integrity. He applauded his finance, reprobated his wars, voted against a pub- lic funeral and for the payment of iiis debts. The colleagues of Mr. Pitt found it impossible to maintain themselves in office with a sufficient strength of public approbation. They advised the King to commit his affairs into tlie hands of Lord Grenviile and his frienc's, and resigned their situa- tions. Lord Grenviile remained firm to his alliance, and his ISIajesty signified his willingness that Mr. 100 THE LIFE OF Fox and his friends should be comprehended in the new arrangement. Mr. Fox, by his own election, was appomted Secretary of State for Foreign Af- fairs, and a provision was made for the principal of those gentlemen who had so long acted in conjunc- tion with him. After an opposition of twenty-two years, Mr. Fox resumed the situation he had surrendered in 17.83. No sooner had he obtained the seals, than his mind reverted to what may be considered as the grand ob- ject of his life. He had from the beginning conceiv- ed that the war was ill-timed, and he determined, if possible, to put an honourable termination to it. As he had never used any intemperate language, or displayed any personal antipathy, the enemy could of course have no objection to such a mediator ; a nego- ciation was commenced, but he lived not to see the accomplisliment of his wislies. Though Mr.Fox manifested such an ardent love of peace, still he shewed a disposition that he would not submit to insult. Soon after he came into office the conduct of the King of Prussia excited general indig- nation. Not content with seizing Hanover, and claiming the sovereignty of that country, he excluded the British commerce not only from his own domi- nions, but also from every port which he could terrify or influence. The new minister published a spirited declaration, and at the same time adopted measures for blockading the Prussian ports, and intercepting their trade. When the King's message on this subject was taken into consideration on the 2 3d of April, Mr. Fox rose, and made an impressive speech, in which li CHARLES JAMES FOX. 191 appeared, for the first time, in the character of an ad- vocate for war : — " I am sure," said he, " the House will believe me, when I state the extreme unwillingness on the part of his Majesty to involve this country in war on ac- count of the electorate of Hanover; but at the same time I am certain that this House, and the country, must have seen, with feelings of the most marked in- dignation, the aggression on the pan of Prussia, and will readily acknowledge the propriety of adopting the most vigorous measures, where the honour of the Sovereign and of the country is so nearly concerned. This feeling of indignation I trust will be more strong- ly felt, when it is recollected how subservient Prussia has been, notwithstanding her interests and engage- ments to the contrary, to the policy and views of France in her unjust and unwarraiited encroachments. We shall be less scrupulous in this case to adopt the most vigorous and most determined measures, when we consider that the conduct of Prussia is not so much the result of her own inclinations, as the consequen- ces of the domineering power of France, the dictates of which she has hitherto followed too implicitly, till it has become dangerous, and almost impossible for her to resist the mandates and menacesof that over- grown povvcr. The papers his Majesty has been pleased to direct to be laid before the House on the subject are but few ; but they are quite sufficient to show the injustice of the aggression that has been made on Hanover on the part of Prussia, and hoir much Prussia in this case has acted under the influ- ence and controul of France. — Had the object been to show the wretched and mistaken policy of the court 192 THE LIFE Oi of Prussia during the whole of this contest, other pa- pers, besides those ahxady produced, might have been exhibited for the conviction and satisfaction of the House : but though this, in its full extent, was not the object of his Majesty's message, it will not be improper to take a view of tho conduct of that power anterior to her occupation of Hanover. " On a review o£ her vi^hole conduct, I am ready to declare, and I am persuaded that every man who hears me will feel the same conviction, that the conduct of that court has been the most unpre- cedented — unprecedented in the worst of govern- ments, and in the worst of times. The origin of this proceeding, is to be traced to the convention con- cKided at Vienna, on the 15th of December, be- tween Count Haugwitz and the French Emperor ; but when it is considered what was the situation of Prussia at the time its sovereign concluded that treaty with France, it must be recollected that its means of negociation were still greater than what it demised from its own resources or its own arniies. The armies of Prussia were undoubtedly nun^erous and respectable, but was it on them alone that the King of Prussia relied when he was negociating with France ? Certainly it was not. He had a strong ad- ditional support, which gave weight to his negocia- tions. The Emperor of Russia, after he had left Austeriitz, gave the whole direction of the Russian troops that remained in (^ermany to the command of the King of Prussia. This country too had promised him a powerful tissistance by pecuniary supplies^ if he snould he driven to a vv:r with France. Thes« I were the means he possessed of giving weight to his CHARLES JAMES FOX. 193 negociations ; and how did he apply those means ? Why> to seize a part of the territories of one of those powers which had been supporting him in that rank and situation which enabled him to conclude his treaty. " After this treaty was signed, a considerable diffi- culty remained in the execution of it. This difficul- ty proceeded in a great measure from the just scru- ples of the King of Prussia, who perceived that it would be very hard to prevail upon his Britannic Ma- jesty to ratify such a treaty, and who, therefore, felt that his title would be so bad as to make the acquisition of Hanover, under these circamstances, a poor equi- valent for those provinces that he was obliged to give up to France. He felt, besides, that upon no princi- ple of justice could he pretend to take it on other terms from those which France herself had held it on, and therefore, at first, he did not pretend to take Hanover absolutely, but with the power of restoring it. France, in the mean time, pressed for the ces- sion of Anspach and*Bayreuth. What then did the King of Prussia do ? Certainly he could not expect that the French government would be able to nego- ciate between him and his Britannic Majesty, that he should be allowed to retain Hanover, and therefore he finally resolved to seize it without the consent of his Majesty, and under the pretence of an equivalent for Anspach and Bayreuth, and those provinces which were ceded to France. " It cannot then be said that this treaty, and the proceedings which followed it, were altogether the effect of fear, for what was the necessity under Which his Prussian Majesty was placed ? Was it R 194 ^HE LIFE OF merely the necessity of ceding Anspach and Bay- reuth ? This might have been a considerable mis- fortune, yet it was one which might be justified by necessity. But the sort of necessity claimed by the King of Prussia is different. He says, * because I have lost Anspach and Bayreuth, I therefore feel myself under the necessity of seizing the dominions of some third power' — not only of a third power, but of one that, from all times, and by every circum- stance, he was bound to respect. This is the sort of necessity claimed by the Prussian court, and it is this which makes the case of Prussia much worse than that of any other nation in Europe. As for Spain, (I do not wish to revive the differences of opinion with respect to the Spanish war), but Spain, I say, would comply no farther with the wishes of our ene- mies, than by giving a sum of money. Holland and other powers have been, from terror, obliged to make cessions of territory to France, but no other power has been compelled by terror to commit robberies or spoliations on its neighbours. It is in this that the case of Prussia stands distinguished from that of all other nations. We cannot help looking, with some degree of pity and contempt, on a power that can allege that it is reduced to such a necessity. It would be in itself a considerable humiliation or degradation to Prussia, to be obliged to give up those provinces to which it was so much attached, and which had been called ' The Cradle of the House of Brandenburgh.' The degradation of this cession was still much increased by the conduct of the peo- ple of Anspach, who in treated their sovereign not to abandon them. Instead of lessening the ignominy CHARLES JAMES FOX. 195 of the cession, it was a great increase of dishonour to sell a brave and loyal people for what was called an equivalent : it was an union of every thing that was contemptible in servility with every thing that was odious in rapacity. " On the 26th of January an official letter was written from Baron Hardenberg to Mr. Jackson, expressly stating it to be the intention of his Prus- sian Majesty to take possession of Hanover only until the conclusion of peace between England and France. In the answer to that letter, his Majesty expresses his firm reliance on the declaration of his Prussian Majesty, but wishes the terms to be more explicit. The language that Prussia held at that time to our court, was the same she had then held to Russia, and every other court with which she was connected by the relations of friendship. Soon after this, the convention with France appeared, and then the court of Prussia wished to represent the measures taken with regard to Hanover as in a manner dictated by France. They wciuld have it supposed, that it was rather an object of French than of Prussian ambition, that they should be possessed of Hanover. At first they endeavoured to represent to the government of this country, that it was more for our interest that Hanover should be occupied by Prussian than by French troops, and their argument was this— ^ If we have it, the ports may be stiil open to your commerce, or at least your manufac- tures may have a passage through our territory.' This hope was, however, now entirely cut off, and M. D. Schulenberg, in his manifesto, professes to take the country as a present from France, whigh 196 THE LIFE OF she had won and held by the right of conquest. No example could be found in all the histories of war, and no mention had ever been made by the writers on the law of nations, of any power having a right to receive as a present a country occupied during a war by one of the belligerent powers, but not ceded by the other, The House must therefore see to what extremity we are now reduced. It would be idle to say that a war with Prussia would not be a clamity. It is impossible but that it must be a ca- lamity to this country to have the number of its enemies increased. It is also a painful consideration to think that there is no mode of returning this cala- mity on the aggressors, which will not in some de- gree fall also on neutral and friendly nations, and even on ourselves. The House will; however, feel that there are occasions in which a manifestation of our principles and of our resentment becomes ne- cessary, although attended with the calamities inse- parable from war. If such an outrage as this were passed over, might not Qveiy other nation in Europe, and particularly those who have less power to resist than Prussia, say to us, * we wish as much as you that the power of France could be restrained, but you see our situation and the great power of France, to which we are exposed. What are we to do ? If this question were put to me, I should answer that powers in that situation must save themselves as ^.vell as they can, and even make cessions if they are insisted upon. If Prussia should allege that she was in that state of comparative weakness that she was obliged to cede Anspach and Bayreuth ; how- ever his Majesty might lament the necessity, or the accession of strength his enemies derived from the CHARLES JAMES FOX. 197 acquisition, still he would not have attempted to oppose it, or make the slightest remonstrance on the occasion. But when that power shall say ' I am not only obliged to make cessions, but I am also obliged to make war with you,' then the question becomes very different, and his Majesty is under the necessity of considering it in a very different light. " Although I, for one, am not inclined to look very favourably on the present situation of this country, nor to feel so sanguinely as some other gentlemen, yet I think that upon the present occasion we should make a signal example of tlie court of Prussia ; and whatever principles theorists may lay down about re- storing the balance of Europe, I think we shall do more to restore the sound and true principles that ought to prevail in Europe, by showing the world, in this instance, that this country Vvill not abandon them herself, nor consent that they shall be departed from by other nations in their transactions with her. I consider that the power of the country consists in a great measure in the known justice of its principles, in its moderation and forbearance ; but if the court of Berlin choose to depart from the principles of justice, and to act hostilely to this country, it must take the consequence. I believe it has as yet gained nothing by its injustice. Hanover, desolated as it was first by French armies, and afterwards in a still greater de- gree by Prussian armies, can add little or nothing to the revenues of Prussia, neither can it in its present situation increase her military strength. The King of Prussia has been given a mere nominal pos- session of that country ; but so far from being strengthened by this present from France, he is only Pv 2 198 THE LliE Of the more vanquished and subdued. Austria was for- ced, by the fortune of war, to cede many of her pro- vinces ; but Austria has only ceded what was her own, and has never been the agent of injustice, or the vassal of rapacity. It will soon be seen how far the court of Prussia will be allowed to administer the con- cerns of Hanover, for it is somewhat remarkable, but a well known fact, that the French General Barbou has been sent to Hanover to superintend matters, and to see that things are so administered there, as may best suit the interests and future vieAvs of France. All fair argument, or even the shadow of it, has been set aside ; and it is notorious, that France has treated Prussia in a manner that she had perhaps a right to do, namely, as a degraded and abject vassal. His Majesty has in the plainest, most explicit, and strong- est terms, expressed his abhorrence of such unjusti- fiable and detestable proceedings ; and, in assuring his Majesty of our determination to support him against such unprovoked and unprincipled aggres- sions, we shall avoid the possibility of an imputation, that we could for a moment be capable of countenan- cing this odious mode of transferring the property and territory of one power to another. Gracious God ! is it to be borne, even in idea, that princes should think themselves justified in transferring the subjects of one power to another, as so many objects of mere convenience, and as we would do oxen for a field in the fair way of bargain and sale. I am sure there can be but one feeling on such a subject in this House, and therefore I had the greatest pleasure in sending a note to Baron Jacobi, in which I informed him, that his Majesty never would consent to trans- CHARLES JAMES FOX. 199 fer subjects who had ever shown themselves so warm- ly and inviolably attached to him, and to whom he felt himself bomid by so many ties of affection and grati- tude." Mr. Fox concluded his speech, which made great impression on the House, by moving, that an humble address be presented to his Majesty for his most gni- cious message ; assuring his Majesty that the House participated in his Majesty's paternal feelings in the loss of Hanover ; an event which could not be regard- ed with indifference, as deeply affecting the interests of this country also ; and assuring his Majesty that the House was ready to support his just and paternal claims.*' Those who can trace with an impartial eye the conduct of Mr. Fox from the commencement of his political career, must be thoroughly -convinced that consistency was not one of his qualities. Indeed, under a government so constituted as that of this kingdom, where the sovereign is under the neces- sity of resigning the management of affairs to that party which has the superiority in the senate of the nation, where of course the utmost exertions of the one are incessantly directed to the expulsion of the other from power, in order to seize the vacant places of authority and emolument, it would be a difficult task to point out the man who, whether in or out of office, has acted upon the same uniform principles. We shall not then be much surprised to find the conduct of Mr. Fox, the secretary of state, diametri- cally opposite to the professions of the Mr. Fox who courted popularity among the rabble of West- 200 THE LIFE OF minster or endeavoured to excite opposition to the minister of the day by factious declamation at the Crown and Anchor, the Shakspeare, or Free-ma- son's Tavern. He who in 1805, had been the strenuous advo- cate for the Catholics of Ireland, did not in 1806 absolutely refuse to fulfil the engagements to them in which he was involved ; but it was pleaded in his favour that it was not the time ; and it was insi- nuated, that when confirmed in office, he would not fail to do for them what he could not then ven- ture to attempt. He who in 1805, had so loudly called for condign punishment on Lord Melville for the alleged peculation of a few thousands of pounds, in 1806, threw every impediment in the way of an investigation of the conduct of Marquis Wellesley, accused, among other charges, of misapplying more than as many millions. He who had exerted all his faculties in condemning the income-tax imposed by Mr. Pitt, as founded in oppression and injustice, who declared that if it was carried, this country would not be a place for an honest man to live in, became the advocate of the abrupt increase of that tax from six to ten per cent, and was not ashamed to declare that " its operation was to be arrested only when it would occasion a want of the necessa- ries of life." He who had formerly inculcated with such force the necessity of a rigid economy in the expenditure of the public money, who had stood forth as the bulwark of the people against the grow- ing influence of the crown, now lent his support to measures which he would then have execrated. It cannot be denied that this dereliction of many CHARLES JAMES FOX. 201 of those principles in support of which he had once clamored so loudly, began to diminish his popula- rity. An expedient to which he resorted, soon after his accession to office, was not calculated to exalt his character in the estimation of those who had the real interest of their country at heart. A pamphlet, entitled An Inquiry into the State of the Nation, made its appearance, and the public was given to understand that it was the production of Lord Holland's pen, under the immediale direction of Mr. Fox. In this performance it was insinuated that the nation was reduced to such extremity that no peace with Buonaparte, however disadvantageous and ignominious ought to be unacceptable. Though this publication was equally discreditable to the ta- lents and candor of the new ministry, though abroad it tended to detach all our allies from our side, and to inculcate the doctrine of universal submission to the ruler of France, yet it had the desired effect on ma- ny persons of weak minds at home, where it was tricked out in all the authority of a ministerial ma- nifesto. With regard to the abolition of the slave trade, "vvhich was no pa:rty measure, Mr. Fox's conduct was ever consistent. We have seen that on the first agi- tation of the question, he attacked that traffic with all the powers of his eloquence, and gave his strenuous support to every endeavour to suppress it. The same disposition he manifested when in power. On the 10th of June he introduced this subject to the at- tention of the House. He said that fifteen or sixteen years ago, the question of the abolition of the slave U-ade had been brought forward by an Hon. Gentle- 202 THE LIFE OF man (Mr. Wilberforce) and he should have willingly left it in his hands, had he understood that Hon. Gen- tleman to have liad it in his contemplation to make any motion on the subject in the course of the present session. He therefore had undertaken the business, and should the motion be carried, ^^ith which he meant to conclude, all the time he had spent in Par- liament, now between thirty and forty years, he should think well bestowed. Whatever differences of opi- nion led to impede the measure of abolition; yet, with regard to the opinion of the House, it was not unani- mous, but as near unanimity as possible. Not only such was the general sentiment, but it was incontes- tibly proved by the resolutions of the House, that the slave trade was contrary to the principles of justice, humanity, and sound policy. The Right Hon. Gen- tleman then quoted the great authority of Mr. Burke, in support of his argument, and then dwelt most for- cibly on the cruelty and injustice of this infamous and degrading traffic, pointing out the various artifices by which the unhappy natives of Africa were entrapped. He then aHuded to the conduct of Mr. Pitt and Lord Sidmouth, while in their respective administrations. The first supported an immediate abolition ; and the latter, though he only wished it gradually abolished, nevertheless entertained the most complete abhor- rence of so detestable a trade. It was a long time since the first resolution had been agreed to, declaring that the trade should expire in 1 800, and we were now in the middle of 1806, and yet no step had been taken to put an end to this most degrading commerce. It would, he apprehended, be impossible for a bill of abo- lition to be passed by both Houses in the present ses- CHARLES JAMES FOX. 203 sion, though there could be no doubt of the justice and policy of a bill of that description being introduc- ed. He then, at some length, detailed the object of the resolution he intended to move, and enlarged upon the urgency and expediency of agreeing to it as an intermediate step to the total abolition of the most infamous traffic that had ever degraced humanity. Mr. Fox concluded, with moving the following reso- lution : — ." That this House, conceiving the African Slave Trade to be contrary to the principles of justice, humanity, and sound policy, will, with all practical expedition, take effectual measures for abolishing the said trade, in such period, as may be deemed most desirable." This motion was, as usual, opposed by the members for Liverpool, and a few others interested in the traf- fic ; but it was supported by Mr. Wilberforce and all the members of administration, and carried by 114 against 15. This v/as nearly the last time that Mr. Fox deliv- ered his sentiments on any public measure, his atten- dance on his parliamentary duty being interrupted by the rapid decline of his health. The symptoms of the disease which proved fatal to him, began to manifest themselves before the con- clusion of the year 1805. Being on a visit to a no- bleman in the country, in the month of December, Mr. Fox found himself so indisposed, that he was unable to take either the same exercise or the same divertions as formerly. His friends observed the change, with a presentiment of the consequences; he himself was not blind to his progressively advancing weakness, and was conscious that he should not live 204 THE LIFE OF long. At this period one of his friends having ap- plied to him for his concurrence and support in an affair of some importance, Mr. Fox returned this answer : " My life has been active beyond my strength, I had almost said my duty. If I have not acted much, you will allow that I have spoken much, and I have felt more than I have either acted or spok- ,en. My constitution has sunk under it. I find my- self unequal to the business on which you have writ- ten ; it must be left to younger men." At this time Mr. Fox was confined for several days to his bed. His legs swelled, and he took large doses of decoction of the woods, under the idea that his disorder was the scurvy. One peculiarity belonging to Mr. Fox was, that he had formed in his own mind a kind of philosophic theory of medi- cine, referring disease of every kind to two causes, impurity of the blood, and the habit of the stomach. He seldom consulted a physician, prescribing for himself, and even mixing his own medicines. Rhu- barb and vegetable decoctions were his favourite inedicines ; and his annual bill for drugs amounted to a considerable sum. He now entered on a course of medicine for the scurvy, and by this treatment probably contributed to aggravate his real disease, which was the dropsy,^ In this state he returned to town early in January. The activity occasioned by the important aspect of political affairs, just before the dissolution of Mr. Pitt, banis!ied from Mr. Fox all sense of his weak- ness. Once, however, he employed this remark- able expression — " Pitt has died in January — per- haps I may go off before June." A gentleman who CHARLES JAMES F®X. 205 was in company with him, having made some ob- servation in reply — " Nay," said Mr. Fox, " I begin to think my complaint not unlike Pitt's ; my sto- mach has been long discomposed ; I feel my consti- tution dissolving." The interval between the death of Mr. Pitt and the appointment of the new administration, was to Mr. Fox a period of great vexation and anxiety. His health suffered severely^ his appetite sensibly decreased, and his legs alternately swelled, and be- came reduced. While in action he seemed per- fectly well, but scarcely was he seated, when he was seized with a sickishness of the stomach, from which no medicine could relieve him. He refused medical advice, imputing these alarming symptons to tem- porary anxiety, that would subside with the cause from which they originated. This state of health continued through the month of March, when his friends were convinced, that he was breaking fast. Still he i^isisted that his disease was only a tempx)rary habit, and as he happened in May to recover an interval of strength,^ that cir- cumstance tended to confirm him in his error. The symptoms, however, soon returned with redoubled violence, and a physician being called in, he was pronounced .at the latter end of June, in a rapid state of decay. It was the beginning of July before his disease was completely ascertained. The symptoms were no longer doubtful, the lethargy became alarm- ing, and the tumors daily increased. All efforts to discharge the water by the natural process fail- ing, a consultation was held on the 29th of Julvi S 206 , THE LIFE OF when it was agreed to try the operation of another powerful medicine, and it it failed of an immediate diuretic effect, that he should be tapped as the only- remaining resource. ^ The medicine failed ; Mr. Fox swelled in a most alarming manner, and, con- vinced of the necessity of tapping, he requested that it might no longer be delayed.' The operation was performed on the 7th of August ; the quantity taken from him was about five gallons. The weakness which succeeded, was such as to excite a general alarm that he would not survive it ; he was long speechless, and that at the moment when thp public prints represented him all gaiety and spirits. His state continued very doubt- ful till the night of the 10th, when he again began to- recover strength. He now breakfasted with one or two of his more intimate friends by his be3-side, and conversed with them as long as his physicians permitted. During one of these morning' conversations Mr. Fox first expressed his conviction that his disease would terminate fatally. A nobleman who was present, had been saying, that he had made a party for Christmas in tlie country, and had taken the liberty to include Mr. Fox in it without his know- ledge. " But it will be a new scene. Sir," added he, " and I think you will approve of it." — " I shall indeed be in a new scene by Christmas next," re- plied Mr. Fox. " My lord," continued he, " what do you think of the state of the soul after death r" — Apparently confounded by the unexpected turn which Mr. Fox had given to the conversation, his lordshi|3 made no reply. Mr. Fox proceeded — ■ CHARLES JAMES FOX. 207 ^ That it is immortal, I am convinced. The exist- ence of the Diety is a proof that spirit exists ; why not therefore the soul of man? And if such an essence as the soul exists, by its nature it may exist for ever. I should have believed in the immortality of the soul, though Christianity had never existed; but how it acts as separated from the body, is beyond my capacity of judgment. This, however, I shall know by next Christmas." Mrs. Fox took his hand and Wept. " I am happy," said he, with great emo- tion, " full of confidence — ^I may say of certainty." So early as the middle of July the physicians in- formed Lord Holland that it was not reasonable to expect any favourable termination. His relatives, however, from anxious affection^ endeavoured to de- rive hopes even from the most equivocal circum- stances, when, on the 20th of August he fell into a long lethargy, and on the following day the return of the water was evident. From this period Mr. Fox himself never encouraged any hope bu<, gradual- ly prepared himself for the awful event, of which, it was evident, he thought most seriously. On the 25th, the physicians unable to check the accumulation of water, or to procure any evacuation for it, announced to Mr. Fox that it would be necessa- ry to tap him again. " I know"" said he, " that I cannot survive this general dissolution of my consti- tution.' Tell me how long you think I may live ; I do not ask you if my recovery is even possible." He was told that some instances had occurred. " Never," replied Mr. Fox, " at my peyiod of life, and with my constitution. I entreat you to inform me how long you think I can remain in my present state." The 208 THE LIFE OF physicians consulted togetller, but were still silent. " I will consent to be tapped," continued Mr. Fox, " but on the express condition that I shall be previ- ously removed to St. Ann's Hill. It is nearest to my heart to breathe my last there." Such, however, was his weakness, that the physicians unanimously declared his removal impossible. At a subsequent consultation on the same day, they agreed to comply with his wish so far, that he should be removed to the Duke of Devonshire's house, at Chiswick, as part of the way to St. Ann's Hill, in the hope, that, when the water was again discharged, the change of air might operate favourably on his stomach. He was accordingly removed to Chiswick on the 27th of August, but was so weak that the physicians were obliged to defer the tapping for four days, and even then it was judged necessary to stop before all the water was drawn off. Three days afterwards the operation was completed, a new course of medicine was tried, and for a short time he appeared to recover health and spirits. His friends, sanguine to the last, indulged hopes which however quiekly vanished. On the evening of the 7th of September, his physicians perceived the symptoms of approaching dissolution, which they no- tified to Lord Holland, but Mrs. Fox was not made acquainted with it till the following day. The .symp- toms had increased so much in violence, that it was decided to inform Mr. Fox that he would probably not survive twenty-four hours, and that his recovery, or the continuance of his life for fourteen days, was not within the possibility of things. " " God's will be done," replied Mr. Fox-—" I have lived long enough, CHARLES JAMES FOX. 209 and shall die happy." Lord Holland now entered, Mr. Fox opened his hand, which his nephew grasped, unable to repress his tears. — " My dear, my beloved nephew," exclaimed he, with great emotion. Mrs. Fox, supported by Lady Holland, and Lady Elizabeth Foster, now entered, and the scene of distress which ensued was past description. No one expected Mr. Fox to have survived the night. He remained, however, in the same state till towards the morning of the 10th, when it was again announced that he could not live over the day. All the symptoms of immediate dissolution manifested themselves, and such v/as his situation till the morn- ing of the following day. The change v/hich took, place on the 1 1th was sur- prising ; in those who had not been accustomed to the bed of death, it excited the most lively hopes ; and some indignation was even felt against the physicians for their coldness, and the little value they attached to these appearances. Early in the morning of the 12th, the former fatal symptoms returned, and it was a third time announ- ced to Mr. Fox that he could not live many hours. His friends again took leave of him. They were about to retire,, but Mr. Fox waved them back again, and manifested signs of impatience, when the physi- cians advised them to withdraw. He was able to speak at intervals ; and when Lord Henry Petty ap- proached his bed, he said, ^» This is all in the course of nature. I am happy. Your labour is difncult — do not despair." Mr. Fox would have proceeded, but his lordship, unable to repress his emotions, retired, by the desire of the physicians, to another part of the S 2 210 THE LIFE OF room. Mrs. Fox was fixed motionless with grief; when a sudden burst of tears defeated ail her precau- tion. Mr. Fox, who had hold of her hand, though his back was turned towards her, raised his head.— " Do not, do not,*' said he, with a piteous look. He was now much exhausted, and fell into a kind of stu- por. In the evening his friends were again admit- ted. Lord Holland and Mrs. Fox seemed to engage almost all his attention : he spoke to them at inter- vals, but finding himself exhausted, he put the hand of Mrs. Fox into that of Lord Holland, and seemed solemnly to impose a silent blessing, by raising his own, and suffering it to descend gently on tlie united hands of his wife and nephew. It was evident on the morning of the 1 3th that he was approaching nearer his end. By signs and half- words he again desired the presence of his friends. About noon they approached his bed, when he made a sign for the hands of Mrs. Fox and Lord Holland, which he again united, silently blessing them, with the same slow descent of his hand as the preceding day. This he repeated three times, and then en- deavoured to turn himself, his back being towards them, and only his head raised. Being too weak for the effort, Mrs. Fox and Lord Holland went round to the other side of the bed, when he pronounced the last words he was able to articulate : " God bless you, bless you, and you all. I die happy — I pity you." He now fell into a stupor, from v, hich he recovered about three o'clock, and looked for a moment fully upon all in the room, but hung particularly on the countenances of Lord Holland and Mrs. Fox. He then closed his eyes never to open them again, and CHARLES JAMES FOX. 211 expired about twenty minutes before six o'clock in the evening. i Thus died Mr. Fox, in less than eight months after his illustrious rival. It may be remarked that the expiring words of these t\^o great men were strongly characteristic of the, disposition of their minds. Mr. Pitt, whose ex liled soul was wholly absorbed in anxiety for the future fortune of that empire, the reins of which ])e I^id directed with such ability and integrity, breathed forth his last sigh, while the exclamation of the virtuous Roman-— " Oh ! my country 1"— died away on his quivering lips. " I die happy, but I pity you," — said Mr. Fox, in whose nature was blended a greater portion of those tender sympatliies which render the heart deeply sensible to the charms of social and domes- tic life. In the one, the love of country was para- mount to every earthly consideration, in the other, the love of those objects to whom he was attached by the bonds of friendship and the ties of blood. The remains of Mr. Fox were removed from Chiswick to the house recently occupied by him in the Stable-yard, St. James's, previous to his funeral, which took place on the 10th of October, the anni- versary of his first election for Westminster, which had been regularly celebrated for twenty-four years. It was the intention of the Prince of Wales to assist at the solemnity, but this design he relinquish.ed on receiving an intimation, that the attendance of any branch of the royal £imily at a private funeral was contrary to the established etiquette. On the morning of the 10th, the remains of Mr. Fox lay hi state for the gratification of his numerous 212 THE LIFE OF friends, who assembled to pay the last tribute of re- spect to his memory. The room was hung with black, large lighted tapers were placed on each side of the coffin, on which were displayed the banners that were afterwards carried in the procession. A car had been purposely constructed for the con- veyance of the body to its final resting-place in Westminster Abbey. It was considerably larger than that employed in the funeral of the heroic Nel- son, and was twenty- seven feet in height. The shape was an oblong square, with a platform about seven feet from the ground, and raised towards the centre by five steps, upon which the body was laid. Thedome, of a semi-circular form, was supported by four pillars, and covered with the richest black velvet drapery, trimmed with deep black silk fringe. The. drapery round the platform nearly touched the ground, so as entirely to conceal the wheels ; this was looped up by roses of black velvet, fastened by silk cords and rich tassels. The pillars were covered with black velvet drapery, festooned in the most taste- ful style, and looped by silk cords, and tassels. The dome was covered with a quantity of the finest plumes of black ostrich feathers. Near five hundred yards of velvet were used in the decorations of this superb carriage, which required no superfluous orna- ments to add to its grandeur and solemnity, and there- fore all additional decorations, such as escutcb.eons, were omitted ; and the effect was doubly grand, aw- ful and solemn. From an early hour in the- morning the streets through which the procession was to pass were great- ly crowded, and for several hours previous to its com- CHARLES JAMES FOX. 213 mencement, the windows, balconies, and tops of the houses about St. James's, Pall Mall, Charing Cross, Whitehall, and thence to Westminster Abbey, were fully occupied, The streets leading into this line were blocked by a' temporary railing, behind which were drawn up vehicles of various descriptions filled with spectators. Several detachments of the Horse Guards were stationed at the different avenues to prevent interruption from carriages, while others tra- versed the streets to preserve order and regularity. The line of procession was kept by several corps of volunteers, assistedby some detachments of the Foot Guards and Veteran battalion. About two o'clock the procession commenced in the following order : The Westminster Volunteer Cavalry. The Junior Officers in front with trumpets ; the Cornmand> ing Officer in the rear. Six Marshalmen, two and two-, With black scarfs, hatbands and gloves. Mr. Marryon, High Constable of Westminster, mounted era a black liorse, Witli his staff of office, black scarf, hatband, &c. Six Conductors, on foot. Carrying white staves, with hatbands, Sec. Fifty-seven poor men. Being the number of years composing the age of the deceased, in mourning cloaks, With a badge of his crest, hatbands, &c. Arthur Morris, Esq. High BaiUff of Westminster, mounted on a white horse. With black scarf, hatband, &c. supported by twoMarshalmen, With staves of office, hatbands, &c 214 THE LIFE OF Six Marsh almen, two and two, as before. Two Conductors, on foot. With black staves, &.C. as before. One hundred and seventy-six Gentlemen, Electors of Wes1|- minster,> &c. in mourning cloaks, hatbands, &c. walking four and four. Deputation from the Country. Sixty-four gentlemen. In mourning cloaks, hatbands, &.c. four and four. Black Standard Banner, Carried by a gentleman on foot, with scarf, hatband, ko^ supported by two gentlemen, with scarfs, &c. Members of the Whig Club, One Hundred and Fifty in black mourning cloaks, hatbandsj &c. walking three and three. Ninety-six in black silk scarfs, hatbands, and gloves, foUr and four. Five Gentlemen of the Household, Five Grooms, and other inferior Servants of the deceased, In deep mourning, with black crape hatbands, walking t\\\ and two. Physicians and Medical Gentlemen, With black silk scarfs, hatbands. Sec. in two mourning coaches, with six horses each'. Eight Physicians and Medical Gentlemen, On foot, with black silk scarfs, hatbands, &c. ' Among whom were — Doctors Vaughan and Mosety, and Surgeon Cline. Divines in their Canonicals, &c. Seven in their gowns, &c. with scarfs and hatbands, in two mourning coaches, drawn by six horses each. Among whom wer^ — Dr. Parr, and Dr. Baine, Master of the Charter House CHARLES JAMES FOX. 215 Twenty Divines on foot. In scarfs, hatbands, &c. two and two. Singing Boys of the Chapel Royal, Eighteen, in their full dress of scarlet and gold, with cocked hats, black silk scarfs, hatbands, &c. Two Mutes on Horseback, Carrying staves, covered with black silk, black cloaks, silk hatbands, &c. State Plume of Black Ostricli Feathers, with Velvet Falls, Carried by two men, with black silk scarfs, hatbands, and gloves, supported by two pages, with black wands, witli gilt heads, scarfs, hatbands, &c. Two Mutes on Horseback, Carrying staves, with scarfs, &c, as before. Two Men on Horseback, As conductors, in mourning cloaks, with black silk hat- bands, &c. '^ The Great Banner, (Representing the Arms of the deceased, quartered with those of the United Kingdom, to denote that he was one of the chief Secretaries of State of his Majesty,) carried by an Officer of the Herald's Office, supported by two Gentlemen in mourning, with black silk scarfs, hatbands, &c. Two Horsemen, In cloaks, &c. as before. Two Bannerols, With the Arms and Crest of the deceased, on a white ground, trimmed with black and white fringe, and car- ried by two gentlemen on horseback, with black silk scarfs, hatbands, &c. Two Horsemen, With cloaks, &c. as before. Two Bannerols, . The same as before, with very little variation, carried by Gentlemen as before. 216 THE LIfE OF Two Horsemen, With cloaks, he. as before. The Crest of the deceased. Carried on a black velvet cushion, by a gentlerhan of the Herald's Office, on horseback, uncovered, led by two grooms, in deep moiu-nlng-, with black silk scarfs, hat- bands, &.C. The horse covered with black velvet trap- pings, trimmed with deep black silk fringe, and ornament- ed by escutcheons of the arms of the desceased. THE BODY, In a coffin covered with black velvet, richly mounted in gilt furniture ; carried in a hearse, drawn by six black horses, led .by grooms of noblemen, in deep mourning, with black silk scarfs, hatbands, &c. attended by six pages on each side, also in deep mourning, with trunche- ons, blapk silk scarfs, hatbands, &c. Six Noblemen, Pall-bearers : The Lord Chancellor, the Duke of Norfolk, the Duke of Devonshire, the Earl of Thanet, the Earl of Carlisle, the Earl of Albermarle, in full dress mourning, with black silk scarfs, hatbands, &c. in tv/o mourning coaches, drawn by six state black horses each. The Chief Mourner, Lord Holland, With a train cloak, supported by two noblemen (the Earl Fitz William and Viscount Ho wick,) with black silk scarfs, hatbands, &c, in a mourning" coach, with six state horses. Train-bearers to the Chief MoiU'ner, Mr. Trotter, (Mr. Fox's private Secretary, Nephew of the late Bishop of Down, a most intimate friend of the deceased.) With black silk scarf, hatband, &c. in a mounting coach -with four horses. The twenty Noblemen and Gentlemen Directors, Part in mourning coaches, and part walking two and two. Among whom were — The Attorney and Solicitor General, the Master of the Rolls in Ireland, (the Right Hon. John CHARLES JAMES POX.. 217 Phllpot Curran), Lord William Russel, Earl Cowper, Lord R. Spencer, Lord John 'I'ownsend, Messrs. Byng-, Whitbread, Adam, Sheridan, &c. &c. 8cc. ^ A small Black Banner, With the arms of the deceased, caiTiedby a gentleman on foot, with black silk scarf, hatband, 8cc. Peers, Mourners, With black silk scarfs, hatbands, &c. two and two. Among whom were — Marquisses Tavistock, and Head- fort — ^Earls of Besborough, Thanet, Carysfort, Suffolk, Cholmondeley, and Jersey — Viscounts Melbourne, Sid- mouth, he. &c. Sons of Peers, Mourners. Earl Percy, Lords Stanley, St. John, Ossulstone, G. Caven- dish, Petre, four Ponsonbys, sons of Lord Ponsouby, &.c. &c. with scarfs, &,c. as above. Members of the House of Commons, With black silk scarfs, hatbands, &c. two and two. Banners of Emblems, (Representing Britannia lamenting the loss of the deceased, with the Lion and Shield at her feet, shaded by a willow) carried by a gentleman en horseback, with black scai-f, hatband, 8cc. supported by two gentlemen on foot with scarfs, &c. The Carriage of the Deceased, Drawn by four horses, with three servants, in deep mourn- ing*, scarfs, hatbands, &c. behind. State and other Carriages : Lord Holland's, and four, servants in deep mourning, tliree footmen beliiud— Lord Henry Petty's, servants with black silk hatbands, &c. — Lord Ellenborough's, as before — Lord Grenville's, as before — Earl Percy's, as before — Earl Fitzwilliam's, as before — Earl Bcsborough's, and six, with three footmen, black silk hatbands, &c. in state liveries — the Dake of Devonshire's, and six, servants in mourning, 8cc.— Duke of Norfolk's, as before— Lord ViU T 218 THE LIFE 01 llers's, as before — Lord Chancellor's, and four, as before — Sir John Aubrey's, as before — Sir John Throckmor- ton's, as before — Mr. Adam's — Lord Moira's — Earl Cow- per's — Earl Jersey's— Earl Tlianet's — Lord William Rus- sel's — Earl Fitzwilliam's — Earl Cholmondeley's — Lord G Cavendish's — Lord Petre's — Earl of Albemarle's — Earl of Carlisle's — Earl Spencer's — Viscount Sidmouth's — Lord John Townsend's — Viscount Howick's — Mr. Whit- bread's — Mr. Sheridan's — Mr. Alderman Combe's — Mr. Jervoise's — Mr. Home's — Mr. Langley's — Mr. Glover's — Mr. Lucie's — Mr. E. Bouverie's — the Marquis of Tavis- tock's — Marquis of Headfort's — Lord Stanley's — General Fitzpatrick's — amounting to upwards of forty cai-riages From the multitude of people who crowded about the palace, a great mimber of noblemen's and gen- tlemen's carriages were not able to fall into the pro- cession, and for the same reason, the carriages which did join, were obliged to take their place promiscu- ously, without regard to rank. As the procession passed Carleton House, a full band of music, to the number of thirty, ranged there for the purpose, played the Dead March in Saul, and other solemn music, which produced the most impressive effect. On their arrival at the east end of Westminster Abbey, the several noblemen and gentlemen, who were before in carriages, alighted, and the body be- ing removed from the hearse, the whole procession passed in regular order, on foot, through the narrow passage between the Abbey and St. Margaret's Church, taking a sweep through the Sanctuary, and entering at the great v/estern gate, where the pre- CHARLES JAMES FOX. 219' bend and clergy of Westminster, preceded by the tjentlemen of the choir, attended to receive them. Within the Abbey the St. Margaret's and St. John's Volunteers were stationed on each side of the principal aisle. It was near four o'clock when the procession began to enter, when the organ and the choir cammenced Dr. Croft's funeral service, with the anthem : " I am the resurrection of the life," £cc. The solemnity of the scene made a deep im- pression on those who had enjoyed the particular friendship of the deceased statesman. The funeral service was read by the Rev. Dr. Ireland, one of the prebends of the cathedral, and at the grave the choir sung Purcell's burial service— Mzw that is born of a woman^ Iffc. About half past four the coffin was deposited in the grave formed for the purpose about eight feet in depth, and exactly opposite the monu- •ment of the illustrious Chatham. In person, Mr. Fox was about the middling size, and of late years he had become very corpulent and unwieldy. His features, which were strongly mark- ed, exhibited an appearance of shrewdness and abili- ty, and his eye, in the midst of a debate or of an interesting conversation, was uncommonly animated. His face and figure will be long recollected ; his bust has been repeatedly carved in marble by the chisel of Nollekens, who is said to have executed up-wards of thirty. The pencil was likewise employed in transmitting his resemblance to posterity, no portrait having been painted so often. No man was ever more ready to bestow praise ou others than Mr. Fox, and in return he has himself been gratified with the homage of many disting;uish- 220 "THE LIFE OF ed persons of the present age. The great lexicogra- pher, although pensioned by the king, and unfriend- ly to his principles, avowed his attachment to his per- son and his admiration of his genius; his schoolfel- low, the Earl of Carlisle, hailed the dawning talents of his youth ; the classic pen of Dr. Parr offered a sincere tribute to the brilliancy of maturer years ; the Duchess of Devonshire, surrounded by the Loves and the Graces, hailed him as the brightest ornament of his age ; while the late Duke of Bedford installed his bust in the unfinished Temple at Woburn, which he had dedicated to Liberty, and on his death-bed, requested of his successor that it might be complet- ed for its reception. Underneath this bust are in- scribed the following verses from the pen of the Duchess of Devonshire J '' Here, *midst the friends he lov'd, the man behold 5 in truth unshaken, and in virtue bold : Whose patriot zeal and uncorrupted mind Dar'd to assert the freedom of mankiwd ; And, whilst extending desolation far. Ambition spread the baleful flames of war ; Fearless of blame, and eloquent to save, 'Twas he — 'twas Fox, the warning- comisel gave i "A'lidst jarring' conflicts stemm'd the tide of blood. And to the menac'd world a sea-mark stood ! Oh I had his voice in mercy's cause prevail'd, V/liat gTatefal miliions had the statesman hail'd : Wliose wisdom made the broils of nations cease. And taught the world liumanlty and peace ! But tho' he fail'd, succeeding ages here The vain, yet pious, effort shall revere, Boast in their annals his illustrious name. Uphold his g'reatness and confirm his fame.'* CHARLES JAMES FOX, 221 It is on the talents displayed by Mr. Fox as an orator that his future fame will be principally found- ed. To assist the reader in forming a just estimate of his merits in the characterof a senator and a states- man, we shall take the liberty of transcribing- the ob- servations of a respectable journalist, which evince equal soundness of judgment and impartiality. — " As an orator, Mr. Fox deservedly possessed a most pro- minent rank amongst the ornaments of the British Senate.. With powers of mind of the very first or- der, and habits of thought and reflection of the most profound description, it was impossible for him, while he mixed in public affairs, not to establish an ascen- dancy in every discussion respecting them. Accord- ing we have seen him, on every such occasion, with the exception only of his ill-judged secession from parliament, taking the foremost ground, in opposing the measures and policy of that truly great minister, and transcendant statesman, the late Mr. Pitt. — Whilst the minor members of his party wxre em- ployed in skirmishing, or making feeble attacks on the out-works, Mr. Fox uniformly assailed the citadel. He disdained to enter the lists against any adversary, but the great leader of his opponents, whilst he re- mained to be encountered. The object of his attacks, however, was too firmly intrenched on the advanta- geous grounds of policy and pati ioiism, to allow any serious impression to be made upon lum. But if Mr. Fox failed in his hostile operationsj he was never dis- graced by his defeat. Though we could not approve the cause, we could not withhold our admiration of the ability with which it was uniformly supported. The extent of his knowledge and the fecundity of his T 2 222 THE LIFE OF mind enabled Mr. Fox, whenever it suited his views, to swell trifles to consequence, and to enhance even the magnitude of important questions. He was gift- ed wdth a force of sagacity, that enabled him instant- ly to comprehend the most multiplied details, to ana- lyze the most complicated arguments, and to redute the most refined and elaborate positions to the stand- ard of first principles. Always animated himself, he never failed to animate others. Unambitious of the melody of sounds, or the decorative embellishments of polished language, he studied only the lucid expo- sition of his matter, and the precision and force of his reasoning were principally directed to guide the judg- ment, and inform the understanding. He neglected, we think culpably neglected, that most essential re- quisite of a finished orator — fluent, copious, and cor- rect diction. Attentive only to his matter, he was of- ten betrayed into solecisms of language, and violations of grammatical accuracy, that were unpardonable in a leading public speaker. In this respect he was infi- nitely below his great and illustrious rival. While we could discern in him ail the characters of a vigo- rous and active mind, we had always to regret the ab- sence of those exterior graces that uniformly accom- panied and enriched the fine powers of his adversary, enhancing their influence without diminishing their strength. Mr. Fox, as a speaker, might be compar- ed to the rough but masterly specimen of the sculp- tor's art ; ' Mr. Pitt to the exquisitely finished statue. The former wanted a polish to render him perfect ; the latter possessed, in a transcendant degree, every requisite of an accomplished orator. The force of Mr. Fox's reasoning flafihed like lightning upon the CHARLES JAMES FOX. 223 minds of his hearers ; the thunder of Mr. Pitt's elo- quence gave irresistible effect to his powerful and con- vincing arguments. Though Mr. Fox's reasoning- was always cogent, and occasionally conclusive in the detail, it was frequently defective in point of arrange- ment for establishing his general conclusion. Like the lightning, to which we have compared it, many numberless distinct flashes succeeded each other in rapid order, without producing any impression cor- respondent either to their number or their individual force. Bursting, in frequent but often unconnected succession, from his fertile mind, they electrified when they did not convince, and always left a sense of ad- miration at their acuteness and splendour, even when their light was eclipsed in the glare of subsequent flaslies. Mr. Pitt's eloquence, on the contrary, pro-^ ceeded with all the m.ajesty of sound, and all the force of fire ; uniting the rapidity of the flash with the aw- ful solemnity of the peal, it enveloped his auditors in the light of conviction, and made the impression inde- lible by the irresistible energy with which it was urg- ed. Perhaps the world never produced, at any one period, two individuals so eminently superior to their contemporaries, so peculiarly calculated to be mutual rivals. It was in their collision with each other that their peculiar perfections were brought to light.^ Had they commenced and continued their political career on the same side, neither would, perhaps, have attained the eminence which both acquired. The planets shine with more lustre in opposition than in conjunction. If either were the sun, we should not hesitate to say (und we are sure no impartial mind will deny) it was Mr. Pitt. Mr. Fox was unquestion- 224 THE LIFE OF ably a great luminary, the centre of a comprehen- sive system, giving light and heat to a number of se- condary bodies; The great sun, however, of British statesmen, set with the late premier. The time and lustre of that great statesman's appearance .bove our political horizon will ever be remembered with pride by his grateful countrymen. And what must highly aggravate the loss which Britain has to deplore in the death of Mr. Fox, is the reflection, that two such eminent men have, at such a crisis, been snatched away from its service within so short a period." To appreciate fully the merits of Mr. Fo:?c as a statesman, must he the work of time, and wiil be the province of the future historian. To estimate them by the sentiments he entertained while a leader of opposition, would be to deprive him of all credit from his conduct after he came into office. In his minis- terial capacity he gave repeated demonstrations of that enlarged spirit of policy, that comprehensive and commanding scale of combination which uniformly belong to a great statesman ; but we have had no proof that his actions strictly corresponded with the sentiments he expressed, — Notwithstanding the pa- triotic declarations he occasionajly made, there was great reason to apprehend that he was inclined .to of- fer more sacrifices at the shrine of peace than could be considered consistent with the honour, the inter- est, or the safety of the country. However politicians may differ with respect to the value and extent of his qualifications for the office of a pruicipal minister of state, all must concur in ad- miration of the rtire and cultivated powers ot his mind, the quickness and force of his inaJiination, the CHARLES JAMES FOX. 225 Strength and acuteness of his reasoning, and the brilliancy, vigor, and intensity of his eloquence. At the same time they will lament that such extraordi- nary genius and talents were not uniformly directed to the attainment of some great and honourable end ; that the man who possessed those powers, instead of seeking to employ them for the benefit of the com- munity, devoted too many of his days and of his nights to the practice of every species of debauchery, degrad- ing himself to the level of Sharpers, pickpockets, and prostitutes. This surely was not the school in which to acquire the knowledge necessary for that station which was the object of his ambition. Had he pursued a different course, — had he avoided the paths of crooked policy, — had he followed the line of conduct which an honest, upright and independent spirit would dictate, instead of the equivocal reputa- tion he obtained, he might have been distinguished as one of the brightest ornaments of Britain, he might have enjoyed the first ofiices in the state, he might have been hailed with the acclamations of every de- scription of his countrymen, and have descended to the ^rave with the regret of every virtuous mind. fHE END, APPENDIX The following eloquent Paragraphs are extracted from Mr, Fox's celebrated Letter to the Elec- tors of Westminster in 1793. To vote in small minorities is a misfortune to which I have been so much accustomed, that I can- not be expected to feel it very acutely. To be the object of calumny and misrepresentation gives me uneasines, it is true, but an uneasiness not wholly unmixqd with pride and satisfaction, since the experience of all ages and countries teaches us, that calumny and misrepresentation are frequently the most unequivocal testimonies of the zeal, and possi- bly of the effect, with Which he against whom they are directed has served the public. But I am informed, that I now labour under a mis- fortune of a far different nature from these, and which can excite no other sensations than those of concern and humiliation. I am told, that you in general dis' approve my late conduct, and that, even among those whose partiality to me was most conspicuous, there are many who. when I am attacked upon the present 228 .- APPENDIX. occasion, profess themselves neither able nor willing to defend me. That your unfavourable opinion of me (if in fact you entertain any such) is owing to misrepresenta- tion, I can have no doubt. To do away the effects of this misrepresentation is the object of this Letter ; and I know of no mode by which I can accomplish this object at once so fairly, and (as I hope) so efiec- tually, as by stating to you the different motions which I made in the House of Commons in the first days of this session, together with the motives and arguments which induced me to make them. * * * * ***** Impressed with these ideas, I could no more vote upon this last vague reason, than upon those of a more definite nature ; since, if in one case the pre- mises wanted proof, in the other, where proof was said to be superfluous, the conclusion w^as not just. If the majority of the House thought differently from me, and if this last ground of general appre- hension of future evils (the only one of all that were stated, upon whith it could with any colour of reason be pretended, that evidence was not both practicable and necessary), appeared to them to justify the mea- sures of Government; then, I say, they ought to have declared explicitly the true meaning of their vote, and either to have disclaimed distinctly any beliefin those impendingtumults and insurrections, which had filled the minds of so many thousand of our fellow subjects with the most anxious apprehen- ^ sions ; or have commenced an inquiry concerning them, the result of which would have enabled the House to lay before the public a true and authentic APPENDIX. 229 State of the nation, to put us upon our guard ag-ainst real perils, and to dissipate chimerical alarms. I am aware, ^hat there were some persons who thought, that to be upon our guard was so much our first interest, in the presenfposture of affairs, that even to conceal the truth was less mischievous than to diminish the public terror. They dreaded inqui- ry, lest it should produce light : they felt so strongly the advantage of obscurity in inspiring terror, tliat they overlooked its other property of causing real peril. They were so alive to the dangers belonging to false security, that they were insensible to those arising from groundless alarms. — In this frame of mind they might, for a moment, forget that inte- grity and sincerity ought ever to be the characteris- tic virtues of a British House of Commons ; and Avhile they were compelled to admit that the House could not, without inquiry, profess its belief of dan- gers which (if true) might be substantiated by evi- dence, they might, nevertheless, be unwilling that the salutary alarm (for such they deemed it) arising from these supposed dangers in the minds of the people, should be wholly quieted. What they did not themselves credit, they might wish to be believ- ed by others. Dangers, which they considered as distant, they were not displeased that the public should suppose near, in order to excite more vigor- us exertions. To these systems of crooked policy and pious fraud, I have always entertained a kind of instinctive and invincible repugnance ; and, if I had nothing else to advance in defence of my conduct but this feeling, of which I cannot divest myself, I should be far from U 230 APPENDIX. fearing your displeasure. But are there, in truth, no evils in a false alarm, besides the disgrace at- tending those who are concerned in propagating it ? Is it nothing to destroy peace, harmony, and confi- dence, among all ranks' of citizens ? Is it nothing to give a general credit and countenance to suspicions, which every man may point as his worst passions incline him ? In such a state, all political animosities are inflamed. We confound the mistaken specula- tist with the desperate incendiary. We extend the prejudices which we have conceived against indivi- duals, to the political party, or even to the religious sect of which they are members. In this spirit a judge declared from the bench, in the last century, that poisoning was a Popish trick ; and I should not be surprised if bishops were now to preach from the pulpit, that sedition is a Presbyterian or a Unitarian vice. Those whodiifer fronl us in their ideas of the constitution, in this paroxysm of alarm, we consider as confederated to destroy it* Forbearance and to- leration have no place in our minds ; fo\^ who can tolerate opinions, which, according to what the delu- ders teach, and rage and fear incline the deluded to believe, attack our lives, our properties, and our re- ligion ? * # * * It * «« * * * * * * ^ My next motion was for the insertion of the follow- ing words in the Address : — " Trusting that your " Majesty will employ every means of negociation, " consistent with the honour and safety of this coun- *' try, to avert the calamities of wal\" My motive in this instance is too obvious to require explanation ; and I think it the less necessary to dwell APPENDIX. 231 much on this subject, because, \vith i;espect to the desirableness of peace at all times, and more particu- larly in the present, I have reason to believe that yom^ sentiments do not differ from mine. If we look to the country where the cause of war was said princi- pally to originate, the situation of the United Provin- ces appeared to me to furnish abundance of pruden- tial arguments in favour of peace. If we looked to Ireland, I saw nothing there that would not discourage a wise statesman from putting the connexion between the two kingdoms to an unnecessary hazard. At home, if it be true that there are seeds of discontent, war is the hot-bed in which these -seeds will soonest vegetate ; and of all wars, in this point of view, that war is most to be dreaded, in the cause of which kings may be supposed to be more concerned than their subjects. I wished, therefore, most earnestly for peace ; and experience had taught me, that the voice even of a minority in the House of Commons, might not be •^wholly without effect, in deterring the King's Minis- ters from irrational projects of war. Even upon this occasion, if I had been more supported, I am per- suaded our chance of preserving the blessings of peace would be better than it appears to be at pre- sent. But if the objections of the violent party appeared to me extravagant,those of the more moderate seemed wholly unintelligible. Would they make and con- tinue war till they can force France to a counter- revolution ? No ; this they disclaim. What then is to be the termination of the war to which they would 232 APPENDIX, excite us ? I answer confidently, that it can be no other than a negociation upon the same principles, and with the same men, as that which I recommend, I say the same principles, because after war peace cannot be obtained but by treaty, and treaty necessa- rily implies the independency of the contracting par- ties. I say the same men, because though they may be changed before the happy hour of reconciliation arrives, yet that change, upon the principles above stated, would be merely accidental, and in no wise a necessary preliminary to peace ; for I cannot sup- pose, that they who disclaim making war ybr a change, would yet think it right to continue it till a change ; or, in other words, that the blood and treasure of this country should be expended in a hope that — ^not our eiforts — ^but time and chance may produce a new government in France, with which it would be more agreeable to our Ministers to negociate than with the present. And it is further to be observed, that the necessity of such a negociation will not in any degree depend upon the success of our arms, since the re- ciprocal recognition of the independency of contract- ing parties is equally necessary to those who exact and to those who offer sacrifices for the purpose of peace. I forbear to put the case of ill success, because to contemplate the situation to which we, and espe- cially our ally, might in such an event be placed, is a task too painful to be undertaken but in a case of the last necessity. Let us suppose, therefore, the skill and gallantry ofour sailors and soldiers to be crowned with a series of uninterrupted victories, and those victories to lead us to the legitimate object of a just war, a safe and honourable peace. The terms of such APPENDIX. 233 a peace (I am supposing that Great Britain is to dic- tate them) may consist in satisfaction, restitution, or even by way of indemnity to us or to others, in cession of territory on the part of France. Now that such satisfaction may be honourable, it must be made by an avowed Minister ; that such restitution or cession may be safe or honourable, they must be made by an independent power, competent to make them. And thus our very successes and victories Vt^iil necessarily lead us to that measure of negociation and recogni- tion, which, from the distorted shape in which passion and prejudice represent objects to the mind of man, has by some been considered as an act of humiliation and abasement. I have reason to believe there are some who think my motion unexceptionable enough in itself, but ill- timed. The time was not in my choice. I had no opportunity of making it sooner ; and, with a view to its operation respecting peace, I could not delay it. — To me, who think that public intercourse with France, except during actual war, ought always to subsist, the first occasion that presented itself, after the interrup- tion of that intercourse, seemed of course the proper moment for pressing its renewal. * * * * * **** **4(f*** That by acting in the manner proposed, we might give ground of offence to those powers, with whom, in case of war, it might be prudent to form connexion and alliance. This objection requires examination. Is it meant that our treating with France in its present state will offend the German powers, by showing them that our ground of qurrel is different from theirs ? If this U2 234 APPENDIX. be so, and if we adhere to the principles which we have publicly stated, I am afraid we must either of- fend or deceive ; and in such an alternative I trust the opinion 'is not difficult. If it be said, that, though our original grounds of quarrel were different, yet we may, in return for the aid they may afford us in obtaining our objects, as- sist them in theirs of a counter-revolution, and enter into an offensive alliance for that purpose— I answer, that our having previously treated would be no im- pediment to such a measure. But if it were, I freely confess that this consideration would have no influ- ence with me; because such an alliance, for such a purpose I c(»nceive to be the greatest calamity that ^an befal the British nation : for, let lis not attempt to deceive ourselves, whatever possibility or even pro- bability there may be of a counter-revolution, from internal agitation and discord, the means of produc- ing such an event by external force can be no other than the conquest of France. The conquest of France I ! ! — O calumniated crusaders, how rational and moderate were your objects ! — O much-injured Louis XIV. upon what slight grounds have you been accused of restless and immoderate ambition!—. O tame and feeble Cervantes, with what a timid pen- cil apd faint colours have you painted the portrait of a disordered imagination ! I have now stated to you fully, and I trust fairly, the arguments that persuaded me to the course of conduct which I have pursued. In these consists my defence, upon which you are to pronounce ; and I hope I shall not be thought presumptuous, when I say, that I expect with confidence a favourable verdict. APPENDIX. 235 If the reasons which I have adduced fail of con- vincing youj I confess indeed that I shall be disap- pointed, because to my understanding they appear to have more of irrefragable demonstration than can of- ten be hoped for in political discussions ; but even in this case, if you see in them probability sufficient to induce you to believe that, though not strong enough to convince yoiu they, and not any sinister or oblique motives, did in fact actuate me^ I have still gained my cause ; for in this supposition, though the propriety of my conduct may be doubted, the rectitude of my intentions must be admitted. Knowing, therefore, the justice and candour of the tribunal to which I hav6 appealed, I wait your de- cision without fear — your approbation I anxiously desire, but your ^.cquittal I confidently expect. Pitied for my supposed misconduct by some of my friends, openly renounced by others, attacked and misrepresented by my enemies — to you I have recourse for refuge and protection : and conscious, that if I had shrunk from my duty, I should have merited your censure, I feel myself equally certain, that by acting in conformity to the motives which I have explained to you, I can in no degree have for- feited the esteem of the city of Westminster, which it has so long been the first pride of my life to enjoy, and which it shall be my constant endeavour to pre- serve. 236 APPENDIX. CHARACTER OF MR. FOX BY R. B.^SHERIDAN, ESQ. Crown and Anchor, Sefit. 18, 1806. Gentlemen, Electors of Westminster, — In ad- dressing you upon this occasion, I am afraid that be- fore I proceed to the few observations which I feel it my duty to submit to you, I shall be obliged to com- mence with a request whicli I am almost ashamed to make— for your indulgence, if in consequence of a short but sharp indisposition, from which I am just recovering, my voice should not be strong enough to be clearly audible to the full extent of this large as- sembly (applauses). Upon that subject which must fill all your minds — upon the merits of that illustri- ous man, whose death has occasioned the present meeting, I shall, I can say but little. There must be some interval between the heavy blow that has been struck, and the consideration of its effect, before any one (and how many are there of those) who~ have revered and loved Mr. Fox as I have done, can speak of his death with the feeling but manly composure which becomes the dignified regret it ought to inspire (applauses). To you,however,gentlemen,it cannot be necessary to describe him — for you must have known him well. To say any tiling to you at this moment, in the first hours of your unburthened sorrows, must be unnecessary, and almost insulting. Kis image is still present before you — his virtue is in your hearts —-his loss is your despair (loud applauses). I have seen in one of the Morning Papers, what are stated to have been the last words of this great man,— .« I die happy j" then, turning to the dearest APPENDIX. 237 object of his affection, " I pity you." But had ano- ther moment been allowed him, and had the mo- desty of his great mind permitted it, well might he have expressed his compassion, not for his private friends only, but for the world — well might he have said " I pity you, I pity England, I pity Europe, I pity the human race." (loud plaudits.) For to mankind at large his death must be a source of re- gret, whose life was employed to promote their be- nefit. He died in the spirit of peace, struggling to extend it to the v.orld Tranquil in his own mind, he cherished to the last, with a parental solicitude, the consoling hope to give tranquillity to nations. Let us trust that the stroke of death which has borne him from us, may not have left peace, and the dig- nified charities of Iiuman nature, as it were, orphans upon the world (applau'ses). From this aiHicting consideration, I pass to one comparatively insignifi- cant, yet it is the question we are met this day to consider, namely, the pretensions of those who have the presumption to aspire to succeed him. An Ho= nourable Friend has proposed me as a person worthy of that proud distinction. I cannot deny but that it is an object of a*mbition, unmixed, I think, with one unv/orthy motive, very near to my heart. I have received a friendly, though public, caution, that I may risk the confidence and attachment of my friends at Stafford, by such a pursuit. I thank my monitor for his anxiety on that account, but he may rest as- sured that I know my constituents better. I have before declined an offer of support for this city upon a general election. My gratitude and dcj,- votion to my friends at Stafibpd bind me to seek n© 238 / APPENDIX. Other. I have been six times chosen by them, which is a proof, at least, that when once elected I am not quarrelsome with my constituents. To attend to their wishes must of course be an object of my pe- culiar solicitude, and to continue to represent tliem, the favourite pursuit of my ambition, even more, per- haps, than that of the representation of Westminster. But it is not inconsistent with that sentiment, nor can it be offensive to the feelings of my constituents, that I should have offered myself to your notice upon this occasion. For my constituents must feel, that it is one thing to be the representative of West- minster, and another to be the successor of Mr. Fox, That, I own, I cannot but consider a§ an object of the highest importance, of which, if I were not am- bitious, I must be insensible (applauses). Upon the present awful occasion, with such feelings as I know are clinging to your minds, hoping at most to palli- ate a loss irreparable — yet, searching with affection- ate diligence how best to do so, to have been the object of your deliberate selection, would, I feel, have been to me, an inspiring motive, beyond all ordinary encouragement, to have shewn myself not unworthy of the proud preference you had bestowed upon me. I fear hot but that my friends at Stafford would have fully entered into this feeling, and not have considered my elevation by you as a desertion of them. Having thus avowed my ambition, or my pre- sumption, as some have been heard to call it, I have now to speak of my pretences. Egotism is always offensive, and I am happy that my learned friend has left me little or ixjthing to say on this head. He has APPENDIX. 239 Stated, and I avow and adopt his slatement, that my claim to your favour rests on the fact that I have, step by step, followed Mr. Fox through the whole course of his political career, and to the best of my poor abilities, supported him in every one of those measures; and in the maintenance of every one of those principles which originally recommended him to, and so long continued him in, your confidence and esteem. It is true there have been occasions upon which / have differed witk him — painful recollection of the most painful moments of my political life ! Nor were there wanting those who endeavoured to represent those differences as a departure from the homage which his superior mind, though unclaimed by hixxiy were entitled to, and the allegiance of friend- ship which our hearts all swore to him ; but never was the genuine and confiding texture of his soul more manifest than on such occasions : he knew that nothing on earth could separate qr detach me from him ; and he resented insinuations against the sin- cerity and integrity of a friend, which he would not have noticed had they been pointed against himself. With such a man to have battled in the cause of genu- ine liberty — with such a man to have struggled against the inroads of oppression and corruption—. with such an example before me, to have to boast that I never in my life gave one vote in Parliament that was not on the side of freedom, is the congratulation that attends the retrospect of my public life. His friendship was the pride and honour of my days. I never, for one moment, regretted to share with him the difficulties, the calumnies, and sometimes even the dangers that attended an honourable course . And 240 APPENDIX. now reviewing my past political life, were the option possible that I should retread the path, I solemnly and deliberately declare, that I would prefer to pursue the same course^ — to bear up under the same pres- sure—to abide by the same principles — and remain by his side, an exile from power, distinction and emolument — rather than be, at this moment, a splen- did example of successful servility, or prosperous, apostacy — though clothed with powers, honours, titles, and gorged with sinecures and we^Jth obtained from the plunder of the people (a tumult of applause). Grateful as I am for the manner in which you are pleased to receive my sentiments, and to es- pouse my cause, I think it must have been obvious that I have in my mind an eager desire that contest and dissension should be avoided on the occasion of the present vacancy. How is this to be effect- ed but by one of the candidates retiring ? A man's pride may be piqued, without his mind being- induced to swerve from the cause in which he ought to persevere. Illiberal warnings have been held out — most unauthoritatively I know — that by persevering in the present contest I may risk my official situation ; and if I retire, I am aware that minds, as coarse and illiberal, may assign the dread of that as my motive. To such insinuations I shall scorn to make any other reply than a reference to the whole of my past political life. I consider it as no boast to say, that any one who has struggled throiigh such a portion of life as I have, without acquiring an office, is not likely to abandon his principles to retain one when acquired. To be at all capable of acting upon principle, it is necessary that a man shall be in- APPENDIX. 241 dependent ; and to independence, the next best thing to that of being very rich, is to have been used to be very poor. Independence, however, is not allied to wealth, to birth, to rank, to power, to titles, or to ho- nours. Independence is in the mind of a man, or' it is no where. On this ground were I to decline the contest, I should scorn the imputation, that should bring the purity of my purpose into doubt. No Min- ister can expect to find in me a servile vassal. No Minister can expect from me the abandonment of any principle I have avowed, or any pledge I have given. I know not that I have hitherto shrunk in place from opinions that I have maintained while in opposition. Did there appear a Minister of differ- ent cast from any I know existing — were he to at- tempt to exact from me a different conduct, my office should be at his service to-morrow. Such a Minister might strip me of a situation, in some respect of con- siderable emolument — but he could not strip me of the proud conviction that I was right — he could not strip me of my o^vn self-esteem — he could not strip me, I think, of some portion of the confidence and good opinion of the people. But I am noticing the calumnious threat I have alluded to more than it de- serves. There can be no peril, I venture to assert, under the present government, in the free exercise of a descretion, such as belongs to the present ques- tion ; I therefore disclaim the merit of putting any thing to hazard. If I have missed.the opportunity of obtaining all the support I might, perhaps, have had on the pre- sent occasion, from a very scrupulous delicacy, which I think became and was incumbent upon me, X 242 APPENDIX. but which I by no means conceive to have been a fit rule for others, I cannot repent it. While the slightest aspiration of breath remained on those lips so often the channel of eloquence arid virtue — while one drop of life's blood beat in that noble heart which is now no more, I would not suffer any friend of mine, in anticipation of the melancholy event that has oc- curred, to institute a canvass. I could not, I ought not to have acted otherwise than as I have done. Now gentlemen, I come with a very embarrassed feeling to that declaration which I yet think you must hav€ expected from me, but which I make with reluctance, because, from the marked approbation I have experienced from you, I fear with reluctance you will receive it. I feel myself under the riecessity of retiring from this contest. I beseech you to hear ine with patience, and in the temper with which I address you. There is in true friendship this advan- tage. The inferior mind looks to the presiding in- tellect as its guide and landmark while living, and to the engraven memory of its principles, as a rule of conduct after his death. Yet further, still unmixed with idle superstition, there may be gained a salutary lesson, from contemplating what would be grateful to the mind of the departed, were he conscious of what is passing here. I solemnly believe that, could such a consideration have entered into Mr. Fox's last moments, there is nothing his wasted spirits would so have deprecated, as a contest of the nature w^hich I now disclaim and relinquish. It was never ascertained to me, until Monday last, after this meeting had been fixed, that Lord Percy Y/ould "certainly be a candidate. My friends hesita- APPENDIX. 243 ted in the hope, that it might be left to arbitration which candidate should withdraw. That hope has failed. I claim the privilege of nearest and dearest friendship, to set the example of a sacrifice — compa- ratively how small to what it demands — ^nothing could ever have induced me to have proceeded to a disputed poll on this occasion. The hour is not far distant, when an awful kneel shall tell you, that the unburied remains of your revered patriot are passing through the streets to that sepulchral home, where your kings, your heroes, your sages, and your poets lie, and where they are to be honoured by the associ- ation of his noble remains ; that hour when, however the splendid gaudiness of public pageantry may be avoided, you — you — all of you will be self-marshalled in reverential sorrow, mute, and reflecting on your mighty loss. At that moment shall the disgusting contest jof an election wrangle break the solemnity of the scene ? Is it fitting that any man should over- look the crisis, and risk the rude and monstrous con- test ? Is it fitting that I should be that man ? Allov/ me to hope, from the manner in which you have re- ceived the little I have said on this subject, that I need add no more. Yet still would my purpose be incomplete, and my remonstrance inconsistent, if I did not, at the same time that I withdraw myself, urge you to take the measures most propitious to prevent the tranquillity we propose from being de- stroyed by others. To me there seems no mode so obvious and decisive, as adding your suffrages to the countenance given to the noble earl, who has the sup- port of those ministers with whom your late illustri- ous representative lived and died in the most perfect 244 APPENDIX. confidence and amity. I turn to him, rejoicing iLai I shall not be his antagonist. I turn to him with re- spect due to an early character of the highest prom- ise — Avith the strong assurance of those qualities which engage affection and command respect — on these grounds, I, for one, shall give him my cordial support. Gentlemen, I have now executed a difficult and painful task : yet one duty more remains, not a painful, but a grateful one — yet one more diffi- cult, perhaps, than that which I have left— it is to en- deavour to express to you those sentiments of sincere and eager gratitude, which your voluntary proffered support and your indul'^ent acceptance of what I have this day submitted to you, and which is indelibly im- printed on a heart not formed to be unthankful. As a public man, I feel that your approbation rewards my past effi^rts, and it shall be the animation of my future endeavours. VINIS^