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REMARKS 
 
 ME. TKUMAN SMITH, OF CONN., 
 
 THE IMPUTATIONS OF N. B. BLUNT, Esq., OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK, ON HIS 
 COURSE AS A DELEGATE TO THE RECENT 
 
 WHIG NATIONAL CONVENTION, 
 
 TOGETHER 
 
 With an exposition of the bervfits which will result to the Country from 
 
 the elevation of 
 
 GEN. ZACHARY TAYLOR 
 
 TO THE ^^ 
 
 PRESIDENCY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 TO THE PUBLIC 
 
 I perceive from a report in some of the New York papers of the proceedings of a 
 meeting of the Whigs of that city, convened in the Park, on the 16th instant, N. B. 
 Blmit, esq., (one of the delegates to the recent Convention at Philadelphia,) took 
 the liberty of introducing my humble name to the consideration of the meeting, ac- 
 companied with the imputation of a want of fidelity on my part, as a member of the 
 same Convention, to the trust reposed in me by the Whigs of Connecticut. In one 
 of the papers alluded to, Mr. Blunt is reported as follows : " Look at your sister of 
 Connecticut. One of her delegates, who has filled high office in her gift, and who 
 is about to enter upon a still more exalted position before the nation, was elected 
 and instructed to cast his vote for Heiiry Clay. He came into that Convention with 
 the name of Henry Clay on his lips, but with all his energies predetermined to de- 
 feat him. This, fellow citizens, was his conduct, and though I have no personal 
 injuries to redress, I feel that I have a right ' to hold the mirror up to nature' to 
 say whether this man deserves well at the hands of his constituents." It has ever 
 been with me a rule not to take any notice of scandal or abuse from whatever quar- 
 ter it may come, as I am of the opinion, that a public man had better live down all 
 such attacks, and if he has not character enough to do so, he should seek immunity 
 therefrom in retirement and obscurity. If I make the present case an exception to 
 that rule, it will not be on personal grounds — it will not be because I have the 
 slightest idea that there is any occasion to vindicate myself before the Whigs of 
 Connecticut, but because such charges tend to bring the Convention itself into 
 disrepute, the proceedings of which were, as I think, characterized throughout 
 by a spirit of fairness, moderation, impartiality, and rectitude. I have not the ho- 
 nor of a personal acquaintance with Mr. Blunt, but I am free to confess, that all 1 
 have learned of his standing as an eminent lawyer, and of his character as a good 
 reliable Whig, has been adapted to inspire me with respect. I do not therefore de- 
 sire, and shall not enter into any controversy with him, but shall content myself 
 
 J. &. G. S. Gideon, printers. 
 
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£A,1.0 
 
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 Sb^' 
 
 with stating plainly the facts of the case, and shall leave him to repent at his leisure 
 of the injustice which he has done to a fellow member of the Convention, who 
 claims no other position than that of being his equal, with the right to consult his 
 own sense of duty, and to be guided by his own convictions of what (in the very 
 ditficult and trying circumstances in which the Convention was placed) was best 
 adapted to promote the good of the country and the success of the Whig party. In 
 answer to the unceremonious and unwarrantable use which has been made of my 
 name, and to imputations from whatever quarter they may come, I submit the fol- 
 lowing remarks ; 
 
 1. It is not true, as alleged by Mr. Blunt, that I was elected to the Convention 
 and instructed to vote for Henry Clay; I was a member of the State Convention 
 which convened in New Haven last fall, and which appointed the delegation to the 
 National Convention, consisting of Messrs. Rockwell, Stuart, Babcock, Trumbull, 
 White, and myself, and no instructions whatever were given to the delegation. It 
 is not the practice of the Whigs of Connecticut to commit their delegates in advance; 
 hut it is, and ever has been, expected and desired that they should go into the 
 National Convention untrammelled and prepared to enter into a full and free consul- 
 tation with their brethren from other sections of the Union, and then do what they 
 shall think just and right under all the circumstances of the case. Such is my 
 sense of the evils of a packed convention, I would not accept of a seat in such a 
 body instructed to vote for any man. 
 
 2. It is not true that I went into the Convention with the name of "Henry Clay 
 on my lips, but with all my energies pre-determined to defeat him." On the con- 
 trary, I was well assured, from all I knew of the composition of that body, that he 
 would in no event get a nomination. I was, in fact, desirous that he should receive 
 as large a vote as possible as an expression of the high appreciation of his talents 
 and public services which ail good Whigs entertain, and as an alleviation in some 
 degree of a result adverse to his claims which I considered inevitable. I even now 
 regret that the Kentucky delegation did not feel it to be their duty to cast a 
 unanimous vote in his favor, for reasons that must be obvious. But "all my ener- 
 gies were pre-determined" to ensure the nomination of Gen. Taylor, as between 
 him and some other candidates, not because I did not entertain the utmost respect 
 for such candidates, but simply because I though^ we should best subserve the in- 
 terests of the country by putting forward, in the present conjuncture, the name of 
 Gen. Taylor. When I speak of other candidates, I must not be understood to refer 
 to Mr. Webster, of whom, permit me to say, that the people of the U. States would 
 have honored themselves, and have rendered our free institutions illustrious, if they 
 had made him President long ago. It is true the name of Henry Clay has often been 
 on my lips, but it has ever been in accents of praise and admiration; such was the 
 fact in 1844, when I devoted almost an entire year in co-operation with friends to 
 rescuing our Commonwealth from, the hands of the opponent, and in giving him 
 the electoral vote of Connecticut. I claim to be a much truer friend of Mr. Clay 
 than those who have so unadvisedly urged him into the field when there was little 
 probability that he could be nominated, and less that he could be elected if nominated. 
 
 3. It is well known here, and I believe throughout Connecticut, that having given 
 the entire subject a full and a most anxious consideration, I early in the present 
 session came to the conclusion that we could Avith more certainty put down the pre- 
 sent Administration, and promote the success of the Whig cause, under the auspi- 
 ces of Gen. Taylor, than by using the name of any other of the distinguished men 
 who have been brought before the public in this connection. Nevertheless, I have 
 said on all occasions that I would not, as a delegate to the Convention, act on my 
 own private opinions, but would co-operate with the other delegates from Connecti- 
 cut in an effort to obtain such a result as we might, on consultation, deem to be best. 
 
 4. When the delegation assembled at Philadelphia for consultation, in advance of 
 the deliberations of the Convention, my opinions favorable to General Taylor, 
 and the grounds on which those opinions are based were fully stated to my co-dele- 
 gates; but, at the same time, I avowed the purpose of abiding by the decision of 
 
3 
 
 my associates. We then determined unanimously to vote for Mr, Clay; and I can 
 assure Mr. Blunt that we should not have departed from that determination one 
 hair, if other delegates had been disposed to co-operate with us, so as to give Mr. 
 Clay a majority of the Convention; in such case he would have been the nominee 
 of the Whig party, and I would have exerted myself, as in 1844, to make him the 
 Chief Magistrate of the American people. 
 
 5. On the first ballot Mr. Clay received 97 votes, (fewer, by far, than I antici- 
 pated,) and on the second he receded to 86. The delegation assembled the next 
 morning for further consultation; and knowing, as we did, that many delegates who 
 voted for Mr. Clay on the first and second ballots would vote for other candidates on 
 the third, and that therefore his nomination was unattainable, we decided unani- 
 mously that each delegate might thereafter give such a vote as he should be con- 
 vinced the good of the country required. I then recurred, for the first time, to my 
 real opinions, and voted for General Zachary Taylor, and found myself supported 
 by two of my colleagues, Messrs. Stuart and Trumbull, who acted on their own 
 judgment, wholly uninfluenced by me, directly or indirectly. I presume I shall not 
 be guilty of a breach of confidence if I say that General Taylor would have received, 
 if necessary to his nomination, (Mr. Clay being out of the question,) two more votes 
 from Connecticut. I believe the same thing is true of some delegates from other 
 States who voted for Mr. Clay to the last. 
 
 6. I entertain the utmost respect for, and confidence in, the Whigs of the city of 
 New York; but it must be recollected that I went into the Convention not as their 
 agent, but as the representative of the Whigs of Connecticut. I thought myself a 
 free man, acting for the free Whigs of a noble State, in a perfectly free National 
 Convention, with no obligations to Mr. Blunt except those of courtesy and respect. 
 In that character I did not deem myself a mere automaton, but a reasonable being, 
 in duty bound to act fairly and candidly towards all, but with liberty to exer- 
 cise an honest judgment as to the best means to be selected to accomplish an object 
 which all good Whigs desire. I am supported in the course which I pursued by 
 conscious rectitude; and through "evil report and good report" I shall pursue "the 
 even tenor of my way," paying no more attention to denunciation, from whatever 
 quarter it may come, than I would to "the idle wind." I am not at all apprehen- 
 sive of having incurred the resentment, either of Mr. Claj' or my own constituents. 
 I know too much of that magnanimous and noble-hearted man to believe that he 
 will harbor a particle of ill will towards such of the Convention as fearlessly did 
 what they believed to be their duty, whatever he may think of those who have 
 "gambled" with his name — of which, by the way, I do not suspect Mr. Blunt. As 
 to my constituents, I feel myself under infinite obligations to them. I have re- 
 ceived many expressions of confidence at their hands, and recently one which nearly 
 touches my heart. But I can assure Mr B. we can settle accounts between our- 
 selves without his aid or interference; and further, that whenever it shall appear 
 that I have incurred their displeasure, I shall instantly return into their hands any 
 trust which they may have confided tome, and take refuge from the misconstructions 
 and malevolence of politics in the duties of my profession and the repose of private 
 life. I hope Mr. B. will excuse me for intimating that, if certain Whigs of the city 
 of New York were less in the habit of maligning the motives and traducing the con- 
 duct of the Whigs of other parts of the country, they would have more influence in 
 giving a direction to public affairs. 
 
 From this exposition, I think, it is manifest that Mr. Blunt, "in holding the mir- 
 ror up to nature," has placed it in false hghts, and has reflected a distorted image; 
 and, in view of the facts stated, I fearlessly submit my course in the Convention to 
 the scrutiny of all honorable and upright men. I have acted openly and above 
 board on all occasions in reference to this subject, and avoiding ultraism and vio- 
 lence, on the one hand, I hope my conduct, on the other, has been characterized by 
 the independence and firmness which all should possess who desire to be of any use 
 to the country. 
 
 Dismissing, then, this subject, which I shall not be sui-prised to find regarded as 
 
of little moment, I seize the occasion to give a brief exposition of the benefits which 
 I conceive will result to the country from the elevation of General Zachary Taylor 
 to the Presidency. I anticipate from such a consummation — 
 
 1. An essential alleviation of the acerbity and violence of party spirit which has 
 been running to extremes for many years past, and which has produced nothing but 
 evil to the country, and that continually. 
 
 2. A more moderate and reasonable action on the part, both of Congress and the 
 Executive, in establishing a policy in reference to all essential interests, in which 
 all good men, if not perfectly satisfied, can acquiesce. I wish to see public men 
 disenthralled, in somq degree, from the iron rule of party, and placed in a condition 
 to act freely according to their own conscientious convictions of right and duty. 
 Time was when leading men of the same party felt themselves at liberty to differ 
 on great questions of public policy, but now the state of the case is widely different, 
 and many are forced, by the tyranny of party, into the support of measures which 
 they cordially disapprove, if they do not detest. Relentless proscription awaits 
 every man who falters in the least. I have, within the last few days, heard an 
 upright and truly patriotic Senator, from my own State, bitterly denounced by a 
 leading Democratic member of the House of Representatives, merely because he 
 will not go the whole figure in supporting all the wild and mischievous measures of 
 the present Administration. The state of things, which has long existed at the seat 
 of Government, I can sufficiently illustrate by an anecdote: At the time the final 
 vote was taken in the House, at the first session of the last Congress, re-enacting 
 the Subtreaeury law, a highly respectable Democratic member came across the Hall 
 to my seat, and exclaimed, with an oath, (which I will not repeat,) "it is a shame 
 that a law should be passed to which a large majority of the House is opposed," or 
 words to that effect. I am confident that, had it not been for "the bonds of party,'' 
 the tariff of '46 could not have been passed, though that of '42 might have been 
 essentially, and perhaps advantageously, modified. I am equally confident that, 
 but for the same cause, the country Avould not have been plunged into "an unne- 
 cessary and unconstitutional war with Mexico," the past and present evils whereof 
 few yet comprehend, and the future evils of which will only be taught us by many 
 years of bitter experience. But when moderation shall become the order of the 
 day, which I am well assured will be inculcated by Gen. Taylor, should he be 
 President, b}'^ both precept and example, a new spirit will come over Congress, and 
 I trust the great body of the people, and we shall all feel that we have common insti- 
 tutions to preserve, a common country to serve; and, whether we sink or swim, 
 we are all committed to one common destiny, whether for good or evil. 
 
 3. An administration which will consecrate all its faculties to the preservation of 
 the peace of the country. I regard this as an object of paramount importance. No 
 man is better qualified than Gen. Taylor to seize with a firm grasp the spirit of 
 war Avhich unhappily infests the American people, (the o-reat besetting sin of all 
 republics,) and to hold it effectually in check. That he entertains sentiments of the 
 utmost abhorrence of war, and that he will be the resolute friend of peace I know. 
 I hope I shall be excused for presenting here an extract from a letter which I had 
 the honor to receive from Gen. Taylor, dated at Baton Rogue, on the 4th of March 
 last : 
 
 " I need hardly reply to yoiu- concluding inquiry that I am a peace man, and that I deem a state of 
 peace to be absolutely necessary to the proper and healthful action of our republican institutions. On 
 this important question I freely confess myself to be the unqualified advocate of the principles so often 
 laid down by the Father of his Country, and so urgently recommended by him in his Farewell Address 
 to the American people. Indeed I think t may safely say that no man can put a more implicit faith 
 than I do in the wisdom of his advice when he urared upon us — the propriety of always standing upon 
 our "own soil." "" ^ 
 
 In his letter to Captain J. S. Allison, dated April 22d, General Taylor says: 
 
 " My life has been devoted to arms, yet I look upon war, at all times and under all circumstances, 
 as a national calamity to be avoided, if compatible with national honor. The principles of our Gov- 
 ernment, as well as its true policy, are opposed to the subjugation of other nations, and the dismem- 
 berment of other countries by conquest." 
 
At a dinner in New Orleans, given in December last in honor of Gen, Taylor, 
 he responded to a complimentary sentiment by declaring — 
 
 "Tliat the joy and exultaiion of the greatest victories icere always, after the heat and excitement ofthebattle, 
 sxicceeded by feelings of poignant sorrmo and pain ; and that war, after all, teas a great calamity, and his the 
 ^•eatest glory who could terminate it." 
 
 General Taylor has on other occasions avowed similar sentiments; they do him 
 much honor. He will resist the lust of dominion and the passion for acquisition 
 which marks so distinctly the character of the American people, and which is 
 fraught with more peyl to our free institutions, and the perpetuity of our glorious 
 Union, than any other cause whatever. There wiJ^ be no danger of the annexation 
 of either Cuba or Yucatan under the auspices of Gen. Taylor. 
 
 4. Also an administration of the strictest impartiality, and of the most rigid justice, 
 as between all the great interests of the country, and all sections of the confederacy. 
 I believe Gen. Taylor to be entirely above sectional prejudice; and there are not 
 any of the interests of the free States which I would not unhesitatingly confide to 
 his hand. He has a head to comprehend, and a heart to embrace his country, and 
 his whole country. Having spent his whole life in the public service, and on terms 
 of cordial and friendly Intercourse with the people of all parts of the Union, he enter- 
 tains the broadest and most liberal sentiments of nationality. I do not regard him 
 as a citizen of Louisiana, but as a citizen of the United States of America. 
 
 5. He will do much, if elected, to put down the eiforts now making in various 
 quarters to run all the politics of the country into a mischievous spirit of sectionalism. 
 If he shall prove to be the President I doubt not he will be, the people will learn, that of 
 all the qualifications for that high office, that of citizenship, residence, or domlcil, is 
 the lowest. I am more disposed to look to the man himself, to the qualities of his 
 head and heart, rather than to the accidents of birth or residence. Who would not 
 rejoice to have a succession of Presidents for the next five centuries, who shall ad- 
 minister the Government after the fashion, and in the spirit of Washington, though 
 every one of them should come from the Capes of Florida. 
 
 6. Congress will be restored to the powers and prerogatives which the framers of 
 the Constitution intended that body should exercise. It must be obvious, on the 
 slightest examination of that instrument, that to Congress was confided the power 
 of expressing the will of the people in the form of laws, and to the Executive the 
 duty only of executing that will when ascertained by Congress. But within the 
 last few years there has been in progress a rapid concentration of all power in the 
 hands of the Executive. The President has become everything and Congress 
 nothing. An Irresponsible body, called a convention, and generally a small com- 
 mittee of such body assembled in the upper room of some tavern, have arrogated 
 the right of settling every thing in advance, and of binding both Congress and the 
 Executive. The latter has become the agent of a debased and grovelling parti- 
 zanship to overrule the former, either through the instrumentality of the veto, or 
 by a corrupt exercise of patronage. To the correction of the enormous evils of 
 " the one man povv^er," General Taylor stands distinctly pledged. The moment 
 this is done, the great questions of public policy are taken out of the Presidential 
 canvass and are carried into the Congressional districts. If the people desire a pro- 
 tective tarift', the improvement of our harbors and rivers, or any policy m regard to 
 our territories, they will elect members of Congress accordingl}^ This will relieve 
 the legislation of the country from the malign influence of party, and will be likely 
 to give much greater stability to such measures as have a favorable bearing on the 
 important Interests of the country, than has obtained for many years past. 
 
 7. The influence of the name and character of General Taylor will be quite cer- 
 tain to give us a Congress whose views of public policy will accord with those of 
 the Whig party. In this respect he can do more for the country than any man now 
 living. Few of those who undertake to pronounce so peremptorily on the question 
 of the Presidency have given this subject any consideration whatever. While I am 
 free to admit that Mr. Clay ought to have been elected President long ago, yet I 
 
thinlc it certain that if he could now be brought successfully into the field, he would 
 have the two Houses of Congress to thwart and embarrass him during the whole of 
 his Presidential term. Any man who will consider the condition of the representa- 
 tion in both branches of Congress from the northwestern, western, and southwestern 
 States, must admit the truth of this remark. I want a Whig President, a Whig 
 Senate, and a Whig House of Representatives, and General Taylor being strong in 
 those parts of the Union where we are weak, will favor in a high degree so desirable 
 a consummation. 
 
 8. In short, I believe that all departments of the Government will become conser- 
 vative under the auspices of General Taylor. That he will administer the Execu- 
 tive department in that spirit no man can doubt; and this makes him a good Whig 
 enough for me. He will take high conservative ground on all questions appertain- 
 ing to our foreign relations. He will dispense the patronage of the Government in 
 a spirit of moderation. He will be particularly cautious to see that justice is done 
 to all sections in this regard. And as to questions appertaining to our domestic 
 policy, he will follow the example of the earlier Presidents, and will throw them 
 into Congress. What more can be desired by the just, moderate, and patriotic of 
 the Whig party? 
 
 I doubt whether there has ever been assembled in this country a Convention, the 
 proceedings of which were more just and fair, and in which there was less of 
 management and intrigue than that which recently assembled at Philadelphia. It 
 was refreshing to meet from the farthest extremity of our wide spread Union good 
 and true hearted Whigs, who had incurred the fatigue and the expense of a journey 
 of many hundred miles to participate in our consultations. All seemed to be ac- 
 tuated by the best spirit, and anxious for the success of the common cause. It is 
 true there were strong differences of opinion among the members, honestly enter- 
 tained and respectfully and kindly expressed, and these differences were submitted 
 to the proper arbiter voluntarily constituted and pre-eminently worthy of the confi- 
 dence of all. The result was the nomination of General Zachary Taylor as the 
 Whig candidate for the Presidency, and by the blessing of God he will be elected, 
 whoever may bolt the track. 
 
 I accord fully in the opinions recently expressed by the Hon. C. C. Cambreleng 
 in a political assembly, as follows: 
 
 " The a;reat object of the wise men of the capital, for three years past, has been to make a Presi- 
 dent. They have labored day and niijlit, zealously and assiduously, and have succeeded admirably 
 and triumphantly. They have most effectually accomplished their object ; they liave, by their own 
 acts, made a President of the United States, but it happens not to be the man, nor either of the men, 
 they intended. It is neither the President nor any of his Cabinet, nor is it the conservative nominee 
 of the Baltimore Convention. From the first roll of the drum at Palo Alto, through all our splendid 
 victories, to the final and glorious conquest of Mexico, the Prasidcnt and his Cabinet have labored, 
 zealously and successfully labored, lo make Zachary Taylor President of the United States. It matters 
 not whether he is from the North, the South, the East, or the West, nor how he gets into the field. 
 Whether supported by volunteers or re2;ulars, once in the field, the man ivho has the heart of the nation 
 with him is irresistible, and must inevitably triumph.''^ 
 
 And why should it not be so, when the real issue to which we are brought 
 is whether Lewis Cass or Zachary Taylor shall be the next President of the 
 United States? I desire to say nothing disrespectful of General Cass, but his 
 career in Congress, particularly on the Oregon question and the Mexican war, 
 are too well known to render mistake possible as to Avhat will be the tendency 
 of an administration of which he shall be the chief. Unfortunately he is one of 
 those who think they can find an inexhaustible fund or source of popularity in the 
 belligerent propensities of the American People. War! war! has been incessantly 
 on his lips for years past. I trust that Whigs everywhere will ponder well on the 
 consequences which resulted from third party organization in 1844. Did it not 
 elect Mr. Polk, overthrow the Tariff" of '42, re-enact an odious and oppressive Sub- 
 treasury, annex Texas, involve us in the war with Mexico, commit twenty-five 
 thousand American citizens to a premature grave, and squander over one hundred 
 and fifty millions of the public treasure? Does not a large share of the responsibility 
 
of all these evils lie at the door of those who, by a third party movement, defeated 
 Mr. Clay? Whoever takes a similar course now, will incur dread responsibilities. 
 What if war again should follow from it — the annexation of Cuba or indefinite ex- 
 tension on the side of JMexico? I cannot believe that any such suicidal policy will 
 be pursued. No! the hour of retribution has come, and those who have been 
 gambling with war in reference to the Presidency, will find themselves put down by 
 a man who by his noble conduct and brilliant exploits has raised himself to the level 
 of the most eminent commanders of modern times. Let us now elect Gen. Taylor 
 President, and aspirants for that high office will be little inclined hereafter "to make 
 of war and its bloody front a game of politics." 
 
 I declare my utmost confidence in General Taylor. I feel that I have a thorough 
 insight into his principles and his character. As he is an honest man, I confide in 
 him ; as he is a moderate man, I respect him ; as he is a humane man, I admire 
 him ; as he is a man of unsurpassed bravery, I honor him ; as he is distinguished 
 for good sense and sound discretion, I think he will make a safe President ; as a 
 high sense of justice has ever characterized his conduct, I am willing to trust him 
 with the rights and interests of all parts of the country, and particularly those of the 
 free States ; as he has ever been remarkable for firmness and decision of char- 
 acter — " asks no favors and fears no responsibility" — I believe he will, with a 
 steady hand, guide the country safely through all the perils which may environ 
 it ; as he possesses the utmost purity and excellence of character, I shall take 
 pleasure in seeing him at the head of public affairs ; as he is truly republican in 
 his habits and manners, being one of the people, and sympathizing thoroughly 
 with the masses, I think there is a fitness in making him the chief magistrate 
 of those same masses, of whom the humblest can exclaim with truth, " he is one of 
 us !" — and as he is a good, sound, conservative, and reliable Whig, abominating war 
 and contemning meanness, fraud, chicanery, and trickery, who will put far from 
 him all evil-doers, political or otherwise, I am for him from the beginning to the 
 end of the chapter. I consecrate my hand and my heart to the good old cause as 
 represented by Zachary Taylor, and v/ill do all w^ithin the range of my feeble abili- 
 ties to make him the next President of the United States. 
 
 TRUMAN SMITH. 
 
 Washington, June 20//^, 1848. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 Since penning the foregoing remarks I have received the following communica- 
 tion from his Excellency Clarke Bissell, the Governor of our State, his Honor 
 Charles J. McCiirdy, the Lieutenant Governor thereof, Hon. L. F. S. Foster, 
 Speaker of the House of Representatives, and John B. Robertson, Esq., Secretary 
 of the Commonwealth, I need not say that the contents have afforded me unalloyed 
 satisfaction : 
 
 New Haven, June 19th, 1848. 
 
 Hon. Truman Smith — 
 
 Dear Sir: As there appears a disposition in certain quarters to impugn your 
 course as one of the delegates of Connecticut at the Philadelphia Convention, we 
 deem it a duty, and feel it a pleasure, to express to you our views on the subject. 
 
 Mr. Clay was, undoubtedly, the first choice of a large proportion of the Whigs of 
 Connecticut; and a class of them, good men and true, and faithful to the end, were, 
 to the last, earnest and anxious for his nomination, and willing to abide the chance 
 of its success. But another portion, perhaps as numerous, as respectable, and as 
 judicious, with the same attachment to the person and principles of their noble 
 leader, had become, at the time of the nomination, unwilling to commit the cause 
 to the hazard of so doubtful an experiment. They were also afraid that, even if the 
 nomination was successful, it would be but a barren victory, not producing that effect 
 upon the Congressional elections which is necessary to ensure a practical and sub- 
 stantial triumph. This state of feeling and opinion at home, the first wish and the 
 ultimate doubt, was fairly reflected by the. course of our delegation at Philadelphia. 
 They were under no instructions, (advice enough they unquestionably had,) but each 
 member was expected and desired to exercise his own discretion in view of all the 
 circumstances which should be developed at the Convention; and their friends here 
 were Avilling to trust the entire subject to the prudence and wisdom of their deci- 
 sion. As far as we know, their course is entirely satisfactory to the great mass of 
 the Whigs of Connecticut. The nominations are responded to with enthusiasm, 
 and will receive at least as large a majority as any which could have been made. 
 
 With much respect, we are your friends, 
 
 C. BISSELL, 
 CHAS. J. McCURDY, 
 L. F. S. FOSTER, 
 JOHN B. ROBERTSON. 
 
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