Glass. £3_a BookjSSiWiif- ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS OF THE American riuseum of Natural History. Vol. VH. SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AND RITUALISTIC CERE- MONIES OF THE BLACKFOOT INDIANS. BY CLARK WISSLER NEW YORK: Published by Order of the Trustees. 1912. ^ CONTENTS OF VOLUME VII. Part I. The Social Life of the Blackfoot Indians. By Clark Wissler. 1911 1 Part II. Ceremonial Bundles of the Blackfoot Indians. By Clark Wissler. 1912 65 Index. By Miss Bella Weitzner 291 Illustrations. By Miss Ruth B. Howe. Hn ^emoriam. David C. Duvall died at his home in Browning, Montana, July 10, 1911. He was thirty-three years old. His mother was a Piegan; his father a Canadian-French fur trade employe at Ft. Benton. He was educated at Fort Hall Indian School and returned to the Reservation at Browning, where he maintained a blacksmith shop. The writer first met him in 190.3 while collecting among his people. Later, he engaged him as interpreter. Almost from the start he took an unusual interest in the work. He was of an investigating turn of mind and possessed of considerable linguistic ability. On his own initiative he set out Xoja0^v the more obscure and less used parts of his mother tongue, lirtl^ng, as he often said, formed an ambition to become its most accurate translator into English. As time went on, he began to assist in collecting narratives and statements from the older people. Here his interest and skill grew so that during the last year of his life he contributed several hundred pages of manuscript. These papers have furnished a considerable I)art of the data on the Blackfoot so far published by this Museum and offer material for several additional studies. As they by no means exhaust the field his untimely death is a distinct loss. To this work Mr. Duvall brought no ethnological theories, his whole concern being to render faithfully into English as complete information on the subjects assigned as could be found among the best informed Indians. Not being in any sense an adherent of Blackfoot religion, he looked upon all beliefs and ceremonies as curious and interesting phenomena worthy of sympathetic investigation. ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS OF THE American riuseum of Natural History. Vol. Vll, Part 1. THE SOCIAL LIFE OF THE BLACKFOOT INDIANS, BY CLARK WISSLER. NEW YORK: Published by Order of the Trustees. 1911. American Museum of Natural History. PUBLICATIONS L\ ANTHROPOLOGY. The results of researcli conducted by the Anthropological staff of the Museum, unless otherwise provided for, are published in a series of octavo volumes of about 350 pages each, issued in parts at irregular intervals, entitled Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History. This series of publication aims to give the results of field-work conducted by the above department, supplemented by the study of collections in the Museum. The following are on sale at the Museum at the prices stated: Vol. I, Part I. Technique of some South American Feather-work. By Charles W. Mead. Pp. 1-18, Plates I-IV, and 14 text figures. January, 1907. Price, $0.25. Part II. Some Protective Designs of the Dakota. By Clark Wissler. Pp. 19-54, Plates V-VII, and 26 text figures, February, 1907. Price, $0.50. Part III. Gros Ventre Myths and Tales. By A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 5.5-139. May, 1907. Price, $0.25. Part IV. Ethnology of the Gros Ventre. ,By A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 141-282, Plates VIII-XIII, and 44 text figures. April, 1908. Price, $1.50. Part V. The Hard Palate in Normal and Feeble-minded Individ- uals. By Walter Channing and Clark Wissler. Pp. 283- 350, Plates XIV-XXII, 8 text figures, and 19 tables. August, 1908. Price, $0.50. Part VI. Iroquois Silverwork. By M. R. Harrington. Pp. 351- 370, Plates XXIII-XXIX, and 2 text figures. August, 1908. Price, $0.50. Vol. II, Part I. Mythology of the Blackfoot Indians. By Clark Wissler and D. C. Duvall. Pp. l-lt)4. September, 1908. Price, $1.00. Part II. The Northern Shoshone. By Robert H. Lowie. Pp. 165- 306, Plate I, and 20 text figures. January, 1909. Price, $1.50. Part III. Notes Concerning New Collections. Edited by Clark Wissler. Pp. 307-364, Plates II-XXIII, 23 text figures. April, 1909. Price, $1.00. Vol. III. The Indians of Greater New York and the Lower Hudson. By Alanson Skinner, J. K. Finch, R. P. Bolton, M. R. Harrington, Max Schrabisch and F. G. Speck. Pp. 1-242. Plates I-XXIV, and 39 text figures. September, 1909. Price, $3.50. Vol. IV, Part I. The Assiniboine. By Robert H. Lowie. Pp. 1-270. Plates I-III, and 17 text figures. November, 1909. Price, $2.75. Part II. Notes Conc<'rning New Collections. Edited by Robert H. Lowie. Pp. 271-337. Plates IV-VIII, and 42 text figures, 1910. Price. $0.75. (Continued on Sd p. of cover.) ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS OF THE American riuseum of Natural History. Vol. VII, Part I. THE SOCIAL LIFE OF THE BLACKFOOT INDIANS. BY CLARK WISSLER. NEW YORK: Published by Order of the Trustees. 1911. MonoerapB E ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS OF THE American Museum of Natural History Vol. mi, Part I. THE SOCIAL LIFE OF THE BLACKFOOT INDL\NS. By Clark ^YISSLER. Contents. Page. Introduction 3 Tribal Divisions 7 Courtship ............. 8 Marriage and Its Obligations 9 Plurality of Wives 11 Potential Wives .12 The Mother-in-Law Taboo 12 Divorce 13 Relationship 14 Names 16 Bands 18 The Camp Circle 22 Tribal Organization and Control 22 Property Rights 26 Division of Labor 27 Birth Customs ....".' 28 Menstrual Customs 29 Care and Training of Children ........ 29 Death and Mourning 30 ''Tales of Adventure 32 'Heraldry and Picture Writing 36 Reckoning Time ............ 44 Oaths .51 Etiquette ............. 51 Amusements and Games 53 1 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Nalural Ilislory. [Vol. VII, Gambling 59 The Hand-Game 59 The Wheel Gambling Game GO The Four-stick Game . .60 Bibliography 63 ILLUSTRATIONS. Text Figurks. 1. Section of a decorated Tipi .... 2. Selected Figures from a decorated Tipi . 3. Symbols used in War Records 4. Methods of recording the Capture of Horses 5. Highly conventionalized Symbols 6. A sand Map showing the Course of a War Party 7. Map recording a Battle 8. Wooden Tops 9. A Stone Top . 10. Top Whip with Lashes of Bark 11. Gaming Bows and Arrows 12. A Wooden Dart 13. The Wheel Game . 14. A Shinny Stick lo. The Four-stick Game Introduction. In this third paper on the ethnology of the Blackfoot Indians full recog- nition should again be given Mr. D. C. Duvall, with whose assistance the data were collected by the writer on a Museum expedition in 1906. Later, Mr. Duvall read the descriptive parts of the manuscript to well-informed Indians, recording their corrections and comments, the substance of which was incorporated in the final revision. Most of the data come from the Piegan division in Montana. For supplementary accounts of social customs the works of Henry, Maximilian, Grinnell, Maclean, and McClintock are especially worthy of consideration. Since this paper is an integral part of an ethnographic survey in the Missouri-Saskatchewan area some general statements seem permissible for there is even yet a deep interest in the order of social grouping in different parts of the world and its assumed relation with exogamy, to the current discussion of which our presentation of the Blackfoot band system may perhaps contribute. We believe the facts indicate these bands to be social groups, or units, frequently formed and even now taking shape by di\ision, segregation and union, in the main a physical grouping of individuals in adjustment to sociological and economic conditions. The readiness with which a Blackfoot changes his band and the unstable character of the band name and above all the band's obvious function as a social and political unit, make it appear that its somewhat uncertain exogamous character is a mere coincidence. A satisfactory comparative view of social organiza- tion in this area must await the accumulation of more detailed information than is now available. A brief resume may, however, serve to define some of the problems. Dr. Lowie's investigation of the Assiniboine reveals band characteristics similar to those of the Blackfoot in so far as his inform- ants gave evidence of no precise conscious relation between band affilia- tion and restrictions to marriage.^ The Gros Ventre, according to Kroeber, are composed of bands in which descent is paternal and marriage forbidden within the bands of one's father and mother, which has the appearance of a mere blood restriction.^ The Arapaho bands, on tlie other hand, were Lowie, (a), 34. Kroeber, (a), 147. 4 Anl/irnpolodical Papers American Museum of Xnlural Ilistor!/. [Xo]. VII, iiRTcly divisions in which iiu-iiihcrship \v;is iiilicrittd hut Aid not affect marriage in any way.^ The Crow, however, have not only exogainous hands hut phratries. The Teton-Dakota so far as our own information goes, are like the Assiniboine. For the Western Cree we lack definite information hut such as we have indicates a simple family group and blood restrictions to marriage. The following statement by Henry may be noted : " A Cree often finds difficulty in tracing out his grandfather, as they do not possess totems — that ready expedient among the Saulteurs. Tiicy have a certain way of distinguishing their families and tribes, but it is not nearly so accurate as that of the Saulteurs, and the second or third generation back seems often lost in oblivion." - On the west, the Xez Perce seem innocent of anything like clans or gentes.' The Northern Shoshone seem not to have the formal bands of the Blackfoot and other tribes but to have recognized simple family groups.* The clan-like organizations of the Ojii)way, Winnebago and some other Siouan groups and also the Caddoan groups on the eastern and southern borders of our area serve to sharpen the differentiation. The names of Blackfoot bands are not animal terms but characterizations ill no wise different from tribal names. Those of the Assiniboine, Gros \'entre, Arapaho, Cheyenne, and Teton-Dakota are, so far as reported, essentially of the same class. It seems then that the name system for these bands is the same among these neighboring tril)es of the area and that it is an integral part of the whole system of nomenclature for groups of individ- uals. This may be of no particular significance, yet it is difficult to see in it the ear marks of a broken-down clan organization; it looks for. all the world like an economic or physical grouping of a growing population. We have seen in the Blackfoot system the suggestion thai tlie band circle or camp circle organization is in function a political and ceremonial adjunct and that the exogamous aspects of these bands were accidental. So far as we know this holds to a degree for other tribes using tlie l)and circle.^ It seems probable that many discussions of social phenomena could be expedited if clear distinctions were established between what is conven- tional and what is the result of specific functions and adaptations. T'n- fortunately, our ignorance of the processes involved and their seeming ilhisiveness of apprehension make such a result wcll-iiigli hopeless. By the ' Kroi-ber. (b), 8. - Ik'iiry. 511. » Spinden, 241. * Lowie. (b). 206. s .See Mooney. 402; Swanton. 06.3: and Cokionweiser, 53. 1911.] Wisfihr, Blarkfoot Socuil Life. 5 large, coinxMitional things, or customs, appear to he ])ro(hicts of ideation or thinking. Now a t)an(l circle is ckarly a scheme, a conception, that may well have originated within the mental activities of a single individual, a true psychic accident. Indeed this is precisely what conventions seem to he — customs, procedures or orders that happen to become fixed. A band, on the other hand, is not so easily disposed of. The name itself implies some- thing instinctive or physical, as a flock, a grove, etc. Something like this is seen in the ethnic grouping of the Dakota since we have the main group composed of two large divisions in one of which is the Teton, this again sub-divided among which we find the Ogalalla, and this in turn divided into camps, etc. Though detected by conventionalities of language this divid- ing and diffusing is largely physical, or at least an organic adjustment to environment. Then among the Ojibway we have a population widely scattered in physical groups but over and above all, seemingly independent, a clan system; the latter is certainly conventional, but the former, not. Now the Blackfoot band seems in genesis very much of a combined instinc- tive and physical grouping, in so far as it is largely a sexual group and adapted to economic conditions. In its relation to the band system of government and its exogamous tendency it is clearly conventional. What may be termed the conventional band system consists in a scheme for the tribal group designated as a band circle. This scheme once in force would perpetuate the band names and distinctions in the face of re-groupings for physical and economic reasons. Something like this has been reported for the Cheyenne who have practically the same band scheme but live in camps or physical groups not coincident with the band grouping, hence, their band was predominatingly conventional. The following statement of the Arapaho, if we read correctly, is in line with this: "When the bands were separate, the people in each camped promiscuously and without order. When the whole tribe was together, it camped in a circle that had an open- ing to the east. The members of each band then camped in one place in a circle." ' All this in turn seems to support the interpretation that the band circle system is merely a conventionalized scheme of tribal government. We have noted that among the Blackfoot the tribal governments are so associated with the band circles that they exist only potentially until the camps are formed ; at other times each band is a law unto itself. So far as our data go something like this holds in part at least, for the neighboring tribes. As a hypothesis, then, for further consideration we may state that the band circles and the bands are the objective forms of a type of tribal government almost peculiar to this area, an organization of units not to be 1 Kroeber, (b). 8. Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. VII, confused with the more social cUms and gentes of other tribes to which they bear a superficial resemblance. In closing, we may remark that exogamy is often but a rule for marriage respecting some conventional groupings. The Blackfoot appear to have paused at the very threshold of such a ruling for their bands. December, 1910. Wissler, Blackfoot Social Life. Tribal Divisions. As previously stated, there are three pohtical divisions of the Blackfoot Indians. These were definite when the tribes first came to our knowledge and their origins have long had a place in mythology. The genesis of these divisions must forever remain obscure, though there are a few suggestions as to what may have been the order of differentiation. While the term Blackfoot has been used by explorers from the very first, it seems also to have some general significance among the Indians themselves. Thus, a Piegan will tell you that he is a Piegan, but if asked who are the Piegan, will usually reply that they are Blackfoot Indians. Naturally, this may be due to foreign influence, the idea of subordination to the Blackfoot division having grown out of knowledge that such a classification was accepted by the dominant race.^ In the sign language, there appears no distinct desig- nation for the group as a whole. According to our information the signs are : — Blackfoot. Pass the thumb and extended fingers down the side of the leg and supplement by pointing to black. Blood. Crook the closed fingers and draw across the mouth, the teeth showing. The idea is that of picking clotted blood from the mouth. Piegan. The closed fist, fingers down, rubbed on the cheek. The idea is "poorly dressed robes," the sign signifying the rubbing of a skin.^ One informant claims the name to have been given by the Crow because the first Piegan they killed wore a scabby robe. To the many published stories accounting for the origin of the term Kainaw '^ (Blood) we add the following from the Piegan which is entirely consistent with the sign. A party of Piegan were found in the mountains frozen. They lay in a heap. Afterwards, the Blood taunted them by singing, "All in a pile." Some time after this, some Blood were found in the same condition but with dried l)lood and froth smeared on their faces. Then the Piegan retorted by singing and making the sign. In daily speech, the significance of kai seems to be some dried effluvium from the body, hence, the name. Henry gives a gr(>at deal of information as to the Blackfoot but is not quite consistent in his classification, for though he recognized the three 1 "All these Indians (Piegan, Blood, Blackfoot] are comprehended, by the Whites, under the general name of Blackfeet, which they themselves do not, however, extend so far. but know each of the three tribes only by its own proper name." Maximilian, Vol. 23, 96. 2 See also Maclean, (a), 44; Clark, 73, 74. o Anthropolocjical Ptipera American Mtt-seuin of Xulurdi History. [\'ol. \'II, liistorical divisions in his (Minincration, hf .substituted two "l)iinds" for the Hlackfoot; ' thr (old ImikI and. Painted Feather's hand, inii)lyinK that these were (Hstinet and strong (Hvisions into which the Blaekfoot were divided. This may have been a temporary segregation under two dominant leaders. Henry estimated the strength of the Piegan as equal to all the other divisions combined, an estimate consistent with all our information and with tradition. There are some linguistic dilfcrciiccs between the three tril)cs but these are chiefly in the choice of words and in current idioms. The Northern Blaekfoot .seem to diflFer more from the Piegan than the latter from the Blood. Courtship. It seems proper to begin the discussion of our subject with those conven- tions directly associated with sexual activities. Among the Blaekfoot, as everywhere, the male is usually the aggressor. He lies in wait outside the tipi at night or along the paths to the water and wood-gathering places to force his attentions. This phase of sexual life is often expressed in myths and tales, intercepting the girl with her bundles of wood being the favorite.- Another maimer of approach is by creeping under the tipi cover into the sleeping place of the girls. When countenanced by the girl's family, atten- tions may be received by day in full view of all, the couple sitting together muffled in the .same blanket, a familiar Dakota practice. Naturally, the girl may offer the first invitation. The most conventional way is for her to make moccasins secretly for the youth of her choice, this being regarded as the first proper step. Curiously enough, when married the young bride is expected to make a pair of moccasins for each of her husband's male relatives. Then they will say, "\V(>11, my feniaU relative (nimps) is all right, she makes moccasins for us." As the wife usually goes to live with her husband's people, this is something of a formal demonstration of her worth to his family. To all appearances, at least, \ irginity is held in very great esteem and extreme precaution is taken to guard the girls of the family. They are closely watched by their mothers and married ofT as soon as possible after puberty'. For a girl to become pregnant is regarded as an extreme family disgrace. She will be scolded privately; but none of the family will speak Henry and Thompson. 530. Vol. 2, .58, 109. 1911.1 Wissler, Black-fool Social Life. 9 ot" the matter in pul)lic if it can be avoided, they l)earin,ti- their slianie sih'iitly. No special demands are made of the co-partner in lier shaiiic, tlie girl alone being the one held responsible. Marriage may result, but the initiative is usually left to the man, since he is not regarded as having erred or fallen into disfavor. The formal virginity tests and puberty ceremonies practised among the Siouan tril)es seem to have no place in Blackfoot society. The male lover enjoys unusual liberties. His efforts at debauchery are not only tolerated but encouraged by his family and should he lead a married woman astray is heralded as a person of promise. Thus, while great pains are taken to safeguard young girls, boys are, if anything, encouraged to break through the liarriers. While the flageolet is a favorite adjunct of courtshij) among many tribes of the area, its use in this connection seems to have been ignored by the Blackfoot. They did, however, resort to charms and formula known collectively as Cree medicine, a subject to be discussed in another paper. From what information we have, the pursuit of the female was much less in evidence than among the Dakota and other Siouan tribes.^ We found no traces of conventional modes of registering concjuests as among the young men of the Dakota and Village Indians.- Marriage and Its Obligations. Before proceeding, it should be noted that the courtship discussed in the preceding has no necessary relation to marriage, and may continue secretly after one or both are married. Proposals frequently come from the parents of either the girl or the man and often without the knowledge of one or both of the contracting parties. Mr. Grinnell has described in some detail what may be regarded as the most ostentatious form of proposal,^ making it unnecessary to discuss the matter here. In general, it appears that the negotiations are carried on between the fathers of the couple or between the father and his prospective son-in-law. If successful, the next step is the exchange of presents. Grinnell denies that there is an idea of wife purchase in these transactions,** but when discussing divorce on the following page says the husband coidd "demand the price paid for her." According to our information, the idea of purchase is still alive, though the woman herself may, as Grinnell claims, be regarded as more than a chattel. Even to-day, 1 Wissler, (b). = Maximilian. Vol. 23. 282-283. 3 Grinnell, 211-216; see also McClintock, 185. * Grinnell, 217. 10 Anthropoloqical Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. VII, the l)ri(legn)()m is expected to give a few liorses and other property to the bride's parents, and though presents are often sent with the bride, the bridegroom must return at U'ast two-fohl.' In former times, it is said, well- to-do families prepared the bride with an outfit of horses, clothing, etc., and paraded over toward the band of the bridegroom to be met in turn by a similar procession and outfit. The chief object here was a parade of wealth, that all the people might see the social excellence of the two families; for, as just stated, the bridegroom must in the end pay a price over and above the mere exchange of presents. A Piegan to whom the text was read conunented as follows: — They do pay for their women. When a man punishes his woman, he generally remarks that he paid enough for her, and, hence, can do with her as he will. On the other hand, if a man who gives few presents or pays nothing, becomes exacting, the woman's relatives will remark that as he paid little or nothing he should desist; they may even take her away and find another husband for her. There is a l)elief that the father-in-law was for a time entitled to part of the spoils of the chase and war, especially the latter. During the period between the proposal and the marriage, the hunt was delivered to the tipi of the prospective father-in-law and when cooked a portion was carried to the young man's tipi by the girl. The formal marriage ceremony was simple, the couple taking their proper places in the tipi and assuming at once their domestic responsibili- ties. The husband was expected to hunt and accumulate horses; the wife to prepare the food, make the clothing, etc. He had no great obligations to her in his associations with other women; but she, on the other hand, must strictly respect her compact. As the hour of marriage approached, the girl's relatives gave her a forceful talk on her obligations and the shame of adultery. Her attention was called to the important part a virtuous married woman may take in the sun dance as well as her fitness to call upon the sun for aid in times of trial. She was threatened with death, if she yielded to temptation. Formerly, it is said, a wife was often executed for committing adultery. Should the husband fail to do this, her relatives would often carry it out to save the name of the family. Such executions are described as Iia\ ing been barbarous beyond belief. Later, the woman's nose was cut off; s(!\(ral women now li\ing bear the.se marks of shame.^ ' "Thorp is iKi |i;uti(iil;ir luarriaKO ceremony amoiiK the Blackfeet: the man pays for the wife, and takes hit- to lihn; the purchase-price is announced to the father of the girl by a friend or some other man. If lie accepts it, the girl is given up. and the marriage is concluded. If the wife behaves ill. or if her husband is tired of her, he send.s her home without any cere- mony, which does not give occasion to any dispute. She takes her property and retires: the children remain the property of the luisband," Maximilian. Vol. _>.{. 1 lo. ' See Maximilian, Vol. 23, 1 1(». 1911.] Witisler, Blackfool Social Life. 11 If the husband was a head man, he used his own judgment as to the woman's guilt and it is heUeved that the penalty was often due more to his unreason- nble jealousy than to real knowledge of his wife's guilt. Yet, in any event, the disgrace and shame for the relatives of both husband and wife was so great that extreme penalties for mere suspicion were considered justifiable, if the interested parties were of some importance in social life. Another form of punishment was for the husband to call on the members of his society to deal with the woman, whom they debauched in the most shocking manner and turnefl out of doors to become a prostitute. Not many years ago, a young man called in all his friends, and delivered his faithless wife to them for such treatment. The lending of wives was looked upon as a disgrace, or at least as irregu- lar. A distinction should be made, however, between the favorite wife and other wives. These others were often captured women from other tribes, violated by a war party before becoming members of a household. Such were often loaned by their masters without exciting puV)lic dissent. It may have been such women that came to the notice of Henry and excited his extreme contempt.^ Plurality of Wives. There were no restrictions as to the number of women taken to wife, but no woman coidd have more than one husband. Economic conditions, however, were unfavorable to a household of many wives, so that many men kept but a single wife and very few indeed ventured to support as many as five. On the other hand, a man of importance was expected to have two or more wives, suggesting wealth and resourcefulness. Plural wives speak of themselves as niskas (married to the same man) or, if of considerable difference in age, as elder and younger sisters. In the normal order of events, the first wife is the real, or head wife (she who sits beside him). A man may depose the head wife and confer the right upon another; but such was regarded as unusual, except where the provocation was great. When he went upon a journey, the head wife alone usually accompanied him. In the transfer of medicines, she took the woman's part and after- wards cared for the bundle. It seems that in this function, at least, she was secure from the whims of her husband. Again, there is the belief that the marriage obligations demanded more of her; the other wives, especially if young, were generally assumed to have lovers among the young nuMi even though such was formally forbidden. » Henry and Thompson, 526: also Maximilian, Vol. 23, 109. 12 AnthropohHjival I'ainrs Anirriran Mii.^rnm of .XahintI llistonj. \\\A. \II, It is said, tliat soiiictinics llic intimate I'riciids of a Noiiiiii' nian ahoiit to marry would ask for the loan of liis wife after marr\iii,ii, Imt that in >ueli cases tlie wife rai-eiy yielded to liis reijuests as she was always upheld in an appeal to his or her ri-lati\('s. In the absence of other data, it is not safe to consider this a sur\i\al of former i)ractices. IIowe\-er, it should Ke con- sidered a possible phase of the distant-w ife relations. PoTKXTiAL Wives. The sisters of a wife are spoken of as "distant-wives" and may be, in a way, potential wives, though it is not clear that there was any obligation involved when plural marriages were permitted. If a man proved to be a good husband, it is said, he might be given the '"distant-wives" in turn, but there was no compulsion. The marriage of sisters was justified on practical grounds, they being more likely to live together in harmony. If there was a twin l)r()tlier, tlie distaht-w'ife relationship applied to him also; if not an actual twin but an inseparable companion (nitaks ok kow^ommaul) the same term would apply, though in these cases to a less degree. There is, however, a curious social custom still in force by which a man and his distant wi\-es are expected, on meeting, to engage in Ijold and ob- scene jests concerning sexual matters. This is often carried to a degree l)eyond belief. Thus, there is not only the same freedom here as between man and wife, but the conventional necessity for license. As practically all other relati\es by marriage are forbidden the least reference to such subjects, the force of the exception is greatly magnified. For example, a man will not even relate the obscene tales of the Old Man and other tales containing such reference in the presence of his brothers-in-law nor before their immediate relatives. If we add to this an eqiuil prohil)ition against the presence of his sisters and female cousins, we have marked out the limits of this taboo. Thus, it appears that with respect to this taboo, the distant-wives are placed in an exaggerated sense in the category of real wives. Other familiarities of a man with his distant-wives are strictly improper. TiiK .M()Tiii.K-iN-L\\\ Taboo. The preceding may be a i)hase of the well-known mother-in-law taboo. .Vmong the Hlaekfoot, still, a, man should not speak to his mother-in-law. or ( \-en look at her. Th(> taboo is ecpially binding upon her. If one is disci)\-ered about to enter the tipi where the other is present, some one gives 1911.] Wissler, Blackfoot Social Life. 13 warning in time lo iivoid the breach. Should the son-in-law enter, he must make her a present to mitigate her shame; should the mother-in-law offend, she must also make a small return. However, as usual with such taboos, there are ways of adjusting this restriction when necessary. If the son-in- law is ill, she may, in case of need, care for him and speak to him ; upon his recovery the taboo is considered as permanently removed. Each may call on the other when in great danger, after which they need not be ashamed to meet. Sometimes when a man went out to war or was missing, his mother- in-law would register a vow that if he returned alive, she would shake hands with him and give him a horse and feel no more shame at meeting. The son-in-law may remove the taboo by presenting a few captured guns or horses. Some informants claim that four such presentations were necessary, after which his mother-in-law would take him by the hand and thus remo^•e the taboo. She may receive support from her son-in-law but, even with the taboo removed, must not live in the same tipi with him, a small one being set up outside. It is observable that the presents for removing the taboo bear some analogy to those made the father-in-law during the first months of married life and may be genetically related to that practice.' The counterpart of this taboo does not prevail, since a man need not a\oid his daughter-in-law, his association with her being governed by the conventions applying to his own daughters. Yet, it is not looked upon as quite right for a man to spend too much time at the home of his son. On the other hand, for a man to live with his father-in-law, or spend a great deal of his time there, excites ridicule. Divorce. The chief grounds for dixorce from the man's point of \ iiw , are laziness and adultery. For these or any other causes he may turn iiis wife out of doors. The woman then returns to her relatives where she is cared for and protected until another marriage can be arranged. The husl)and usually demands a return for the property he ga\e for her at marriage; he is sure 1 Among the Mandan, we are told, "the mother-in-law never speaks to her son-in-law; but if he comes home, and brings her the scalp of a slain enemy, and his gun, she is at liberty, from that moment, to converse with him." — Maximilian, Vol 2.3, 283. Among the Assini- boine the father-in-law taboo may be so removed. — Lowie, (a), 41. For the Cree we may add: — "Amongst our visitors was the son-in-law of the chief; and, according to Indian custom, lie took his seat with hi.s back towards his father and mother-in-law, never address- ing them but through the medium of a third party, and they preserving the same etiquette towards him. This rule is not broken through until the son-in-law proves himself worthy of personally speaking to him, by having killed an enemy with white hairs; they then become entitled to wear a dress trimmed with human hair, taken from the scalps of their foe.s," Kane, 393, 14 Anlliroi)olo(jic(il I'a/xrs Atncrican Mmouni of Xatiiral Hialory. [Vol. W\, to do this if she marries aj;ain. From the woman's point of view, adultery does not justify divorce, hut neglect and cruelty may result in ahandonment. She flees to her relatives where she is safe from attack. The husband's family then opens negotiations with her relatives and an attempt at adjust- ment is made. The woman's family usually agrees to another trial, hut may finally decide to find her another husband. Then her husband demands a settlement and is entitled to ecjuivalent return for what he gave at marriage. Thus, formal divorce is really a restitution of the husband's marriage gifts, or a refund of the purchase price. In general, divorce seems not to have l)e( n common as it was looked upon as disgraceful under all circumstances and grievously expensive. The behavior of the husband was softened by his knowing that in case of con- tinuefl discord his wife's relatives were certain to interfere except she were charged with adultery and even in that event would retaliate if the accusa- tion was manifestly unjust. When the husband dies, the wife usuidly returns to her relatives who again arrange for her marriage. RkL.\TI()\SH1I'. The most important relationsliips in life are given in the accompanying table where the equivalents in our nomenclature are given for the Piegan terms: first, if the person considered is male, second, if female. In general, it appears th;it the terms as applied l)y males to males are more restricted and definite tiian those of males to females and females to persons of both sexes, though in function the terms are so used as to be equally intelligible. Thus, while a girl uses the term, father, in addressing* men jnarried to her moth( r's sisters, she does not confu.se this relation with the real one. On the other hand, it appears that the system as given in the table is ordered on the theory that sisters become the waives of the same man. This is also consis- tent with the distant-wife relationship previously discussed. Further, the system seems adapted to a gentile band organization in that the relation- ships of the women are mon> iiichisixc on the father's sid(>: this, howexcr, is not entirelv consistent. 1911.] Winder, Blackfoot Social Life. 15 Relationships. Terms Significance as Applied to Males, nl'nna my father niks5'stak my mother and her sistens; wives of my elder brothers, brothers of my father and of mj mother, nl'ssa" my elder brothers and all those of my mother; the elder (to me) sons of my father's and mother's brothers, ni'nst my elder sisters and elder daughters of father's and mother's brothers, nl'nsta nl'skSn my younger brothers and younger brothers of my father; all my younger first cousins by brothers of my parents. nicinnaua^'s my father's father, my mother's father; also can be used for father-in-law. nitau'ka^s the mothers of my father and mother and my father's sister; also my motlier-in-law. naa'^s my father-in-law, mother-in- law; also may be used for grantl- parents. nimps wives of my sons, younger brothers, and younger cousins. nIstSmmo'- husbands of father's and wak mother's sisters; also my sister's husband, iltaw'to- jombp Significance as Applied to Females. my father and husbands of my mother's sisters. my mother and her sisters; wives of my father's brothers. my elder brothers and all those of my father and mother; the elder sons of mother's brothers and sisters. my elder sisters and elder daughters of father's brothers and sisters. my younger brothers and sis- ters; all of my younger first cousins. all my paternal and maternal grandparents. Also my father's sisters and their husbands. wives of my cousins, of mj^ brothers and of the brothers of mj- mother. husbands of my sisters. 16 An(hn)j>()li)i/it(il I'apcrs Antiriniii Miiseum of Xaliifdl Hislori/. '\ ol. \ Tlu'iH' is a peculiar artificial relationship among- boys ^' ' • attention. Manx' of them luive a male com])anion from '' almost inseparahle. The j)airs are usually of the same age and grow up together as it were; they play together, they go to^war togethe they aid each other in courtship and in after life call on each ^ther for help and ad- vice. These bonds often last until death.' Thett.nis of relatioT ship for hrotlu'rs are sometimes used by them and it is not unusual for them to assume the equality of twins. Thus, a twin will speak of his ., .-other's w' as his distant-wife, a term often used in the same way by the relation alluded to above. Persons of any age or nationality may be adopted into a f' nierly a man losing a son might adopt a yovnig man from his ,. ,i o- omer bands, or excn a cai)ti\e, to fill the vacant place; an old ight. on her own initiatixc, do the same thing. Very often theboso;. of the deceased woidd be recognized as a son by adoption, obliterating his true family ties. In late years, a number o*' .te men ha\'e been adopted as a mark of respect and in all cases of this kind, the Blackfoot expect the nominal su|::)ort of a. son to his pare;;*s. The cere- mony of adoption is not as elaborate and fixed as among t>. Dakota and some other Siouan tril)es, though a form of this ceremonial rielution is used in the transfer of medicines. Names. Kacli indi\idual has a name. The name is single in that there 's neither family nor band name; though some persons, especially, meii, possess several names, these are co-ordinate and never used jointl;. The right to name the child rests with the father; though he rarely confers it in person unless a man of great importance. Uv usually calls in a man of d inction who receives presents in return for his services. A woman may be called, but less often than a man, be the child \\vd\v or fiMuale. There is no fixc^l time for this, i)Ut it is not considered right to defer it many weeks aftt>r Itirth. The namer asks to have a sweat house made which he enters, often in com- pany with the father and other nun he chances toiinite. After the usual sweat house ceremonies, the namer suggests two or three names for con- sideration by the family. A selection is then made, the father, in any e\ <• haxing the right of final approxal. Prayers are usually offered by the r I Mooncy llml.s soiiK'thiiiK similar among the Chcyoiine and makes a vufiiie stat as to its wide distribution. Mooncy. 410. However, it is difflcult to eliminate tlie inst'n'iiive from tlie conventional in a comparative statement of tliis custom. 'Ill ' Wisdcr, Blackfoot Social Life. 17 " :r of the name is regarded as of very great importance since ....•.;..•■■' ''''i I s doing is believed to influence the fate of the child during tne entire spaic^of life. The virtue of the naming is greatly enhanced, if '^^e officv ;!tmg person -s one of great renown. The naine chosen '^-iny ha^-e various origins. As a rule, it will he the name of some person 16'ng dead, if possible one of great distinction. Thus, the writer was in a way adopted by a Blood head man, who gave him choice 'f'two nances', one that of a distinguished warrior, the other of a great ' '^'' '^'^fftn. If a person living is known to bear the preferred name, it lightly modified by the change or addition of attributes. Thus, ' r*^feay become White Dog, or simply Dog, to distinguish the bearer fron^ - ' '^Or of the same name. In all such cases, there is the feeling that rjie carries with it some power to promote the well being of him ' ■ •" ','fdlt is conferred. Again, a father may name the child from deeds '''i '^ ■^'A, a,s Two-guns, Takes-the-shield, etc. As a rule, unless he has weighty^i^eds to his credit, the father will not himself venture to confer a name. As a' ays, there is the feeling that unless the name is of great worth, the fates wil ^ adverse to the named. Sometimes, one may have a dream or hear a vo" that gives him power to confer a name ; it goes without saying that such is 'considered highly efficacious. Mothers usually give the baby a special name according to some char- acteristic habit or expression. This name is rarely used by others. Women seldom change their names but men always do. When the youth goes on his first war party his companions give him a new name. This name (ften carries with it an element of ridicule and should the youth show reiVctance at its proposal it will be changed to Not-wan t- to-be-call ed- etc. After the party has returned the family will say to the youth, "Well, I suppose ■ 'I have a new name : I suppose it is the name of some old grand- mother etv." Then the youth is forced to give his new name which is certaiii .o excite great merriment and teasing. Later, when the youth performs sOme worthy deed, he will be given a new and more dignified name. This will be his name as a man, though subject to change at any time. Names are sometimes formally changed at the sun dance by the chief- weather-dancer who announces, "Now, if you wish this man to aid you, if you call upon him for help, etc., you must address him as . His other name is now left behind at this place." At other times the change ^"lames is less formal and may be at the sole initiative of the person con- ■ ""f-i 1. In practice, it seems that a man never really abandons a name .)|gli always spoken of by the last conferred or current name since he "' s^iy that he has two, three, or any number, as the case may be, enumer- ating ail those given him during his life. While to ask a man his name is 18 AnlhropoliK/iriil Pa/wrs American Museum of Xntunil Ilislorij. [\()1. \II. \rry rude, he liiinself st'eins free to speak of it on liis own initiative. The custom seems to rest upon ideas of politeness, since not to have heard a man's name even before meeting him is said to reflect upon his good standing among the people. Hands. Each of the three triljes is composed of hands, kaiyok' kowoiiiiiiostlijaw, implying not only bonds of friendship but bonds of blood.' These bantls have been discussed by Grinnell who considers them true gentes - though he states that in recent times, at least, the adherence to exogamy was not ab.solute. For our part, we have met with many contradictory statements and observations among the Indians now living, so that we can do no more than offer what seems to be the most consistent view of the data available. In the first place, while the band is a definite group in the minds of tlie Indians and every individual knows to what band he belongs, they manifest uncertainty as to how membership is determined and as to its bearing upon marriage restrictions. There is, however, no evidence of a belief in a band ancestor, human or animal; and, hence, no l)an(l totem. The name of the band has no relation to a founder but is supposed to designate, in a way, some peculiarity common to the groups as a whole. Thus, the names are in theory and kind the same as tribe names — Blood, Piegan, etc. — origi- nating normally after the manner of object names in general and apparently not in conformity to some system or belief concerning descent or relation- ship. At marriage, the wife goes to her husband and is considered as l)elonging to his band. The general feeling seems to be that the children belong to the band of their father. Shoidd the father die, the mother and children will go to their relatives best able and willing to care for them, but the children will always be called after their father's band. Should the mother's relatives in her own band be few and not as able to care for the children as the father's people, they remain in the father's band. These relatives may live in the same band, but in any event, the mother takes the dependent children with her. .Siiould she man-y in another band, as is frequent, her > As to the origin of tho term band, used so generally by the older writers and traders of this area, we have a suggestion from Keating: "The term hand, as applied to a herd of buffalo, has almost become technical, l)i'ing the only one in tuso in the west. It is derived from the French term hnmle." Keating, :}7<). We may venture that the use of this term for a head man and his following among the Indians of this same area wa.s suggested l)y the analogy between the two kinds of groui)s. these old naive observers not being blinded by sociological I)reconceptions. » Orinnell. 223-224, 1911.] Wisslrr, Blarkfool Social Life. 19 children may reside with her in their step-father's band. Tliere is no rvde governing cases of this sort and it is said that the children usually go to the band in which they have the strongest ties. Yet, they are seldom really lost to the sight of the father's band and are often reminded by them that they properly belong to their band. Thus, it seems that the bands are in part, at least, gentes. Yet a man may change his band even in middle life.^ For a man to join the band of his wife at marriage is not unusual. The reasons for such changes are usually selfish, in that greater material and social advantages are offered, but we have no suggestion of such transfers being made with the idea of recruiting a depleted band. A man who changes his band may become a head man or even a chief without hindrance, as in the case of a well-known Piegan chief now living. Thus, it appears that there is no absolute rule of descent in band membership and that what bonds exist are rather those of real blood relationship than of an artificial system. Further, it appears that continuous residence or association with a band is practically equivalent to membership therein. The individual seems free to select his band. To marry within the band is not good form, but not criminal. Thus, when a proposal for marriage has been made, the relatives of the girl get together and ha%e a talk, their first and chief concern being the question of blood relationship. Naturally, the band affiliations of the contracting parties cannot be taken as a criterion since both may have very near rela- tives in several bands and cousins of the first degree are ineligible. Should the contracting parties belong to the same band but ])e otherwise eligible, the marriage would be confirmed, though with some reluctance, because there is always a suspicion that some close blood relationship may have been overlooked. Thus, while this attitude is not quite consistent, it implies that the fundamental bar to marriage is relation by blood, or true descent, and that common membership in a band is socially undesirable rather than prohibitive. If we may now add our own interpretation, we should say that the close companionship of the members of the band leads to the feeling that all children are in a sense the children of all tlic adults and that » On this point, the following statement of a Piegan informant may be worthy of note: A man may go into another band and live tliere if he choose, nothing much lieing said about it. Sometimes a man may not hke the chief of his own band and so go to another. There is neither announcement nor formal adoption, he simply goes there to live. For a time, it may be thrown out to him that he belongs elsewhere but after a while he is always spoken of as a member. When a band begins, it may be a group of two or three brothers, fathers, and grandfather, or a small family band (which means the same thing) ; later, friends or admirers of the head man in this family may join them until the band becomes very large. Bands may split in dissention, one part joining another or forming a new one. A new group is soon given a name by other people according to some habit or peculiarity. They do not name them- selves. 20 Atilhwpolof/icdl Pajwrs Ameriaut Muneum of Xalural Ilislori/. [Vol. VII, all tlif chiKlivn arc brothers and sisters and to a natural repugnance to intermarriage. Further, since most of the men in a band are in theory, of common paternal descent, even the informal adoption of a stranger would tend to confer upon him the same inheritance which as time dulled the mem- ory would become more and more of a reality. In any event, the attitude of the Blackfoot themselves seems to imply that the band system came into existence after the present marriage customs and adapted itself to them rather than they to it. A woman is called nimps by all members of her husband's band, not his actual relati\es. She may speak of all male members of the band older than herself as grandfather while the younger males may in turn speak of her as mother. Sometimes men of the same age as her husband, speak of her as "distant-wife." While this may be consistent with a theory of gentile band organization in opposition to other data secured by us, our opinion is that it is at least equally probable that these terms were origi- nally applied as marks of respect and circumstantial association, and conse- quently of little value as indicating the genesis of the band relations. We must not permit the question of exogamy to conceal the important political and social functions of the band system. As one informant says, " the members always hang together at all times." In another place, we have noted how the responsibility for the acts of individuals is charged to the band as a whole and how all are bound to contribute to the payment of penalties and even risk life and limb in defense of a member guilty of murder. In such, we shall doubtless find the true function of the Black- foot l)and. The confusion as to exogamy seems to arise from the fact that blood ties tend to hold the children to the band of the father. The tendency is for each band to live apart. When a band becomes very weak in numbers or able-bodied men, it takes up its residence beside another band or scatters out among relatives in various bands, but this is from necessity rather than choice. At present, the Blackfoot reserves are dotted here and there by small clusters of cabins, the permanent or at least the winter homes of the respective bands. By tradition, this was always the custom, though tipis were used instead of cabins. When two or more bands choose to occupy immediate parts of the same valley, their camps are segre- gated and, if possible, separated by a brook, a point of highland, or other natural l)arrier. The scattering of bands diu'ing the winter was an economic necessity, a practice accentuated among the Thick-wood Cree and other similar tribes. Something was lost in defensive powers but this was doubt- less fully offset by greater immunity from starvation. In summer, the bands tended to collect and move about, lioth for trade and for the hunt. From wliiit infonnatioii we could secure, this seemed to be a natural congre- 1911.] Winder, Blackjool Social lAfc 21 gution under the le;ulersliip ot" some popular nuin, usually a head man in his band. ^Yhile the tendency was for the bands as a whole to join such leaders, it often happened that part of a band cast its lot with one group and part with another; however, such unions were usually temporary, the whole band being ultimately re-united when the tribe finally came together, either to trade at a post or to perform a ceremony. Grinnell gives a list of the bands which he implies are to be taken as existing about 1860 and this agrees quite well with the information we secured. From the foregoing, it is natural to expect changes at any time. Since the names seem particularistic in their significance, we give only Mr. Duvall's translations. For the Blood and North Blackfoot, our list is less complete.^ Piegan Bands. 1. Solid-Topknots 13. Many-medicines 2. They-don't-laugh 14. Small-robes^ 3. Worm-people 15. Red-round-robes 4. Blood-people 16. Buffalo-dung o. Black-patched-moccasins 17. Small-brittle-fat 6. Black-doors 18. L^ndried-meat-in-parfleche 7. Fat-roasters 19. Lone-fighters 8. Skunks 20. No-parfleche 9. Sharp-whiskers 21. Seldom-lonesome 10. Lone-eaters 22. Early-finished-eating 11. White-breasts 23. Short-necks 12. Short-necks Blood Bands. 1. Fish-eaters 5. Many-children o Black-elks. 6. Many-lodge-poles 3. Lone-fighters 7. Short-bows 4. Hair-shirts North lilackfoot Bands. 1. Many-medicines 4. Biters 2_ Black-elks 5. Skunks 3. Liars 6. Bad-guns These lists are doubtless far from being complete. Even among the Indians themselves confusion seems to exist as to some names since a band may be known by two or more names. Under these conditions we deemed the preceding data sufficient to our purpose. Mr. Grinnell explains the 1 For another list of Blood bands, see Maclean, (c), 255. beck, (a). For a Piegan list, see Uhlen- -- Anlhrnpologicnl Papers American Museum of Natural History. [\'ol. \'II, existence of IjuikIs of tlic saiiic name among the varions divisions as due to members of the bands leaving their own tribe to live with another. As we ha\e no data on this point it must puss, though we see no reason why some of the band names may not be older than the tribal divisions. On the other hand, some of the translated names for Gros \'entre bands as stated by Kroeber are identical in meaning with some of those found among the several tribal divisions of the Blackfoot. Again, we are not ready to accept unconditionally the opinion of Grinnell that the disparity between band ties and blood ties is due to the gradual disintegration of tribal life, having previously stated our reasons for assuming the system of blood relationship the older form and pointed out that the band is rather political than other- TiiE ('.\MP Circle. As among many tribes, there was a definite older of camping when the circle of tipis was formed. While Mooney may be correct in his claim that tile circle of the Cheyenne is their fundamental social organization, it can- not be said that the circle of the Blackfoot holds a very close objective relation to their organization. In the first place, each division (Blackfoot, Blood and Piegan) had its own circle and there are no traditions that they were ever combined. Wiien a circle is formed, all visitors from other divisions must, like those from strange tribes, camp outside and apart. Further, there is a firm belief among the Piegan that the circle was never formed except for the sun dance and certain related ceremonies connected with the beaver medicine. It seems likely that if the circle were funda- mental and not of recent origin, there would be traces of a parent circle and vestiges of rules governing its formation. Further, as among the Cheyenne, there is no great unanimity of opinion as to the order of the various bands in the circle but at the sun 'dance the leading men decide arbitrarily any doubt that may exist as to the place of a particular band. The further discussion of this point may be deferred until we take up the sun dance and its problems. The opening in the circle is to the east and the order of bands is enumer- ated from the south side of the opening, as in the characteristic ceremonial order of tiiowment. The present order for the Piegan is as gi\en in the list. TUIUAI. OlUJAMZATION AND CoNTROL. In a way, the band may be considered the social and political unit. There is, in a general .sense, a band chief, but we have failed to find good grounds for assuming that he has any formal right to a title or an office. 1911.] Wissler, Blackfool Hocial Life. 23 He is one of an indefinite number of men designated as head men. These head men may be considered as the social aristocracy, hokling their place in society in the same indefinite and uncertain manner as the social leaders of our own communities. Thus, we hear that no Blackfoot can aspire to be looked upon as a head man imless he is al)le to entertain well, often invite others to his board, and make a practice of relieving the wants of his less fortunate band members. Such practices are sure to strain the aspirant's resources and many sink under it ; but he who can meet all such demands soon acquires a place in the social life of the band that is often proof against the ill fortunes of later years. This phase of their social life is very much alive, having survived not only the changes in economic conditions brought about by the reservation system but the direct opposition of its officers. This story is oft repeated: a young man takes to stock raising, accumulates cattle and horses, gradually taking into nominal employ all his less able relatives who thus come to depend upon him. Presently, he wakes up to the situation and entertains an ambition to become the leading head man of his band, or even of all bands. Then begins a campaign. He makes feasts, gives presents, buys medicines, and supports ceremonies; thus making his home the center of social and ceremonial activities, the leader- ship of which he assumes. His rivals are stirred to activity also and the contest goes on apace. From observation, we believe that bankruptcy is the usual result; but, unless this comes at the very beginning of the effort, the aspirant acquires enough prestige to give him some claim to being a head man for the rest of his days even though he becomes a hanger-on at the door of a younger aspirant. Thus, the head men are those who are or have been social leaders. Naturally, individual worth counts in such contests and he who is born to lead will both in matters great and small. In former times, these rival- ries often led to assassination and other dark deeds. Before the reservation system came in, deeds of the warpath were also essential to the production of a head man, for in them was the place to demonstrate the power to lead. Great deeds in social and ceremonial life would alone elevate one to the status of a head man, though as a rule the warpath was the line of least resistance. These head men of uncertain tenure come to regard one or two of their number as leaders, or chiefs. Such chiefs rarely venture to act without the advice of some head men, as to stand alone would be next to fatal. In tribal assemblies, the head men of the bands usually look to one of these as spokesman, and speak of him as their chief. While the tenure and identity of a head man is thus somewhat \ague, his functions are rather definite. He is the guardian and defender of the 24 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [\'ol. VII, social order in its l)roa(lest sense. Of this, he is I'nlly conscious; as, for example, no man of importance will accept an invitation to visit for a time in a distant band or tribe without calling a consultation. Should some head men of his band indicate disapproval, the invitations will be declined. The theory is that the welfare of his band is endangered by his absence. Above all, the head men are expected to preserve the peace. Should a dis- pute arise in which members of their band are concerned, one or more of them are expected to step in as arbitrators or even as police officials if the occasion demand. When it is suspicioned that a man contemplates a crime or the taking of personal vengeance some head men go to his tipi and talk with him, endeavoring to calm him, giving much kind advice as to the proper course for the good of all concerned. If he has been wronged, they often plead for mercy toward his enemy. Again, the head men may be appealed t:) for redress against a fellow member of the band. In the adjustment of such cases the head men proceed by tact, persuasion, and extreme delil)era- tion. They restrain the young men, as much as possible, after the same method. In all such functions, they are expected to succeed witho\it resort to violence. For mild persistent misconduct, a method of formal ridicule is .some- times practised. When the olfender has failed to take hints and sugges- tions, the head men may take formal notice and decide to resort to disci- pline. Some evening when all are in their tipis, a head man will call out to a neighbor asking if he has observed the conduct of Mr. A. This starts a. general conversation between the many tipis, in which all the grotesque and hideous features of Mr. A's acts are held up to general ridicule amid shrieks of laughter, the grilling continuing until far into the night. The mortifi- cation of the \ ictim is extreme and usually drives him into temporary exile or, as formerly, upon the warpath to do desperate deeds. When there is trouV)le between members of different bands, the head nun of each endeavor to bring about a settlement. Thus, if one of the contend- ing party is killed, the band of the deceased sends notice to the murderer's band that a payment must be made. In the meantime, the murderer may have called upon a head -man of his own band to explain the deed. The head men then discuss the matter and advise that horses and other property be sent over to the injured band at once. .\ crier goes about with the order and mcmb(>rs of the band contribute.' This ofVei- may be refused by the injured band and a demand made for the culprit's life. No matter how I One informant commented on this paragrapli as follows: When the payment is made it is through the head men of the bands concerned. The head man of the hand to which the wronged party Ix-lon^s is Kiven tiie offerings and he passes on them. Wlien he judges them ample, he takes them to the wronged party and tells him to drop the case now since he has received full damages. 1911.] Wissler, Blackfoot Social Life. 25 revolting the offence, the l)an(l is rehietant to give up the accused without a fight. If no presents are sent in a reasonable time, the injured l)and assembles in force and marches out. A head man meets them for a confer- ence, but a fight is likely. After a conflict of this kind, the band killing the greatest number moves to a distant part of the country and when the camp circle is formed keeps in sight but far out to one side. This separation may continue for a year or more. In all such disputes between bands, the head men of other bands may step in to preserve the peace; but, according to report, they seldom accomplish anything. Taking the Piegan, Blood, and Blackfoot as tribes, we may say that there was a head chief for each. His office was more definite than that of a band chief, though he was not formally elected. All the head men of the various tribes came by degrees to unanimity as to who would succeed the living chief, though the matter was rarely discussed in formal council. The main function of the tribal chief was to call councils, he having some discretion as to who should be invited. Some writers claim the Blackfoot appointed two chiefs, one for peace and one for war; but we could find no evidence for this, except that some band chiefs came to have special repu- tations for ability as war leaders and were likely to be called upon in time of need. They were not, however, regarded as head chiefs. While the office of head chief was not hereditary, there was a natural desire among the chief's band to retain the office; thus it is said that among the Piegan most of them ha\'e been members of the Fat-roasters. Everything of importance was settled in council. While each band was represented there was no fixed membership; yet the head chief usually invited those in excess of one member for each band. There seems to have been no formal legislation and no provisions for voting. In former times, the council was rarely convened except in summer. At the end of the fall hunt, the bands separated for the winter to assemble again in the spring at some appointed place. Even in summer they would often camp in two or three bodies, each one under the leadership of some able-bodied band chief, coming together for the sun dance at which time only the whole tribal government was in existence. The organized men's societies among the Blackfoot were, when in large camps, subject to the orders of the head chief or executive of the council and on such occasions seem to have exercised the functions of the head men of the respective bands. This subject will be taken up under another head, but it is a matter of some interest to note how% when such camps were formed, the head men of the bands were merged into a council for the whole and the men's societies became their executive and police agents under the direc- tion of the head chief. Thus, when there was danger, certain societies were 2(1 Aiithwpolixjicdl I'ajtcrs Americdn Mu.< Schoolcraft. 20.5-228. 2 We have heard that the WlnnebaRO used a provisional band scheme for the circle, ••mirely independent of their rcfjular social organization and in conscious imitation of the Dakota. If this proves correct, it will throw some liKht on the whole problem of bands and camp riroU's. 1911.] Wissler, Blackfool Social Life. 27 event, nothing goes to the widow. She may, howexer, retain her own personal property to the extent of that brought with her at marriage. She may chiim, tliough not always with success, the offspring of her own horses. These are horses given her by her relatives and friends. Though not clearly thought out, the feeling seems to be that as the widow returns to her band she is entitled to take only such property as she brought with her at marriage. At the death of a wife, her personal property is regarded as due her relatives, and may go to her daughters, if grown, otherwise back to her band. Theoretically, at least, the woman owned the tipi, the travois, the horse she rode, her domestic implements and clothing. Even to-day, when the white conception of property tends to dominate, a man seldom speaks when his wife bargains away her own hand-work, bedding, and house furnishings. Formerly, disputes concerning property were taken to the head men for adjustment: now the settlements of estates go to the authorized Indian court. Property was bequeathed by a verbal will. A man would state before witnesses and his relatives what horses and property were to go to the wife, to the children, etc. At present, written wills are sometimes executed to protect the family. Under the old regime, the relatives sometimes dis- regarded the wishes of the deceased and left nothing for the widow and children; but, if a woman of good character with many relatives, she was seldom imposed upon. In the division of meat from a co-operative hunt, the best cuts went to the chief, the medicine men, and the owners of medicine pipes. This is some- what at variance with the usual democratic way of doing things and bears a striking resemblance to a similar custom among the Western Cree. In an individual hunt anyone approaching a man engaged in butchering was given meat, sometimes even the last piece. However, he was certain of being in- vited later to eat. Division of L.\bor. The women dress the skins, make their own clothes and most of those used by men. They make most of their own utensils: the tipi, the travois, the riding-gear, prepare and cook the food, gather the vegetables and berries, and carry the wood and water. As the greater part of the baggage, when travelling, is their property, they bear the burden of its transportation. It is a disgrace both to himself and his women, for a man to carry wood or water, to put up a tipi, to use a travois, to cook food when at home and above all to own food or provisions.^ While the men usually did the butcher- 1 An informant states that this applies especially to married men: that in some cases a young single man is called upon to get water after dark, or at any time when it is very cold, a woman may call upon a yoimg man to get wood . 2S Atithropologiral /-"a/^cns Ameriain Mu.^eitni of Natural History. [\\>\. Ml, iiifi, the meat dh arriving; at the tipi l)eeanie the property of the women. A young man may cook food but in seclusion. There is a pretty tale of a young fellow surprised hy his sweetheart while cooking meat. He threw the hot meat into the hcd and lay upon it. The girl embraced him and fondled him while the meat l)urned deeply into his Ijody; but he did not wince. In the tipi, a man .seldom rises to get a ch'ink of water but calls on the women to hand it to him. The men often make their own ornaments and sometimes their leggings and coats. The painted designs upon men's robes and upon tipis are made by men; those upon parfleche and bags are by women. Birth Customs. As the period of pregnancy nears its end the women discard their bracelets and most of their metal ornaments. They dress in old clothes and affect carelessness of person. Should a person look fixedly at one, she will say, "Don't. ]My child will look like you; you are ugly," etc. As the hour approacht>s, tlicy retire to an isolated tipi where they are attended by other women, men not being admitted. A medicine woman may be called, wlio usually administers decoctions for internal use, supposed to facilitate delix'ery. For bearing down, the j^atient holds to a pole of the tipi, an attendant grasping her around the waist. When delivered she is laced up with a piece of skin or rawhide as a support. She is then required to w'alk or creep about in the tipi for a while instead of resting (juietly, in the belief that recovery will be hastened thereby. The after-birth is thrown away and not placed in a tree as among the Dakota. Men should not approach the birthplace for a period as their medicine and war powers would be weakened therel)y. The father may enter but at some risk. It is bad luck for men to step upon the clothing of the newly born or touch those of the mother; lameness and other disorders of the feet and limbs will surely follow. Birth marks are regarded as evidences of re-birth. Boys so marked are believed to be returned warriors bearing honorable scars. Twins are neither regarded with suspicion nor especially favored. ^Vhat data we have seem to be against infanticide even in the case of great deformities. Tales emphasizing the enormity of the. crime arc told of mothers to whom sus- picion attributed the death of such imfortunates. The still-born, it is belie\-ed, will be born again. 1011.] Wissler, Blackfoot Social Life. 29 Menstrual Customs. There is no special taboo upon a menstruating woman requiring her to live apart but she is not supposed to come near the sick. The belief is that in such a case something would strike the patient "like a bullet and make him worse." Further, at this time, women are supposed to keep away from places where medicines are at work. These restrictions also apply to immediate associations with men and to women lax in virtue. Care and Training of Children. Large families seem not to have been unusual though I have ne^•er seen many children with one woman. Some old men now living claim to be fathers of more than twenty children each, though not by a single mother.^ The young children, at least, receive considerable attention and some discipline. They are sometimes punished by a dash of cold water or a forced plunge. In former times, some old men were charged with responsi- bility for each boy's morning bath in the stream regardless of temperature; hence, children were admonished that these men would get them. Striking a child is not regarded as proper. The favorite boggie is the coyote, or the wolf. Women will say, "Now, there is a coyote around: he will get you." Sometimes they say, " Come on wolf and bite this baby." Such words often compose lullabies, a favorite one being, " Come, old woman, with your meat pounder smash this baby's head." After the use of intoxicants be- came general, children were threatened with a drunken man. From the first, children are taught to respect all the taboos of the medi- cine bundles owned by the family and those of their relations and guests. Girls are taught to be kind and helpful, to be always willing to lend a hand, to be virtuous and later, to respect their marriage vows. Special stress is laid upon virtue as a "fast" girl is a disgrace to all her relatives. All chil- dren are expected to retire early and rise early. They must respect the words and acts of the aged and not talk back to elderly people. They are taught to take "joking" gracefully and without show of temper. All "tongue-lashing" is to be taken quietly, without retort. Should a child be struck by his equal, to retaliate in kind is proper. All requests for ser- vice or errands made by elders, are to be rendered at once and in silence. The ideal is the child that starts to perform the service before it is asked ; or, ' "These Indians often have many children, who generally nm and play about quite naked, and swim in the river lilce ducks. The boys go naked till they are thirteen or fourteen years old, but the girls have a leather dress at an early age." Ma.ximilian, Vol. 2.3, 110. •SO Aiil/iropoloi/iciil Papers Anicrictin Muneiun of Xalnnil lUstonj. \\o\. \1I.. it' asked, hct'orc the last word of the speaker is uttered. Talkativeness is almost a crime in the i)resenc'e of elders. The ideal is he who .sits quietly while the adults talk. If he is teased, he may smile hut not speak. Above all. when grown up, he should he self-eontrolled as well as firm and brave. Hoys were taujjht to eare for the horses and to herd them by day: girls to carry wood and water and to assist with other children and household duties. Before marriage, girls must be proficient in the dressing of skins, the making of garments, and the preparation of food. About the time of puberty, boys are expected to go to war. Singly or in pairs they may get permission to accompany a war party, provided they have shown efficiency in hunting. .\t such times, they receive new names, as previously stated. While the boy is expected to go to war, his family not only uses persuasion to keep him at home, but often forbids his going. In any event, he gets permission or goes secretly. It is said, that in this way the virtue of both parents and sons is shown. We failed to find definite evidences of i)uberty ceremonies aside from the boy's change of name. Certain other small ceremonies may be noted. Often when a child takes its first step or speaks its first word, the parents are adroitly reminded that it is their duty to do something. Then they give out presents or make a feast to which all the relatives contribute. Ear- piercing is also somewhat of a ceremony and may be accompanied by a display of wealth, except wdien performed at the sun dance. An old wonum is called for this service and, in imitation of a warrior counting coup, calls out just before piercing an ear, " I ha\ c made a tipi, worked a robe, etc., with these hands." Dkath a.nd MoiRNi.Nt;. Wiien one is taken ill the family sends for a medicine man, j)romising him a horse. If the family is of some importance they may call in a number of such men, to each of whom a horse is promised. They sit around the tipi and work their magic powers in turn while their women assist with the songs. Food and other comforts must be provided for them and their enthusiasm stimulated by gifts of additional horses. \ long acute illness will deprive the family of its accinnulated property. Often a man will tell you that he is very poor now- since he or some of his relatives have been ill for a time. Medicine men usually permit the family to keep the gift horses until needed and often transfer, or sell, their claims to a third party. Should the patient die, they leave at once, often taking with them all the Ioo.se property of the famil\-. If a person dies in a house it is aliandoned, or aft See Maximilian, Vol. 23, 121. 32 Atithropological Papers Atnerican Mufieum of Xa()iral fFislory. [\'ol. \'II, During tlu' mourning period — an indefinite time — the man may dress in tlie meanest possible elothes, neglect his hair and person, and live in a small dilapidated tipi. However, there seems to be less formality in this than among the Dakota, and the spectacular aliandonment of the mourning state often observed among the Teton is wanting. In this connection, may be mentioned a practice not unlike "running a-mok," though apparently without mania. A man realizing that he is the victim of an incurable disease may with more or less deliberation arm him- self and attempt the life of all persons he may meet. He will announce that as he must die, he expects to take as many with him as possible. The records of the reservations will show a number of killings brought about in this way. Thus, a man took his wife out to a small hill, shot her and took his stand against his pursuers, whom he held at bay to his last cartridge with which he, though badly wounded, took his own life. An attempt of this kind came under the observation of the writer while camping with a Blood band. A young man suffering from consumption, slightly intoxicated and threatened with arrest for disorderly conduct, announced to his family one night that he expected to kill all of them and as many of the camp as possible. Fortunately, while he attacked his wife with a knife, his rifle was spirited away and the camp aroused; yet, as he kept out of reach, it was necessary to hold him off with guns until dawn, when he fled in terror of capture alive. Many officials attribute such outbreaks entirely to intoxication, but the evidence we have gathered indicates that there is a conventional side to the practice and a strong probability that it is a variant, and in some respects a survival, of taking to the warpath. Officials and many Indians, respect the convention to such an extent that every effort is made to prevent persons fatally afflicted becoming aware of the fact until near the hour of death. The writer found a similar practice among the Teton, though it seemed that one life is regarded as sufficient, the doomed man usually tak- ing his own life after a short intcr\al. TAL^.s OF Adventire. Many Hlackfoot nun now but a half-century old took part in raids and fights, or went on the warpath, so that now, as of old, deeds of war are important social assets. In former times, only men of great deeds were called upon to perform certain i)ublic and ceremonial functions, a custom still in force but naturally less binding. While there arc other social ideals, such as owning important medicines, becoming a head man and pos- sessing wealth, that of being a successful Avarrior can scarcely be over- 1911.] Wissler, Black foot Social Life. 33 estimated. The tale of adventure as told by the chief actor is the delight of the fireside and entrances old and young alike when delivered by a skil- ful narrator. Other tales, those of tradition and hearsay, are seldom offered as it is the custom for one to narrate his own experiences, a rather high ideal of truthfulness being entertained. Of course, there are historical traditions, but they are usually given in brief without much life. Adven- tures with animals and of the hunt have a place, but are of far less social significance. The following is offered as a type of war narrative and also because it gives a \ery clear picture of just how an expedition for plunder was conducted. It was narrated l)y Strangle Wolf, a \ery old man, and recorded by Mr. Duvall. It wa.s in the fall of the year. I was livinp; with Lazy Boy, for he was an uncle of mine. Lazy Boy was one of the chiefs of the Blackfoot Indians. In the evening, Lazy Bo.v said to me, "Strangle Wolf, we will go out for some Assiniboine horses." This meant, of course, to steal them. "I have plenty of extra pairs of moccasins. We shall need them, for we are going to travel on foot." Somehow, Lazy Boy's father-in-law, Heavy Shield, heard of this, came over that night, and said to him, "Lazj^ Boy, you must not go this time. You can come over in the morning and take my best horses; I don't want you to go. I have Iiad bad dreams." Then the old man r.eturned to his lodge. Lazy Boy only laughed and said to his wife: "Go tell your father that I won't listen to him this time. I must go and get some horses to give him, for the Indians never give him any even when they have many. Another thing is that I have my party ready and will start in the morning." In the morning, we all started. There were thirty of us in the party. Lazy Boy was the leader. He was noted as a fast walker, and asked me to take the lead with him. Lazy Boy fell to telling me about things he said I ought to learn. He said, "Whenever you are out with a war party, as we are now, and all are on foot, you should keep close to the leader, for if you hang back at the tail end you will always be in a trot to keep up with the others; but if you are in the lead you can keep the gait and not become tired so soon." Another thing he said to me was, "When we get to the Assiniboine camps, you must try to get the horses tied close to the lodges for they are the best horses. The Assiniboine always keep up their best horses at night while they drive the others out to the hills." We went down the Missouri River. The game was jilentiful. Buffalo and elk we saw on our way, so we did not go hungry. Everyone had a little pack of meat on his back and his extra pairs of moccasins. When the sun went down we camped for the night. We made three lodges with sticks and bark. After we had cooked and eaten some meat, the chief said we must sing the wolf songs. These songs are sup- posed to give us good luck, on a trip, i. e., if we truthfully tell what our sweethearts said when we left them. Each man is su])poseil to sing a song in which are a few words his sweetheart said to him. After we got through singing, all went to sleep. In the morning, we all started out again. When the .sun was high, we saw something a long way off resembling a person. The Chief said, "It must be an Assiniboine. We must go after him and kill him." So we all ran toward him, and as we approached he seemed to be making 34 Anlhropoloffical Papers American Museiivi of Xalural History. [Vol. \"II, signs to us. When we got up to it, we found out that it was a black stump with its black branches sticking out like arms. As we all went on, I heard some of the men say that it was a bad sign. We travelled many days and night f, until wo came to a lot of timber along the river. It was snowing and very cold. The Chief always kept two men ahead to look over the tops of the liigh hills, so that we would not run into some of the A.s'sinihoine that might be waiting for us. At this place we all stopped and the chief calkd out to two men, "You go across the river to see if you can find out just where the Assini- boine camps are. We must be close to them now. We will wait for yoti here." The two men took off their clothes, tied their leggings and shirts around their heads so as to be able to put them on dry when they got across. The river was wide and deep and the two men swam across. We all waited. When the sun was getting down close to the mountains, Chief Lazy Roy .said to one of the men, "Why can we not cross and wait for them there? It is too cold for the two men to swim back again " So we all got a few poles, tied them together and put a rawhide on top of thrm. Then we put our clothes and guns on top of that. Then four men tied ropes to the raft and taking the ends of the ropes in their mouths swam across. When we all got across the chief said, "Although we are very cold we must not make a fire, for we are close to the camps. They would see the smoke." The sun had just gone down when the two scouts came back, sajing to the chief, "We saw two men leading their horses down to the river Their horses were loaded with meat, so the camps cannot be far off." We waited here a long time until it stopped snowing. The moon was shining brightly. A little later on we heard dogs barking. It was nearly morning when the Chief said, "Come, let us go, it is nearly daylight." All went on until the Chief stopped, when we all stopped beside him. He took a stick and, beating time with it on the barrel of his gun, sang his war song, looking up at the moon. Once he used the following words: "Elk woman, try your best." When the Chief had finished, the others in turn sang their war songs. Then we all started again. After we got close to the camps the Chief told me to go back and tell two of the men to come with him, but for me to stay back with the others. He said, " We shall go through the camp to find out where the best horses are. Then we shall come back to inform you, and then we can all go together." I told the two men and they went off with him, while the rest of us stayed in the brush. About daybreak, we heard a sound as if someone were riding along. Some of the men said it was a loose horse. One of the men went out to look for signs of our party. At the time the chief left us, four men from our party followed him. Thus there were seven. It is believed to be unlucky when there are only seven in a war part)-. Any way, it proved to be at this time. It was just daylight when we heard three .shots, and at the same time the men who went out came back to us saying, "You said that was a loose horse we heard, here is what its rider lost." He carried a gun- sack, ramrod, and a saddle blanket-- We all got up and ran up the river as fast as we could. We had not gone far when we heard more shooting, war whoops, and gallop- ing horses. We kept on until we got to a place where there was thick timber. We stayed there all daj'. We heard no more noise for we were now too far away. When night came we all crossed the river and travelled part of the night until we came to one of our old camping places. Our brush lodges were still there. We had planned to meet there after we got our horses. We saw a light in one of them and when we went in we saw one of the men who was with our Chief. He got up, shook hands with us all, and then began to tell about it. He said, "When we all got near the 1911.] Wisder, Blackfoot Social Life. 35 camps, we met an Assiniboine who ran back into the camp. Then we started back to where we had left you. We had not gone far before we heard three shots. We did not go fast, but when we got to where we had left you we saw that you were gone. Then the chief said that you must have crossed the river. So we began to cross too. We were just about in the middle, when the Assiniboine came upon us, and began to fire. When we got across a number of the enemy were there for their horses could swim faster than we and of course they headed us off. Then we had a fight. There were only three guns for us to fight with for while we were crossing four of the men lost their guns in the water. Two of our men were killed at the beginning of the fight. Our Chief kept encouraging us saying that we must fight and die bravely for some day our people would hear of our sad end. All this time dirt was flying around us where the bullets struck. The smoke of the guns was like a fog a little above our heads. The Chief was shooting and talking to the Assiniboine, telling them that many of them would fall before the last of us. We kept them away as much as we could, but sometimes they would try to run us down with their horses. After we wounded several of them, they kept at a distance. When the sun was getting close to the mountains, our Chief was killed. Our ammunition was nearly all gone. There was a loose horse near by. I jumped on him and rode away. Then the Assiniboine took after me. When I got to some thick brush, I jumped ofT the horse and ran into the brush. They took the horse and went back. Then I came on afoot. That is how I come to be here with you now. We all lay down to rest for. the night and about daybreak started home. Just then the other three men came along. They got away from the Assiniboine after dark. We travelled on for many nights and days until we reached home. When we got home we stopped on a hill near the camp, but did not sing the song of victory. We gave the sad sign that three warriors had been killed. One of our men stood out alone, took three robes and, while the people in the camp were watch- ing, threw them away one by one. Then the Indians all knew that three of our party had been lost and came running out to meet us. Of a somewhat different character were the adventures of INIany White Horses as narrated a short time before his death : The Piegan were in camp at Ft. Benton. Rations gave out, so they broke camp about sundown and pitched again after dark near some brush. I planned to go on a raid against the Flathead for horses. Next morning, a large party joined me and we went on to High Wood where we met and camped with a white man and his Indian wife. I traded my black and red blankets for his white ones. We followed the south bank of the Missouri, the berries were ripe, game was plenty and fat and the journey was pleasant. We followed up the Bear Tooth, or South Fork, where the railroad runs now. When one day's march from the Flathead country, a storm came up, and beat the tall grass down flat. In jest, I said to Calf Necklace, "Let us go on alone. I believe that when we get out the wind will go down." Soon we came to an open country and to a cliff. Looking over we saw a river and a Flathead camp. We returned to tell our party but lost them. We could not trail them as the grass was down. Then we gave the call for having seen an enemy. The party answered and soon joined us. Then we made a medicine smoke and gave prayers for success. I have a war-bonnet with four songs. When transferred to me, my face was painted and the songs taught. When near the enemy I go through this in the same 36 AitUiropoloqical Pftjxrs American Miis(ii>n of Xalitml Ilislori/. [\'ol. \'II. way. 1 painted my powder liorn and })ullet pouch. I carried two awls, mending materials and extra moccasins. There was no moonlight that night. \\'e walked down to the Flathead camp and found some of them still awake. Nearly all were drunk and had not tied up their, horses. One horse, however, was tied to a tipi pole, a striped pinto. My party scattered every one for himself. Some had guns, some bows. The horses were wild so they were run up a hill into brush. The men now worked by twos and threes driving five to ten horses each. After we got into the brush some were caught. I mounted at last. I decided to follow the ridge of the mountain. The way was rough and many of our horses got away. I went in the lead to pick the way. It snowed and made going slow. At last we lost the way and stopped to rest and repair moccasins. Soon the weather cleared and we found the top of the ridge but the snow was very deep. It took us all the next day to reach the gap at Sun River Pass. The next night we started down to the plains. Two of my men got very tired and sleepy so we stopped to rest them. All lay down, but overslept and awoke at dawn. When I awoke I called out and all jumped up scared. I was angry with myself. Our horses were gone. Now, it seems that when the Hathead discovered their loss, a party set out on our trail. While we slept they passed near and camped far in advance in a little valley. Our escape was certainly due to my songs and medicines. We found most of the horses and started on. As I learned afterwards, the Flathead saw us going over a ridge. We watered our horses at Sun River and went on. I went on ahead to look over a ridge. As I came back the party signalled something wrong. They had found the; tracks of the Flathead party. As we went on we saw two antelope and stopped for one to i)ursue them. Then Calf called out, "Flatheads are after us." They dashed out of a valley and killed one of us before we could mount and .soon after, another. Our party began a dash for home. It was funny to see one fellow's leggings slip down to his ankles and get tangled under his horse. My horse was strong so I rode behind whipping the others. As the Flathead were good shots we scattered some. I could hear our pursuers talk but not understand them. After a while, I saw that their horses were very tired: so I directed our course over the tops of the hills. As their horses soon gave out, they dismounted to rest. When out of sight we turned back toward Sun River and hid in the brush. It seemed a very long daj'. One of our party was wounded and some had lost their clothes. When night came we started again. Some rode double so there would be blankets to cover all. The next day we spent on the Teton; the next near Dupuyer, where we found the old camp fires of our people. Finally' w(> got home. Hkh.xi.dry .\m) l^icn hi: Wuni.xc!. The term {\vvt\ as nsvd t)y us has the same social si^iiificaiicc as coup. a full discu-ssion of which lias i)e('ii gi\en l)y (Jrinnell.^ Without going into details, it seems that among th(> Hhickfoot, the capture of a weapon was t\\v coiij), nr (Iced, rather than the formal striking of tlie enemy, though such 1 (irinnell. 24S. ALso American .Xnlliropoiogist, Vol. 12, 290. lit 11.] Wisshr, Black-foot Social Life. 37 was also taken into at'count. Our impression is, from what we have heard in the field, that there was no such formal de\elopnient of the coup practice as among many other tribes. An old man relating his deeds seldom men- tions scalps but dwells upon the number of guns, horses, etc. captured; whereas, according to our observation, a Dakota boasts of his wounds, enemies slain and coups. However, heraldry was a prominent feature in Blackfoot life. By this term, Ave mean those conventions by which deeds are recorded and accredited, with their social privileges and responsibilities. Anyone with such recognized deeds is likely to be called upon to name a child, to perform special services in social functions as well as specific parts of ritualistic ceremonies. In all cases of this kind the warrior comes forward and in a loud voice states what deed or deeds he has performed and immedi- ately renders the required service. For this, he may receive presents unless the occasion is one of special honor. In theory, at least, the formal announce- ment is a kind of challenge for contradiction by any of the assembly in so far that it implies the eligibility of him who makes it. Women do not ordinarily perform such deeds but often recount the embroidering of robes, their resistance of temptation, etc., when about to perform some ceremonial fimction, a truly analogous practice. As elsewhere, the graphic recording of deeds was chiefly by picture writing, upon robes, l)ack-walls and the outsides of tipis. A few might be indicated upon leggings, but in general, garments were not considered the place for such records. The outside and inside of the tipi were the conven- tional places. Good examples of this are still to be seen. An unusual tipi was collected by the writer in 1903, bearing several hundred figures, repre- senting sixty-six distinct deeds most of which were performed by seven Piegan then living. The tipi was in reality one of the "painted lodges" to be discussed under another head, but may be considered here merely as a good example of picture writing and heraldry. In the sketches. Fig. 1 is a small vertical section of the tipi cover. Its entire circumference to about half the height is one continuous array of sketches. From this series a number of typical groups were reassembled in Fig. 2. Beginning at the top in Fig. 1, we have Bear Chief (a) on foot surprised by Assiniboine Indians but he escaped; (b) Double Runner cut loose four horses; (c) Double Runner captures a Gros Ventre boy; (d) Double Runner and a companion encounter and kill two Gros Ventre, he taking a lance from one; (e) even while a boy Double Runner picked up a war-bonnet dropped by a fleeing Gros Ventre which in the system counts as a deed; (f) as a man he has two adventures with Crow Indians, taking a gun from one; (g) he, as leader, met five Flathead in a pit and killed them; (h) a Cree took shelter in some cherrv brush in a hole, l)ut Bi<: Xose went 38 Anthropological Papers American Musciun of Natural History. [Vol. VII, in tor him; (i) not completely shown, but representing a Cree Indian killed while running off Piegan horses; (j) Double Runner, carrying a medicine pipe, took a bow from a Gros Ventre and then killed him; (k) Double Runner took a shield and a horse from a Crow tipi, a dog barked and he was hotly pursued; (m) he killed two Gros Ventre and took two guns; Hf ^. ^ "n Hi W' urn Fig. 1 (50-4485). Section of a decorated Tipi. (n) he captured a Gros Ventre woman and a boy; (o) he took four mules. From this sample, it will be noted that a great deal is left for the memory, though a little practice will enable one to determine the character of the For a complete .series for one indi\ idual with illustration, see Maclean, (a), IH 1911.] Wissler, Blackfool Social Life. 39 exploit suggesting each drawing. Fig. 2 needs less comment as the technical aspect of the work speaks for itself. The large man with a pipe is symbolic of the vision in which this type of tipi had its inception and, hence, belongs in a different category. The drawing was done by a number of individuals; in some cases, by the hero of the exploits, but often by a young man under his iK^^^ Fig. 2 (50-4485). Selected Figures from a decorated Tipi. immediate direction. This is obvious in the varying degree in execution and conventionality, the range of which is adequately shown in the sketches. \\ hen considered as a system of recording deeds, it appears that much is left to the whim of the artist, but that certain general modes of suggesting 40 Anlliropological Pajwra American Museum of Natural History. [\o\. \'II, foimnon types of adventure are reeognized and allowed to control the com- position to such an extent that even a stranger may interpret the sketches with confidence. Of course, the function of such writing is to objectify the formal recounting of deeds, only such performances as are so recognized and carry with them social and ceremonial values heing considered worthy of a place in the series. From the numy examples collected, we selected the following more or less conventionalized symbols: Wounds received or given are indicated hy a l)lack spot with a dash of red for bleeding. Enemies killed, when not fully pictured, are represented by a row of skeleton figures as in Fig. 3a, a form always used in heraldic horse decorations. In the pictured form, death is often indicated by three wounds — in the hciid. hciirt and thigh. Fig. 31). A scalp taken is Fig. 3. Symbols used in War Records. symbolized by human hair and white weasel skin, excejjt in painting when the synd)ol is as in Fig. ;>(•. The capture of the (>nemies' proi)(>rty, or a (\vv<\, is indicated by j)ietiires of the objects recognized as worth considering. While naturally, there is difference of opinion, the following may be taken as the approximate list of captures conferring ceremonial rights: — horses, guns, shields, lances, bows and quivers, shot-pouches and powder horns, daggers, war-bonnets, and all medicine objects. The following order or rank, was given by an informant recognizcfl by the Piegan as an authority in heraldry: — gun, lance, bow, the enemv's life, cutting a horse loose from a tipi, leading a war party, acting as a scout, shields, war-bonnets, a medicine pipe, and driving off loose horses. The most significant point is that while the life of an enemy is fourth, the capture of his gun is first. When a man was seen to fall with a gun, it was not unusual for one or more young men to rush boldly out to 1<)11. Wisshr, Blackfool SocUd LiU. 41 snatch the prize. To ride up, jerk ii gun from an enemy's hjind and get away without injury to either party was the greatest deed possible. Wliile in picturing such deeds reahstic forms are used, as the symbol for a shield (Fig. 3d), they are often greatly conventionalized. Blankets, if counted, are shown as rectangles with one or two cross lines for the stripes on most trade blankets. Horses taken in open fight, when not pictured, are repre- sented by track symbols, Fig. 5d and under the sketch of a mule in Fig. 1 . The rectangular variant as found among many other tribes is not used as an equivalent. Stealing a horse tied up in the enemies' camp is a deQ-d of special impor- tance and naturallv has a definite svmbolism. This case is of some interest \f\f XXX Fig. 4. IMethods of recording the Capture of Horses. here because we find among our collection practically all the steps between the full pictured form and the bare symbol. Thus, we find drawings show- ing the adventurer cutting loose horses picketed near the tipis. Fig. 4; again, the cutting represented by a knife and a hand, the pickets alone representing the horses so taken, and finally, a series of crossed lines. The last is the simplest form but may be said to be an alternate with the preced- ing one, some persons representing the picket stake one way, some the other. The Hidatsa ^ are reported to use the crossed lines for a coup and the Teton use it as a rescue symbol (a coup saved from the enemy) ; hence, its substi- tution in Blackfoot records for the more realistic form of picket stake may have been due to suggestion. A war party intrenched is indicated by a circle (Fig. 5c) ; sheltered in a wind brake, by an open circle (Fig. 2). A camp may be represented by a series of tripods, signs for tipis (Fig. 1). 1 Hoffman, 7.3; Maximilian, Vol. 23, 287. •12 AnOtropological Papers American Muscain of Natural History. [\'ol. \'II, Two functions of the warpath arc honored by distinct symbols; that of leader and scout. The symbol for leader is shown in Fig. 5a and is given once for each party led. In like manner, the sign in Fig. 5b indicates having been detailed as a scout. The origin of these cannot be definitely traced, but the second is said to be a diagrammatic representation of the course taken by a scout with reference to the main body. Thus, the curve repre- sents the war party waiting and the zigzag line the course always taken by the scout to conceal their true position. This seems probable, but no rational theory for the origin of the leader's sign was encountered. 1^ The coup stick, striped like a barber's pole, used by the Cheyenne, seems not to have been known among the Blackfoot except its analogous form in a boy's game. The Dakota stick made by binding together two long rods with spiral decorations and four pendants of feathers with scalp locks was seen in the hands of an old man; he, however, frankly avowed n n o n Fig. 5. Highly conventionalized sjTaibols. having made it in imitation of those seen by him when visiting the Assini- boine. In a general way, it appears that the Blackfoot show some individuality in the conventions of picture writing. Some data we collected from the Gros Ventre show many of the same forms, however, and in the absence of good data from the Crow and other neighboring tribes, it may be that this individuality is more apparent than real. On the other hand, the Black- foot make little use of such writing for the presentation of religious expe- riences as is the case among many Central Algonkin tribes and to a much less degree among the Dakota. While the Dakota have developed some heraldic symbols as conventional as those just described by us, they have, in addition, a very complex and highly developed feather symbolism, a feature almost lacking among the Blackfoot. Yet, the latter showed a tendency to use the white weasel skins for the same purpose. I\Tore than this can scarcely be said until additional data are at hand. In this roniicction. it iirny he well to note tliat by a system of signs, a 1911.] Wissler, Blackfool Social Life. 43 war party left definite information for the guidance of stragglers or other parties of their tribe on similar errands. On leaving a camp site, a willow bent V-like was stuck in the ground, the apex in the direction taken; if the distance to the next camping place was small, the angle was quite acute, etc. Another sign, used chiefly on the trail, was the mark of a travois, or two converging lines, the apex toward the direction taken. Indeed, the twig is spoken of as a travois sign. Explicit directions were often left for a second party by a kind of map marked in the sand or in bare earth. A sketch by the writer from such a map made at his request is shown in Fig. 6. Two branches of a river are represented easily recognized by one having a knowledge of the country. The travois marks indicate the direction of movement. Pebbles painted black or, pieces of charcoal mark the proposed camping places, the number in each case indicating the length of stop. >>> o Fig. 6. A sand ISIap showing the Course of a War Party. Thus, the sketch would imply that the next camp would be one day's journey from the nearest river; w'hence, after a stay of two nights, they camped one night on the nearest fork and two nights on the second. To indicate that they were joined by a second party, the travois signs are used to denote two paths converging on a camp site. A sketch giving more details is shown in Fig. 7. By the travois signs leading to a we know that two parties of Blackfoot combined and camped two nights, thence moved to a second camp, h. "While here, they met and fought enemies, indicated by tw'o sticks painted red. Between the two sticks are two bones (shoulder blades) upon which the result of the engagement is pictured. Then the party moved on to d where this sketch w-as left. In cases where the stops were by day and travel by night, yellow pebbles were used instead of black. Mountains were indicated by small heaps of pe])bles. Marks were often made on stones and other objects along the 44 Anthropological Papers American Mii.scnin of Xahinil Ilistoi'i/. [Yo]. \'II, trail. Ill cast' a peacrfiil inci-tiiii: occurred, instead of tlie red j)ainte(l sticks, l)lack ones were chewed on one end and toltacco tied on the other. The practical vahie of all these marks is oh\ iuus. When a war party was over due, search was made by following the trail whence from the signs its career could he determined, even to the identity of the wounded or killcfl, etc. We did not gather much information as to signalling codes, thougli the system seems to have been highly de\-elopefl. When a war party returned the members paused for a time upon a hill in sight of the camp until atten- tion to them was noted. ^ Then, if a victory was won at small cost they sang songs for a while and came to camp slowly. If the leader or an important Fig. Map recording a Battlo man was killed, a robe was held up on a stick and then dropped. If ordinary men were killed, one of the party stepped aside and threw down a robe, once for each. For a wounded leader, a robe was held aloft but not dropped. They then entered the camp silently while the women began wailing and performed the usual acts of mourning. Rkckom.ng Time. As far as our information goes, the time of day was noted by the sun and the night by the position of Ursa major, the Seven Stars. The year was flesignated by the winter, each winter constituting a new year. Two divi- sions or .sea.sons were recognized; spring and autumn were regarded as origi- nating with the whites. Kacli season was considered as composed of moons; See Ma.ximilian. Vol. 2.3, 118. 1911.] Wissler, Blackfoot Social Life. 45 the period (luring wliich the luoon was invisible taken as the beginning of another moon. ^Ye found little consistency in the nomenclature of moons, our information implying that they were considered more by numerals than by names. The tendency was to count the moons from about October, the beginning of winter or the new year. Variation seems to ha\e been due to the fact that calendar counts were kept by a few individuals, usually medicinemen, who modifietl the system according to their own theories. One man who kept a calendar gave the following list: — Winter ^loons. Summer Moons. 1. Beginning winter moon Beginning summer's moon 2. Wind moon Frog moon 3. Cold moon Thunder moon 4. Two-big-Sunday moon Big-Sunday moon 5. Changeable moon Berry moon 6. Uncertain moon Chokecherry moon 7. Geese moon The references to Sunday are to the Christmas and July holidays of our own calendar. The year is generally regarded as comprising fourteen moons equally di\ided among the tw'o seasons. As calendars were usuall\' in the keeping of men owning beaver bundles and the number seven was employed in enumerating parts of their rituals, this division of the year into moons may be a matter of con\ention ratlier than obserxation. They claim to have reckoned twenty-six da\s to a moon. Some, howe\er, assert that thirty days were counted ; but in this case the year could not have comprised fourteen moons. From one man we secured a set of 179 sticks tised for keeping track of time. Red sticks were used for years. Another, used a bag with two parts; one faced with red, the other with blue. Fourteen pebbles were used to mark the moons; each time the moon became invisible he moved a pebble to the other side. Calendars, or winter counts, were kept by memory rather than by sticks, or paintings. We get the impression, however, that there was less interest in such records than among the Dakota and Kiowa. The following is Elk-horn's winter count, beginning about 1845: — 1. Camped down at Mouth River; Gambles killed; sun dance at Crow Garden (a place). 2. Camped near Fort Benton; moved to Yellowstone country; some Crow escaped by letting themselves down from a rock with a rope; Yellow River, the place of the sun dance; camped at a place where Bad-tail killed a Sioux. 3. Crossed Missouri Ri\er to camp; traded at Ft. Benton and spent 46 Anthropological I'dpirs American Muticuni of Xalural llidory. [\'ol. \ II. most of the -winter t>ii the Marias; a fij^lit with tlie Snake; the iee l)n)ke up in the winter (unusual); siui dance near this phice; some Piegan kiUed by enemies. 4. On the Marias; man named (ioose kiUed; in autinnn hunted soutli of Ft. Benton; traded at Ft. Benton. 5. Wintered on the Teton; spring, moved down the Missouri; killed a man named High-ridge; made two sun danees; went to Bear Paw Moun- tains; went toward Crow country; John Monroe came up to tell Piegan that soldiers were near to issue ammunition and some Piegan did not go because they were skeptical; six Flathead came there for ammunition, some Nez Perce, two North Blackfoot, a few Blood, four North Piegan and some Gros Ventre, but no Sarcee. (j. Camped on Two Medicine River. 7. Missouri River; deep snow winter; sun dance at Yellow River. 8. Slippery winter; .some Piegan killed by the Snake. 9. Camped on Cut Bank; went toward Missouri; Some-l)ull killed by fall from a horse (chief of the tribe); traded at Sun Ri\er. 10. Sweet Grass Hills; spent spring on the ^Vlarias; in summer went south; Big-snakes (chief) killed; annnunition issued. 11. South of the Missouri; Blood fought among themselves; first time steamboats came to Ft. Teton. 12. Camped at Bad Waters; Sioux after Piegan; this camp north of the Missouri; killed 7 Cree; a fight with the Crow and lost two chiefs. Good-raven and Mad-plume. 13. On the Marias; first fight with Gros Ventre; sunnner camp on the northeast side of Sweet Grass Hills (Canada). 14. A few cases of smallpox; fight with the Kootenai in which many were killed; during the summer Mountain-chief was attacked l\v Sioux; a Piegan was killed by a number of Gros Ventre. 15. Captured a double barrel shot gun; sun dunce at High Ridge. 16. Flies-low was killed. 17. Many Piegan visited the Southern (Jros \'entre (?); ammunition issued; summer camp above Sweet Grass Hills; a fight with the Flathead: also with the Gros Ventre; returned to Two Medicine River. 18. Eagle-chief killed; in summer killed Eagle-horse. 19. Fought wnth the Crow, Gros Ventre, and Flathead. 20. Straggling-wolf killed near camp; Piegan killed Crow in revenge. 21. Assiniboine (name of a chief) killed. 22. Big-prairies' father killed by his own people. 23. liody-sticking-out killed by his own people. 24. Three-eagles killed by his own p(>oi)le. 1911.] Wisder, Blackfoot Social Life. 47 25. Many-horses (the chief) die(h 26. Many buffalo and many trafHng posts on the IMarias. 27. Man tried to kill his wife, she (Sarcee woman) stabbed him, he killed her; in summer, Home-chief died. 28. Chief Old-woman-child dies; an open winter. 29. Killed seven Assiniboine. 30. Crossed the Missouri; Sitting-bull killed many Piegan. 31. Camped south of the Missouri. 32. Camped on Two Medicine River; White-dry, chief of Assiniboine, killed by Piegan; after this the Piegan were confined to the reservation. 33. Wolf-eagle shot in the arm by Cree. 34. Many Indians died of sore throat; Chief Birch-bark died. 35. Crow-big-foot visited Piegan; Crow came to steal horses. 36. Eagle- child died. 37. Many cattle died. 38. Stallions issued. 39. Mares issued. 40. Two Indians arrested and died in prison; in summer cattle were issued. 41. Wolf-coming-over-hill dies. 42. Chief W^alking-through-the-beach dies. 43. Crow-big-foot dies. 44. Yellow-medicine dies. 45. Three-bulls dies. 46. Big-nose dies. 47. Four-bear dies. 48. Gets-paint dies. 50. Black-living-over-tail dies. 51. Old-kicking-woman dies. 52. Lance-chief dies. 53. Fat-buffalo-horse dies. 54. Bites killed in a runaway. 55. Running-rabbit dies. 56. White-calf dies. This calendar is given as a type and not for the value of its contents, though it doubtless has its merits from that point of view. The narrator was somewhat uncertain as to the order of many counts and made frequent use of a set of improvised coimting sticks. We asked him why in later years the winter counts were designated chiefly by the deaths of the most prominent men, to which he replied that since his people were confined to the limits of the reservation nothing else happened worth remembering, 4S Anthropological Papeis American Museum of N^alural llidory. [\o\. ^'II, and lui-tluT, tliat llic couiit elided with tlie death of Whitc-ealf heeause there were now no men living of sufHeient wortli to he honored with such mention. From the human point of \iew we agreed with him in that the l)ook should he closed, for the old ways liaxc all hut gone. If we were interested in the historical aspect of this account the dates could doubtless he checked by certain specific references as Nos. 11, 22, 43, and ofi. For completeness, we add the winter count of J5ig-I)ra\ c, covering a span of si.\ty-one years, but not giving full representation to the later years. Since reservation days, there is a general tendency among the older men to fix their counts in units of residence at a given spot; i. e., " for {\\v winters, I lived on Two Medicine, then for eight winters on ( ul Bank, etc." : 1. The fall of the year. Gambler went on the warpath and was killed; Piegan spent the winter on the Marias River. 2. In the fall of tlie year. Big-lake, chief of The-don't-laugh l)and died; Piegan wintered on the Marias Ri\-er which was high antl flooded their camps. In the summer, they had a sun dance at Sweet Grass Hills; Jioh- tail-horse was shot and killed : a woman was also killed. 3. Leaves-big-lotlge-camp-marks clubbed a Flathead but did not kill him; in the summer, Piegan killed some Sioux on the Marias. 4. Black-tattoo became crazy; in the spring a man named Goose was killed by Sioux; in the summer. Goose's father went to war and killed some ("row; some of the Grow escaped by letting themselves down a high cliff with a rope. 5. Still-smoking was killed; the Piegan stole a sorrel race horse from the Flathead. In the sunuiier some Piegan were on the warpath south of the Missouri River. The\' came to some white settlers and there saw a Sioux Indian whom Last-bull killed with a club. The Sioux had l)(>en visiting with the vvhite men. (). In the fall, the first treaty was made by the Gox'ernment at the mouth of ^'ellow Ri\cr; there were seven different tribes there. That winter, Mountain-chief spent on Belly River. One of his daughter's clothes caught fire and she was burnt to death. During the suuuner Mountain- chief became ill with the hiccoughs which lasted some time. 7. This winter was called the slippery winter because there was .so much ice. In the summer Mountain-chit4' and his people went to Canada and killed thirty Sioux. S. The Piegan cami)e.i on .Marias, and one by the name of Blood killed a Flathead Indian. Lame-bull, a chief, was killed i)y falling from his lior.se in the summer. !). Moiiiitaiii-ciiicf ^pciil the winter on Milk Ri\er and found an extra large l)ull'alo dung which was about three feet across when measured. Chief liig-snake was killeidls are spherical, al)()Ut the size of a base ball, composed of skin covers stuffed with hair. The j^anie is rough and frequently results in serious injuri»'s. The players are arrayed in two sides. Two lines, or goals, are place-( players may use every means to disconcert them except actual physical interference. When the ball is dropped all rush for it and the first to secure it, plays with his partner as before. Wrestling was connnon among boys and young men. Formal bouts were (isiially Ix'tween two sides. The players sat facing in rows. One side put forward a man with a challenge to the other. They put forward an oppo- nent. The victor was then the ne.xt challenger until thrown. A rough game, known as kicking each other, was popular among young 111(11 and boys; tlic usual way was to form two opposing lines and kick each ..ilicr to sff which would gi\c way. Another game, known as bear play, was popular w hen sw iniming; i»oys woidd unite, seize a boy and toss him into the deepest water, then scamper away. The victim pursued until a boy wa"- caught when, at onc-e, the others joined in tossing him into the water. .\ children's game, known as skunk, is a kind of round in which all >tand in line <-ach with hands on the shoulders of his neighbor. The lea«ler carries a stick of wood, burning at the end, from which he beats ■<[>arks with another stick. The row of children sing and dance without breaking the line. The lea«ler endeavors to come near the rear of the line so that the sparks will fly upon the players, they in turn seek to avoid him without bn-aking away. While this was a rough game, it was popular. lioys often amused them.selves by placing embers from the fire on a stone and striking them with :m<.ther stone. When skillfully done, this gives nlf a re|)ort like a gun. 1911.] Wissler, Blackfoot Social Life. . 59 Gambling. Playing for stakes was always a favorite and the games to be described here were rarely played except in gambling. Gambling is often spoken of as fighting, or war, and in turn war is spoken of as gambling. This is reflected in a myth where the players' scalps were at stake. ^ The Hand-Game. Piaks kaiosin, approximately fancy gambling, was in a w^ay team work, sometimes as many as twenty -five men on a side, band playing against band or even camp against camp. The outfit consists of 4 hiding sticks, or two pairs, 12 counters and a number of drumsticks for beating time on lodge poles set up in front of the players. The pair of hid- ing sticks are designated as the short and the long, though they are really of equal length, the one called long being designated by a string wrapped about its middle. The;^' are about the thickness of an ordinary lead pencil and about 7 cm. in length. The materials are wood or bone. The counters are about 38 cm. long, of plain wood sharpened at one end for sticking up in front of the players. The drumsticks are short clubs of no definite form. Each side takes a pair of hiding sticks and selects a man to do the hiding and one to do the guessing, according to their known skill. Each hiding man, or leader, faces the guesser of the opposing side and the play begins. The leaders put their hands behind them and then show their hands when the guess is made. The side guessing correctly takes one counter and also their opponents' pair of hiding sticks. This opens the game. There are now two leaders for the playing side. They confront the guessers of their opponents. The player's side now sings and drums upon the tipi poles, provided for that purpose, apparently to di\ert the attention of the guessers. For every failure of a guesser, the playing side takes a counting stick. Should one of the leaders be guessed correctly, he gives his hiding stick to his companion who plays with the four. If the guess is now wrong, he takes one counter and restores a pair to his companion to play as before. However, should the guess be correct, the playing side loses the hiding sticks to their opponents. Thus the play continues until one side has the 12 counting sticks, or wins.- The songs have a definite rhytiimic air but consist of nonsense syllables. However, jibes and taunts are usually improvised to disconcert the guessers. The game is very boisterous and, in a wa\' social, but is never played except for stakes of value, as horses, robes, guns, etc. Formerly, this game was often plaj'ed by members of the All-Comrades » Vol. 2. p. 132. 2 For other brief accounts for the Blackfoot see Grinnell, 184: Macloan, rb). 56. AnthriiiHiUxjicnl I'npirs Aimricnn Miiaeurn of iXntitral History. [Vol. \ll, Ntcietifs. as the liravos against tlu- Dogs, etc. In sucli cases the songs were from their own rituals. The man handhng the sticks was sometimes very skilful in deceiving the guessers. To disconcert him, the opposing side often counted coup on him. One would recount how he took a scalp, leap upon the shoulder of the player, grasp his hair, fla.sh a knife, etc., he all the while handling the sticks. Tin y might pretend to capture his blanket or repeat any other deeds they iiail done in war. The idea was that if the deed counts were true, the re-counting of them would give power to o\er- come the skill of the player. This made the game noisy and rough, but quite exciting. The players were always skilful jugglers and regarded as medii'inemen. The amount of property changing hands in such gambling was truly astmiisliiiig, whole bands and .societies sometimes being reduced to ab.solute poverty and nakedness. Women may play the game but with three counting sticks instead of twelve. The Whirl Gmnhling. For this game, a small wheel about 7 cm. in diameter is u.sed. The form is precisely like that of the Gros Ventre shown in Fig. 22, p. ISS, \'ol. I, of this .series. There are two sets in the Blackfoot collection one of which has six spokes, the other seven. The spokes are distiuguisheil by beads of difi'erent colors or combinations. For the game a wheel and two arrows are rc(|uire(l, there being but two players. The arrows in the ( ulltctiDii li;i\f inctjil points and are feathered. They are al)()ut S,") cm. long. In phiyinu ilic wheel is rolled l)y one of the players toward an obstruction, usually a l)oanl, about (1 m. distant. The two follow it do.sely and as it falls after striking the obstruction, try to thrust their arrows under it. This nuist be done so that the wheel will fall upon them, not cause its fall. The count is according to the position of the spokes upon the arrows. The wiiuier rolls the wheel, tlie advantage being always with the one who docs this. The counts are usually in multiples of five, \alues being assign<'d to the \arious spokes by mutual agreement at the opening of the game.' .Small jjcbbles are used as counters, or chips. The betting is by pledging a blanket for so many pebl)les, a knife for so many, etc. Thi Fuiir-.slirh dmiir. To the Blackfoot this is known as "travois gambling," and is played i)y women. A .set in the collection was said to be of buffalo bone (Fig. 1.")). The sticks were named six, two, and snakes; though sometim<'s designated as twos and snakes, a pair of each. The flefail of the markings varii-d but followed the same general scheme in so far that the snakes were always marked with the wave-like design. They were rast npoii the ltoiiimI or a l)lanket. Since the opposite sides of the Maclean. (A), pp 21276-7: Culin, 448. 1911.1 Wissler, Blackfoot Social Life. 61 sticks are blank there are eight faces. The usual count is as follows: zero two blanks, one snake and a or b; 2, two blanks and two snakes; 4, four blanks; or as they appear in the figure; 6, three blanks and six (b), or one blank, two snakes and two (a) ; one blank, six (b) and two snakes counts nothing but the player may pick up the stick called six and throw it upon the others to turn them, counting according to the result. Other ^gT^c^c Vcj Vc^lllj^^^ o g/o c o Fig. 15 (50-5408). The Four-stick Game. Lengtli of a. IS cm. combinations give no score. The player continues to throw so long as the above combinations result; failing, the turn passes to the next. As a rule, there are but two in the game.^ The mnnber of points in a game and the wagers are a matter of agreement between the players. - Certain games well known to neighboring tribes were not recognized by our informants as having been played by the Blackfoot. Among these were the plum stone, or button dice, the moccasin game, the hoop game, the 102 stick game, the cup-and-ball, the snow snake, ice-gliders, and winged bones. Most of them had been seen, but in the hands of aliens. Odd-and even seems to have been known to the Northern Blackfoot, but was not 1 CiUin, 56-57. 2 The section on games is entirely based upon information gathered by D. C. Duvall, •chiefly among the Piegan, supplemented by data from the oilier divisions. (>J .KnlhmiMilngiciil I'aptr.^ American Miiseiiiii of Xdtiinil History. [N'ol. \'II, ill fa\i»r.' \Vf lia\»- finiiid no traces of ceremonial associations with these games. While mention of the wheel games is made in several myths, this seems purely circumstantial, except that the Twin-hrothers are credited with originating the netted wheel. - The small spoked wheel of tiie HIackfoot is practically identical with that of the (Jros \'( iitrr. .\ccording to Culin, this headed type has been observed among the (row, Xcz Perce, Thompson and Shushwap tribes, suggesting its origin, if not with the Blackfoot, at least, with some of their neighbors. The particular form of button used in the Blackfoot hand-game seems to belong ti> ilic west of the Kocky Mountains, to the coast and southward in the plateaus. The i)eating upon a pole is found among the Nez Perce, Kootenai and perhaps elsewhere. While the Gros Ventre had the Black- foot names "long and short," their buttons and method of play were more like those of tlu> Arapaho. The stick dice (travois game) when rigidly com- pared as to form and marking, bear close parallels among the Gros Ventre. Hidatsa, and Chippeywan with less correspondence west of the Rockies. On the other hand, the Blackfoot indifference to seed and button dice tends to class them with western tribes. Neither the Blackfoot nor the Gros \'entre seem to have used the large hoop and double darts of the Dakota, Omaha, and Arapaho. Thus, in a general way, the Blackfoot fall into an ill-defined grouj) comprising tribes on the head-waters of the Mis- souri arjd ("olumbia Rivers. They seem on the whole, to incline more toward the Plateau and Shoshone area than to the Siouan or Algonkin. Of greater interest, perhaps, is our failure to find any game associated with the stalking of buffalo or any other ceremony. So far as we can see, all games are to tlie HIackfoot either anuisement or gambling and a resume of our aeeoiinl w ill show that many of the former also reflect the gambling conception. ■ Maximilian, 254. ^ Soo Vol. I of this series, 24, 42, GO, 64. 1.32. 1911.] Wissler, Bluckfool Social Life. 63 Bibliography Clark, W. P. The Indian Sign Language. Philadelphia, 1885. CuLiN, Stewart. Games of the North American Indians. (Twenty-fourth Aiuuial Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, ■\\'ash- ington, 1907). DuvALL, D. C. See Clark Wissler. GoLDENWEisER, A. A. Totemism, An Analytical Study. (Reprinted from the Journal of American Folk-lore, Vol. 23, April- June, 1910). Grinnell, George Bird. Blackfoot Lodge Tales. New York, 1904. Henry and Thompson. New Light on the Early History of the Great Northwest. Edited by Elliott Coues. New York, 1897. Hoffman, Walter James. The Beginnings of Writing. New York, 1895. Kane, Paul. Wanderings of an Artist among the Indians of North America. London, 1859. Keating, William H. Narrative of an Expedition to the Source of St. Peter's River, Lake Winnepeck, Lake of the woods, &e., &c., performed in the year 1823. Philadelphia, 1824. Kroeber, Alfred L. (a) Ethnology of the Gros Ventre. (Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural History, 1908, Vol. 1, Part 4, pp. 141-282). (b) The Arapaho. (Bulletin, American Museum of Natural History, New York, Vol. 18). Lowie, Robert H. (a) The Assiniboine. (Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural History, 1909, Vol. 4, Part 1, pp. 1-270). (b) The Northern Shoshone. (Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural History, 1909, VoL 2, Part 2, pp. 165-306). Maclean, John, (a) The Gesture Language of the Blackfeet. (Transactions, Canadian Institute, Vol. 5. Toronto, 1898). (b) Canadian Savage Folk. The Native Tribes of Canada. Toronto, 1896. (c) Social Organization of the Blackfoot Indians. (Transactions, Canadian Institute, Vol. 4, 1892-93. Toronto, 1895). (d) Blackfoot Amus(>ments. (Scientific American Supplement. June 8, 1901, pp. 21276-7). Maximilian, Prince of Wied. Early Western Travels, 1748-1846. Edited by Reuben Gold Thwaites. Cleveland, 1906. McClintock, Walter. The Old North Trail. London, 1910. i\\ Anthropological I^apers American Museum of Natural History. [\'ol. VII. M MONEY. James. The Cheyenne Indians. (Memoirs, American Anthropological Association, Vol. 1, Part 6, pp. 357-642. Lan- caster, Pa., 1907). ScH()OLCR.\FT, Hknuv R. Historical and Statistical Information respecting the History, Condition and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United States. Philadelphia, 1851-57. Si'iNDEN. H. J. The Nez Perce Indians. (Memoirs of the American Anthropologi- cal Association, Vol. 2, Part 3). SwA.NTON, John H. The Social Organization of American Tribes. (American Anthropologist, N. S., Vol. 7, pp. 663-673, 1905.) Thlenbeck, C. C. (a) Original Hhickfoot Texts. (Verhandelingen der Koninklijkl Akademie van Wetenschappen te Amsterdam. Deel XII, No. 1. Amsterdam, 1911). (b) Geslachts en Persoonsnamen der Peigans. Amsterdam, 1911 WissLEK, Clauk. (a) Decorative Art of the Sioux Indians. (Bulletin, American Museum of Natural History, Vol. 18, New York, 1904). (b) The Whirlwind and the Elk in the Mythology- of the Dakota. (Journal of American Folk-lore, Vol. 18, October- December, 1905). Wi.'^sLER, Clahk, and Duvall, D. C. Mythology of the Blackfoot Indians. (An- thropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History, 1908. Vol. 2. Part 1, pp. 1-164). (Continued from Snd p. of cover.) Vol. V, Part I. The Material Culture of the Blackfoot Indians. By Clark Wissler. Pp. 1-176, Plates I-VIII, and 103 text figures. March, 1910. Price, $2.00. Part II. Contribution to the Anthropology of Central and Smith Sound Eskimo. By Ales Hrdlicka. Pp. 177-280, Plates IX-XXIII. 1910. Price, $1.50. Vol. VI, Part I. The Archaeology of the Yakima Valley. By Harlan I. Smith. Pp. 1-171, Plates I-XVI, and 129 text figures. June, 1910. Price, $2.50. Part II. The Prehistoric Ethnology of a Kentucky Site. By Harlan I. Smith. Pp. 173-241, Plates XVII-LXIV, and 1 text figure. 1910. Price, $1.00. Vol. VII, Part I, The Social Life of the Blackfoot Indians. By Clark Wissler. Pp. 1-64. 15 text figures. 1911. Zbc Cosmos press E. W. WHEELER CAMBRIDGE, MASS. ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS OF THE American fluseum of Natural History. Vol. VII, Part 2. Ceremonial Bundles of the Blackfoot Indians. BY CLARK WISSLER. NEW YORK: Published by Order of the Trustees. 1912. Aiiiericaii Museum of Natural History, PUBLICATIONS IN ANTHROPOLOGY, The results of resourch conducted by the Anthropological staff of the Museum, unless otherwise provided for, are published in a series of octavo volumes of about 350 pages each, issued in parts at irregular intervals, entitled Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History. This series of pubhcation aims to give the results of field-work conducted by the above department, supplemented by the study of collections in the Museum. The following are on sale at the Museum at the prices stated: Vol. I, Tart I. Technique of some South American Feather-w^ork. By Charles W. Mead. Pp. 1-18, Plates I-IV, and 14 text figures. January, 1907. Price, $0.25. Part II. Some Protective Designs of the Dakota. By Clark Wissler. Pp. 19-54, Plates \'-VH, and 26 text figures, February, 1907. Price, $0.50. Part III. Gros Ventre Myths and Tales. By A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 55-139. May, 1907. Price, $0.25. Part IV. Ethnology of the Gros Ventre. By A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 141-282, Plates VIII-XIII, and 44 text figures. April, 1908. Price, $1.50. Part V. The Hard Palate in Normal and Feeble-minded Individ- uals. By Walter Channing and Clark Wissler. Pp. 283- 350, Plates XIV-XXII, 8 text figures, and 19 tables. August, 1908. Price, $0.50. Part VI. Iroquois Silverwork. By M. R. Harrington. Pp. 351- 370, Plates XXIII-XXIX, and 2 text figures. August, 1908. Price, $0.50. Vol. II, P.'irt I. Mythology of the Blackfoot Indians. By Clark Wissler and D. C. Duvall. Pp. 1-104. September, 1908. Price, $1.00. Part II. The Northern Sho-shone. By Robert H Lowie. Pp. 165- 306, Plate I, and 20 text figures. January, 1909. Price, $1.50. I'ari III. Notes Concerning New Collections. Edited by Clark Wi.ssler. Pp. 307-304, Plates II-XXIII, 23 text figures. April, 1909. Price, $1.00. Vol. in The Indians of Greater New York and the Lower Hudson By Alanson Skinner, J. K. Finch, R. P. Bolton, M. R. Harrington, Max Schrabisch and F. G. Speck. Pp. 1-242 Plates I-XXIV, and 39 text figures. September, 1909. Price. $3.50. Vol. IV, Part I. The A.ssiniboine. By Robert H. Lowie. Pp. 1-270. Plates I-III, and 17 text figures. November, 1909. Price. $2.75. Part II. Notes Concerning New Collections. Edited by Robert H. Ix)wie. Pp. 271-337. Plates IV-VIII, and 42 text figures. 1910. Price, $0.75. (Continutd on Sd p. of corir.) ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS OF THE American riuseum of Natural History. Vol. VIL Part 2. Ceremonial Bundles of the Blackfoot Indians. BY CLARK WISSLER. NEW YORK: Published by Order of the Trustees. 1912. Monograph ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS OF THE American Museum of Natural History Vol. VII, Part II. CEREMONIAL BUNDLES OF THE BLACKFOOT INDIANS. By Clark Wissler. CONTENTS. INTRODUCTION I. MEDICINE EXPERIENCES Medicineman A Medicineman B Medicineman. C Medicineman D Medicineman E Medicineman F Medicineman G II. PERSONAL CHARMS Origins of Rituals III. MEDICINE BUNDLES War Bridles . We.\sel-tail Suits Hair-lock Suits Headdresses . Shields Otter Bundles Bear Knife Medicine Lance The Medicine-Pipe The Ritual . Sweat H0U80 and 1^ Function The Owner . The Transfer AND MEDICINES 71 72 75 75 78 80 81 82 91 100 107 107 111 112 114 117 126 131 134 136 140 146 147 152 155 (l(i Aitlhropological Papers American Museum of Natural Ilislory. [\o\. Ml, IV. \:iri«'lii's of liiiiulK's I'ijM- Lore Origins .... Comparative Notes MkaVKH lir.NULKS Contents The ( )\vner The Transfer Part Ownership Funetion Ritual .... Tobaoeo Plant inj: . Calling the Buffalo Thk Xatoas, ok Sin D.\xce Bundi> Relation to the Beaver Bundle The Ritual .... Sununary .... Paintkd-Tiims . . The Otter-Flag Paint ed-Tipi The Otter Painted-Tipi The lilack and Yellow Buffalo l»ainted-Tipi The Winter Painted-Tipi 'I'he Snake Painted-Tipi Other Tipis Tipi Deeorations Coinjjarative Notes Lmski.m .... Comparative Notes genp:r.\l ckremoni.vl fkatfres Br.NDLE W'KAlM'l.NfiS . Ik'.NDI.K Ow.NKRS IX Mul KN ForU MoVKMENT.S TiiK Rkckivi.nc Sujn TiiK Wise .M()vkmf:nt St N-WISK MoVKMENT.S PAssiNfi THE Pipe BfNui.E Owners' Taroos OpENINC; Bl'NDI.ES Dancin.; .... The RiTiAi, Paintinc .... Prayers .... Horses as Ceremoniai, Oikts The SMui)r;E .\i,tar . The Sweat Hoi-se . SONOS .... Songs of C.eneral Ownership Trau'^feralile Songs 'I'll.' 'nnl-fc-iihcr, Sini-offeriiig, or Sweat H( Songs 1912.] Wissler, Blackfoot Bundles. 67 Doctor's Songs Grouping and Symbolism Comparative Notes The Transfer . GENERAL DISCUSSION BIBLIOGRAPHY APPENDIX Tipi Foundations Pottery . Origin Myth for Horses Prevention of Child Bearing Mourning for the Dead Conventionalized Dandvism Page. 270 271 271 272 279 283 285 285 285 285 286 287 288 ILLUSTRATIONS. Text Figures. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. Design on Birchbark used in the Cree Medicine. Drawn by a Piegan A personal Charm, Piegan ....... War Charms: (a) a Necklace; (b) a hair Ornament. Piegan A Scarf regarded as a War Medicine. Blood A Scarf of Otterskin, a War Medicine. Piegan The Headdress, Necklace and Face Painting of a particular Med man. Piegan A feather Wand ...... A fasting Shelter upon the Summit of a Hill near Two Medicine R A War Bridle, or Charm. Blood .... The Incense Altar for the Horse Medicine A Horn Bonnet, from a Piegan Drawing. A "straight-up" Headdress, from a Piegan Drawing Drawings of Shields by Piegan Indians An Indian Drawing, showing Face Painting and Hair Dress for Sliield Fig. 13d . . . . . A buffalo hide Shield A buffalo hide Shield from the Northern Blackfoot An Indian Drawing of a Shield by Big-brave An Indian Drawing of a Shield by Big-brave Plan of the Sweat House for the Smoking-otter Bundle, Drawing ........ A Medicine-pipe Bundle ..... A decorated buffalo Robe for a Medicine-pipe Owner A Medicine-pipe The Black-covered Pipe Bundle and the Pipe it Contains A Medicine-pipe ....... A Straight-pipe in a Beaver Bundle, drawn l)y Tom K from an Indian 90 92 93 97 97 99 100 105 lOS 109- 114 114 118 119 122 123 124 124 127 136. 138 140 159 160 171 CkS Anthropologiad Papers American Museuui of Natuial Ilislory. [Vol. VII, 2(). |)i((iraiit)ii.- oil tlie Ilawhide used for beating Rattles in. the Beaver Hunille Ceri'inonios ........ 27. The s;itTed Digging Stick and the Case for the Natoas 28. Tiie Natoas, or Sun Dance Headdress and the Hair-lock Necklace 29. The Winter Painted-Tipi, from a drawing by Three-bears 30. The Paint and Hair Dress for the Owner of the Winter Painted-Tipi 31. The Water-monster Painted-Tipi, from a drawing by Tom Kiyo . 32. Smuilgc .\ltar for the Water-Monster Painted-Tipi 33. A Set of Iniskim, or Buffalo Rocks 34. The Bag in which the Iniskim are placed 35. Smudge .Vltais .......... 200 210 213 235 236 239 240 242 244 256 INTRODUCTION. The ceremonials described in tliis paper are those to Avhich we have given the name medicine bundles. By the Blackfoot, they are designated as saain, which we have translated as medicine, a word now used in anthropo- logical literature to express a similar concept. These medicine bundles are associated with the rituals to which they are, after all, entirely secondary. As every bundle and its ritual is conceived of as owned by a single person, we have limited this paper to the study of rituals of individual ownership. These do not constitute the entire ceremonial culture of the Blackfoot for they maintain societies and associations similar in number and character to those found among their neighbors. In most of these, however, the fundamental conceptions of the bundle scheme preVail, from which it follows that a proper understanding of this subject will suffice for the comprehension of the chief characteristics in this aspect of Blackfoot cidture. Because of this and the somewhat unique conceptions involved, we have felt justified in assigning a distinct paper to bundles and their rituals, reserving the data on collective ceremonies for a future publication. The data were gathered at various times since 1903, partly by the writer and partly by Mr. D. C. Duvall, the latter checking over with different informants all the earlier notes. Notwithstanding the rather extended series of investigation, we cannot claim completeness in any case, but have, we believe, illustrated the chief characteristics of each important type of bundle. It was our original plan to collect all the different rituals in the various groups but this was interrupted by Mr. Duvall's untimely death whence it seems best to publish our results as they stand. Had we been able to present the fifty or more rituals for the tipi bundles and the some twentj'-odd for the pipes as contemplated, a satisfactory insight into the genesis of these rituals would doubtless have resulted. In lieu of this com- pleteness of data, we have accepted statements from informants as to simi- larities and relationships between rituals when confirmed by objective or analytic evidence. In the following paper we have given, according to our judgment, all the more important concrete data collected though the Duvall manuscripts reporting in full the statements of various informants and his own observations contain much further detail. The reader wishing to get a general idea of the Blackfoot bundle scheme may find sufficient information in the section on general ceremonial features and certain discussions under personal medicines. 70 Arithi(>i><>l,,t/ir(il Papers Americnn Muscinii of Xatiiral History. [Vol. \ll, It was our intt-iition to print texts for inaiiy of the songs and a few important parts of rituals, but since Prof. C. C. Uhlenbeck has ready for tlie press a collection of texts and Dr. Truman Michelson has taken up the linguistic investigation for the Bureau of American Ethnology and this not being in any sense a linguistic study, we have omitted these fragmentary texts. Mr. Duvall, it should be remembered, was a native Blackfoot, and by his training and experience, interested in practical linguistics. The subjects discussed in this paper occupied his time more or less continuously for eight years and his manuscript notes pertaining thereto were regarded by him as his most important contribution. It remains to acknowledge the cooperation of Dr. Robert H. LoAvie in checking up some parts of tiie data among the Northern Blackfoot and the editorial assistance of Miss Bella AVeitzner. February, 1912. 1912.] Wissler, Blackfaot Bundles. 71 I. MEDICINE EXPERIENCES. As an introduction to this phase of Blackfoot culture we present a number of personal narratives recounting medicine experiences. That these seven men actually experienced these happenings in their subjective aspects is, of course, impossible of proof; but all of them seemed to lead lives of integrity and sincerity and to bear reputations of honesty except the third, who was held in some distrust but recognized as a medicineman of more than ordinary powers. We, ourselves, detected in his narratives certain evidences of plagiarism, but the value of the data does not depend upon the actuality of the events narrated. We are certain that these narratives are typical accounts of the kinds of experiences a Blackfoot of some impor- tance is assumed to have passed through. Even the most commonplace Indian is accustomed to explain any special aptitude he is credited with by similar narratives, though often of the crudest sort. We are not sure that such of these narratives as do recount real experiences (dreams or visions) are complete, for the discussion of this aspect of a Blackfoot's inner life is a delicate matter admitting of no cross-questioning. As stated elsewhere, it is a social breach to ask a direct question about any such experiences. In the case of several narratives, the man felt called upon to pray to the power concerned for permission to speak frankly of the relation between himself and it, explaining that he was about to do this for my enlightenment, etc. No doubt some of this was for effect, a feature present in most acts of a medicineman, but on the other hand, this was usually so mumbled that its import alone could be detected. If we were put to it for an opinion we would say that we believed narrators A and D absolutely sincere, while the others may have incorporated some experiences of other men legitimately transferred to them, which, as we shall see later, gave them the right to feel that they had the same experience. The following narratives are offered, therefore, as types of assumed personal experiences. We have used the term medicineman to signify a man skilled in the handling of bundles and conducting their ceremonies. There is nothing to distinguish him from other men, for most men own some kind of a bundle however small, and thus stand in gradual gradation. We accepted the Blackfoot designation: i. e., those called medicinemen by them are so termed by us; but they themselves recognize the vagueness of the concep- tion and the gradation. A doctor, on the other hand, is one who treats disease by virtue of powers obtained through dreams or visions and in no 72 AnthropoIiKjinil Painrs Amcriaiii Museum of Xutuml Ilistori/. [Vol. MI, otlit-r maiiiMT. Thus, while doctors may he great and small, they are never- theless doctors hy virtue of this experience. A medicineman may have owned all rituals and stand preeminent in ceremonial skill and yet not be a doctor. Hy material wealth one may take high rank as a medicineman, as we shall see later; hut all this will not suffice to make him a doctor. By transfer, a kind of purchase, a medicineman may acquire the visions and supernormal experiences of others; but a doctor nmst himself have the experiences and further, such experiences as confer on him power to treat the sick. Medi- cinemen may lia\e experiences of their own in which powers are conferred, but unless these give them definite control over disea.se they are not doctors. Obviously, a medicineman may also be a doctor and the reverse. This paper, however, is concerned almost exclusively with the medicineman, his bundle and its ritual. Medicineman A. (■") When I was a young man I went up on Heart Hutte and fasted and prayed for seven days. 1 was dressed in very old clothes and continually called upon the sun to have pity on me. At last, the sun appeared before me as a \(i\ old man, gave me a drum and one song. He explained to me that this drum and the song were to be used in making clear weather. I kept this drum many years. On the fourth of July, 1902, while our people were in camp preparing for the sun dance, there came a great rain which threatened to flood the whole camp. I beat my drum and sang my song which kept the water away from my tipi; but the water went into all the other tipis. Then I made up my mind to cause the w^ater to drown out the tipi of my rival. So I kept my mind on that one thing, dnnnmed and .sang the song, until at last the water ro.se on my rival and forced liim to move. In the following year. 1 received another drum from the sun. One night in my sleep the sun appeared to me as an old white-haired man, very poor, and carrying a drum on his shoulder. This man taught me a new song and the use of this drum. Its power is very great. When 1 am drununing and singing a .song the people gather around, l)ut they can only get within a certain distance as the jjower of ilir dinni holds them back. It has the same power f)ver all living thinirs. cmh the gra.ss (50-5384). (b) One limr. I was >lc..pii,g out in the l)rusli and was awakened by a whittling noi>e. I |,,oke.| up and around, but saw nothing. I slept again 1912.] Wtsder, Blackfoot Bundles. 73 only to be wakened by the same noise, and looking around saw nothing. Then I pretended to go to sleep, partly closed my eyes, and waited. Again I heard the sound and looking around saw a worm on a reed crawling in and out of four holes. Now, I knew this to be the cause of the sound, so I broke off the reed, took it home and used it as a whistle. One night shortly after this, I dreamed that an old man and an old woman came into my tipi. The man had an iron whistle (section of a gun barrel) and the woman a wooden one. Each of them offered me their whistles, but I took the iron one. Then the old man said to me, " Do you know me?" "No," I replied. "I live in the sky," he said, "and as long as you live you will be protected by me. In a fight do not fear guns. Now, look into the fire." The moment I looked at the fire, there was a great puff scattering the fire all about. In the flash I saw many guns. Then the old man took some feathers from his head and gave them to me. He wore a robe and some feathers were tied on his whistle. This old man was the morningstar, and the weasel skin and the button you see upon my whistle are to represent him (50-5385). When I took the iron whistle the old woman, who was the moon, became angry and threw her wooden whistle into the fire where it turned into a snake and ran away ; but some time after this the old woman came back to me in a dream and gave me the wooden whistle. She also said that this whistle had the power to prevent child-bearing and I have used it for that purpose ever since. (c) The shell necklace of which I speak was given to me in a dream at the time of the sun dance. An old man with white hair and very old clothes came to me in a dream and said, " This medicine lodge is ours, the weather is ours, and when you wish the weather to be good you must go to the water and dive. Now, I give you this power and you must give me what I ask for." Since this time I have kept the shell and have exercised my power over the weather, and at the time of the sun dance I keep the rain away. Not long ago the old man appeared to me in a dream and asked me to give him some old clothes. He hinted that he had an intention not to help me make clear weather any more. So the next day I took some old clothes and put them upon the top of a small hill. After that the sun helped me to make clear weather as before. id) Once I dreamed that I saw an old woman facing the sun. Her hair was white with age. She had her back towards me and at her side stood an old man wearing a headdress like mine. I had in my hand a fan of feathers and 74 Anthrnpnlnijinil I'lipcrs Amcriaui MHsnun of Xatural Illstari/. \\u\. Ml, tin- (»I(1 wi.iiiaii rfi|iic.stc(l inc to give tlu- fan lo her. This I promised to do. Then the old woman said, "Look at me, my son, see how fine I look." Then I looked at her and eould see her face through her head. Her face was painted with a black circle and a dot on the nose. Then the old man sang four songs. You will remember that in the sun dance I painted the faces of women with black circles and dots. This is wliy 1 did it. (e) One time I had a dream in wliich a medicine woman came by and gave me some paint. She said if I would use this paint I would never get the smallpox. Some time after this the smallpox broke out among our people. My wife was very ill but in order to get away from the smallpox, I put her on a travois and started out. Finally, the travois broke down and we stopped to camp. While we were at this place, as I lay on the ground one day looking towards Sweet Grass Hills, I saw a star coming toward me. .\s it came along it left a path, one side of which was yellow, and the other lihic. It passed directly over my head and then disappeared. As it w^ent along it said, "I am the morningstar, I shall give you my power." Xow% this is why I wear the brass button on my robe, it represents the morning- star (50-4507). (f) One time in a dream the sun came to me and said, "Look at the old woman's face (moon)." I looked around and saw that she had turned her back, but I saw through her head. I could see the paint on her face. There was a black spot on her nose, and a ring over her forehead, cheeks, and chin. Then the sun said, "Look at my face. This is the way you are to paint your face. You nmst always wear a cap made of running fisher skin with one feather. This cap is to be like the one I now wear. If you do this you shall ha\-e power to turn away rain." (Fig. 6.) Now w hen you see me in the sun dance I shall wear that cap, and paint my face as directed. I shall also paint the faces of the women, who come to me, like that of the old woman, the moon. The robe which you .saw me wear the other day came from the thunder bird. The thunder bird came to me in a dream and said, "Whatever you wish as to the weather when wearing this robe, no matter how bad the weather may be, it will clear up. If the weather should be clear and you desire it to rain take some water into your mouth and blow four times on the sun plate [large brass button] on the center of the robe. Then it will rain." 1912.] Wisftler, Bhickfoot Biotdles. lO Medicineman B. («) One night I slept in the open out on the prairie. I heard some rattles beating. There was a strong west wind blowing at the time which carried the sound to me. I got up, followed the sound and came at last to the top of a hill. As I looked down beyond I saw many tipis. I approached the camp and coming near one of the tipis found that I could see through it as if it were transparent. Inside, was a man using rattles. This was the noise that I had heard. His body and hair were painted all over with red. This man invited me to enter and after a while said, " I shall give you my hair, all the beaver medicine, and all the songs." After this I had the beaver medicine and songs. (b) Another time, when sleeping I saw a man with very long hair. His hair was painted red. There were some buffalo rocks tied to his hair. This is what made his hair grow so long. In this way I got power to make the hair grow long, and you see that my hair is very long. (c) One time, many years ago, I had been sick for so long a time that I expected to die. So I had a sweat house made ready and the people all prayed for me. Then I went up on a hill and prayed to everything I could see for help. After a time I came down and returned to my tipi. I slept. In my sleep help came to me. I dreamed that an old man with gray hair and beard came to me. The old man said, "Give me the letter." [Some- thing upon which there was writing.] " I have no letter," I replied. " Yes, you have a letter," said he, "and I want it." But I had no letter. "Yes, you have a letter," said the old man, and reaching down he pulled a letter from my abdomen. "This is what made you sick," said he, "now you will get well." I saw this letter for a moment; it resembled a piece of glass with writing on one side. After this I recovered. Medicineman C. (a) One time seven years ago, I went up to the top of Heart Butte. It was in the afternoon. I made a shelter wall of rock, in which I slept and fasted. During the first night and the second night I dreamed notliing. On the (t'l Antliri)iii>l(Hfiriil Paiurs American Museum of Nalurul Ilistnrij. [Vol. VII, tliinl iiioniiiij,' 1 liad a little diraiii, but it was of no iiiij)ortaiK'e. On the fourth morning 1 suddenly awakened and saw many rats (?) eating my hhmket. About the middle of the forenoon, there appeared to me an old couple (man and wife) with a son. The man and woman were so old that they hail to hold up their eyelids when they wanted to see. The old man addressed iiif, "My son, do you know' me?" "No," I replied. "Well," said he, "my name is Always Visible." This I knew to be the sun man. Then the oUl woman addressed me, "Do j'ou know me?" "Xo," I replied. Again she .said, " Do you know me? " " No," I said again. " Well," she said, "my name is Moon Woman." Then the son addressed me, "Do you know iiif?" " No," T replied. "Well," said he, "my name is morningstar." 'I'lif old man then addressed nie, "I will give you my body. You will live as long as I. 1 am the one who operates the clouds. There is no rainstorm that I cannot stop." Then tiie old woman addressed me, "My son, all the clouils in the sky are the paint for my face. Now, if I paint my face, it rains; if I do net paint my face, it does not rain. This power I give you." Then the son gave me feathers, which I now wear on this hat. (The plume of an eagle and the tail feathers of a magpie.) It was in this w^ay that I was given power over the rain as you saw at the stm dance. (b) One time about five years ago, while sleeping in my house I dreamed of the thunder bird. It was in the autumn about the time the thunder bird leaves. I saw a heavy cloud and as the thunder l)irfl passed by, it said to me, "My son, I am going away." Now, tiie following spring, long before the usual time for the return of the thunder bird I .saw him again in a dream. Again the thimder bird addressed me, "My son, you must give all the Indians a feather from the tail of a magpie, for all those who do not receive one will be struck by lightning." M the usual lime for the first thunder in the spring, it rained and stormed for three days atid on the fourth day, the lightning killed an old woman. Shortly after this, the thunder bird addressed nie, "My son, I will give you my tipi, my paint, and my smudge." (Tlio j)aint referred to is dark blue.) I now have all these things and for that reason the thunder bird neither injures me nor my friends. Recently, the thunder bird informed me that he docs not intend to take away any of our people this year. Once when 1 was on the Teton River I eame to a large Cottonwood tree on the top of which some bald eagles had their nest. They had killed a very 1912.] Wissler, Blackfont Bundles. 77 large rabbit and carried it up to the nest. I said to myself, "These birds seem to have some power. I will sleep here." So I made a shelter of brush to sleep in. In my sleep I heard the two eagles disputing with each other as to their respective powers. The male turned himself into a person, took up some yellow paint, rubbed it on his arm, then took a knife and cut the veins. Then the female bird turned herself into a woman and called to me, "Now watch me, I shall cure this man." She took some white paint, spat upon it, and rubbed it upon her forehead. At once the man was cured. Then she addressed me again, "Now my son, when you doctor a person whose veins have been cut, you should do as you saw me do." Since that time I have had the power to stop bleeding. (d) You may remember that near the old agency is a large rock upon the side of a hill. Once I went there to sleep and this rock gave me the power to cure diseases. It gave me a little drum. I dreamed that I was on the inside of a tipi and that the rock became a man. The rock man was about to doctor a skeleton. He had three red hot stones. He picked up one in his hands and began to lick it. I watched him and saw that no injury was done him. One after the other, he took up all the heated stones. Then he took an eagle wing fan and a buffalo calf robe. The robe he used to cover the skeleton. Then he waved the fan three times over the robe and at the fourth time, threw the fan at it. As he did this, a rabbit sprang up and ran away. Then the calf skin robe was taken up and the skeleton had disappeared. It was in this dream that I was given the power to handle red hot stones. (e) Once when on Milk River I came to a large rock on the side of which a hawk had a nest, but too far down for me to reach. So I lay down on the edge of the rock above and tried to get at the nest with my bow. While I was doing this, the male hawk came and put me to sleep right where I was. This hawk immediately turned into a man, wearing a buffalo robe who addressed me, " My son leave my children alone. I will give you my body that you may live long. Look at me. I am never sick. So you will never have any sickness. I will give you power to fly. You see that ridge over yonder (about a mile away) well, I will give you power to fly there." On awakening, I told my chum what I had experienced, and that I proposed to fly. So I took oflF my clothes, and with a buffalo robe went back some distance from the edge of the river. Then I took a run and springing from the edge of the cliff, spread out my arms with the blanket 78 Anthn>i>olo(/ical PapcrK American Mii.^citui of Xalaail Hislonj. [Vol. VII, for wings. I .seenu'd to Ix- going all right for a inoiiifiit, hut soon lost control and fell, striking sonic rock and rolling into the river. I was stunned hy the fall and was drawn under a rock hy the current where I went round and round, striking my head. I called to my companion for help. At first he did nothing Init scold me for my folly. At last, he took pity on me and pullet! me out. Then we started home, hut I was very sick and vomited a great deal. When I reached home I asked my mother to fix a shady place outside of the lodge, for my head ached very mucii. Now, niy father had no sympathy for me because he had a suspicion that I liad done some foolish thing. He intjuired of my companion, and thus learned all that had hap- pened. Then he scolded me, calling mv a foolish and presumptuous young fellow, and all tiic other names he could think of. This is the one time in. which I was fooltil in my dreams. Medicixemax L). (a) When I was about fifteen years old my people were camped near the Sweet Grass Hills. My father was a chief and very rich. My mother was a good provider. Both my parents were good-natured. So I thought that my father ha\ ing been a good man and of some importance, it would be well for me to go out somewhere and sleep and get some power. This was after my parents died. Both of them had advised me to do this. So I went down to the Sweet Grass Hills. Before I went I filled a pipe, took it to a medicineman, telling him that I was poor and that I was going to sleep, etc. The medicineman told me that I would be a great chief some day and that I would have a dream and get some power. So he took some yellow paint, and something for the smudge, sang a song, and began to fix me up. His .song was: "The man above hears me. The ground hears me. It is my medicine." Tlicii this man prayed to the sun saying, " Look down upon this boy. He is poor, (iive him some power, and help him to become a great man. Help him to become a great chief, etc." Then tlic man took the paint, painted me, naming all the different ani- mals as lie did so. He named all that fly> all that swim, and all that walk, etc. "Of these, one will come to you. Now when 3'ou go out to sleep you imist stay with it. ^ Ou must not be scared away. If you run away, you will not get power to become a great man." Then while the man was paint- ing me he sang this .song: "He hears me. The wind is my medicine. The ruin is my medicine." He rubbed the paint upon the front and the back of my head and on my breast and l)ack, and on my shoulders. As he did so, he sang, " .\<>w this man has the sim ])()\v('r." 1912.] Wissler, Blackfonl Bundles. 79 Then I went up on the hills and made a shelter in which to sleep. Look- ing down, I could just see the camp below. As it grew dark I began to think of bears and was frightened. I thought of how- they might come in and eat me. Then I thought that the Assiniboine might come and kill me, but worst of all, I thought that a ghost might come and twist my mouth. (Piegan have the belief that ghosts have the power to twist mouths out of shape and to affect the speech.) When I thought of all this I became greatly afraid, and thought it would be best for me to go home, but when I thought of what the man had told me and of how I should be ridiculed if I failed to stay my time, I thought it would be better to be killed than to endure this. So I thought I would try to sleep, but I could not. All night I imagined I heard people coming, people coughing, etc. I was in great fear all night. The next day I stood on my feet all day, and by night I was so tired, that I had to sleep. Now, of course, I was not afraid. I stayed there for seven days and nights and at last had a dream. In this dream I saw a raven flying toward me and heard him sing. This was in the daytime but I was asleep. Then a person appeared to me and said, " There is a hill down by the river and a man invites you." Now the raven was a messenger and told me that this man had the power of eating. He said, " He knows all about eating. No matter what happens he will never be killed. He will always get food. I am going to call on someone else, but this man is going to help you out." When we came to the man, the raven asked him to help his son (referring to the narrator), as he was a very poor boy. Now the man said, " Raven, you give him power first, then I will fix him up." So the raven put some red paint down and made a smudge of sweet pine. Then he sang a song, took up the paint and prayed for me. Then he sang another song and made the sound of a raven. Then the raven said, "You must not jump or try to dodge bullets, for they will not hit you. But you must let no one throw a moccasin at you or hit you with it or you will lose your power." Now it was the man's turn. He wore a coyote skin for a cap and this he gave to rae. He made a smudge out of sage grass. (This is seldom used by the Piegan.) Then he sang a song, "I want to eat a person," and made the sound of a coyote. Then he took up some white paint, rubbed it on my body, painted my nose and mouth red, and my head, breast, and back yellow. "Now," said the man, "I give you powder to doctor men shot by bullets. Power to take out the bullets. Power to take out things sticking in the throat, as when people are choked." Now I have this power. Ml Aitlhiopnhxjiail Pdjurs Aniericcni Museum of Xdtitnil History. [Vo\. VII, (b) Now Itflow rliis j)lact' (Two Mcdicitu'j is ii long lake and a place where the land stieks out into the water. On this place are some high rocks. It is a tlangerous looking place and I picked it out as a place to sleep. Other people when trying to sleep at this place were always frightened away. I stayed there five days and nights, and at last when I was asleep 1 dreamed that I was going out in one direction when a man called to me from another direction iiniting iiir To enter his tipi. When I went into the tipi, I found that ilicrr were six ( liiMrcn in the family. Among them was a girl. The nuin said. " I gi\e you all ni\ children, my clothes, and my tipi. Now, shut your eyes." \\'liil(' this was going on, the woman in the tipi confided to me that 1 was to get a puzzle (a kind of mystery J. Now, when my eyes were shut I foimd something in my throat. It felt as if .something slippery was passing down. The man said to me, " Do you feel anything going into you?" "Yes," I replied. "AYell," said the man, " I ga\e you that. After this, you will drink much water. You must never chew anything like gum or lake grass, the onion kind you must never put into your mouth." (One time after this I made a mistake and felt a move- ment in my stomach and up toward my throat as if something was trying to get out, hut I worked it hack.) Since that time I drink a great deal of water, hecause this thing which he gave me requires much water. P^very day 1 iinist take a swim, as I do not feel right unless I do. Medicineman E, 00 One time 1 owned a running fisher ti])i, and c\-ery e\'ening and every morning I l)urned incense. .\ow, one night I dreamed that four minks canir in. They ran up and ilown my body. Then a man and his wife came in followed hy a yellow dog. The man and his wife were painted red all o\cr. Jt was in this way that I got the medicine of the minks. In the transfer the minks stood on each side of me, the man in front of me, the woman hchind the man, and the dog behind her. The man held a buffalo tail in lii> hand and wa\C(| it while the sf)ngs wi-rc sung. In this way I learned the songs and the use of the medicine. (h) One night I dreame.l tliai I was out in a large forest. The trees were very thick. I'resently I heard an owl singing in a tree. So I got up from 1912.] Wisslcr, Blackfoot Bumlles. 81 my bed, looked around, hut could see nothing. Now, the fourth time this happened I saw an owl sitting up in a tree nodding his head. This owl sang a song four times. Then he came down and I went up to him; as I ap- proached him he seamed to be a man. Also, a tipi stood there. The owl invited me into the tipi. I went in and sat down. The owl on one side and I on the other. Then the owl sang the same song again four times. The w^ords in the song were: "Where you sit is medicine." Now this owl gave me his power and this power enables me to cure people. Medicineman F. (a) Now, I will tell you how I once got some power from a skunk. Long ago, when I was camping in a place I went out one morning to get my horse. While going along I saw a skunk following me. I thought to myself, " Now, this skunk wants something from me." So I said to him, " Skunk, follow me." He did so and when I came near the camp I said to him, "Skunk, \'ou wait here." Then I went into the camp and brought out some food for him. The skunk ate. Then he stood up, turned around, raised his tail, and discharged his odor. Then he taught me a formula (songs, etc.) and told me the next time I killed a skunk I should keep the skin as a medi- cine. These songs and this skin give me the jxiwer to cure diseases. (b) Once I was watching a woodpecker and another bird sitting on a tree. They said, "Now, watch us and we shall give you power to cure disease." So they taught me songs and how to use them when doctoring the sick. I have used these songs to cure many people. (c) One time at a place where Badger Creek runs into Two Medicine Ri\er, I saw two owls on a tree. Each owl in turn sang a song. Then one of them spoke to me, telling me that I would always be fortunate and get much property. They told me to take some of their children for medicine. So ever since that I have kept the head of an owl and I have always had much propertv (riO-4437). id) One time when'sleeping out on the j)rairic I saw a lot of buffalo bulls in a dream. There seemed to 1)(> two leaders in the herd. These leaders wore 82 Anthropological Papcra Anicriaiit .\fuscitm of Xatuml History. [Vol. VII, wur-bonnets of eaglr featlu-rs. One half of the bonnet was painted red, and the other half bhic Their faces were painted in the same way. Their bodies were painted yellow. Each of them carried quivers made of crow- wings. Now, these bulls gave me a war-bonnet and some songs. These songs gave me power to get plenty of food, etc. The bulls danced in a circle as they sang. ir) Once in a dream 1 saw some crows witli white \m'mX on their l)rcasts and tails. The crows told me they would uixc me i)ower, so that when I wished the weather to be foggy I must paint myself similarly. Thus, I got power to make foggy weather. Also, the\- gave me power to get much food. i)roporty, etc. (/) As you ask me liow 1 came by my power to find things that are lost, I shall tell you the story. 1 got this power from a fish hawk. Once when a young man I went with a war party against the Crow, and when we were near the Yellowstone River a buffalo was killed. Here I left the war party. At this time the Yellowstone River was high. I saw some fish hawks with a nest on an island in the river. I cut out some meat from the buffalo, and went as near to the nest as I could get, offering the meat to the fish hawks. Then I laid it down upon a rock, saying, "This is for you." Then I lay down upon the ground. One of the fish hawks made a noise. The female fiew around over me. As I lay on my back looking up she dropped a stick on me saying, "This is a whistle. It will give you power to see through nniddy water." Then she dived down, went under the w^ater, stayed a long time, and came out with a fish. "Now," said she, "you have this power." Then the nude fish hawk dived and < anic up with a fish. Ever since that time I have had my power. Mki)I(inf:m.\n G. This man is especially skillful in what is called Cree medicine which has to do with the diseases of women in particular, but also applies to other kinds of sickness and l(t\f alVairs. His narration was as follows: — ("^ WlicncMi- au lixHaii sleeps and especially when he has a dream, he appeals to tlir j)o\vtT of a moth or butterfly. When 1 was a small boy I was very poor, but being anxious to become a sonicbtxly, went out to sleep 1912.] Wisdcr, Blarkfnol Ihtmllcs. 83 alone in dangerous plaees, hoping that I might have a dream and obtain some power thereby. I had my first dream at the mouth of the river. In this dream I saw a boy. There was nothing unusual about him. He wore leggings of calfskin, a shirt, and a robe. "When I saw him I was making a hole in the ground in which to build a fire. The boy said to me, "Come over to see my father," but I refused to go with him. The next night the boy came again and invited me to come over to see his father, but I refused again. However, the next night I agreed to go. He opened a door in the side of a rock and we entered. There was a family of three people in it: a man, a woman, and the boy. When I went in, the woman made signs to me implying that I would be offered some medicine by her husband, but that I should decline everything except some owl feathers hanging by the door. After I had been there for a while the man said to me, " Look around this tipi, see the medicine which hangs here, you may take your choice." Now, the woman continued to advise me secretly by signs, and after looking over the medicine I said to the man, "I will take the feathers by the door." "Why do you want those?" said the man, "they are no good whatever." But I insisted that I wanted them and at the fourth request the man con- sented. When he gave me the feathers he said, "My son, you will never be killed in battle; but I will tell you two things. You will be in a fight some time and a ball will pass through you. Then again you will be in a fight and a ball will strike you but not pass through. I sent for you because my boy said that a stranger was sleeping near by and that he needed help. So I requested him to bring you in, saying that if you chose the owl feathers I would do something for you." Then the man showed me his power. He hung up a robe, shot at it, the bullet struck it and fell down to the ground. " This is the way your body will be," he said. Then again he said, " If you want the ball to go through it, do it this way." Then he took up a straw and pushed it against the robe, and it passed through like a sharp needle. " Thus you will have the power to make bullets go through," he said. Now, one time I was in a fight and I said to myself, " Here is a chance to try my power. Now let a ball go through my body." At once, a ball passed through my shoulder. Then I said, " Let a ball not go through my body." Then three balls struck me, but fell to the ground. They left three marks on my body, however. (h) One tinie I had a dream in which a man came to me and said, " ^Sly son, what are you doing here"/" I explained to him that I was sleeping out in S-} Anlhrnpohntinil I'diirr.t Atiicrintn }[u.seiim of Xdliinil llislonj. (N'ol. \I1, tlic hope thai 1 iiii^lit -;(t sonic kind of power. "Wdl," said the man, " lici-f is a weasel >kin, and xoii will he ahle to cure many people with it." This man also ^ave ine a s(|uiirel tail and with these things I cure disorders of the howels. The way I do this is to tie the squirrel tail on the man's Kelt. allowin<: him to wear it four nights. (c) Xow another time I had a dream in which a man appeared to me and said, " I gi\e you my body. Vou must carve its image in wood and carry it with _\()U. Whenever anyone has a hemorrhage put the image on his l)ody and the hemorrhage will stop." With this I have cured wounds, disorders of the howels and hemorrhage. id) Once wlieii I was out in tiic nortli (('ana(hi) my wife died. I went out on the |)rairie to mourn and wandered about and slept anywliere 1 happened to lie. One night I slept on a ridge where some Indians were buried. After thi> 1 fell very ill, and one day about noon, when the people were in my tipi, I recoxcred. At the nionu'iit of rccoxcry, 1 coidd .see through the side of the tipi as if it were transi)arent. 1 saw the ridge where I slept. I saw all the dead sitting up in their gra\e boxes. Then I told the people that the dead were sitting up. None of the people could see them, but I could see them during the whole day. Once I saw them get out and shake off all their clothes. I saw them take up their blankets and start toward the camp, led l)y a woman with a baby. Then I asked the people what was going to happen and when I told them Avhat I saw they declared me to be crazy. Now the procession of the dead came up to the tipi; they were all painted; they came and stood before me. I cried out that they were after me. Then one of the dead took the baby which the woman carried and put it down on a small red neck cloth. One of the dead said, " Wc shall kill this young man with the bal)y." Then the dead l)i"gan to dance aroimd in the tipi. I covered my face with the blanket and shut my eyes. Now, I saw my own dead body before me. All this time the dead were dancing. One of them took uj) the baby, swung it three times and threw it at my body. M\ Ixxly ad in succession tried to hit my body with the baby, luit none of them succeeded. Then one of tlicin said, "Well, wc -shall h.iNc to let him go thi^ time." Onr of th.' d.-.id addressed inc. 'My son. wv will gi\c you a neck cloth which Itclongcd to the bab.w This neck cloth will gi\c you power to cure 1912.] Wis.sin; lilarkjnol Jhuidles. 85 cramps, rheuinatisiii, v\v. It also has power to ])ick u]) red hot stones and fire. So I received from them tliis formida: neck cloth, red hot stones, and tea. I saw a dog that had been shot through the neck and kidneys. I felt sorry for the dog and carried him home to the camp, fed him and took care of him. One day I lay down and slept beside him. I had a dream. In the dream the dog became a man and spoke to me. The dog said, " Now, I will give you some roots for medicine and show you how to use them. Whenever you see anyone who is ill and feel sorry for him, use this methcine and he will be well." One of these medicines is good for sore throat. (/) This is about the Cree medicine. When I was a young man I began to think of picking out a young girl for myself. Finally, I came to have one particular girl in mind and always thought of her, but she never took notice of me. Then I heard of a man who had power to make love medicine. So I took a horse and went over to his camp. I entered his tipi and after a time told him what I wished. He said to me, " Do you believe this medi- cine has power? If you believe in it I will give it to you." I told him that I did believe in it, but the old man repeated this question se\-eral times. Each time I protested that I did believe in it. Then the man closed the smoke hole to the tipi and everything around so that all was tight. Then he gave me the medicine. He directed me to give away my clothes to a stranger and request that stranger to go and pull a hair from the girl's head. She must know nothing of this, l)ut he must secure it, while talking to her or some of her companions. Then I went home, gave my clothes away as a present to an old woman, requesting her to get a hair for me. Now, the woman happened to be over at the tipi of the girl and offered to look for lice upon her head. While doing this she stole a hair. Now, the medicine given me was tied up in a very small buckskin bag, and I took the hair as directed and placed it in the bag. That same e\ening at sundown, the girl came into camp looking for me. When night came, she came into my tipi. For a long time, she followed me about everywhere as if hypnotized. After a while, I took the hair out of the bag and gave it back to her. I explained to her that it was all o\er between us and that she would never care for me any more. Then she went away and never came back. S(j Antfiiopolixjiail I'apiiti American Museum of Xaluntl Hislonj. [\o\. \ll, ig) One tiiiit' a girl iiiuilf fun of mc, so I got a horse and took it to a Cree Indian that I might get some medicine. He gave me two medicines. One meilicine was to he used in case I could not induce anyone to go to the girl. I was to mix up the medicine as directed and dip the end of a straw in it to make dots on the palm of my hand in the form of a square with one in the center. Then I was to run my hand over my eyes, go into the camp, and watcii my chance to get the girl to look at me. I was told that if I got her eye, I would have her. \Vhen I was ready I started out to find this girl. 1 saw her going down for water so I went down that way and met her as .she was coming back. As I passed by, the girl said, "My, you smell like Cree medicine." Then I started back toward her tipi. She followed, came in, threw herself upon me, and kissed me. Then I reproached her and so did all the people in the tipi. But this had no effect upon her for she kept me there for three days. Then I thought it was time to break the spell, so I took a cup of water, made the five dots upon the water and drank. Then I gave some of the water to the girl. Then she paid no more attention to me. (/O At another time I saw a very fine girl. She had long liair and was very beautiful, so I put the medicine on my hands, rubbed them on my breast, upon my blanket, and on the soles of my feet. Then I walked around the girl's tipi in the direction of the sun, returning to my own tipi. Now all this time the girl was away at the agency getting rations for her family. On her return, when she came to my trail she stopped. Then she took her meat into the house and came out again. She stood outside, arranging licr clotliis and looking toward my tipi. Then she went in and dressed herself up. Then she started toward my tij)i. Then she turned back, cooked some food, and when it was ready brought it out with her and came into my ti])i. Then I covered myself u]) with my blanket and ijrctendctl to sir,.,,. ■ When the girl came up she looked in at the door and said, "He must be asleep." My people said, " Xo, he is not asleep." Then she came in and said, "(let up and eat." (This is merely a formal marriage ceremony.) When the girl iiad finished feeding me. I made her a present. She did not go away at once, l)Ut after a time took the present back to hci- tipi. In a .short time she returned and said, " I cannot stay awa\- from you, you nuist have .some power oNcr inc." "Oh. no." I replied, "you are mistaken." I advised her to return. "Well," slie said, "I cannot." Then I started to 1912.] Wissln; Hlackfoot Bundles. 87 leave the tipi, she took hold of me and lield ine l)aek. Then I decided to marry this girl, and she has been my woman ever since. I ha\e never released her from the power of the medicine. (0 One time I was the victim of the Cree medicine. I went on a visit. I had a very fine horse. My host tried to induce me to give him the horse as a present, but I did not like to part with it. Now, this man had a sister. After a while, she came around me and carelessly rubbed her hand on me, saying, "Come over to the tipi and eat." When I had finished eating, I began to feel a great desire to stay. I struggled with myself. I started out, was a long time saddling my horse, and finally decided to go home; but as soon as I reached ni}- tipi, I turned about and came back again. It seemed that I did not know what I was doing. When I stood outside of her tipi, I hesitated to enter. I would start away and immediately come back. Then my host asked me to come in, and when I told him what the trouble was, he advised me to go away at once. But I did not heed his advice. I could do nothing but think of that girl. Finally, I went out and stood some distance from the tipi, and as I was standing there the girl passed. I stood perfectly still. As she re- turned she spoke to me saying, "Come in." Now I was glad and followed her at once. The next day the girl's brother told me that she had put love medicine on me. So I had to give her the horse to be released. Though the Blackfoot did not have a love medicine of their own, they made use of such obtained from the Cree. What they consider Cree medi- cine, however, may be used for almost any purpose. In view of the re- ported prevalence of such formulae among the western Cree data on this point may be important and justify the following extracts from Duvall's notes : — The Cree medicine consists of roots of many different kinds of plants pulverized and tied up in small buckskin bags, about one hdf inch in diame- ter. Sometimes these small bags may be seen fastened in rows of four or tied together in bunches. The Piegan claim that such medicine bags Avere tied to the cross stick used in the horse medicine (p. 108). This Cree medicine can be used in many different ways both externally and internally. It is effective in absent treatment. They also work its power by degrees. The power of these medicines is specific in that each particular medicine has power only over a definite thing. The Blackfoot regard them with fear and consider them very dangerous to handle or use. Those who do 88 Anlhroi>oh)(jic(il Papiis American Museum of Xulural Uislorij. l\'ol. \'II, iiiakr use of tliciii must pray continually and exercise great care to carry out all the directions and requirements. They must be used secretly and are first held over a smudge of sweetgrass while praying to them. The bag is then opened and the medicine used according to directions. The medicines are used chiefly in love affairs. When a man wishes to win a girl's heart he first tries to secure some of her hair and when he gets it, places a lock in the small bag w^ith the medicine. Then as the medicine tak«'s effect the girl suddenly finds her whole mind occupied by the man w^ho made the medicine and eventually becomes so affected that she is only satisfied when by his side. Should she be prevented from seeing him, she would bt in great distress, cry, expressing her wish to see the man who made the medicine and nothing else would satisfy her. Then again, a man could put some of the medicine into chewing gum and gi\e it to tlie girl whose affection would be won in the same way. Again, it could be secretly placed in her food. Such love medicine cotdd be used either by a woman or a man with like results. There is also an antidote which may be carried or used by anyone to prevent the operation of love medicines. As previously stated, all such medicines are dangerous to handle and should one be careless with them he is likely to get the dose himself instead of the one toward whom he directed it. If he were not punished in this way he might expect bad luck, failure in health, the loss of relatives, etc. In consecjuence of this, everyone using tlie medicine not only does it secretly but with great caution. A special formula sometimes used is for the charmer to take a large piece of birchbark upon whicli are drawn the pictures of a man and a woman. Then a small sharpened stick is dipped into the Cree medicine and touched to the hearts of the two pictures. The idea is that as soon as this is done the person for whom the medicine was made is suddenly possessed with a strong desire to see the charmer and may be expected to visit him soon. ( 'n<- medicines are transferred in about the same manner as medicine bundles. The fees are usually a horse and miscellaneous property. Usu- ally, when one wishes to win another's love, he or she calls upon some person known to Iuinc such medicine, engaging them to do the charming instead, l-'or this, lil)( ral IVcs arc gixcn. Such persons may also be called upon to injure another, as to in(hiee insanity, blindness, lameness, discoloration of tlie faei', distctrtion of the month, i-tc. On the other hand, there are owners of Cree medicine wlio ha\c the power to remove or restore all in- juries produced iti this way. Tlie usual procedure in such cases is to suck or otherwise draw something from the victim's body which is then loaded into a gim and fired off, the belief being that the medicine at once returns 1912.] Wisshr, HIackfool lin>i^tyiP'x¥^5v '^ J^'"* *^^ *'^^' formula. qtK Wf J -^ more complicated charm is shown in Fig. 2. ^ < i4 \ The brass button at the top stands for the morn- ingstar; the curved crosspiece, the sun woman (the moon). Along the edge of the latter were twelve brass nails, representing stars. The bunch of four small bells is said to stand for star clus- ters, though on this point our information is not definite. The pendant plumes and a bit of weasel fur are added as is usual on objects associated with the morningstar and the sun. The two ol)jects in Fig. 8 constituted the war medicine of a Piegan. They are respectively, a necklace, and a hair ornament, and bear as secon- \arious syml)ols relating to dream experiences. The neck- lace canu- down to its last owner together with a particular song; the whole formula is supjjosed to keep off bidlets and blows. The foundation of the piece is a string of beads, black in color, to represent the night sky. To it are attached seven small buck.skin bags representing the seven stars, or Fijf. 2 (.-.()-44:i4). .\ P( sonni rhiirm. Pittiiin. characti 1912. Wissler, Blackfool Bundles. 93 ^''[i '\ Fig. 3a (50-4539), Piegan. t (50-4540). War CMiarms. f, A Nocklafc. b A Hair Ornanu-iU. 94 Anthropolnijicdl I'apers Amrrirnn Museum of Xalnnil llislorij. [\n\. VII, (Jrcat l)i|)|)t'r. Tlic l);i.t;s coiilaiii I lit- Icaxcs of some uiiidnitiHcd j)laiit. A conipound disc of luass is attaclicd, rcpivseiiting tlic sun and hearing the usual strips of weasel fur. ( lustering in tliis are four small l)lack buttons, suggesting the hells in Fig. 2. l''iiuilly, there are fifteen long pendants each hearing a red head and a hrass hutton, representing stars in general. The .se\en small hags ha\c tlicir rd'^v^ headed in l)luc. The hair ornament is of a well-known Type, Itut this one was dreamed hy its owner. The disc is the sun, and the l>un(li of horse hair at the end is the objective symbol of a prayer for liorscs. Tlic import of the dream in which this was bestowed was tiiat it would hi-iiig prosperity. In the Lenders collection recently presented to the Museum by Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan is a similar piece, in fact almost a duplicate, said to be from the Blackfoot. It is possible that it came from the same individual. The curious facings of small blue beads found upon the edges of the seven medicine bags is also met with in certain (Jros \'cntre war charms and on a fi'w Arapaho medicine bags. A hunch of owl feathers (50-5390) was worn hy a Piegan. A brief of the fornuda is as follows: The owner was riding rapidly in a strange place. His horse stumbled and threw him. lie was stunned b}' the blow and remained unconscious for some time. While in this state, two men came to him ;in(l mcli took one of his hands. I'hiis, they led him back to familiar ground. One of the two men took pity on him and gave him some power. This was the right to a song and the feathers of an owl. Some time after reaching home he took some owl feathers and made the charm. This, with the song, he used for many years. After a time, the same man appeared to him in a dream and taught him another song. This Avas incorporated into the old formula. The head of a small owl (50-5396) was owned by a Blood who claimed to have received it from his father many years ago. His father dreamed of an owl and recei\ed power from it. When going to war he was to wear the charm upon the crown of his head, paint his face and body yellow, mak- ing longitudhial marks on the face and limbs with the fingers and in the fight sing two songs. The (irst of these songs expressed the theme, "I am the sun," while the second contained no words. The power of this formula was considered so great that neither the father nor the present owner was ever wounded in battle. From the Hlood lieserve a raven's head was secured (50-5399). This is a charm against the power of tlic tlnindcr hut was also carried to war. The object is carefidly wrapped in clotli, p.iiiitcd red, and kept in a cylindri- 'I i iMg. Fig. 4 (50-5418). A Scarf regarded as a War Medicine. Blood. Fig. 5 (50-5420). A Scarf of Otterskin, aWar Medicine. Piegan. *),S Ai(thn>iii)l(>tiictil I'tijxrs Amvriam Museum of Xdlural History. [Vol. VII, biT of ft-atluTs are arraii>,'o of culture together with certain beliefs and conceptions pertaining thereto, because the complex rituals in the succeeding sections of this paper will thereby be better understood. The great importance still attached to dreams seems to be but a surviving remnant of what once absorbed almost the entire attention of the leading men, for we read in the journal of Henry that, "If a Piegan dreams some- thing particular, on awakening, he instantly rouses his wife, makes a speech about his dream, and begins to sing, accompanied by this woman, and sometimes all his wives join in chorus. If he dreams of having drunk liquor, he gets up, relates the circumstances, sings for a long time with his women, and then, if not too far from the fort, comes in to have his dream accomplished. During my short stay here I have frequently been awakened by such speeches and songs in the dead of the night." ^ We have not been able to determine whether these experiences are limited to real dreams or include vivid day-dreams and sudden emotional bursts of thought and imagination. We are inclined to believe that any- thing short of a dream or vision (normal workings of the mind of a person awake) would be rejected by a body of intelligent Blackfoot as of no medi- cine value. The delirium and hysterical accompaniment of some kinds of sickness are generally regarded as supernatural, but more as glimpses into the future life than as the occasions in which powers are conferred. We do, however, recall a few cases in which sick men claim to have received such powers; but none of the more important rituals are assigned to such ori- gins. The attitude toward alcoholic intoxication is uncertain because there seems to have been a gradual moral awakening to its evil effects, which may account for the present tendency to consider experiences so induced as of no particular consequence. Thus, while it is not at all clear just what psychological phenomena may enter into the origin of a ritual, we shall, for convenience, speak of them as dreams. A point of special interest in our further discussion of the more complex rituals is the manner of interpreting dreams, for it is apparent that among a people where there are at least as many rituals of the preceding type as there are adult males, the actual dream experiences could scarcely present such uniformity as we observed and certainly not contain so many well composed songs without a system of some kind. It seems to us obvious that in the objective aspects of the preceding examples, at least, there is a con- ventional mode of formulating what we choose to call the ritual; this ritual consisting of a narrative, one or more songs, an object and accessories, and in many cases, certain rec^uirements of the person concerned. Owing to 1 Henry and Thompson, 732. 102 Aiithrofuildgical Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. \'1I, (liiliciihics alr(';i(l\ stated, we lia\c little more than inferential knowledge on this point. We were nsnally told with every mark of sincerity that the ritual and narrati\i' were precisely as experienced in the oriuin. On the other hand, it was stated that unless the dreamer was a man of medicine experience or one pos.sessing great confidence in himself, he would call ujjon one possessing these (jualifications for advice. From what we have learned, we feel reasonably certain that the advice is in most cases an inter- pretation, a deliherate composition of a ritual. I'or illustration, we offer an incident in which unfortunately the writer did not take full advantage of tiie situation. Once when crossing the reservation a threatened thunder- storm caused lis to make camj^ (juickly. While hurriedly pitching our tent, a bird Was obser\ed hopping about within a few feet of the writer, following his movements. During the constant peels of thunder no more than passing attention was gi\en to it, but when the tent was finally pitched, the bird had disapp(^are(l and the threatened storm was passing just to our left, leaving us unharmed and dry. On mentioning this to a man of reputed medicine experience we were informed that this was an incident of unusual importance, for the bird had not only protected us from the thunder but had sought to convey some kind of power. He asked if singing had not been heard and a voice speaking, finally suggesting that an experienced man be called upon to "fix it up". All further discussion of the incident he declined as unsafe. Doubtless, if the writer had accepted the veiled oft'er, a typical ritual would have been produced. Of course, there is no doubt on our part but that rituals are deliberately composed from suggestions received in dreams; the only information w^e sought was as to the methods and conditions under which this was done. There are reasons for believing that the fundamental conventionality is the tendency to assign a dream origin to everything of importance on the theory that e\erything is to be tridy explained by such phenomena. For example, the writer once remarked that the inventor of the phonograph was a remarkable man. The immediate reply was that he was in no w-ise different from others but that in a dream he was told to take certain materials and place them in certain relations, with the promise of certain results. The carrying away of the \()ice was regarded as a great medicine i)ower and the inventor in (juestion as merely a lucky individual, who nuist have experienced great prosperity and happi- ness in consequence. \\'hile this statement was unusually abstract, it was not otherwise at variance with many others observed in the course of our work. To retin-n to the main jjoint, we believe that the evidence at hand warrants the a.ssumption that the sincerity of many Blackfoot men in their contention that rituals however personal, are literal dream experiences, is due to an unwavering faith in the theory of dream origin and, hence, the 1912.1 Wissirr, Blackfonl Bundles. 103 feeling that if tlie tiling comes into mind at all, it ninst in consequence be a dream. Another important Blackfoot idea is the conception of the transfer of power that takes place in such a dream experience. Allowing for varia- tions, the Blackfoot theory is that there functions in the universe a force (natoji = sun power) most manifest in the sun but pervading the entire world, a power (natoji) that may communicate with individuals making itself manifest in and through any object, usually animate. Such mani- festation is by speech rather than deed and in every narrative based upon it, it is stated or implied that at the moment of speaking the object becomes for the time being "as a person." We found no clear distinction as to whether the power masked as the object or whether the object itself masked as a person. Such logical analysis seems not to have been necessary- to the Blackfoot belief and practice. To them it seems sufficient also that power is given, without further speculation as to its ultimate source, simply natoji. The being appearing in the dream offers or consents upon request to give power for some specific purpose. This is done with more or less ceremony; usually the face and hands of the recipient are painted, songs sung, direc- tions given for invoking the power and certain obligations, or taboos, laid upon the recipient. The being conferring power is not content with saying that it shall be, but formally transfers it to the recipient with appropriate ceremonies. This is regarded as a compact between the recipient and the being then manifest, and each is expected to fulfill faithfully his own obliga- tions. The compact is a continuous relation and no matter how complex the ritual may be or how important to the tribe, it is in every case still a matter solely between one individual and the being who gave it. The ritual, to the Blackfoot, is in reality an assumed faithful reproduction of the original transfer. x\ll of these points will be given further consideration, but at this stage of our discussion it is important to know that the initial recipient has the right to transfer the compact to another but in doing so relinquishes all right to any benefits to be derived from it. It will then be useless for him to appeal to it in the hour of need for it has, in theory, completely passed out of his life. When such a transfer takes place, the original transfer is reproduced as faithfully as possible. Theoretically, the recipient of a ritual is in the precise relation he would be if experiencing the dream himself; hence, it is impossible to tell from the form of the narra- tive whether the narrator himself had the initial experience or not. He feels justified in speaking in the first person. Thus, many of the preceding accounts, even some for the seven men of medicine experience, are probably many times removed from the initial recipient. It will be observed that the song is in most respects the vital part of the 11)1 AiilliniitottKfirul I'lipcrs Ann ricaii Museum of Xulunil llislonj. \\o\. \'II, ritual ami that the initial traiist'cr of the jjowci' usually reaches its climax in the ])reseiitati(Hi of the sonj^. Thus, wc found men often willing to sell the chjirni or medicine objects hut \(i y reluctant e\ en to sing the songs for fear they mi^dit tinis he transferred to the wi-iter. Tlie objects they said could l)e reailily replaced without a graxc breach witji the power concerned, l)Ut, if the songs went, that was the end of it. We are convinced that the deliberate composing of new songs is going on at the present time. One individual asked the writer to let iiim hear songs from distant tribes. Hav- ing at hand such a phonographic record, his re(iuest was comj)licd with. After several repetitions he was able to follow accuratel,\' and went away hununing it over and over. Some time afterward he reluctantly admitted that he had now arranged words for this song and "expected to dream .some- thing." There are many reasons why such dream experiences as we have con- sidered are desirable to e\ cry Blackfoot man, and for that matter, women also, though the women take a far less active part in such activities. Conse- quently, such dreams an- sought. Several individuals have told us in apparent good faith that the^' never had a dream that could be considered as in any way belonging to this class; one or two of them had sought the experience without success. The usual procedure where such experiences are sought is to go out to some lonely place and fast night and day until the dream comes. A youth is likely to be directed by a man of medicine experience and to be made the object of preliminary ceremonies to propitiate the dream, but lu; makes the journey alone. While at the chosen place the seeker of dreams or visions is expected to beseech all the things of the sky, earth, and water, to take pity on him. This call is a mournful wail almost like a song, the words being composed at will. The only object used is a filled pipe offered to all the beings addressed and kept in readiness for the manifestation of the dream person previously discussed. It is said that the majority of young men fail in this ordeal as an unreasonable fear usually comes down upon tlictii the first night, causing them to abandon their post. J'^ven old experienced men often find the trial more than they can bear. Men of medicine experience seldom resort to these tortures, as dreams of a satisfactory character are said to come to them in normal sleep. At present, the majority' of men seems content to secure their charms and other medicines from those who do have dreams or from the large stock of such a\ailable for transfer. On the other hand, every man of consequence is supposed to have one experience in which he acquired a supernatural helper and received a song. Of this, he never speaks defi- nitely, except to an intimate friend to whom he will say, "When I am about to die, you are to paint me and sing this song. Then I may recover." 1912.] Wisder, Blackfool Bundles. 105 This song is thus secret and never used except in the face of death. We were told by one man that in such an experience as gave a man one of these songs or rituals, the being manifest in the vision announces that he will give his body to the recipient and cause a small object to pass into the Ixxly of the recipient, which passes out again at death. Many dreams are abortive. It is said a man dreaming at home is likely to be awakened before the transfer of power is complete and thus it will be lost. Men speak of such experiences as times when they "nearly acquired power." Theoretically, the greatest power, however, is that which comes Fig. 8. A fasting Slielter upon tiie Summit of a Hill near Two Medicine River. in a true vision, but practically, a ritual is always judged by its results. A fortunate long-lived man is so because of the strength of his personal and other medicines. We saw one of the fasting and sleeping places used by a middle-aged man several years ago (Fig. 8). It was on the top of a hill somewhat ofY the beaten track and near a similar summit upon which were a number of burials. As seen in the figure it was of stone. It was built against an inclined slate- like strata from slabs of the same material. The entrance faced the east. The inside dimensions were about five feet by three and three in height, just large enough for a man to lie in with some comfort. The floor had been covered with cedar branches, and some of the same material spread over the top of the entrance. Near by were what appeared to be the remains KM) Anthropoloffical Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. VII, of a similar structurf.' For reasons previously stated, though we knew who had used this shelter, we faih-d to get any information eoneerning what actually took place there. J On a rock near this shelter was an offering to the sun consisting of an old coat, a shirt tied to a stick, and a peculiar fan-shaped oliject of twigs distended by being bound to a hoop of the same material. On the projecting ends of the twigs were eagle feathers. This object was weighted down with a stone and joined to the other offerings by a cord. We were told that such fan like objects were often used when making sun offerings. A some- what similar offering is shown on plate XIV, Maximilian's atlas. Another view of thi-* shelter was published in the .American Museum Journal, Oct. 1906, Vol. VI, 208. 1912.] Wisshr, Blackfoot Bundles. \{)', III. MEDICTXE BUXDLKS. Having now given some general aspects of the beliefs associated with rituals and their accessories we may take up the discussion of more elaborate rituals with their bundles. These it will be seen differ from the preceding only in their extent. While each is the exclusive property of its owner until transferred to another, there are what may be considered duplicates in the hands of other individuals; hence, we have given a definite section to each of the known types of bundles. We sought detailed information concerning at least one definite bundle of each type, but owing to the great difficulty in securing the songs and the great amount of time required for the satisfactory mastery of even one ritual, our data are far from complete. We believe, however, that it is sufficient to give a fair idea of the nature of each type. By medicine bundle we mean any object or objects, kept in wrappings when not in use, guarded by the owner according to definite rules and associated with a ritual containing one or more songs. To the Blackfoot this is a definite term denoting an array of such associations, ranging from the simplest war charm to the huge complex beaver bundle. Single or individual ownership is the rule and though the tribe may in a sense have an interest in any large bundle, and relatives may have a property, or investment, relation to it, the fact remains that all the associations treated in this paper are considered by the Blackfoot as examples of rituals of individual ownership. War Bridles. The ol)ject shown in Fig. 9 is literally known as "a thing to tie on the halter ". It was obtained among the Blood, but many bundles of this type were known to the other divisions. In use, it hangs under the bit of the horse and its formula gives protection and power against the enemy or buffalo in that it increases the sure-footedness and speed of the horse. A special form of quirt went with the bundle, but no specimens were seen. The feathers are the secondary part of the bundle, the vital element being found in seven small bags tied at intervals in the fringe. (This specimen now bears but three, the owner retaining the others.) These bags contain earth from where horses had pawed at the margin of a certain lake, taken as directed in the initial dream conferring the formula. There are many songs, Kis Aiithro/joloijiatl /*«;>(Ts American Museum of A'atural Ili-ilorij. [\u\. \'II, :i iiimilxT (if which will Ix'touiid on phonograph rccortls 4o7-41 . In rcnder- inj; thr sonj^s, a bundk- owner announced: "Give heed, give heed! This is holy, that I shall sing now. Holy and very good is this here I shall sing this day. I have been through it all. Now, these are all holy things. This horse medicine that I have here is very powerful. This is why I shall Jsing tJieni, the war bridle." Some of the ideas expressed in the songs are, "My horse is powerful. My horse, he hears (understanding) me; good running, my horse. This lu-re ground is powerrul; he hears me; my horse; good mw^ mm % Fig. 9 (.50-5412). A War Bridle, or Charm. Blood. running; powerful. The Hying ones (feathered creatures) are my medicine; I take them; this here (the bridle) my medicine is powerful." There are also .several dance songs in the ritual. The important characteristics of this type of bundle are brought out in the following narrative of Red-j)luiiic. recorded by ]Mr. Duvall: — Horse medicine is considered \ery powerful. Should one who has not the right, sing the horse songs, his horse will fall with him and he will be injured. The owner of the horse medicine must never have a shin bone broken in his tipi, for if he does, his horse will break its leg. Those who have the power of the horse medicine can use it in many ways. It gives them luck in obtaining horses. If a horse should become exhausted while on the road, the owner of the medicine would give the horse some of it, put some into his nostrils, and rub it on his nose, his mane, and down his back to his tail. He then grasps tiie end of the tail and shakes it four times. The horse is then allowed to eat a little and is as strong as ever and will not again Itecome exhausted. \\ hen a horse has the colie the owner of the horse medicine brews some of 1912.] Wissln; Blarkfool Ihunlln 109 it and gives it to the liorsc. With it he then wets the hreast and a spot near the kidneys. Finally, he rnbs it on the nose, the mane, and the back to the tip of the tail wliich he shakes four times. After this he dips a willow switch into the medicine and makes three passes with it as if to whip the horse and with the fourth, whips him, the horse getting well at once. Before a horse is I'un tlu> rider sings a song to pre^•ent it from falling. Sometimes, while on the warpath, if he is uneasy about getting horses, he will make a vow that he give the horse medicine owners a feast. When such a vow is made a horse is sure to be obtained. W'hen inviting the horse medicine owners to the feast, the first one invited gives the host a few tail feathers and tells him to give one to each of the horse medicine owners invited. As soon as a horse medicineman receives a feather he knows at once that he is to attend a feast since this is the custom when the horse medicine ceremony is to be held. In most ceremonies in\-itations are shouted out by a herald, but in the horse medicine they must not even be spoken. In the dance the pledger car- ries a rope and whip making pawing motions with the hands. At the beginning of the ceremony a smudge of sweet- grass is made (Fig. 10). The horse medicinemen with their wives are seated at the left of the tipi, leaving the right or guest side vacant. The only outsider allowed to partake in the ceremony is the man who made the vow to give the feast. About the close of the ceremony he dances and then serves the horse medicinemen with a berry soup. He is the onlj^ one who dances during this ceremony. All theu* medicine bundles, consisting of powders tied up in small buckskin bags are placed in a row in the rear of the tipi. Two red plumes are stuck in the corners of the smudge place while two black plumes stuck in opposite corners are their medicines. All those taking part in the ceremony have their own drums, some have horses painted on them, and some have horses' hoofs. ^ After the smudge Fig. 10. The Incense Altar for tlie Horse Medicine. The altar is about one foot square, the horse track being at the northwest corner The north half of the square is painted red, the south half black The in- cense is burned on the image of a horse track. A plume is stuck in each corner of the square, black ones on the south and red ones on the north. 1 We collected a fine example (50-4467) made of horse hide. Oii tlio inside is painted horse's hoof. The outer edge of the head is painted black to represent ilic base of a tipi, was said. 110 Anihropoloiiical Papers Aniericnn Mitaeum of Xalural History. [Vol. VII, is iiiadf. the man sittin<; ncaivst tlic ri^lit of the tipi sings four of his songs, the otht-rs join him and lie is followed by the man next to him. AH present join in tlie singing. Each one sings fonr songs, thns ending the ceremony. The face of the man who made the \o\v is painted red. Before singing, each man prays tliat the one making the vow have luck in procuring horses during his Hfetime, etc. After this, berry soup is served and tlie ceremony ends. When a horse medicine owner wishes to cause a horse to lose a race it must be done without the knowledge of the owner. The horse is stolen the night before the race is to be run and the horse medicine owner sings, and rubs his powder on the hoofs and nose of the horse and turns it loose. Should he wish to win the race in another way he tells the rider on which side to run. If he wishes the doctored horse to fall he rubs some of the medicine on a switch wliich the rider uses. As the race starts, the rider lets the doctored horse lead for a while. He then crosses back and forth before the leading horse and throws the switch in front of it, causing it to fall. Thus, the other rider will pass him in tlie race. On the other hand, the horse may not be made to fall at all but make him unable to run past so his horse will win the race. The songs are: "My hor.se is going to run. ]\Iay my horse run all right." During the horse medicine ceremony no outsiders may be present. There are less than twenty horse medicinemen. Another way in which the horse medicinemen may exert their power is when running buflfalo in the winter when the ground is icy and they use their power to prevent their horses from slipping on the ice. There is still another way to show tlu'ir power. When a man wishes to go to war to steal horses he goes to one of the horse medicinemen with a pipe filled with tobacco and asks for help, llie horse medicineman paints him and gives him a small buckskin bag containing powdered medicine, tells him how it is to be used, and what songs to sing. The man desiring the power does not paint until the war party is within sight of the enemy's camp. Then he paints his face as he was told, rubs liis whole body and his rope with the medicine and ties it to his necklace. lie then sings the songs of the horse medicine and tells what kind of horses he wishes. After one has been rubbed with the medicine any horse can be taken. If the rope is rubbed witii the medicine he can never miss when throwing it. After a man is painted he nuist keep to one side of the warriors as they go towards the camp. He must not let anyone cross his tracks. If this does happen, the person doing it would at once become crippled in some manner. The one using the medicine usually drags his rope and never fails to procure a horse. During the trip a marrow bone must not be broken in the war lodge nor be heated by the fire while 1912.] Wissler, Blackfnnt Binullcs. HI he is in it. For catching a wild horse the fornuiia is to carry some of the medicine and ride about the animal in a circle. As soon as the horse scents the medicine he will stand and permit himself to be taken. One time two men who were known for their great horse medicine power decided to see which had the greater power. They, on their horses, ran a race over a frozen pond. Going at full speed, the two riders went along side by side, neither of the horses showing any signs of slipping. As they came to the edge of the ice, one man whipped the other horse causing him to slip a little, proving that he had a trifle more power than the other. An Indian named White-man, who still lives, once crippled a buffalo through his horse medicine power. White-man and another man were nmning buffalo and as their horses were too slow^ to overtake the buffalo they were unable to get within shooting range of them. White-man thought of the horse medicine which he had the power to use. He told the man with him to ride off to one side of him as he was going to use the medicine. First he sang the horse song; then he put some prairie turnip in his mouth and spat on his whip. Following the tracks of the buffalo he crossed them three or four times and whipped them. As the herd of buffalo went out of sight into a coulee they followed them. AMien they came in sight of them at the foot of the coulee they saw a buffalo cow with a broken back trying to move away while dragging her hind part. They killed the cow and had some meat to take home. This was the result of the use of the horse medi- cine. Since the horse medicine songs are among those for the medicine-pipe bundles, the medicine-pipe owner can use the horse medicine in the same way as White-man used it w ith the buffalo. As everyone knows the great power of the horse medicine songs, they are not sung for pastime. This is dangerous to the one singing them, for when he is riding, his horse will fall and he will be injured. Even the medicine-pipe ow^ners often leave out these songs when they are singing of the pipe for pastime. Finally, the introduction of this formula into the medicine-pipe ritual is an important point. Weasel-tail Suit.s. A special decoration of weasel tails for men's shirts and leggings is regarded as a medicine bundle, those suits being transferred and cared for according to a definite ritual. The entire body of the purchaser is painted yellow and a red band marked across the eyes and mouth. A smudge of sweetgrass is made and the suit passed through the smoke. The purchaser puts it on. Then he dances with the seller on three bunches of sage grass, to the northeast, the southeast and the southwest of the fire, moving around 112 Aiitltrnixilofficdl Faptrs Ameriant Mu!nn. There were l)ands of cjuills down the seams of the leggings and on the sleeves. These were fringed with hair-locks, representing the scalps of the cranes." It is generally agreed that this suit was given as a reward for unusual bra\(ry. It was presented by the sun and, hence, his .songs enter into its ritual. The suit is precisely like the preceding (weasel-tail) except the addition of the hair-lock fringes. Their rituals are, however, not the same. Rattles and not drums are used. Before the transfer, a sweat house is made and the bundle containing the suit placed on the top. In the tipi a s(|uare is cleared for the smudge place and sprinkled with light colored earth. \\\ eagle feather for the hair also accompanies the suit and this is iixd iiere to mark out figures of the sun, moon and morningstar in this eartii. (See account of the sun dance bundle, 219). After the seventh song of the ritual a smudge of swe.etgra.ss is made. With the next songs, the rattles are brought into play. The purchaser's face and body are painted with red j)aint and the eagle feather stuck up in his hair behind. The seller takes up the shirt, and making dancing motions wliile still on his knees, executes four passes at the smudge, then holds it to the purchaser's right shoulder, then to his back, the left shoulder, and the breast. The purchaser then takes the shirt in his hands. Presently, he hands it back to the seller, who makes passes at the smudge, then back to the purchaser's heaweat iioiise is made and the bonnet in its rawhide bag placed on top of it. The hole in this .sweat hou.se is round and the dirt taken out of it is placed out- side of the hou.se on the west side. Lighter colored dirt is spread around the hole and towards the door. .Ml th(> songs sung in this sweat house are bull soriety songs. The ashes iroiii the pipe which is smoked are emptied on the sonth<'ast. southwest, northwest, and northeast sifle of the sweat hous«- and the rriiiaiiid.T are put in the bottoni of the hole. . IL'. A "straifiht-up" Ileiul- IVoni a Piogan Drawing. 1912.] Wi^slcr, Blnckfnot Bundles. 115 Four groups of four songs {>ac'li are sung, between each of which tlie door is opened. At the fourth opening of the door curtain, the sweat house ceremony ends. Sweetgrass is used for the smudge in the sweat house. When the men enter the tipi of the owner of the war-bonnet, he sits down on the right side near the rear, while the purchaser sits on the left side oppo- site him. The bonnet, still in its leather case, is tied to one of the lodge poles at the rear, over head. The smudge place is circular, about a foot and a half across ; the grass is cleared away and lighter dirt spread over the smudge place and a row of buffalo dungs and sage placed on the west side. While the bonnet owner holds up some sweetgrass to make the smudge, he sings: "Above is powerful. The ground is powerful." Then he places the grass on the live coal and the bonnet, in its leather case, is taken down and placed on a blanket near the smudge place. Then as they sing another song the oAvner holds the purchaser's hand, and placing it on the bonnet, unties the cords and slowly pulls out the bonnet, stopping four times, while doing so. He sings, " Buffalo I take," and takes the bonnet out of its case. As the bonnet is still in its calico wrappings, another song is sung as follows: "Buffalo I have taken." As he removes the cloth from it, he shakes the bonnet, and the men all cheer the purchaser. In this ceremony four drums are used. Taking a cup of water and some white dirt, he sings the painting song: "The ground is our medicine." He takes some of the white dirt, dips his fingers into the cup of water, sings, "The water is my medicine," and then rubs the paint in his hands, scratches a cross on his painted hand and stamps this three times across his forehead. During the next song he paints the purchaser's face 3'ellow with a red streak across the eyes and then the white cross spots across his forehead which are to represent the dirt on buffalo w^hen they have been rolling in the mud. The wife of the purchaser is painted in the same way as her husband. The two men and their wives wear buffalo robes with the hair side out, and white cross spots of paint stamped here and there on the robes. In the next song the owner goes through the motions of dancing, holding the l)onnet in his hand. He bellows in imitation of a buffalo bull. He holds the l>onnet in front of him, to his forehead, each side of his head, at the back of his head, puts it on and bellows, going through motions of hooking. He sings: "Man, I want to hook," and takes off the bonnet. As he goes through running motions with his hands, he sings: "The ground is our medicine." This refers to the buffalo running on the earth. Another song, and he passes the bonnet four times to the smudge place, holds it against the pur- chaser's left shoulder, his right shoulder, his back, his breast, and then places it on his head. All those in the tipi shout and cheer the purchaser. The two men then make movements as if hooking at each other. 1 1(1 Aiilhn>i)ologiv(il Pniurs American Museum of Xalnrdl History. [Vol. \II, Now tlic honiU't is givrn to the \vi\cs of tlir two nieu who go through the same porfonnances with it as the men. \\'hen the women have com- pleted their part in the ceremony, the purehas{>r puts on the bonnet, and he and the owner rise. Four hunches of sage grass are phiced about a foot apart on the north of tlie firephice. The purchaser's right foot is passed toward the smudge four times and then phiced on the first Inmch of sage grass. Then he walks on all four bunches of sage grass. The two men dance in place on the north of the fireplace, all the spectators shouting and cheering them. They then dance successi\ely in the same manner at the east, south, and west of the fireplace and take tlu'ir places, thus ending the transfer of the war-bonnet. When the bonnet is not in use it is kept in a cylindrical leatlicr case and hung on a tripod and kept out on the west side of the tipi. A smudge is made for it three times every day. There are many songs for the war- bonnet, mostly war songs. Some of the taboos connected with the war-bonnet are as follows: A bufialo head must never be broken in the tipi, nor may any part of the heatl Ije thrown into the fire. The owner of the bonnet must not allow any- one to pass in front of him while in the tipi. Should anyone do so he would become blind. It is said that a bonnet was transferred to Big-brave, an informant, who paid a horse for it. Not long after he received it, he wore the bonnet in a battle and tlirough its power esca])ed many bullets and arrows and was unharmed. An important point is the general belief that all these types of head- dresses were once exclusively the regalia of members of the bull society. The songs used are said to be from the ritual of that organization. It is said that when the society ceased to exist the regalia was still transferred froDi j)erson to person, the ritual and songs of the society being used. Thus, in a way, the ritual of the order is still in existence. We collected some phonographic records (nos. 414, 431-2) of the songs: — That above, Man, ho hears mc. It is sun. That below, he hears me. I want to sit there. My medicine (bonnet), it is powerful. BufTalo, he says, on the ground I am looking around for a place to sit. It is powerful. It is powerful, where lie sits. The first is the smudge song and a buffalo is supposed to be singing. Tn the second, the heachlre.ss is held uj) as if it were a buffalo's head, moved about in keeping with the song and tlien j)nt down. 1912.] Wissler, Blackfoot Bundles. 117 Shields. While shields had some practical \alue, no doubt, they were neverthe- less medicine objects and treated as bundles. Their rituals were composed of songs and certain definite manipulations. The decorations were symbolic and offered a means of classification, first, in that one type had such designs upon the shield itself while others bore them upon a buckskin cover. The belief seems to be that those with a design cover were acquired from other tribes, chiefly the Crow, while those painted directly upon the rawhide were the older and original t\'pe acquired before the introduction of horses. Naturallj', there is no direct evidence on these points. Of those regarded as Blackfoot in origin the designs represent either the buffalo, the sun, the moon, or stars. There were, perhaps, exceptions to this, but they have not so far come to notice. Feathers and parts of animals were sometimes fastened to appropriate parts of the design.^ As with all medicines, shield rituals must be formally transferred. In general, a smudge is made with sweetgrass, the shield passed through the smoke four times, and placed upon a blanket at the rear of the tipi. There the purchaser is painted; usually a yellow ground over the face and hands, wdiich is streaked by drawing the finger tips downward, and a red transverse band across the mouth and the eyes. Special songs are sung at this time and four drums used. The seller then takes up the shield and pretends to be dodging about to avoid blows, as in a fight. The purchaser then steps into the looped carrying strap and draws it up to his neck, the shield hang- ing on his back, the conventional way of carrying it. The purchaser and seller then dance while the others sing, shout and make all the noise they can. In the dance, they proceed around in the tipi to the right, pausing and danc- ing at four points: on the south, on each side of the door, and on the north. As a rule, sweat houses are not used. The purchase price is a horse, with blankets, etc. A shield secured from the ("row is represented in a nati\e drawing (Fig. 13d). The design is upon a buckskin co^•ering. The ritual was conferred in a dream by a hawk whose likeness appears in the drawing. The marks above probably represent clouds and the waved lines, lightning, strongly suggesting motives seen on some Dakota shields. The outer cover is un- decorated. A lance goes with the shield and is placed as shown in the ' For notes on the structure, size, etc. see Vol. 5, 162 That tliere is some historical basis to the belief that many shielris came from the Crow is suggested by the following: " We saw the Blackfeet ride to battle half naked, but some, too, in their finest dresses, with the beautifully ornamented shield obtained from the Crows, and their splendid crowns of feathers, and, on these occasions, they all have their medicines, or amulets, open and himg about them." — Maximilian, 117. Fig. 1:5. Drawings of Sliiilds by Vwtinn Indians: a A red ground with a lihu' vnMvr tho sun: 6 a rod ground witli a crcsc-enl moon in blue; c the cover of the Never-sits-down- shicld. red dots for stars and a transverse fringe of Ijuckskin; d tlie cover of a Crow sliield. a hawk, clouds, and thunder with a lance and buffalo tail at the bottom; e the shield used with the cover r. unpainted, a bunch of feathers at the center and a bullet hole above / a red groumi with figure of a buiralo. All the shields arc bordered with feathers whether shown in the sketches or not. 1912.] Wisslcr, Blackfnot BiimUes. 119 sketch. A buffalo tail is tied on at the bottom. When suspended, the rela- tive positions are as drawn. In addition, the bundle contains a small head- dress of feathers and sweetgrass for the smudge. During the day, the shield bundle is tied to the end of a tipi pole which is leaned against the rear of the tipi bringing the bundle above the crossing of the regular poles. The ritual contains seven songs. In the transfer, a smudge is made with sweet- grass and the purchaser painted over body and face with white paint. His hair is brushed to the left side of his head and the headdress is tied on (Fig. 14). This is suggestive of a Crow style and is consistent with the asserted origin of the shield. The face is then marked with black as shown in the drawing. The shield hangs from the lance, thrust into the earth at the rear of the tipi. The purchaser and the seller dance while others drum and sing the songs. The latter dances with the shield and pretends to be dodging arrows. Two horses are brought up and the two men ride around the camps together. The front and hind quarters of the purchaser's horse are painted with white earth. This ends the transfer. The fees are a horse, blankets, and clothing. The oldest and most renowned shield bundle is the Ne^•er-sits-down shield. The traditions are that it was given long before horses were knowii. A Piegan, named Curly-bear, owned the shield and out of great personal regard gave it to a wealthy white man named Charles Conrad. At the latter 's death, the shield was returned to Curly-bear who later transferred it to a Blood Indian named Many-mules. The shield is of two buffalo rawhides, firmly glued together. It is fused save the yoimgest. When the first owner of the shield was transferring it to his brother he first tested its power. He placed the shield on the ground covering it with a robe. \\ Ik ti he took the robe off, spiders and worms were crawling all over the sliield. Then he said to his brother, "Do you see all the spiders on tlie shield"/ "^'ou nuist never kill spiders, if you do, they will come out all o\(T your hody just as you see them thcTe, and will kill you." Then the shield was fastened to the rear Iodide pole inside of the tipi. The owner ' Vol. 2. 102. 1912.1 Wissler, Blackfoot Bundles. 121 of the sliield and Iiis witV sat on the left side of it, near the rear of the tipi, while his brother and his wife sat on the right side opposite them. After the smudge phice had been made and the two men been to the sweat house, the seller painted his brother's body and face with red paint which was streaked with the fingers. Four men with drums were present. A large wooden bowl filled with water mixed with paint was placed between the smudge place and the fire. The two men and the two women wore buffalo robes with the hair side out. A bunch of feathers was then fastened to the purchaser's hair. The purchaser and his wife and the seller and his wife were seated on opposite sides with the wooden bowl between them. As the four drummers commenced to sing the four faced each other and went through motions as if to butt each other away from the bowl of water. Each of the four drank of the water until none was left. A smudge of large turnip was made and the shield taken down. Making four passes over the smudge with the shield the seller threw it down. The purchaser then made four passes at the loop of the shield, the seller meanwhile holding one of his legs. The former then stepped into the loop and slipped the shield up over his shoulders until it rested on his back. The two then danced, first about the rear of the tipi, and then successively to the north, east, and south of the fire. This ended the transferring of the shield. There are five or more songs for this shield. He then told his brother about the shield, telling him that it should be taken out of the tipi every day before sunrise. This man had the shield during many battles which he usually won, and killed many enemies, and captured many weapons and soon became chief of his people. The owner of the shield always left word that it could be used in case they were attacked by the enemy. One time a great number of Assiniboine attacked the Blackfoot. The man's chum painted himself, took the shield and fought bravely, killing a great number of the Assiniboine, and finally driving them away. It was the great power of the shield which made it possible for the Blackfoot to overcome their enemies. This shield has proven itself ^•cry powerful to those who have owned it, many having become chiefs through it. The fees for this used to be one or two horses, and a few valuable robes or blankets. Nowadays, more is paid for it. The shield came from the Northern Blackfoot in the first place, was some time among the Piegan, and is now owned by a Blood Indian. As the foregoing suggests, all shields are considered medicine I)undles and have many ritualistic features in common. An informant states that all shield songs are buffalo bull songs, but not in any way connected with the bull society. So far, we have been able to collect but one buffalo hide shield among .{rtlliropnloyical Papers Aincriciin }fusciint of Xdlural History. [\'ol. \'II, tlif Hlac-kt'oot and there is another in the Museum colleeted l)y George Bird Griiinell. The hitter is shown in h'ig. J5. We have no information with tin's specimen but note on one side what seem to be the seven stars or the great dipper antl on the other tlie s\inbol of the Pleiades or bunched stars. The shield in Fig. lO was obtained from a North Blackfoot who had failed to learn the ritual after its transfer to him. It was recognized as being on<" of the three medicine shields referred to in the myth.^ So far, we have not been able to get the details of its ritual. For further comparison we collected a number of drawings made by men formerly owning shields. Fig. 17 represents one formerly owned by Big- brave bearing representations of a buffalo bidl and a cow. In a line above 1912. Wisdcr, Black fool Bundles. 123 the two buflFalo is a series of hutt'alo hoofs, while below are seven lines of buffalo track symbols. The rectangular figures al)()ve and below the buffalo skull are intended to represent ornaments of variously colored cloth. Seven songs belong to the ritual of this shield. The original is in colors. Another shield by the same individual is represented in Fig. 18, a large central area is in red representing the sun, while the crescent above repre- sents the moon, the cross-like extensions radiating from the center rei)resent the rays of the sun. This shield, like all otlx'rs, originated in a (h'eani ¥i^. 16 (50-5700). A btifrulo liide Slii In Fig. 13a is a simple but very common shield design in which tlie central colored area represents the sun or some other hea\"enly body. In Fig. 13b is the corresponding form in which the central figure represents the moon. In Fig. ]3f we have a drawing representing the simpler type of buffalo shield. ^4^ 1912.] Wissler, Bluckjnot Bundles. 125 The apparent wide distrihutioii of the Plains ty{)e of shield has been noted in the Handbook of American Indians, whence it is natural to assume that the subjective or esoteric characters are about eciually distributed. So far as our positive knowledge goes, the designs have dream or vision origins arhong the Blackfoot, Gros Ventre, Assinil)oine, Crow, Hidatsa, Teton-Dakota, and Kiowa. Data on pueblo sliields reported by Dr. Spinden suggest a different conception in that area in so far as the origins of the designs are concerned. On the other hand, the statement of Mr. Mooney to the effect that throughout the Plains area we find shields with like dream origins, similar taboos, and uniformity in the use of incense as well as songs maj^ be taken as correct in so far as it applies definitely to the tribes named above. This similarity also extends to the peculiar method of supporting the shield during the day upon a tripod outside of the tipi and the tendency to change its position in keeping with the movements of the sun so that its face should always be in the direct sunlight. We feel that the distribution of the simple objective, or physical characters of shields is far less significant and important than the peculiar associated distribution of these more subjective aspects. Thus, the presence of the supernatural design origin, the observances and practices required by the shield ritual among the several Plains tribes using the shield, suggests a common origin on the one hand, and a wholesale adoption on the other. In a previous paper, ^ it was noted that among the Teton-Dakota it was the power of the shield represented by the protective design upon it or its cover to which the Indian looked for protection rather than to the mechanical properties of the rawhide disc. A similar conception seems to prevail among the Blackfoot. While this apparent disregard of the mechanical properties of the shield may be explained as a change of attitude brought about b}' the introduction of superior weapons, as noted by Clark,^ it seems to us more likely that the Indian originall;s' placed his chief faith in the power of the design. This is certainly consistent with the other facts of Plains culture. So far, we have not found associated with the shields of other tribes anything like the Blackfoot transfer. It is reasonable to assume that when the shield and its ritual came into Blackfoot life it was adapted to the transfer, or to the ceremonial scheme of the tribe. Vol. 1. 22. Clark, .336 12<> Autfuopoloyicul Paiwrs AnuricnH Muscititi of Xutunil Uislury. [\o\. VII, OtTKK HlNDLES. Tlu'iv art' twn similar l)Uii(llt's anions the Piegan each containing as the chief object tlic skin of an otter. Tliis bundle is often spoken of as the siiioking-otter, or tlie otter witli which smoking nnist be properly attended to. The usual name, however, is " the-rattling-smoking thing," referring to a retjuirement that whenever the owner smokes, a rattling noise must be made with a metal object. These medicines are regarded as very old but arc now of minor importance. 'V\\v narrati\t' of their origin ^ is a version of a well known Dakota myth. We collected two other Aersions of this m;\th in one of which two Sarsi went east with some white men while in the other it was a Piegan. In each, they went on a boat to an island, l)ut then to heaven, where the ritual came from God. The \ersion previously published was given by an old Piegan who owned one of the bundles and may be assumed the most authentic. In that narrati\e we are told that, "Whenever the owner of this medicine begins to smoke, he shakes the bells on the otter four times. Then he takes some smoke, blows it into the hollow of his hand, and rubs it on the otterskin. Then he blows one handful to the otter, one to the bells, one to the owner's heart, and one to the ground. This last is because the otter runs on the ground. There is power in this, because the otter is supposed to have long life." - One of the unpublished \-ersions runs: when the Indian had returned, he made up the smoking-otter bundle. Later, his brother recjuested it, so he transferred it to him. Yet he made up another one smaller than the first. The latter is the female, the former the male. Thus it came about that there were two otter bundles. Now a few years ago, the owner of the smoking-otter got a new otterskin and in a ceremony changed the old otterskin l)y placing the bells and other things on the new skin. A white man who is still living asked for the old skin, saying that he wished to use it as a bag. It was given to him and he got some bells and niach- up another smoking-otter and later transferred it to another man. There are now three smoking-ottcrs here. They were all transferred in the same way with the same .songs. The smoking-otter is \-ery powerful and was formerly much used in liattle and on the warjjath. The owners .seldom fail to have dreams tlirou.uli the bundle. There arc foui- or more war songs among those used with the smoking-otter. Some of the words are: "Wind is our medi- euic. Kain i> our medicine. The water is our medicine and our body." » Vol. 2. 98. ■'■ Vol. 2, 99. 1912. sl,r, Hlackhnt Bnnilln 127 The following rather full account of the transfer <;i\es tiie ritual and other points of interest as narrated by Big-brave, a Piegan : - A sweat house is made. Grass is placed around the inside; at the rear a bunch of the grass is placed. On this is placed the smoking-otter. The hole is round. A hollowed pile of dirt is j)laced on the east and west side of the hole and circles drawn around them with the fingers. On top of each heap of dirt a smudge is made with creeping juniper seed (Fig. 19). When the rocks are sufficiently heated, the owner wearing his robe, on his back the smoking-otter, and carrying the smudge stick and seeds, slowly approaches the sweat house while singing. When he reaches it, he goes around it once to his right and enters. He seats himself near the rear at the right, and places the smoking-otter on the grass at the rear. After he has said a prayer over a pipe which is handed in, he lights it and all smoke. When the pipe is burnt out the ashes are emptied on the east. Fig. 19. Drawing. of tlie Sweat House for the Smoliine-otter Bundle, from an Indian southw^est, and north side of the hole and the remainder in the bottom of it. Some live coals are placed on the two piles of dirt and while singing the smudge song he holds up some of the seeds with one hand. The song runs as follows: "The above is powerful. The ground is our medicine." Then he places some of the juniper on each smudge place. After passing the smoking-otter around his waist it is passed out through the west of the sweat house and placed on top of it with the head towards the east. Five heated stones are brought in and placed at each corner of the hole and one in the bottom. He makes another smudge, placing some of the seed on each of the five rocks. Then they are all thrown into the hole and the rest brought in. Another smudge is made on the pile of stones in tlic hole. Sonic of the seed is placed at the four corners while some is put on the center of the pile of rocks. The curtains are pulled down and after dipping a bunch of grass in water, he sprinkles the stones seven times. He sings and a man on the 12i!l Anlhroi/iiliKjiail Pdpcifi American Museum of Xalural History. [Vol. VII, outsidi' sliakcs the smcn hells on the otter four times. A.s there are usually five or six men in the sweat house, eaeh man takes his turn at praying while the others sing. There are seven songs in all. The covers of tiie door are raised se\en times and the ceremony is ended. When it is raised in the beginning of the ceremony, they all look out and say: "We are looking at the green grass, leaves, and berries." This is said if the ceremony is held during the winter, but should it be held in the summer time, they say: "We are looking at the snow." This means that they will all live to see the ne.xt winter. After the sweat house ceremony, the men go to the tipi where the trans- fer is to take place. The owner enters and seats himself on the right near the rear of the tipi. The purchaser sits on the left, with his wife and the seller's wife to his right. The smoking-otter is tied to one of the poles at the rear. The smudge place is a hollow round heap of dirt, about a foot and a half across, somewhat similar to the one made in the sweat house. The smudge of juniper is placed at tiie top. This smudge represents the hole in the ice made by the otters. At first a berry soup is served. All those present first hold up a berry and jjray to it before eating the soup. There are usually quite a number of people in the tipi during the ceremony. Four drums are used. After the soup has l)een eaten, the otter is taken from the tipi pole and placed on some grass while .some of the grass is placed o\ev the otter's back as though he were ali\c. The grass and otterskin are at the rear between the smudge and the ti])i wall. The owner hands the smudge stick to one of the men to get a Ii\(' colli, which is then placed on the heaped smudge place and, taking some of tiir juniper lierries, he sings: "The above are powerful. The ground is l)owerful and is our medicine," and places some of the juniper on the coal. First holding one of the drums over the smudge he strikes the edge on the southeast corner, on the southwest, the northwest, and the northeast corner of the smudge. He hands the drum to one of the four men who is to use it. Two cups of water are placed near the purchaser and the seller of the smoking-otter. As they begin to sing, the owner blows on his bone whistle. At the same time he dips his hand into the cup of water and brushes his head with his wet hand and then places his hand on his heart. The purchaser repeats the same movements. A song for the paint is sung as he takes the yellow paint in his hand and mixes some water with it and sings: "The water is our medicine," and then paints the buyer's face and entire bfxly witli the yellow i)aint, and a streak of red across the eyes and mouth. During the next song one of the men goes out with a rifie which is fired when the otter is taken from its grass bed. The shooting represents the 1912.] Wissler, Blackjoot Bundles. 129 shooting at otters when they are seen coming up in the water. As the otter is taken up, the man blows four times on his bone whistle. This is supposed to represent the whistle of the otter. The spectators shout and make all the noise possible when the shooting is done. The gun used in the shooting is part of the fee paid for the smoking-otter. The owner passes the smoking-otter around his waist under his blanket, then over the smudge four times. Then he holds it to the purchaser's left shoulder, his back, his right shoulder and against his breast. The purchaser receives it and liolding it in his arms like a child, prays to it. He returns it to the owner and as he receives the otter he goes through the movements of a dance, still keeping his seat. All the persons in the tipi place their robes in front of them covering their legs. The next song is: "Waves are my medicine. ^Yater is our medicine." He passes the otter to the first person sitting to his left under the cover. The otter is passed under the robes or blankets around the entire tipi until it reaches the owner again. This passing of the otter under the robes represents the otter swimming under the water. The owner now takes the otter again and sings: "Above is our medicine." This refers to the seven stars which the seven bells tied around the otter's neck are supposed to represent. Then he dips his fingers into the cup of water and sings : " Water is our medicine," and places his hand on his head and on his breast, the purchaser repeating the same motions with his cup of water. The owner passes the otter to the smudge four times and as it has a looped carrying strap made of a red scarf he places the loop over the buyer's head and shoulders and leaves the otter hanging on the purchaser's back with the head at his left side. After, it is removed from the purchaser's back and put on his wife in the same manner by the owner's wife. Then it is placed on its bed of grass curled up as if it were alive. He takes a pipe which has been filled and holding it with both hands Avith the bowl towards his left and the mouthpiece towards his right and turning the pipe about foTir times, he holds it to the purchaser's mouth four times, barely touching his lips with the pipestem. At the fourth time the purchaser draws four times on the pipe. Meanwhile the spectators shout and cheer for the purchaser. The owner then lights the pipe and hands it to the purchaser. He blows some of the smoke in his left hand which he places on the ground and to his heart. Then he blows some smoke in his right hand, brushes his head with it and places his hand to his breast. He bloAvs more smoke in his right hand and rubs the otter's head with it and then into his left hand and rubs the seven bells which are tied to the smoking-otter's neck. As he is smoking the pipe the owner shakes the bells on the otter's neck for him four times and again the crowd shouts and cheers the buyer. The words of the song referring to this are: "My smoke is powerful." l.">() Anthropoloyicdl Fdpcrs American Museuvi nf Xatural History. [\o\. \ll, During' tlic lu'xt son^ tin- Ixmc wlii.stlc, which has a neck string tied to it, is trunst'erred to the Ijiiycr. It is passed four times to the smudge and then placed over tlic man's licad and hung on liis neck. Then it is liehl to liis lips four times, thus ending the transfer of the whistle. The words of the next song are: "Those above are our medicine." (This refers to the seven stars.) "The ground is our medicine. The water is our medicine." Then he mixes some paint and water and paints the Iniyer's white l)lanket with many red spots. He also paints a spot on his left wrist and on the joint of the arm. He does the same on his right arm joint and wrist and both shoulders and on l)oth sides of his breast. His leggings, also, are painted red. The ceremony ends for a time and continues in the evening when the songs are learned. The purchaser's face is painted with yellow, a yellow spot on his forehead and on either cheek. A scratch is made across each spot with the fingers in representation of the crack in the bells on the otter's neck. After the evening ceremony the new owner is put to bed with the otter placed on his breast. He must not move but must remain in the same posi- tion through the night. The next morning the former owner awakens him, takes the smoking-otter and places it on the grass near the smudge place. The c\('ning ceremony continues four nights. Every night the new- owner is i)ut to bed as on the first. The smoking-otter is very powerful; when men are asleep with it they can feel it crawling around on their body. There are forty-nine songs which are sung in groups of seven. The new owner is painted Avith yellow' spots. These spots of yellow are scratched across first in the painter's hand and then stamped on. The cross is to represent the cracks made in the bells which are on the otterskin. The new owner's horse is painted with red paint to represent the tracks of the otter eagle claws (zigzag lints between two horseshoes), and hailstones (circles). Sometimes the horse is painted with many dots of red on the head, neck, and shoulders, and on his hips. Tiie otter is either carried on this horse or else the owner rides on the horse and carries the otter on his back. The horse is painted on both sides. .\ftcr the horse is painted, the otter is placed outside the tipi on a tripod. W hen he wislics to move camp, he puts the otter on his back, a smudge is made outside near tlie tripod and the former owner makes four passes to the snnidge ami to his stirrup and mounts his horse. The ow^ner's and his wife's white blankets are painted in red with seven rows of red dots, seven in each row. These represent the seven bells on the otter's neck. The taboos for the new owner of the smoking-otter are as follows: lie must never sit on the bare ground nor must he smoke while any moccasins 1912.] Wisslrr, BlackJooL lUwdles. 131 are hanging over head. AVlien lie begins to smoke someone must tap on a steel four times for him while he smokes, or if there is no steel about the place, a knife may be used to tap four times on a tobacco board. Some- times, as he usually has a triangular or an egg-shaped st(H'l, one of these is tapped four times against the knife. The owner's horse is painted for use in war. When the rider is about to ride to the battlefield he sings: "My horse runs well. May he run all right. Now I am going to run. The ground is my medicine. It is power- ful." The owner of the smoking-otter always places the bundle on a tripod outside on the west side, the woman usually taking it out in the morning and going around to the south of her tipi. In the evening she brings it in by the north side. She makes a smudge four times a day, in the morning, at noon, in the evening, and at bed time. The woman holds both hands over the smudge and places her hands to both of her ears, one hand to her mouth and nose, one hand to her heart, and brushes her shoulders and arms down after holding her hands over the smudge. This is done each time she makes a smudge. Formerly, the owners of the smoking-otter kept a brass button in their mouths while smoking, but this is not done at present. They still blow some of the smoke in their hands and then put theu- hands to their breasts, the ground and to the head, just as is done in the first part of the transfer ceremony. A Piegan kept an otterskin which was during the day supported by a vertical pole, we were unal)le to learn anything of its ritual and origin. We have no reason for assuming that this was similar to the two bundles just mentioned, but note it here as a matter of record. According to New-breast when medicine bundle owners assemble in a tipi the owner of the smoking-otter takes the highest seat, but except for this he seems not to have enjoyed particular honor. Bear Knife. A bundle now on the verge of extinction is the l)ear knife. There must have been many of these, since we met men on several reservations who had the ritual but who had ceased to care for the bundle. The chief object was a large dagger-like knife to the handle of which was attached the jaws of a bear. Maximilian mentions a similar knife and figures one, apparently seen among the Gros Ventre.^ We did not collect one of these bundles but did secure a pair of armlets for the owner's ceremonial use (50-5425), Maximilian, 105. li)2 Anthmpnhxjiriil Papers American Museum of Xatitrdl HiMorjj. [\'ol. \II, A part of the iKirrali\f piihlislu-d in our series^ gives the reputed mythi- cal hasis for the ritual. Few of these bundles remain. One reason given for the decline of this ritual was the brutality of its transfer, the passing of the old life having almost eliminated the torture feature in ceremonial practices. Even in former times few men willingly took the bear knife, but were "caught," a method of forced transfer fully discu.ssed in connection with the medicine-pipe. As implied in the narrative the recipient must catch the knife thrown violently at him and is also cast naked upon thorns and held there while painted and beaten thoroughly Avith the flat of the knife. A INcgan, named lilack-bear had one of these bundles tran.sferred to him al)<)ut forty years ago. His account of the proceeding is about as fol- lows: — Before the bear knife could be transferred to him he had to make seven sweat houses for the owner of the knife on seven different days. The hole in the sweat house was cut round and the dirt piled on the west side of it. At first se\en rocks were heated and placed on the north, or right, of the door in a line about six inches apart. The heap of dirt and the rocks were to i)e used for making the smudge. Parsnip roots were used for making the snuidgc and the ordinary sweat house songs were sung. The former owner of the knife entered the sweat house backwards. A pipe with the mouth- piece painted red was given to the owner who prayed to it and smoked it. All this time the bear knife was still in its bundle on top of the sweat house. During each sweat house ceremony the owner painted his face red with streaks of black across his eyes and at the sides of his mouth. The black marks were made with black powder. The red paint (seventh paint) was scratched with the fingers. The black marks were to represent the bear's teeth. Tlie owner wore a painted buffalo robe with the hair part out, at cacli of the scv(>n sweat houses made for him. When the owner was dressed and jiaintcd, he would sit in his own tipi waiting for the sweat house to be made ready. An attendant would notify him by kicking one of the tipi I)oles on the west side. When he heard the first kick on the pole he woidd make the noise of a bear. Then they would kick again, and again he woidd make the noise of a bear. At the fourth kick he ran as fast as he could toward the sweat hou.se. When in the sweat house the owner took some of tlie parsnij) root and as he held it up sang: "The earth is my medicine." Then he put some of it on each of the seven lieated rocks and the remainder on the pile of dirt near the hole. He threw water on the stones fourteen times. After the seven sweat houses had been made the real transfer of the Vol. 2, 95. 1912.] Wissln; Blnrkjool Bundles. 133 knife began. At first some rose hushes or tliorns were stuck in a row close together near the rear of the tipi. The owner sat on the left and the buyer on the right of the thorns. Some red paint and gunpowder mixed with water were put into cups, placed near the owner. Then a smudge was made with parsnip root near the bushes. The two men were naked. When Black-bear was getting this knife there were many men in the tipi. Seven drums were used. When the singing began all those in the tipi made all the noise possible, shouting and shaking all the tipi poles. The owner moAed about in his seat as a bear does, moving backward and forward. Wlien the o\\ner was about to paint the purchaser, seven men stood outside of the tipi each with a gun. The owner sprang upon the purchaser, threw him on the thorns and painted him. At the same time the guns were fired. The owner turned the purchaser first on one side and then on the other while painting him, holding him against the thorns all the time. The shooting of the guns is to represent shooting at bears when they are in the brush. After the man had been painted with the seventh paint, scratched down with the fingers, and the marks with gunpowder made over the eyes and mouth, another smudge was made. The knife, still in its wrappings, was passed four times over the smudge and taken out of its coverings. The owner, holding the knife in his right hand, went through the motions of stabbing. Meanwhile, singing and drumming was going on. The owner again threw the purchaser on the thorns and slapped him on the breast with the flat of the bear knife, turned him over, and slapped him on the back. The two men crawled along on hands and knees to the north side of the fireplace where the owner again sprang on the purchaser and again slapped him on the breast and back with the knife. They crawled to the west side and he repeated the same movements. Thus the purchaser became the owner of the bear knife. He further stated that he was not required to catch the thrown knife, though such was the rule. His horse was painted after the transfer. The tail, mane, forelock, and a stripe on the back were in red. The sides were marked by several red imprints of hands. The four succeeding evenings were spent in rehearsing the songs. Immediately following this, the owner slept out in the hills with the bundle for four to seven nights, or until he dreamed about it. The owner wears his robe with the hair side out, paints it red and paints his face the bear way. He nuist never turn back from the enemy, but go directly forward singing songs from the ritual, take an enemy by the hair and stab him. He can use no other weapon. Dogs must not come inside while the owner is there and no one should strike on iron while he is smoking. VAA Anthmi)ologicnl Papers American Museum of Natural Historij. [WA. \'II, Duriiij,' the suniiiicr the kiiitV is kept un\vrai)i)('(l and fastened to one of the tij)i poles inside near the owner's seat, that it may be at hand when needed. Late in the fall, it is taken dow^n and placed in its bundle where it remains until spring, thus imitating the bear. During this time, the bundle is suspendeil on a tripod behind the tipi through the day. A smudge of parsnip root is made three times daily. Both sides of the knife-l)lade are painted with the seventh paint and a zigzag of blue. Its power was thought to be very great, so great that its owner was seldona killed, for its appearance frightened everyone into sub- mission, after the manner of bears. There are many songs in the ritual; all war songs, since the bear is a fighting animal. The bundle is supposed to have originated with the Sarsi. ]\[edicixe Lance. Among the Piegan there is a bundle containing a spear as the principal object. The shaft is something less than three feet in length and carries a long knife-like blade of iron. The bundle is made up by wrapping the shaft, but leaving the blade exposed. Li the bundle are launches of feathers antl bells to l)e tied on the shaft for the demonstration of the ritual. Also, the skin of a small red-winged bird to be worn on the head of the owner when on the warpath and a small pipe for use in the ceremony. Contrary to the usual custom this bundle is kept outside the tipi at all hours and in all weathers, supported on a tipi pole near its middle and parallel to it which leans against the back of the tipi. The point of the lance is upward and kept coated with red paint to symbolize blood. We secured no narrative of origin for this bundle and \'ery little of tlie ritual. It was said to have originated in the conventional dream. In four of the songs the sentiments were respectively: — My spear is medicine. The red winged bird is medifine. The feather, I want it . My tipi is nicdicinc .\s usual, the bundle is uinvrapi)ed as the ritual proceeds. Tlic i)aint- ing of the owner at the beginning of the ceremony is as follows: — the face, body and hands ar(> covered with yellow as a ground. Marks on the arms and legs are made by drawing the fingers along their lengths in the freshly applied yellow paint. A black spot is made on the forehead, nose and each temple; a larger one on the breast and a similar one opposite on the back. There is ;in alternative pnint in wliich a red ground is used, but otluM-wise 1912.] Wisslcr, Blarkfoot Bundles. 135 the same. The owner is free to choose either. These are his war j^aint and if at any time he has a dream that threatens ill, he paints himself after this manner for protection, the idea being that as the paint protects him in war it may also keep off other dangers. The owner must observe certain rides in his daily life. The point of the spear must never touch earth. Every morning and evening, a sweet- grass smudge must be made at the usual place in the tipi. The owner must not smoke in any place where moccasins are hanging up. While he is smoking no one in the tipi should touch moccasins, nor touch the bare earth with the fingers, nor sit at or in the door. The violation of any of these will result in dreadful skin diseases. Again, if he should turn back in battle, or after starting in the direction of known enemies, he will be killed. If he goes straight into the fight, he will not be killed. This bundle was primarily a war medicine. When the owner was about to go on the warpath the bundle was opened by performing the ritual and then made up again in the usual way. Again, when a scout had located the enemy, the bundle was again opened in the same way just before the attack, the owner going against the enemy with the spear and in full regalia. A man well versed in the affairs of the warpath gave the following inci- dents in the history of this spear: — Once my grandfather, then a \oung man was mourning for his brother. He took the spear and went to war. When- ever his party approached enemies with spears they fled. At last they came upon two of the enemy asleep, and my grandfather killed them with the medicine spear. After this my grandfather carried it to war with him many times. In former times the spear could be owned by men who had been great leaders in war. Once this spear was lost in battle with the Assiniboine. The man who carried it thrust it into the body of an enemy but could not recover it; just when the battle was over the spear was found still in the dead body. This spear was once owned by a small man who went out with a war party against the Crow. At this time the Yellowstone was very high. He asked the tallest man of the party to carry the spear. The current of the stream was so strong that it took them all off their feet. Whenever the spear point touched the water it would get hot and sparks would fly oft" as it rose from the surface. During the winter of 1903 a certain man's child became very ill and he registered a vow that if it recovered, he would purchase the medicine spear, i. e., have it transferred to him. The child died. This aroused consider- able feeling in the community against this bundle and the owner himself felt his faith shaken, especially fearing that he should never be able to get it off his hands. Since this incident, however, the bundle has given satis- factory results. 130 Anlhropological Papers American Musenin of Xalurtil Uistonj. [\'ol. \ II, There is aiiotlier lance ainon^^ the Hlood, though for some reason it is spoken of as a pipe. It was captured from the Cree and after a time its owner had dreams resulting in a ritual. We received the drum used with it. As to the ritual, we gained no definite information. It seems to have had a checkered career and not held in particular esteem. For example, it was once buried with its owner who did not transfer it. Later, however, a man reconstructed it and claimed the ritual with the necessary ceremony for such cases. Among the Piegaii there was a hear lance hearing some analogies to the hear knife. ^ This was huricd w itli its owner some years ago and has never been restored. In passing, it may be remarked that we Found no use of the l)()w-spear, reverenced l)V some divisions of the Siouan stock. The Medicine-Pipe. -Vmong the more inii)()rtant medicines of the JJlackfoot are the sacred pipe bundles. Something more than seventeen of these are distributed among the se\'eral reser\'ations and while there are some differences, as will be noted later, the greater number are of one type and may l)e assumed to KiK. 20 (.'■,()-.544,S). A Mc(licino-pii)(' IUiikIIc. l.ciiKth. l.?2 cm. ha\-e had a common origiru \Vc refer to what may be considered the thunder's pipe, or tiie ritual iianded down by the thunder, a Blood version of which may be found in our collection of myths.^ So far as we know, the See myth, vol. Vol. 2, 80. 1912.] Wisder, Blackfool Bundles. 137 first clear account of the Blackfoot pipe ceremony is by Kane as obser\ed June, 1846.^ He has given us a sketch of the dance with the pipes, one of the bundles showing in proper position over the door of a tipi. A pipe bundle is shown in Fig. 20. The outer wrapping for these bundles should be the hairy skin of a black bear and next to this a scraped elk hide. Around the midflle of the bundle is a broad strip of elkskin. The contents are made up into two Inmdles which we shall designate as primary and secondary. The former is a long slender poke made of red flannel, both ends open. It contains the decorated stem, or the pipe proper, and a head band of white buffalo skin, with the hair, and an eagle feather to tie on the owner's head. The bundle should always hang so that the mouthpiece of the stem points to the north (in the ceremony, toward the east) and as a guide to this the ends of the poke are tied with difFerent colored cords. The secondary bundle contains a smaller pipestem," an owl, two loons, two white swans, two cranes, a muskrat skin, an otterskin, a rattle, a skin of a fawn, a whistle, and sometimes the skin of a prairie dog. These are wrapped in pieces of gaily colored calico. Tobacco is put into the bird skins. The rattle is kept in a poke of prairie dog skin. Naturally, the contents of this secondary bundle differ somewhat for the various pipes. In a square fringed bag ^ are kept paints and smudge materials ; also beads for the owner and his wife, a necklace and other accessories. There is also a wooden bowl for the owner, a whip, and a rope. No one must use any of these objects handled by a pipe owner. He must also have a horse for his own use. Should he loan it, something ill would befall the horse or the rider. Special forked sticks are required for the smudge. All these objects are kept coated with red earth paint. ^ The owner's robe w^as often painted as shown in Fig. 21, though since the extinction of the buffalo this has almost passed out of mind. A special fan, an eagle's wing, is in the outfit; also a pipe-stoker, and a tobacco board. The primary bundle is a true bundle and was sometimes carried to war. Around its middle is often a binding, similar to the elkskin wrapping, and a cord for suspension. Though we have no direct evidence, the inference is that the secondary bundle has been added to an original bundle contain- ing the pipestem only. The stem in our collection is shown in Fig. 22. It is about thirty inches long. In two places it is wrapped with wire, in another 1 Kane, 424. 2 The pipe bowls are not kept in the bundle and the medicine .stem is rarely smoked. About the only time it is so used is when the bundle is opened at the sun dance and brought into the enclosure. There it must be lighted with flint and steel by a person who has captured a medicine-pipe from the enemy. ' Vol. 5, 77. * It is said that formerly every i)ipe owner kept his garment fully coated with red paint so that he could be known at siglit. 13S Anthrnpological Papers American Museum of Xalural History. [Vol. VII, with 1T(1 tlaiiiit'l. Tlif iiitcrNcnin^- sjjact's arc friiij^^cd with strips of white weasel skins. From the lower cud haiij;s a fan of ca^ic tail-fcatlicrs. A few bells are also attached. The headdress is a simple hand of white buffalo calfskin (often sheep or goat skin) about two inches wide. The longest feather from an eagle's wing is tied across the head above this band. Fig. 21 (.50-54.">y;. A docoratod biilFalo Kobe for a Medicino-pipe Owner The upper part is painted red. below which are four claws of the thunder bird and spots representing hail. Attached to tiie rolie is a small bag of sweet pine needles. Tiie mcdicinc-pipc bundle in tiic Museum collection contains the following: — 00-5448 a. The wrappings for the bundle: a tanned elk hide, a bear- skin (in this case an imitation of dog skin), a numl)er of thongs and pieces of gaily colored calico, b. The carrying strap: a woman's belt because it falls to her tocarrv the bundle. 1912.] Wissler, Blackfool Bundle 1.39 ary to cover all pipe c. A woman's shawl. It is custoii bundles with such a shawl. 50-5449 a. The decorated pipestem, the chief object in the bundle. b. A headdress of mountain goat wool in imitation of white bufi'alo calf. c. Eagle wing-feather, worn crosswise on the leader's head. d. Small pipestem for smoking in the ceremonies. e. Rattle used by the owner in connection with certain songs. f. Bag of muskrat skin for the rattle. g. A flageolette. h. Head of a crane. i. Skin of a loon in the form of a tobacco pouch. j. Foetus of a deer, tobacco pouch. k. A pipe rack of three sticks. 1. Skin of a prairie dog. m. Skin of a squirrel. n. Skin of a squirrel. o. Bowl for pipestem d. p. Skin of a muskrat. q. Skin of a mink. r. An owl skin. 50-5716 An owl skin. 50-5717 a-c. Skins of birds. 50-5450 Stick for fastening the bundle over the door on the outside, where it is sometimes placed in the morning. 50-5451 Tripod on which the bundle hangs when out-of-doors. 50-5452 a. Rawhide bag with accessories. b. Small bag of roots used in the smudge. c-h. Bags containing red paints. i. A paint bag. j. Muskrat skin for wiping sweat from the face of the owner. k. Bag of pine needles for the smudge. 1-m. Necklaces for the owner and his wife. n-o. Paint sticks for penciling designs on the face. 50-5453 Tongs used for placing fire on the smudge place. 50-5454 a. Tobacco cutting l)oard. b-c. Pipe-stokers. 50-5455 Wooden bowl for the owner's food. 50-5456 Fan of eagle wing for the owner. 50-5457 Whip for owner's horse. 50-5458 Thong lariat for owner's horse. 50-5459 Painted I)ulTalo robe for owner. 141) Anlhrupological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. VII. kn]\ '•> 1 i.^'. 22 (50-544i)a). A INIedicine-pipe. 77/c JiifiKil.^ All liiiiidk' ceremonies are held in the tipi, oi- home of the owner, and as his use of the sweat house, the form of the smudge place, etc., are determined by the restrictions imposed by the ritual, there is practically no preparation in that sense, ever\'thing being in constant readiness for the ceremony. Except as hereafter stated, the owner of a pipe bundle lets it be known informally that the bundle will be opened at a certain time. He formally invites a man experienced in the ritual to assist as a prompter or actually to officiate. A few other nun are invited to aid in the songs. These men are usually accompanied by their wives, or head-wives, if from a polygamous household. The wife of the owner or officiating pipe-man ' So far as we know ihf only other extended account of a pipe ritual is that by Mc- C'llntork (202). The ritual we Kive belongs to the pipe in the Museum. Oiu- information is to the elTfct that there are some (iitrerences in i)ipe rituals and the details of the ceremonies and liiai there are many son^s optional to the owner and those officiating. Hence, many of thi' dilTerenccs to he noticrd in the work of this writer are doubtless based upon authentic statements (•(jneeniiiig pari iciHar himdles 1912.] Wisslcr, Blackjoot Bundles. 141 takes an important part in the ceremony while the others assist in singing. As a rule, the ceremony is performed (hiring the day, beginning about ten or eleven o'clock and ending early the same afternoon. Those invited assemble at the owner's tipi. The officiating pipe-man takes his seat at the rear, facing the smudge place and the door. On his left, sits the prompt- er and next, the men to assist in the singing.^ On the right of the pipe- man sits his wife and next, the other women. The remaining part of the circle is free to anyone who comes to look on, l)ii1 is usually taken only by the aged and important, the others standing outside by the open door. Several layers of blankets are placed in front of the pipe-man upon which the owner's wife lays the bundle. Theoretically, the pipe-man should now formally state the reasons for this particular opening of the bundle and give in substance the na^rati^•e of its origin; but this is often passed over with the statement that, " All must be familiar with the account of how this pipe was given to us and have heard of the reason for the ceremony now about to take place." He then proceeds with the ritual. To assist the reader in the comprehension of this ritual we have pre- sented it under what seem to be its two main divisions: a, the opening of the bundle and h, the dancing with the pipe. However, so far as we know, the pipe-men themselves never thought of the ritual under these heads. To them it proceeds by units of seven songs each, between which there are optional intervals of rest, conversation, and feasting. The songs for this ritual were recorded with a graphophone.- Like most Indian songs they are composed of conventional meaningless syllables with one or two phrases expressing the sentiment of the song or referring to the 1 Seven drums are reqiiired in the ceremony, the single rattle being used by the oflficiating pipe-man. Before the drums are used there is an interesting proc3dure. The pipe owner takes up a drimi, holds it in the smudge, then raises it above his head and sings: "That, above, powerful; the earth, powerful." Then he must coimt four war deeds: then raising the drum high above his head, he strikes gently in suceession the four corners of the smudge place. This confers to the drummers the right to participate. 2 These records are in the Museum collection (Nos. 367-84) together with their texts the translations for which are used in this paper. The chief responsibility for these rests with Mr. Duvall. Since this is not a linguistic study we omit the texts, giving only the translations. However, it may be worth while adding a few terms common to most songs and prayers: — natojirva (animate form, naiosiw"') — hidden sim power, 'the state of being saturated with Sim power, etc. This corresponds in a way to the Dakota wakan. the Ojibway manitou, etc. spo'tum — the above, the heavens, etc This seems to imply all tlic powers and creatures that move in the air and in space. so^kuma — the earth, the lower regions, etc. This is the antipode of the preceding and seems to imply all the creatures and powers that move on and tlirough the earth saam — medicines. Bundles and their contents as well as rituals are designated by this term. In the translations these concci)ts have been rendered as powerful, the above, the below (earth), and medicines, respectively. 142 Anthroiiological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. VII, ceremonial acts accompanying them. We liave given tlie intelligible phrases only, as we are not now concerned with the other aspects of these songs. a. The opening of the bundle begins with the making of the first smudge with sweet pine needles. A burning coal is taken from the fire with the wooden tongs and placed in the smudge square. As the first song begins^ the pipe-man takes up some of the sweet pine and slowly drops it on the fire. As the smoke rises, he and his wife hold their hands in the smoke and sing: — 1. 'i'liat which is above; it is powerful. The pipe owner makes the smudge but his wife sings with him and both hold their hands in the smoke : — 2 That which is below; it is powerful. While this is sung, the woman rises and takes the l)undle down from its place between herself and her husband and holds it while the third and fourth songs are sung, words same as the above. Then follow the fifth and sixth songs while the woman takes off the shawl or outer wrapping and lays the bundle down between herself and her husband. With the seventh song another smudge is made. Second Seven Songs. 1. You stand up; you take me. You untie me; 1 am powerful. The woman unties the cords. 2. We are still at the same place sitting; it is powerful. She puts the bundle down again. In this and the preceding the pipe is supposed to be speaking. 3 This here man, he says, my robe, take it; it is powerful. This is sometimes called the antelope song and the woman makes move- ments of hooking and poking at the bundle in imitation of this animal. The pipe is supposed to be speaking about the bundle wrappings. 4. Man, you must say it; buffalo (robe), I take it; it is powerful. As this is sung the woman takes off the outer thong, which should be of buffalo. Here the pipe is considered to address the owner as a son to a father. 5. My robo, I take it; it is powerful. This is the elk song but the pipe is speaking of his own robe and the woman shakes her head, etc., like an elk, charging upon the bundle and knocking off the outer wrapping of clkskin. 1912.] Wissler, Blackfool Bundles. 143 G. The words are the same as above but refer to the owner's own robe. Both the owner and the woman pull their roljes over their heads and sit like beaver, 7. The same words again, but the woman makes four passes toward the bundle and bringing both hands down on it in imitation of a bear removes the bearskin covering which is the robe referred to in this song. Third Seven Songs. b. The bundle is now open and the contents visible. The secondary bundles are untied during a rest. 1. Man, you must say it; my pipe, it is powerful. The pipe is speaking. The owner takes up the pipe and holds the mouth- piece to the north. 2. Man, you must say it; my pipe it is powerful. He holds it to the east. 3. Say, man (the pipe) you sit up that you may be seen; it is powerful. Owner is addressing the pipe and holds it to the south. 4. This my pipe, it is powerful. Holds it to the west. Then lays it down. 5. Man, he says my pipe, it is powerful. 6. This here (the pipe) man. You sit up that you may be seen; it is powerful. Owner takes up the pipe and holds it, shakes it four times, and lays it down again. 7. My lodge, may it be solid (safe, etc.); it is powerful. This here man, get up so they see you, your children (all the people present.) The owner is speaking to the pipe. Then he rises and shakes it. Should a feather or any part fall the luck would be bad; the owner begins to sing his war song, and prepare for the worst. Some brave men dance with the pipe on their shoulder without holding it; this is brave because if the pipe should fall to the ground their luck will be bad. Fourth Seven Songs. 1. A dancing song: the owner takes the whistle, blows four times to the north and dances, keeping time with the rattle; the same to the sun; then to the south, and to the west. Then sits down. 144 Anlhropnlogicnl Papers American Museum nf Xaliiral Ilislory. [X'ol. VII, 2. A (lanciiij; son^': the owiu-r takes the siiiudgc; stick and dances around the tipi stopping at tlie four places as with the whistle. ;>. A dance song: the owner takes the pipe and moves toward the door, dances for the north, holds the pipe up toward the sun and prays, then dances at the soutli and Uxstly to the west. 4-5. These may be dance songs at the option of the owner; otherwise the skunk song takes their phice, which is a pleading for mercy to those who run ahout on the ground. This is unusual, however. G. The above, it is powerful; this here below (oarth), it is my tipi. This refers to the eagle feather for the head which should be the longest wing feather. The eagle has power to go above, l)ut makes his home on the earth. The feather is tied on during the song. 7. That man, says, the calf, hand it to me. The headdress representing a white buffalo calf is put on at this time. Fifth Seven Songs. 1. Woman says, elk I want, hand it to me. This refers to the elkskin wrapping of the bundle, but usually nothing is done at this time. 2. That below (earth), it is my tipi. This is the horse song and is symbolized l)y the decoration of horsehair on the pipe. 3. Yonder man, say, calf I want, hand it to me. 4. Repeat No. 1. 5. This here, my paint, you take some of it; it is powerful, f). The buffalo, you take some of it powerful. 7. Repeat Xo. G. When 5 is sung the owner takes up the paint; at b he takes up tallow and mixes the paint; at 7 he paints the face. Sixth Seven Songs. 1. The water is my body; it i.s powerful. 2. M}' tipi; it is powerful. The idea expressed in the first song is the gciural concept of the water- fowl found in the bundle. Sometimes when this is sung some water is sprinkled over or given to the owner. In the transfer of the formula this is always taken as giving him the right to the power or use of water as an element. The second song refers to the duck, and the woman takes it up while singing. 1912.] Witider, Blackfoot Bundles. 145 3, 4, and 5. These refer to the bear and are symbolized by the wrapping of bearskin and are dancing songs without words. 6. This refers to the owls, also a dance song, these objects being carried in the dance. 7. This refers to the power of using the horse and in the transfer gives the right to its use (p. 158). Seventh Seven Songs. 1. His horse's running; it is powerful. 2. Repeat No. 1. These refer to the power of the horse again: the first for running, the second for the horse that is to carry the pipe bundle when camp is moved. 3. No words to this song but it is always sung by a pipe owner before he lies down to sleep anywhere except in his own bed. 4. The waves are my medicines; over and under the waters is my home. 5. Under the waters is my home. These songs refer to the loon in the bundle. 6. My tipi, I am looking for it; I have found it. When I come in; it is powerful. Man, where you have been sitting (the seat in the ceremony) is powerful. Woman repeats the above. This is a transfer song and refers to the new owner going forth to his home. He is usually carried in a blanket. 7. This here my medicine; it is powerful; I give it to you, this here water, our medicines. Refers to the muskrat skin and the other water creatures in the bundle. Eighth Seven Songs. 1, 2, 3, and 4 are dancing songs and usually have no words, except that one of them is sometimes spoken of as the chicken song, or the white man's medicine bird. The words, however, seem to have another significance: The above white man hears me. 5. This is a painting song in which the second painting of the owner takes place. 6. This is a dancing song in which he dances to the four directions. It is also used in making a vow. 7. This is one of those elements often introduced with a tinge of humor. It is sung at transfers and the words are, " I have a mind to take it back." 14() Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. \'II, It is explained that a famous hunclle owner once transferred his bundle to a man who owned a very fine horse under the impression that it would be among the gifts and when he saw that it was not. he sang this song. Since then it has been a part of the formula and is often the occasion for great mirth and a hint for the purchaser to make more gifts. There are other songs making a total of seventy or more, but the above are the usual ones in ceremonies. In cases of transfer all the songs must be sung in the correct order, but in other ceremonies the leader can close at any time after the bundle is open. To do this he sings the closing song: taking up a drum, swinging it slowly, and laying it down with the refrain, " Where I sit is powerful." In general, it wull be seen that the opening of the bundle is preliminary and that what follows is a song and dance for each important object in the buntlle, each of which symbolizes some concept of powxr. Sural House and Paints. All such ceremonies are usually either pre- ceded or followed by the entrance of the chief participants into a sweat house. The ceremony for the sweat house is in the main fixed and inde- pendent of other rituals and will be discussed under another head. In case of the pipe bundle, the hole in which the heated stones are placed is rec- tangular and rather long in proportion to its width. An experienced pipe- man (a Blood ) offered the explanation that this was symbolic of the thunder, who causes long breaks or crevices in the ground. The smudge place in the tipi of a pipe owner is also rectangular. ^Yhenever the owner of a pipe uses the sweat house, except when officiating in a ceremony rec}uiring a different kind of hole, he must use the rectangular one though when trans- ferring the pipe, the hole is heart-shaped. When the sweat house is used in connection with the pipe bundle ceremony the bundle is often placed on top with the mouthpiece of the stem toward the door, or the east. A buffalo skull, painted and decorated with sage grass as at the sun dance, is also placefl at the west side of the sweat house on the dirt taken out of the hole inside. When a nicdiciMc-ijipc is first given to a man, one of his horses is painted red together with his rope and whip. These things he alone must use. The medicine-pipe owner's hor.se is painted as follows: across the forehead and down to the nose is a stripe of red; the mane and Tail are painted red; a zigzag line ending in a horseshoe runs down the hind and the fore cjuarter; red dots on the neck and collar and on the hind quarter complete the paint- ing. The zigzag ending in a horseshoe is called the Eagle Claw. This is similar to the painted robe, Fig. 21. The owner uses red paint, the seventh j)aint, and black.' The first is > Vol. 5, 13.J. 1912.1 Wisslcr, Blackfool BuiuUcs. 147 used for his special utensils and he keeps his robe and leggings well smeared with it. For the face he uses the seventh paint. When taking part in a scalp dance he traces over the seventh paint with black; a mark down the bridge of the nose, a dot on each cheek, a curved mark over the forehead and a similar one over the chin. Another painting for all occasions is with the seventh paint, a vertical mark down the nose and a curve across the forehead above. Function. When considering the function of the pipe bundle it may be noted that there are but four occasions on which it can be opened : the sound of the first thunder in the spring; when it is transferred to a new owner; when the tobacco within is renewed; and in accordance with a vow. As indicated in the origin myth these bundles are believed to have been handed down by the thunder and are in consequence often spoken of as the thunder's pipe. Curiously enough, it is a belief that the thunder is afraid of an ordinary pipe, or, according to some informants, has an aversion to them and smoking; hence, in the ceremonies the pipe-man is careful to open the prayers with "Thunder, this is your own pipe," etc. Some few years ago (1904) a number of Piegan were gathered in a tipi during a thunder- storm. A man called out in bravado inviting the thunder to come in and smoke. Almost at the same instant, it is said, the bolt struck the tipi, kill- ing some and injuring others. This was cited as recent confirmation of the old belief that the thunder disliked smoking except in case of his own pipe. The opening of the pipe bundle at the return of the thunder is imperative. At the first sound reaching his ears, the owner of a bundle must make imme- diate preparations for the opening. He goes outside and announces the event, extending an invitation to everybody, old and young. It is said, that everyone is made glad by the sound of the first thunder because they will be prayed for and receive consecrated tobacco.^ They do not wait for the in- vitation but at the first thunder hurry to the tipi of the nearest pipe owner. The ceremony does not differ materially from the full ritual given above, except that it may be closed at the end of the twenty-first song at the will of the owner. The pipe is carried out-of-doors, and prayers are made to the thunder while the mouthpiece is held up towards the sky, the home of the thunder. In the prayers at this time the thunder is l)esought for the wel- fare of all present and especially that no one be killed by him during the year. Tobacco is taken out of the bundle and distributed among all present. The possession and smoking of this is believed to bring one under the in- 1 At the sound of the first thunder in the spring everyone is expected to stop in his tracks and pray. He opens with, "I am glad to hear you again," and prays for happiness, health, plenty, etc. 148 Anthrujxilngical Papers American Museum of Natural History. [\o\. VII, Hut'iice of tlie all pervading' good will of the thunder. Also, at this time, soup made of dried berries kept in store for the occasion, is distributed: even small portions of berry food (usually service berries) may be given out. It has been said that this ceremony is to make berries increase during the summer, l)ut we find no evidence* to support such a view as in the prayers plenty of all things are asked, tobacco, meat, vegetables, berries, clothing, horses, children, long life, success in all undertakings, etc. About the only distinctive feature we have observed, is the specific prayer for pro- tection against death by lightning. Occasionally, a man may own two or more pipe bundles at the same time. In such a case he opens one on each succeeding day after the initial opening until all have been so handled. In preparation for the thunder ceremony it is usual to open the bundle once during the winter, that an adecjtiate supply of tobacco may be placed within. One or two of the well-known rolls of Hudson Bay tobacco are broken up and distributed in the bird and animal skin pouches kept in the buiidlc. As these openings of the bundle cost the owner a nice sum in the wa\ of food and gifts, he usually takes advantage of its opening for a vow to renew the tobacco, thus dispensing with the regular winter ceremony. At this and all other ceremonies, berry soup is distributed. Tobacco may be given out at any time, but is made a special feature of the thunder cere- mony. As a discussion of the transfer belongs logically under a ditten-nt head, it remains to consider the vow to have a pipe bundle opened. An indi- vidual in dire distress due to illness in the family or to other causes, may vow in the name of the .sun, or other great powers, that if help or relief comes, he will dance with a medicine-pipe. If the request is granted, some time after, he gets together a number of quilts, blankets, etc., takes them to the tipi of a pipe owner and lays them down by the pipe bundle. This is the formal announcement to the owner and the ceremony takes place as soon thereafter as possible. The ritual proceeds as usual until the pipe is out. Then the face and hands of the supplicant are painted and the smudge used with him. This is done to the supplicant's wife also. There are now four chief characters; the owner and his wife, tlic supplicant and his wife. The owner takes the hand of the supplicant; the owner's wife takes the hand of the woman." They hold the hands of each over the smudge four times. The supplicant is then given the pipe and the four dance around the tipi facing in turn the four directions and passing the pipe from one to the other. When the circuit is made, this fulfills the-vow. A gift of one or two horses > In case a woman makes the vow, the position is reversed, she receiving? the pipe at the beginninK of the dance. 1912.] Wisder, Blackjool Bundles. 149 must be made to the owner and other property distributed among those present as a show of gratitude. While the above is the usual form for the vow, the ceremony has been performed without waiting for the result. This haste is not looked upon, however, with full approval. In this connection the following account by the owner of a particular pipe bundle may be of interest: — A person making a vow goes to the pipe owner and prouu'ses to give a feast if he will pray for the recovery of a sick relative. As soon as the person who has been ill becomes well he and the one making the vow go to the home of the pipe owner who immediately issues invitations to old medicine-pipe owners to come to the feast. As soon as they are all assembled, a blanket is spread on the ground near the rear of the tipi, where the pipe is to be placed after it has been opened. Four drums are also placed on another blanket. The man who is to open the pipe bundle sits in the rear at the right of the tipi, the pipe still remaining hanging. First they pray over and eat the berry soup which is given them by the man making the vow. The pipe owner then takes the smudge stick and after chewing some pine needles, spits on the smudge stick and hands it to another man who is to get a live coal with it. The man gets the coal and starting from the north of the fire, passes around to the left of it to the smudge. He then takes a few of the pine needles in one hand and holding them over head, sings: "The above is powerful, help me. The ground is powerful." The pine needles are now placed on the \i\e coal. There are seven opening songs the words of which are similar to the one quoted. Another smudge is made and the song refers to the wife of the pipe owner when she rises to take down the pipe and places it on the ground. While the woman is unfastening the cords by which the pipe hangs on the wall, the men sing for her: "She is holy, rising: She is holy, standing. Untie me, I am powerful." At the last word the woman takes the pipe bundle in her arms and remains standing with it. Another song follows : " Where I sit is holy." The woman makes four passes with the pipe over the smudge and places it on the blanket which is to the west of the smudge at the rear of the tipi. She sits down near the bundle a little to the left of it. A song referring to the shawl covering of the pipe is sung: "Its robe I take it. It is powerful." Upon this the shawl is removed and placed under the pipe bundle. The songs which follow, all of which are connected with the opening of the bundle, refer to the antelope and to the buckskin string with which the bundle is tied, to the elk robe which is used as a wrap- ping for the pipe, to the bearskin which is used as a cover, and to the buffalo. l')() Anthropological Papers American Museum of Xuliiral History. [\o\. \\l, Tlu' words for this last song are: "Buttalo I have taken. They are power- ful." There is still another song when the coverings are off the pipe, but as a calico covering still remains, the man takes the pipe and holds first one end and then the other over the smudge, then alternately in his left and his right arm and then as he would hold a child. A song relating to the remov- ing of the co\er from the j)ipe is sung. As a ribbon is tied at either end of the pipe, it is first untied and each end held over the smudge. The sack- shaped i)iece of cloth is pulled of\ the pipe and while another song is sung the calico wrapped around the pipestem is removed. The words of this song are: " You are going to see my pipe. It is holy." Now the pipe is placed on its coverings. A smudge is made and a song sung; "Men, women, and children will see your body arise. They will know that your body is holy." The man then takes up the pipe and, shaking it four times, makes one pass towards the smudge with it and returns it to its place. The man takes up one of the drums and first chewing some pine needles, spits on his hands, and then rubs them all around the frame of the drum. He holds the drum over the smudge place, and strikes the southeast corner of it, and then repeats the same movements on the southwest, northwest, and northeast corners of the smudge place. Still holding the drum he calls on two men to tell two wur deeds each. After each tale he strikes the drum and after all have been told he hands the drums to those who are to use them. This is to give them the right to use the drum. The men sing and drum and the pipe-man takes the whistle and, after chewing some pine needles, he spits on his hands, rubs the whistle and hands it to one of the men who rises and dances with it. As he is sitting on the right near the rear of the tipi, he dances in one place and when the singing and drumming cease, he blows his whistle to the east, south, west, and to the north, moving to the north of the fireplace and dancing there. He repeats the same movements as before, dancing near the door and south of the fireplace. He returns the w^histle to its place and takes his seat. The pipe owner rises and dances with his pipe, the singers ceasing four times before he returns to his place. As the singing ceases he rests, and when it begins again, he continues to dance. When he gets to his place, he hands the pipe to his wife; she takes and prays to it and then makes a pass over the smudge with it and puts it down. There is another mouthpiece which is used when the medicine-pipe is smcjked as the true mouthpiece is not used. At the next dance one man rises and dances with this mouthpiece and a rattle belonging to the bundle. This is followed by another dance and song and one rises and dances with the smudge stick and the bag of .sweet pine needles. Another .song, and they dance with the owl, holding it as a child. Then a song and a dance is gone through for ca
  • stigation and in reading Blackfoot literature, it seems well to make clear that there are several varieties of pipe l)undles. In general, it may be said that the pipe- men were the owners of bundles of the type we have just described of which there are a numl)er among each division. As a rule, each bundle has some minor individualities that serve as distinctions, but the ritual is in all essential features the same. A bundle similar to this type and generally 1912.] Wissln; lUackfool Bundles. 159 considered as of its class is, howcNcr, said to he I'uiidaiiu'iitally diUVrent in its ritual. It is spoken of as the " eastern pipe " and regarded as very old. Two special pipes were owned by members of the catchers society, which are still regarded as very powerful medicines. They are spoken of as the black-covered-pipes. The stems are said to be covered with eagle plumes and decorated with four hanging bunches of eagle tail feathers. ^itW'^ Fig. 23. The Black-covered Pipe Bundle and the Pipe it Coiitain.s, from a drawing by Tom Kiyo. The bundle is small and instead of being hung on a tripod is fastened to the end of a tipi pole. (Fig. 23.) The mode of transfer diifcrs from that of the regular pipe. There is a small pipe among the Blood, regarded as very powerful in war. It has four songs, one of which is a typical medicine-pipe song while the others are quite different. In the presence of the enemy this pipe was smoked by the party carrying it, the songs sung, and the pipe tied in the owner's hair."^ The first Blood to own it, received it by transfer from a North Blackfoot. Recently (1903) it changed hands for six horses and other property. The interesting point in this connection is that the Dakota had similar pipes for the purpose. 160 Anthropoloffical Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. VII, Another small pipe recently transferred to a Piegan l)y a Blood is about twelve inches long with the fan of feathers and other decorations in corre- sponding scale. It is kept in a cylindrical rawhide case.^ A headdress of white buffalo is used with it and in battle the owner tied the unwrapped pipe crosswise on this headdress. The ritual has but two songs. This bundle seems to be a war medicine. The collection contains a small pipe bundle in a poke of blue cloth. The stem is divided into three sections by two broad beaded bands. The foundations of those sections are fringes of white weasel and at each end FiR 24 rr>0.1-l()7S). A IM are bunches of eagle tail feathers and bells. Two ducks, two feathers, and a paint bag were with the bundle. This, also, seems to have been a war pipe. An unusual pipe is shown in Fig. 24. On its middle is the head of a duck. It bears pendants of feathers and hair. No information was secured. One pipe bundle is attributed to the Arapaho, or the "Southern Gros Ventre" in Blackfoot nomenclature. The following is from Mr. Duvall's notes: — The 'Southern Gros Ventre' (Arapaho) medicine-pipe has seven songs that really belong to it. Three-bears says that there are eight songs. 1912.] Wissin; Hlarkf„„i liinullrx. 161 Shorty says that many of tlic real lucchciiu'-piiH' son<;s wcrr added afterwards. The pipe known as the old inecUcine-pipe which we still have, is supposed to be the one given by the thunder bird. It is said to be \'ery old and power- ful. Once, Black-coming-over-the-hill, who owned the pipe then, had it with him while on the warpath with some other men. The war party, who were Piegan, were surrounded by the enemy while they were in a pit they liad dug. The enemy made a fire to burn the Piegan out of their pit. The man who owned the pipe, took it out of its wrappings and prayed. A heavy rainstorm came up and extinguished the fire, caused the enemy to run for shelter, and thus they made their escape through th(^ power of the medicine-pipe. New-Breast gives the following: — ^"The Southern Gros Ventre pipe had originally but a few songs. Some say but eight. Nowadays, the regular medicine-pipe songs have been added. Its transfer is somewhat different, however. It is opened sometimes during the camp circle and while the owner dances along with the stem, others dance behind in single file. This pipe is said to have come from the Arapaho many years ago and to have been owned by Piegan ever since. It was transferred a few days ago from James-big-top to Three-calf, White-grass officiating. They first made a sweat house for which ceremony Three-calf gave a good horse. Later on the same day the bundle was transferred, Three-calf giving several horses, a saddle, a gun, a pile of quilts and blankets. A steer was killed, half of which was served as the feast. The other half was kept to use in the ceremony giving him the right to butcher (p. 138) and went as a fee to the officiator. Four drums were used and two men each recounted two war deeds before the drums were sounded." "Another medicine-pipe, known as the otter-carrying-strap came from the Sarsi and is very different from other medicine-pipes. It was used more in war than otherwise. The owner of this medicine-pipe always took the lead when on the warpath or when trying to overtake the enemy. This pipe was used when the Piegan killed the Assiniboine chief, White-dog, near the Sweet (Trass Hills. While the Piegan war party was on White- dog's trail, the man who carried the medicine-pipe made medicine with it. As White-dog had a good start with the stolen horses the Piegan despaired of overtaking him, but through the power of the medicine-pipe they did, and killed him. This pipe was not in a bundle like the others but was wrapped in some cloth and had a cover of red flannel and a carrying strap of otter- skin with brass buttons sewed to it. The stem had four songs different from other medicine-pipes. They also sang the real medicine-pipe songs. On one end of it was a small buckskin bag of medicine to be used in doctoring a tired horse. On the other end hung a bunch of feathers. It is said that a Sarsi got this pipe from the buiValo through a dream. The pipe was buried 162 Anlhropologicnl Papers American Museum of Natural Uislory. [\o\. \\l, witli its owner, Sitting-c-urlcd-around-wcascl, many years ago, and was never made up again." Anotlier bundle was said to contain a medicine-pipe stem, two ordinary pipes, a loon, an owl, a deerskin, a muskrat, a cap of goatskin, a whistle, a rattle, some ducks, a wildcat, and many birds. In its ritual there were seven songs for each of the following: the smudge, undoing the bundle, the pipe, the cap, the buffalo, the owl, the loon, the antelope, the muskrat, white swan, the ducks, the shell necklace, the horse, and the bear. There was another very powerful medicine-pipe ow-ned by Little-antelope. The owner carried it with him when on the warpath. He could foretell when they were about to meet the enemy. One time when the owner was going along with his men he suddenly stopped and told them to lie down as the enemy was near. They all lay down and not long after two Snake Indians came up. The Snake did not see the Piegan and rode right up to them. The Piegan killed them and took their guns. The pipe had four birds tied to the stem, and feathers hanging from it. Near the mouthpiece was fastened a bunch of owl feathers. This pipe is also lost. It is thought one of its owners was killed with it. It was described as having four birds' heads fastened along the top, while a row of feathers hung from l)elow. Pipe Lore. Many interesting tales are told of particular pipes and of these a sample or two may not come amiss. It is said of one rather dis- tinguished pipe-man that many years ago he had a dream in which he w^as ordi-red to purchase a certain pipe. The transfer cost him thirty-seven good horses and other valuai)le property. After this he had another dream in which he was assured that since he had made so great a sacrifice he would always prosper as long as he kept it. A pii)e bundle came into the hands of a distinguished chief. After the transfer it was discovered that for many years its acquisition had been followed by the death of one or more of the purchaser's children. There- upon the chief, having no young children to die, decided to keep the pipe l)un(lle, but never permitted it to be opened. At his death a few years ago, a young man had it transferred to himself. Several years ago a Blood Indian was ordered in a dream to sell his bundle to a white man. So he set out to find a purchaser. His people were l)itterly opposed to this, but as it was a dream they had no grounds for open opj)osition. At last, an Indian approached the owner in the ceremonial way, making its transfer to himself ol)ligatory. Thus the Inindle was saved for the peoi)le. Oriffiii.s. We may now give some attention to the historical origins of these bundles. The mythical origins are clearly reflected in the ritual and 1912.] Wissler, BlackfnnI Bundla 163 the narratives. While tliese are important in determining the funetions of the ceremony they cannot be taken as data for the historical origin. Unfortunately, this origin can be little more than inferred from comparative data. The matter of fact traditions are that the first bundle to come among the people was the original and the typical and that all such bundles not otherwise accounted for originated with it.^ Pipe bundles, and for that matter all others, may be constructed l)y an experienced pipe-man. He usually awaits a dream or other supernatural sanction. "Then he patiently gathers the materials at great personal expense. When all is ready he pro- ceeds with the dressing of the pipe and the preparation of the bundle. Each movement calls for prayers, songs, and offerings to give the bundle the true character. We received definite knowledge of but one bundle so constructed in recent years, all the others seem to be old. Naturally, it takes such a bundle many years to remove the general suspicion that all may not be right with it. Sometimes a bundle is buried with its owner in which case a pipe-man who has officiated at its ceremonies may reconstruct it for his own use and eventual transfer. There are traditions with certain pipes that they come from foreign lands. Thus it is said that one bundle was received from the Arapaho and with it came some new songs that have since become a part of the regular ritual.^ Another pipe known as the eastern pipe and different from the others, is attributed to a far southeastern tribe. In brief, a Piegan led a war party far to the southeast past many tribes they did not recognize. At last they visited a village. The chief took a fancy to the Piegan leader and presented him with this pipe bundle and taught him the ritual. This may be a myth but there are many circumstantial incidents to support it. So far, we have failed to secure the ritual for this pipe bundle. Some of the Piegan pipes were captured from the Gros Ventre but as these were in every respect similar to their own, the Piegan consider them as having been acquired from their own people, during the period when the two tribes were in close contact. Such a pipe was considered as the owner's and gave him a right to the ritual after the regular transfer ceremony at the hands of an experienced pipe-man, unless he was already such a man. It is said that a Piegan pipe was once captured by a Crow, to whom the ritual was later transferred by a visiting Blackfoot j)ipe-man. An aged Piegan states that he remembers a time when there were but three medicine-pipes among his people; the thunder pipe, the Southern 1 The Blood claim one of their pipes as original as it is the only one whose origin is un- known in tradition. 2 One very able Piegan claim.s that the whole ceremony came with one original pipe from the Southern Grcs Ventre (Arapaho) by transfer and that since that time pipe-men have added their dreams to the ritual, eventually producing the present type. ICil Antliroixilinjiail I'lipirs Ainiricdn Museum of Xalural Historij. [WA.Wl, Gros ^\'ntn• ])ij)c, and the white iiian's j)ii)i'.' Most of the pipes now owned came from the Blood and Xortliern Hhiekfoot. One must not expect much consistency among the Bhickfoot as to mytiii- cal origins for these l)undles, yet they are fairly agreed that the pipe proper was first handed down l>y the thunder Since that time, however, many pipes ha\e been given in (hvams by other beings and the usual assumption is that the primary bimdle originated with the thunder; the secondary, with the inunediate transmitter. Thus, we have a narrative recorded by Mr. Duvall which seems to account for many important secondary features: — A girl who liatl a bear for a lover would take foot! with her to give to the bear when she went into the brush for wood. Slie always went with another girl but the other girl did not know anything about this. Since she always took food with her when she went for wood, her mother grew suspicious of her. She followed her one day and saw her daughter playing with a bear. The girl and the bear did not see her so she went home and told her hu.sband what her daughter had been doing in the brush. When the girl came home, her father said to her, "Why do you have a bear lover when you could many some nice young man from the camps?" This made the girl feel very bad for she was very much in love with the bear and did not care to piu-t with him. She said to her father, "Why do you talk about the bear? I like him verj' much. The bear is going to give you a medicine-pipe." When the father heard this he was much pleased and .said no moic to the girl. After this, the girl made frequent visits to the bear. One day, the bear gave her a pipe bundle the outer covering of which was a bearskin. The bear taught the girl the use of the pipe and told her to give it to her father. The girl gave the pipe bimdle to her father and taught him the ceremony connected with it. That is why medicine-pipes have bearskin covers. This also allows the inedicine-pipe men to force anj'one to buy the pipe l)uiiille just as they do when a i)ipe bundle is forced on a man when he is asleej). The bear also told the giil that no one should sit in the father's place in the tipi, nor must anyone sit where a bear has been sitt ing. If anyone does this, he will have •sores or scabs on his buttocks. A medicin(>inaii must never sit on the bare groimd, if he should sit on the ground without a blanket or robe imder him he will have bad sores on his buttocks. That is why all medicine-pipe owners are afraid to do so nowadays. The word bear must never be mentioned in a tipi where there is a medi- i'ino-pipe btmdle, nor should th(> medicine-pipe man ever saj^ it. If anyone .should say the word the niedicine-jjipe ow ner will have bad dreams, or dreams of impending y a woman, apparently the only pipe buiulle owned in the tribe. I'n.in the ( iirtis photograph it appears that the bundle is hung from ' Kane, .iOT. ' Kane, 399. > Clark, 89: al.so Dorsey. (a), :}2<>; Wisslcr, (h), 202. In -ionv? particulars there is a corn'spoiidiTici- bftween tlicsL- niytlis and a Blood account, Vol. 2, 90. 1912.] Wissler, Blackjool Bundles. 1()7 a tripod in the Hlackfoot fashion; in one account the woman and the pipe were carried on a blanket. The bundle is in the hands of a single individual. On the whole, what meager information we have of it, strongly suggests the Blackfoot type. The Arapaho have a pipe, known as the " Hat pipe" ^ which holds a place analogous to the Teton pipe. There is here a considerable bundle, supported by four sticks (like the tripod of the Blackfoot). The pipe is described as a very plain ordinary affair, but bearing many wrappings of cloth. As among the Cree, the owner, or keeper, has a special decorated tent. In Curtis' notes on the Teton pipe there is an implied relation to the sun dance, and with the Arapaho this pipe and its keeper play an important role, being intimately connected with the tribal origin myth. The Gros Ventre also had a flat pipe.- The Cheyenne appear to have a pipe bundle something like that of the Arapaho.^ This is as far as we can trace the Blackfoot type of bundle. That it will be found among the Crow and Flathead is probable, but so far specific information has not come to our notice. As the data stand, this type shows strong development among the Blackfoot; but it is probable that equally complete information from other tribes would minimize this dift'er- ence. There is another type of pipe ceremony, rather fully described by ]\Iiss Fletcher under the name of hako.* In addition to this we have some notes on the Dakota ceremony by Curtis '" and a much more complete study for the Teton in an unpublished manuscript by Dr. J. R. Walker. In the Teton ceremony a pair of pipestems and an ear of corn play a conspicuous part, but so far as we can make out there is no distinct bundle in which all these objects are kept. Further, the ceremony is in the nature of an adop- tion, those for whose benefit it is given coming into a relationship somewhat like that of father and son. This relationship is strongly reflected in the Pawnee hako and doubtless holds for the Omaha and Ponca. From a statement of Clark we infer the Arikara to have this ceremony " and from certain sketches of Catlin that it was known to the other village tribes. It is plain that we have here two easily distinguishable types of pipe ceremonies, the medicine-pipe bundle and the hako. That they are distinct is apparent from the fact that the Teton have both. So far as our infor- mation goes, the former prevails in the nortliern plains, the latter in the southern. 1 Kroeber, (b), 308. 2 Kroeber, (a), 272. 3 Dorsey, (b), 78. * Fletcher. 17 e« seg. 6 Curtis. Vol. 3, 71. • Clark. 279. ION Anihropi)h(jical Papers American Musnnn of Xatiiral Uislorij. [Vol. VII, TluTc is a great tlcal of lilci-aturr on tlii' caluiiu't, indicating a wide (listril)iiti()n of the pract'-pipe idea and certain formal practices relating thereto; hnt the connection between these and the ceremonies we have' studied is scarcely specific enough to warrant discussion here. The Black- foot were not ignorant of these customs and even now, often use a pipe in administering an oath or sealing a contract; hut this is not the medicine- pijjc. It seems prol>al)le that the whites themselves may have been re- sponsible for the wide distribution of the peace-pipe custom among the plains tribes. To most students the suggestion of a genetic relation between the calumet and tlie pipe ceremonies of the Pawnee and the Blackfoot presents itself automatic ally. We ourselves reacted in this way; but now having some familiarity with the details in\()hed, we doubt if after all there is anything here sa\c an ol)jecti\e analogy. Most certainly every pipe was not a calumet and e\-ery smoking ceremony not a calumet ceremony. It is obvious that if we consider rittudistic ceremonies as "constructs," we must expect to find conunon elements in quite otherwise different wholes. Such must be discounted or properly weighted in genetic enquiry. The burning of tobacco has e\erywhere made a peculiar appeal to man and it may be seriously asked if the after dinner cigar is not as integrally related to the calumet as it in turn to the Blackfoot pipe bundle. On the other hand, it is pertinent to inquire into the probable common origin of the hako and the medicine-pipe. The decorations on some Black- foot pipes suggest those of the hako, but others are quite different. Again, the face painting often used by a Blackfoot pipe owner is like that of the hako,^ and in other cases like that of the Teton and Arikara. Also, the placing of small particles of food in the mouth of the im'tiated one and the assumed relation of father and son, are found in each, ^'et among the Blackfoot, these are prominent in some other ceremonies, the tendency in all transfers being to speak of the two persons concerned as father and son. Hence, these have little weight here. The main conceptions in the two types of ceremonies are certainl\- different, from which it seems likely that thev had different origins. Bk.wkk Btndi.ks. We turn now to a series of bundles spoken of as the beaxcr. These are tlie bundles |)ar excellence. So far as we know, no other tribe on this con- tinent can boast a bundle api)roacliing half its size. \\\v\\ the medicine- pipe bundle which is of goodly proportions, is an infant i)y its side.- Its ' Fletcher, 2,3.i. = See McCliriiock, 107 1912.] Wisiiler, Blackjuol Jiundlcs. 1(J9 most common name is kosksstakjomopista, hcaAcr-hiindlcd-ui). Those who own such bundles are spoken of as beaver men, but often as ijo^'kiniks, those having the power of the waters. At present, beaver bundles are to be found among all the divisions except the Blood, among whom the}' have not been particularly popidar for a long time. There are, however, a number of Blood men who are fully informed as to the ritual. Among the Piegan, recent years have witnessed a marked revival of interest on the part of the young men, many of whom are industriously studying the rather complicated ritual. The beaver ceremony proper constitutes a kind of nucleus around wliicli ai'c found a number of more or less related cere- monies. The primary ritual seems to be associatetl with tlie beaver bundle. A more or less integral part of this is the tobacco planting ceremony, analo- gous to a similar ceremony among the Crow. The sun dance bundle used in the most sacred part of the sun dance ceremonies is sometimes found in beaver bundles and is everywhere regarded as related in ritualistic origin. Finally, we may mention the Crow-has-waters society, an organization whose practices and origin are usually assigned to conceptions found in the beaver ritual. Contents. The l)eaver bundle may have varied contents, but the follow- ing are regarded as essential: several beaver skins, entire; a pipe; two buffalo ribs; buffalo tail; buffalo hoofs ; a digging stick; skins of muskrat, weasel, white gopher, badger, prairie dog, antelope kids, deer kids, moun- tain goat kids, mountain sheep kids; tail of the lynx or wildcat; scalplocks; skins of loon, yellow-necked blackbird, raven, blackbirds, woodpeckers, sparrows, crow^ ducks, and several birds we were unable to identify; buffalo rocks wrapped in wool; wristlets of wildcat claws to be worn by the woman. Among the accessories not kept in the primary bundle may be mentioned sweetgrass and root of the parsnip, used for the smudge, black and red paints, rattles and a rawhide on which to beat them (no drum is used with this ritual), counting sticks used in keeping tally of the months. The contents of the primary bundle are placed between the folds of a buffalo calf robe, resting on the hair side, and the whole wrapped in tanned elkskin painted red. The wrapping may be of buffalo skin, but elk is regarded as the proper wrapping. The strings should be of elkskin. The bundle is kept at the rear of the tipi resting on a parfleche, filled with dried meat, and on a bag of dried berries. To this composite statement may l)e added the following Piegan account of a particular bundle:— "Half a buffalo hide is placed on the floor and an elkskin used for the outside covering. The pipest(Mn is tied on the outside of the bundle and the bowl laid near it. The stem is al)our two and a half 170 AulhrojHthxjicdl Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. VII, feet long, is coxcred with eagle plumes, and has seven sealploeks tied at intervals to it. Five forked snnidge sticks about three feet in length are tied on outside of the bundle. The rattles, together with all the different paints and fats, are placed in a woven l)ag close to the bundle. Between the bufi'alo robe and the bundle is placed the leather on which the rattles are beaten. One smudge stick with the fork pointing towards the door is placed close to the bundle; sweetgrass is also placed near it. In the morn- ings and evenings this is used for making the smudge. The bundle is made up in the following order: elkskin, beaver skin, then muskrat, loon, badger, mink, gopher, wildcat tail, eagle and raven feathers, weasel skin, dog tail, buffalo hoofs, scalplocks,« thunder is first heard. In the old days, the beaver men never opened their hntidlcs until the spring, but at present they do it at any time." All tlie diU'erent skins and birds are wrapped in elkskin and tied with elk thongs. The rawhide on which the rattles are beaten is placed under the bundle, but not in it nor tied to it. The rattles are kept in a Nez Perce bag, .secured by intcr-trihal trade. One of the oldest bundles is that now owned by Tom Kiyo. It is said, he has owned it since Head-carrier's death about ten years ago, who was said to have been one luindred eleven years old when he died. The things that go witli the bundle are: four smudge sticks, fourteen rattles, two wan, two (hicks, one rail, one badger skin, foiu- lynx tails, one prairie dog, three liutl'alo rocks, one black-tailed deer- skin, two raxcns and some raxcn feathers, four weasel skins, brown and white. Tlu-ri- are also two wall creepers (oni- of these is black), two wood- 1912.] Winder, Blackfool Bundles. 171 peckers, one blackbird, one dog tail for which there is a song, one huiialo tail fan. a white prairie chicken, two grouse, one "bear's bone," in the shape of a bear. It is said that this carving came from Alaska and was made by the Indians there and was added to the bundle only a few j^ears since. There are also two magpie feathers, a hair lock, three eagle tail feathers, two rat skins, one mouse skin, one mountain squirrel, tobacco seed, two tobacco pouches, one tobacco board and sticks used to cle;in Fig. 2.5. A Straight-pipe in a Beaver Bundle, drawn by Tom Kiyo. pipes, one night hawk, and tobacco to be kept in the l)undle, black jjaiiit, Indian red paint, seventh paint, and some fat used with the paint. The smudge is made with sweetgrass and a kind of fungus which grows on trees in the far north. It also contains a large turnip and three pairs of wristlets. The wristlet is made of a buckskin string with a blue bead at each end. In the bundle are also two whistles, made of bones of the loon. There are two blankets, painted red, one of these is for the man and the other for his wife. The Owner. Those who own as well as those who have owned a bundle are spoken of as beaver men. They do not constitute a society. They are considered skillful in forecasting the weather. They are credited with good memories (perhaps because the ritual is so long) and formerly kept count of the days and months. For this purpose sets of sticks were kept in bags. They claim twenty-six days for a moon and four days during which the moon is invisible (dies, or covers itself) making a period of thirty days. It is the duty of each bundle owner to keep tally of the days, also to note signs for forecasting. Anyone wishing to know the time of the year or the probabili- ties of the weather, can call upon them. In winter, special attention should be given the moon Thus, if the new moon appears to lean backward, the weather will be mild; if forward, cold; a white circle of clouds around the moon, a warm chinook wind. The sun and many other objects must like- wise be watched. \~'2 Anlhropolofiicdl /-'«/«/-.s Americait Museum of Xaliirdl History. [Vol. \'II^ The rcsi)(>iisiliilit\ and the ()\viu'rslii|) of a Ijiindlt- aiv entirely in tiie hands of one man. The hundle is kept in the rear of his tipi opposite the door. On a l)ed of l)lankets or rohes rests a parfleehe, containing dried meat and herries, and inmiediately upon this the bundle. It is not sus- j)ended. Jt is ne\er taken outside, except when the ashes are to l)e renio\ed from the fireplace and when the camp is to he moxcd. Tliis, at once, distinguishes it from most other bundles. The owner must conduct the ceremony or provide a leader wjien a person has made a ^•ow to open the bundle. He must open it in the spring at tobacco-planting time and again at the harvest when tobacco is put into it (compare medicin(>-pipe, 147). At no other time is it opened, except for the transfer. Some informants claim that formerly the bundle was opened at each new moon. The owner's wife (the head wife, if more tiian one) takes care of the l)undle and makes the smudge, morning, noon, and night. In the ceremony she leads the women in the e^•olutions and songs. Her presence is necessary throughout. In return for the inconvenience and expense of having a l)un(lle, the owner enjoys a certain prestige. It takes him many years to learn the entire ritual but, he in turn, teaches what he knows to others, recei\ing for this, horses and other proj)erty. To a lesser degree his wife profits by instructing other women. When the bundle is opened to a vow, the owner receives presents. After he ceases to own a bundle, he may continue to instruct and to lead the ceremony for others, for which he receives presents. Perhaps over and above these material benefits is the general good fortune believed to attend the owner and his family. Inirther, all seem to find the highest kind of pleasure in the study of the ritual. It has an aesthetic charm that makes the strongest kind of an appeal. Th(> writer knows Engli.sh-speaking Indians who ha\ c sj)()ken to him of their efforts to master the ritual, showing the very deepest feeling. With many it becomes the ruling passion. The man and his family nuist ol)serve a number of taboos, some of which we enumerate. He nuist set food before everyone visiting his tipi; should a caller ask for food, the owner must set out all he has in the place and the guest must eat it at one sitting. If he succeed, the owner must pay a forfeit; if he fail, he pays. If a smoke is asked for, the owner plies the guest witii eigiit or more pipes, making liim ill. If the owner comes up to the bank of a stream, he cannot turn back but must cross there; he must not show fear of water in any form. He is supposed to have power over the water. Xo one nnist kick on the ear poles of the tipi, if they do in a cere- mony the whole must cease, or all engaged stop and turn entirely around,. 1912.] Wu,slcr, BlarL-fiinl liutullrs. IT'A then proceed. 1 The .side.s of the tipi iiuist not be raised and cookin^^ must never be done outside. No matter how hot the weather, tins must be (h)ne. When a bundle owner comes into a tipi and sits down he is not supposed to move from that place. He must not be poked with the fingers as in asking a, person to move over. He must not cut his hair when in mourning. When the pipe passes him in smoking, he may smoke each time. When another owner comes to the tipi, a smudge should be made so that songs may be sung, if it is found desirable. He must not beat his wife without singing the appropriate song; she has a defense song, if she can sing that she is safe. Otherwise, she cannot escape, as running away will do no good. When a bundle owner has a dream he goes to another owner and relates it and it is interpreted. He is supposed to remain in his tipi a great part of the time. The genitals of a beaver or wood that has been gnawed by one must never be brought into the tipi, the latter must never be burned. The owner must sit still in the tipi, must not move around. Where he sits is a place of power. He must not go barefooted in the tipi. When he is asleep he can- not be awakened except by singing and then is not to get up until the seventh song is sung. He must not eat the beaver nor any of the birds in the bundle. (The narrator was once up in the mountains and was greatly famished, finally he ventured to eat a grouse. This made him deathly ill.) Fat or tallow must never be broken in the tipi. The owner must never blow the fire. In cases of necessity he may take a pipestem and blow- through it. No drums can be used with the bundle and they cannot be kept in the tipi. No one should pass in front of the owner when he is smoking or pass l>etween the fireplace and the bundle when the ceremony is going on. When going to swim, the owner must sing a song and then dive into the water. He must not step on or across a beaver track or den: if this be necessary, he must sing certain songs before doing so. He must not sleep over a moccasin. He must not strike a dog, nor kill any kind of 1 Black-bear says that the beaver bundle was first given to a man who camped by St. Mary's Lake. The man's wife was left all alone while he went out hunting, and one day she went to get a pail of water and was taken in by the beavers. When the man returned he rould not find his wife, but he saw her tracks and the water pail by the river and thought that perhaps she had returned to her people, so he stayed in his tipi and was very lonesome. One night he heard some people singing and when he looked up he saw his wife and many men entering his tipi. His wife told him that these men had come to give him the beaver bundle. The beaver men then tauglit the man the songs and all about the ceremony. Towards daylight someone outside kicked one of the lodge poles and the IxaMi- men all Uu-ned once around in their seats and kept on singing. Once more the poK «;i> kiurchaser nuist be given the right to eat, dress, ride. etc. One of his horses must be painted and devoted to bearing the travois for transporting the bundle. (It must never have been carried 1912.] Wissler, Blackjoot Bundles. 175 Otherwise, though wagons are now used.) A special horse for the purchaser and one for his wife must also be selected and painted. These are then sacred to these purposes and the one for the bundle must never transport fresh meat. One informant says that there is no stated period that a man must keep a bundle. If he is interested in learning the ritual, he will keep up his studies long after he has sold out. No one man is ever able to learn the entire ritual. Fees are expected for all instruction. Part Ownership. While the contents of a bundle must be kept intact, some of the minor parts may be owned by others. Thus a man selling may retain the ownership of certain birds or animals; or one may vow to pur- chase one or more parts of a bundle. In transferring these parts, the bundle is opened and the w^hole ceremony performed. The part owner then takes a place in all ceremonies and when the proper point in the ritual is reached he dances with his bird, etc., leading in the songs relating thereto. Such part owners have no obligations in the care of the bundle. They are not required to sell out when the bundle changes hands. Yet, they may in time come to a considerable knowledge of the ritual and ultimately be con- sidered beaver men, without having ever owned a bundle. There seems to be a transition in progress, since at the present day it is chiefly young men who are interested in the beaver, whereas formerly only old men owned bundles. Further, a part owner is now sometimes permitted to take out the objects belonging to him and care for them at home; yet they do not lose their connection and may be returned at any time. The tendency now is to consider all part owners as beaver men. Function. The beaver bundle seems to serve general rather than speci- fic purposes. Yet, anyone in trouble may make a vow to give a "berry soup," or feast, for the beaver men. At the proper time a horse, blankets, and other property are given to the owner of a bundle, w'ho carries the cere- mony, at least, through the opening of the bundle. The bundle was not carried to war. There was no thunder ceremony as for the pipe, but it seems to have been opened at tobacco planting time and again at the tobacco harvest. Likewise, the calling of the buffalo seems to have been one of its functions. Furthermore, its ritual is connected with tlie sun dance bundle, in whose ceremonies it performs an important part. Ritual. The ritual for this bundle was not recorded in full, but in addition to observing the ceremony a number of songs were taken with the phonograph. As with the preceding, the ceremony consists of opening \,{\ Anlhroimloijicnl Papers America ii Museum of Natural Ilislory. [Vol. VII, tlif huiullf and (lancing- witli some of the t-onti'iits. 'I'lic following is the .statcim-nt of a Piegan as to the order of proeefkire in the ceremony: At the lu'ginning of the ceremony, after the opening songs, a song is sung and a smudge nuuU'. After singing seven songs a smudge is made. This is repeated three times. After the seconctor made four pa.sses to the smudge, his mouth, and the bau of rattles. Then he touched the string with which the bag was tied and the iiiiui holding it untied the conls. .Vnotiici- song, and he made four jiasses to the snmdge Jind tlie hag of rattles and tlien took out nine rattles, and ga\c one to each man, keeping one for liiniself. 1912.] Tr?:.s.s/rr, Bldckfanl Bundles. 181 The wortls of the next song were: "Buffalo I am h)oking for," and all the singers cawed four times: "The Avind is our medicine. Raven says powerful dead buffalo I want." During this song the men held the rattles vertically with the ball part resting on the rawhide. They made move- ments with the right finger and pecked at the rattles with it four times. This represents the raven pecking on a dead buffalo. Then the rattles were laid down. The next song was as follows: "^ly rattles are powerful," and he made four passes to the siniidge and the beaxcr bundle, to the smudge again, and finally the rattles. Then they all beat time with them on the rawhide and shook them in the air. The next song and they started to beat time while the director blew^ four times on his bone whistle which hung around his neck from a cord. The two women imitated all his movements during the singing. He made the receiving sign, the women doing the same, and then blew on his whistle four times. Another song, and then the rattles were used during all the rest of the singing. He placed his hand on the bundle and then made the recei\-ing sign. Then he picked up the smudge stick in his left hand and held it up, curved his right fingers, passed them to the forks of the stick and sang, " I want to make a score or win some enemy." Big-brave arose, took the smudge stick from his hand and waved it over his head as they do when a gun is captured. Then he returned it. This was to represent the wheel gambling game with the Snake Indian, when the Piegan and Snake played the wheel game and the Snake lost his scalp. ^ Any one of the beaver men or guests may thus take the smudge stick. Those who get it are supposed to have luck in war, capture weapons, or obtain property. The director and the two women, leaned forward over the bundle and went through the movements of dancing while on their knees. While the others sang he blew on his whistle four times, and slowly untied the cords around the bundle. The two decorated pipestems were in a flannel bag tied outside of the main bundle. These pipestems still in their covers were taken from the bundle. The main bundle was well wrapped up and tied with a long buckskin string. When the string was untied, they made four 1 Later on Scabby-round-robe added the scalplock which he took from a Snaki> In lian whom he had killed. Tliis is why the pipestem in the beaver bundle has a .scalplock ti?;l to it. When the Piegan and the Snake met in the cave they had a wheel game and the Piegan won the Snake's scalp. This is why the people generaUy speak of their enemies as those with whom they gamble. The wheel witli which the Snake and Piegan used to play tlie game was afterwards given to the beaver bundle owner and the gambling wheel has been in tlie beaver bundle ever since. This is why the beaver men sing in their ceremonies and say • I want to win some enemy." It refers to the wheel the Piegan and the Snake used. Sometimes they take the forked smtidge stick and holding the wheel on the stick throw the stick (without the wheel) down near the door of the tipi. Everyone tries to get the forked stick first because it is considered lucky for the winner. The throwing of the stick represents the wheel game of the Snake and Piegan. 1S2 Anthnii)()l(>(/ir(it f\iii(rs Aincriaiti Miisciati of Xnlunil Ilislnnj. jN'ol. \'II, passes witli it towtinls tlir siiuhIuc :irire returned to the bundle after making four j)asses with tliciii. The director picked up the mink skin and blowing four times on his whistle and making four passes to the snuidge, held up the skin and shook it. .\fter l)l()wiiig on his whistle he handed it to one of the men who danced with it. He pra\ed to the skin first and then danced, blowing on his bone wliistle and holding the skin with both hands in front of him. When he finished the others cheered him. He returned the mink skin to the director wIk) prayed over it and laid it down. The next song was known as the dog song. He i)i(ke(l up a dog's tail, and after shaking it handed it to a man. While the man danced everyone barked and howled in imitation of a dog. The dancer ended with a howl. 1912.] Wisslcr, Blarkfoot Bundh's. 185 For the next, he picked up u biidalo's tail and a leather. He ^ave one man the feather and a decorated pipestem with which to dance. The man, blowing on his whistle, danced together with five women. The man who danced with the decorated stem was Heavy-gun. One of the ribbons which had some bells tied to it dropped from the pipestem where it was tied. This was said to be very unlucky. When they had finished dancing he gave the stem to the director who put it where it belonged. Because one of the ribbons fell off they sang the song Scabby-round-robe sang just before he waded into the river to meet the Snake Indian. This song was a warning to prepare for danger, the words were: "When I try hard, I escape danger, or I am saved. Should you not pity me it does not matter." As the ribbons and bells still lay on the floor Big-brave arose and standing near them, told four war deeds. Then Mad-plume told four war deeds, picked up the ribbon and gave it to the director. The singing and counting of war deeds were to prevent the prophecy of ill luck coming true. For the following song, he held up a bunch of moose hoofs which he took out of a woven bag. In his left hand he held the smudge stick and in his right he shook the hoofs. He prayed and put down the stick and hoofs. Then he took a badger skin and gave it to one of the women. She sat facing another woman and they went through the motions of the dance. The woman hid the skin under her blanket and then moved back in her seat as badgers do when in their dens. After making four passes to the smudge with it, she put it in its place. He handed the two bobcat tails and the smudge stick to one of the women. This woman and another held the smudge stick up vertically with one end resting on the floor. She moved the tails up and down the stick as bobcats do when climbing trees. Then the tails and sticks were put back. For the next song he took a stuffed mouse, held it up, prayed, and returned it to its place. Then he took a bird, something like a sparrow, and the white swan and holding them in both hands for a time, he laid them down. For the next song, he took the raven and holding it on top of his head, cawed four times as the ravens do and then handed it to a man who prayed and then returned it. He then placed it witli the other birds and for the next song one of the women danced with a grouse and another with the tail feathers of a grouse. The two women knelt facing each other with their heads close to the floor and acted like grouse during the whole dance. While the women were dancing, the singers shook their rattles in the air imitating the sound of the wings of the grouse. First the woman sat near the smudge and acted like grouse, then did the same sitting near the right of the door, then on the left or southeast, and then in the southwest corner. The women often shook their blankets in imitation of the grouse shaking ISC) Anlliropolo'iical Papers Arnrrrrnn M iiscinn of Xiitioal Ilistort/. [\'ol. VII, its wings. Tlif two woiiu-n prayed to the grouse and the tail feathers, and phieed tliein with the other things. The direetor of the eeremony took a huneh of hiilVah) hoofs which were tied together with a string and shook them to keep time with tlie singing. He threw them down near the two women who knelt and faeefl eaeh other witli their lieads cUise to the floor. The women rose with the hoofs and (hineed with them. The woman who held the hoofs threw the hoofs down near one of her " (listant-husl)ands" ^ and he arose and danced with the hoofs, imitating a hufValo. He and the woman danced together and then the man threw the hoofs near one of his " (hstant-wixes." She arose and (hmced with them and then threw the hoofs to one of her " distant-hus- haiids." He took the hoofs, first shaking them and then dancing. Every little while he kicked back at those who were looking on. He placed the hoofs with the other things and thus ended the dance. This dance caused a great deal of merriment. As a rule, w'hen a man or woman is dancing w^ith these hoofs they may throw the hoofs to their "distant-wives or husbands" which means that they are to dance. If "no distant-wives or husbands" are present the hoofs arc simply replaced when the dancing is over. At the next song the director arose and acted like a bear. Three women also arose and held their hands with their fingers crooked on each side of their foreheads and then in front of them as bears do when standing on their hinfl legs holding up their paws. The women danced up to their " distant- husbands" and seizing them roughly forced them to dance. The singers could hardly be heard because of the shouting and laughing. After this dance a roll of tobacco was cut up and passed around to all who were present. Soup was served. Before eating the soup they each held up a berry and prayed. This ended the ceremony. In the spring, when the ice is melted all beaver men give a ceremony to represent the time the beavers come out of their dens and also in memory of the time when Scabby-round-robe went to war and killed the Snake. During the above ceremony, the painting was omitted by mistake. The following beaver ritual songs w^ere taken w itli a phonograph (Nos. 385-409) and the texts recorded. The translations are by Mr. Duvall: — Moon So.xgs. 1. It is powerful, this gra.ss (smudge), take some of it. I use it for a sacred purpose. - ' See page 12. Also McClintock, 100. 2 This is the smudge song. 1912.1 Wissler, Blackfool Bundles. \S', 2. There he comes, Old Man. He is walking this way. He is coming in. Come in with safety. " Let us have a sweat (house)," he saj's. 3. That there. Old Man. He is a-walking. He is stooped. He is coming in. He is sitting down. " It is powerful." 4. Old Man, he says. "My old smoke, I do not feel it." Old Man, he says, "My new smoke, I feel it." It is powerful. 5. Now then, that which is above. He knows me. It is powerful. This here, that which is below. He knows me. It is powerful. 6. Old Man, he says, "It is increasing (expanding), my smoke. I want to smoke." It is powerful. Old Man, he says, "Let us smoke." It is powerful. Old Man, he says, "I want to smoke." It is powerful. 7. O my! ' Man, if you do not show me mercy, It makes no difference. This one here now, he knows me. It is powerful. Man, rain, I want it. It is powerful. Clear weather, I want it. It is powerful. An iDterjection in Blackfoot speech. ISS Anthropological Papers Anurican Museum of Natural Hislory. [Vol. ^'II, This here now, the earth, It is powerful. These, our medicines. They are powerful. 8. Now, we are .sitting and moving.' We see all around us. We are safe now. Man, he .says, in tiio summer. When we go outside. When we see anyone Then we dive Then we are safe. Man, he says. In summer, where we see, Then we are safe. 9. That there. Old Man, He is walking this way. He has eome in. Old man, is walking this way. He has come in. "I am morningstar," he says, "Let us have a sweat (house)." Morningstar .says again, "A running fisher, give it to me Do not disappoint me." Morningstar, he says, "Let us have a sweat." He says again, this morningstar. "A running fisher, give it to me." "Man, I am the morningstar person. Take pity on me. A running fi.sher, I want it, Cfivc it to me." "Man, 1 am the morningstar person, Take pity on me. Let us have a sweat. 'I'nkc pity on me." Old -Man, he says, "Black and white (horses), I want them." Old Woman, she says, "Black coyote and white coyote. I want them. Give them to me." ' This refers to positions and movements in the ceremony. 1912.] Wisder, Blackfoul Bundles. 189 Old Man, he says, "Tail feathers to be replaced (renewed),^ I want it." Old Woman, she says "Tail feathers to be replaced, I want it." That these above, I happened to see it. That these below, I happened to see it. It is powerful.- Old Man, he says. "A sweat house, give it to me," he says. Old Woman, she says, "A sweat house, give it to me," she .says. Old Man, he says, "The calf,* I want it. Give it to me." Old Woman, she says, "The elk, I want it. Give it to me." Tobacco Songs. 10. The above, he gave me tobacco seed, I have dropped (planted) them. It is powerful. This here, the e;u1h, hv gave me tol^acco leaves. It is powerful Tobacco seed, I want it. It is powerful. Tobacco leaf, I want it. It is powerful. Tobacco seed, I want it. A plenty I have taken. It is powerful. Tobacco leaf, I want it. A plenty I have taken. It is powerful. Tobacco leaves, I have taken. It is powerful. Old Man, he says. "The plants, let us go over there."'' It is powerful. The Blackfoot take f,n-e:it interest in these sontis. They appear to us as the highest type of any so far encountered in their rituals. More ideas are expressed and with more form than in the medicine-pipe songs. Many ' The idea is that tlie worn and broken eagle feathers are to be replaced with new ones. • This song is sai:i to refer to a particular dream experience, or a vision. 3 This is a lieaddrcss made of wliito l)utralo c-alfskiii. The elk refers to the skin wrappings in the bundle. * Tliis refers to the place where the tobacco is trrowitii,'. IIM) Anlhm/)(>l()(iir(il I'd/uns American Museum of Xalural Ilistori/. [Vol. VII, Indians .say tliat, in tlu-ory, almost every bird and animal known to them has a representation in the bundle and that the ritual eontains at least one song for eaeh of them as well as for other objects. ^ The preliminary part of the ceremony leads to the opening of the bundle. When this results the various objects within may be taken up singly, their songs sung, and their dances given. The leader may close at any time. In this dancing the object is put through a pantomime of its most characteristic actions. Iu)r example, we have seen a woman take up the woodpecker's skin and while dancing about in the tipi, imitate its call, hold its bill to the tipi poles, and make other movements with it, suggestive of the creature in life. Some of this acting is very well done and gives ample scope for individual skill. McClintock's account of the beaver medicine may be referred to for a vivid word picture of such dances. - The music is furnished by rattles only. These are of the type shown in Fig. o3, \'ol. V, 8G and were formerly of buffalo skin. Their handles are wrapped with strips of cowskin, bearing the dew claws, the whole symboliz- ing the hoofs of buffalo. The rattlers rest upon their knees before sheets of rawhide (Fig. 26) spread upon the ground and with a rattle in each hand make \igorous forward downward strokes. The women assist in the sing- ing but not with the rattles. The ritual is thus a composite rather than an organized whole. It is further complicated by the incorporation of such seemingly separate cere- monies as tobacco planting, calling the buffalo, the sun dance bundle, etc. This accounts for the great length of the beaver ceremonies and the unusual number of songs. No one person is credited with knowing the entire ritual and it is believed that many parts have already passed out of recollection. The full number of songs cannot be ascertained since there seems to be some kind of taboo against counting them. If in a ceremony anyone is detected counting the songs, the leader repeats and mixes them until the counting ceases, when he again proceeds in the proper order. While beaver men say they can count them by mentally noting each, they are very reluctant even to estimate their number. Three-bears says there are about four hundred and that White-calf (a famous Piegan chief who died in Washington City) once sang two hundred seventy in s<>ries beginning in the evening and end- ing at dawn. T(» understand the ritual we must familiarize ourselves with its mythical basis. The gist of the conception was given by one informant as follows: — "There are many ways of telling the story of the beaver medicine, but this " Though not all informants are agreed, it seems that the mountain sheep, the lion, and the owl arc the only living things not represented by songs. » McCllntock, 95. 1912.] Wissler, Blackfoot Bundles. 191 is the way it came to me. The first bundle was owned l)y a Piegan, named Glass-old-man. He transferred his bundle to Scabby-round-robe. Glass- old-man received the bundle direct from some beaver. Once when camping near a river, his wife was taken down under water by some beaver and when she came out she brought with her the bundle and the knowledge of its ritual." Several versions of this myth were given in our first paper.^ The following narrative throws further light on the ritual's origin: — "You remember the story of the twin brothers, or stars, one of whom was called Rock and the other, Beaver. After Beaver was married and had become a great man, he had a beaver skin which the beavers had given him when he lived with them and also some beaver songs the}^ taught him. After Beaver had lived with his people for some time he left them and put his tipi far away from any camps. Since he was not satisfied with the few beaver songs he went outside of his tipi one day and called out in a loud voice, *Ho-o-o, all you animals and birds, you are invited to my tipi.' As Beaver had great power all the animals were soon assembled in and around his tipi. There was one of each kind of animal. They all trans- formed themselves into human beings and when those inside were seated Beaver said to them, * I have invited you all to come here because I wish a song from each of you.' When the animals heard this they all agreed to help him. Each sang a song and said, 'You can have this song and also my body.' The buffalo bull and the buffalo cow gave him their songs and showed him how to make the rattles which are used in the ceremony. They also gave him their hides which were to be used for beating the rattles upon. The buffalo hoofs were also given him. \Yhen the time came for the lizard to sing he said, ' 1 have no song to give you.' Beaver insisted that he sing. But the lizard said, 'I have no song to give you.' Beaver replied, 'You must sing for I want a song from every one of you and if you refuse to sing I will stick your head into the fire.' This made the lizard angry and he said, ' I will sing you a song.' The words were as follows: 'You man, I am now angry; rain is my medicine; hail is my medicine.' No sooner had the lizard finished his song than it commenced to rain and hail. Then the lizard went on with his song and said, ' I am on an island.' When Bea\er looked out he saw that the ground was covered with water and that where the tipi stood, was the only dry spot. There- upon Beaver said to lizard, ' I was only joking about sticking your head into the fire. Do not sing any more, for you will drown us all out.' Then the lizard stopped. Now it was the frog's turn to sing and he said he could not sing for he Vol. 2, 74-83. li)2 Aitthropological Papers Amirican Museuin of Xatiiml Histori/. [\'o\. \II, had such a poor xoicc and could only nuikc the cHcking notes whicli frogs make. As these notes do not sound very well the Ijeaver huiidle owners seldom use them. Then the beaver's and lizard's pictures were painted on the leather which was to be used for beating the rattles (Fig. 2G). The lizard was painted because he was so powerful and that he may be seen during all the ceremonies; that of the beaver because it was the only thing the founder had wlien he started to get the beaver bundle. "When each animal had gi\-en Beaver a song he returned to his people and W'henever the different kinds of birds were killed he w^ould ask for them and place them in his bundle. He did this until he had a verj-^ large bundle. That is why beaver bundle owners have so many different kinds of birds in their bundles and, as each is supposed to have a song, they have a great many songs." There is still another account for the origin of the beaver bundle: — There was a woman who was taken into the river by the beavers and later on returned to her husband with a beaver bundle. The beavers called on the sun, moon, and morningstar to help them transfer the bundle to the wonuin's husband and when they came down they appeared at the man's tipi as human beings. The first asked the man to make a sweat house. When the sweat house w^as made the three went into it and taught the man all about the sweat house songs. Then they went to the tipi and taught him the feather and offering songs, the beaver bundle songs (p. 269) and the whole ceremony. In the words of the songs the sun and moon are spoken of as the old man and the old woman. The sun also showed the man wiiat should be done when people washed to make offerings to it. The bundle given to this man is said to have contained all the water animals and their songs. Later, the two beaver bundles were combined and as songs were exchanged the bundles became larger and the songs greater in number. It is said the beaver bundle ceremonies are the oldest in history and were in use long before the days of Scabby-round-robe and before other sacred bundles were used. That the ritual came from the beaver is accepted by all, Scabby-round- robe having received a further grant of power from the same source. The general conception seems to be that by virtue of this ritual. Scabby-round- robe possessed great power over (or in) the water after the manner of a beaver and overcame his enemies thereby. Thus in some unpublished \ersions of the Scabby-round-robe myth we have the following: — Scabby-round-rol)e lived with the beavers about seven moons, or months. Before he was with the beavers he was asleep on a hill near the ri\er. A boy came to him and said, " My father has invited you to our house." The boy also told that after he had been with his father some time he would ask him 1912.] Wisslcr, Blnckjool Bundles. 193 four times which of iiis father's medicine things lu> would want. He told him to choose a stick which always hung over the doorway. " That stick," said the boy, " represents myself. It is called the-stick-the-beavers-chewed- into." Furthermore, the boy told him to try to learn all the songs his father was going to sing to him. Then the boy and Scabby-round-robe went into the beaver's home. The beaver man had a tipi and all the beaver lived as human beings. The beaver man had a bundle and every new moon he would sing and invite all the other beaver men. He said to Scabby-round-robe, "Try to learn all my songs." He also foretold that Scabby-round-robe would kill a Snake Indian and that he would be given a beaver bundle by one of his own people. Afterwards he killed the Snake Indian. Every new moon the beaver man would have a ceremony and after the fourth winter moon he asked Scabby- round-robe to sing the songs. As he had already learned them he had no trouble in singing them. In the seventh, or spring moon, the beaver man had another ceremony and as the bundle was opened he asked Scabby- round-robe which of the medicine things he wished to have. Scabby- round-robe said he wanted the stick which was fastened over the door of the tipi. The man said, "My son, you have made a poor selection; pick out something that will be of some use to you." Scabby-round-robe said he would rather have the stick. After the beaver man had asked the same question four times, he said to him, "My son, you are very wise to want the stick. The stick you have chosen is my boy and it is very powerful. It will be a great help to you. You must take care of it and carry it next to the skin under your arm on a string. When you kill the Snake Indian, you must hold the stick in front and this will protect you." He also told him what song to sing and said, " Before you di\e in the water sing and use common earth to paint your head and body." The words of the songs were: "When we try hard, we escape danger (or we are saved). W^hen we dive we are safe." This refers to beavers when they dive into the water and no one can get them. " Xow," said the beaver man, "when you dive, bite the stick and you will be able to breathe in the water without difficulty." That is why Scabby-round-robe held the stick in his teeth when he went across the river after the Snake. After the beaver man had told him about the ceremony and the stick Scabby-round-robe went home to his people. The beavers kept track of the days of the moons and knew just when it was spring for they had counting sticks with which they did this. After Scabby-round-robe got home and reached the river where he was to kill the Snake Indian he painted his hair and body M'ith dirt and sang: "When I try hard, I escape danger." Then biting the stick he waded into the river and when close to the opposite shore he stopped and sang, holding the stick 194 Anthropological Papers Atnerican Mnsinm nf Xahiral History. [\'ol. ^'II, in front of him. Tiicn tlu- chiff of the Snake wadt-d in after him and Scabby-round-robe backed off, the Snake following. When he got close to Scabby-round-robe he struck at him with a lance but missed and hit the stick. Then the Snake tried to get to the shore but Scabl)y-rounfl-robe took the same lance and killed him with it. Then he bit the stick and hold- ing the Snake by his hair, dived down stream with him and swimming under water upstream he brought him ashore where liis chum was. After the war party returned home he was given a beaver l)undle from the woman's husband, that is, the woman he married. After this they all returned to their own people. A girl came out to meet Scabby-round-robe and he gave her the scalp and the big arrow to give to her husband. After this, the big arrow and hair belonged to the beaver bundle. This big arrow is used as a pipestem now and is decorated with a lot of plumes tied or wrapped around the stem (Fig. 12). The human hair is used as a necklace in the sun dance bundle. It is hung from a buck- skin string M'ith shells on it. Later on. Glass-old-man, the partner of Scabby-round-robe gave him the beaver bundle. All the songs Scabby- round-robe knew were put together with the other man's songs. After- wards the beaver man asked the man for the natoas (sun dance bundle) and gave a good price for it. The natoas was kept with the beaver bundle and the songs were combined. The first natoas was given by a bull-elk. Smudges for natoas are sweet pine, sweetgrass, and the turnip. Tluis, the conception of power conferred l)y the l)eaver may be taken as the initial or basic part of the ritual. Yet almost every object in the bundle has its own individual myth and, hence, its own ritual. We present a number of these as types: — (a) Once a man was sleeping along a river bank where a yellow-necked l)lackl)ird had a nest on the edge of the bank with some young birds in it. The l)ank where the nest stood was almost overflowed by the water. Now, the man woke up and saw two yellow-necked blackbirds flying around over him. He watched the birds and wondered what was the matter. The birds alighted near the edge of the bank and one of them sang a song. The words were: " I am standing in the water; I am standing by my young ones." Then the other bird sang: " I am the one who has been standing in water; I want an island." Then the man could see the wat(M- moving away from the bird's nest and the bank of the rixcr. Now the bird said to the man, "You saw what I dirl to the ri\-er. 1 ha\-e greater power than tlie i)eople in the river. I give you my power." Tiie female bird said to tiie man, 1912.] Wissler, Blmkfonl BnttdUs. 195 "My power is imich greater. 1 will al.so ^\\v you my power." The man went home and asked the people to get for him a pair of yellow-necked lilaek- birds since he could not kill any him.self because it was against his medicine. This man owned a beaver bundle and when he got the birds he put them into it. Ever since they have been in the bundle; the songs are still sung by the beaver men. (6) Once the people had camped at one place for a long time. It happened that some mice had made a nest inside of a beaver bundle owned by a certain man. It was during the winter. These mice had young ones in this nest. The man noticed some mice running about his bundle but he did not dare to kill them for it was against his medicine. After a while he could hear the young mice squeaking in his bundle, so he said to his wife, "Make a smudge and we will open the bundle and see about those mice." They were going to do this the next day, but the mice overheard the man. That night he had a dream. He dreamed that the mouse came to him saying, " You man, have pity on me and do not disturb my young ones. We will not injure your bundle, let us winter there. We will be of great help to you." The next morning the man told his wife about the dream and told her to open the bundle that they might see the mice. The woman did so, first making a smudge and praying to the bundle while she was untying it. When it was opened they saw eight little mice. The man then pulled some wool from his robe, added it to the nest and wrapped up the bundle again. That night he prayed to the mice : " I will let you remain in my bundle and take good care of you; but you must help me as you have promised to do." The mouse came to him in a dream that night and sang: "You man, I think a great deal of my children. They are powerful." It sang another song as follows: " You, man, sleep in brush; you will have a dream; the brush is my home; it is natojiwa." Then the mouse said again to the man, "Since you have been so kind to my children you will live happily for many summers and winters." The next morning the man explained the dream to his wnfe and told her to take good care of the mice and that they would be of great aid to them during their lives. The people were going to move their camp a short distance. Before moving the man said to the mice, " We are going to move." After they had pitched their camps, the beaver man went to visit another man. In the evening his wife was lying down and heard some one singing. This was not a dream but real singing that the woman heard. The words of the song were: "Days we travel are (natojiwa) powerful; nights we travel are powerful." Then the singer said to the woman, "Since you have been so 1*M) Anthroimlogicdl Papers American Museinn of Xaltiral History. \\\A. VII, kiiul to us I will 1)0 of great use to you." The person who had been singing was the mouse and it went out and stole some tobacco from another l)undle owner, brought it in and put it on the tobacco board. It was dark and the woman tting your wife hack. Take me ()\er and put me down at ihc door of the eliicrs lioine." The man took the lizard to the place where tile i)rairie dog chief lived. The li/.ani crawled into the chief's home. When the chief saw the li/.ard he knew at once for what he had come for he had great power. Tiie elii( 1' said to the lizard, "1 suppose you come for this woman." This chief had a number of prairie dog wives and there were also some visitors at his home. The lizard said to the chief, " I have come here to ask you to let this woman go back to her husband." The chief replied, "Oh, you ugly thing, how could I listen to a pot bellied thing like you. (iet out of IxTc before I burst your bellx." The lizard coiilinued to ask for the \vom;ui. The chief then said (juite angrily, " \\ liy don't you get out of 1912.] Wusler, Blackfool Bundles. 199 here. I have a about, ^'ou must liear our prayers and help us." Then everyone in the tipi mo\es or changes his position, stretches his legs out for a while and moves about in his seat. Then they sit as before. A smudge of sweetgrass is made. The owner prays to the ravens: "Help me, ravens, with your good luck. I am about to sing your songs." 21HJ Anthropological Papers American Museum of Xutural History. [\o\ VII, Tluit above, it is the raven's medicine. The wind, it is the raven's medicine. The raven, he is looking for buffalo. He hius found them, he has taken them. Buffalo, them 1 have taken. With these words the men take hold of the rattle handles, holding them .so that the balls rest upon the rawhide and give the call of the raven. Each man liolds a pair of handles with his left hand, as they sing: — Raven, he is looking around on the ground for a dead buffalo to eat. He has found it. It is powerful. Then the men holding the rattles, still in the same position, peck with the right index finger twice on each rattle ball and at each call once like the raven. Raven, he says when on the ground. It is powerful. I am looking about on the ground for a dead buffalo to eat. I have found it. It is powerful. .Again the rattles are pecked four times and four raven calls given. Then the rattles are laid on the rawhide with the balls toward the fire. Raven, he says, I am looking for a powc^rful dead buffalo to eat. I have found it. Then the men peck again at the rattles four times and call on the raven, hut the rattles are not picked up. Men (those present), they are my chihlrcii who are looking at me. It is powerful. Women, they are looking at me, they are my children. It is pow(M-ful. Then, as the owner holds both lumds over the smudge he sings: "Rattles become me," meaning he looks well when using them, "Rattles I have taken," etc. They take up the rattles and make four passes as if to beat them on the rawhide; then begin to beat. All the time there is singing. At the end of this song all hold the rattles up, shaking them steadily and at the same time bring them down, cro.ssing the arms and resting the rattles on the rawhide. .\()W. tlic next song is for the bunch of bulValo hoofs and a tail in the b.av.^r bundle. hutlalo, they are powerfully arising and powerfully starting. Shaking the iioofs, tliey are laid down. The owner and his wife imitate the buffalo by butting at each other and bellowing. The owner slaps his right hand on the flust, then on his left wrist, elbow, and shoulder; then with the left 1912.] Wushr, Blackjnot Bnudhx. 207 hand this is repeated on tlie right arm; then he ships hoth hands in the dust, then on his cheeks and on the foreheacL The wife does the same. All this time there is singing, "Dust, it is the huffah) me(Heine." The mean- ing of all this is that the buflfalo is painting, as when he throws dirt upon himself. Then the man takes up the hoofs in his left hand, shakes them over his wrist, elbow and shoulder; then takes them in his right hand, etc. He throws them down. His wife takes them up and goes through the same movements. Then she stands up with the hoofs. The owner stands with the tail. They dance, shaking the hoofs and the tail, prancing around to the right of the fire, acting and bellowing like buffalo. They circle the fire eight times, then take their seats and place the hoofs and tail upon the bundle. While handling the dust, they sing, "The buffalo's road: it is powerful." While prancing about, "When buffalo go to drink; it is powerful." Now, the next songs are the most powerful in the beaver bundle and are only used to handle the buffalo. They are called charming-the-bufl'alo songs and must not be sung in any ceremony except this one and then only when the people are facing starvation. A smudge is made. A black stone pipe filled with tobacco raised by the beaver men, the stem painted with the seventh paint, is handed the owner. He holds the stem up toward the sun, "Sun, here is a smoke for you. The reason I am going to sing these songs is that I may fool the buffalo into coming back here. Old Woman, (moon), here is a smoke for you. I shall sing these songs to try to bring back the buffalo, so that we may all be made happy with food." Then he holds the pipe toward the mountains, " He-who-causes-winds-to blow, here is a smoke for you. Help me that my wish may be fulfilled for I am going to look for buffalo." (During this prayer, if the wind is blowing, it will cease.) Then, he hands the pipe to one of the men and all stretch out their arms toward the owner and then place them upon their breasts, making the receiving signs and crying out, "Our hopes are that we shall all be made happy in the morning with plenty of meat." Then a wooden bowl, filled with snow is placed near the smudge. Point- ing up with his right thumb, the owner sings, " Above there is a man who hears me; it is powerful," then with his left hand on the ground, "The earth hears me; it is powerful. I want it to blow in different directions." Then a change will be noticed in the wind. The owner takes up the hoofs and the tail, dips them in the snow, holds them up and shakes them. Then the wind will come from the direction in which the buffalo are. It will bring a very cold snowstorm, driving the buffalo toward the camp. They sing, " Buffalo, they are uncertain in their traveling. Buffalo are coming straight to us, I have taken them," and close with the receiving sign and a prolonged na-a-a. 208 AHlhropological Papers Ameriairi M ii.snan of Xdlurdl History. [\o\. VII, A prayer, "Sun, lu-lp us that all the cliiKlrcn may ha\'e plenty of food in the morning," is followed by — Old Man says, buffalo are coining this way. I have received them. It is powerful. Old Woman says, etc. Man says, etc. Young-single-man says, etc. This is repeated and all end with the reeei\in^^ signs and na-o-oo. Twice again these songs are sung. Now, one of the men is sent out to announce that all are expected to stay indoors during the night. Then comes the fifth charming song: Old Man says, buffalo are coming this way, I have taken them; it is powerful. Old Woman says, etc. Man says, etc. Young-single-man, says etc. Then the sixth song: Old Man says buffalo arc here. I have taken them; it is powerful. Old Woman, etc. Man, etc. Young-single-man, etc. Now, at this song all the dogs in the camps begin to bark and the people know that in the storm the buffalo are drifting by. Then comes the seventh song: Old Man, he says, I am telling what is true. That above, he hears me. It is powerful. I am telling what is true. That below, he hears me. It is powerful. Old Woman, she says, buffalo I have received. It is powerful. Man, he says, hulTalo 1 have taken. It is powerful. Young-single-man, he says, etc. Now this ends the ceremony. The next morning one of the young men goes up to the drive and drives the buffalo into the pound. As soon as they are killed some one hands an icicle in to the owner. This he thrusts into the ashes of the fireplace and, going outside, throws it to the east. At once, the weatlu-r moderates, making it more comfortable for the butchers. (This is still practised.) To this may be added the comments of Mr. 1912.] Wis.^lcr, BUtckJonl Bundles. 209 Duvall: — The charming cciTinoiiy of the heaver l)un(lle owners is performed in the evening and not only hrings the herd of huffalo near hy but causes it to drift right through the camps. As all of the songs are for the same purpose, the last seven songs are considered more powerful and are not sung in ordinary ceremonies. It seems that the iniskim is left out. The wolf songs are the charming songs for the warriors, while the buffalo hoof and tail songs are used for charming buffalo. If the buffalo should be to the west of the people when charming them a wind will blow from the west; if the buffalo are north of the camps the wind will blow from the north; and if the buffalo are south or east of the camps the wind will blow from these directions, for it is the wind and storms that drive thcin to the people. The Natoas, or Sun Dance Bundle. A very important bundle passes under the name natoas, seemingly derived from natosiw^ and mas, sun power and turnip {Lithospermum linearifolium) . It is primarily a woman's bundle in that the husband takes the second place in its ceremonies, whereas in most others the wife takes the lesser function. There are two of these bundles in the Museum col- lection, one of them being rather old and quite complete. There are a number of natoas bundles in use. The writer has definite knowledge of eight and has every reason to believe that there are others. While these are not exact duplicates, the variations are in the minor parts, especially in the accessories. A man or woman who has long been familiar with every detail of the ceremony may, in time, venture to make up a new bundle. The determination and the initiative seems to rest with them, though they seldom undertake such a feat except at the request of some person desiring a natoas. The writer knows of one case in which a Piegan man with the assistance of his wife made up a bundle. On another occasion a Blood woman offered to make up such a Ijundle for the writer; she claimed to have made others now in use and to keep on hand a supply of the necessary materials. No detailed information was collected bearing upon the con- ditions governing such duplications, but it was stated that several days would be required for the work and the attending ceremonies. Songs belonging to the ritual are sung almost continuously, interspersed with prayers and purification ceremonies. The most complete bundle in the Museum contains the following: — sacred headdress for the sun dance woman, bag of badger skin for the sacred headdress, a digging stick to accompany the headdress, a case of rawhide for the headdress and l)ag of badger skin, a shawl for covering the bundle. '10 Anlltrojjdlogicdl Papers American Mosmtn nf Xalural lli.stori/. [\o\. VII, Kig. 27 {50-Cl06tl, c). The sacrwl Ui^giiiK Stick and llio Case for llie Xutoas. 1912.) Wissler, Blackfoot Bundles. 211 bladder bags for feather bunches of the headdress when in the bag of badger skin, a bundle containhig skins of animals, weasel skin, squirrel skin, another weasel skin, and gopher skin. In addition, the following accessories are necessary: — a paint and smudge outfit, bag of rawhide for holding the same; one bag of red paint, two bags of seventh paint, three bags of tallow for mixing paint, one bag of yellow paint, two bags of black paint, material for the smudge, a bladder bag containing scraps of skin, etc., for mending, seven rattles, a Nez Perce bag for the seven rattles, rawhide upon which rattles are beaten, smudge sticks, straight pointed stick, a small two-pronged stick, a large three-pronged stick, a tripod for supporting the bundle, a strap for the main bundle, and a specially decorated elk skin robe. The headdress and the digging stick are the important objects. The latter is painted red and should have some moose hoofs fastened on the end (Fig. 27). The headdress is built upon a strip of buffalo rawhide, cut to represent a lizard. In many cases it is painted red for half its length and blue on the other half. The edge is hung about with strips of white weasel skin. In front is what is spoken of as a doll, containing tobacco seeds, and a weasel stuffed with human hair, or scalplocks. At the back should be the tail of a wildcat. A flint arrow point is hung to the doll's head. On some headdresses there is a small bird at the back. A pair of tall plumes and a pair of eagle or raven feather tufts, complete the regalia (Fig. 28). Like the medicine-pipe, the natoas is covered with a shawl and suspended from a tripod; though it differs in that it is kept in a cylindrical rawhide Relation to the Beaver Bundle. It is the general belief that the natoas was at one time a part of the beaver bundle. In Vol. 2, p. 83 will be found versions of its origin myth which agree in the main with some other versions we collected. The gist of the matter is that an elk gave the liundle after an affair of seduction with, in some versions a woman, in some an elk, etc. So far as we know, the most authentic account is one handed down by Head-carrier, a famous beaver man : — For some time, a bull elk had been looking for his wife who hnd run o'f with another bull elk. Since he failed to find her he filled his pipe and going to the different animals, offered them a smoke if they would help him. They all refused to smoke. Finally, he came to the moose and the raven and after he had explained his trouble to them they smoked his pipe and offered to help him. As they were in the mountains and the timber was very thick it was not an easy task to find the runaway elks. Raven said to them, "As I can get over more ground in a day, than you can I will go » A photograph of another natoas outfit may be found in Curtis, Vol. 6, 46. 212 Antliroijoliiijlcdl I'djx rs Anicriaiii Museum of Xaturtil Ilistury. [\o\. \ll, Ijack aiul look for them while you two wait for lue." When Raven was gone four days he came upon the runaway elks and as he had great power he charmed them so that they could not get away from the place where he found them. Hi' went hack to Elk and Moose and told them that he had found the runaways. As Elk was afraid of the elk for whom he was looking he asked ^Vloose what power he had and Moose replied, " I have the power to .strike with great force." Then Elk said, "My horns are so powerful that I can hook with great force." Raven overheard their talk and knew that they were afraid of the elk whom they were to meet soon. He said to them, " Do not fear him for his power is not great, and we will overpower him without much difficulty." As they started. Raven fiew on ahead of them and Moose said, "Our friend Raven talks as though he could do something. He has wings only. How can he help us fight the elk?" After the}' had tra\eled for some distance through the timber they came to some Cottonwood trees. Raven returned and said, " You .see, over yonder by that cottonwood tree, are the bull elk and your wife." When Elk looked he saw them. Elk was now in the lead with ^Sloose following clo.se behind him. P'lk and Moose sang and every step that Moose made, his feet sank deeper and (k'ei)cr into the groimd which was very hard for he had great power. .\s Elk approached the tree where the bull elk and his wife were stand- ing he liooked the tree three or four times and knocked ott" large chips. Elk was hooking at the tree because he was very angry and wished to kill the bull elk. Then ]Moose struck at the tree with his feet and knocked off large chips. The bull elk who ran away with Elk's wife hooked the tree and threw it down. When Elk and Moose saw what the bull elk had done they were greatly surprised and did not care to fight him. Moose said to Elk, " Let us make friends with this elk for his power is much greater than ours." Raven said to his friend, "Do not be afraid of this bull elk, his power is not so great. We three can overpower him if we try." Then Moose said to Elk, " Let us be friendly with this elk for his strength is much greater than ours. Besides, what can Ravin do to help us fight; he only has a pair of wings and his heavy curved bill." Elk replied, "You are right. I will give him my robe and mj' bonnet." Then Moose said, "I will gi\e him my hoofs," and Raven added, "I will give my tail feathers though I know we could overcome him and could avoid giving these gifts. I was going to light upon his head and peck out his eyes one by one. Then you and Moose could have gone after iu'm and as he would have been blind you could have done as you pleased with him. Since ^Nloose is such a coward and you have decided to make peace with the elk and give such gifts to him ill order to get your wife, we will do .so." 1912. Wisfilcr, Blackfoot Binidles. 213 Fig. 28 (50-6166a, 50-5394). The Natoas. or Sun Dance Headdress and the Hair-lock Necklace. 214 Anthrnpnlogiciil I'dprrs Amcricati Miit^ciim of Natural History. [Vol. ^'II, AVlifii l-'.lk and Moose heard this they wore wry sorry they had not fouj^lit the l)ull elk and wanted to fight then. Raven said, "No, we will not fight liiin. Do as you have offered; give him the elk robe, bonnet, teeth wristlets, and moose hoofs and I will give my tail feathers." The bull elk who had run away with Elk's wife overheard their talk and thought to himself for he was very much afraid of Raven, " I will accept their offer and give up his wife." When Elk gave him the elk ro})e and dress, the bonnet and wristlets, the moose hoofs and ra\en feathers, he gave up his wife, took the things, and went on his way. Tlic bonnet they had given him was the holy tiirnii) bonnet, or natoas. The feathers stuck in the bonnet represent the prongs of the horns. The buckskin dress, rol)e, and bonnet and the other things were for women to wear and as this bull elk had no wife the things were useless to him. While he was going along one day he saw a tipi and thought he would give the things to the man who lived there. He changed himself to a man, went into a tipi, gave the things to the man and taught him the whole ceremony. He told him a small Cottonwood tree must be used in the ceremony and that the hooking motions should be gone through with. This tree was to repre- sent the large tree that the elk and moose had tiirown down wlien they were testing their power. The num who had received the bonnet and other things was the owner of a beaver bundle and as he had a wife she used the robe, dress, and bonnet during their ceremonies. When the people gave the sun dance they used to march towards the medicine, or sun dance lodge in single file going very slowly and stopping four times just as they do nowadays. The women who made the vow for the medicine lodge in those days only wore a circle band of creeping juniper as a headdress and when they saw how fine the beaver bundle owner's wife looked in her dress and bonnet, the medicine lodge women generally borrowed the bonnet and clothes when they gave the sun dance.' Later, the medicine lodge woman bought the bonnet, robe, dress, the elk teeth wristlets, the moose hoofs, and the raven feathers from the beaver bundle owners and had them transferred together with the songs. This is how the natoas came to be in the beaver bundle and was later on given to ttic inrdicinc woman in the sun dance. ^ Otlier informants are (|uite agreed that there was a time when the ' It is an old sayinj? tliat Scar-face brought down the custom of wearing a head band of juniper for the medicine woman and the tradition that this was displaced by the natoas is generally regarded as authentic. ' One informant .states: the first beaver bundle was owned by the man who gave tlie bundle to Hcabby-round-robe; ne.xt was the man camped near .St. Mary's Lake, whose wife went into the beaver den: then the natoas was put into the bundle; the next owner was the man who rai.sed tobacco (Plants-on-the-plains) ; next the dij^ging stick was added; later, the natoas was separated from the bundle. 1912.] Wissin; Blarkjool liundkx. 21.') natoas was a part of the heaver handle and that, thou^di it was afterwards separated again, there is still a eonnection hetween their rituals. When in the beaver bundle, it is worn by the owner's wife during the ceremony. It may be, that as powerful medicinemen the beaver owners tried to monopolize all ceremonial functions, such as tobacco planting, charming the buffalo, the natoas, taking in, as many narratives suggest, anyone who appeared with a powerful ritual. Such a theory seems fully consistent with our data. While the elk-woman is e\-erywhere recognized as the originator of the natoas, it will be noted that the woman who married a star is also credited with having contributed the digging stick, the plumes, or leaves of the turnip. The latter seems to have given the name, natoas.^ In some versions Scar-face is regarded as the child of this woman and also an origi- nator of the bundle.^ Scabby-round-robe is said to have added the arrow point and the beaver men the tobacco seed, or dwarfs, in the doll's head. The Ritual. In the transfer of this bundle the woman to receive it and her husband are taken in charge by a man and wife competent to conduct the ceremony, the man leading. These leaders are spoken of as the trans- ferrers, and the other couple as son and daughter. The woman and man giving the bundle are spoken of as mother and father. In addition, a num- ber of men and women are invited to enter the tipi and assist in the cere- mony. As in all ceremonies the men sit on the north side, the women on the south. The son antl daughter sit at the rear and next to them the transferrers. It opens with the smudge song:— 1. The spring (?) grass, I am looking for it. It is powerful. I have found it: I have taken it. It is powerful. 2. Old man is coming in. He says, let us have a sweat. Old man, he says, a running fisher I want, a white buffalo robe I want. 3. Old woman is coming in. She says, etc. 4. Morningstar is coming in. He says, let us have a sweat. Morningstar, he says, a running fisher I want, tail feathers I want. o. Man is coming in. He says, let us have a sweat. Man, he has brought safety in with him. 6. Old man, he says, black and white buffalo robes I want. \.vt us have a sweat . 7. Old woman, she says, black and white wolf liides I waiU. Let us have a sweat. « Vol. 2. 58. ! McClintock, 492-5. 210 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural Hidory. [\o\. \l\, S. Old man is coming in. He says hurry to make me a sweat house. He has come in with happiness; he wants a different (?) sweat house made. (A smudge is made.) 9. Old woman, she has come in witli liapi)iness. She wants a different sweat house made. Man is coming in. He wants to have a sweat. 10. Momingstar is coming in with many things. (The idea is that he brings in many robes, clothes, etc.) 11. Old man, he says, this man wants some tail feathers. (Song for the tail feathers used in the ceremony.) 12. Old man, he wants tail feathers. 13. Old man, he says, a hundred tail feathers I want. 14. Old woman, she says, different kinds of tail feathers I want. 1.5. Old man, he says, make haste to give me tail feathers. Old woman, she says, give me another kind of tail feathers. If). Old man, he .says, give me a white buffalo robe. 17. Old woman, she says, give me a different kind of elk robe. 15. That there above, it sees me. It is powerful. Old woman, she sings, I have seen the ground. It is powerful. (Song refers to making the smudge place.) The toe of a new moccasin is used for levelling the smudge place. At this time it is taken up l)y the transferrer as No. 19 is .sung and touched to the smudge place, the loose earth being then smoothed over. The trans- ferrer then takes up the tail feathers as No. 20 is sung. 19. Buffalo, I have taken them. It is powerful. 20. Old man, he says, make haste to mark me. Old woman, she says, mark me in a different place. Morningstar, he says, mark me in a different place. Old man, he says, paint me now (the yellow paint). Old woman, she says, paint me with different paint (the black paint). Morningstar, he says, paint me different (the sun dog symbols). 21. Man, he says, I am powerfully standing on tlic mountains. It is powerful. I am powerfully coming down. In summer, I powerfully come down. I am powerfully standing on the earth. (The .song is for the rawhide upon which the rattles are beaten.) 22. I atu in a hurry. (Song for the rattles.) 23. Raven says, I am looking for the buffalo. I have taken them. (The rawhide being spread out before the men, they take the rattles in their hands.) 1912.] Wisder, Bhickfnol Bundles. 217 24. Raven says, on the ground I am looking for something to cat. I luive found it. It is powerful. 25. Old man, he says, I look well with the rattles. I have taken them. (Beat- ing with rattles begins.) 26. Old man, he says, the timber I am looking for it. I have found it. I have taken it. (Then the father takes up the smudge stick and as a new smudg(> is made sings No. 27.) 27. May my lodge be put up without mishap. (The sun dance shelter.) 28. Man, it has been a long time now. You get up. (The natoas bundle.) 29. Old man comes in and sits down. He says, I am looking for my natoas. I have found it. It is powerful. 30. Old woman has come in. She says I am looking for my natoas. I have found it. It is powerful. 31. Old man, he says, my natoas I have taken up. It has given me j)ower. 32. Old woman says, the natoas I have carried it on my back. It has given me power. It is powerful. 33. My natoas, I have taken up. It has started. It has stopped. It wants to sit in a powerful place. (The father lays the bundle down with appropriate movements.) 34. The earth is my home. It is powerful. My natoas I am looking for. It is powerful. (The badger's song, referring to the inner wrapping of the bundle now exposed.) 35. Old woman says, why do I not see my natoas which is powerful. 36. Old man, he says, those women looking at me are wise. (The women in the ceremony.) At this point in the ritual the natoas is taken from the badger skin. The bundle is held up and shaken with the next song. 37. My natoas wants to shake itself. 38. Man says, tail feathers I want. My natoas says in a powerful place I want to sit. Old woman says, why do I not see my natoas. 39. Black tail deer is running about. It is powerful. (The cloth wrappings on the natoas are removed.) 40. Weasel is running about. He is my headdress. It is powerful. (The skins on. the natoas.) 41. Boys are running about. It is powerful. (Refers to the doll containing tobacco seed, or "dwarfs.") 42. Teal (duck) says the water is my medicine. It is powerful. (Refers also to the water ouzel.) . , 2 is AnthropoUxjical Papers American Museum of Xalural History. [Vol. VII, 4.3. Man says I want a bufTalo tail. (The tail tuft on the natoas.) 44. Lizard says, yonder man, I am angry now. 45. My necklace, I have taken it; it is powerful. Man says, scalplock, I want it. (Refers to the special scalplock necklace used with this bundle.) 41). Elk are running about. It is powerful. (Refers to the woman's dress which should be of elk hide.) 47. My robe I have given you. (The elk robe.) 48. The earth is my medicine. It is powerful. (Refers to the white earth paint.) 49. I am looking for the timber. I have found it. I have taken it. It is powerful. At this point u small cottomvood tree is broufjiit into the tipi hy an assistant to whom tlie transferrer hands an ax. He stands holding both whih" some one of the men present recounts four war deeds, then sharpens the butt. 50. The timber is looking for a powerful place to sit. Then the tree is stuck into the ground on the south side of the fireplace toward the rear of the tipi. The leader's wife takes up the headdress, then the daughter takes hold also, both making dancing movements with their bodies and then hanging the headdress on the tree as they sing: — 51. I am looking for timber on which to sit. Then follows a song without words during which the leader's wife takes the headdress from the tree, puts it on her head, her body swaying with the rhythm of the singing, makes hooking motions at the tree, rubs her head up and down the limbs and then places the headdress upon the daughter. During this time the mother makes the whistling sound of the elk. This is readily understood from the origin myth. 53. I am looking for my medicine. I have taken it. ll is powerful. (The digging stick.) 54. Buffalo I have taken. They are looking for a powerful place to sit. (The dew claws are tied to the end of the stick.) 55. The powerful turnip is what I am digging up. The song ends with the crane call and the leader's wife holds the stick on her back, then makes four passes towards the smudge place and places the stick in position on the daughter's back. As the daughter is now arrayed in the sacred objects, her husband, or the son, is made ready for his part. As his robe is taken off and he is painted by the transfcrriT, they sing: — 1912.] Wisdcr, Blackjool Bundles. 219 56. This man's robo, I have taken it. 57. Old man says, take some of the black [paint]. This man, I paint him powerfully. It is powerful. 58. Sun dogs (or sun ])ainting) I want it. 59. A painting song without words. 60. Buffalo trail, it is powerful. I am traveling on it. The son is first painted over his entire l)ody and face with charcoal. Then with the finger tip the transferrer marks on his breast a half moon, on his back a circle for the sun, a bar on each cheek, the chin and forehead, for the sun dogs. Then a line across the face at the bridge of the nose as they sing No. 60. Then a circle is made around each wrist and ankle. He then hands the son his robe as they sing: — 61. You, man, I give you your robe. 62. This man says, feathers I want. (Tail feathers are tied in his hair.) 63. Man wants a scalplock.' (Necklace put on.) 64. I am looking for my whistle. I have found it. It has whistled. It has a powerful sound. 65. I want a bow. (Scar-face received a bow when in the house of the sun.) 66. I want an arrow. At this point four bunches of sage grass are placed about two feet apart to the north of the fireplace.- At this song the leader, his wife, son, and daughter rise. The leader takes hold of the son's right leg and makes four passes toward the first bunch of sage. The woman does likewise with the daughter. Then the pair are made to step from one bunch to the other. Now the leader takes the lead, the son next, then the daughter, then the leader's wife and all file out for the procession. Since what follows is an integral part of the sun dance, tliis may properly be considered the ending of the natoas ritual. The other ceremonies such as the vow to give this demonstration and to initiate the sun dance will be taken up under their respective heads. It may be sufficient to add that the foregoing ritual is demonstrated to transfer the natoas to a new owner. This may occur irrespective of a sun dance. The altar, or smudge place, for this ritual is perhaps the most elaborate known to the Blackfoot (p. 256). A hole about three feet square is exca- ' A special necklace i.s used with this ceremony. It is a simple string bearing eight black beads, two small long cyUnders of shell and in the middle a .small lock of hair. The belief is that this necklace was given to Scar-face when he visited the house of the sun and in recog- nition of his having killed certain enemies. 2 Both the son and daughter have some sage inside their moccasins during the cere- monies. 22() Anthroijological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [\o\. VII, vjiteil to tilt' (k'ptli of six iiulu-s witli clean cut sides. The sod is taken off in strips about two hands wide antl formed into a wall or border on all sides of the hole save that to the east. The top of this is covered with creep- ing juniper. The loose earth is placed outside at the rear of the tipi. The bottom of the hole is covered with a thin layer of fine light colored earth. At each end of the sod wall a circular smudge place is cleared to the depth of alxmt three inches. On the bottom of the hole is a dry painting of the moon in yellow with a black stripe at the middle. On each side is a band, the upper part yellow, the lower black, said to represent sun dogs. The smudge place to the left represents the morningstar; that to the right mistaken-morningstar, or Scar-face. The three foot smudge tongs lie on the north side near the sod wall. In painting the designs, they are first lightly traced out with an eagle tail-feather,^ then boldly marked with the toe of a new moccasin for the right foot. The daughter is painted at the beginning of the ceremony with a white spot on the forehead, one on each cheek, one on the robe over the shoulders, on the elbows and wrists. After the painting the hands are wiped upon sage grass. The robe she wears in the first part of the ceremony is painted red, to symbolize the sky at sunset, it was said. SuMmanj. We believe the preceding data warrant the assumption that the beaver ritual is not only composed of numerous small accretions, but has assimilated such elaborate ritualistic procedures as tobacco-plant- ing, the natoas, and calling the buft'alo. The keepers of the bundles seem to have exercised many of the usual shamanistic functions and to have been held in respect. Traditional as well as internal features of this ritual .suggest its relative antiquity in origin; at least, it presents most adequately the almost universal tri,bal type of individually owned rituals. Painted-Tipis. In any Blackfoot camp one may see a relatively great number of deco- rated tipis. The designs and pictographic features conform closely to one conventional style, but what is of special interest, with each decorated tipi is associated a distinct ritual and a bundle with accessories. Then a decorated tipi is in itself an announcement of the fact that within rests a bundle and that its owner possesses the ritual associated therewith, from which it follows that the aesthetic value of tipi decoration is secondary, if not really accidental. It is true that great pride is taken in such tipis, ' This feather was used by the sun to brush away the scar on Scar-face, it is said. Vol. 2. r.i. 1912.] Wissler, Blackfool Bundk^ 221 but this springs from the system of owning rituals, or mecHeines, and he- cause such a tipi is conspicuous and easily distinguished and, therefore, proper for a person of some importance. Many of the Indians recognize this objective value and characterize them as medicines of less subjective importance than pipes and beaver bundles, but still almost essential to a man of good standing. However, their surprisingly great number and general distribution give them a collective value of the first magnitude. So far as our information goes, there are three classes of rituals: the painted tipis, the flag-painted tipis, and the buffalo-painted tipis. In addition, there are a few special forms. The painted tipis use the buffalo rock (iniskim) as their bundles and the corresponding ritual. The flag tipis take their names from the rule of suspending skins from the bundle at the top of a tipi pole where they wave in the air not unlike a flag. Further, they have songs of a distinct character and make little or no use of the iniskim. That these are real distinctions is clear since the owner of a painted tipi is regarded as competent to preside at the transfer of any among that class but not at the transfer of a flag painted tipi, except he once owned one of that class as well. As a further illustration we have two kinds of otter tipis, the otter-painted and the otter-flag-painted. While the decorations are the same, the former uses the iniskim ritual, the latter a more elaborate bundle and ritual. The following is a partial list of these tipis with bundles. South Piegan. 1. Snake 11. Big stripe 2. Otter 12. Elk 3. Buffalo or Black buffalo 13. Pine tree 4. Horse 14. Bear 5. Big-rock 15. Buffalo-head 6. Fighting 16. Tiiunder's house or Blue tipi 7. Tails-on-the-sides, or Four Tails 17. Eagle-pit 8. Raven IS. Rattling-it 9. Eagle 19. Prairie chicken 10. Yellow buffalo 20. North Piegan. Hoof (of buffalo) 1. Elk 4. Snake 2, Buffalo 5. War 3. Otter 6. Bea\er Anthropological Papers American Muscutn of Xatural History. [Vol. \T^I, IJluod. 1. Bif,' striped 2_ Mountiiin goat 3. Wolverine 4. Bear 5. Fisher 6. Elk 7. Half-Black S. Ka.ul,. 9. .\ll-()\(-r 10. War 11. Crane 12. All stars 13. Prairie chicken 14. Raven 15. Buffalo hoof IG. Yellow 17. Otter IS. Horse 19. Snake 20. Water-monster 21. Buffalo-head 22. Skunk 23. Fish 24. Space 25. Center kfoot. 4. Coyote 0. Crow 6. Bear 1. Thunder's tipi 2. Big Snake 3. Freezing Our int'onnation is not sufficient to say if those bearing the .same names among the several tribal divisions are duplicates, but it may be assumed that they bear relations to each other similar to the various medicine-pipes. Like other bundles, they are frequently passed from one division to the other in tlie transfer. The Offer-Flag Painfed-Tipi. Like all Blackfoot medicines this one was transferred to a human being in a dream or vision, the narration of which has been given in our volume of myths. In substance, it is that a young man was sleeping on a raft seeking a medicine experience when a mink appeared and invited him to come to the tipi of the otter at the bottom of the lake. There he received the ritual. When this man returned to his people he prepared a tipi as seen. Tri- angular figures around the bottom represented hills with cat-tails between. Four male and four female otters were around the sides. The background upon which the otters were placed was yellow to represent the earth. Bands of red above were the circles nuide by the otter in swimming; these were also said to represent the water hipping the shore. An old skin tipi of this type was collected. The bundle was made up of the skins of an otter and a mink wrapped and placed in a rawhide case. The case bears the conventional triangular designs but is ]):iiiit((l over the entire surface and fringe with yellow. 1912.] Wlsuler, Black/out Huudlcs. 22'.^ A drum is necessary to the outfit. Tlie outer surface is painted over with yellow. Upon the outer surface of the head is the representation of the otter and upon the inner surface that of the mink. A forked stick for the smudge is an essential, though it does not differ from other sticks used for similar purposes. There is a paiticular pipe belonging to the owner of the tipi, but there is nothing distinctive about it. A tobacco board, a few rattles and some ordinary drums, complete the outfit. During the day the bundle in the rawhide case is hung upon a tripod at the back of the lodge, at night or during stormy weather it is brought inside and hung between the back rests as with other medicines. The smudge place is a rectangular clearing of the sod with a small mound in the center. A circular field of yellow sifted clay siu-rounds the center, the remainder of the clearing being covered with white clay. The mound in the center represents the house of the otter, the yellow, earth upon the shore of the lake and the white area the water of the lake. The incense is burned upon the little mound in a slight depression. There are two body paintings for this medicine. Wlien the right to its possession and power are to be transferred, the recipient is painted in a yellow ground, representing the shore of the lake. Pairs of short parallel red lines are drawn on the legs, arms, and face representing the footprints of the otter as he passes over the earth of the bank or shore. A circle upon the forehead represents the home of the otter; a circle upon the chin, that of the mink. The circle upon the breast is opposite a similar one upon the back and both together represent the hole in the bank through which the otter crawls. In painting, these circles are always made in the direction in which the sun moves. After the transfer the owner paints differently. The yellow background has the same significance as before and red bands are marked across the eyes, mouth, wrists and ankles, representing the trails, or paths of the otter, when he travels. No further information could be obtained as to the significance of these symbols. A certain fitness, to our way of thinking, appears in the two. The person in the act of receiv- ing the power of the otter l)ears his footprints and the sign of his hole through his body, while at subsequent times he paints upon himself only the symbol of the otter's well beaten path. Whether the Indian is fully conscious of this symbolism or not, is a matter concerning which the writer was unable to determine. The transfer must take place in the painted-tipi. The buyer takes the owner's seat, the transferrer sits opposite. Next to the buyer sits his wife and next to her the wife of the transferrer. Slough grass {carcx nehrasccnsis pracria) is spread over the ground between the two men. The transferrer 224 Attt}n-i>i:i)h>iiicrd Papcn^ American Museum of Xdturnl History. \\'o\.\\l, tukt's up the t'ni-ki'd stick iind i)lac('s ii coal of fire upon the little mound of tlic altar. Then he takes up a pinch of sweetgrass and holdinjj it up sings a song, " The above, he hears me" l)ringing the hand down slowly, makes a circular mo\ement around the fire and lays it on. It smokes. As the hand is lowered the words of the song are, "The (earth) below, he hears me. My tipi, it is powerful." As the singer rises, " It is good. It is powerful." Then the transferrer takes the right hand of the buyer, holds it in the smoke of the burning incense, then to the mouth of the buyer and then to his right ear: the left hand is manipulated in the same manner except that it is brought to the left ear. At the same time the transferrer's wife puts the buyer's wife through the same procedure. The significance of this is said to be in its symbolizing the learning of the songs and the ritual now about to be performed. It has the further ^•alue of nuiking the assimi- lation easy for the buyer. At the completion of these movements they sing six songs in succession without interval. The above, he hears me. It is powerful. The wind is my medicine. The water is my home. The rain is my-medicine. The below (earth), he hears me. Man, he says, my tipi is powerful. Woman, she says, my tipi id powerful. Rain is my medicine. IMy children (all the water animals), they hear me. The below (earth), it is powerful. Man, he says, the water is our home. Woman, she says, the water is our home. Water is our medicine. My tipi, it is powerful. My tipi, it is powerful [Otter speaking]. Woman, my tipi, it is powerful. I mean it, my tipi, it is powerful. The above, it hears me. The below (earth), it hears me. ()1<1 woman, she says, my tipis will be safe.' I'nder water are our tipis. My tipi, it is powerful. My smoking, it is powerful. Man, he says, my tipi, it is powerful. Under water is my medicine. Woman, she says, etc. speakint? and implies tliat the camp of his people will be secure. liH-i.l Wisder, Blarkfool Bundles. 225 At this point a sinudgf is uv.u\v. Tlie liands air lield in the sniokt-, thrn to the ground and to the head in turn. In the next song the \vinet- grass. A pipe is then filled and handed to the owner of the otter tipi and after he has prayed, it is lighted. When the pipe has been burnt out, the ashes are emptied on the southeast and southwest, the northwest and north- east corners of the square hole and the remainder are emptied in its bottom. Then the pipe is placed on top of the house with the bowl pointing toward the west and the stem pointing toward the east or where the sun rises. The forked smudge stick with the fork to the east is also placed on top of the sweat house. After the rocks have been placed in the hole, four series of songs consisting of four songs each are sung, between each of which the door curtains are raised. After the fourtli song, the sweat house ceremony ends. All the men then go to the tipi of the owner where the transfer is to take place. The owner sits at the rear on the right side, the purchaser sits on the left side, opposite him. The owner's wife and the purchaser's wife sit on the left side to the right of the purchaser. At first, the bag of iniskim is fastened to one of the tipi poles at the rear and the owner, taking some juniper seed and holding it up sings the first smudge song: "The above is powerful." Then as he places some of the seed on the coal, "The ground is powerful." The four rattles are then taken up and while shaking them 22S A„thn>i>,>h>gical I'aiwrs Amtrira,, M iixnnn of Xalural Hislor,/. [\'cl. \II. the t'oUowiiij: words arc sung: "My lodge is powerful," and still shaking the rattles, " My lodge is powerfully sitting." Four more songs are sung and the fifth us: "Man says, my paint is powerful. The water is my medicine." At the same time the owner rubs some paint mixed with water on his hands. He paints the purchaser's face and body yellow with a red streak across the eyes and mouth. The owner's wife paints the purchaser's wife and the purchaser's and his wife's blankets are painted, the upper hahes of the l)lankets are painted yellow. The next song, another smudge is made of sweetgrass and the owner an«l his wife join their hands over the smudge and over the bag of iniskim which is still hanging on the tipi pole. They make four passes over the smudge and then to the iniskim and the woman rises and stands by the bag. The words of the next songs are: "Yonder woman, take me, I am power- ful. Buffalo I take them." Then the woman takes down the bag of buffalo rocks and places them on the west of the smudge place. As another .song is sung, the two men and their wives join their hands over the smudge and the bag of iniskim four times. They sing, " Buffalo I have taken," as they undo the cords of the bag. As the rocks are drawn from the rawhide bag, they sing, "Buffalo, I have taken." The rocks are still wrapped in a cloth. While singing the next song the tw-o men and women all hold the rocks and pa.ss them to the smudge four times, and rest them on a blanket on the west of the smudge place. The song is: "Where iniskim have been .sitting is holy or powerful." Another song is sung to remove the cloth covering of the buffalo rocks. The two men and women all hold their hands to the smudge and the iniskim four times and then they remove the cloth, leaving them on the buffalo w^ool. The song: "Buffalo I have taken." One of the buffalo rocks is painted red and a song sung: " My paint is pow^erful." He rubs .some paint in his hands and sings, "Kidney fat 1 want to eat," and taking some fat mixes it with the paint and paints the largest buffalo rock. Then they are all placed in a row on the smudge place. The owner still holds the largest iniskim and sings: "Iniskim I have taken," and holds it to the smudge four times, to the purchaser's left shoulder, to his back, to his right shoulder, to his breast, and to his hands. Then the purchaser takes the iniskim in both hands, kisses it, and prays to it. The iniskim is returned to the owner when it is given to the two women who repeat the .same motions with it as the men. .\fter this the iniskim is passed around to all those present in the tipi and when it reaches the owner he places it with the other rock on the smudge place. Now the rattles are beaten on a rawhide to keep time. The following songs are then sung: " My lodge is powerful. Buffalo are all starting and many of them 1 take; they are powerful. Von man, this day I wish to 1912.] Wisshr, lilar/.fanl liuiuUcs. 229 obtain property. "\'()U woinaii, say tlii.s \u^\\{ 1 wish to get propt-rty." The words of these songs are to remind the purchaser tliat he is expected to pay wellfor the otter tipi. The next songs are: " Hufl'alo are all starting. Lots of them I have taken them; they are powerful." He makes the receiving sign and says, "No-o-o-o." The next song is: "The leader of the buffalo will not turn back but will go over the drive," and tiic singer pretends to jump over and shouts four times. This refers to buffalo falling over the drive. Again he sings, "Single man, go and drive biiHalo,"' nuikes the receiving sign and says, " Xo-o-o-o." Four times he sings, " W'c want to fall them," and shouts four times, "Those who are running biilialo are yet running; they are powerful. Xo-o-o." The owner sings the next song: "The above are powerful. They hear me. The ground hears me; it is powerful. One hundred 1 liave fallen," and shouts four times. Then he sings: "Over one hundred I liave fallen," and shouts four times. During the next song the purchaser's wife goes outside of the tipi and pulls out one of the pins holding the cover together, and one of the stakes. First she holds her hand in toward the smudge and then pulls up the stake. The woman gives one of the pins to the owner who takes the purchaser's hand and both hold the pin together while the women hold the stake, one end to the ground as though they were trying to pull it up. This ends the transfer. The pins taken out are to give the new owner the right to take down his tipi. The following taboos for the owner of the otter painted-tipi are recog- nized : — He must never break a buffalo head in the tipi nor must any part of the head be thrown into the fire. Also, he must nexer eat any lungs, nor break a backbone. To blow on the fire he must use a pipestem. He must never lean an old tipi pole against the tipi nor must he allow his robe to catch fire. If this should happen, he must at once make a sweat house to prevent the ill luck which is sure to follow\ He must never pound on bones or drum in the tipi, if it is necessary to drum in the tipi a rock or an ax must first be taken and four passes made with it to the two door poles. Then after striking the two poles with the ax, a drum may l)e beaten in the tipi. In the transfer there are two war songs while the rest of the songs are iniskim songs. When the owner goes on the warpath he takes one of the smallest buffalo rocks and fastens it to his hair. In making the snuidge place when the otter painted-tipi is transferred, the grass is first cleared oft' and lighter dirt spread on a space about one and a half feet square. The snuidge is made in the center with sweetgrass. Buffalo dungs are placed in a row on the west side and on top of them sage is placed. The buffalo rocks arc placed in a row on the west side of the smudge, resting on some buffalo wool. 2'AO Anthropological Papers American Museum of Xalural History. [Vol. VII, Till Black and Yrlltiw Buffalo I'a'niird-Tlpis. There are two tipis peculiar in that tliey have the same ritual and were handed down at the same time. The decorations and general characteristics have been well descril)ed by (iriimell to whose account the reader is referred.^ Though he gives a version of the origin myth and one will be found in our collection also, the following offers many new^ points : — Two young men were once sitting on the river bank. Looking down into the water, one of them saw the tops of the poles of a tipi. At first he said nothing but after looking at the poles for some time he said to his companion, " Do you not see the tipi in the water? " The other looked, but failed to see anything. The young man who had first seen the poles said to his compan- ion, " ^'()U stay here and I will go and visit the tipi." He got a pole and went into the river above the place w^here he had seen the tipi and floated down the river. When he came to the place he dropped the pole, went under the water, saw the tipi and went in. There he saw a man and woman. The tipi was dry and through the holes in it he could see the water flowing by. The man said to him, " ^Vly son, the reason I asked you to come here was that I might give you my tipi. You will become the chief of your people." While he was there a very large water animal, stuck its head in the door and said to the man, " I have come to eat this man." The owner of the tipi replied, "You shall not have him. He is poor and I have asked him to come here." The animal crawled a little further into the tipi and as he did so the water rushed in. The tipi owner became angry and taking his straight-bow^led pipe, smoked it in the fire. While he did so the back of the animal burned. The animal crawled out of the tipi begging the man not to smoke any longer for he was burning his back. The animal now said to the visitor, " I will give you a song. You may sing it when you wish to cross any river and the river will be shallow." The owner of the tipi gave the stranger some water in a small shell. The young man drank for some time and yet the water did not decrease in the shell. The man then took the shell from the visitor, drank the water, emptying the shell, and said, "My son, you were foolish to try to drink all the water in the shell. You were trying to drink all the rivers and lakes dry." He then gave him four berries in the shell and the stranger tried to eat all of them l)ut the four berries alwa;\s remained in the shell. His host took the shell and ate the four berries and said, "IVIy son, when you were trying to eat all the berries in the shell you were trying to eat all the berries in the world. I w ill give you my tipi, the songs, and my pipe. It will help you very niiich, but you must give me a white buffalo robe in I Grinncll. (a), 650. 1912.] Wilder, Hhtrl;J„nl liu, idles. 231 payment. When you return to the shore tell your (•()inj)aiu'on to eonie here. There is another man who invited liim and will «iive him a yellow hnfraio tipi." The young man returned to the bank of the river and told his companion to go into the water as he had done. He did so and received the yellow buffalo tipi. Both young men walked toward the camp. They met a man and told him to tell the chief to make a sweat house for them, to place slough grass inside of it for them to sit on, and when it was ready to notify them. The man did as he was told and as soon as the house was ready the}' were asked to come to it. The two men entered the sweat house and when they came out there were heaps of sand where they had been sitting. Now, as the buffalo were far away, the people were almost starving. The two men went to the chief's tipi and said to him, " We are going to have a ceremony. Go and invite the beaver men, have them bring with them the buffalo rock, some fat, and their rattles." The beaver men were called and the two men began to sing. All night they sang and the next morning the buffalo came in a great herd. As the people were camping near a river the men who were singing, changed their song as the bufYalo started to cross the river. All at once the water became very deep, the wind blew hard causing great waves which drowned many of the buffalo. The people went to the river and pulled the buffalo out. Among these there was a white buffalo and a beaver colored one. The two men skinned the white and beaver colored buffalo and later on threw the two hides into the river. The white robe was in payment for the black l)uffalo tipi and the beaver colored skin for the yellow buffalo tipi. Long after this the two men became chiefs. The tipi owners had a white buffalo robe and they wanted some of the beaver bundle owners' songs. They asked the beaver men to give them songs and they gave them the offering songs and the tail featlier. In pay- ment, the beaver men received the buffalo hoofs. Long afterwards the woman who found the buffalo rock gave the tipi owners some of her songs for charming the buffalo and when the people want the buft'alo to come near they call on the tipi owners to help charm them. One time the black buffalo tipi owner was going away. He said to his wife. "Do not let anyone come into our tipi." One day the woman's brother came to the tipi and his sister tried to prevent him from entering, but the man replied, " I only want to go in and smoke." The woman .said, "My husband said that I was not to allow anyone to come into the tipi." The brother insisted and as he stepped inside water began to rush in. The man went out. The woman smoked the straight-bowled pipe in the fire and as soon as she did so the water sank l>ack into the ground and it became '2'-V2 .\iitliii>i>(ili>(iir\. X\\, iis dry as it was l)t't'()iv. Wlieii licr hushaiid returned he knew at once what had liappened and said, " Wliy did you let your brother come in." She explained how she had tried to keep him from coming in. These tipis are very powerful. Some years ago these two tipis together with many others were along a river l)Ottom. All at once the ice broke up and the people ran to the high places to get away from the water and ice which swept through the camps taking everything with it except the black and \cli()w l)utl'alo tipis. Tlic first owners of these tipis saw them in Canada in the High River when it could not be forded. These twi> men led the people across it. While crossing they smoked their straight-bowled pipes and the water was only ankle deep. The place where they crossed is near the reservation of the .\orthern HIackfoot. .Vt the place where they crossed there is a gravel bar and it is here only that the river can be crossed. The straight-bowled pipe was later given to the beaver bundle owners. These tipis are so powerful because they were really seen and not dreamed. The ceremony of transfer is as follows: — The buyer of the black buflFalo tipi fills a pipe, goes to the owner and after handing him the pipe asks for the tipi. The owner smokes the pipe and sets the day for making the sweat house. When the time comes, the bu.xcr makes the sweat house, the owner and he go in, the btiffalo rocks are placed on top, and the men sing eight of the buffalo rock songs. Then the> sing some of the tipi songs. After this they come out and the tipis of the i)urchaser and owner are interchanged. They go to the black buffalo tii)i and invite their relatives, who help the purchaser pay for the tipi. The hole in the sweat house during the transfer is triangular but when the owner of the tipi uses it otherwise, it is square. In the tipi the smudge j)lace is s(|uare and sweetgrass is used for the smudge. When the tipi is to be transferred the smudge place is cut square and white earth placed in it and a crescent and dot placed in the middle of the square. The dot is the smudge place, but the crescent is where the coals are placed in making the snuidge. The moon is marked out with a tail feather, is yellow within and outlined in black. The dot is black. At the beginning of the cere- mony tlie smudge place is plain, but as the singing of the offering or tail feather songs is ended the crescent and dot are marked. The owruT and his wife and the purchaser and his wife exchange clothes. -At first the purchaser and his wife are painted yellow, then a spot of white paiiif is placed on each check with a cross in it. The cross is placed on both sides of the purchaser's head, on his wrists, and on the sides of his knee joints. The wife is painted the .same on her face and the crosses placed on her wrists, shoulders, and elbows. 1912.] Wis.^lcr. Hlackfont BiunUex. •1X\ The next morning, after tlie tipi has been transferred, the face is painted red and the white spots phieed as before. After a sinndge is made, the offering songs are simg and tlien the biiffah) rock songs which are in groups of seven. At the northwest, northeast, southeast, and soutliwest corner of the (ir<'- place there is a small hole about two inches wide ;iiid al)()Ut ;iii incli (lee|) filled with white dirt in the bottom. These arc to represent the pawing places of buffalo. The two men and the women, wearing buffalo robes with the hair side out, kneel around the first hole, make dancing motions and imitate the buffalo while the others keep time with rattles and sing. They repeat these movements at each hole and take their places at the re:ir of the tipi. After this they sing the buflFalo rock songs, the tipi .songs, and the songs for the buffalo painted on the tipi. Then they sing another song wdiich gives the right to take down the tipi when moving camp. During this song the two w^omen pull out one of the stakes and a pin. .\fter this is done the owner may move the tipi at any time. The owner of the tipi has four rattles but not the leather on which they are beaten. When singing they use an ordinary robe for beating time. During the ceremony the purchaser is given a round buffalo dung covered with a bladder. When he smokes he rests the bowl of his pipe on the dung. This belongs to the owner of the tipi and is kept with the other things. The following taboos are recognized by the owner of the tipi : He must not eat any part of a buffalo head nor have a buffalo head in the tipi. He must not let any part of the head fall in the fire nor let a marrow bone be heated at the fire. He must never tie a rope inside the tipi from pole to pole and use it to hang meat nor must he ever strike at a buffalo head. No one must wear his robe nor must the fire be allowed to go out. The door of the tipi must not l)e left open nor must a dog be allowed in it. He intist never strike at the tipi. The same rules must be ol)served by the owner of the yellow buffalo tipi. Its transfer and ceremonies are the same. The owners of these tipis are the men who sing and bring the buffalo near. It is clear that these tipis were, in part, associated with rituals to "call the buffalo." We were told that the new owners of these tipis invited the beaver men to help them sing the songs in the first ceremony of its kind, borrowing the one iniskim in the beaver bundle and the rattles; that in this way they acquired through the sweat house (p. 258) the right to u.se the eagle tail feathers in marking out the moon and sun dog figures and to sing the "sun offering songs." Thus, these tipi owners received tlie iniskim from the beaver men it being the wife of one who first found tlie iniskim, 234 Anthropological Papers American Mmemn of Natural HUtory. [\o\. VII, tlu- ciifili' tnil fciitluTs, and the "sun ollVring song." In turn, they gave the heaver men the Ijull'ahi lioofs now in the hundles. All this is prohahle and besides suggesting that the Imft'alo tipis were the first of all ritualistic tipis, it throws some light upon the manner in whict) rituals were constructed from parts of others. To make the sweat houses of the black or yellow buffalo tipis either twelve or fourteen willows are used. When the tipi is to be transferred the hole is triangular but for ordinary use the hole is square. The dirt taken out of this hole is placed on the west side of the sweat house. At first five rocks are brought in and placed one at each corner and the fifth in the center of the hole. The first smudge is made with sweetgrass between the hole and the rear of the house. The second smudge is made on the rocks and then all the rocks are brought in and placed in the hole. Before the rocks are taken in, the pipe is handed in and one man holds it up first to the sun and then to the ground meanwhile praying. Then he hands it to someone to light. After the pipe has burnt out, it is passed out and placed at the west side of the house with the stem pointing north. Sixteen iniskim songs are sung in groups of four. The sweat house is opened four times and after each group of four songs they all come out. A calf robe must be used to close the door of the sweat house. The triangular shaped hole represents the heart of the bulValo. The Winter Painted-Tiin. The following was stated by a Piegan: — One winter, while the people were all hunting buffalo an old man and his .son were caught in a blizzard. The storm was so blinding that they decided to look for shelter. The two men took from their horses one of the hides of the two buffalo they had killed, sat down, and covered themselves with it. It was very cold and it was not long before the hide had frozen and they were snowed under. After they had been there for four days the old man fell asleep. A man approached him and said, " I come to invite you to my lodge." The old man went with the stranger and both entered the tipi. The owner, who was one of the winter cliief's people, had his face and body painted with the white dirt paint. The winter man said, "I will give you my tipi and my headdress feathers." He told him how to use the feathers in war and that 111- or an.\(>iic else wlio owned the tipi would soon become a chief. He also taught liim all about the ceremony. He told the old man that he had not inii'iidcd to trc(/,c liini to death but was only joking with him. On the I'oiuth (la> that the two men were under the snow tlie yoimg man punched a hole through the snow with his hand and said to his father, " I will go on to camp and you may stay here and 1 will have someone come 1912. Wissler, HlarkfoDl Bundles. 2:^5 for you." The cainp.s wore within sij^ht hut the (hiy wa.s very l)rij,'ht and cold and as the young man went towards tlie camp lie hecanu- \ery cold and before he arrived his legs became stiff with cold and he stuniljled. Some men saw him and he was carried to his own tipi and wrapped up in robes and hot water given him. Then he told them where to find the old Fig. 29 The Winter Painted-Tii)i, from wing by Tliree-bears. man. His mother and some other women went for him with a travois but because of the power received from the winter man the old man was not affected by the cold. This is the reason for the belief in the winter people who make the cold weather. Later on, the old man made the winter tipi and painted it just as he saw it and it is still in use. 236 Aiithroiioloyiciil Paptr.s Amcricnit Museum of Xdtnml HUlortf. [\'ol. \'IU This winter tipi was first made up and transferred in the early fall when the leaves are turning yellow. The owner of the tipi said to the man ta whom he was about to give it, "While I am transferring this tipi, I will prove its power to you, by causing a storm to come." .\t first a sweat house was made. The hole and the smudge place were s(|uare. The smudge place is about three feet square and is between the iire|)lace and the rear of the tipi. It is not dug out much but the grass is. cleared off on three sides and creej)ing juniper placed on all but the east side. .\ circle is hollowed out in the center where the smudge of juniper needles is made, similar ti) that in the sun dance lodge. The smudge is made in the morning, at noon, and at night. The flaps are opened in the morning and closed in the evening. The headdress feathers are kept in a rawhide bag on triporls on the w'est of the tipi during the day and returned in the evening. When transferring the tipi the man takes some juniper and holding it up sings: " My lodge is holy (or powerful)." He puts the juniper on the fire and sings, "Cold is my medicine. My lodge is powerful." The buyer is painted and w^ristlets of otterskin with a small bell are placed on each wrist. The seller and buyer sit near the rear while their wives sit near the doorway on the north side. Other songs are sung: " My lodge, it is power- ful. My wristlets have taken pity on me. Morningstar says, ' Four times I want tO' smoke.'" As the feathers are tied to the buyer's hair they sing, "Man says, my headdress is powerful. Rain is my medi- cine. Man says, hailstones are my body."^ The men do not rise to dance but merely go through the motions keeping time with a rattle. The buyer's face and body are painted. The feathers worn on the hair are a black plume, eagle tail-feathers, and raven feathers and are kept in a rawhide bag placed at the west of the tipi. This headdress is used in war. This ends the transfer. When the winter tipi was transferred for the first time it was early in the fall, never- theless a great snowstorm c-ame up, brought on by the power of the tipi. Three-bears owned it and paid fourteen horses for it. One time he was very sick and vow^ed to buy it. At another time a man's child was ill and he vowcfl to buy the tipi when the child recovered and he bought it from Three-i)ears. 1912.] Wissler, Blnckjoot BuudUx. 2.'u There are various taboos connected witli tlie tipi. Moccasins must never be hung up inside of it. The cover must never be raised, nor must the fire be allowed to go out during the day. Drumming is never allowed in the tipi nor are dogs to come into it. All the songs are war songs. A native drawing has been reproduced in Fig. 29. The seven stars, or Ursa Major, are on one of the ears and the Pleiades on the other. The large disc at the top represents the sun and the claw syml)ols })elow, the thund< r bird. At the bottom the discs represent "fallen stars" and the curved lines, mountains. The painting and hair dress for the owner of this bundle is shown in Fig. 30. The face and l)0(ly are covered with yellow; the dark shaded spots are in red. The Snake Paiiited-Tipi. This tipi has two snakes painted on it, one on the south, and one on the north side, about the middle. The heads just meet a little above the door while their tails almost meet at the rear. Six black dots representing bunched stars are painted on the ear at the north of the tipi, and seven black stars representing the dipper are painted on the ear on the south side near the top. Four black stripes are painted and just below a cross to which some horse hair is fastened. The cross represents the butterfly. A few inches apart, below the cross hang four cow tails. Around the bottom of the tipi are painted the puff balls, cr stars, and moun- tains. x\t the center of the back is painted a horseshoe which represents the den of the snakes. Just above the mountains three black stripes are painted. The smudge place is square. The grass is cleared off, white earth spread over the clearing and the smudge made in the center with the sweetgrass. The forked stick is placed north of the smudge place. The smudge is made three times a day; in the morning, at noon, and in the evening. The snake painted on the south side of the tipi is supposed to be the male and the one on the north side, the female. Some rattles, a leather on which they are beaten, some buffalo rocks, and buffalo hoofs belong to the tipi. These things are all kept in a square rawhide bag and hung on a tripod which is placed a few feet to the west of the tipi. When these are taken out of the tipi they are carried around the south and returned from the north side. There are about twelve songs most of which are buffalo rock and buffalo songs. The words are: " Yonder man take me. I am powerful. Kidiie.N fat, I want to eat." These words refer to the iniskim. Heavy-gun owned this tipi once but does not know how it happened only that it was given in a dream. Some of the songs refer to the tipi itself. When transferring this tipi a sweat house must first be made and the 23S Aidhropolngicnl Papers American M nsnim of Natural History. [Vol. VIl^ Ijiillalo rocks and siiuidge stick placed on top of it. The hole is cut square. The man's face is painted red with a circle of black around it and a black dot on the bridge of the nose. The five iniskini are placed in a row on the west side of the smudge place. The fees for the purchase of this tipi range from five to ten horses. The taboos are: a bone must never be broken inside of the tipi. Should anyone do so, it will cause the owner's horse to become lame. Oilur Tipis. Aside from the otter tipi, we have in the Museum collec- tion a war painted-tipi, and a buffalo head painted-tipi. The former has received mention, p. 37.^ Its bundle contains a buffalo rock, a buffalo tail, some hoof rattles, a pijie, and sweetgrass for the smudge. These tipis, while owned by one man, were in a sense the joint possession of a few men, who, because of friendship or other ties, were usually companions in raids and hunts. The ritual contains among others their individual war songs. The decorations on the tipi represent chiefiy the deeds of the owner and those associated with him. The latter is one of the regular painted-tipis. The eagle tipi is said to have originated at the same place and time as the lance (p. 134), like the two buffalo tipis, and that in consequence the rituals of the two have many of the same songs. A quite individual tipi is one said to have been given by the thunder and whose ceremonies are supposed to give protection from storms. Owing to its use of the plumed serpent figure, the water-monster tipi is of some interest, Fig. 31. The bundle for this tipi is the iniskim. The tipi and ritual are beliexcd to have come down from the sun; also that the horned water-monster himself came from the sun. The smudge place is similar to that for the winter painted-tipi. Fig. 32, bearing the signs of the moon, morningstar, mistaken-morningstar and two sun dogs, with marks representing sunbeams. Sweetgrass is burned on the mistaken-star figure three times each day. The four-head buiValo yellow j)aint('(l-tipi is characterized by four Kntl'iilo heads arranged around the side. At the bottom are three rows of ciiclcs with the usiud triangular mountain figures. Around the top there ar<- three rows of these circles instead of the usual star clusters. The body (.1 till' coxcr between the borders is painted yellow. From the tips of the (•ar> hang butValo tails while at the rear hangs a cross of rawhide also orna- Micnted with a l)uffalo tail. The ritual and painting are said to have origi- nated among the Northern Hlackfoot when a woman appeared to a young man in a vision and transferred it to him. An elaborate smudge altar is used in this tipi as shown in I'ig. 3r)f. ' .Mso sec McClintock, 221. 1912.] Wissler, Blackfonl Bundles. 239 Fig. 31. The Water-Monster Painted-Tipi, from a drawing by Tom Kiyo. The bands at the top are red, green, yellow, blue, and black; the sections of the serpent are blue, red, yellow, and green; the door is striped with the same colors; the border at the bottom is in red. Tipi Decorations. A point of special importance is that we find no associations between tipis and the bundles they shelter, except under this head, where the tipi by virtue of its decorations becomes an integral part of the bundle and must be used and handled in accordance with the regulations of the ritual. For the beaver bundle, the medicine-pipe, and in short all others, any tipi may be used. Further, tipi decorations in disassociation from a bundle are so rare, that the presence of a decoration is taken as evi- dence of medicine ownership and character. Even those bearing pictorial •J40 AulhnifHiloyiciil I'murs Ainericait Museum of Xdhtral Ilistorij. [\o\. \U, rc-i)ri'S(."ntati()ns of deeds, usually havr an iiiiskiiii bundle, at least, and bear at the rear a niystie %ure (p. 37). Since in the course of events, tipi covers wear out, the painting must be done anew, giving ample opportunity for practise by a skilled man, it follows that none of the actual drawings we iiave seen can be of great age, but that all must exist in more or less idealized form in the minds of their keepers and be considered, therefore, as expres- sions of such form ideas. We have then in these decorations a fine series of examples in Hlackfoct religious art, in fact, almost their whole range of such art. Both (Jrinnell and McClintock have treated this subject quite satisfactorily, making it only necessary to take up a few points.' In general, most of these tipis have a blackened area at the top with white discs for the Pleiades and I'rsa major, a similar border at the l)ottom w^ith one or two row^s of star signs (fallen stars), and a row of tri- angular projections, repre- senting hills or mountains. These points may be seen in the Indian drawings of the winter painted-tii)i and the water-monster painted- tipis (Figs. 31, 32). In the rear at the top is a Maltese cross, said by some to represent a moth, by others, the morning- star. After gathering con- siderable data, we con- cluded that originally the symbol was a star and that confusion arose from the similarity to the moth, or sleep charm. Nevertheless, the function of a .symbol depends upon what it means to those who use it and to many this design is the moth sign.*^ The use of the sun symbol on the winter tipi, Kig. 29, is (juite exceptional. The foregoing occur, on most painted-tipis but scarccl\ exer alone; hence, we may consider them as conventional to this class, they having, to our knowledge, no specific associations in the rituals. On the large field between these borders occur the specific symbols. These Fis. :J2. Smudge Altar for the Water-Moasler Painted- Tipi; the ground is of yellow; the moon is in black bor- dered by red and green and the perpendicular bars are in the same colors: the diagonal projections represent the rays of the sun ; the circular band of black and red is the momingstar and the disc of black the mistakcn-morning- star. Drawn by Tom Kiyo. » McClintock. 207-224; Grinnell. (a). 650-668; also this series. Vol. 2, 41-42. » Sec McClintock. 219; C.rinnell. (b). 194: this series. Vol. I. 194; Wissler, (c). 260. 1912.] ir/.xN/rr, HUicl:J,„>l liuwllcs. 241 are usually of three elasses; the invthieal ori^nuatdr and his wife, their house and their trails. Primarily, we have the animal (oceasionaily a plant or inanimate object) associated with the ritual. These are drawn in pairs, male and female; for large animals a single pair, for small ones, four or more.^ For example, in Fig. 31 we have the plumed serpent, or water- monster the male on one side, the female on the other. In Fig. 32 the mythical originator (the thunder bird) is represented by the con\'entional claws, a pair on each side of the tipi. In most cases the animal figures are highly realistic and usually in black. The kidneys, the brain, the heart (?), and the so-called life-line are often represented in color. Further than that this was conventional, we could learn nothing. It is obvious that we have here an objective parallel to some Central Algonkin motives. At the rear of the tipi, resting on the border, and sometimes at the door also, there is often seen a simple colored area representing the home, or den, of the animal pictured. At the top, beneath the conventionally blackened portion, are often four to six bands in red and other colors. These usually represent trails belonging to the animals pictured below. Comparative Notes. Of decorated tipis many examples may be cited, since most tribes of tipi-users seem to have used the sides of their dwellings for graphic display; but this is too general to have any particular bearing upon our present interest. A discussion of the subject with an extended bibliography will be found in Weygold's account of an " indianische Leder- zelt." ^ In the pipe keeper's tipi of the Arapaho ^ we have the suggestion of similarity, and again in certain notes on decorated tipis by J. Owen Dorsey,^ but nowhere have we found evidence of a definite association by which the decoration of the tipi becomes an integral part of a ritual except among the Blackfoot. However, in a conversation with some Teton (1904) the writer was told that formerly something of the kind existed among them and that, in accordance with the rules, the tipis were all destroyed by sink- ing under water. While this is suggestive, the writer has found no oppor- tunity to follow it up. In the absence of other information, it seems best to assume that these Indians had in mind the tipis noted by J. O. Dorsey, and that so far the type herein described is peculiarly Blackfoot. Perhaps these people took from others the suggestion of tipi decorations and adapted them to their own ritualistic scheme. 1 The numerous illustrations in McClintock. and Grinncll, (a), may be referred to. 2 Globus, LXXXIII, .Ian. 1903, 1-7. In a letter to the writer this author says he has made a study of Teton tipi decorations for future publication. 3 Kroeber, (b), 281. * Dorsey, J. O., 396-411. 242 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. VII, Iniskim. Of all medicines the buffalo rock is most widely distributed, being, in fact, little less than a conventional family medicine. Though it has a dis- tinct ritual and ownership may be acquired by regular transfer, it seems that anyone who chances upon one of these stones may take it and thereafter Fig. 33 (.-)()-.^)3.S{) h i, j. k). A .sot of thf Iniskim. or Hiiirulo Itocks keep ;ui(l care for it. This may be a breaking down of a former dtx I'lopment in bundle ownership, though we suspect that the mere accident of origin in the finding of certain stones is the true explanation. The facts are that such stones are found every now and then, scarcely a family fail'ng to en- counter them, a condition encouraging general and less-restricted ownership. 1912.] Wissler, Blackfoot Bundles. 243 This iniskim, or bufTalo rock, has been noted by (irinnell as " Ammonites, or sections of Baculitcs, or sometimes merely oddly shaped nodules of flint."' The Ammonites seem to be regarded as the most powerful type, but we often found fossil shells and other formations in the bundles, as well as a mis- cellaneous assortment of oddly shaped pebbles. Any pebble bearing a special resemblance to an animate object is most certain to be regarded as an iniskim. Among others, the collection contains a highly characteristic set. Fig. 33, of which b represents a buffalo, and c a man. The significance of the others was not learned. The legs of the man have been formed by cutting out the intervening material, as the file marks indicate. As a rule, all Ammonites similar to h are spoken of as a buffalo, because of their some- what vague resemblance. Yet, we have seen fossil shells with portions of the matrix in a form as to strongly suggest a buffalo standing, also regarded as symbolizing that animal. As part of another set, we secured an unworked pebble like the head and face of a man. The set illustrated was, as always, painted red and wrapped in a generous supply of buffalo wool and enclosed in the skin of an unborn calf. This, wuth two bags of paint, was kept in a square fringed bag to which a pipestem and sweetgrass were fastened in the usual manner (Fig. 34). During the day, the iniskim bag is hung on a tripod behind the tipi and a smudge of sweetgrass made morning and evening. There seemed to be no restrictions to opening the bag, as performing the ritual, etc., but when this was done for our inspection, it was usual to make a smudge. Grinnell notes the belief that if these stones are not disturbed for a time, they will have offspring. A man showed us with evident satisfaction, a large fossil bi-valve in the matri.x of which w^as the protruding end of a small shell as evidence of such birth. On various occasions we were shown small fossils said to have appeared mysteriously at the umvrapping of the bundles. We published two translations from texts of the origin myth, one of which contains the songs making up the ritual.^ In one version, the woman receiving the bundle had gone out to pick berries and the bag in which it is now kept is the form said to have been used in gathering berries. Both the events in the myth and the sentiment of the songs make it clear that this ritual had for its function the control of the l)uffalo and its present disorganized condition may be due to lack of opportunity to exercise that function. Grinnell mentions the use of the ritual in connection with the drive.' Under beaver bundles we have given at length a ritual for calling the buffalo (204). We find our informants divided into two groups: one 1 Grinnell, (c), 126. See also Curtis. Vol. 6, 66. 2 Vol. 2, 85; see also, Grinnell, (c), 126. 3 Grinnell, (c), 229. !44 Anlhroi)()l()(/inil Papers Anii'riain Mii.^ >f Xitlnml Uistorj/. [Vol. \U. lioldiiij,^ that there iie\er was any other ritual for calHng l)iiffaIo than the iniskim, while the other is equally positive that the beaver men had such a ritual. Some hold that both are correct since in all versions of the myth the woman was the wife of a beaver owner and gave the bundle into his keep- ing, that an iniskim is usually found in a beaver bundle, and that the virtue of the beaver owner's bufialo ritual rests primarily with the iniskim. An inforiti- ant tells us that thou.uli \ery old and formerly used exclusively for buffalo, the ritual was afterwards found efficacious in securing horses, success in war, health, and prosperity. A point of some interest is the occur- rence of the iniskim in other bundles. Thus, we find it in the bundles for sev- eral of the painted tipis and in the beaver bundle. Some rocks too large to l)e moved were spoken of as iniskim. The Piegan say that on the northeast part of their reserve was one of these stones formerly visited for prayers and offerings. South of the old agency is a rock, shaped like a bear sitting on his haunches with paws to his face. Indians would paint the rock, pray to it and make offerings of tobacco, beads, clothing, etc. Formerly, near the mouth of Birch Creek on the Marias was a stone resembling the bust of a man, greatly venerated by the Piegan. Some North Blackfoot on the warpath threw it down and in consequence lost tlieir lives at the hands of enemies, so it is said. Coinpnrdfivr Xotcs. As part of an Hidatsa slu-ine, or medicine l)undle, Wilson notes tiiree " l)uffalo stones" two of which are Baculifcs and one a simple pebble.' Aside from the name in common, we find the belief that VU 34 (.50-.'J38()a). Tlic Ha^' whirl! the Iniskim are plurod. Popppr and Wilson. .304, 32.t. 1912] WiM^der, Bladi4^ BwOa. 245 thevr -v^n^t give btrth to smaller ones. The Gros Ventre hare tivse sUhms but se^nin^y under another name; also the Aasioiboiiie.* Among the Arapaho we find two Baetdites kept wrapped iq» la a ba^ paJBTfd red and calM centipedes-* Tlie interesting point is the very strikjageotr gp ondenee between the Hidatsa and the Blackfoot m contrast to the incvienta] natnre (^ their reported presence among some other tiibes. 275. Kroeixr. Ob). 443. 24() Anlhropological Papers Avierican Museum of Natural History. [Vol. VII, IV. GENERAL CEREMONIAL FEATURES. The reader has doubtless felt that many of the details of movement and manipulation in the various ceremonies were things common to most or all such procedures and so not distinctive. To some extent this is true. We have not tried to make our accounts of ceremonies complete in minor details because many such are forms in no wise peculiar to a given ritual. While we feel that the ideal treatment in such a paper as this would be, first the presentation of the procedures common to most ceremonies, fol- lowed by a topical exposition of the distinctive characteristics for each ceremony, it has not been possible to follow such a plan here since the death of Mr. Duvall. Hence, under this head we shall call attention to a few of these which we hope may serve to reveal the character of the Blackfoot ceremonial scheme. Bundle Wrappings. We have used the term bundle for all objects associated with rituals because though these may be but a few feathers, the owner keeps them wrapped up in various pieces of cloth. At present, gaily colored pieces of calico are used, but occasionally silks and other cloth. We could not learn as to the former practice, some informants suggesting that soft skins were used before the introduction of cloth. Bundle Owners in Mourning When a death occurs in the family of a bundle owner, it is usual for a former owner to take the bundle home and care for it. This seems to be a matter of precaution since some of the bereaved ones may take vengeance upon the bundle for not preventing death. For example Duvall writes: — " I called at home the other day as one of his daughters had just died. He had one of the pipes he had owned for a year. His wife felt so bad that she tried to tear the bundle down from the wall, but a man stopped 1h r. She said, she would burn the bundle because it did not save her daughter. Then she threw into the fire her ceremonial moccasins, belonging to the bundle. Others present said she did a very wicked thing. So a former pipe owner took the bundle down and carried 1912.] Wisslcr, Blackfoot Bundles. 247 it home to keep until sucli time as could go tlu-ougli tlic sweat house and again receive the bundle. This pipe once belonged to the society, but since the society was done away with, it is used about the same as other pipes. Please do not make these names public." The ceremony upon resuming the care of a bundle is called "washing." After a sw^eat house, the bundle is opened and the ritual demonstrated as in the regular transfer ceremony. Red-plume says that after the fourth night, the owner makes a sweat house, places the pipe on top of it, and calls in the former owner who paints him and removes his mourning clothes. The former owner pro\ides new clothing for which lie has to pay. Four Movements. .The number four seems to have special force in Blackfoot ceremonial thought. When something has been dreamed four times it becomes at once a medicine of certain power. Again, a man seldom refuses the fourth request for a thing: but should he, the petitioner feels insulted. So it is not strange that in most ceremonies we find things performed Avith three preliminary movements, or feints. Usually in untying a bundle, in picking up a ceremonial object, in making a smudge, etc., the officiating medicine- man makes three movements with the hand as if about to lay hold of the object and takes it up at the fourth. This may be said to be common to all ceremonies. The Receiving Sign. In many songs and other parts of rituals where the initial receiving of power or formulae is symbolized, the leader and his assistants often make a gesture, designated by Mr. Duvall as the receiving sign. In some cases, the arms are folded on the breast as if embracing an object and an exclama- tion of satisfaction uttered. Again, a movement toward the heart may be made with one hand only. The Wing Movement. In some songs and parts of ceremonies, as when raising the sun pole at the sun dance, the singers make motions with their arms to symbolize the flapping of wings of the eagle or other mythical birds. Some informants regard this also as a receiving sign, or symbolizing a bird of prey on the hunt. In most singing it is the custom for the leader to make gestures or signs expressing some of the ideas in the songs. 248 Antlim/xihgicul Papcm Atnerican Museum of Nahiral History. [Vol. VII, SuN-wisK Movements. When :i hiiiidU' is carried out of the tipi it is taken around hy the south side and returned Ijy the north. In most ritual demonstrations, the evo- lutions and dances proceed around the fire in the same general direction: i. e., the seats being toward the west side of the tipi they proceed south of the fire toward the door and around to a point on the north side, then reverse. In placing incense on the smudge, in filling a pipe, etc., the officiator often moves the hand aroimd in a sun-wise circle. Passing the Pipe. Smoking is at all times a formal procedure approaching the ceremonial. In a tipi the host hands the pipe across to the one opposite or on his left,^ who after a few puflfs passes it to his left hand neighbor. Thus it proceeds sun-wise to the end of the line. The last man may return it to the host himself, but usually passes it to the one on his right and he to the next, etc., until it again reaches the host who after a few puffs starts it on another round, as before. As the pipe is being returned, no one smokes. How- ever, a medicine-pipe owner may smoke on the return (p. 164). It is not the custom to pass the pipe to the women, who sit on the right of the ho.st, but they have pipes of their own, though the host's wife may pass her pipe, in this case to the right. When men smoke out-of-doors they usually sit in a half-circle and follow the same regulations concerning the passing of the pipe as when within a tipi. Bl'ndle Owners' Taboos. Like the taking of a wife, tlie ownership of a bundle brings in its wake all sorts of obligations, responsibilities, and restrictions to freedom that cannot be escaped. Among these are many curious prohibitions not unlike taboos. Even the simplest bundle requires some restraints of its owner. These are often inconvenient and give every one some concern either as guest or host, for one sliouM be considerate and a\(>i(l all things "against the medicines" of those present. That this is by no means a re'cent devel()j)inent is clear from a passage in Henry's Journal under date of 181 1 : — ' For position in tipi see Vol. V, 106. 1912.] Wisslcr, Blarkjool lhnall(.<:. 24!) "In smoking there is more ceremony among the Piegans than I observed in unv other tribe. Some of them will not smoke while there is an old pair of .shoe.s hanging up in the tent; some of them must rest the pipe upon a piece of meat ; others upon a buffalo's tongue. Some will smoke only their own pipe, which they themselves must light; others, again, must have somebody to light it for them, and then it must be lighted by flame only; no live coal must touch it, nor must the coal be blown into a blaze. No person must pass between the lighted pipe and the fire, particularly when in a tent. The first whiff from the pipe is blown toward the earth, while the stem is pointed up; the second whiff is blown up, anil the stem is pointed down, or sometimes to the rising sun; the midday and setting sun may also receive their share of attention. Those ceremonies being over, the pipe is handed around as usual. I once observed a fellow who would not smoke in our houses, but having been given a bit of tobacco, he took his own pipe, went out of doors, and made a hole in the ground in which to rest the bowl while he smoked. Such proceedings are tedious and often troublesome to us in our business when a large band comes in, as the whole performance is slow and serious. They are superstitious to the utmost in various other things; some must have a person to cut their meat into small pieces readv to eat; others always eat and drink out of one particular bowl or dish, which t'hev carry for that purpose; some never taste wild fowl or fish; .some never eat tjarticu- lar kinds of flesh, or allow their victuals to be cooked in a kettle used for such viands After the first round we give them each half a gill of Indian liquor, beginning always with the principal chief, who is about as ceremonious in taking a drink as he is in smoking. He dips his finger into the liquor and lets a few drops fall to the ground ; then a few drops are offered above; but he drinks the rest without further delav. Each chief has some particular ceremony to perform before tasting the first glass but after that he gets drunk as fast as po.ssible. . . .While drinking at our houses almost every man is provided with a rattle, to keep chorus with his rude singing. These rattles are made of rawhide, sewed and stretched in the shape of a calabash and stuffed with sand until they are dry, when they are emptied and small pebbles put into them. The Piegans are noisy when drinking, but not insolent. Singing and bellowing seem to be their pleasure, while the men and women all drink together." » We have given many illustrations of these tahoo.s under the various descriptive sections of this paper. It will be noted that many of these refer to smoking and noises while in a tipi; hut that there is an almost end- less variety of other prohibitions at sundry times and places. The penalties for disregarding these injunctions are usually some kind of illness. Sore mouth, sore eyes, blindness, boils, etc., are generally regarded as resulting from such, and for anyone to he so afflicted is of itself evidence of such vio- lations. Curiously enough, the violation, if such it be, cannot always be laid to the victim himself, since by social usage he may be forcerl to keep his seat while another is doing the very thing his medicine prohibits. For example, if metal must not be struck in the presence of a certain painted- tipi owner, it is not likely that he himself will violate the injunction, i)ut he may be unable to pre\ent others from doing the striking. His only recourse » Henry and Thompson, 727-731. 2)1 1 Anthropological Papers American Museum of N'alural History. [\'ol. \'ll, is to take the consequences or flee from the tipi where the pounding is fioing on. Thus u l)un(lle owner must, in :i way, submit his fate to the hiw of accident in taboo viohitions. We were told that when a doctor treats one for any disal)ility, he usually lays upon the patient certain similar injunctions that he must always avoid to escape another attack. Yet, while almost every person has at least a few of these taboos, we have so far not met with any that applied to families or bands. Similar injunctions for Pawnee ' bundles have l)een reported and also for the ( "hevenne - medicine arrows. Openimg Bundles. It is safe to state that in the ritualistic ceremony for every bundle the chief phase is its opening. As a Blackfoot might express it, every knot and cord is sung off the bundle and the contents out into view. A smudge is made, the bundle brought down from its place in the tipi and put into posi- tion, each movement coming at certain stages of the songs. Thus, they proceed gradually until the entire bundle is undone. With very small bundles, the procedure is usually limited to a smudge and the unwrapping of the contents. The songs may accompany, or follow, as the case may be, but the conception is essentially the same for all, i. e., the objects contained therein cannot be exposed except in the ceremonial way. At the end of a ceremony, however, the bundle is again tied up without formalities of any kind. Dancing. In all the longer rituals there is some dancing though this seems to be incidental. After the bundle is opened, the ritual offers a number of dance songs or songs without words, in unison with which one or more persons dance about with some object. This dancing may be said to constitute a definite phase of the ritual. So far as we know, there was no special form for these dances each indi\idual being free to choose his own steps. In many ceremonies, the dancing is by some of the guests. Thus, an e.x-owner of a pipe bundle may dance with the stem, or in fact, anyone may do it if he cares to take the risk. Women cannot own bundles directly, except in the > GrinneU. (e). 351. > GrinneU, (d). 563. 1912.] Wissler, Blackfool Bundles. 251 case of the natoas, hut they may dance with certain ohjects, as for example, in the beaver ritual (p. 183). Such dancing should not be confused with group dancing which is the chief feature of collective ceremonies. TiiK Ritual. This has been discussed at some length (p. 100) but it may not be amiss to repeat that it is a formal interpretation of the original transfer from a supernatural to a natural person. It is normally opened by the narration of an origin myth followed by the first song of the smudge whence proceeds the opening of the bundle, and finally, dancing, praying, and singing over the contents. The same general scheme seems to underly all rituals of the Blackfoot. It is true that this is not so clear for the very simple rituals, but even in them we have the myth, the smudge, the unwTappings, and the singing. In most cases, the precise evolutions are fixed in order and form, the songs being the vhal elements. Painting. As among all Indians of the Plains, so with the Blackfoot, face painting is practically universal for all ceremonies. In fact no bundle ceremony is conceivable which does not recjuire a definite style of painting. In con- nection with the previous descriptions of medicine bundles we have described various examples of such painting and explained the symbolism of the de- signs. Accompanying all the large bundles is a secondary bundle contain- ing among other things, many bags of paint. In a pre\'ious paper ^ we have enumerated the various kinds of paint used, all of native preparation. With all rituals the supernatural transferrer either paints or exhibits a style of painting to the one receiving power and lays upon him the injunction to do likewise; hence, to expect to work the formula without ha\ing one's face painted in the authorized mode is out of the question. Some rituals require body painting but most of them seem to concern themselves only w^ith the face and hands. It may be that this is in part the effect of change in clothing due to white influence but it seems that the Blackfoot were originally well clothed.- Whence we may expect a lack of highly developed body painting. 1 Vol. 5. 132. * Vol. 5, 120. Aidhropulixjical Papers American Museum of Xalural Hi.stonj. [Vol. VII, I*KAYKKS. It is scuiTt'ly too much to say that the Bhickfoot are given to iiiorcHnate prayer. They will pray for permission to speak of sacred things, to tell religious narratives, in fact to do any unusual serious thing. From one point of view, the whole proceeding in the bundle ceremony is a prayer, and many Indians seem conscious of such significance, yet formal prayers are a part of every ritual. However, the words and contents are not fi.xed, each shaping the expression to his desires (p. 182). It is common to address prayers to the dead as well as to supernatural beings. We collected a few texts of which the following are Duvall's translations. The following is a prayer to the dead medicine-pipe owners: — Okohel okohe! iyol ^ Painted-buff alo-tipi, Ear-rings, The-only-medi- ciiie-pipe-man, Calf-bull, help me, help me. Red-eagle, I call on you especially to help me. Help me for this now, that my family may prosper, that my children may prosper. Try to show us mercy that we may live to your old age.- This I have chosen now. Your medicine-pipes you have left them behind because of your old ages.'' We beseech you to help us to old age. You pipe men have used paints all these years; I want to be for- tunate in the long use of these paints. I want to be fortunate in the long use of the sacred prairie turnip, in the sweet pine smudge. Take pity on me especially for these, your own children. You pipe men were long for- tunate in acquiring horses and other property. I want to be fortunate in acquiring many of these things. Take pity on me for this. These, your paints and other things, I have chosen all of them. Let me dance happily the medicine-pipe ceremony through all the summer days. For all this now, you medicine-pipe men, I beseech you. We are all saved, old ages we shall all have. The following is a prayer to the thunder made by a medicine-pipe owner: Okohe! okohe! iyo! Thunder, we beseech you, we beseech you. Help me, help me. Help me in that for which I have called upon you, for old age, the ability to escape dangers. Have mercy on me thunder, that wing sign,^ that food, that good tobacco. All these have been put away for you ' These arc expressions used only in prayer, signifying listen, talve heed, we beseech you, etc. 2 It is believetl that usually owners of medicine-pipes will live to advanced age; hence, the request that the supplicant also be permitted to live a long life. ' The idea is that the only way in which thoy could he separated from their medicine- pipes was by their l)ecoming so old that death was absolutely inevitable. ' When medicinemen wish to get property, etc., they often make wing-like motions with their hands symbolizing the hawk or eagle flying about hunting. Hence, in a figurative way, the name for the sign is sometimes u.sed in prayers and ceremonies to signify the property or fees expected (p. 247). 1912.] Wisslrr. lilarkjiu,! Iiuu,Urs. 253 that you may do this for uw. \h\\v pity on ail cliildi-cii ami all woiiicn. all the old men, and middle-aged men, and mairicd men. Try to take notice of them; try to take notice of them. (Jrant them safety; grant them safety. We are glad to meet you again for the sake of fortunate flays. lM)r this, have mercy on me for I have chosen for myself many sunnner days that I may live happily; that I may see many snows. Try to show me mercy; take heed. The following is a prayer to the sun: — Okohe! okohel natosil iyo! Sun, take pity on me; take j)ity f)n me. Old age, old age, we are praying to your old age, lor that I ha\c chosen. Your children, morningstar, seven stars, the l)unch(>d stars, these and all stars, we can call upon them for help. 1 ha\-e called upon all of them. Take pity on me; take pity on me that 1 may live a good life. My chil- dren now, I have led them to old age. That which is above, now I choose, take pity on me. Iyo! Now then, you people, I have called upon you sincerely for help. Especially for this, take pity on me. Good da\'s and happy nights, for that take pity on me. Good days and happy nights is what I have called upon you for. You nuist listen to me. Iyo! Old age let me lead my children to it. Let me get a stock of many horses and other things. Take pity on me and grant all this. Then take pity on me that I may get the full pay for all my work. Iyo! Take pity on me; take pity on me; take heed. A distinguished leader of ceremonies said that in prayers, as well as in all work with rituals, the ofhciator should keep his attention fixed firmly upon the desired end. " Keep thinking it intensely all the time," he advised. This he believed to l)e the secret of success in all medicine practices. Horses as Ceremonial Gifts. In practically every transfer of a medicine bundle, however small, a horse or horses must be given as a fee. The association is so fixed that one must suspect the present system of transferring bundles to ha\c dcxeloped in its present form since the introduction of the horse. In a pie\ ions pub- lication we reviewed in brief the various attempts to fix the date for the introduction of horses to the Blackfoot country noting the earliest definite statement as that of Umfreville for 1784.^ We are now, thanks to the investigations of Miss Agnes C. Laut, able to place the date at 1754. She finds in the unpublished journal of Anthony Hendry evidences that the Blackfoot were in his day well provided with horses and from the Journal 1 Vol. 5, 19. 2.'>4 AnUirojiological I^apers American Museum of A^aturdl History. [Vol. VII^ of Muttlu'w Cockling, 1772, t'lirtlior confirmation of Hendry's statement that "All were riders — men, women, children." According to him, "The Blackfeet's entire lives were spent doing two things — hunting and raiding the Snakes of the South for horses."^ This evidence supports the estimate of Father Ravalli ^ quoted by Clark to the effect that the Pend D'Oreille first came in contact with horses about 1745. It appears then quite prob- able that the horse has been known to the Blackfoot for nearly two cen- turies which is ample time for it to haw become firmly associated with any ceremonial system in vogue and no tloubt ample time to have been known at the origin and inception of many medicine bundles described in the previous pages. A correspondent in the Los Angeles Times, May 22, 1910, in discussing the presence of wild horses in certain parts of Virginia states that in 1649 there were but three hundred horses in the colony, l)ut that by 1(509 so many had been imported and the natural increase had been so great, that they had become a burden by reason of their depredations. In consequence of this, further importation was forbidden and in 1662 a tax was laid upon horses and owners were requested by law to confine their stock. In 1689 wild horses had become so numerous in the colony that one of the principal sports of the young men was to hunt them. We refer to this because it suggests the possi- bility of horses reaching the Indians of the Mississippi Valley from the East as well as from the Southwest. For if horses were running in the woods of ^'irginia at this early date we see no reason why they should not have found their way on their own account to the prairies of the West. We mention this because the general tendency has been to refer the introduction and distribution of the horse to the Indians of the Plains entirely to the Spanish settlements of the Southwest. Though the Indians of the East lived in the woodlands and could not use the horse in hunting, they ne\ertheless did use him for traveling, as many early accounts show. Thus, there is every reason to believe that the horse was owned and occasionally made the object of intertribal trade by the Indians of the Woodlands at a very early date, suggesting the possibility of its introduction to tlic Plains from the East as well as the Southwest. TiiK Smudge Altar. Certainly for every bundle, however small, and for almost e^•ery formal ceremonial some vegetable substance is burned on a special altar so as to give forth considerable smoke, or to make a smudge. The most universal 1 Laut. Vol. 1, 352, 378. 2 Clark. 300. 1912.] Wissler, Blackfoot Bundles. 255 smudge plant is the sweetgrass {Scvastana odorata), but sweet pine (Abies, lasiocarpa), narrow leaved puccoon (Lithospcrmum lineanfolium), and wild parsnip {Lcptotaenia multifida) are used as required by the various rituals.' The usual procedure is for an assistant to take an ember from the fire \)y means of wooden tongs made from a forked stick and lay it on the snmdge place. The leader of the ceremony then takes some of the smudge substance and drops it on the ember. All those about to handle parts or accessories of a bundle hold their hands in the smoke and often make the receiving sign. Not infrequently, a new smudge is made for each stage of the cere- mony. Many bundles require two daily smudges in the tipi where they are kept. The normal position of the smudge place is back of the fire where the grass and surface soil is cleared away, thus forming a kind of altar. In shape these are rectangular, triangular, or circular, as the ritual may require. Usually, a little mound is raised in the center upon which the fire is placed. The most interesting point, however, is that the surface of the smudge place is frequently worked out in symbolic designs by the use of colored earth, the whole suggesting the sand paintings of the Southwest. A series of these, in outline, is shown in Fig. 35 and further details have been given under the various rituals to which they belong. The smudge altar for the beaver is simple (Fig. 35a), being a circular cleared space in which is a slight depression emphasized by a circular ridge of earth. The tongs and sweetgrass are shown in their normal positions. Both the inner and outer circles, symbolize the den of the beaver. For the smoking-otter (Fig. 35b), a triangular place is cleared and the surface first covered with white earth. A small depression is made in the center for the fire. Needles of the sweet pine are used, a bag of which lies at the rear. The present owner of the smoking-otter says that the triangle represents a heart, the heart of the otter. Sometimes a circular smudge place is used and symbolizes a hole in the ice used by otters. The catcher's pipe (Fig. 35c) used a place about one foot square and four inches deep with a depression in the center for the fire. Most medicine- pipes use this form, said by some to represent holes in the earth made by the thunder. For the hair-lock suits a more elaborate form is used (Fig. 35d). The grass is cleared from a space about two feet square and covered with fine white earth. The crescent moon is then laid out in black bordered by yellow. The two circular designs are of the same colors and represent the sun and mornin'gstar respectively. The two narrow rectangles are in red and repre- sent sun dogs, or perhaps beams. Back of this altar is a row of buffalo chips covered with sage grass. » Determinations of plants by McClintock, 528. 2.')(i Anlliroiiologicid Pn/xr.'i Aincrican Mti.seidn of Xalurdl Ilisturj/. [Vol. \ll, For the natoas wo 1ki\c another type of altar (FIk'. S.jc). A hole tliirty inches square is excavated to a depth of six inches. Around three sides is a raised border of sods al)oiit si.x inches wide and three hi<;ii, upon which Fig 3."). Smudge Altars: a. the beaver buiulh!: h the smoking-otter; r the catcher's mcclicine-pipc, the Kround is red, the size about one foot square: