't^ v^' aX^' '^p -f ^. c AMERICAN HISTORY BOOKS BY J. A. JAMES, Ph.D. AND A. H. SANFORD, MA. Published by Charles Scribner's Sons Our Government — Local, State and National . net, .75 (Also published in special State Editions) Government in State and Nation net, $1.00 American History . . . net, 1.40 George Washington From the painting by Gilbert Stuart. Property of the Metropolitan Mus. 1 of Art. By permission AMEKICAN HISTORY BY JAMES ALTON JAMES PROFKSSOR OF HISTORY IN NORTHWESTERN UNIVERSITY ALBERT HART SANFORD PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN THE STEVENS POINT, WISCONSIN, STATE NORMAL SCHOOL WITH MANY ILLUSTRATIONS AND MAPS NEW YORK CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 1909 Copyright, 1909, by CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS LIBRARY of CONGRESS Two CoDies Received APK 19 \m Csp>'ri»f.'it Entry ruViS CX XXc No. PREFACE It has been the aim of the authors of this book to give the main features in the development of our Nation, to explain the America of to-day, its civilization and its tra- ditions. In order to do this, it was necessary to select topics from the various fields of human activity, the politi- cal, industrial, social, educational, and religious. Empha- sis has been placed upon the fact that the position the United States occupies among the great nations is due primarily to the achievements of men and women in these fields. Consequently the military phases of our history, striking as some of them are, have in a measure been sub- ordinated to the accounts of the victories of peace. We have thought it desirable also to give greater prominence than has been usual in school texts to the advance of the frontier and to the growth and influence of the West. Particular care has been taken to state the essential facts in European history necessary to the explanation of events in America. How may the subject be best presented to the pupils of high-school age has been constantly in mind. To that end, only trustworthy illustrative material has been included and the maps have been prepared with great care. While there is no separate chapter or section devoted to a discus- sion of the physical geography of America, it will be noted that the influence of geographical conditions has been con- stantly stated in connection with events and conditions mentioned in the volume. The references given in the suggestive questions at the V vi Preface end of each chapter are to books which might well be in- cluded in a sciiool or a public library. Teachers will, no doubt, modify these supplementary references to suit local conditions. A more extensive list is accessible in the syl- labus, "History in the Secondary Schools," issued under the auspices of the New England History Teachers' Asso- ciation and published by D. C. Heath and Co. Wherever possible, by means of marginal references and supplementary questions, the intimate relations between American history and government have been indicated. The outlines to be found in Appendix I carry out this plan of correlation in so far as it is practicable. We are under obligation to many teachers of history in the secondary schools for practical suggestions. We desire especially to e\-press our indebtedness to the following teachers of history for reading certain chapters of the manuscript and proof: William H. Shephard, North High School, ^Minneapolis ; L. A. Fulwider, Freeport, 111., High School; B. E. Powell, New Trier Township, 111., High School; Carlo F. Sargent, Northwestern Academy, Evans- ton; Edward C. Page, DeKalb, 111., State Normal; A. D. T. Gillett, Superior, Wis., State Normal; WiUiam Kittle, Secretary of Normal Board of Regents, jMadison, Wis.; Dr. Royal B. Way, Beloit College; and to J. P. Odell, Instructor in EngUsh, Northwestern University, Professor Charles W. ]\Iann, of Lewis Institute, Chicago, has read much of the manuscript and nearly all of the galley proofs. He has also kindly furnished a number of illustrations. We shall be pleased to be informed of any errors and to receive any suggestions which may make the book more usable. EvANSTON, Illinois, January 1, 1909. CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I. — The Discovery of America 1 II. — Spanish Exploration and Colonization, . . 17 III. — The Rivalry of Nations in the Sixteenth Century, 27 IV.— Virginia .\nd Maryland, 37 V. — New ENGL.^^ND, , . 50 VI.— Further English Colonization, .... 68 VII. — The Colonies after the Restor.^tion, 1660- 1690, 85 VIII.— The French in America, 104 IX. — The English Colonies in the Eighteenth Century, 128 X. — Causes of the American Revolution, . . 142 XI.— The Revolutionary War, 1776-1783, . . .162 XII. — The Period of the Confeder.a.tion, 1781- 1789, 183 XIII. — The Formation of the Federal Consti- tution, . 197 XIV. — Organization of the New Government, THE Federalists in Control, . . . .215 XV.— Foreign Relations, 1793-1801, 226 XVI.— Democracy and Expansion, 1801-1811, . . 241 XVII. — The Second War for Independence, . . 259 vii viii Contents CHAPTER P\G^ XVIII.— Reorganization, Westward Migration, and Internal Improvements, 1815-1825, . . 271 XIX.— The Development of Nationalism, 1815- 1830, -'85 XX.— The New Democracy and the Increase OF Sectional Feeling, 1830-1845, . . 297 XXI.— Territorial Expansion and Growth of THE Slavery Issue, 327 XXII. — Slavery Extension and Sectional Feeling, 346 XXIII.— Secession and Civil War, 368 XXIV.— The Civil War (Cott/imiefZ), 1863-186.5, . . .398 XXV.— Reconstruction, 1863-1872, 415 XXVI.— Diplomacy, Finance, and Politics, 1865-1877, 437 XXVII.— Industrial and Social Changes, 1866-1886, . 451 XXVIII.^PoLiTiCAL Changes and Industrial Expan- sion, 1880-1890, 460 XXIX.— Industrial and Political Problems, 1890- 1897, 477 XXX.— The Spanish-American War, 1898, . . . .497 XXXI.— The Opening of a New Era 507 APPENDIX I. — The Correlation of American History and Government 527 II. — Constitution of the United States of America, 536 III.— Index, 553 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS George Washington, Frontispiece PAGE Christopher Columbus, 7 Americus Vespucius, 12 De Soto, 22 A Spanish Mission Church, 24 Sir Fr.incis Drake, 31 Sir Humphrey Gilbert, 33 Ship of the Sixteenth Century 35 Jamestown in 1622, 44 George Calvert, First Lord Baltimore, 46 First Seal of Plymouth Colony, 51 Signature of. Governor Bradford, 52 Governor Winthrop, 55 Signature of Roger Williams, 59 Old House in Guilford, 1639, . 62 Charleston, South Carolina, 77 William Penn 79 Signature of Governor Berkeley, 86 Dutch Cottage in Beaver Street, New York, 1679, . . 97 Palisaded Indian Village, 102 Champlain's Plan of the Fort of the Iroquois, . . . 107 A Possible Portrait of Marquette, 110 Governor Spotswood, 119 William Pitt, 123 ix X List of Illustrations PAOE View of Quebec, 124 A Colonial Fire Engine, 130 Three-shilling Massachusetts Bill of 1741, .... 132 A Satire on Royal Government, 137 Benjamin Franklin, . 146 John Dickinson, of Pennsylvania 149 Samuel Adams, 150 Carpenters' Hall, Philadelphia, 153 Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, 157 Room in Independence Hall in which the Declaration WAS Signed, 159 Lafayette, 169 Colonel Daniel Boone, 171 North Carolina Currency 174 John Paul Jones, 175 The Old Potts House at Valley Forge, used by Wash- ington AS Headquarters, 182 View of Pittsburg in 1790, 190 John Jay, 192 First United States Coin, 193 Dollar of 1794, 216 Alex.vnder Hamilton, 219 Home of Washington, 223 Fort Washington (Cincinnati), 230 John Adams, 232 Samuel Slater, 237 Model of Cotton Gin, 238 Thomas Jefferson, 242 John Marshall, 243 List of Illustrations xi PAGf Cavalry Private, 1801, ^44 The Clermont, 249 James Madison, 254 Tecumseh, 256 Infantry Private, 1810, 260 The Constitution and Guerrikre, 263 Flat-boat, 275 Plan of the Erie Canal, 277 James Monroe, 286 John Quincy Adams, 290 Henry Clay, 291 John C. Calhoun, 293 The Hermitage, 294 Andrew Jackson, 298 First Steam Train Run on the Pennsylvania State Railroad, 300 Old Railroad Time-table, 301 City of Washington, 1830, 305 Daniel Webster, 307 William Lloyd Garrison, • • -315 Wendell Phillips, 317 Campaign Button, Samuel F. B. Morse, 319 323 Home of John C. Calhoun, 324 Harriet Beecher Stowe, 340 Stephen A. Douglas, 347 James Russell Lowell, 358 Roger B. Taney, 360 John Brown, 363 xii List of Illnsirafions PAGE Campaign Button, 365 Abraham Lincoln, 369 Jefferson Davis, 372 Salmon P. Chase, 374 The Cairo — A Mississippi'! River Gunboat, .... 383 John Ericsson, 384 Transverse Section of the INIoxitor through the Center of the Turret, 385 George B. McClellan, 386 Gen. Thos. J. Jackson, 391 Facsimile of a Vicksburg Newspaper Printed on Wall Paper, 395 Fractional Currency of the Civil ^YAU Period, . . 400 Ulysses Simpson Grant, 404 Philip H. Sheridan, 407 William Tecumseh Sherman, 408 General Robert E. Lee, C. S. A., ... ... 410 Parole Signed by a Confederate Soldier, .... 417 Amnesty Oath to be taken by Confederates, . . .417 Charles Sumner, 422 Facsimile of a Bill for Furnishing the State House AT Columbia, S. C, in 1872, 429 Facsimile OF a "Gratuity" Voted to Governor Moses by the South Carolina Legislature in 1871, . . 431 Horace Greeley, 433 William H. Seward, 438 Samuel J. Tilden, 446 Rutherford B. Hayes, 448 James A. Garfield, 462 George William Curtis, 463 List of Illustrations xiii PAGE Grover Cleveland, 465 Benjamin Harrison, 469 James G. Blaine, ... 471 William Jennings Bryan, 483 William McKinley, 484 Side and Front Views of Bell's Fir.st Telephone, . 491 Tho.mas a. Edison, 492 The United States Battle-ship Maine Entering Havana Harbor, January, 1898, 498 The Rough Riders, 503 Theodore Roosevelt, 509 Machine which Reaps, Threshes, and Bags Grain at THE Same Time, 511 At Work on the Panama Canal in the Culebra Cut, . 515 Steel Productions, 1903, 518 A CoTTOw Mill, Augusta, Ga,, 521 W1LLIA.M H. Taft, 524 LIST OF MAPS PAGE Mediaeval Trade Routes, ^ Regions Explored BY Columbus AND Vespucius, ... 11 Early Geographical Ideas OF America, 13 Spanish Voyages OF Exploration AND Conquest, ... 18 The Outward Voyages of Great Explorers, ... 28 Grants made to the London and Plymouth Companies, . 38 Early Settlements IN Virginia and Maryland, ... 40 The New England Colonies, 57 New Netherland in 1656, '- The Carolina Grant by Charter of 1665, .... 75 The Middle Colonies, ^^ Location OF Indians IN THE Seventeenth Century, . . 99 The Explorations op Champlain, 105 The Routes of the French Explorers, 109 North America in 1689 AND 1713 (colored), 112 The French and Indian Wars, 1689-1748, . . . .114 French Posts and Portages in the West, . . . .110 Western Forts— French and Indian War, .... 121 European Possessions by Treaty of Paris (colored), . 125 The Vicinity of Boston During the Siege, .155 The Campaign of 1776, 103 Campaigns of 1777, ^^^ The West During the Revolution, 172 XV xvi List of Maps PAGE The War in the Southern States, 177 Map Showing the Position of the French and Ameri- can Troops at Yorktown 178 The United States in 1783 (colored), 187 Distribution of Population in 1790, 208 Wayne's Campaign and Treaty of Greenville, . . . 231 Presidential Election of 1800 236 The United States in 1803 (colored), 246 War, 1812, on the Northern Frontier, ..... 262 LeadingRoads and Waterways, 1825 (colored), . . .278 Distribution of Population in 1820, 279 Election of 1824, 295 Election of 1828, 29"5 Canals and Railroads, 1840 (colored), 296 Distribution of Population in 1830, 299 Texas at the Time of Annexation, ....... 329 Western Part of the United States in 1850, . . . 338 Acquisition of Territory, 1789-1853 (colored), . . 349 Distribution of Population, 1860, 353 Railways in 1860, 355 Election, 1860, 365 Charleston Harbor, 375 The Vicinity op Washington, 377 The United States in 1861, 378 The Seat of War in the West, 382 McClellan's Campaign in Virginia, 1862, 387 Campaigns in the East, 1862-1863, 389 Map of the Battle of Gettysburg, 393 The Vicksburg and Chattanooga Campaigns, . . . 394 List of Maps xvii PAGE Grant's Campaign, 1864-1865, 403 Map Illustrating Sherman's March to the Sea, . . . 409 Election Map of 1876, 447 Population Map, 1880, . ■ 461 Election Map of 1890, 482 The Philippine Islands, 500 The West Indies and Adjacent Shores, 501 The Commerce of the Pacific (colored), .... 505 Movement of Centers of Population and Manufac- tures, 1790-1900, 508 Panama Canal AND United States Can.\l Strip, . . .514 The Vanderbilt Railroad SystexM, 517 AMERICAN HISTORY CHAPTER I THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA The geographical separation of the American conti- nents from those of the Eastern Hemisphere is the first great fact in their history. It was, in part, a consequence of this fact that there was an entire lack of contact between the peoples of Europe and the New World during the many centuries when civilization was developing in the former. The original inhabitants of America were en- tirely uninfluenced by European ideas, and never devel- oped beyond a primitive stage of civilization. When, at last, the streams of influence began to flow between the Old World and the New, the civilization that crossed the Atlantic was not Oriental, nor classic, nor medieval, but modern. America came under European influence pre- cisely at the time when the new life and the new spirit of progress that characterize modern times were becoming dominant. The long isolation of America was due to the obstacles The North- that lay in the way of its discovery by Europeans. These ^g^"^ ^°^' were, briefly, (1) the great ocean that lay between; (2) the lack of adequate means of navigation; and (3) the lack of the spirit of adventure and geographical inquiry, or its employment in other directions. These difficulties were temporarily overcome five centuries before the time of Columbus by the hardy and adventurous Northmen of the Scandinavian peninsula. They had made conquests upon the coasts of England and of northern France, and had penetrated even to Mediterranean countries. They 2 American History sailed in their long boats* to Iceland (874 A.D.), and there built up a considerable colony. Greenland was next found, and here Norse settlements existed for several centuries. In the year 1000, Leif Ericson, sailing from Norway for Greenland, lost his way and explored for some distance along a strange coast, which we may believe was that of Nova Scotia or of New England. In one locality he found grapes in abundance; and so we have the name Wineland, or Vinland. Other voyages followed that of Leif, and timber was carried from Vinland to Greenland and to Ice- land. The Northmen traded for furs with the Indians, or "skraelings," as they called the natives, and, of course, quarrels arose between them which led to the abandon- ment of the colony. The Norse occupation of American coasts was not renewed because of the difficulty and un- profitableness of the voyage. This account follows the old Norse traditions or sagas, which were first written in permanent form about two centuries after the events they describe. It is impossible to tell how many of the details of the accounts are true. Since no tangible remains of the Norse settlements exist, the exact location of their explora- tions cannot be determined. Probably the Norse visits to Vinland had no influence upon the discovery of America by Columbus; for the knowledge of them seems to have had no existence in southern Europe during the Middle Ages. It has been stated that before the fifteenth century the people of Europe lacked the means of navigation, and the curiosity and determination that were necessary to surmount the difficulties of a trans-Atlantic voyage. The idea that such a voyage was possible had not been lack- ing; it was, in fact, based upon the belief in the sphericity of the earth. This belief was of very ancient origin, , having been taught by the Greeks of the sixth century * It was the custom of the Northmen to make a sea-roving chieftain's boat his tomb and to cover it with a huge mound of earth. One of these Viking ships was unearthed at Gokstad, Norway, in 1880, and another at Oseberg in 1903. Each is over one hundred feet long. See Century Magazine, September, 1905, 729-733. Its trans- modern times. The Discovery of America 3 before Christ. Aristotle (fourth century B.C.), Strabo (contemporaneous with Christ), PHny (first century A. L).), and Claudius Ptolemy (about 150, A.D.), are among the learned men of Greece and Rome who taught this fact. Moreover, the size of the earth had been approximately calculated, although ancient authorities never reached an agreement upon this matter. This knowledge concerning the shape and size of the earth did not die out with the decline of learning that took place during the Middle mission to Ages; but, preserved by the Arabians and by the scholars of the monasteries, it was transmitted to the time of Co- lumbus. At this time "astronomers, philosophers, men of general learning, and even navigators and pilots were quite familiar with the idea and quite in the habit of thinking of the earth as a sphere." * In the Colombina Library at Seville there may be seen a Latin treatise upon geography written by Cardinal D'Ailly or AUiacus, a learned theologian and philosopher; and upon its margins are annotations in the handwriting of Columbus. Now, this author (writing about 1400) quotes Roger Bacon (about 1250), who in turn quotes Aristotle as authority upon these matters. Thus "the torch which Aristotle had kindled was transmitted by Bacon to Alliacus; AUiacus handed it on to Columbus."! Nor did the geographers of ancient times hesitate to follow their ideas to logical conclusions; viz., that the great sea which lay west of the Pillars of Hercules (Gibraltar) was the same that washed the eastern shores of Asia; and that a vessel sailing w^estward from Spain would surely reach those shores. Such beliefs were, of course, confined to the learned few and to navigators. The mass of peo- ple in both ancient and medieval times held the concep- tion of a flat earth, surrounded by oceans, and covered by the dome-like heavens. * Cheyney, European Background of American History, 52. t Payne, History of America, I, 50. For a reproduction of Alli- acus's treatise showing the annotations of Columbus, see Wilson, History of the American People, I, 3. Also Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, I, 31. American History At the beginning of modern times, conditions became favorable for tlie accomplishment of the trans-Atlantic voyage and the discovery of America. 1. The fourteenth and the fifteenth centuries mark a transition period in the history of civilization; for there came about in these centuries many changes presaging the new intellectual activity of modern times. This was the high tide of the Renaissance. The human mind was as- suming the attitude of inquiry toward both nature and man. Hence we have notable contributions to civilization not only in the fields of art and literature but also in those of science and invention. We find at this time evidences of that modern scientific curiosity coupled with the practi- cal spirit of enterprise which had been lacking in ancient and medieval times, and which we may regard as an in- dispensable condition for the discovery of the New World by the Old. This was the age of exploration — men were making geographical discoveries in all directions. The reaching out for new lands was but one form in which the intellectual activity of the new era found expression. The epoch-making voyage of Columbus was not an iso- lated event, but only one in a long series of discoveries. "The greatest fruit of the Renaissance was America."* 2. In the time of Columbus the facilities for making an extensive ocean voyage were better than ever before. The compass, probably derived by the Arabs from the Chinese, had been used in navigation for several centuries, and gradually mariners had become emboldened by its use. The astrolabe, by means of which latitude could be de- termined from observations of the heavenly bodies, was a great aid to navigation. In the thirteenth century the small galleys of ancient times began to be superseded by high-built vessels fit to navigate the ocean and large enough to carry the stores needed on a long voyage. 3. The immediate cause, supplying the impulse for the crossing of the Atlantic Ocean, was commercial. * Payne, History of America, I, 14. The Dm-ovrri/ of America 5 It was sLnplv the necessity for opening up new routes Trade^with for c-ommerJe with the Orient. The old routes, as ,,, . s^own on the accompanying map, had been m use smce lat.d by ancient times. India and other eastern countries had crusades, been, from time innuemorial, the sources of luxuries and U O C E A N f^ \ Medieval Trade Routes. riches craved by the people of Mediterranean countries That great movement' of the twelfth and the thirteenth centuries known as the Crusades had brought Europeans into closer contact with travellers and traders from he East; thus new products were introduced into Europe, the 6 America}) History routes and methods of trade became more familiar, and from this time the growth of commerce became very marked. The sugar and spices, silks and jewels, drugs and oils of the East were exchanged for the iron, tin, lead, grains, wool, soap, and furs of the Mediterranean and Baltic countries. Fifteenth-century Europeans believed that the commercial possibilities of that indefinite and almost unknown region called "India," were by no means fully developed. Vague stories were afloat concerning the untold riches of that land and of others lying beyond. From Cathay (China) had come accounts of populous empires and their enormous resources. Marco Polo, an Italian, had first travelled in Cathay, and later had lived there for seventeen years in official service. His accounts of the country and its riches, written about two centuries before the discovery of America, and while he was lying in a Genoese prison, were now being studied with great interest. The necessity for a new route to the eastern countries came about when, in the fourteenth century, the Turks began to attack the caravans and to restrict the trade by the old routes. Constantinople was captured by the Turks in 1453; and before the end of the fifteenth century a like fate was suffered by all the cities that were centres of Euro- pean trade on the Black Sea and the eastern Mediter- ranean. Trade was not forbidden, but the supply of eastern products available for European markets was very much reduced, because merchants were burdened with re- strictions, because life and property became unsafe, and because the barbarous Turks, caring little themselves for the luxuries of the East, cared less to import them for sale in the West. At the same time, the growth of wealth in European countries gave rise to an increased demand for these goods. The Red Sea route was not closed until the Turks captured Egvpt, early in the sixteenth century; but the Arabs had a monopoly of the trade by this route, and raised the prices. All western Europe felt the burden of these new conditions ; and it was the determination to open up new highways of commerce with the East and thus at once to The Discover!/ of America 7 thwart the enmitv of the Turks and to introduce competi- L.L.h th. Ambs. that led to the discovery of America. tion with the Arabs, Christopher Columbus Marine Museum, Madrid influ- ence of Prince Contemporaneously .vith tliese changes others of great The consequence were taking place. The nations of western ' Europe, whose borders touched the Atlantic Ocean, were He™ .; rising into prominence, and foremost among them was the tUe kingdom of Portugal. Prince Henry of Portugal 8 American History (1394-1460), gave great encouragement not only to scien- tific investigation but also to practical exploration. By the year 14G0 Portugese na\4gators had visited all the island groups that lay off the coast of Africa — the Ma- deiras, the Canaries, the Azores, and the Cape Verde Islands — and were pushing their voyages gradually south- ward along the coast of that continent. Besides the trad- ing motive that incited these voyages there came to be a conscious attempt to discover a new route to India, an attempt based upon the current belief (this in turn based upon classic authorities) that Africa did not extend so far south as the equator. Therefore, it was argued, a short voyage to India could be made around this continent. During the third quarter of the fifteenth century the Portu- guese voyagers sailed farther south on the western coast of Africa, crossing the equator in 1471, and later finding longer stretches of coast to the southward. Columbus had lived in Portugal, probably between 1470 and 1486, and during a large part of this time was in the maritime ser^'ice of that country. Consequently he was familiar with the advanced ideas of geography and na\igation there prevalent. It was his contention that the shortest water route to India lay due west across the Atlantic Ocean, rather than around Africa. Although, in ancient times, a close approximation had been made to the actual size of the earth, it was the belief of Columbus that the islands l}dng off the eastern coast of Asia were distant from the Canaries only 2,500 miles. This view is ex-plained by the fact that, according to many authorities of his time, Asia extended eastward for a dis- tance equal to the entire width of the Pacific Ocean. This geographical error was most fortunate for Columbus; for had his knowledge of the distance between Europe and Asia been accurate, he would probably never have under- taken the voyage. The ambition of Columbus was aided by another geographical misconception; viz., that in the mid-Atlantic islands existed that of Tosca- nelli. The Discovery of America 9 would serve as half-way stages on the western voyage. English and Portuguese sailors had repeatedly set forth to find these fabled islands, but without success. In the biography of Columbus, written by his son Ferdinand, The letters we are told that a famous doctor of Florence, Toscanelli by ^^^^^P name, wrote letters, first to a friend in Portugal and later to Columbus, sustaining the geographical ideas above stated and encouraging the execution of a voyage across the Atlantic Ocean. Accompanying his letter in each case was a map showing the proximity of Asia to the western coast of Europe, and also show- ing, in favorable positions, various islands that we know to be mythical. It is said in the biography that Columbus carried a copy of this map when on his first voyage. The most eminent authorities disagree upon many points in the life of Columbus. We may be certain that he led a seafaring life during his youth.and that his occupation as a man was map- and chart-making. He went on many voyages, and probably visited the coasts of Africa and of Iceland. He was a deep stu- dent of all available writings upon geography and navigation. His convictions were based upon years of patient study. By the end of the fifteenth century the times were ripe for the long-postponed transatlantic voyage; the idea of its possibility rested upon a secure foundation ; many bold voyages were being undertaken, and Portugal was the centre of maritime activity. Here Columbus first made an effort to secure aid in the execution of his plans. But the Portuguese were interested in the route around Africa. Columbus was, in consequence, forced to seek aid else- where, and in 1484 he went to Spain, at the same time sending his brother Bartholomew to England. In his application for aid at the Court of Spain Colum- bus dwelt mainly upon the commercial advantages that would certainly result from his success; and upon the pros- pect of carrWng the Christian religion to the heathen peoples of the East. For years he pleaded in vain. The greatest obstacle to his success was the fact that the Span- ish monarchs, Ferdinand and Isabella, were then engaged in that fierce struggle with the ]Moors which ended in 1492 with the capture of Granada. When the war was over, Columbus was summoned to the court, and then arose 10 American History another obstacle which nearly defeated his plans. The terms upon which Columbus was willing to lead his ex- pedition were, in view of the attendant risk, considered al- together too high. But finally, through the efforts of in- fluential friends of Columbus, Queen Isabella authorized the expedition. In the negotiations preceding his voyage, we mark the perseverance of Columbus as that of a really great man; his practical wisdom is seen in his demand that the expe- dition should be equipped on a scale large enough to ac- complish the end in view; and his supreme faith and cour- age challenge our admiration. He dared to do what others had only dreamed of. The first voyage, from its beginning at Palos in Spain until the discovery of a small island in the Bahama group, on October 12, 1492, lasted ten weeks. We must hold constandy in mind the fact that Columbus believed that the lands discovered were Asiatic. It was well known that many islands lay to the south and east of Asia. When, however, Columbus reached the northern coast of Cuba, and when on his second voyage (1493), he ex-plored its southern coast, he believed that he was on the main land of Cochin China. To him, Hayti was the northern end of Cipango (Japan) — that wonderfully rich island of which Marco Polo had written exaggerated reports. The first and second voyages were disappointing; only small quantities of gold had been found, and the populous cities of India still lay beyond. In the conviction that his goal lay farther south, Columbus directed his third voyage (1498) that way, and found the northern coast of South America at the mouth of the Orinoco River. This he spoke of as "the main land and very large"; and again as "another world." In the same year, the Portuguese navigator, Vasco da Gama, sailed around Africa to India and returned with a rich cargo. This proved a serious blow to the reputation of Columbus, and constituted one cause for the discoverer's decline in favor. Added to this The Discovery of A 11 were the failure of the colonies that he had planted in the West Indies and the machinations of his enemies both in the colonies and at the Spanish Court. But Columbus was permitted to make one more effort to penetrate the obstacles that lay between Spain and India. In 1502-1504 he skirted the coasts of Honduras, Nicaragua, and Panama in a vain effort to find the straits that would lead him into the Indian Ocean. Columbus died in 1506, a broken and defeated old man, still be- lie\ing that he had found Asia and the Indies, and south of these "another world." How did it happen that the continents of the Western Hemisphere received the name "America," instead of being named for their real discoverer, Columbus ? When the Portuguese had succeeded in exploring extensive coasts along western Africa, the Pope issued a decree The "Lin* granting to that nation the control of those heathen coun- cation'^'^ej tries and of others that they might discover even "as far tabiished. as India." Upon the return of Columbus from his first voyage, it became e\ddent that Spain also must have a claim in Asiatic waters. To arrange the division between these two countries, a bull was issued by Pope Alex- irn e YAGES OF VESPUCIUS \ /St ~~-. I 3rd ***** \ ^.^l\ The Regions Explored by Columbus and Vespucius 12 American History ander VI in 1493, and this was supplemented by a treaty in 1494, which finally settled a "line of demarcation." This was a meridian located 370 degrees west of the Cape Verde Islands.* The Portuguese, then, were free to make their future voyages along the African coast and eastward to Asia; while the Spanish, going westward The ex- ploration of the South American coast. Americus Vespucius From Herrera's Historia Generale de las India across the line of demarcation, might explore and colon- ize the heathen lands in that direction. Now, in the year 1500 a Portuguese navigator, Cabral by name, was making a voyage around Africa to India. In the tropical latitudes the course of his fleet bore so far westward that he sighted the coast of Brazil. This he knew must be east of the line of demarcation and hence within the sphere assigned to Portugal. When the news of Cabral's discovery reached Portugal, an expedition was sent out, with which went Americus Vespucius, an as- *About 41 degrees west longitude from Greenwich. SKETCH OF A MAP MADE BY BARTHOLOMEW COLUMBUS. THE EARLIEST TO CONTAIN THE NAME MONDO NOVO (NEW WORLD) THE LENOX GLOBE EARLY GEOGRAPHICAL IDEAS OF AMERICA I The connection of the New World with Asia II The New World (South Annerica) a separate continent III The application of the name"Amenca to both continents M'E-RCATOR'S MAP f541 Early Geographical Ideas of America 14 American History tronomer and navigator. In the years 1501 and 1502 this expedition skirted the coast of Brazil from Cape St. Roque southward for 700 leagues, reaching 35 degrees south latitude. In previous years other expeditions had ex- plored the northern coast of South America, and thus the idea of the immensity of this land, dimly realized by Colum- bus, became impressed upon men's minds. This was in truth a real continent; and, moreover, it was a continent hitherto unknown; for it lay under and south of the equator. It is not strange, therefore, that when Vespucius wrote an account of his voyage he called this land "Mundus Novus," or the New World. Copies of his letter were printed in many different editions and scattered broadcast, especially through northern Europe. The nam- In 1507 Waldseem tiller, a German geographer, was pub- America, hshing a treatise, and in his comments upon the explora- tions of Vespucius he used the following language: "But now these parts have been more extensively explored, and another fourth part has been discovered by Americus Ves- pucius . . . wherefore I do not see what is rightly to hinder us from calling it Amerige or America, i. e., the land of Ameri- cus, after its discoverer x\mericus, a man of sagacious mind, since both Europe and Asia have got their names from wo- men."* The newly invented art of printing made possible the rapid multiplication of the geographies in which this sugges- tion was made; as a result, the name America soon became fixed, first upon the southern continent, and later upon the northern one also, when it was no longer confused with Asia. Slight protest against the injustice thus unintentionally done Columbus arose at this time in Spain, because of the ignorance there concerning the use of the name America in northern Europe. On the other hand, in the countries outside of Spain, people failed to reaHze this injustice because little was known concerning Colxunbus's third voyage. The account of this voyage of 1498 was not printed in Latin until 1508, several years after the voy- ages of Vespucius had become celebrated. ♦Quoted in Fiske, Discovery of America, II, 136. See here also a fac-siraile in Latin of the passage quoted. Jlic Discovery of America 15 Suggestive Questions and References 1. General accounts of the Northmen. Higginson, Larger History of the United States, chap. 2. Fiske, Discovery of Amer- ica, r, chap. 2. Thwaites, The Colonies, 21-23. Lamed, History for Ready Reference (America lOth-llth centuries).' 2. Contemporary accounts. Hart, Contemporaries, I, No. 16. Old South Leaflets, No. 31. American History Leaflets, No. 3. 3. What reasons does Fiske give for believing the accounts of the sagas? Discovery of America, I, 17awrence River as far as Montreal. An attempt to plant a colony in this region, made by Cartier and Uoberval in the years 1540-1543, was a failure. With this event the French Government ceased its actinty in American colonization Cessation for the remainder of the sixteenth century. Little en- activuTin couragement had resulted from the attempts narrated America. above; no gold had been found, the winter climate was severe, and the Indians were hostile. Moreover, the strug- gle with Spain in Europe absorbed the energies of the French people, and when that was ended their attention was given to those internal struggles known as the Hugue- not wars (1 562- 1598). The rise of the Protestants, known as Huguenots, in France The Hu- was contemporaneous with the Reformation 'movements in fj'^'^'^"^^ °" Germany and England. Persecution and the beginning of civil ^^^^^^ ' war made the Huguenots look beyond the Atlantic for a refuge, coast. A settlement at Port Royal (South Carolina) in 1562 was un- successful, and in 1564 another was made at the mouth of the St. John's River in Florida. This was not only a direct insult to the Spanish Government, but the establishment of a colony at 30 American History this point was a serious menace to Spanish interests; for it would constitute a base of operations against Spanish towns and treasure fleets.* Consequently, at the very time when Jean Ribaut was sailing with a fleet to reenforce this colony, a Span- ish captain, Menendez, was hastening across the ocean commis- sioned to destroy it and to establish in Florida a permanent mil- itary station and colony. The thrilling and bloody story of how Menendez accomplished his double purpose, massacring the French and founding St. Augustine in 15()5 (the oldest settle- ment within the limits of the United States), cannot be told here. These were events of vital importance in American history. There was at stake no less a matter than the occupation by European nations of the Atlantic coast. Whose should it be, for colonization and westward ex- pansion? Temporarily the Spanish were in control, but they were destined to go no fartlier in this direction. Ex- cept in the extreme west (among the Rocky JNIountains and along the Pacific coast) Spanish colonies made no further progress within the limits of the present United States. This was due partly to the nature of the country and partly to the fact that Spain, in the closing years of the sixteenth century, was industrially on the decline. The enormous acquisition of wealth from the American mines discouraged, rather than stimulated, sober industry at home. INIoreover, by the ex-pulsion of the Moors and the Jews, Spain lost a most valuable contingent of her labor- ing population. Consequently, American gold was sent abroad to pay for imported goods, and other countries gained the economic advantage of supplying her popula- tion, and that of her colonies, with manufactures and lux- uries. Besides, the wars conducted by Charles V and Philip II exhausted Spain's revenues and weakened her power. We are now ready to ask, why did English interest in American exploration, which apparently made such a promising beginning in the voyages of the Cabots, die out in the years that followed? (1) An immediate reason is * Already French Protestant seamen had plundered and burned Havana (1555) and pillaged Porto Rico (1559). Rivalri/ of Nafious found in the fact that by tlie Cabot voyages neither gold nor wealthy cities were discovered. (2) England was not at this time a commercial nation. Her foreign trade was carried on by foreign merchants-those of Venice and the Hansa towns. (3) In the year 1500 England was one of the backward na- tions of Europe. The quickening of thought and the rise of the adventurous spirit that mark the Renaissance move- ment came to Eng- land later, in con- nection with the great events that occurred during the reigns of Henry VHI and Eliza- beth. The middle of the sixteenth century saw the rise in Eng- land of a new intei-- est in America. (1) Improvements in the art of ship- buildincr gave Englishmen an advantage in the coming competition with other nations. (2) In the Newfound- land fisheries the hardy sailors of the western and south- ern towns had received a training that gave the English people their "sea legs." (3) The Reformation in England, i. c, the breach with the Church of Rome under Henry Vlli resulted later in an intense religious strife between Encliind and Spain— the militant arm of the Church. 32 American Hi story Early English seamen and their exploits. Francis Drake. English efforts to open com- merce with Asia. (4) The rising commercial and maritime spirit in Eng- land and the religious rivalry with Spain both contributed toward the creation of that "keen national feeling" which was a prominent characteristic of Elizabethan times. The rise of these new conditions in England explains the in- creasing boldness of Englishmen upon the high seas. About 1560 John Hawkins began his slaving voyages from the west coast of Africa to the West Indies. This traffic was against Spanish law, and a few years later he was attacked, and his fleet was badly disabled in a harbor on the coast of Mexico. One of the captains of this fleet was Francis Drake. In 1572 Drake com- manded an expedition to the Isthmus of Panama, where he raided Spanish towns, attacked Spanish vessels, and captured treasure that came by this route overland from Peru. Here he first saw the Pacific Ocean, and he resolved to sail on its waters. Accordingly, he set forth in 1577 with a well-equipped fleet of five vessels. Once having passed the Strait of Magellan, he fol- lowed the coast northward, plundering vessels and sailing into harbors to pick up stores of gold and silver. He sailed as far north as Oregon, took possession of the country for England, calling it New Albion, and then crossed the Pacific. He reached England safely (1580) with but one of his five vessels. Besides being one of the boldest voyages in American history, this ex- pedition of Drake went far to hasten the open declaration of hostilities between England and Spain which came within a few years. Meanwhile, the interests of sober commerce were press- ing for recognition. With the expansion of English c(jm- merce in Europe, the desire to participate in the trade with India and China became stronger. The Portuguese monopolized the route around Africa, and the Spaniards claimed sole proprietorship of that around South America. Could not Englishmen reach the East by a northern and hence a shorter route — by a "north-west passage" ? Such was the idea of Frobisher in sailing into the waters now- known as Frobisher's Bay (1.576-1578). Later, 1.585- 1587, John Davis made three similar voyages.* * It was not until 1903-1906 that Captain Admundsen first sailed a vessel the entire distance around the northern end of North America. See Century Magazine, February, 1907, 625. Rivalry of Nations 33 Tliis enterprisinjj Elizabethan age saw the beginnings Reasons for estab- lishing American colonies. of Enghsh colonial ambition. To establish colonies in Anierica would further several objects. (1) In the minds ot Englishmen, American soil sparkled with flakes of gold. (2) American colonies would constitute half-way stations on the long voyages to Asia. (3) They would also consti- tute bases of operation against Spain in the New World. The capture of Spanish gold was one means of "putting a bridle upon Spain." Thus might Eng- land defeat the European ambitions of that nation, i. e., the subduing of Holland and the possible conquest of England. Such were the motives that stirred jthe farst English colonizers. In 1583, Sir Humphrey Gilbert founded in Newfound- land a colony that was unfortunate from the bemnnino- ^"""^^^^^ sickness and desertion reduced their numbers, and Gilbert' "on""" sailing to England to obtain help, was himself lost in mid- 3cean Raleigh, his half-brother, was strongly imbued ivith the spirit of colonization, and in 1584 he sent an ex- pedition to make preparations for the planting of a colony Ihe region found was reputed to be "the most plentiful Sir Humphrey Gilbert Early at- at 34 American History Reasons for failure, The Span ish Ar- mada. sweet, fruitful and wholesome of all the world, and the people the most gentle, loving, and faithful, void of all cruile and treason, and such as live after the manner of the Golden Age." Such was the description of the Carolina coast, thereupon named by Elizabeth, Virginia. In 1585 Raleio-h sent thither a company of more than one hundred men under Ralph Lane and Sir Richard Grenville, and a colonv was established on Roanoke Island. The seiirch for gold and for the South Sea constituted their chief oc- cupation for a year, until hunger drove them to return to England. In "1587, Raleigh sent to America another colony, including both men and women, under John White. These, too, shortly needed help from home; but a threatened Spanish invasion, soon to be described, pre- vented reenforcements from leaving England, and when, in 1591, the relief finally arrived the colony had disap- ^"^Thus ended the earliest English attempts to found col- onies in America. To what was the failure owing? . (1) Both Raleigh and Gilbert erred in selecting their colonists; some of them were criminals, and all were fired by a "restless curiosity and a passion for adventure.^ (2) The search for gold had led to the neglect of agri- culture. The American coast did not furnish sustenance without cultivation, and the Indians could not be de- pended upon to retain a friendly spirit toward colonists who constantly violated their rights. (3) There was about these attempts at colonization an air of romance that wa^ characteristic of the Elizabethan period. These men had no practical acquaintance with the means of sustaining life in a wild country. \Yhile the events above described were m progress, other events in Europe brought to a culmination the rising hos- tility between England and Spain. Philip II determined upon the conquest of England, and in 1588 the Great Armada sailed with the purpose of landing an army on the shores of England. They were met in the Channel Rivalry of Xations 35 by the ships of English seamen, which were of superior construction and fighting power. Tlieir skilful attacks soon disabled the Armada, which, sailing into the North Sea, escaped around the British Isles, losing many of its vessels, and, what was worse, the courage of its sea- men. Thus the maritime power of Spain received a most serious blow.* The moral effect of this victory f upon the English was corres- pondingly pro- found. More than ever they dared to com- pete with Spain on the seas. The effect upon American history is readily seen. Upon the Atlantic coast the English people were now free to fol- low their commercial and colonizing ambitions unhampered fected Ship of the Sixteenth Century How Eng- land's vic- tories af- by the dread of Spanish interference. "Nowhere on the surface of the earth was there a region better fitted for European colonization. Frenchmen and Spaniards passed it by as offering slight hope of present gain. A higher power reserved it for the slower, more patient English- man and his kinsfolk from northern Europe. . . . Their mission was to plant a nation in the New World. "| * " Under the inspiration of this tremendous victory the Atlantic Ocean during the next three years swarmed with English cruisers, and more than eight hundred Spanish ships fell victims to their attacks." Tyler, England in America, 30. t Add to this a second victory, when a Spanish fleet was destroyed in the harbor of Cadiz (1596). JChanning, History of the United States, I, 110. history. 36 American History Suggestive Questions and References 1. The Cabots. Make a list of the disputed questions in the Cabot history. What was the subsequent history of Sebastian Cabot? Fiske, Discovery of America, II, 1-16. Higginson, Larger History of the United States, 75-84. Hart, Contempo- raries, I, No. 26. Old South Leaflets, NosI 37, 115. 2. Early French explorers. Higginson, 108-120. Thwaites, The Colonies, 32-36. Fisher, The Colonial Era, 20-23. Ban- croft, History of United States, I, 14-17. Fiske, New France and New England, 1-12. 3. Verrazano's Voyage. Old South Leaflets, No. 17, 1-12. Fiske, Dutch and Quaker Colonies, I, 58-68. Hart, Contempo- raries, I, No. 34. Parkman, Pioneers of France, 193-199. 4. Cartier. Hart, Contemporaries, I, No. 35. Fiske, New France and New England, 13-24. Parkman, Pioneers, 200-215. 5. The Huguenot colony in Florida. Parkman, Pioneers, chaps. 7 and 8. Bancroft, I, 50-59. 6. England's war with Spain and the Armada. See histories of England. Fiske, Old Virginia, I, 35-40. 7. Hawkins and Drake. Fiske, Old Virginia, I, 15-28. Higginson, 84-101. Drake's voyage around the world. Hart, Contemporaries, I, No. 30. Hawkins's slave voyages. Ihid., I, No. 29, Drake on the California coast. Old South Leaflets, No. 116. Tyler, England in America, 9-13. 8. Gilbert and Raleigh. Fiske, Old Virginia, I, 28-40. Later History of Raleigh. Ibid., I, 52-55. Hart, Contemporaries, I, No. 33. Higginson, 104-107; 137-140. 9. Who was Richard Hakluyt and what were his arguments in favor of colonization ? Eggleston, Beginners of a Nation, 5-6. Fiske, Old Virginia, I, 41-50. Hart, Contemporaries, I, No. 46. Other reasons are stated in Hart, I, 154-157. Bogart, Eco- nomic History of the United States, 26-32. 10. Make a list of mistaken ideas about America. Eggleston, Beginners, chap. 1. 11. Raleigh's colonies. Bancroft, I, 69-79. Hart, Contempo- raries, I, No. 32. Tyler, England in America, 21-33. 12. Further accounts are found in James and Mann, Read- ings in American History, chap. 3. CHAPTER IV VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND In the period of one hundred years which immediately The new succeeded tlie discovery of America, Spain and Portugal commerce, alone had become successful colonizing nations- though from England, France, and Holland bold seamen and am- bitious colonizers had set forth. It is evident that the sixteenth century brought about a complete revolution in the world's commerce. The Atlantic, and not the Medi- terranean, was now the center of activity; the nations of western Europe took the place of the cities of southern Europe as centers of foreign trade. The new route to the East brought increased supplies of Eastern products, which were thereby much cheapened; and from the Ameri- cans now came new products— fish, furs, dvewoods, sugar, and tobacco, besides untold quantities of precious metals and stones. Conimerce, at the end of the sixteenth century, was on The rise of a much larger scale than ever before, as the voyages were Trading longer. Something more than private enterprise was Sr'" therefore required, and in the case of Spain and Portugal this was supplied by complete national control of commer- cial ventures. Each government endeavored to secure for its citizens a monopoly of trade with its colonies. In the northern European countries, on the other hand, the national governments were not ready to assume sucli absolute control of the new commerce; hence we find, especially in England, France, and Holland, the phenom- enon of trading com.panies formed in large numbers during the years under discussion. These companies represented 37 38 American History combinations of capital, the investors being chartered by the government and empowered to carry on trade, es- tabhsh colonies, and build up the maritime interests of the countries concerned. Companies were formed in England for the conduct of trade with the Baltic countries, Russia (the Muscovy Com- pany, 1555), the eas- tern Mediterranean countries (the Levant Company, 1581), Africa (the Guinea Company, 1588), and India (the East India Company, 1600). Thus was the Old World trade divided among the enterpris- ing English mer- Grants made to the London and Plymouth Companies ■hantj It natural that they should wish in the same way to share in the American trade. So we find the organization of companies for trade and colonization in "Virginia" (1606), Guiana (1609), Newfoundland (1610), and Bermuda (1612). Under the charter of 1606 two great companies were formed whose purpose was "to make Habitation, Planta- tion, and to deduce a colony of sundry of our people into that part of America called Virginia, and other parts and territories in America." t It was from the efforts of these * Similar companies, for the development of trade in the same geo- graphical regions, were organized in France and Holland, and several such existed in Sweden and Denmark. t For this charter, see Preston, Documents Illustrative of American History, 2-13. MacDonald, Select Charters, 1-10. lives of their founders. J^iryiiiia and Maryland 39 American companies that the first permanent EngUsh colony grew upon the soil of the New World. Several of the men to whom the charter was granted by- James I held rank and title in English official life, and a few were merchants. They formed two groups: the first, which ;ame to be known as the London Company, might establish a colony on the Atlantic coast between 34° and 41° north latitude; the other was known as the Plymouth Company, and was to colonize between the parallels 38° and 45°. Within the three degrees of latitude where these grants overlapped, when either company planted a colony, the other was not to j)lant another nearer than one hundred miles from it. What were the motives that led to this enterprise? The mo The forces that moved Englishmen to action in the later vears of Elizabeth's reign were still active: England must 2;uard herself against the power of Spain, and one sure ^vay of doing this was to establish military and naval stations in America. The glory of England, too, must be enhanced by the expansion of her trade and by the pos- session of foreign lands. The way to China would surely be discovered, and then commerce and the products of American mines would enrich the nation as Spain had been enriched. To these larger aims were added others of a soberer industrial and more immediately practical character: (1) The co^onrz\-° commercial activity which would be fostered by the tion. possession of colonies was expected to create a great merchant marine; this, in turn, must increase England's naval strength. (2) England would be more independent and self-reliant if the naval stores which she then obtained From the Baltic countries could be furnished by her own colonies. (3) ^Nlany other products which England was abliged to import might be produced in those colonies; among these were glass, soap, and tropical products, such as silk, spices, and wine. On the other hand, England was manufacturing a surplus of woollen goods, and these might be exchanged for the articles just mentioned, rhus, it was argued, Englishmen would not need to send 40 American History coin abroad and their wealtli would grow accordinoly. (4) An economic condition had arisen in England which demanded an outlet for surplus population. The con- dition of agricultural laborers, especially, had changed for the worse; for while prices w^ere increasing, Avith the influx of large quantities of the precious metals, there had been no corresponding rise in wages. At this time, too, many farmers were con- verting their grain fields into sheep , pastures to meet the great demand for wool; this decreased the demand for labor. In this enumeration of the motives that lay behind the colon- izing movement of which the London and Plymouth com- panies were the out- come, we recognize the features of a "practical commer- cial undertaking." We may add to these the religious purpose, "more constantly stated than acted upon, of "prop- agating the Christian Religion to such People, as yet live in Darkness and miserable Ignorance of the true Knowl- edge and worship of God." In 1607, the London Company sent to Virginia 120 men as colonists. Jamestown, where they settled, was situated on a small, sandy peninsula jutting into the James River from its north shore; it was, therefore, "low, damp, and malarious." Add to these disadvan- tages the hostility of the Indians, and we see the un- favorable circumstances under which the enterprise was launched. Early Settlements in Virginia and Maryland Dots indicate the location of plantations on the James rivei Virginia and Maryland 41 But this was not all. The scheme under which the new Defects of colony was to be managed proved to be impractical, ^^t!"' Complete control of both companies was placed by the charter in the hands of a council appointed by the King and resident in England. The immediate government of the colony was placed in the hands of a council, also appointed by the King, consisting of thirteen colonists. This body had a president, but the first to occupy that office — Wing- field— proved his incapacity for executive work, and the result was jealousy, dissension, and all the evils that accrue when weak men in a hazardous position lack a leader who can exercise firm control. There was a leader in the colony, however, and gradually the direction of matters fell into his hands. John Smith, "the one energetic and capable man in these first years," compelled the men to labor; for, he said, "he that will not worke shall not eat, unless by sicknesse he be disabled." He skilfully obtained corn from the Indians when the settlers were starving, and he compelled the systematic planting of corn. He maintained the military strength of Jamestown by drilling the men and building fortifications. The instructions of the London Company to the settlers inchided the following: "You must observe if you can whether the river on which you plant doth spring out of mountains or out of lakes. If it be out of any lake the passage to the other sea [the Pacific Ocean] will be the more easy. ..." Following these instructions Smith made a series of explorations up Chesapeake Bay, the Potomac, and other rivers of Virginia. His map of Virginia be- came the authoritative map of this region for more than a century. After Smith's departure for England (1609), conditions Reorgan- in the colony grew worse. Their numbers fell from more than 600 to 60, and these were abandoning Jamestown when they were met by a ship from England bringing reenforcements and, what was as important, a governor, Lord Delaware, vested with ample powers to rule the colony. There had been (1609), a reorganization of the London Company under a new charter. Instead of the ization. 42 American History local council, the colony was now under the autocratic rule of a governor appointed by the council in England. Under this charter the limits of the land grant were made two hundred miles each way along the coast from Point Comfort and extending "up into the land, throughout, from sea to sea, west and north-west." (See map, p. 38.) In 1612, the second cliarter was superseded by a third, under which the Company was given complete control over its colony. The high price of tobacco in England and Holland made labor six times as remunerative when devoted to that product as when applied to the raising of grains. ^Nlore- over, tobacco was less bulky than other products and con- sequently less expensive to ship. The systematic culti- vation of tobacco began in 1612, and the success of the venture gave the colony a sure economic basis and greatly encouraged its settlement. The members of the London Company expected to make a profit from their investment, (1) by selling com- modities to the colonists, (2) by selling at a profit what- ever the colonists produced, (3) by the collection of duties upon goods shipped into the colony by other traders. In order that the second source of income might be realized, all products raised in the colony must be put into a com- mon storehouse; from this and from supplies sent over by the Company, the inhabitants were to receive their main- tenance. If any surplus product remained this was to be the Company's profit. Since under this plan there was no individual ownership of land or of products, we have a true "plantation" system: the colonists were servants or laborers under the authority of the Company, whose work was supervised by overseers. The system was intended as a temporary measure only, to be in operation while the colony was being firmly established. Experience proved that it was a direct inducement for the lazy and the shift- less to become dependents rather than self-supporting members of the colony. In 1614 Governor Dale began Virginia and Marylaiid 43 the abolition of this communal system by assigning to some of the men three acres apiece which they were to hold as tenants and upon which they might raise enough for their support. When the London Company's "plantation" method of control The land in the colony gave way, some $2,000,000 had been expended, and ^'.f ^^j^" very small returns had been realized upon the investment. i^gima. Henceforth, settlers were regularly given grants of land. This came about in several w^ays: (1) Settlers who had labored for the Company a certain number of years were entitled to 100 acres of land as a dividend. (2) Investors in the Company's stock (called "adventurers") were entitled to the same .amount of land for each share purchased, the shares being worth £12, 10 s. each. (3) Large grants were made to individuals on condition of their transporting to America servants and materials for the cultivation of an estate or "hundred." (4) Any colonist or any "adventurer" who should bear the expense of transporting a laborer to the colony (provided he remained three years) was entitled to fifty acres of land immediately and as much later. This was called a "head right." In these ways the land of Vir- ginia came finally to be held under private ownership — a most important fact in the economic development of the colony. The year 1619 is remarkable in the history of Virginia. The im- In that' year arrived the first ship load of young women, p°'JoJ^°" who became the wives of settlers. We see here the dis- and slave tinct recognition of the value of the home as an element in colonization. The same year there was brought to Virginia a cargo of slaves. The number of slaves did not increase very rapidly at first,* since the demand for labor- ers to clear the forests and to care for the tobacco crop was largely satisfied through the emplo\^nent of indentured servants. These came from several classes : (1) There was a surplus of laborers in England; consequently, many poor people had their passage to iVmerica paid by planters and in return bound themselves to terms of service, generally in- extending four or six years. (2) Owing to hard conditions servSs. of life in England, vagabonds and beggars were numerous and troublesome. (3) Again, the penal laws of England * In 1648 there were but 300 slaves in Virginia, when the whites numbered 15,000 and the annual export of tobacco was 1,500.000 lbs. 44 American History were extremely harsh and the prisons overflowed with con- victs. These, together with the vagabonds and the child waifs of London's streets were transported to America on the order of the authorities, becoming indentured servants. Many of the servants were of good character; some were well educated; others were of the worst sort; the great majority probably became useful citizens upon the term- ination of their terms of service. Jamestown in 1622 From a contemporary Dutch print The year 1619 also saw the establishment of the system of representative government in Virginia. The London Company was a commercial corporation; but under the charters of 1609 and 1612 it was vested with powers of government over its colony.* Li 1609, there were more than six hundred stockholders, and this number was later increased by the accession of several hundred merchants * England and other European countries havCj within recent years, chartered commercial companies and granted to them powers of govern- ment over newly settled regions. Examples are. found in the British East Africa and British South Africa companies and the German West Africa Company. At many points the partition of Africa within recent years resembles the process followed in the early history of America. J'irgiuia and Maryland 45 and craftsmen of London. Then, by the charter of 1612, the stockholders were given the right to hold weekly meet- ings, besides four "general courts" each year for the elec- tion of officers. Now, it happened that among the stock- holders were many influential men of liberal views who were opposed to the policy of James I in the government of England; to these men the meetings of the London Company gave opportunity for free discussion and sharp criticism of the royal policy. Li 1618, the Company ordered that the authority of the governor in Virginia should be limited by a council (composed of councillors selected by the Company), and a representative body which took the name House of Burgesses. The latter was composed of two burgesses elected by popular vote from each plantation or settlement (eleven in number), and met first in 1619. King James naturally disliked the Company; enemies The of the Company in England criticised it for mismanage- ^'^^^^'^j ment of the colony; so, in 1624, the King caused his at- torney-general to bring suit against it, in consequence of which the court declared the charter void. The Company then ceased to exist, and thenceforth the King appointed the governor. The House of Burgesses did not pass out of existence, but continued throughout colonial history. During the fifteen years succeeding the overthrow of Prosperity the London Company, Virginia increased rapidly in popu- '" Virginia, lation. The tobacco industry became the permanent basis of prosperity; it created a demand for labor which brought thousands of poor people to the colony, while the ease of acquiring land was an inducement for the migra- tion of an intelligent and progressive element who became planters. Population spread rapidly up the broad rivers, because tobacco exhausted the soil; laws intended to com- pel the building of cities were disregarded ; and the broad waterways of Virginia became lined with plantations at whose wharves ocean-going vessels could discharge and receive cargoes. 46 American History MARYLAND Balti- more's efforts to colonize. Physical conditions in Mary- land. Sir George Calvert, Lord Baltimore, a man of ability and of considerable prominence during the reign of James I, had been a member of the London Company. Hi.s in- terest in colonization was shown when, in 1621, he at- tempted unsuccessfully to found a colony on the coast of Newfoundland.* He then attempted to settle in "\'ir- ginia, but because he was a lloman Catholic, life there was made unpleasant for him, and he returned to England. He now (1632) sought and obtained a grant of land north of Virginia, extending to the George Calvert, First Lord Baltimore After a painting by Daniel Myteiis. fortieth degree of latitude, where he could be free to found his colony. He died shortly^ before the patent was executed, but his son Cecil at once took up his father's work and founded Maryland, named in honor of the Queen, Henrietta jNIaria. The first settlement in INIaryland was at St. INIary's on Chesapeake Bay in 16,34. The physical features of Mary- land resemble closely those of Mrginia; in both, the mild climate, rich soil, and level lands stretching back to the foothills of the mountains furnished ideal conditions in which to build an agricultural colony. Moreover, the wide-mouthed rivers and the many bays and inlets gave * The project of colonizing Newfoundland reminds us of Gilbert's efforts some forty years previous. Englishmen had still to learn that the climate of these coasts was much colder than that of European countries in the same latitude. Newfoundland is directly west of northern France and southern England, and Jamestown in Virginia corresponds in latitude to northern Africa. Hence the expectation that Virginia should produce semi-tropical products. Virginia and Maryland 47 such freedom of access to the interior that here, as in Vir- Thedivi- ginia, large plantations were laid out. Tobacco was at [-^^d^ first the staple product, and here, too, it was planted in excess, and the value of the plant fell very low. Distinct encouragement was given to the formation of large jilantations. An emigrant who came to Maryland bringing twenty able-bodied men well armed for defence was given a large grant of land — not less than 1,000 acres. INIany estates existed, each containing thousands of acres. Another law had the opposite tendency, in providing that every indentured servant (these were especially numerous in jNIaryland), was entitled to fifty acres at the end of his term of service. Thus many of the large estates became broken up. INIarvland was the earliest successful colony under a Thegov- single proprietor. The authority vested in the proprietor Maryland"' of Maryland greatly exceeded that previously given to any grantee of land in America. He was, in theory, the ab- solute lord of his colony; his authority being limited by the requirement that his government should be in con- formity with the laws of England and that he should yield allegiance to the King. All grants of land proceeded from him. Lord Baltimore did not personally visit the colony, but appointed a governor instead. The early governors were of the Baltimore family, and this con- tributed to the success of the colony. The rights of the proprietor were limited by a pro- Growth of vision of the charter requiring that the laws of the colony ^atfvelT' should be made "by and with the advice, assent and ap- sembiy. probation of the freemen of the said province, or the greater part of them, or of their delegates or deputies." The earliest assembly summoned by the governor in accordance with this provision was in the nature of a primary assembly, being attended by as many of the freemen of the colony as found it convenient. In subsequent years, as settlements and plantations became more scattered, coinparatively few of the freemen attended; some sent proxies, that is, 48 American History delegated their votes to those who did attend. Later, deputies were elected to the assembly from the different settlements, called hundreds. Thus came about a truly representative system. An important motive in the settlement of Maryland was the desire of Lord Baltimore to establish a ])lace of refuge for Roman Catholics, who were persecuted in England. He was, of course, desirous to make the exercise of the Roman Catholic faith perfectly free in his colony. It was evidently impracticable to exclude other religions, even had he desired to do so. From the beginning he encour- aged Protestant settlers to migrate to INIaryland; for he saw that otherwise there would not be sufficient numbers to insure its success. He also exerted his influence to bring about peaceful relations between the adherents of different faiths; religious dissension might lead to the for- feiture of the charter and thus to the financial ruin of the proprietor. It is evident that Lord Baltimore was not the founder of religious toleration as a principle; but that he endeavored, in a broad-minded way, to find a practical solution for the situation as it existed in his colony. Suggestive Questions and References 1. Virginia. Thwaites, The Colonies, 05-77. Lodge, Short History of .the English Colonies, 1-15. Fisher, The Colonial Era, 30-48. 2. The motives for colonization. Fiske, Old Virginia, I, 44- 50. Eggleston, Beginners of a Nation, 73-80; 89-91. Ban- croft, History of the United States, I, 84-85. 3. Fiske's Old Virginia, I. The early life of John Smith, 80- 91. His relations with Pocahontas, 110-111; 108-173. His services to the colony, 130-143; 152-159. Tobacco and its cultivation, 174-177; 231. The first assembly, 18.5-188. 4. Eggleston, Beginners. The planting of Jamestown, 25-31. Estimate of Smith and his writings, 31-40. Dale and other governors, 40-59. 5. Hart, Contemporaries, I. The first setfiers, No. 01. Ac- Vinjiuia and Maryland 49 counts by Smith and Wingfield, Nos. 02, 63. Pocahontas, No. 64. The first assembly. No. 65. Accounts of Virginia, Nos. 66, 67. 6. Bancroft tells the story of Virginia in detail in Vol. I, chaps. 6, 7, and 8. See also, Drake, Making of Virginia and the ^Middle Colonies, 31-65. 7. ^Maryland. Fisher, Colonial Era, 62-68. Thwaites, The Colonies, ' 81-84. Lodge, Short History, 93-99. Eggleston, Beginners, 240-251. Drake, Making of Virginia and the jNIiddle Colonies, 66-76. 8. Calvert's history, motives, and early attempts to colonize. Eggleston, 220-234. " Fiske, Old Virginia, I, 255-265. 9. Father White's account of the first settlement. Hart, Con- temporaries, I, No. 73. 10. To what extent and in what ways did Roman Catholics suffer disal)ilities in England under James I and Charles I ? See Histories of England. 11. Give reasons for the variation in climate of western Eu- rope and eastern America in the same latitudes. 12. jNIake a comparison of the London Company and a Western railroad company of to-day upon the following points: Charter, "adventurers," land grant, transportation of settlers, expected sources of profit. 13. How many of the motives enumerated on pp. 39-40 are still active in English colonial policy? 14. Does the amount of coin in a country measure its wealth ? 15. What measures would men take to-day for the protection of health in camping or settling in a new region similar to that of Virginia ? 16. See James and Mann, Readings in American History, chap. 4. 17. The coming of women to \'irginia is pictured in a novel. To Have and to Hold, by ]NLiry Johnston; the same author portrays the life of indentured servants in Prisoners of Hope. See also, Goodwin, The Head of a Hundred. Sir Christopher. CHAPTER V NEW ENGLAND One of the familiar stories of American history is that of the Pilgrim Fathers: the persecutions they suffered in England on account of their religion; their flight from that country; their residence in Holland; and the voyage, first to Plymouth in England and then to the new Plymouth in America. The spirit of the Pilgrims appears constantly in the course of their history as written by William Brad- ford, one of their leaders. He speaks, for example, of their "valewing peace & their spirituall comforte above any other riches whatsoever." Again, after a residence of twelve years in Holland, when the question of remo\-ing to America was debated, Bradford summarized the con- clusion of the whole matter as follows: "It was answered, that all great & honourable actions are accompanied with great difficulties, and must be both enterprised and over- come with answerable courages. It Avas granted y® dangers were great, but not desperate; the difficulties were many, but not invincible. For though their were many of them likly, yet they were not cartaine; it might be sundrie of y^ things feared might never befale; others by providente care & y® use of good means, might in a great measure be prevented; and all of them, through y*' help of God, by fortitude and patience, might either be borne, or overcome." The Pilgrims were in Holland during the twelve years' truce between that country and Spain which began in 1G09. 50 Vir EnglamJ 51 The possible renewal of war, as that period drew toward its end, was a menace to their comfort and even to their lives. But probably the most weighty consideration which determined the departure from Leyden was their desire to preserve the integrity of their little community and its peculiar faith. What was to them "of all sorrows most heavie to be borne, was that many of their children, . . . were drawne awaye by evill examples into ex- tra vagante& dangerous courses, getting v'^' raines off their neks, & de- parting from their par- ents. ... So that they saw their posteritie would be in danger to degenerate & be cor- rupted." The stormy voyage of the Mat/flowcr carried the Pilgrims farther north than they had ex- pected to go; for their grant of land had been obtained from the London Company, and they were to settle in The May- "the northern parts of Virginia." Because of this change compact, in location, certain persons of their party threatened to do as they pleased after landing; and this led to the adop- tion, aboard the Mayflower, of the famous Compact.* In this document the signers promised "all due submis- sion and obedience" to the laws which should be made by this "civill body politick." The bitter experiences of the Virginia settlers in the fight against hostile nature were repeated at Plymouth; but the coun- * Similar compacts were adopted by other groups of settlers in the New England colonies, under similar circumstances. The Compact re- mained the basis of Plymouth government until the colony was united with Massachusetts (1691). First Seal of Plymouth Colony 52 American History try was healthful and the climate not greatly different from that of England, so that the Pilgrims became acclimated more read- ily than those who settled in the South. Among those who died Governors during the first winter was William Carver, their first Governor. Carver and He was succeeded by William Bradford, the historian of the Bradford, colony, who occupied that office for about thirty years. In their relations with the Indians the Pilgrims were fortunate. A pestilence had greatly thinned the Indian population of this re- Signature of Governor Bradford The com- mon fund. The col- ony's slow growth. gion, and with their nearest neighbors the settlers contracted a peace treaty that lasted many years. The Pilgrims were too poor to pay the expense of their trans- portation and the cost of their maintenance while establishing the colony, and had consequently entered into partnership with certain merchants of London who furnished the necessary cap- ital. In order to secure funds from which dividends (and ulti- mately the principal of the debt) might be paid to the "ad- venturers" or capitalists, a system was adopted similar to that set up in Virginia. All land was held in common. The surplus product of labor (grain, furs, fish, lumber) was put into a com- mon store. Even among the Pilgrims, the system was not a success; there were constant disputes between the colonists and the adventurers, and the incentive to individual effort was dis- tinctly increased by the abolition of the common store and the assignment of separate tracts of land within a few years after the founding of the colony. Plymouth colony did not grow rapidly, having in 1630 but three hundred inhabitants. Gradually new towns * were founded, until in 1643 there were ten altogether, and the population exceeded twenty-five hundred. This slow- ness of growth is accounted for by the poverty of the soil, which was cultivated with difficulty, and the poverty of the people, who could not afford to import laborers. Be- sides, the religious exclusiveness of the Pilgrims was a bar to their increase; for the number of their sect in England at this time was exceedingly small. It was because of the * Among these were Duxbury, Taunton, Barnstable, and Nausett, New England 53 poverty of the people that Plymouth colony established no system of public schools before 1670. At the beginning the "freemen" of this colony gathered Thegov- in mass meetings, decided upon the laws, and elected the Plymouth' Governor and his "assistants." The freemen were the colony. original signers of the Compact and such other persons as they voted to admit to the privilege of participating in the government. When new towns were founded, the people of these were given the authority to control their local affairs. The meeting of all the freemen in the colony now became inconvenient, and each town elected (1639) its "deputies" who represented it in the "general court," or legislative body, of the colony. Thus grew representative government in Plymouth colony. A review of English history in this period will make The rise of clear the position occupied by the Pilgrims and by that plfritans. larger body of Puritans who first founded the great colony of Massachusetts Bay and later filled all New England with a sturdy population. By the Reformation move- ment in England there came about that separation from Papal authority which occurred under Henry VIII (1509-1547), and the changes in doctrine and ceremonies that were made under this monarch and his successor, Edward VI. When Elizabeth came to the throne, in 1558, a large part of the English people were still Roman Cath- olics; but it soon became certain that the English church would not return to its allegiance to Rome. Within this church, a great question remained unsettled: how far should the changes of the Reformation movement go? Gradually, two parties wxre formed — the Conservatives, who were content with what had been accomplished, and the Puritans, who would carry the church farther away from its former position. The Puritan belief represented a protest against the forms and ceremonies that were so prominent, not only in the religious but also in the political and social life of the times. They wished the Bible to be the sole guide in church discipline and 54 American Hi star ij ritual. They would "purify" the service of certain ceremonies that seemed to them not specifically com- mended by the Scriptures: such were the ceremony of the mass, the use of vestments, the sign of the cross in baptism, and the use of the ring in the marriage ceremony. In the matter of church government, the body of Puri- tans did not like the official importance assigned to bishops, and they would give greater weight to the opinion of the laity. Upon this question of church government, however, the Puritans them.selves did not agree. The greater number had no desire to withdraw from the Church of England. They believed in an established state church to which the government should enforce conformity — though they re- fused to conform when their own opinions were not the rules to be enforced. A smaller number of Puritans as- sumed a radical position in rejecting entirely the belief in a state church. These separated themselves from the Church of England and formed independent church bodies. Denying the right of the government to rule their churches, they established the rule of the congregation. Such were the Separatists, or Independents, and it was from this body that the Pilgrims came. The despotically inclined James I (1603-1625) was suc- ceeded by his son Charles I, who, in his attempts to rule arbitrarily, dissolved Parliament three times within four years after his accession to the throne. In the reign of James the Puritans were not subjected to more than oc- casional punishment for their stubbornness. The Separ- atists were more severely treated. The declaration of James concerning all dissenters — "I shall make them con- form themselves or I will harry them out of the land, or else do worse" — was literally realized. And now, under Charles, the main body of Puritans anticipated that the policy of repression was about to be applied to them. For Charles appointed as his chief administrator in church matters William Laud (then Bishop of London and New England 55 later Archbishop of Canterbury), and "conformity" be- came the keynote in Charles's government of the Church of England. It is a cardinal fact in the situation that the party of J^eM^^ssa- Puritan belief in ^^^^ religion had come Company, to be also the party opposed to the absolute rule of the Stuart monarchs. To them, Parliament was the bulwark of English liber- ties, and it was with dismay that they saw the de- termination of Charles to rule without that body. The final decision of leading Puri- tans to endure no longer the threat- ening conditions in England and to establish a colony in America dates from the dissolution by diaries of his third Parliament, ^larch, 1629. Within a w-eek from that date the King granted a charter to twenty prominent Puritans, confirming their title to a strip of land between the Charles and the jNIerrimac Rivers and three miles beyond each. This was the incorporation of the "Governor and Company of Massachusetts Bay m New England." Later in the same year, the Company voted at a meetmg The^^reat in London to remove the charter and government to their colony in America. Consequently, the year 1630 saw the ^^^^^^^ : tvm 6/^ ?. ^ CJovernor Wiiit naintint' ill the Stat. emigra- tion. 56 American History Why the charter was taken to America. The Com- pany and the Colony. The gov- ernment of the colony. emigration of a body of one thousand Puritans to the region of Mas.sachusetts Bay, bearing witli them the form of their government and entering at once upon the found- ing of "a new state" in the New World. At the same time John Winthrop became governor of the Company. The transference of the charter was possible because its terms fixed no place for the meetings of the members and officers of the Company. It was, to all outward appearance, merely a trading corporation organized for gain. No hint of the underly- ing purpose was expressed in the charter. This purpose was the establislmient in America of a new state modelled upon the peculiar ideas of the Puritans.* The discovery of this intention might lay the Company open to persecution. The consequences following upon the removal of the legal residence of the Massachusetts Bay Company to America were momentous. By this act the Company be- came merged into the colony; for though very few of the stockholders (called "freemen") actually came to Amer- ica, new settlers were admitted to membership in the Com- pany, and so the Company tended to become identical with the colony. In the provision that each member must be an adherent of the Puritan church we see firmly established the principle that religious and not commercial consid- erations were dominant. These were the freemen — the voters — of the colony. Thus the Puritan element ruled, and here the Puritans worked out their ideal common- wealth, almost entirely free from outside interference. INIassachusetts Bay Colony grew rapidly. Soon were planted about Boston (founded in 1630), numerous other towns — Newtown (Cambridge), Charlestown, Dorchester, Roxbury, and Watertown. The original provision of the charter for the government of the Company included the election by the stockholders of a governor, a deputy-gov- ernor, and eighteen assistants. There were to be meetings of the Company, called general courts, at least four times * This was the idea of the men who planned and guided the colony. The great mass of emigrants in following these leaders were moved by an intelligent purpose to better their economic condition. Nc2r England 57 yearly. These provisions now a])plied to the (i^overnnient of the eolony. The seatterino; of ]:)opulation rendered the holding of the general courts impracticable, and there was The New England Colonies a tendency on the part of some of the authorities to con- trol matters without reference to the colonists. But within a few years it came about that each town sent two deputies 58 American History to the general court at Boston. The deputies sat first with the assistants, and later alone; they then constituted the lower house of the colonial legislature, the assistants con- stituting the upper house. At the same time the assistants were administrative officers, and sat as a judicial body to try cases. The governor, the deputy-governor, and the assistants were elected by the freemen. The colony was thus, in form, a small republic. For the government of their towns, the Puritans selected certain political forms to which they had been accustomed in the mother country. The English town, or parish, furnished the model. Selectmen were elected (correspond- ing to the church wardens in England) who had general oversight of town affairs, both civil and ecclesiastical. The parish meetings became town meetings in America, to which were admitted not only the freemen of the colony (church members), but other landholders as well. For conducting the various functions of local government, care of the church, schools, poor, roads, boundaries, etc., numer- ous officers were elected. These were the clerk, treasurer, constables, justices, pound-keepers, fence viewers, and often many others. The town was thus a pure democracy. While, for a short time, the Puritans in America claimed to continue in allegiance to the Church of England, it is not strange that their freedom from restraint, coupled with the advice and example of the Plymouth settlers, led them to establish their church in America upon an independent foundation. We must not infer, however, that the freedom which the Puritans sought for themselves they were willing to grant to others. The discussions that arose over Roger Williams and j\Irs. Anne Hutchinson reveal in a strong light the intolerance of the Puritans.* * " It was no modern generalized love of liberty, civil or religious, but a strenuous desire to find a place where they might make real their ideal of church organization that brought the Puritans out of their comfort- able nests in England to dwell in poor cabins in a wilderness." Eg- gleston, Beginners of a Nation, 197-19S. \civ England 59 Roger Williams, a man of great natural ability and a "The graduate of Cambridge, was a minister in Salem. Here rengious" he announced a new doctrine; viz., that the King of freedom." England had no right to grant Indian lands in Amer- ica to the colonists. It was also AVilliams's theory that the governments of church and state should be ^anvJ Signature of Roger Williams separate instead of united. JMore specifically, he de- nounced the Puritan system of civil laws compelling church attendance and the observance of the Sabbath, and taxing the jseople for the support of the church. His ideas upon this point were in accord with the prin- ciples of our government to-day; but they were precisely contrary to the Puritan theory and practice. Williams was therefore sentenced by the general court to banish- ment. Escaping, when they threatened to transport him to England, he fled to friendly Indians, in the winter of 1635-1G36. With four or five companions •he founded Providence, the first town in the future colony of Rhode Island. In character Roger "Williams was almost above reproach, but he was an impractical leader. Far in advance of his age upon the great principle of religious toleration, he was yet like his con- temporaries in his fondness for abstruse and dogmatic theorizing upon many points of theology. To the authorities of Massa- chusetts Bay Colony, his banishment seemed necessary as a means of curbing the tendency toward religious dissent, which, if allowed full play, might destroy the unity and undermine the strength of the colony. In the same way certain Presbyteri- ans, Baptists, and Quakers of the colony were fined and im- prisoned for their dissent. These sects were tolerated in Rhode 60 American History Island, however, and this colony became a refuge for the per- secuted.* Mrs. Anne Hutchinson differed from orthodox Puritans upon some points in theology with which the modern world does not concern itself; and although at one time she had the sympathy of the go\'ernor of jMassachusetts, Sir Henry Vane, the leading minister of Boston, John Cotton, and a large number of the Boston Puritans, yet she was con- demned to banishment. Some of her followers founded Newport and Portsmouth in Rhode Island, and later Mrs. Hutchinson removed thither. The two towns last men- tioned united under a single government. Later, Williams went to England and obtained a charter under which, in 1647, a union was consummated consisting of all the Narragansett Bay settlements under the name "Provi- dence Plantations." Thus was founded the colony of Rhode Island. Since the Puritans made the maintenance of religious purity and discipline one of the first duties of the civil government, it was natural that the ministers should exert a dominant influence. f Hence, we have in JMassachusetts Bay Colony a veritable theocracy. "Like the ecclesi- astics of the ]Middle Ages, the ministers of New England were statesmen and political leaders." | This fact, coupled with the limitation of the suffrage, gave for many years a distinctly aristocratic trend to a government that was theoretically democratic. Early in the history of New England, the valley gf the Connecticut River became known for its great fertility * "Noe person within the sayd colonye, at any tyme hereafter, shall bee anywise molested, punished, disquieted, or called in question for any differences in opinione in matters of religion, and [he] doe not actually disturb the civill peace of our sayd colony." Extract from Rhode Island Charter of 1662. t Among the ministers of great ability and of learning in the Cal- vinistic theology of the times were John Cotton, Richard Mather, and Thomas Hooker. t Osgood, The American Colonies in the Eighteenth Century, I, 218. New England 61 and for the advantages it offered to fur traders. The Dutch (then estabhshed at the present site of New York) traded there, and in 1633 they planted a fort where Hart- ford now stands. At this time there arose among the people of Newtown, T^ie settie- Watertown, and Dorchester a desire to remove to the L on- connecti- necticut Valley. In 1636, bodies of colonists migrated cut. from these towns, and established Hartford, Windsor, and Weathersfield. This movement, as it could not very well have been prevented, was authorized by the Massa- chusetts government. Local control in the new towns was provided for temporarily by the appointment of com- missioners who were from among the settlers. At the end of a year the commissioners called a "general court" to which the towns sent deputies; this was the beginning of a colonial government upon an independent basis. One of the leaders was Rev. Thomas Hooker, who, in England, had been so prominent as a learned and eloquent preacher of Puritanism as to merit persecution by Archbishop Laud. Hook- er's views of government were more liberal than those upon which Massachusetts was founded, and it may be that the dis- content which led to the settlement of Connecticut was partly caused by the strictness of government in the parent colony. The government of Connecticut Colonv was formally "TheFun- ^ , , . „ wrni, ' T-i 1 i 1 damental set forth in 1639 by the adoption of The Fundamental orders" of Orders." This document consisted of a covenant, like Co'inecti that of the Mayfloivcr Compact, and a series of laws for the colony. Since the provisions of the Fundamental Orders coiild be repealed or altered by the general court, the document was not, in this respect, a superior authority like the State Constitutions of to-day; but in it there was no recognition of any authority, royal or otherwise, except that of the people' themselves. There was in Connecticut no stated religious qualification for citizenship, and no officer, the governor alone excepted, need be a member of the Puritan church. The governor, assistants, and depu- ties were elected by the people; the last constituted a repre- cut. 62 ' American History sentative assembly, consisting at first of four deputies from each town. The Fundamental Orders were thus the framework of a republican commonwealth similar in most respects to JNIassachusetts. In 1638, a body of Puritans from England settled on Long Island Sound, west of the Connecticut River, and called their colony New Haven. The people were Puritans of the strictest type; and they now formed a compact for Old House in Ouilfor.l, lf..39 self-government, admitting only church members to a share in it. It was their rule " thatt the worde of God shall be the onely rule to be attended unto in ordering the affayres of government in this plantation." Here the laws of the Old Testament were for a time literally applied in the conduct of daily affairs. Later, other towns were founded in the same vicinity, and these were united into New Haven Colony. A general court, consisting of deputies from the several towns conducted the colonial nings of Maine and New Neiv England 63 government. The al)sorption of New Haven by Connecti- cut removed the pecuUarities above mentioned (see p. 88). Settlements which were mere fishing and trading Thebegin. stations were established on the coasts of what are now the States of Maine and New Hampshire before the settle- ment of ^Massachusetts Bay Colony. Traders carried to sWre.^' England, lumber, fish, furs, and whale oil, and brought back liquors, guns, and ammunition for barter with the Indians. In the early history of this region there was a complicated series of disputes as to its ownership between INIassachusetts and various grantees (especially Sir Fer- nando Gorges and John jNIason) who had received patents of land north of the jNIerrimac River. ENGLISH AND COLONIAL HISTORY, 1040-1600 The period of Charles I's personal rule (1029-1040) was charies i followed in 1642 by civil war. The forces of the King, '''^l^^.^^^l^ the Royalists, were arrayed against those of Parliament, the Puritans. The war was originally a struggle for con- stitutional government under a monarchy; but in the course of time, under the leadership of the extreme Puritans, or Independents, it became a struggle for a republican gov- ernment. The success of this party was followed by the execution of Charles I (1649) and the establishment of the Commonwealth, \Vith Oliver Cromwell as its central figure. This was a time of turbulence and disorder, requiring, doubtless, a rule of much harshness. Consequently, the enemies of the Puritan government had little, if any, more peace than Avas formerly allowed to the Puritans themselves. The English people became dissatisfied with this state The Resto- of affairs, especially when Richard Cromwell (1658-1660) [f^^^^^ showed his incapacity for the position occupied by his father. The overthrow of the Commonwealth and the establishment of Charles I's son on the throne as Charles II were then easily accomplished. This (1660) was the res- toration of the Stuart dynasty to the throne of England. 64 History These events of English history affected in important ways the course of colonial history. At the outbreak of the Civil War the Puritan migration to America ceased. The population of the New England colonies, at that time about 30,000, Avas almost exclusively Puritan, and hence there existed among them strong bonds of sym- pathy. This was especially true concerning JNIassachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven, where the Puri- tan church was supreme. Under the pressure of com- mon dangers these four colonies formed, in 1G43, the New England Confederation. The dangers referred to were: (1) Indian attacks, the Narragansetts and IMohegans being particularly restless and liable to cause trouble. (2) The territory occupied by Connecticut was still claimed by the Dutch. (3) Among themselves the colonies had boundary disputes. The Confederation was formed for defence at a time when the English Government could render no assistance, and "for preserving and propagating the truths of the gospel." The settlements on the New Hampshire coast and those of Rhode Island were refused admission to the Confederation because they did not con- form to the strict Puritan ideal of religion and government. The governing body of the Confederation was a board com- posed of two members from each of the four colonies. Its powers were largely advisory; the actual execution of its requirements, such as the raising of troops and of money, rested with the vari- ous colonial authorities. The Confederation, however, exercised great influence on numerous occasions. Besides settling the boundary dispute with the Dutch, it held the Indians in check, and gave advice and assistance to the general courts of the colonies in supporting Harvard College and in attacking the Quakers. After 1664, when New Haven was absorbed by Con- necticut, its activities became feeble, and the end of its existence came when, in 1684, the Massachusetts charter was annulled. In 1652, commissioners representing Parliament arrived in Virginia and demanded recognition of the Puritan government in England. This was granted, since peace and industrial prosperity were the main objects of the New England 65 colonists' desires. The House of Burgesses assumed con- trol of the colonial government, and they were now free to elect their own governor, without interference by English authorities. It was at this time that the defeated Royalists, or Cavaliers, came in great numbers to Virginia. The popu- lation rose from 15,000 in 164S to 38,000 in 1670. More- over, this meant a great increase in the numbers of certain classes of settlers — the high-born and the w^ealthy. Such settlers there had been before in Virginia, but now this be- came the dominant class. Their coming brought about a change in the character of Virginian society, giving to it that aristocratic tone for which it became noted. It also resulted in the firm establishment and extension of the large plantation system of industry. For now large grants of land became common and the demand for labor to clear the forests and to plant tobacco brought to the colony an increasing number of slaves and indentured servants. The restoration of the Stuarts was welcomed in Virginia. The Assembly elected Sir William Berkeley governor, and he soon secured a royal commission. The history of toleration in JNIaryland was influenced by the trend of events in England, and by the fact that a large proportion of the inhabitants, probably three-fourths, were Protestants.* In 1648, Lord Baltimore, seeking to gain the favor of Parliament, and thus to hold his pos- sessions more securely, appointed a Protestant governor for Maryland; the next year he drew up a "Toleration Act" which was promptly enacted by the Assembly as the law of the colony. Under this act, any believer in the Trinity might peacefully reside in Maryland. In accord- ance with the spirit of the times, blasphemy and denial of The Cava- liers and the growth of Virginia. How events in England affected Maryland. * Many Puritans who had settled in Virginia under the liberal regime of the London Company, were forced to leave there during the period of the Civil War. They found refuge under the tolerant rule of Lord Baltimore. 66 Aincrican History the Trinity were punishable with death, and the con- fiscation of property. During the period of the Commonweahh, the Protestants obtained control of Maryland, denied to Lord Baltimore his rights, and enacted laws of great severity against the Catholics. A civil war on a small scale resulted. Fort- unately, under Cromwell's influence, the rights of the proprietor were restored in 1657, and with this came the firm establishment of the rule of toleration. Suggestive Questions and References Phpnonth. — 1. General References. Thwaites, The Colonies, 113-124. Fisher, The Colonial Era, 8.S-100. Lodge, Short History of the English Colonies, 341-342. 2. The Pilgrims in England and Holland. Fiske, Beginnings of New England, 6t>-75. Eggleston, Beginners of a Nation, 1G3-171. Bancroft, History of the U. S., I, 194-206. 3. The detailed story of the Mayflower's voyage and the land- ing. Drake, On Plymouth Rock. Drake, Making of New Eng- land, 67-87. Fiske, Beginnings of New England, 79-87. Eg- gleston, Beginners of a Nation, 172-181. Bancroft, I, 206-214. 4. Hart, Contemporaries, I, Why the Pilgrims left Holland, No. 97 The Compact, No. 98. Bradford's account of the first landing. No. 99. Life in Plymouth, No. 100. 5. Make a comparison of Jamestown and Plymouth settlers as to motives, stability of purpose, the common stock arrangement. 6. Explain the form in which the date of the Pilgrims' final landing is stated as " December 1 1-21, 1620." See Earned, Hist- ory for Ready Reference under "Calendar," also, Encyclopsedias. 7. Fiction. Austin, Standish of Standish. Betty Alden. The Puriians. — 1. Religious sects in England. Fiske, Be- ginnings, 43-72. Eggleston, Beginners, 98-107. Fisher, 85-88. Gardiner, History of England, 470-472. Green, History of the English People, 460-472. Bourne, European Background of American History, 221-229. 2. Charles I and his policy. Eggleston, 191-199. Fiske, 97-101. Gardiner, England, 502-511; 516-520. Green, Eng- land, 495-505. Massachusetts Bay Colony. — 1. General. Thwaites, 124-140. I New England 67 Fisher, 100-114. Lodge, 343-347. Fiske, lOl-KXi. Ban- croft, I, 230-238. 2. Compare Plymouth ami ^lassachusetts as to number and eharacter of settlers. 3. Church policy. EKM'leston, 212-21.5. Fiske, lOS-109. 4. Rojrer Williams. Lodj^e, 347-348. Fiske, 114-116. Eg- gleston, 207-275, 297-208. liancroft, I, 249-256. 5. Mrs. Hutchinson. Eggleston, 329-341. Fiske, 116-120. Bancroft, I, 259-204. Account of her trial. Hart, Contempora- ries, I, No. 108. 6. How the general court came to consist of two houses. Fiske, 10()-108. 7. Fiction. Stimson, King Xoanett. Connecticut. — 1. (ieneral. Thwaites, 140-146. Fisher, 126- 133. Lodge, 373-375. Eggleston, 316-326. Fiske, 122-128. 2. Compare the views of Winthrop and Hooker. Fiske, 124. Compare the views of Cotton and Hooker. Eggleston, 320-322. 3. How ditl ]\Lxssachusetts and Connecticut differ in the proc- ess by which their colonial governments came about ? 4. The Fundamental Orders. Hart, Contemporaries, I, No. 120. MacDonald, Select Charters, I, 60-65. 5. Fiction. Holland, The Bay Path. RJwdc /.v/fl« J.— Thwaites, 146-150. Fisher, 114-116; 123- 124. Lodge, 385-386. New Haven.— V'lsko, 134-139. Eyler, P'ngland in America, 60-64. Maine and New Hampshire. — Lodge, 397-405. Thwaites, 150-153. The New England Confederation. — Fiske, 155; 158-160. Thwaites, 154-159; 161-164. Drake, Making of New England, 241-243. Further source material upon these colonies is found in James and INIann Readings in American History, chap. 5. CHAPTER VI FURTHER ENGLISH COLONIZATION NEW YORK AND NEW JERSEY The .strujTgle between England and Spain in the latter part of the sixteenth century (see pp. 34-35), was contempo- raneous with Spain's wars against her revolted Dutch pos- sessions. When Spain absorbed Portugal, in L580, and took possession of her colonies and trading posts in the far East, Dutch traders were extensively engaged in carry- ing Eastern products from Lisbon to the ports of northern Europe. This lucrative traffic being broken up as a re- sult of the Dutch revolt (L'jTO), the latter were forced to send their vessels to the East in order to maintain their carrying trade. Here they took possession of many islands and trading posts that had formerly belonged to Portugal.* Various trading companies were organized as instruments for pushing Dutch commercial interests and at the same time for weakening the power of Spain. Among these the most important was the Dutch East India Company (1602). Dutch navigators did not confine their Eastern voyages to the route around Africa, but sailed around South America f and across the Pacific to Austral- asia. They were also bent upon finding a northern route around Europe, and it was upon the search for this route * Among these were the Moluccas, Java, and other islands still owned by the Dutch. t Cape Horn was named from a Dutch captain; New Zealand and Tasmania are also Dutch names. 68 Further English Colonization 69 that Henry Hudson was sent (1609) by the Dutch East India Company. Failing to accomplish his object, he turned westward across the Atlantic in the hope that a passage to Asia might be found through America.* Hudson sailed into Delaware Bay and then into the beautiful New York Harbor and up the Hudson River as far as the site of Albany. In this vicinity he remained for several weeks, trading with the Indians. Following Hudson's voyage, several trading posts were established, the present sites of New York and Albany being occupied as early as 1613-1614. Any extensive policy of trade and colonization authorized by the Dutch government would involve the danger of irritating Spain; for a truce between these countries had been made in 1609 which was to last for twelve years. During this period, therefore, the peace party in Holland opposed the renewal of aggressions against Spain. The year 1621, however, saw the incorporation of the Dutch West India Company, which pur- posed to renew the war against Spain by attacking its fleets and colonies in American waters, f This Company was given the monopoly of Dutch trade on the coasts of Africa and America, and it had authority to colonize unoccupied regions. Among the objects that brought about the Dutch West India Company, viz., war, trade, and colonization, the last was of least importance. But colonists were sent out and several trading posts, each protected by a fort, were planted on the Delaware, Hudson, and Connecticut rivers; Fort Nassau, opposite the present site of Philadelphia, and Fort Orange, where Albany now stands, being the most im- portant. Thus the limits of the colony of New Netherland were established between the Delaware River on the west and the Connecticut on the east. In 1626, the Company sent out settlers with a Director-General, Minuit, who * John Smith was at this time searching for the isthmus that was sup- posed to separate the Atlantic from the Pacific in about latitude 40° N., and he had written a letter to Hudson suggesting that it might be found north of Virginia. t Between 1623 and 1638 the Dutch captured 545 Spanish and Portu- guese vessels and gained possessions in South America and Africa. Dutch coloniza- tion in America begun. The Dutch West India Company and its posts in New Nether- land. 70 American Ilistorii purchased Manliattan Island and founded Xew Am- sterdam. These settlements were at first of slow growth. In 1629, the Company began inducing the migration of agri- cultural settlers by the establishment of the "patroon sys- tem." Individuals who would undertake to bring fifty adult settlers were given grants of land extending eight miles on both sides of a river, or sixteen miles on one side, and back into the coimtrv indefinitely. While the patroons were to be subject to the regulations of the Company in the matters of trade and war, they were given powers of local government over their settlers; so that the system re- sembled in some ways the feudal customs of Europe. Very few patroonships were ever established, and the most of these were bought up by the Company. This, like other plans for settlements in America where the colonists were made closely dependent upon large land owners, was a failure and had little influence upon the life of the colony. In later years, however, both the Dutch and their successors, the English, granted large estates, or manors, and these were, of course, worked by tenants. The trend of economic life in New Netherland was de- cidedly influenced when, in 1638, the trade monopoly of the West India Company was abolished in this colony. The profitable fur trade and the rich lands Avere now open to all settlers. Immigration soon increased rapidly. Settlers came from many European coiuitries and from neighboring English colonies. When Connecticut and New Haven were settled, the Dutch lost their trading posts on the Connecticut River. From the time of Hudson's voyage the most friendly relations existed between the Dutch traders and the Iroquois Indians of the upper Hudson and INIohawk valleys. The latter eageriy seized the opportunity to acquire European blankets, utensils, guns, and rum in exchange for their furs; and this fact became of great importance in our colonial history. (See chapter VIII.) But along the lowerHudson the Algonquin Company. Furflirr English Colouhation 71 tribes and the settlers clashed, and terrible Indian wars en- sued. Eventually the Indians were driven back. Since colonization was but a minor interest with the Govem- Dutch West India Company, it established at the begin- ^^''^^t ning a government that was "fit only for a trading post." India The bankruptcy of the Company and the consequent lack of attention to its colony account for the continuance of this bad sj'stem. The chief feature of New Xetherland's government was the autocratic rule of the governor (called the Director-General). He and his council of five members absorbed all local powers, legislating upon lands, trade, taxes, defence, and all minor matters, and admin- istering its own regulations through subordinate officials. Finally, they sat as the highest court of civil and criminal jurisdiction. The arbitrariness of the Governors Kieft and Stuyvesant led to attempts on the part of the settlers to secure a representative assembly and such liberal methods of government as they saw enjoyed in the neighboring English colonies. But the governors successfully resisted the permanent establishment of such reforms. In the towns and villages, however, a considerable degree of local self-government j)revailed. The territory theoretically belonging to New Netherland was The encroached upon when, in 1G38, the Swedes founded a trading Swedes in post and fort on the Delaware River— Fort Christiana. The Delaware, part taken by Sweden in the great European struggle known as the Thirty Years' War (1618-1648) brought her into intimate contact with the other countries of northern Europe and stimu- lated the ambition of her ruler, Gustavus Adolphus, to follow the example of other countries in founding a colonial system. The Swedish settlements flourished as long as the Dutch and Swedish governments were allied in the Thirty Years' War. Soon after its close Governor Stuyvesant sent a military expedition that conquered the Delaware Bay posts and incorporated them into New Netherland. The English, because of their alliance with Holland, S1he°"' left the Dutch colony undisturbed upon soil claimed Dutch rr^i • II- u vvith the by virtue of the Cabot voyages. ihis alliance be- EngUsh. . - Wicskottine \ 0^ \m .'^"^ Waplipinges "Waran arwankxMivS s "Kats Zy\c f^fcoech koi I McdmneTikotick . t Schtehle f kl> i^t-'i VAN Berqh '^^ ^ / ^n.*"''^ "-A -& 2.51.2, Sanhicans La.CU.3 -r, , '^H_ZM^^°'i r1« 1 v''''^ vV* ^,--?? tr^D'^i ^falovancons ^ Aquauachu'iques ■uPncnhcerh Aiii Dapper's America. Aiiisterdam, 167:i scheme for the erection in the colony of various govern- mental divisions and the creation of numerous officials and orders of nobility.* The political institutions thus es- tablished were arbitrary, the minute division of classes was undemocratic, the numerous officers and the authority vested in them were burdensome. In brief, this plan was made in England regardless of the actual needs of the set- tlers. As Lodge says, the foremost practical politician and the foremost philosopher of England united their abilities in its construction, and the result was "a simple absurdity." * Since no titles might be used similar to those employed in England, the terms Palatine, Landgrave, and Cacique were applied to orders of officers and nobility. 78 American Hist on/ The charter of lOiYo provided tliat tlie law.s of Carolina should be enacted "bv and with the advice, assent and ap- probation of the freemen," who were to meet either in person or by their representatives. Accordingly, an As- sembly was early established, and the later history of South Carolina is filled with accounts of its struggles to maintain and to extend its rights. The Assembly at first .absolutely refused assent to the Fundamental Constitution, since it had no part in framing this document. It also suc- ceeded in its resistance to the proprietors' plan for having all laws first passed by the council, which consisted of the proprietors' appointees. It secured the right to elect some of the colonial officers, and thus it added to its power. The Assembly finally secured the right to originate all bills for raising revenue. In North Carolina, also, there were many long and complicated disj>utes between the peoj)le and the governors. Before the publication of the Fundamental Constitution, a government had grown up in North Carolina, and the interruption of its natural development by the imposition of an arbitrary scheme was hotly resented by the unruly settlers. The Fundamental Constitution was a dead letter in that colony from the beginning. In 1678, and again ten years later, there were rebellions in the course of which the governors were driven from the colony. North Carolina suffered from a succession of bad governors, the greater number of whom were favorites of the proprietors, more bent upon their own gain than upon establishing the prosperity of the colony. There was also much friction arising from attempts to enforce the navigation laws in North Carolina. The lead- ing products were tobacco, rice, indigo, lumber, tar, and turpentine. ]\Iuch of the surplus was exported from Norfolk or through Charleston. But a considerable amount was picked up by New England ships along the larger rivers at the planters' wharves. In this trade the duties imposed by the navigation acts were uniformly Further English Colonization 79 evaded. Every attempt on the part of the authorities to enforee the law resulted in disorder and met with meagre success. PENNSYLVANIA AND DELAWARE Before the founding of Pennsylvania, many Quakers had settled in Rhode Island, North Carolina, and ]Mary- land. The Jerseys were for a time under Quaker control. Among the men who organized the (Quaker colony in West Jersey was William Penn, a man of high social posit ion in Eng- land ; and his inter- est in this enterprise led to the founding of a new colony as "A Holy Experi- ment" in govern- ment. During the reign of Charles II, the Quakers in Eng- land suffered per- secution, especially for ^• i o 1 a t i o n s of the conventicle act.* Not less severe were the social pen- alties inflicted upon them because of their peculiar doctrines and behavior. For the son of Admiral Penn of the English Navy, who stood high in the esteem of the Stuart monarchs, to adhere to this despised sect and yet to retain his social position was evidence of strong character and marked * Among other restrictions this forbade the assembling of dissenting sects. See histories of England. The Quakers, like the Catholics, were penalized for not attending services of the Established Church. William Penn and his re- lations with the Stuart monarchs- 80 American Hislory ability. With the Duke of York, diaries IT's brother, Penn was especially intimate. Admiral Penn had loaned money to Charles II, but the debt had been repudiated. This loss and other financial reverses had reduced his son's fortune considerably. When the latter ap- plied to the King for a grant of land in America, his influ- ence at court readily secured the favor (1681). Quaker I" their religious be- beliefs. liefs the Quakers may be regarded as Puritans of an extreme type. Not satisfied with the repudiation of outward ceremonies, they abol- ished hkewise the min- istry; for it was a car- dinal tenet of their faith that spiritual guidance came direct to each in- dividual and was mani- fested in him by the " inner light " that pro- ceeded from God him- self. This source of inspiration took the place of the Puritans' Bible as interpreted by their chosen ministers. It was a logical consequence of this belief that religious toleration should prevail among Quakers. In political matters, democracy alone was compatible with this view of religion. The Quakers would abolish all social ranks and distinctions. penn's Penn's grant of land, after many disputes over bounda- ciarter"^ ries, was finally restricted to the limits of the present State of Pennsylvania. His charter contained limitations not The Middle Colonies Further English Colon Izafioii 81 found in those of other proprietary eohjnies, such as the requirement that all laws should be submitted to the ap- proval of the government in England, and that the people might have the right of appeal in judicial cases to the King in Council. These restrictions and the obligation to en- force the navigation laws may be regarded as safeguards that the experience of the English Qovernment in dealing with the other proprietary colonies seemed to justify. In 1681, the first body of colonists were located on the The colony Delaware River, and the following year Penn's surveyor anTDda- laid out Philadelphia upon a healthful site, admirably ware adapted for commerce. Penn himself came in 1682 to ^ ^ ' superintend personally the founding of his colony. In this region there were already a thousand prosperous Dutch and Swede settlers. In view of commercial ad- vantages, Penn secured as an addition to his grant the land on Delaware Bay now constituting the State of Delaware. (Quakers came to Pennsylvania in great numbers, and pros- j)erity began from the very first. Penn was much interested in the political theorizing The prevalent at this time, and his "Frame of Government" Qo^.g^t"^ for Pennsylvania reflects much conscientious thought, ment." Unlike some other proprietors, he made no effort to en- large his own prerogatives, but rather sought to favor popular rights. The people, said he, must rule. "Any government is free to the people under it, whatever be the frame, where the law^s rule and the people are a party to those laws, and more than this is tyranny, oligarchy, or confusion." In accordance wdth this principle, Penn at once called a legislature consisting of an Assembly and a Council, both elective. In the distribution of powers among the Assembly, the Council, and the Governor, Penn's plans did not work out successfully ; so that after his departure from the colony (1684) many disputes arose. As the outcome of these, the Assembly eventually secured the right to initiate bills, while the Council became ap- pointive and lost its power to share in legislation. So 82 American History the lefjislature of this colony came to be composed of only one house. In Pennsylvania no religious sect had cause to feel re- straint. A broad humane spirit is shown in the fact that the laMs provided capital punishment for only two offences — murder and treason.* Other laws established prisons and an insane asylum where some regard should be shown for the decent treatment of their inmates and for the re- form of criminals— ideas far in advance of the times. The English colonists constituted but one-half of Penn- sylvania's population. Swedes, Finns, and Dutch con- tinued to come, while thither flocked many Welsh and Palatinate Germans.! German ^Nlennonites and other sects having beliefs in harmony with that of the Quakers were invited to the colony and foimd there a congenial home. Although agriculture was the chief industry in Pennsylvania, grain and cattle being exported in large quantities, commerce floiu'ished from the beginning and the manufacture of many articles was begun. Penn's dealings with the Indians, no less than his legislation, reflect his peace-loving and humane disposition. Here, as else- where in the colonies, pains were taken to purchase Indian lands, and Penn proposed a board of arbitration for the settlement of disputes, but this was not realized. The freedom of the colonists from Indian troubles is owing partly to the Quakers' dislike of violence and their sense of justice; and partly to the fact that their neighbors, the Delaware Indians, had been subjugated by the powerful Iroquois, the Englishmen's friends. Penn's influence at the court of Charles II, and his friendship with James II had important consequences. When Charles II began tlie process of nullifying charters (see post, p. 89), that of Pennsylvania was not touched. When James II consolidated the northern colonies (see * Later, other crimes, raising the number to fourteen, were added. Contrast this with the contemporary list of two hundred capital crimes in England. t Penn had travelled in Germany, "and he wrote letters and sent descrip- tive pamphlets to induce immigration to Pennsylvania. Flirt Iter Eiif/lifih Colonization 83 post, p. 89), Pennsylvania was left independent. This colony soon ranked third in population, Virginia and Massachusetts alone exceeding it; while Philadelphia be- came the largest city in the thirteen English colonies. Suggestive Questions and References Xew York.— I. General. Thwaites, The Colonies, 196-203. Fisher, The Colonial era. 177-193. Lodge, Short History' of English Colonies, 2S5-2.SS; 294-297. 2. Henr\- Hudson. Fiske, Dutch and Quaker Colonies in America, I, 82-95. Drake, Making of Virginia and the Middle Colonies, 108-1 IG. 3. Why the English conquered New Xetherland. Andrews, Colonial Self-government, 74-81. 4. Stu\-\-esant and the End of Dutch rule. Drake, 135-145. Reasons for the surrender. Hart, Contemporaries, I, No. 155. Xew Jersey.— I. General. FLsher, 194-198. Thwaites, 210- 214. 2. Drake, Making of Virginia, etc., East Xew Jersey, IGl- 109. West Xew Jersey, 169-170. The Carolinas.—l. General. Thwaites, 89-95. Fisher, 76- 81. Lodge. Xorth Carolina, 132-139. South Carolina, 158-162. 2. The Fundamental Constitutions. MacDonald, Select Char- ters, I, 149-168. Fiske, Old Virginia, H, 273-276. Lamed, Ready Reference, 242.5-2426. 3. The effect of geographical conditions in Xorth Carolina. Fiske, Old Virginia, H, 30S^311. Life and Industries, 311-322. In South Carolina, 322-333. 4. Life in Xorth Carolina, Lodge, 152-157. In South Caro- lina, 179-186. 5. A descriprion of South Carolina. Hart, Contemporanes, II, Xo. 34. Penmylvatua.—l. General. Fisher, Colonial Era, 199-206. Thwa'tes, The Colonies, 21.5-217. Lodge, English Colonies, 199-206. Wilson, American People, I, 300-313. 2. Fiske, Dutch and Quaker Colonies, I. Penn's early life and his religious ideas, 108-126. The Colony, II, 147-158; 30(>- 312; 324-329. Indian relations, II, 1.58-166. See also Fiske, Beginnings of Xew England, 20.5-206. 84 American Tlistori) 3. Pcnn and his ffrant. Andrews, Colonial Sclf-i^mvornnionf, 102-109. 4. The charter. Fiske, Dutch and Quaker Colonies, II, Ap- pendix, II. IMacDonald, Select Charters, 1S3-190. 5. Penn's Frame of Covernment (1082), MacDonald, 192-199. That of 1GS3, 199-204. That of 1()90, 217-222. 0. Hart, Contemporaries, I. Conditions in Pennsylvania, Xo. 101. The Indian Treaty, Xo. 102. The Germans, Xo. 103. 7. Pennsylvania, Xew York, and the Carolinas are treated in James and Mann, Readings in American History, chap. G. CHAPTER VII THE COLONIES AFTER THE RESTORATION— 16G0-1690 The early neglect of colonial affairs by the English The navi- Governnient under the first two Stuarts was followed by a f^^°^ more definite policy of control begun during the Common- wealth and developed after the Restoration. The navi- gation acts were a part of this policy. In the middle of the seventeenth century, Holland was the greatest com- mercial nation of Europe, the Dutch carrying three- fourths of England's commerce. Great quantities of to- bacco were shij^ped in Dutch bottoms from Virginia to England and Holland. An act of Parliament, passed in 1651, required that all goods brought to England from Asia, Africa, or America, should be carried by English or colonial ships. This act reflects the ambitious policy of Cromwell and struck a blow at Dutch maritime prosper- ity.* It was, however, only loosely enforced during the period of the Commonwealth. After the Restoration Parliament renewed this act and added further restrictions (1660). Certain colonial products (called enumerated articles), including sugar, tobacco, dye-woods, and indigo could be shipped only to England or to other English colonies. t In 1663, an act provided that all goods brought * This and other causes resulted in a war between the two nations, the first of a series in which the Dutch lost their maritime supremacy. t These were articles that could not be produced in England. The list of enumerated goods was changed many times during the next one hun- dred years. Molasses and rice were later added, and then rice was allowed to be shipped to ports of southern Europe. 85 86 American History to the colonies must come from or through English ports. By an act of 1672 goods shipped from one colony to anothei* must either go by way of England or pay a high duty in colonial ports. English merchants and ship owners were to reap the benefit of this legislation: (1) By becoming the only buyers of certain colonial products; (2) by becoming the only sellers in colonial markets; and (IS) by the exclusion of Dutch competition in the carrying business. The English Government would gain in- creased revenue from the duties upon goods going to and coming from the colonies. The effect of these laws in Virginia was marked. The value of tobacco fell to a low point, and the cost of clothing, furniture, and implements rose.* English vessels charged higher freight rates than Dutch because the latter were built more cheaply, conveyed larger cargoes, and carried fewer sailors. These conditions, and the fact that the planters unwisely devoted themselves almost exclusively to tobacco raising, caused great economic distress. Discontent arose, which was augmented by abuses in the government of Virginia. Sir William Berkeley, who had again become governor, Signature of Governor Berkeley managed to control the House of Burgesses completely, by proroguing it from time to time, instead of holding new elections. His council, appointed by himself, constituted an aristocratic ring; the franchise was limited to free- holders; heavy taxes were levied and public money was * Whereas before 1651 a pair of shoes could be bought for twelve pounds of tobacco, in 1657 the price was fifty pounds. Bruce, Economic and Social History of Virginia, II, 375-376. Similar results followed in Mary- land and later in North Carolina. The Colonics After the Restoration 87 squandered; and incompetent and dishonest officers were appointed. Open resistance came about when Governor Berkeley Bacon's refused to render efficient aid in the defence of the fron- Rebellion. tier against Indian attacks. Nathaniel Bacon, a young planter, put himself at the head of the militia for this pur- pose, and thus brought upon himself the Avrath of Berkeley. After a complicated series of attacks and counter attacks between the ri\al factions, Bacon died, and his party, which was mainly composed of the poorer classes and the small farmers, dissolved. In the main the rebellion ac- complished its object; reforms Avere made in the govern- ment, and the Indians were checked. The overproduction of tobacco later caused economic de- pression. Determined efforts were made by the colonists, to decrease, by agreement and by legislation, the amount of to- bacco planted, but these efforts failed. In 1G82, riots ensued and * many fields were devastated for the purpose of decreasing the supply. In later years, when transportation rates decreased and the English demand increased, tobacco growing became more remunerative. Under the Commonwealth, and immediately after the Efforts of Restoration, special boards or committees of the Privy goy^rn™^ Council in England were appointed to have charge of ment to colonial affairs. Between 1675 and 1688 a committee cZmi.*^^ known as the Lords of Trade had exercised authority in (1) settling disputes between colonies; (2) collecting in- formation concerning trade; (3) advising the King and colonial governors as to details of administration; (4) en- deavoring to bring the colonies into accord with the policy of the home government, and especially (5) trying to se- cure obedience to the navigation laws. For the purpose last mentioned, customs officers were stationed in the colonies, but these seldom worked in harmony with the colonial governors. The system of control was, in its actual workings, very imperfect. There existed in Amer- ica no adequate machinery for the enforcement of the will 88 American History of the home jrovernmcnt, and the extent to which the colonies could govern themselves was not definitely stated or agreed upon. Under these circumstances, the periods of the Civil War and Commonwealth were favorable to self-government in the colonies. In New England, especially, this was taken advantage of, with results that became apparent after the Restoration. Massachusetts attracted the attention of the home government because of its independence and its slowness in acknowledging the King; and Connecticut and Rhode Island because their governments had been es- tablished without legal authorization by the mother coun- try. The latter colonies now sent agents to England ask- ing for charters. John Winthrop for Connecticut (1662), and John Clark for Rhode Island (1663), succeeded in this mission. Their charters left them in reality little republics, electing all their officers, and having only a general dependence upon the crown. The Connecticut charter accomplished the overthrow of New Haven Colony, whose inhabitants had offended the home government by their kind treatment of two regicide judges who had taken part in the con\action of Charles I. The union of these two colonies strengthened their defence against the Dutch and the Indians. In 1664, complaints against Massachusetts becoming more frequent, a royal commissioner was sent to examine into conditions there. The Massachusetts Government was accused of exceeding its authority by extending its jurisdiction over the Mason and Gorges grants north of the Merrimac River, and by having erected a mint and coined money. The restriction of the suffrage to church members had been condemned by Charles II, who de- manded its extension to all property holders; he also required that the English Church should be tolerated there. The colony was charged with evading these requirements. The persecution of the Quakers was another cause of offence. The colony's treatment of the royal commissioners was anything but respectful, and it practised a tantalizing policy of delay in all of its rela- The Colonies After the Restoration 89 tions witli the home governniont. It endeavored to preserve its original independence by denying the right of appeal from colonial courts to England, and by denying the validity of acts of Parliament which were not also passed by the colonial Assem- bly. Most serious was the charge preferred by royal customs officials that the people of Massachusetts systematically violated the navigation laws, and that the colonial government connived at such disobedience. This practice, it was represented, greatly decreased the royal revenues. Here were sufficient grounds for the annulment of the The policy Massachusetts charter, and this was legally accomplished pg^^f by order of an English court in 1684. A temporary gov- control. ernment was establisiied, but without a legislative assembly. At the same time plans were made for annulling the other New England charters and.forthe union of all these colonies under a governor-general; also, for the destruction of the proprietors' interests in Delaware, INIaryland, and the Carolinas — a project never executed. Such was the policy of imperial control proposed by the Lords of Trade and based upon their experience in dealing with the colonies. The arguments in favor of it were: (1) More direct con- trol might thus be exercised; (2) the navigation laws could be enforced; (3) defence against the French and the Ind- ians could be more effective. This policy was advo- cated by a class of officials and dissatisfied persons in the colonies, as well as by the commercial class in England. It would have been a radical departure from the earlier policy, and its enforcement would have interrupted the tendency towards self-government that prevailed every- where in the colonies. The Duke of York became King James II of England Despotic in 1685. The next year he appointed Edmund Andros ^"g'^Yunder Governor-General of New England, who began the policy Andros, of consolidation by dissolving the governments of Plymouth, overthrow. Rhode Island, and Connecticut.* Later Andros's au- thority was extended over New York and New Jersey. In * The charter of Connecticut was not surrendered. For the charter oak tradition, see Fisl^e, Beginnings, 367-368. Lodge, Englisli Colonies, 380. 90 American Historij Massachusetts his enforcement of the King's orders re- sulted in the complete overthrow of self-government. When rumors of the revolution in England against James II (1688) reached America, Andros was imprisoned and the people temporarily resumed their former government. In 1691, a new charter was given to Massachusetts by William and ]\Iarv which represented a compromise be- tween the proposed policy of control and the former freedom of self-government. The legislature of the colony was made elective;* but the governor was appointed by the crown instead of being elected, as formerly. Rhode Island and Connecticut resumed their charter govern- ments, and these were not again disturbed. In New York, also, the Andros government was over- thrown. A movement, led by Jacob Leisler, established a popular government. The efforts of Leisler to continue as governor of the colony were defeated by a governor, Sloughter, sent from England. "Leisler's rebellion," so called, was put down very harshly. Under the new regime, however. New York secured, what it had never had, a regular representative assembly.f The anti-Catholic character of the Revolution in Eng- land gave occasion for an ujjrising of the Protestant col- onists of jNIaryland against the Baltimore rule. They were successful in gaining control of the colonial government, and William and ]\Iary favored their cause by refusing to restore to Lord Baltimore his rights under the charter. So, for about twenty-five years Maryland was governed as a royal province. Then, in 1715, the Baltimore proprietor- ship was reestablished, when the heir was a Protestant. The English Revolution and its accompanying move- ments in America interrupted the execution of the im- perial policy put in operation under Charles II and * While the lower house was chosen by the people, the Council was elected by joint ballot in both houses, the governor having power to reject members thus elected. t One such body had met in 18S3 (see p. 74). The Colonics After the Restoration 91 James II. Whether under the new line of monarchs there was to be a pursuance of this policy, or a reversal to the earlier one, was a question of great importance. COLONIAL LIFE IX 1690 "What had a century of English activity in colonization New accomplished on the American continent ? A distinct "o^onj^a-"'^ change in the moving causes of emigration may be noted, tion. At the beginning of the seventeenth century commercial motives were uppermost. Colonization upon this basis was not successful, but during the century other motives be- came predominant. Primary among these was the desire to escape troublous religious conditions in European coun- tries. Frequently distinct, but often combined with the religious motive, was another which was purely economic. "The desire to better their fortunes was perhaps the most fundamental and enduring consideration that influenced immigrants." * The poor and the unsuccessful, the ad- venturous and the ambitious, those socially despised or legally under the ban, could get in America a new start in building fortune and reputation. Freedom from the burdensome conditions of European society, the oppor- tunity to work, and the chance to become economically independent, were tempting the best blood of Europe to this fresh field. The great underlying economic fact in this colonization how land was the existence in America of boundless areas of culti- ^^fredby vable land that might be had upon easy terms. In New settlers. England, land was uniformly granted without charge to individuals and to groups of settlers. All the colonies south of New England were originally upon a proprietary basis, and the proprietors (whether indi^•iduals or com- panies), expected to profit by the disposal of land, as well as by trade. They often advertised in Europe for emi- grants, and frequently gave farms freely to settlers. Only * Cheney, The European Background of American History, 168. 92 American History in Pennsylvania was it customary to sell the land outright. Elsewhere, it was commonly granted upon the payment of a "quit-rent," i. e., an annual fee (usually one shilling for fifty acres), payable to the proprietor, or to the King when the colony became royal. The difficulty of collecting quit- rents rendered this source of revenue a disappointment. The amount of land that might be granted to one person was usually limited. But the proportion of immigrants who were too poor to pay their passage and to estabhsh themselves as farmers, was very large. These came and were settled at the expense of others, who thus secured "head rights" — usually fifty acres for each person brought to America. This is one way in which large estates were built up. In most cases the persons assisted were indentured servants; others became tenants and paid rent. The attempts made in several colonies to establish manors, upon which the tenants were subject to semi-feudal restrictions, were usually unsuccessful. It was so easy to become the actual owner of land that the tenant refused to enter into such relations with the landlord. In 1690, the English colonies contained nearly 250,000 inhabitants. In New England the physical geogra})hy determined the industries, and these in turn influenced social and political conditions. This was a region of cold winters and short summers; a land of hills and forests, with a rugged sea coast and some fertile val- leys. The soil, generally light, had, because of its stony character, a peculiar enduring quality. The rivers were short, giving abundant water power, but, excepting the Connecticut, little opportunity for navigation. On the coast were numerous harbors; the sea abounded in fish, and the forests fiu'nished the best of timber. Agriculture was profitable, grains, vegetables, and stock being the principal products. But the difficulties of cultivation made small farms necessary. The Puritans continued to settle in church communities. Compactness of settle- ment was therefore a characteristic of New England; and this was further encouraged by the religious requirement of regular church attendance. There were many fishing i The Colonies After the Restoration 93 towns on the coast; and with the surphis products of farms industries and fisheries, commerce soon became inevitable. To fa- products ciUtate commerce, ship building naturally arose. On the farms and in the villages hand-made clothing, implements, and furniture were used almost exclusively. On the rapid streams were to be found grist-mills and saw-mills. In the towns, brick, pottery, glass, and shoes Avere manufactured. Everything was, of course, upon a small scale, and scarcely beyond the stage of domestic manufacture. Back of the compactly settled region near the coast, men exploited the forests and traded with the Indians. The small farm type of agriculture and the variety of in- Social dustries in New England gave the best opportunity for ^^'^^^^s- the individual to attain economic independence. There was a tendency toward industrial equality rather than toward the subordination of many laborers to a few em- ployers; and this condition affected social and political life. Democracy in society and a democratic type of gov- ernment were noticeable features of New England life. There were here, as everywhere in the seventeenth century, aristocratic distinctions; the old families, the official class, and the wealthy were given prominence, both by law and by custom; but the importance of the individual of what- ever class was very great. New England was settled almost exclusively by Puritans Religion from England. In Massachusetts the first Anglican England church was founded in 1686, and in Rhode Island might be found Baptists, Quakers, and Jews. The type of religion maintained under the congregational system was very severe. The ministers were the dominant class, and they enforced the Puritan ideals of both public and private con- duct most rigidly. The laws prescribing the strict ob- servance of the Sabbath and restrictions upon dress, are examples of Puritan regulation of private conduct; at the same time the church was supported by public taxation. In their dislike of certain sports and diversions the Puritans excluded from their lives many rational pleasures. In the 94 A mericaii H i story larger towns and among the wealthier class, social diver- sions were common; but in the small towns and the country, life was barren and there was little to relieve the hard daily toil and the solemn devotion to rigidly conceived duty. Education was further advanced in New England than elsewhere in the colonies. Here the common school was maintained from the beginning, and there were also many grammar schools. Harvard College was founded in 1636 at Cambridge. While the mass of people were given a rudimentary education, the purpose of higher education was jireparation for the ministry. Theological discussion occupied the best minds of New England; there was little or no literature that had other themes. No profession had yet attained standing except the ministry. The severely religious trend of thought, the barrenness of life, and the dangers from Indian attacks that impendetl about the year 1691, account for the occurrence in Massachusetts of the witchcraft troubles. The theory of Satanic manifestations was commonly held in European countries, and there claimed its thousands of victims. In Salem and surrounding towns, two or three hundred persons, some of them being of the highest char- acter, were accused of having allowed themselves to become pos- sessed by the devil. Of these, nineteen were judicially con- demned and were put to death. The comparative brevity and mildness of this outburst of religious fanaticism testifies to the real saneness of the Puritan mind. Nowhere in the world at this time was life more pure or thought more elevated. In the local government of the New England colonies, the town meeting and the popular election of officers pre- served the freest democracy in America. The colonial as- semblies were vigorous bodies, and they exercised no little control over the towns. Self-government gave to New Englanders a political education which in later times had important consequences. I.,ife in the Southern colonies had aspects in marked con- trast with the conditions existing in New England. Vir- ginia and INIaryland were most alike. Here people lived on scattered plantations, with no towns worthy the name. The Colonies After the Restoration 95 Physical environment largely acconnts for this method of The influ settlement. While attempts were made at raising other ^"*^® ° products than tobacco, all were abandoned, except corn, the staple food grain. The same fate befell the manu- facturing industries that were tried at various times; me- chanics were able to get land so cheaply that they drifted into tobacco raising. The rivers of the South accommo- dated the ocean-going vessels of the time, and so there was no necessity for towns as market places. So deeply did the rivers penetrate this region and so plentiful were the rich lands, that during the Restoration period the estates rap- idly increased in size, and the "plantation system" became fully developed. One more element, cheap labor, con- tributed to make this system possible. Thousands of in- dentured servants came annually to the Southern col- onies, and toward the end of this period negro slaves increased in numbers. The great majority of the people in the Southern col- onies were of English stock. In Virginia the contrast be- tween large plantations and small farms was marked, while in North Carolina there were only scattered small farms. South Carolina was distinguished by having a large city, Charleston, which was the centre of com- mercial and social life. Here lived the large planters who dominated the life of the colony. Besides tobacco, corn, and live-stock, the Carolinas produced the naval stores — tar, pitch, and turpentine. Throughout the South, cot- ton and flax were raised on a small scale and were worked by hand into forms suitable for domestic use. But every- where in the colonies woollens were the chief article of domestic manufacture. The Southern colonies ex-ported large quantities of their staple products. Few vessels were constructed here. Ships owned by New Englanders brought to them fish from the North, tropical products and slaves from the West Indies, and manufactured articles from Europe. While many Puritans settled in the South, especially in Maryland and South Carolina, the majority of the people physical geography. Industries in the South. Southern society. 96 America)) History were Anglicans. Religious convictions exercised no such influence as in New England. Both social and political life felt the influence of the dominant economic interest in the plantation colonies. Tendencies worked toward aristocracy rather than toward democracy. The home of the planter was the centre of a small community. In- dentured servants and slaves tilled his broad acres, while other workmen made the common implements, furniture, and clothing. The plantation was self-sufficing, except for the finer qualities of cloths, furnishings, books, medi- cines, and jewelry, which were imported from Europe. The small farmer could hardly compete with the planter and his family, either economically or socially, and he con- sequently tended to move westward to the frontier, which had not yet reached the mountains. Here, too, he found cheaper land. In the South, as in New England, the colonists adapted to their new environment certain forms of local govern ment to which they had been accustomed at home. The smallest local division, the parish, became less important than was the town in New England, because of the sparse- ness of population. The parish was governed by a group of men called the vestry, which had charge of church af- fairs and the relief of the poor. The most important func- tions of local government were exercised in the larger unit, the county. A board of justices, known as the county court, levied taxes and made local regulations, besides sitting as a court to try cases. The sheriff was an im- portant county officer, having in his hands the collection and expenditure of public money. Members of the county court were appointed by the governor, and vacancies in the vestry were filled by the remaining vestrymen. Thus, in the absence of town meetings and popular elections, local government in the South fell into the hands of the influential planter class. In the South, both religious life and educational inter- ests suffered on account of the method of settlement, the The Colonies After the Rcstorati 97 sparsoncss of population, and the difficulty of travel. The Anglican ministers in these colonies were not the intel- lectual or religious leaders of the people. Efforts to es- tablish public schools were largely failures, though many private elementary schools were maintained. The plant- ers' sons were taught at home, and often completed their education in English schools and colleges. Conditions of life were much more varied in the INIiddle The Mid- colonies than in either New England or the South. The ^\^i^^\'^ people, as we have seen (pp. 74, 82), were of many nation- 1690. alities. While agriculture was the dominant industry, ('<)tt;i;;o HI Boave there were many flourishing towns and tw^o large ports, New York and Philadelphia. Intercolonial trade and foreign commerce stood second to agriculture in import- ance. Philadelphia was the centre of trade for the region bordering on Delaware Bay and River; and its shipping industries, carried abroad large quantities of grains, meats, and furs, returning with imports from the West Indies and Europe. Ship-building early became an important industry in Pennsylvania. New York City was the centre of com- merce for the Hudson River region. Here the fur trade 98 America)! History was of greater consequence than anywhere else in the colonies. JAie in New York presented aristocratic tendencies. This is accounted for by the presence of large estates on the Hudson and the importance of the official class in New York City. But elsew^here in the Middle colonies there ex- isted economic and social equality. The professional classes were at this time weak and unimportant. There was a great variety of religious sects. Dutch Reformed, Congregational, Lutheran, and Jewish churches existed in New York; while Quakers, Lutherans, and other Protestant sects flourished in Pennsylvania. Nowhere in these colonies were public schools to be found. Education was at a low stage in New York, but there w^ere good private schools in Pennsylvania. Local government in the Middle colonies included both towns and counties; but here the functions were quite equally divided betw^een these organizations, instead of being chiefly confined to one or the other, as in New Eng- land and the South. THE COLONISTS AXD THE IXDIAXS. The colonists came into contact with three great groups of Indians. The largest of these constituted the Algon- quin family, occupying nearly all of the region east of the Alleghany INIountains, as well as the Ohio and upper Mississippi basins. Prominent in this family were the Narragansetts, Pequots, Powhatans, Delawares, Illinois, and Ojibwas. South of Kentucky, extending to Florida and the Gulf, was the Muskhogean family. The Chicka- saws, Choctaws, Creeks, and Seminoles belonged to this family. The Iroquois Indians occupied the region of central New York State and upper Canada (see pp. 105, 106), while an independent branch of this family was situ- ated on the western borders of the Carolinas. The earliest settlers in the English colonies were in- debted to the Indians in several ways. They learned the The Colonics Affrr the Restoration 09 Indians' methofls of luintino;, fishinj;, and trapping; also, the value of maize and how to produce it upon new land. Thus colonization was assisted by a more available food supply. The Indians' canoe and their methods of travel and fighting were also adopted by the settlers. a U LF 1 M EX ICO LOCATION OP INDIANS ill the 17th Ceiituix Algonqiiins 1 I Troquois f IVnsklwaeans \ \ Sioux Location of Indians in the Seventeenth Century On the other hand, the natives soon acquired from the whites tools and utensils, es])ecially guns; these, together with cloth and horses, changed in many ways the character of their daily life. They learned few virtues, but acquired destructive vices, especially the use of intoxicants. Some efforts were made by the English to convert the Indians, but they were conducted, on the whole, without enthusiasm or persistence. The loud profession of missionary zeal with which the English colonization began was not made good. 100 America)) History In the New England colonies, Massachusetts especially, some efforts were made to convert the Indians. These were most suc- cessful in the work of John Eliot, who brought about four thou- sand Indians to ailopt Christianity and civilized ways of living. John and Charles Wesley made imsuccessful missionary efforts in Georgia. The history of Indian rchitions in colonial times is one of continual strife. This was inevitable at that ])eriod in the contact between a superior and an inferior race. Of incidental cau.ses for these troubles tliere was a large vari(>ty; the vicious and the drunken, whether whites or Indians, were es})ecially numerous on the frontier, and they were ever ready to commit outrages and to begin quarrels. But the fundamental cause for this condition was the land question. The character of Indian industry, which was nuiinly hunting and fishing, with comjmratively slight attention to agriculture, and the frequent movements of most tribes from one locality to another, made the In- dians occupants rather than owners of the land in the true sense. In their simj)licity and short-sightedness they were ever ready to part with their right of occupancy; but they did n<»t comj)rehend the white man's idea of permanent transfer and pos.session. The purchase of Indian lands was a universal practice in colonial times. The different colonial governments imdertook to regulate this subject . by law, prohibiting the settlers from occupying lands until the Indian title was extinguished. The laws en- joined in many ways the fair treatment of the Indians in other transactions; for instance, the sale of fire-arms and liquors was quite generally })rohibited. These laws, how- ever, were little obeyed. Trouble aro.sc as soon as the natives realized the slow but sure advance of the whites into the country and the permanency of this process. Hunting grounds were de- stroyed, and the strip between the frontier of settlement and the Alleghany Mountains became gradually narrower. The Iniiians were able to make but spasmodic, and on the whole, feeble, resistance to the advance of settlement be- The Colonics Ajivr the Rcstorutioii 101 cause they did not present a united front; and (his in turn was owing to their lack of j>olitical organization. The lowest organization of social and political life anions the political Indians was the clan — a group of related families. Clans elected orRaniza- sachems, and chiefs, or war leaders. The number of these !;'"". °^ '^'^^ officers varied according to the number of availal)le men; their authority was al.so a matter of popularity and influence. The clans were united into tribes, the governing body of which was the tribal council composed of the chiefs just mentioned. The council had authority over (piestions of war and peace, and inter- tril)al relations. Of higher organizations among (he eastern Indians the only permanent example was the Irocpiois confed- eracy with which the iMiglish and Dutch settlers were in alliance during the seventeenth century. There were temporary leagues among other tribes at various times; but in the main the settlers were confronted by separate tribes, with vacillating j)olicies, rather than by a compact nation capable of effectually resisting the invasion of their lands. Under these circumstances the result was inevitable: civilization triuin|)hed over savagery, doubtless tliroiigh the commission of innumerable wrongs, in our judgment of which we must remember the etliic-al s(andar(js of that time and the failure of each race to comprehend (he odier's point of view. To understand the real meaning of this century of Tim cen- colonizadon in America, we must take account of two oidzaUon general fac(s. One is the preservation among the col- miows two onists of the old European life in a new environment; tendencies, (lie other is the tendency toward a different type of life under the new conditions. At the end of the seventeenth century, the colonies were in reality an outlying part of Europe. Isolated from each other, their social and eco- nomic relations were chiefiy with the mother country. The creation of even the weakest semblance to a national Tho pnscr- life was the work of (he next century and the outcome of Knropcan many struggles against Indian and French foes here in fiviiiza- America, and finally against the English government. Until then, the most striking characteristic of colonial life is the conservative preservation of manners and customs, 102 American History industries and ideas, political ritjhts and processes that were the fruit of centuries of growth in Europe. Turning now to the new tendencies, we find a growth away from social class distinctions and toward greater in- dustrial and political freedom than Old World conditions permitted. There were several reasons for this: (1) The colonists were mainly from the middle and lower classes, those least favored by aristocratic institutions. (2) In Palisaded Indian Village From De Bry America the struggle for existence was at first hard, tend- ing to place all men upon a basis of social equality. (3) The free ownership of land, and the unlimited supply of new land made an oppressive landlord system impossible. (4) The removal of monarchical control gave opportunity for the rise into prominence of those free local institutions with which Englishmen had been in a measure familiar. The keynote of this tendency is democracy. The seven- teenth century saw its beginnings, but saw also the begin- ning of a policy of imperial control (see pp. 87, 89) that threatened its development. The problem of eighteenth- century colonial history is the balancing of these two The Colonies After the Redoraiion 103 forces: the political and economic freedom of colonial life versus eontrol exercised by the home government through its agents in America. Which of these forces was destined to become dominant ? Suggestive Questions axd References 1. Charles Il's policy towards the New England Colonies. Fisher, Colonial Era, 149-151. Lodge, English Colonies, 376- 377; 389-390. Fiske, Beginnings of New England, 191-198. Thwaites, The Colonies, 166-170. 2. Bacon's Rebellion. Fiske, Old Virginia, II, 54-67; 96-107. Thwaites, 78-79. Lodge, 19-23. 3. The rule of Andros. Fiske, Beginnings of New England, 267-278. Fisher, Colonial Era, 159-164. 4. Relations of England with the colonies. Thwaites, The Colonies, 166-167. Lodge, 354-361. Elson, History of the United States, 120-127. 5. Show how the economic law of supply and demand as de- termining price is illustrated in this chajiter. 6. INIake a list of facts showing the colonists' love of self-govern- ment in this period. 7. Was the proposed policy of imperial control a reasonable one? Andrews, Colonial Self-government, 36 40. 8. On indentured servants, see Fiske, Old \'irginia, II, 176- 189. Bogart, Economic History of the United States, 78-83. On slavery, Fiske, 190-203. Bogart, 83-86. 9. The colonists' relations with Indians. Fiske, Beginnings of New England, 199-206. Coman, Industrial History of the United States, 43-45. 10. Education in the Colonies. Lodge, English Colonies, 464-466. Hart, Contemporaries, II, No. 95. Fiske, Old Vir- ginia, II, 116-119; 123-129; 245-254. 11. Colonial religion. Lodge, English Colonies, 429-438. Earle, the Sabbath in Puritan New England. 12. How may the colonies be grouped according to industries;' Andrews, 334r-.336. 13. James and INIann, Readings in American History, chap. 7. 14. Fiction. Goodwin, ^Yhite Aprons (Virginia). Hawthorne, Scarlet Letter (Puritans). Bynner, The Begum's Daughter (New York). CHAPTER VIII THE FRENCH IN AMERICA THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIZATION Revival of French coloniza- tion. First period, 1603-1635. Cham- plain. TiTE work of French explorers and the feeble at- tempts made at colonization during the first half of the sixteenth century (see pp. 28-30) were interrupted by un- favorable European conditions. The victory of Henry IV over the warring factions that opjiosed his accession to the throne of France, and the Edict of Nantes (1598)* issued by him, finally brought peace; and with peace came a re- vived interest in American exploration. During the en- tire century French fishermen had visited the banks off Newfoundland and had traded with the Indians of the ad- jacent coasts. It seemed natural, therefore, that this region should be the scene of French colonization. For a third of a century, the principal figure in this story is that of Samuel de Champlain, whose strong character and persistent labors have won the greatest admiration. Like many other soldiers of the wars of Henry IV, Cham- plain found an outlet for his energies in time of peace by undertaking voyages of discovery. f When, in 1604, De Monts was granted by the government of France a monopoly of the fur trade between the parallels 40° and 46°, Champlain, as royal geographer, sailed with him to * This Edict gave the Huguenots privileges, including legal equality and religious freedom, except in certain cities. t He first visited Central America and Mexico. While at Panama he commented upon the advantages that would accrue from the construction of an isthmian canal. 104 The French hi America 105 found a colony. This became Port Royal, on the Bay of Fundy, at the present site of Annapolis, Nova Scotia. For several years Champlain led exploring expeditions down the New England coast, nearly as far as Rhode Island. In these and similar explorations in the St. Lawrence valley, he took care- ful note of geographical features and Indian life. His accounts are extremely valuable for his descriptions of Indian life before its contact with civilization. The renewal of the De INIonts grant in 160S brought Champlain to the St. Lawrence River, w^here he founded Quebec in that year. It was his purpose "to find a way to China, avoiding at the same time the cold of the North and the heat of the South." Upon the basis of stories of "great waters" that lay to the westward, Cham- plain iniagined the nearness of the Pacific Ocean. He was mindful also of the advantages to be gained from the fur trade and from discoveries of gold mines. The conversion of the Indians soon became another prominent motive in his work. He bargained with the Algonquin Indians to assist them in their wars with the Iroquois if they w^ould help him in his western explorations. This agreement was kept when, in 1609, Champlain accompanied a war party of his Indian friends up the St. Lawrence and Richelieu rivers to the beautiful Lake Champlain, which he was the first white man to visit. Here they met and defeated an Iroquois party. In 1615, Champlain ascended the Ottawa River, entered Georgian Bay and Lake Huron, and, returning by way The Explorations of Champlain His motives and Indian policy. 106 A merican II istonj of Lake Ontario, entered the heart of the Iroquois country (now central New York State). Here his Indian allies unsuccessfully attacked a fortified Iroquois village. The Iroquois were "the fiercest, boldest, most politic, and most ambitious savages to whom the American forest has ever given birth."* Their villages were well fortified by palisades. Two other facts gave the Iroquois great strength. (1) Their geo- graphical position, upon the head-waters of streams flowing in every direction, made both defence and attack easier for them than for their enemies. (2) We find among the Irocjuois the best example of a permanent confederacy among Indian tribes north of Mexico. The five " nations " of this confederacy were the Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, and Senecas. For two generations they scarcely ceased their attacks upon the St. Lawrence settlements (Quebec, Three Rivers, Montreal), murder- ing the inhabitants, terrifying the garrisons, and thus deterring greatly the progress of that colony. In the meantime the Iro- quois established friendly relations with the Dutch. When the English conquered New York they succeeded to the Iroquois friendship, continued to furnish them with guns in trade, and incited them to attack the French. Champlain's efforts to plant an agricultural colony were opposed at the court of France by persons whose interests were in the fur trade. At Champlain's death, 1635, the colony on the St. Lawrence contained not more than sixty persons, sustained chiefly by supplies brought from France. During this period began the Jesuit missionary activity, which was so prominent a feature of French colonization. With the greatest devotion and with untold suffering, these priests pursued their unselfish work. During the second period of French colonization, from the death of Champlain to the accession of Colbert as minister to Louis XIV, the colony increased in population to 2,500; but it was still upon a weak foundation. A trading company, the Hundred Associates (1626-1663), headed by Richelieu held a monopoly of the fur trade, and their profits were divided among the stockholders instead of * Parkman, Pioneers of France, 389. The Hurons were of Iroquois stock, but they refused to join the confederacy of the Five Nations. The French in America 107 croing toward tlie upbuilding; of a strono; colony in Canada. Here, as in the ]MiTn pathetic attraction of two bold and energetic spirits." They wished that the buffalo skins and heavy ])eltries of the western streams might find an outlet by transporta- tion down the Mississipj^i River. Thi.s, too, would \m\\ within French control a water- way, which, unlike the St. Lawrence, was not frozen for a great part of the year. Fort Frontenac was estal)- lished on Lake Ontario as an advanced post from which the fur trade might be controlled. Then, in 1679, La Salle built on Niagara River, above the falls, a sailing vessel. The Griffon. In it he sailed through Lakes Erie and Huron, and entered Lake ]\Iichigan. From the head of Lake ^Michigan La Salle proceeded by way of the St. Joseph and Kankakee rivers to the Illinois, where he established a post called Crevecoeur.* Later, he made several journeys between Canada and the Illinois country. The crowding event of this history is his successful descent of the Mississippi to its mouth (1682), where he took formal possession of all the land drained by its tributaries under the name Louisiana. He then founded Fort St. Louis, at Starved Rock, on the Illinois River, as a means of main- taining French ascendency among the tribes of that region. *The present site of Peoria, III. A possible portrait of Marquette Du Lhut The French in America 111 On his first journey to Illinois, La Salle was accom- panied by Tonty, one of the bravest French explorers. Father Hennepin also accompanied La Salle to Crevecoeur, and Hennepin thence ascended the Mississippi to northern Minnesota. Here ^^^ he was a captive among the Sioux Indians, and met the fur trader Du Lhut, by whom he was rescued. La Salle desired to establish a military post and depot at the mouth of the Mississippi; for this purpose he transported colonists directly from France to the Gulf of Mexico. But the ships missed the mouth of the Missis- sippi, and the colony wasted away on the Texan shore. La Salle was murdered while attempting to reach Canada to find aid for this colony (1G87). Frontenao's policy toward the Iroquois was to concili- ate and intimidate them by turns. He succeeded but temporarily. The Iroquois raided the entire West as far as the JMissLssippi and southward to the Ohio. Nowhere was a French trader safe from their attacks. For these offences they were severely punished by Frontenac's suc- cessor, Denonville, but they were not permanently subdued until the timeof Frontenac's return to America (1689-1698), during the period of the first French and Indian war. THE FRENCH WARS AND FURTHER COLONIZATION At three points the conflicting interests of the French Causes of and the English in America brought the colonists to the Amerrca."^ point of war. (1) The fisheries of northern Atlantic waters were invaded by the enterprising New Englanders. (2) The limits of Acadia on the west were disputed by the settlers of Maine. (3) Both nations claimed jurisdiction over the ^Mississippi Valley. This dispute, like that over Acadia, involved more than a theoretical title to an un- inhabited region. Practically it involved the friendship or enmity of powerful Indian tribes and the profits of their trade. Is^o peace between the rival colonists could be ex- pected while the Iroquois, under English influence, terror- ized the western tribes, and diverted the furs to their own country, where they acted as middlemen in selling the furs to the English at Albany. 112 American History Four wars were fought in the struggle for American side were the greater miUtary ad- territory. On which vantages? The government of New France was highly cen t ral i zed, and hence the military re- sources of the colony were in immediate and effective control from Quebec. The English colonies, on the other hand, were disunited, jealous, and at first penurious ; they were slow, too, in rallying in suffi- cient force to meet their enemies. Again, the French had the advantage in the support of larger numbers of Indian allies than the Eng- lish could command; but these fickle friends readily de- serted the French when the latter suf- fered defeat. In the end the final struggle for the pos- session of North America was to be determined largely by the "staying qualities' spect the English were By Treaty of Itreoht I I Frmch North America in 1689 and 1713 of the combatants. In this re- greatly superior; for they were The French in America 113 backed by the greater j)()i)ulati()n and wealth of the col- onies, and by the superior resources, particularly the naval power, of the mother country. The actual outbreak of hostilities awaited the course of events European in Europe. The revocation of the Edict of Nantes by Louis XIV (1085), and the coii.sequent pensecution of the Huguenots, aroused the anger of Englishmen. The dismissal of James II from the English throne (IGSS), and the subsequent favor shown to him by Louis, added fuel to the fires of passion in both coun- tries. Finally, the invitation to William of Orange to ascend the throne of England, led directly to the War of the Palatinate (1G89-1G97). causes. William's War. 1689 1697. The struggle in America, known as King William's King War. divides itself into three phases. (1) There was attack and counter attack in the Iroquois region; these Indians devastated La Chine, while the French and Indians destroyed Schenectady. (2) The severest attacks of the French fell upon the outlying settlements of Maine, Dover, Pema(|uid, and Salmon Falls. (3) The revenge for these attacks was planned at an intercolonial con- gress held at New York (1690). Here plans were made for a concerted land-and-water attack upon Quebec and ^Montreal, but they failed through mismanagement. The treaty of peace that ended the war in Europe (Treaty of Ryswick, 1G97), left the combatants with the same territorial limits in America as before, and the same causes for enmity. The last struggle of Louis XIV against his enemies in Queen Europe, precipitated by his attempt to unite the thrones of France and Spain, is known as the War of the Spanish Succession. In America it gave occasion for Queen Anne's War. Again the French and Indians fell upon the outlying New P^ngland settlements; Wells, Saco, Casco, Deerficld, and Haverhill were stricken. In revenge, the New Englanders captured Port Royal, Acadia, and at the conclusion of the war this important station was retained by the English and named Annapolis. The surrounding Anne's War, 1701- 1713. 114 American History country, with indefinite limits, became Nova Scotia. The English likewise obtained Newfoundland and the PVench gave up their claims to the borders of Hudson's Bay. The Treaty of Utrecht (1713), whose terms as they affect America have just been stated, was the beginning of the downfall of French colonial power in America. (See map p. 112.) In the years immediately preceding and following Queen Anne's War, the French were actively pursuing their policy of establishing military and trading posts throughout the West. These were all situated at strategic points, guard- &' ZASt.Lavirence^ ^^4^ The French and Indian Wars, 1689-1748 ing important water-ways and routes of travel. As the posts of Mackinac and Sault Ste. jNlarie were stations on the older routes of the northern waters, so Detroit was founded (1701) to aid in controlling the more direct routes to the Mississippi. Fort ]\Iiami on the Maumee and Fort St. Joseph, on the river of that name, had been located on important routes of travel. In the Illinois country the posts at Cahokia (16G9) and Kaskaskia (1700) were trad- The French in America 115 irig centres, and near them F'ort Chartres was built in 1720. At about the same time the French built a fort on the upper Wabash River; and by 1727 they had another stronghold at Vincennes. At Mobile (1701) and New Orleans (1718) French power was upheld on the Gulf. Fort Rosalie was early established near the present site of Natchez. Such was the French "chain of posts" reaching from Quebec to New Orleans. The weakness of this method of occupation lay in the sparseness of population found within the territory. A handful of soldiers was all that France xheinhabi- could spare for all her posts; these could not move aggres- J.*"*^ °^ sively against the English frontier — the Alleghany ^loun- tains. Besides the soldiers, the huts that were crowded within the palisades of the western posts sheltered the courcurs du hois, who came and went on their trading expeditions. Here, too, in most cases were a few hardy peasants {habilans) who dared till the soil within easy reach of the posts. ^Yatching over this varied collection of French subjects were the priests, e^•er\'Avhere working to bring the Indians within their influence. Another European struggle (the War of the Austrian Kingr Succession) gave occasion for the outbreak of King warT744- George's War in America (1744-1748). Soon after the 1748. preceding war the French had begun to spend money lav- ishly in making an impregnable fortress at the town and harbor of Louisburg, on Gape Breton Island. Louis- burg's position made it the guardian of the St. Lawrence; here French fleets could rendezvous. It was the base of supplies from which the English fishing fleets were men- aced. It is not strange, therefore, that New Englanders should organize an expedition against it. Sheer pluck and bravery, witii the assistance of an English fleet, won a memorable victory, and Louisburg fell (1745). Great was the disappointment and anger of the captors when this im- portant post was returned to the French.* * The treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle (1748) confirmed the English possession of Bombay, India; and this accounts for the surrender of Louisburg, French Posts and Portages in the West The French in America 117 The final strug^rle in America could not be long The postponed; the outcome depended partly upon the ^Tw^^ °^ character of the French colony in America. In 1750, France. the white population of New France (including Acadia, Canada, and Louisiana) was about 80,000; in marked contrast, the English colonies contained at that date more than a million people. The causes for this dif- ference are found partly in the motives that prompted colonization in the two mother countries. Political and religious persecution had worked powerfully to depop- ulate France; but the exiled Huguenots were, after 1685, absolutely forbidden to settle within the limits of New France. Consequently, those who crossed the At- lantic added their strength to the English colonies. (See p. 76.) ]\Ioreover, the French lacked the colon- izing spirit that characterized the English — that desire for economic improvement through the toilsome process of building homes in a new land. The spirit of ad- venture, the missionary spirit, and the desire for gain by trade Avere the motives of the colonists who came to New France voluntarily; still others Avere sent, either as soldiers or as settlers. The natural increase of population in Canada was slow. The leading industry of New France was the fur Their in- trade. Geographical conditions account for this fact, ^"'^'^"'^s. and the effect of this industry was to strengthen the wandering and adventurous tendencies of the people. The agricultural system prevailing in the colony did nothing to foster a self-reliant and progressive class of farmers. Here, as in the paternalistic policy al- ready outlined (p. 107), the people were trained in dependence, rather than in self-reliance. This fact is still more plainly seen in the governmental Their gov- system of the colony. The Governor-General and the ^'■""^^"^• Intendant were the chief executive officers, and these were appointed by the crown of France. Instead of having distinct functions, these officers continually 118 A merican H idunj clashed.* These .secular officers were also in frequent conffict with the church officials, who likewise received appointment in France. The existence of the fur-trade monopoly was another disturbing element in the situation. For the violation of the law granting the monopoly often yielded rich rewards, which sorely tempted both settlers and officers. There existed no elected legislative body in either the central or the local government of New France. An effort of Frontenac to set up an elected council at Quebec met a rebuke from Colbert, who ordered its discontinuance, say- ing, "You should very rarely, or, to speak more correctly, never, give a corporate form to the inhabitants of Canada." Instead, therefore, of having a voice in their local affairs, the people obeyed the commands of their rulers, and these in turn were subject to constant and minute direction by the King and his ministers at Paris. WESTWARD IMIGRATIOX AND THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR The movement of the English colonists westward from the Atlantic Ocean was influenced most profoundly by physical geography. It has already been noted that the physical characteristics of New England promoted coast- line settlement mainly. The geography of the South, on the other hand, was favorable to an industry that caused the expansion of settlers over a larger area. Here, how- ever, the coastal plain was much wider. The first advance of settlement in any section was to the fall line. This name has been given to a hne connecting the points on rivers where rapids indicate the hmits of the coastal plain proper. As far inland as these points extends the "tide-water" region, where tidal influence can be felt. Beyond the fall line * In fact, it was the deliberate policy of the home government to avoid separating the jurisdictions of the Governor and the Intendant, to the end that they might spy upon each other. Am. Hist. Review, XII, 25-26. The F III urimenca 119 ocean vessels could not go; water power was often developed at these paints. These considerations determined the location of cities: on the fall line are situated Philadelphia, Washington, Fredericksburg, Richmond, Petersburg, Raleigh, Camden, and Columbia. By 1700 population had advanced somewhat bevond the Poimiation '' i ^ •' in the English Colonies. fall line, but the region westward to the mountains was unexplored. It was a remark- able feat per- formed by Gov- ernor Spotswood of Virginia when, in 1716, he led a body of horse- men as far west as the Blue Ridge, where they V'iewed the beau- tiful "Valley of Virginia" — the Shenandoah Val- ley. Spotswood was one of the f ew- who saw the stra- tegic importance of possessing this region and holding the mountain passes against the advance of the French. Fur traders were the first to penetrate the wild mountain The first regions of the Alleghanies. These returned with accounts ^ttiers!'" of fertile valleys and wide plains beyond. In New York westward advance was checked by the Catskill IN Fountains, and in the Mohawk Valley the Iroquois Indians were long a barrier in the way. In the extreme South, the people of both Georgia and South Carolina were deterred from settle- Govemor Spotswood 120 A III erica N Ili.sfori/ ment in the West by the liostility of the Indians on their borders. Hence it was that the mountain vahevs were first settled in Pennsylvania, where the Scotch-Irish and the Germans * found ready access to them by way of the Susquehanna River and its tributaries. The movement of these mountain settlers was not, how- ever, due westward. Better lands were to be found farther south, and in this direction the river valleys opened the line of least resistance. From Pennsylvania, then, the first settlers came into the Siienandoah Valley (about 1732). Others pushed farther on, finding the head-waters of the New and (rreenbriar rivers that feed the Great Kanawha, a tributary of the Ohio; and the head-waters of the Holston, Clinch, and P^rench Broad rivers that feed the Tennessee. These mountain frontiersmen were reenforced by settlers from Virginia, many of whom were ex-indentured servants, and from North Carolina. f The Ohio In 1748, a body of prominent Virginians organized the Company. Qj^j^ Company and the next year obtained a grant of land west of the mountains in Virginia. Their purpose was to engage in the fur trade and to colonize the lands. Their post at Will's Creek (later Cumberland, Md.), was on the mountain trail that ran westward to a tributary of the INIonongahela River. The activity of English traders in the Ohio country and this project of the Ohio Company for settlement were answered by the French when they sent an expedition under Celeron, which followed the Alleghany * For discussion of Scotch-Irisli and Germans, see pp. 76, 129. t "These pioneers were of different type from the planters of the South, or the merchants and seamen of the New England coast. The Scotch- Irish element was ascendant, and this contentious, self-reliant, hardy, backwoods stock, with its rude and vigorous forest life, gave the tone to Western thought in the Revolutionary era. A log hut, a little clearing, edged by the primeval forest, with the palisaded fort near by — this was the type of home they made. As they pushed the frontier on, they held their lands at the price of their blood shed in incessant struggles with the Indians." Turner, Western State-Making in the Revolutionary Era. Am. Hist. Review, I, 72-73. The Froir/i in America 121 and Ohio rivers tlown to tlie mouth of tlie Great Miami. Leaden plates were buried at various points inscribed with the claim of France to the entire region. This presaged the final struggle between the French and the English in America. The most \ital point of contact between the rival col- French onizing powers was the upper Ohio Valley. The next \°^l ^[j". move of the French ghany. w a s the establish- ment of a series of posts — Presque Isle on Lake Erie and Forts Le Boeuf and Venango on the Al- leghany River. In response to this ac- tion, Governor Din- widdie, of Virginia, sent George Wash- ington, whose experi- ence as a surveyor on the frontier qualified him for the enter- prise, to warn the French that they had encroached upon English territory. The warning proved futile and the French proceeded to erect Fort Du Quesne, at the junction of the Alleghany and the ]\Ionongahela rivers— the most important point on the western frontier. When, the next year, Washington was sent with a small force to drive the French from this post, he was defeated; being forced to surrender at Fort Necessity • (July 4, 1754), he withdrew to Virginia. The situation was now critical, and though France and The^^^ England were nominally at peace in Europe, each made congress. active preparations for guarding its possessions in America, i^^^- Western Forts — French and Indian War 122 A mericaii II istorij In 1754 the New England colonies, New York, Pennsyl- vania, and Maryland sent delegates to a congress at Al- bany. This congress renewed the alliance with the Iro- quois, and then discussed j)lans for a union of the colonies that would render their military forces more efficient. The plan adopted was drawn up by Benjamin Franklin. It provided for a President-General, to be appointed by the crown, and a Grand Council to be composed of delegates elected by the colonial assemblies. In the latter feature the English Government saw too much of colonial self- government and so rejected the plan. The colonial assemblies, on the other hand, objected to the presence of a royal officer, and none of them approved the measure. The last The situation in America when the French and Indian Indian ^"^ ^^^^ began in earnest reveals four principal points of attack War, 1755- and defence. (1) Fort Du Quesne was essential to the ]K)wer that would hold the West. (2) Fort Niagara guarded the French communications with Du Quesne, with the Iro- quois Indians, and with Detroit and Mackinac. (3) The Lake Chainplain route was the most direct line of com- munication between New York and Canada. (4) Louis- burg was essential in the naval defence of Quebec; and it menaced English interests on the Atlantic coast. During the years 1755-1757 the French were, in general, successful, chiefly because of the incompetency of the English officers. Braddock's expedition against Fort Du Quesne (1755) resulted in a terrible defeat; but it served to arouse the colonists to more prompt action. For three years, while the French held Du Quesne, the frontiers of neighboring colonies were harassed by Indian attacks. Unfortunately, the authorities and people of the tide-water regions refused to send adequate means of defence to the frontier. In 1756, English attempts against Niagara and Louis- burg failed, and Oswego fell into French hands. In the Lake Champlain region a French force under Montcalm pushed their line forward and built Fort Ticonderoga. The French in America 123 From here they .successfully attacked the Eno;lish Fort William Henry. (See map, p. 114.) But a new day dawned for the cause of England when William ^Yilliam Pitt assumed control of the government. The JJfp^Sey. personality of this great man— his faith in himself, in the people, and in the destiny of England— aroused great enthusiasm in both England and America. The Seven William Pitt From the National Portrait Galk'i y Years' War had begun in Europe (1756). Pitt sent aid to Frederick the Great of Prussia in his single-handed struggle against France, Austria, and Russia. He put men and money into the war in America and sent over com- petent commanders. Generals Wolfe and Amherst took Louisburg (175S), and so made possible the naval attack upon Quebec. Fort Frontenac was captured. A well- 124 American Jlistorij oi'fjanized e.vpcdiiioii vindor (lonorul Forbes crossed tlie Alleglianies from Philadelj)hia and se(;ured Fort l)u Qiiesne. The otlier Frencli posts in that neigliborhood were then abandoned, and in 1759 Fort Niagara capitu- lated. Thus the French posts of the far West were cut off h\m\ communication with Canada. The war now concentrated upon Quebec, wliose defences were commanded by ]\Iontcahn. While a naval force under Saunders, cooperating with the troops under Wolfe, held close siege during the summer months of 1759, a View of Quel )fc fnim P. tardy expedition under Amherst moved northwartl from Lake Champlain, but failed to render assistance. The strategic problem, which almost baffled the energy and skill of Wolfe, was at last solved in a most dramatic, and to the French unexpected, attack upon the rear of Quebec. Here, by the battle upon the Plains of Abraham, the outcome of the war was virtually decided. With the fall of Montreal in the next year, the conquest of Canada was complete. The terms of the Treaty of Paris (1763) were dictated largely upon the basis of European politics. (1) England The French in America 125 returned to France some of her West Indian islands which had been captured. (2) All the former French possessions on the continent east of the Mississippi were ceded to Eng- land. (3) France ceded her claims west of the Mississippi* to Spain. (4) England had been at war with Spain also, and had captured The Treaty of Paris, 1763. European Possessions by Treaty of Paris INIanila and Havana. These were restored, and, in exchange, England received Florida. The consequences Results of of this war were mo- ^AmeTa!" mentous. On its American side, it de- termined the possi- bility of westward expansion for the English people, with the ideas and insti- tutions that are fun- damental in the United States of to- day. In its immediate effects the war gave military train- ing to the colonists; it gave thern self-confidence; and of the British troops and officers they acquired accurate ideas that were to be of service in years not distant. The col- onists also had some experience in cooperative efforts against a common enemy. Finally, it was not unobserved at the time that the banishment of the French power from America removed the necessity for colonial dependence upon the British Government, a necessity which had hitherto been distinctlv felt. * The island of Orleans, including the city, went with the western part to Spain. Thus France lost every foot of her colonial empire on the continent; but she retained fishing rights in Newfoundland waters and two small islands (St. Pierre and Miquelon), south of Newfoundland. 126 American History Suggestive Questions and References 1. Parkman's Pioneers of France in the New World. Cham- plain's early life and voyages, 236-242. Settlements in Acadia, 243-275. FoundinjT of Quebec, 324-338. Expedition of 1609 against Iroquois, 339-352. Second expedition against Iroquois, 399-416 (map). Champlain's character and work, 446-454. 2. Do you agree with Drake (The Making of the Great West, p. 72) that Champlain's Iroquois policy was "consummate folly"? 3. Fiske, New France and New England. Champlain's policy, 58-71. Summary of his work, S9-9.3. La Salle, 109-132. Fur traders and missionaries, 98-109. 4. The later French explorers. Thwaites, The Colonies, 246- 249. Drake, Making of the Great West, 7.5-85. Fiske, Dis- covery of America, II, 528-540. 5. Parkman, Old Regime in Canada. Colbert and his system, 232-237. Talon's influence, 268-275. 6. Parkman, Frontenac. His character and policy, 17-18; 22-24; 389-396. 7. Nicolet. Parkman's La Salle, chaps. 23, 24. Thwaites, Story of W'isconsin, 19-35. 8. Marquette and Joliet. Parkman's La Salle, 48-78. Drake, Making of the Great West, 85-92. Hart, Contemporaries, I, No. 42. Thwaites, Father Marquette — an interesting biog- raphy. 9. Parkman, The Jesuits (from a Protestant point of view), chaps. 3, 4, 16, 20. The success of the Jesuits, 317-320; 446- 449. Parkman's La Salle, 28-38; 92-94. 10. Conditions and events preceding the French and Indian wars. Fiske, New France and New England, 258-283. Also, French colonial policy, 100-109. 11. Parkman, Old Regime. Canadian feudalism, 304—315. Colonial government, 320-.329; 337-344; 348-351. Trade re- strictions, 352-361; 366-379. Life in the colony, 434-460. 12. Royal measures fostering New France, Hart, Contempo- raries, I, No. 41. The fur trade, 320-324; 327-330. 13. Make a comparison of the French and the English colonies under the following heads: — 1. Situation of each, with reasons. 2. The people, numbers, motives, classes. 3. Industries. 4. Government. 5. Relations with the mother country. 6. Re- The French in America 127 lations with Indians. 7. Military strength. Read on this topic, Parknian's works, Old Regime, 4()1-4(W. Frontenae, 414-417. Half Century of Conflict, II, 63-77. :\Iontcalm and Wolfe, I, 20-35. Also, Sloane, French War and Revolution, 22-27; 33-37. Greene, Provincial America, 114-118. 14. Parkman, Half Century of Conflict, I. The attack on New England towns, chaps. 3, 4. French policy, 262-267; 2SS-290. 1.5. The capture of Louisburg. Harper's Magazine, 108: 209-218 (map). Parkman, Half Century of Conflict, II, chaps. 18, 19, 20 (maps, frontispiece, and p. 113). Hart, Contempo- raries, II, No. 120. Fiske, New France and New England, 249- 257 (map). 16. Are the French to-day a successful colonizing nation? 17. Braddock's defeat. SlOane, French War and Revolution. 40-45. Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, I, chap. 7. Hart, Contemporaries, II, No. 127. Bancroft, II, 420-425. Fiske, New France and New England, 283-293. 18. The Albany Congress and Franklin's plan. Hart, Con- temporaries, II, No. 125. Bancroft, I, 385-388. James and Sanford, Government in State and Nation, 114. Old South Leaflets, No. 9. 19. William Pitt, the Great Commoner. Green, History of England, 748-753. Gardiner, 746-753. 20. The capture of Quebec. Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, chaps. 25, 27, 28. Hart, Contemporaries, II, No. 129. Ban- croft, II, 503-512. Fiske, New France and New England, 344— 359 (map). Kendall, Source Book of English History, 345-349. Colby, Selections from the Sources of English History, 247-250. 21. The Treaty of Paris, Sloane, French War and Revolu- tion, chap. 9. 22. The people and government of New France. Thwaites, France in America, chap. 8. The frontiersmen of the English colonies, ibid, 145-148. 23. Historical fiction. Catherwood, The Romance of Bol- lard. The Story of Tonty. Doyle, The Refugees. Thackeray, The Virginians'. Parker, The Seats of the Mighty (Fall of Quebec). 24. Source material, James and INIann, Readings in Ameri- can history, chap. 8. CHAPTER IX THE ENGLISH COLONIES IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY Growth in population. Between the years 1(590 and grew in population from about The German immi- grants. 7()0 the English colonies 2-4r),000 to 1,()00,000. Here, as in all new countries, -where conditions of life arc easy, the natural increase was large; and there was much immigration. In New England, non-English immigrants were not welcomed, though there were some Huguenots in the cities and Scotch-Irish in New Hampshire. Eamilies were large, and there was little migration out of New England. In the middle colonies, this period saw a great influx of non-English immigrants. The circumstances under which the Huguenots and the Germans left Europe have been mentioned (pp. against the 1^^^^°^ colonists. Since the balance with the West Indies was in their favor, much French and Spanish coin, of gold and silver, came thence in payment. This was in turn mainly shipped to England in settlement of the balance due there. Little hard money remained in the colonies, and there were no Paper precious metals produced from which to coin it. Hence arose money. 132 American Ilisfori/ a demand for paper money, a demand to which all the colonial governments yielded, with unfortunate consequences. Its fluctuating value resulted in loss to many and benefited only speculators. Colonial governors were instructed by the home government to p r o - hibit such issues. During the Euro- pean wars of these times privateering was allowed, and upon the cessation of a war the privateer often turned pirate. The laxity of moral ideas upon this subject allowed the pi- rates to conduct, moi ( or less openly, a proht able trade in their stolen goods. The in- lets of the Carolina coasts and of the 'W est Indies furnished ton venient shelters. \ ig- orous efforts, howe\er were made to suppu ss piracy. Besides beiiif; a source of great profit to the colonists, their foreign commerce brought them into touch witli the peo- ples of other lands. This, and the mingling of the Eng- lish with the foreign elements of colonial population, broadened their ^'ision and compelled the enlargement of their ideas. Partly for this reason, the strictness and sever- ity of life were somewhat relaxed in the eighteenth century. There was a greater degree of comfort among the common people and of luxury among the rich. As the struggle for existence became easier there was more time for refinement, as well as for indulgence. In religious mat- ters, especially in New England, the church ceased to prescribe minute rules of conduct and the ministry lost its English Colo)iies in the Eighteenth Century 133 preeminent influence. The professions of law and med- icine became more respectable and had greater influence. A revival of religion, known as the "great awakening," Religion that had a profound influence, began in New England, education. in 1734, and lasted ten years. In this movement, which aff'ected all the colonies, Jonathan Edwards and George Whitefield were the leaders. In educational matters, while the spread of common schools was slow, a number of col- leges were founded: Yale, 1701; Princeton, 1746; King's (now Columbia rni\ersity), 1754; the University of Pennsylvania, 1755; and Brown, 1764. Newspapers were permanently established, the Boston News Letter (1704) being the first. In the constitution of their governments the colonies colonial may be classified into three groups: royal, proprietary, and n^gnts"' republican. This classification is based upon the three different methods by which their go\ernors obtained office; i. €., by royal commission, by appointment of the pro- prietor, and by popular election. In the first group there were, in 1690, New Hampshire, ^Massachusetts, New York, ^Maryland (temporarily), and Virginia; in the second, Penn- sylvania, Delaware, New Jersey, and the Carolinas. Of the latter group only the first two remained proprietary, the rest becoming royal, while Maryland was restored to the Balti- more family. Rhode Island and Connecticut alone re- tained their elective governors, and so may be classed as republican. With them, the colonial charters Avere the basis for the governor's authority; in the proprietary col- onies, the royal charter specified the powers of the governor; while in the royal colonies the commission of the governor and the instructions issued by the home government from time to time outlined his powers. In the royal and proprietary colonies the governor was Governor assisted and advised by a council, the members of which council, (except in INIassachusetts) were appointed by the crown or by the proprietor, usually upon the governor's recom- mendation. The council was thus a part of the admin- 134 American Ilisfon/ istrative branch of government; it had also jii(Hcial func- tions, in certain cases, sitting as a court of appeals; finally, it participated in legislative work, being (in every colony except Pennsylvania) the upjier house of the colonial leg- islature. It was natural that the members of the council should have been, generally speaking, in sympathy ^^ith the governor. With him they represented the external au- thority of government; they were favorable to the policy of control of which we have seen the beginnings (p. S9), and which was destined to develop in the eighteenth century. The popular element in the colonial governments, rep- resenting the spirit of self-government, and often oj)posing the policy of control, was found in the representative as- semblies which were elected in the various colonies. The origin of these assemblies has been traced, and the strug- gles by which they acquired legislative powers, that of taxation, especially, have been noted. In the enactment of laws the assemblies were not absolute; for the council (except in Pennsylvania) must also vote its consent, and the royal and proprietary governors had the power of approving or vetoing bills. Finally, the crown exercised the right of veto over laws which were disapproved by its advisers. The policy of external control found vigorous ex-jjression in the early years of the reign of William and 'Slavy (1G89- 1702). Colonial governors urged upon the home govern- ment a firmer and more uniform system of colonial gov- ernment, with a view especially to the enforcement of the navigation laws and to better measures of military action against the French. In 1696, a new body, known as the "Board of Trade," consisting of members of the Privy Council and other men interested in the commercial rela- tions of England, was established as the central adminis- trative body in colonial affairs. Its powers were advisory, but it exercised considerable influence over the legislation of Parliament and over the royal instructions issued to colonial governors. An effort was made to bring the gation acts. English Colonies in the Eighteenth Century 135 governors to a greater sense of responsibility in the enforce- ment of laws by the reqnirement of a new and stricter oath of office. For the better enforcement of the navigation laws, courts of admiralty were set up in the colonies. These courts acting without juries and being thus beyond the influence of local sympathies, aroused the enmity of the colonists. Xew laws of trade were enacted by Parliament: (1) Col- New navi onial trade in wool and woollen goods was prohibited, and consequently extensive woollen manufacture was impossible. This was a measure protective of British manufactures, and later similar protection was extended to hats (1732) and to all iron manufactures (1750) beyond the stage of pig and bar iron. (2) Parliament extended the list of enumer- ated articles (see p. 85), that could be shipped to England only, by the inclusion of rice, naval stores, and ship timber. As an offset to the last provision a bounty was granted on naval stores exported to England, which was intended to encourage their production. (3) The molasses act of 1733 was intended to foster the production of sugar in the British West Indies; it imposed duties so high as to be prohibitive upon all sugar and molasses imported from the French and the Spanish islands. Since the latter were the main source of supply for these products, and since an important branch of colonial trade was based upon them (p. 131), the observance of this act would have been a serious burden. It was practically a dead letter. On the side of administrative control, the history of this period shows great activity on the part of the Board of Recom- Trade in their investigation of colonial conditions and their J^^^g^foj. recommendations for bringing the colonial governments imperial into closer conformity with the home go\ernment. Had ^°'^^''°'- they been better supported by the ministry, imperial con- trol would have been much more thorough, and colonial liberties would have sufTered accordingly. One line of action recommended by the Board was the extinction of the proprietary grants and of the Rhode Island and Con- 13G jvmerican Histor necticut charters. This policy, however, vas not vigor- ously pursued. The Jerseys became royal in 1702, and later the Carolinas (1729). Georgia, originally proprietary, was made royal (1754). But in all these cases popular discontent with the proprietary government was an active cause in the change. The central point of conflict in the oj^jiosing govern- mental tendencies of this period is found in the disj)ut('.s that arose between colonial governors and assemblies. These authorities engaged in controversies that may be grouped into three cla.sscs: (1) The a.sseinblies en- deavored to control the making of representative districts; to secure the right of dissolving their own sessions inde- pendently of the governor's will; to provide for frequent elections; to free themselves from the governor's influence in the election of their speakers; and to judge of the validity of election of their own members. (2) Many bitter controversies arose over the appoint- ment of colonial officers, especially treasurers; also, over the question of salaries, that of the governor in particular. The governors followed instructions from the home gov- ernment in their eflForts to secure permanent salaries; the assemblies, on the other hand, insisted upon annual grants of salaries. The former policy would render the governor more independent of the a.ssembly in his action; the latter would give the assembly a very effective means of control- ling the governor, through their refusal to grant a salary until he conformed to some popular demand. The contro- versy over this matter raged in New York, ^Massachusetts, South Carolina, and Pennsylvania, but it was quite uni- formly settled in favor of the assemblies, so that it was said that every governor had two masters: "one who gives him his commission, and one who gives him his pay." (3) In their efforts to exercise control over public money, the colonists proved to be worthy descendants of their English ancestors. The assemblies claimed the same rights in this respect as the House of Commons, even in ,'&c ^Q_ U E S T I O N. ftrUATh ihi chief end cf a modern pioifmciai Gr *^ An-'^v.'ER. a mndrn provincial Goiurnorh i:h ih; ml'.iih-. thac hf may be (o'Jtxd vjor t hy to t;' rc-^ t) .'. •■t.'f" f'r.y thmugVi his favour. Q_ fVooi rule ka( the mitiiftcr givn in dlr^r: .;, vcruor?, how they w,?v ferve /'^iw CKd enjjy their pia\\ A. Mi^ifterial in.'h'Uhanu WJuch are contain.- ^ daf! ^u\ coi.i-nandi^ and which a nid'in provincir.' ubfUuie!-/ to cl'.u src the etily rules to Afcct him h .'■,;■. '■,'■ .'"' f'»j'>y i i-" tinficn. V' /' ^ vr/ the 'd;drines !.■ ,'' r ; "- ' : • t.-jiJht a r'l.- , rr fcrve 'cial Go- :.-vc :ki Incial Covcrnr.r crdci CI he Q^ //'>-,.' is a mlnifiw f ^ . /i'. A w/T/yftfr isa creature uiip;. ..-..v, but iatc'-y (een ■-. Engl^'id, tnfalHblc, abfu:ute, uncoRUc.u';iVo ■ C f -A-ildom, which none . ar!> ca I m qjeSton : Of power which none crrn rcfift*. Oi boliticis fuch as fiiiis hi5 ihtlon : Of jui^ice, i^oodncfi and tn^r!- ,, .. ,",.' ,.. ,..,i., ,-,-..:. /. Tli.'v h-/o. .---c' .-r:.^.:ifVf:-^c r- -^■' r'. !'■•,'_.•■.■:.■ or a rc'vl-'^-'ii ccrti^in ' v /, r /'•;..?<..>;.., :.nif J t'oith accoi ding to the council of hii c. IMS cwn /,.>^-;-.-. rr- ''■'!•'■••' r'-'V"' '" v^;'> ^c^oi^ A 111 the woiks o; c •«<,,'.,.■■; a.iJ Pr6\jiJ^ni^, A Satire oa lloyal Govenmieut 138 American Ili.slurij direct contradiction to roval instructions sent to jrovemors. They resisted the efforts of councils to share in the pas- sage of taxation bills; they insisted that appropriations should be made for specific purposes, instead of granting lump sums to be disbursed at the governor's discretion. All efforts of the governors to collect fees or payments as substitutes for taxation were resisted. In these contests between external authority, as embodied in the governors, and popular will, as represented in the assemblies, the popular side was on the whole successful. So that the most striking feature of colonial government during this period is not the extension of imperial control, but the firm assertion of colonial rights. The colonists were encouraged in this assertion by a growing feeling of economic independence, as industries became more stable; by a growing feeling of conmion interests, as intercom- munication became easier and the wars with the French com])cllcd them to act in unison; and by a growing con- tempt for the authority of the home government, as they continued succes.sfully to evade the navigation laws and as they won victories in their contests with the colonial governors. The issue between imperial control and local self- government was not decided in this period. While tiicre came about no formal understanding upon the subject, there was yet a practical com]iromise, which, while it left some irritation in the minds of the colonists, was yet gen- erally satisfactory, both to them and to the home govern- ment. Had this condition been suffered to continue, colonial loyalty to the mother country would not have been shaken. It remained for the British Ciovernment to under- mine the foundations of colonial allegiance by the adop- tion of "a new policy," to be discussed in a later chapter. It was almost precisely fifty years after the founding of Pennsylvania that the last of the thirteen English colonies E)i(jli,s/i Colon ica in flic Eighfceiiih Cciifiirtj 139 of the Atlantic coast was established. The Carollnas oc- Reasons cupied territory that was claimed by Spain, and the de- colony, sirability of preventing Spanish aggression led to the placing of forts in the region that is now Georgia. These were, however, but temporary. Here also there was com- petition for Indian trade between the English colonists and the French traders of the Gulf coast. The English Government, therefore, gladly granted the country be- tween the Savannah and the Altamaha rivers to a com- pany of twenty or more prominent gentlemen who pro- posed founding a colony that would serve as an outpost guaranteeing English possession and trade. A leading motive in the undertaking, and the one upon which it was " initiated, was philanthropic. George Oglethorpe was an officer in the English army, a member of Parliament, and a man of much ability and of good reputation. Having served upon a Parliamentary committee investigating Eng- lish prisons, he was moved to undertake the relief of worthy debtors then in confinement by aiding them to remove to America. Under its charter, the company, known as "The Trustees," could make no profit from the enterprise, but collected funds by private subscription and was aided by Parliamentary grants. Settlers were provided with arms, and with tools and food sufficient to start them in their new life. Roman Catholics were excluded from the colony. Savannah was founded under Oglethorpe's personal supervision in 1733. Other poor and worthy persons be- sides imprisoned debtors were brought to the colony, and many Germans and Scotch Highlanders also received as- sistance. The latter were settled on the southern border of the colony as a defensive force.* Each family was given fifty acres of land. The Trustees, endeavoring to establish a model com- Policy of munity, forbade (1) the sale of intoxicating liquors; (2) the * "Georgia, more nearly than any of the North American provinces, approximates the Roman conception of a military colony planted for the defence of the empire." Greene, Provincial America, 260. settlement. 140 Amcriccni Ilislori/ use of slaves, and (3) the alienation of land, except to male heirs. Within a few years complaints arose against these restrictions. They served to keep away other colonists, and, silk and gra])e production having proved unjirofitable, slaves seemed necessary, especially in the rice fields. The Trustees finally agreed to abolish the restrictions, and the colony then grew more rapidly. In 17G0, the population (10,000) wa.s becoming typically Southern in economic and social life. Once Oglethorpe led a military force against the Spanish in Florida, and later the S])anish unsuccessfully attacked the colony. In 1754 the Trustees surrendered the colony to the crown. Then there was established the t\']:)ical colonial government, with royal governor, council,, and elected assembly. Referenxes 1. Life in Virginia. Fiske, Old Virginia, II, 28-44; 20.>-241. Hart, Contemporaries, I, 301-306; 235-238. Thwaites, The Colonies, chap. 5. 2. New England Life. Lodge, English Colonies, 441^56. Thwaites, chap. 8. Earle, Customs and Fashions in Old New England. 3. Make a comparison of the New England colonics with Vir- ginia on the following point.4: (1) Motives of settlers. (2) Meth- ods of settlement. (3) Industries. (4) Government. (5) In- fluence of religion. (6) Relations with Indians. In this con- nection, review chapter 7. 4. Dutch life in New York. Fi.ske, Dutch and Quaker Colo- nies, II, 264-288. Thwaites, chap. 10. Lodge, 312-339. Hart, Contemporaries, II, 576-579. Earle, Colonial Days in Old New York. 5. Quaker life. Hart, Contemporaries, II, 65-68. Fiske, Dutch and Quaker Colonies, II, 320-329. Lodge, 237-262. 6. Colonial commerce. Thwaites, 103-106; 185-186; 226. Lodge, 409-411. Coman, Industrial History of United States, 72-79. Greene, Provincial America, 283-291. 7. The navigation laws. Fiske, Old Virginia, II, 45-53; 111- EiKjlLsJi Colonies lit the Eighteenth Centurij 141 113. Thwaites, see Index. Coman, Industrial History of United States, 79-83. Bogart, Economic History of the United States, 34-46. 8. Colonial industries, Bogart, 49-60. Colonial farm imple- ments, 66, 68, 73. Greene, Provincial America, 270-282. 9. Colonial governments. Fisher, Colonial Era, 60; 165-167; 208-211. Thwaites, 53-63. Channing, The United States, 26- 29; 33-38. Hart, Formation of the Union, .")-17. Wilson, The State, 449-469. 10. Source material, James and INIann, Readings in Ameri- can History, chap. 9. 11. Historical fiction. Cooke, The Virginian Comedians. Hawthorne, Twice-told Tales. Johnston, Audrey. 12. Interesting and valuable are Earle, Child Life in Colonial Days, Home Life in Colonial Days, and Curious Punishments of Bygone Days. CHAPTER X CAUSES OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION The navi<;iition laws have been noticed (pj). So, SO, 135) as an ever-present source of irritation between Enred from this restriction. Concern- ng trade, the opposite was true. All the colonies depended jpon European manufactures, and seini-tropical products; md these could be paid for only by colonial exports. Hence he economic necessity of the situation made the violation )i the navigation acts profitable. It is estimated that in 1760 nine-tenths of the colonial imports were smuggled, rhe cost of the English revenue system in the colonies was our times the amount collected. There was regular illicit trade with the West Indies, Mediter- anean ports, and Holland. The desire for profit was stronger han law or commercial honor; and when it appeared that the English Government was too careless, or too inefficient, to en- orce the laws it was no longer considered culpable to violate hem. The connivance of English officers made smuggling ■asier. The landing of goods in obscure ports and the false leclarations as to the destination of vessels and their cargoes ire samples of the shrewd tricks that circumvented the laws. During the last French and Indian war there were in- The dis- tances of the seizure of smuggled goods by virtue of w^Us'oT'^ 'writs of assistance" — a kind of search warrant. In assistance. .661, application was made by Charles Paxton, surveyor )f the port of Boston, to the Supreme Court of Massachu- etts for authority to use these writs. The right of the court o grant the authority was challenged by certain Boston nerchants, on the ground that they Avere general rather han special warrants. They were directed to any officer nto whose possession they might fall ; they authorized of- 144 American Ilistorij ficers to enter and search any place and to seize any p;oods. merely upon suspicion, instead of particularly describing the places to be searched and the goods to be seized.* The court declared the writs to be legal, and they were sub- sequently used in the discovery of smuggled goods. The case was argued for the merchants by James Otis, who showed that their issuance would be a viohition of the "spirit of the British Constitution," and a reversal of the long historical movement toward individual liberty that occupies such a prom- inent i)lace in English history. He al.so declared with much fire and eloquence that the enforcement of the navigation laws meant the subjection of the colonists to obnoxious laws that they had no share in making. His speech had great influence upon the people; for it first clearly defined the issue of Parliamentary supremacy in the colonies. The head of the British ministry was now (17()3) George Grenville, an able man, but lacking in breadth of view, tact, and statesman-like (jualities. He determined that the inconsistencies in colonial relations and the inefficiency of the Government's control should cease. The three points of his "new policy" were: (1) The enforcement of the navigation laws. (2) The placing of a standing army in the colonies. (3) The partial support of this army by a colonial tax. This policy seemed to be justifietl by new conditions that followed the Seven Years' War. England's debt (£140,000,000) demanded the severest economy of resources. The danger from the French in America was not over. The years 17();^-17G4 saw Pontiac's rebellion, when the frontier of the middle colonies was swept by war. At the same time Indian attacks threatenetl the frontiers of Georgia and the Carolinas. For efficient protection a standing army seemed necessary, and in Grenville's judgment the expense should be shared by the colonists. The sugar act of 1764 announced as one of its objects the raising of a revenue in the colonies. The terms of the molasses act of 1733 (see p. 135) were altered so that if the duties were enforced they would yield considerable * Compare Amendment IV of the United States Constitution and a cor- responding clause of your State Constitution. Causes of the American Revolution 145 ' revenue. High duties were levied on other imports. The enforcement of the sugar act, said the New Englanders, would seriously injure, if not absolutely ruin, the West Indian trade and also the fishing industry that depended upon it. There now came a storm of protests from colo- nial assemblies and their agents in England. Such was the ominous situation into which Grenville The now introduced a most powerful stimulant of discon- i76j'P'^^^' tent— the proposition for a stamp ta.x to be levied in America. Calling together the colonial agents in London (1764), Gren- ville announced his purpose of raising one-third of the expense necessary for maintaining 10,000 troops in the colonies. As the agents could propose no satisfactory alternative, in the absence of a central authority in America, Grenville asserted that Parlia- ment must assume the responsibility and enact the least burden- some tax possible. The law (1765) required the use of stamps (or stamped paper) upon legal instruments (such as bonds, leases, etc.), and upon newspapers, bills of lading, playing cards, and almanacs. No part of the money was to be employed otherwise than in defraying the expense of the army in America. The smouldering fires of discontent in x^merica now burst into flame. Everwhere there were public meetings and demonstrations of disapproval. In the Virginia House of Burgesses Patrick Henry spoke out colonial sentiments in El burst of oratory. Resolutions drawn up by Henry were adopted, boldly claiming the sole right of taxation to reside in the colonial assemblies. These resolutions had 3:reat influence in other colonies. Everywhere in the L'olonies there were organized patriotic clubs called 'Sons of Liberty,"* and among these a lively corre- spondence ensued. Meanwhile, citizens entered into igreements not to buy English manufactures, and col- onial merchants threatened to pay no debts owed in England until the act was repealed. Riots occurred in * For the origin of the name, see Frothingham, Rise of the Republic, .75-183. Lamed, History for Ready ileference, United States, 1765. Bancroft, III, 110-112. Colonial opposition. 146 American History several colonies.* Stamp collectors were j)ublicly abused, stamps were destroyed, and the people utterly refused to use them. Meanwhile, upon the suggestion of the Massachusetts assembly, a general congress of the colonies met in New York on October 7, 1765. Delegates were present from Benjamin Franklin From a medallion by Jean Martin Renand nine colonies; among them were James Otis, Christopher Gadsden (South Carolina), John Dickinson (Pennsyl- * The most notable riot resulted in the destruction of Lieutenant- Governor Hutchinson's house in Boston. This gentleman, whose real character and motives have until recent j-ears been misunderstood, was opposed to the Parliamentary policy, but saw no alternative to its en- forcement. He incurred the bitterest enmity of the popular leaders, among whom were James Otis and Samuel Adams. Causes of fhr American Revolution 147 sania), and I'liilip Livino;ston (Xew York). Thouo;li not unanimous in opinion, the Congress agreed upon a Declara- tion of Rights, and Addresses to the King and both Houses 3f Parliament. Their Declaration breathes at once the spirit of loyalty to the King and Parliament and firm ad- herence to the principle, "no taxation without representa- tion." Their rights were declared to be those of natural- born citizens of Great Britain. The importance of this Congress in forming public opinion and fostering the spirit of united action among the thirteen colonies cannot be overestimated. Upon the grounds of expediency the Stamp Act was re- The repeal pealed in 1766. The following reasons account for this: g^ampAct. (1) There had been a change of ministry; the Whigs, under Rockingham, were disposed toward a more lenient colonial policy and were anxious to obtain the favor of the mercantile classes. (2) In his testimony before the House of Commons, Benjamin Franklin pointed out the fact that by persisting in their opposition the colonies could ruin British trade and build up manufactures for themselves. (3) English merchants and manufacturers, already feeling the evil effects of colonial anger, deluged Parliament with petitions for the repeal. The colonial denial of Parliament's right to levy this tax was explained by Franklin, who drew the distinction between ex- ternal and internal taxes. He said: "The authority of Parlia- ment was allowed to be valid in all laws, except such as should lay internal taxes. It was never disputed in laying duties to regulate commerce." Some members of Parliament rested the right of colonial taxa- The theory tion upon the theory of "virtual representation," thus stated in of virtual the words of Lord Mansfield: "A member of Parliament, chosen [^P^^^f"" from any borough, represents not only the constituents and inhab- itants of that particular place, but . . . all the other commons of this land, and the inhabitants of all the colonies and dominions of Great Britain." This can be understood only in the light of conditions then existing in England under the "rotten borough" system.* The theory was not accepted by Burke or by Pitt. * Gardiner, History of England, 713-714. 148 America)! Hifitory The idea was certainly incomprehensible to Americans, among whom a very different system of representation had pjrown up. A "Declaratory Act" accompanied the repeal of the Stamp Act. It proclaimed the right of Parliament to make all laws to bind the colonies in all cases whatsoever. This act was over- looked in the midst of the general rejoicing that followed the repeal. The colonists now desired nothino; better than the restor- ation of the former relations with the British Government. But the latter adopted the disastrous policy that led to American independence. A new ministry was formed (July, 1766), with ^Yilliam Pitt, now Lord Chatham, at its head. But a prolonged illness made Chatham's leader- ship only nominal. The colonial policy was dictated in- stead by Charles Townshend, Chancellor of the Ex- chequer, "a brilliant statesman, but unscrupulous and unwise." (1) Townshend proposed to raise a revenue by duties upon paper, tea,* glass, lead, and painters' colors im- ported into the colonies. Since the purpose of the new duties was the raising of revenue, instead of the control of commerce, the colonists regarded them as "internal taxes," and so beyond the power of Parliament. (2) The enforce- ment of revenue laws was rendered difficult by the fact that judges and crown attorneys were paid by colonial legislatures and were consequently under their influence. Townshend proposed that these officers should be paid from the customs receipts. (3) It was very difficult to find a colonial jury that would convict smugglers for viola- tion of the trade laws. For the trial of such cases Town- shend proposed to establish courts of admiralty, in which there were no juries. (4) A Board of Commissioners was created, to be resident in the dblonies, who were to secure more efficient administration of the navigation and rev- * This duty was 3d. a pound. Under this law, when tea was imported into England, paying there a duty of about 25 per cent., and was sub- sequently exported to America, the duty was paid back to the exporter; and in this way it was expected that tea could be sold more cheaply in America than in England. Am. Hist. Re%iew, III, 266. Causes of the Atnrrica)! Revolution 149 enue laws. Such were the Towiishend acts passed by Parliament in 17(37. The colonial response to these acts was prompt and Measures decisive. (1) The non-importation agreements that fol- ancr/ifthe lowed the Stamp Act colonies. were renewed and with them were non-con- sumption agreements. (2) Colonial protests were voiced by the writ- ings of John Dickinson of Pennsylvania, who, in his "Farmers Let- ters," stated the colonial position so cogently that public opinion was uni- ted in opposition. (.3) A similar service was performed by Samuel Adams, from whose pen came a series of peti- tions directed to the King and other English officials, and a circular letter adopted by the general court of Massachusetts and directed to the other colonial assemblies. The British ministry regarded this circular letter as an insult, and ordered the general court to rescind it; but the proposal to rescind was resolutely voted down. As punishment for the adoption of certain resolutions (1769), the governor of Virginia dissolved the House of Burgesses. But its members met the following day and adopted a non- importation plan. The year 1708 saw the landing of two regiments of British British troops in Boston; there followed considerable Bostoa'." friction over the question of providing them with quarters. It is not strange that a settled state of animosity existed .lohr Fro Dickinsfin, of Pennsylvania 1 a imintinK hy (_' W. Poale, 17ai 150 A incrican II is-fori/ between citizens and sokliers and that the ontconie should be a clash between the latter and the disorderly element of the city. The "Boston massacre" (March, 1770), re- sulting in the death of five persons and the woundino; of six, greatly inflamed popular passions. The more conserva- tive element, depre- cating the use of vio- lence, approved the position of John Adams and Josiah Quincy, Jr., who acted as lawyers for the soldiers in the trial that ensued. Through the influ- ence of Samuel Adams, Lieutenant- Governor Hutchin- son was obliged to remove the troops to Castle William in the harbor. Samuel Adams, the most influential leader in Massachusetts, displayed great skill as an agitator and a moulder of public opin- ion. He showed also remarkable ability as a writer, in stating the fundamental doctrines of colonial resistance. John Adams, his relative, was a young lawyer of brilliant qualities, but more conservative and better balanced than Samuel. His influence was destined to grow. Lord Xorth was now Prime Minister, and this meant the complete dominance of George IIL The motion was made in the House of Commons (1770) to repeal all the duties of the Townshend acts except that on tea. The vote on this policy was carried by the "King's friends" against the protests of Chatham and Grenville, who plainly saw its folly. Samuel Adams Causes of the American Revolution 151 Lord North was "an easy-going, obstinate man, with a quick George III. wit and a sweet temper." George III was but twenty-two years of age when he came to the throne in 1760. He had persistently followed a course that was in accordance with his early training and the emphatic injunction of his mother, "George, be king!" To secure a dominant influence over Parliament he used the cor- rupt means tliat had flourished under the Old Whig supremacy. He then entered upon a bitter contest with the colonies and with the friends of liberal government in England. For the latter, too, the principle of adequate representation was at stake. George III and his ministers now issued "royal in- Goverment structions" to colonial governors ordering acts that were oniesfby'' often in violation of both colonial customs and charters, royal in- In Massachusetts and South Carolina, the assemblies were removed from the capitals to other places. In several colonies assemblies w^ere ordered dissolved; royal officials in Maryland and North Carolina demanded fees that were virtually taxes; in other instances local governments were interfered with by these instructions. The efforts of Virginia to check the importation of slaves were negatived. In these ways, the King was arbitrarily legislating for the colonies. When the sessions of the Massachusetts general court Origin of were interfered with, the Boston town meeting passed a mi«eesof resolution, conceived by Samuel Adams, resulting in the correspon- Cl6nCG. establishment of "committees of correspondence" in each of eighty or more tow^ns (1772). Thus was promoted unity of thought and feeling. In Virginia, a motion was carried in the House of Burgesses that a committee of correspond- ence be appointed to communicate with similar committees in other colonies. After the repeal of the duties (except that on tea), in The tea 1770, there was a revival of trade between England and ^°"gy°' the colonies; but the colonists still smuggled tea and re- fused to patronize the British East India Company. In 1773 the King determined to bring about the payment of duties on tea, and thus to secure a practical recognition of the I*arliamentary right to tax. The British East India 152 A incrica ii II i story Company was allowed to send several ^SK^ mmm-'s^&^T^ Carpenters' Hall, Philadelphia Wliere the First Continental Congress met 154 ^imcricaii Ifi.sfDri/ Assembly tlicrc cainc the jjropo.sal tor a Conffress to he held at Phila(lelj)hia, September 1, 1774. The First Continental Congress was the logical result of many preparatory steps in the direction of union. Fifty-five delegates represented all the colonies but Georgia. Its acts may be summarized as follows: (1) It passed reso- lutions of sympathy and encouragement for Boston and ]Ma.ssachusetts. (2) A petition to the King asked re- moval of grievances, but claimed loyalty to England. (3) Addresses were issued to the people of England and Canada. (4) A remarkable paper, known as the "Decla- ration and Resolves" stated fully the grievances of the col- onists and their principles of government. (5) An " A.s.so- ciation" was adopted, binding the colonists not to import or consume British goods after December, 1774, and not to e\-])ort goods to England or her colonies after September, 1775. As the enforcement of previous similar agreements had proved to be difficult. Congress advised the appoint- ment of committees in every locality who should recom- mend that the colonists should have no dealings with per- sons who would not observe this policy. Such committees were quite generally organized. These, together with the committees of correspondence and committees of safety, assumed governmental authority and constituted, in reality, revolutionary governments. Several propositions were introduced into Parliament looking toward reconciliation with the colonies. Chatham would have retained the Continental Congress as a per- manent body. Burke, in a speech that ranks foremost among the great argumentative orations of history, pleaded for the repeal of the oppressive acts. In Massachu.setts the militia was completely organized, "minute-men" were ready for instant mobilization, and stores of war materials had been collected. General Gage's effort to capture such stores at Lexington and Con- cord led to the memorable fight of the 19th of April, 1775. Its outcome, the complete discomfiture of the British regu- Cawscf of the American Reeolutiou 15; lars, gave courage to the patriots and brought to the vi- cinity of Boston 1.5,000 troops from the New England colonies. Then began the siege of Boston, which lasted nearly a year. The Vicinity of Boston During the Siege, 1775-1776 ^leanwhile, the Continental Congress met again, May 10, 177.5.* The necessity for military action being recog- nized, the army around Boston was adopted as the Con- tinental Army, and it was voted to raise companies of ex- pert riflemen in other colonies. On June 15, Colonel George Washington was elected Commander-in-Chief of the Continental Army. Congress then voted to issue $2,000,- 000 in paper money. On June 17, 177.5, was fought the Battle of Bunker Hill. The intention of the Continental troops in fortifying Charles- town peninsula was to anticipate such a movement on the part * In the early hours of the same day, Ethan Allen, commanding a few soldiers from New England, surprised the British garrison at Fort Ti- conderoga and compelled its surrender. A few days later Crown Point was taken. The Sec- ond Conti- nental Congress, 1775-1781. 156 American Ilisforij of the British and to command a portion of Boston harbor with their guns. The blunder of the Americans in fortifying Breed's instead of Bunker's hill was offset by the greater blunder of the British in making a front attack, instead of capturing the neck of the peninsula, where they might have cut off the Americans and compelled their surrender. The defeat, at first depressing, later gave confidence to the patriots, since the British lost heavily in men and officers and gained no ground. In July, the Continental Congress at Philadelphia, under pressure of its conservative members, adopted another petition to George III, and promulgated a statement of causes for taking up arms. The latter declared: "We mean not to dissolve that union which has so long and so happily subsisted between us, and which we sincerely wish to see restored. . . . We have not raised armies with am- bitious designs of separating from Great Britain, and establishing independent states." However much the rad- ical leaders may have desired independence, their follow- ers were comparatively few. FrankHn, Jay, Washington, and Madison all testify that in the summer of 1775 there was no general desire among the people for independence. But this situation was changed by the contemptuous atti- tude of King (jeorge in his refusal to receive either the petition of Congress or the messenger who carried it. In- stead, the King issued a Proclamation declaring his Ameri- can subjects to be rebels and threatening their punishment. Worse yet was his policy of hiring troops in Gennany. During the months that followed the,se events, the radical patriots had little difficulty in convincing a majority of the people that reconciliation was impossible and that indepen- dence was the logical outcome of the conflict. In the army besieging Boston, the lack of discipline and of supplies was the despair of the commander. Finally, Washington made a bold move in ordering the fortifica- tion of Dorchester Heights, commanding Boston harbor. The British hesitated to attack, and soon loaded the troops and 1,000 Tories aboard vessels and sailed away to Hali- fax (March, 1776). Causes of ihe American Revolution 157 A daring invasion of Canada was made during the winter of 1 775-1 77G by armies under Richard Montgomery and Benedict Arnold. It failed, through mismanagement; the French people of Canada were alienated by ill-treatment at the hands of the colonial troops, and the province remained loyal. In various colonies royal 111(1 j^rovineial congresses gov ernors were driven out Movement 1 , 1 towards assumed governmental con- jndepen- trol. This was espe- dence. cially true in New Eng- land and the South, but in the middle col- onies the Tory party was at least equal to the patriot faction. Con- gress took decisive ac- tion on May 10, 1776, in advising that each colony should adopt its own permanent repub- lican government. This was the prelude to the motion of Richard Henry Lee made in Congress, June 7, that "these United Colonies are and of right ought to be, free and independent States." The motion was seconded by John Adams. On June 8th and 10th Lee's motion was debated, but further debate was postponed until the members could better learn the opinions of their constituents. June 11th a committee was chosen to draught a Declaration of Independence; its members were Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, Roger Sherman and Robert Livingston. The Declaration was reported in Congress June 28th. On July 1st the great debate began; the leaders were John Adams for independence and John Dickinson against. Lee's motion was carried July 2d, and the Declaration was adopted July 4th. On August signed the Declaration. Richard Henry Li Paiuting by C. W B, of Virginia Peale, 1791 The Dec- laration of Inde- pendence. 2d, members of Congress 158 American History In the Declaration we have an abstract statement of human rights, derived by its author, Thomas Jefferson, from the great Enghsh philosophers, Hobbes and Locke. The list of grievances that follows is directed solely against the King; the authority of Parliament is ignored, except in the statement that the King "has combined with others," etc. The attitude of the Americans during the contro- versy is stated in the final paragraphs. Following the advice of Congress several State govern- ments were at once organized, New Hampshire, Massa- chusetts, South Carolina, and Virginia taking the necessary steps before the Declaration of Independence was adopted. Virginia framed a permanent constitution. During the war all of the States established new governments, Con- necticut and Rhode Island using their colonial charters as constitutions. About one-third of the entire population of the colonies were Tories, or Loyalists. In the middle colonies and North Carolina they were equal in number with the patriots; in South Carolina and Georgia they were in the majority. They were chiefly (1) the office holders and those who hoped for official appoint- ments; (2) the clergy of the Church of England; (3) the large land owners and the substantial business men, especially those engaged in commerce; and (4) the professional classes. "They were the prosperous and contented men, the men without a grievance." The Tories argued that the English theory of rep- resentation (p. 147) was valid, and that Parliament would not enact laws that were really oppressive if the colonies would admit the principle of the Declaratory Act of 1766. Wherever Tories and patriots were nearly equal, between them there was virtually civil war. Where the Tories were in the minority they suffered severely. Their houses were searched, their property destroyed or confiscated, and they were sometimes imprisoned. Probably 100,000 were banished or died for their cause — a cause which, it has been said, was "in argument not a weak one, in sentiment not a base one, and in devotion and self-sacrifice not an unheroic one."* * Moses Coit Tyler, in Am. Hist. Review, I, 26. History of tlie American Revolution. See also Literary Causes of the American Reeoluiioii 150 What were the causes that led the Americans to declare Funda- their independence? (1) The inherent tendencies of the "^^ntai 1 . 1 • • 1^ causes of people were in the direction ot self-goA'erninent, partly on secession account of their environment, which gave free play to in- [^nd^ ^"^" Room in Independence Hall in whieii the Declaration was Signed dividual initiative, and partly because they were the de- scendants of the radicals and dissenters who constituted a large part of the emigrants from Europe. (2) This tendency liad been fostered by a century and more of practical freedom from outward control. (3) The pro- posed policy of imperial control conflicted with their po- litical ideals and their economic interests. The appoint- ment of bishops of the Church of England in the colonies had also been considered by the home government. The majority of the colonists were not adherents of this church and regarded this step with apprehension. (4) The pol- icy of the British Government during the controversy had 160 .liner lean lli.slori/ been weak and vacillating. (5) George III had domi- nated the government in its American poHcy; he had stub- bornly adhered to an impractical course, first from love of ruling and then from mere vanity. His will was the chief stumbling block in the way of reconciliation. (6) Back of all the external grievances of the colonists was the grow- ing consciousness that the Americans constituted a dis- tinct social body with conunon interests; these could be preserved intact, not by conservative yielding, but by further advancement into the fuller liberty of economic and political independence. Suggestive Questions and References 1. General accounts.* Higf^inson, Larger History, chap. 9. Lodge, English Colonies, chap. 23. Goldwin Smith, The United States, 00-89. Hart, Formation of the Union, 43-6S. Sloane, French War and Revolution, 116-178. 2. The Navigation Laws. Coman, Industrial History of United States, 76-83; 87-92. Hart, Formation, etc., 44-50. Channing, The United States, 31-33; 41-44. Lecky, The Ameri- can Revolution, 41-48; 52-56. Sloane, French War, etc., 118- 120; 124—125. Howard, Preliminaries of the Revolution, 47-67. 3. The Writs of Assistance. Samuel Adams, Am. St. Series, 39-45 (new ed. 130-145). Hart, Contemporaries, II, No. 131. MacDonald, Select Charters, 258-261. Otis's speech. American Orations, I, 11-17. 4. The Stamp Act. («) For text, see MacDonald, Select Chart- ers, 281-305. Larned, Ready Reference (United States, 1765). Am. History Leaflets, No. 21. {b) Discussion. Fiske, Am. Rev- olution, I, 14r-18; 20-28. {c) Barre's Speech in Parliament. Bancroft, III, 97-101. Frothingham, Rise of the Republic, 175- 176. (d) Resistance in the colonies. Bancroft, III, 134-141. Frothingham, 176-184. Hart, Contem., II, No. 139. (e) The Congress and Resolutions. MacDonald, 313-315. Hill, Liberty Documents, 155-157. Hart, Contem., II, No. 141. Frothing- ham, 184-189. (/) Franklin's examination. Hill, Liberty Docu- ments, 158-159. B. Franklin, Am. St. Series, 102-113 (new ed.). * In these books will be found excellent brief accounts of the topics given in the succeeding headings. Causes of the American Revolution 161 Hart, Contem., II, 407-411. Larned, Ready Reference (U. S., 1765). ig) The Repeal and Declaratory Act. Bancroft, III, 174-184. Lecky, 85-97. Hart, Contem., II, No. 142. British Orations, I, 98-119. 5. The English theory of representation. Lecky, 78-79. S.Adams, Am. St. Series, 78-89 (old ed.). Bancroft, III, 190-194. British Orations, I, 159-162. 6. George III and his ministers. Fiske, Am. Rev., I, 38-45. Hart, Contem., II, No. 130. Gardiner, Hist, of England, 765-769. 7. The Townshend Acts and opposition. Lecky, 107-115. Fiske, I, 28-32. S. Adams, Am. St. Series, 98-108; 153-159 (old ed.), 89-97, 141-164 (new ed.). 8. Samuel Adams's influence. S. Adams, Am. St. Series, 109-125 (old ed.), 107-136 (new ed.). 9. The Massachu.setts circular letter. Fiske, I, 46-50. Frothingham, 211-215. 10. The Farmer's Letters. Hart, Contem., II, No. 149. Bancroft, III, 264-205. 11. British troops in Boston and the "Massacre." Fiske, I, 57-59; 66-72. Lecky, 119-132. Bancroft, 368-378. S.Adams Am. St. Series. 160-182.' John Adams, Am. St. Series, 34-40 (old. ed.). 12. Committees of correspondence. Fiske, I, 77-82. S. Adams, Am. St. Series, 196-206 (old ed.), 176-195 (new ed.). Bancroft, III, 419-423; 436-438. 13. Boston "Tea Party." S. Adams, Am. St. Series, 243- 256 (old ed.), 228-238 (new ed.). Hart, Contem., I, No. 152. Bancroft, III, 447-458. Old South Leaflets, No. 68. 14. The Retaliatory Acts. Lecky, 164-173, Fiske, I, 93-99. S. Adams, Am. St. Series, 264-273 (old ed.), 260-270 (new ed.). 15. The First Continental Congress. Frothingham, 359-364; 370-377. Leckv, 173-184. Fiske, I, 100-111. John Adams, Am. St. Series* 50-81. Hart, Contem., II, No. 153. Mac- Donald, 356-367. 16. The Declaration of Independence. Hart, Contem., II, 537-539. Jefterson, Am. St. Series, 26-40 (old ed.). Bancroft, IV, 423-425. Frothingham, 412-417; 532-539. Lecky, 244- 246. Hill, Liberty Documents, 188-203. Fiske, I, 180-197. 17. The Tories. Lecky, 222-224; 255-260. 18. Make a list of events that show the growth of the spirit of union among the colonists. 19. James and Mann, Readings in American History, chap. 10. CHAPTER XI THE REVOLI'TIONARY WAR, 1770-1783 Sir Henry Clixtox, in command of tlic British fleet, endeavored to gain friends for the British cause by ap- pearing in Southern waters. His attack on Charleston, Soutli CaroHna (Jime, 177G), had the o})posite effect. Fort ^louhrie was bravely defended. As a conse(|uence, the British made no further effort to gain a foothold in the South for more than two years. They next struck at the strategic centre of the Atlantic coast, viz., New York and the Hudson River, hoping to cut New England off from the ^liddle States. Thus, be- fore attacking New England more deliberately, they might gain a firm base west of the Hudson, and many reenforce- ments from the Tories. Washington, anticipating the Brit- ish plans, took measures to defend New York City with an army of 17,000 men. General Howe, with an army of nearly twice that number, and supported by Admiral Lord Howe, commanding a fleet, appeared in the harbor. General Howe's attempt to dislodge Washington from Brooklyn Heights was successful (battle of Long Island, August, 1776). The latter was obliged to retreat. This he did most skilfully, his escape being made possible by Howe's failure to send the fleet to East River and by his slowness in following up his victory after the battle. Washington, followed by Howe's army, retreated to a strong position at White Plains, and Howe did not dare make a serious effort to dislodge him. Forts Washington and Lee, guarding the Hudson, fell into British hands. 162 Tlic Rcvolutioiiarij War 163 At tlio former the Americans lost 3,000 troops and ciuan- Tiie re- tities of stores. Washington had ah-eady led a part of [[frough his army across the Hudson into New Jersey, and here New the British endeavored to bring about a decisive battle. The Campaign of 1776 This would have been disastrous to the Americans, and so Washington's only policy was that of retreat.* He marched rapidly westwartl, through Newark, New Bruns- wick, and PrinJeton, constantly losing men by sickness and * This was made more necessary by the fact that General Charles Lee. stationed East of the Hudson in command of 7,000 men refused to obey Washington's order to join the latter's army. 164 American History Discour- desertion, until he had no more than 3,000 under his com- hrthe"^^ mand. The British pursued, and gained reenforcements American from the deserters of Washington's army and from the ' "">• Tories, who predominated in New Jersey. The patriot miUtia refused to turn out in defence of the country, and the people of New Jersey seemed to welcome the invaders. The terms of enlistment for many of Washington's troops were expiring, and these were rapidly going home. Victories Washington now crossed the Delaware River. Before the aii(7'^*^"^°" entire British army had advanced to Trenton, he executed Princeton, his famous manoeuvre of Christmas night, 1776, recrossing the Delaware and capturing 1,000 Hessians at Trenton. Again, a few days later, he made a skilful detour about Cornwallis's main army and defeated a part of it at Prince- ton. He then retired northward into the mountains at INIorristown Heights, where he was secure from attack. The British withdrew to New York. The effect of the victories at Trenton and Princeton was remarkable. Hope now inspired the patriots. Washington had shown himself to be a master of strategy. The jieople of New Jersey were disgusted with the conduct of the British troops in their midst, and the Middle States were now ready to sustain the American cause. Difficulties The American troops had suffered greatly from lack of food and clothing in the hard December campaign de- scribed above, and this fact deterred many men from en- listing. Others were drawn off by the greater attractions of the privateering service. Congress had authorized at- tacks on British commerce by privateers, and to those en- gaged in it, this practice had proved to be exceedingly profitable. A third cause that hindered the formation of an effective Continental Army was the policy of the States in offering larger bounties than Congress gave, for the en- listment of men in their respective militia organizations.* Nothing but the personal influence of Washington himself * Many of these militia companies disbanded when their States were not endangered by the enemy. m securuiK an army TJic Rcvolutioiiarif War 165 held the Continental Army together. To maintain its nnmbers reeourse was had to more bounties and heavy penalties for desertion. The failure to feed, elothe, and ecjuip the army properly, Financial was not owing to the poverty of the country; on the whole, '^''^'^""^"^ the people were prosperous. But Congress could not ob- tain sufficient funds. Late in the year 1776 Congress be- gan the policy of borrowing money upon certificates of indebtedness; but these yielded little at first. In the same year assistance came in the form of gifts of two million livres (about $400,000) from France, and one million from S))ain. Later, France made larger gifts, a total of some $2,000,000. This money was used in the purchase of munitions and clothing abroad, with the connivance of the French Government.* Congress also established a lottery as a source of revenue; but this yielded snuill returns. After the failure of the attack ujion Canada of 1775-1 77(5 British at (p. 157), it was necessary for the Americans to defend the line of Lake Champlain and the up{)er Hudson 1777 from British attacks directed from Canada. The year 1777 saw a renewed effort on the part of the British to capture those water-ways and thus to divide the States. General Burgoyne advanced southward from Canada, his destination being Albany. General St. Leger ascended the St. Lawrence and Lake Ontario to Oswego, and then planned an advance by the Mohawk yalley to meet Bur- goyne. General Howe was to have ascended the Hudson to join the other armies at Albany. But Howe's superiors in England neglected to sign and forward to him the pre- cise orders for this movement until he had left New York upon a camjxiign in the opposite direction. Consequently, that part of the plan failed of execution. General Burgoyne ascended theSorel (orliichelieu) River and Lake Champlain with a fine army of S,000 men, well ♦ M the same time, American privateers were allowed to use French ports, where they sold their captures. Many men and officers enlisted in the American service from France. tack from he North, ......>. ROUTE OF BORGOYNE ROUTEOFST.LEGER 4. ^ + 4. ROUTE OF HOWE Campaigns of 1777 campaign. The Revolutionary War 167 supported bv Canadians and Indians. He took Ticonderooa, Burgoyne'i and his march to Fort Edward was comparatively easy; but beyond this the American array obstructed the road in every way possible. At the same time the surrounding country was cleared of provisions upon which the British might depend. Burgoyne's supplies had to be carried from Canada; his army was constantly being diminished by the necessity of garrisoning points left in his rear; about him the inhabitants were rising to support the American cause. The advance of St. Leger was successful as far as Fort Stan- wix on the head-waters of the Mohawk River. To this fort he hiid siege. The Americans under Herkimer attacked the be- siegers; later, reenforcements under Benedict Arnold drove St. Leger's army precipitately from the fort; and so this part of the British plan failed (August, 1777). While at Fort Edward, Burgoyne sent a force into Vermont, hoping that British sympathisers might be aroused to his assist- ance anil supplies obtained. This expedition was utterly de- feated at Bennington (August) by General Stark. Burgoyne now (September 13, 1777) advanced across the His defeat Hudson and marched southward. A series of manoeuvres and battles in the vicinity of Saratoga occupied about a month. The American force, now several times larger than the British, cut off the latter's supplies, almost completely surrounded it, and finally compelled its surrender (October). The credit for the defeat of Burgoyne belongs to General Schuyler, who, in the course of the campaign, was super- seded by General Gates, and to Bendict Arnold. Kos- ciusko, the Polish patriot, also assisted in these operations. ^^hile Burgoyne's campaign was in progress. General Howe's Howe had placed his troops aboard ships (July, 1777), and ^rmmd^'' had proceeded to Chesapeake Bay, landing at its head a Phiiadei-^ month later. Washington hastened to the defence of ^"^' Philadelphia, and met the British force at Brandywine creek. Here his army was defeated, and he withdrew to Philadelphia. The British followed and Washington again retreated. On October 4, the two armies met at at Sara- toga. 168 American History (Jcnnantown, and the Ainoricans were again ck-feated. The campaign was now over, the British comfortably oc- cupying Philadelphia, while the Americans encamped at Valley Forge, a few miles distant. The capture of Phila- delphia worked less injury to the American cause than had been expected. Congress withdrew to I^ancaster, and later to York, Pennsylvania. At the same time that the question of independence was under consideration (June, 1776) the Continental Congress appointed a committee to. draw up a plan of union. The "Articles of Confederation," submitted by the committee Avere adopted by (^ongress in 1777. This was an effort to place the central government upon a firm constitutional basis, to determine its powers and its re- lations to the States. Its ratification by the States would mean a gain in efficiency for the National Government; but this action was postponed for various reasons and the weak Congress continued its control until 1781. The sufferings of tlie army at Valley Forge are evidence of the complete failure of the system under which Congress was endeav- oring to manage the commissary department. Through mis- management and the inefficiency of officers, supplies intended for the army never reached it. The membership of Congress had somewhat deteriorated in character; strong men were at- tracted to service in the States, and delegates to Congress were constantly changing. That body had no basis for its authority but the acquiescence of the States, and the latter acted inde- pendently in following or rejecting the recommendations of Con- gress. Again, Congress was not effectively organized, and it was endeavoring to handle a mass of details far beyond its power to control. As another hindrance to its efficiency, certain members of Congress conspired, with bad motives, against Washington. During the campaign last described Washington's army was joined by Lafayette and De Kalb from France and Baron Steuben " an accomplished Prussian officer, trained in the school of Frederick the Great, with a record of distinguished service in the Seven Years' War." After the decisive American victory at Saratoga the French Government openly contracted a treaty of alliance with the United States (February, 1778). France was to llie Rcvolutioitanj War 169 aid the Americans in the war, while the latter agreed not The treaty to make a treaty of peace, except on the basis of indepen- France. dence. Commissioners were sent to America by George III 1778. offering guarantees of all the principles in dispute, except independence, but their advances were rejected. Great credit for the French treaty belongs to Benjamin Franklin, who, " under the appearance of ex- treme simplicity con- cealed the astuteness of the most accom- plished diplomatist." The reasons for whicli France entered the al- liance may be sum- marized as follows: (1) Revenge for past de- feats, especially that of the Seven Years' War, when the American possessions were lost. (2) Desire to keep the balance of power in Europe, by striking a blow at the colonial and maritime suprem- acy of England. (3) Great enthusiasm over the American cause had been aroused among the French peo- ple. This was shared by many persons who were influential at court; among these were the young nobility, some army othcers and philosophers, and the Queen, Marie Antoinette. The threatened approach of a French fleet rendered tlie The^eN^cu- continuance of the British army in Philadelphia unwise; phuadei- consequently, in June, 1778, General Clinton * evacuated Phia. 1778. * General Howe had returned to England, where he. like General Burgoyne, was busily engaged in explaining the failure of the British plans for 1777, Lafayette From a portrait painted by C. W. Peale, in 1780. for Washins- ton. Now owned by General G. W. C. Lee, Lexington, Va. 170 imcriraii Ili.storij that city and set out for New York. Washington attacked the Britisli army at INIonmouth, New Jersey, but the diso- bedience of General Charles Lee, who ordered a retreat, instead of a sharp attack, rendered the results of this battle very unsatisfactory. The British army, now in New York, attempted no further general operations during the war in the Northern and Middle States. AVashington held his army in the Hudson River posts, watching the British. An important phase of the Revolutionary War cannot be understood until we trace further the progress of settle- ment in the valleys of the Alleghany [Mountains and across to the prairies beyond. Settlers from the ^'irginia valleys (p. 120), advancing southward, made homes upon the Watauga River (17G9), and here came many discontented North Carolinians. Among these were James Robertson and John Sevier, the former typical of the Scotch-Irish Presbyterians who formed so large an element of the backwoods population, and the latter of Huguenot descent. Under their leadership, the community on the Watauga adopted a constitution and maintained an in- dependent government for several years (1772-1777). Later, AYatauga . became a county of North Carolina. This was "the first instance of a government of the people, by the people, under a written compact, beyond the mountains, and was established by men of American birth."* The settlements of the Carolina valleys were outposts from which proceeded the first great movement beyond the mountains. This movement took place south of the Ohio, rather than north of it for several reasons. (1) By the treaty of Fort Stanwix, made in 1768, between agents of several colonies and the Iroquois Indians, the latter ceded their claims to lands south of the Ohio River. (2) The region now known as Kentucky and Tennessee was not the permanent seat of Indian tribes. (3) Indian tribes * Winsor, The Westward Movement, 80. The Rcvolutioiiani ]\ ar 171 River were defeated in Lord living north of ilie Ohi Dunmore's war (1774). In the v:ingu;u(l of the westward movement was Daniel Boone. His father was a Pennsylvania frontiersman who had followed the mountain troughs southward to the Yadkin River in North Caro- lina. Boone's early exploration of Kentucky opened the route through Cumberland Gap, an Indian and buffalo trail. He led a body of settlers from Watauga into Kentucky and founded Boonesboro (1775). The fortunate eir- eiim.stances recounted above rendered the Kentucky settlements comparatively im- mune from Indian attacks, and their growth was rapid. Under the leadership of Richard Henderson, delegates were sent from the various towns to a convention (1775) which organized the Colonel Daniel Boone government of Trau- Froiii a p.. rtraithy Chester Harding, owned by Colcinel ovlvnnin KptwPPTl tllP R. T. Durrett, Louisville, Ky. Syi\aillcl UeiVVeCll UlC Ohio and Cumberland rivers. This independent government asked Congress for admission to the Union; but the sentiment of Virginia was hostile to such action and, instead, Kentucky was made a county of that State in 1776. Later, in 1780, Robertson led Watauga and North Carolina settlers to central Tennessee, where Nashville was founded on the Cumberland River. There were three main routes of travel to these western settlements. (1) The Ohio River was reached at Pitts- burg by routes through Pennsylvania or by way of the Daniel Boone. Transyl- vania and Kentucky. 172 Anierican Ilisiorij Potomac and Monongahela rivers.* Thence the trip to Kentucky was easy, but somewliat dangerous on account of the hostile northern Indians. f (2) From the Virginia The West During the Revolution valleys settlers followed the New and Greenbrier rivers to the great Kanawha, a branch of the Ohio. (3) The * From Philadelphia travellers went by way of Lancaster and Bedford to Pittsburg. From Baltimore the route was up the Potomac to Cumber- land, Maryland: thence either to Wheeling, or to Pittsburg, following Braddock's trail. t The canoe, pirogue, batteau, and flat boat were the river craft com- monly used. The pirogue was hollowed out of the trunk of a large tree and pushed by oars or setting poles. The barge was a square box-like construction with a raised deck. It was frequently large enough to carry a number of families with their possessions, and required several men to "pole" it up stream. In 1780, three hundred of these large boats arrived at the falls of the Ohio River, where Louisville was founded. The town that year contained six hundred inhabitants. Tlw Revolutionary War 173 greatest number of frontiersmen moved bv the Wilderness Road (see map, p. 172), which afforded, even for those from Pennsylvania and Maryland, the easiest and best pro- tected path to the West. Life among the W^estern settlers was simple and pictur- esque. All distinctions of rank were broken down, and here grew the first true American democracy. The British in Detroit encouraged Indian attacks upon Expeditioi the Kentucky settlements. This danger was met by the Rogers^^ bold scheme of George Rogers Clark, a frontier surveyor Clark, and scout, to conquer all the British posts of the Northwest. Acting under the authority and with the assistance of Governor Patrick Henry, of Virginia, he captured suc- cessively Ivaskaskia, Gahokia, and Vincennes (1778-1779). This bold and dramatic action strengthened the claim of Virginia to this western territory, and was an important fact in the determination of our western boundary at the close of the war. After the evacuation of Philadelphia, General Benedict Benedict Arnold was put in command of the American troops in that city. Arnold. Here he became involved in quarrels with the city authorities. Arnold was convicted, after a court-martial trial, of a few minor offences, and was sentenced to be censured by Washington. This episode, coupled with wrongs which he had previously suffered at the hands of Congress, embittered Arnold's spirit, and he resolved upon a treasonable plot — the surrender of West Point.* The detection of this plot is a familiar story. This in- cident added to the depression of the patriots at this time (1780). Financially, the country was in desperate straits. There^ Finances were three principal sources of revenue: (1) The issuance united of paper monev, begun in 1775 (see p. 155), was con- states. tinned as follows: 1776, $19,000,000; 1777, $13,000,000; 1778, $03,000,000; 1779, $140,000,000. This amount of money was greatly in excess of the demand for business purposes among a population of three million people where commerce was not fully developed. Depreciation resulted * The defences of this important post guarding a narrow passage in the Hudson River were constructed under the supervision of Kosciusko. 174 A m erica n II isiory >U UA ^ ' lUTOlCt) HMA llOI.LAIt- AM^ANHAI.l" ;ii lin!i!ii\A;inr^'i7''''^ • mmmm jliriu Currency inevitably. Tlie followino; fio;ures state the value of one dollar of paper money in terms of specie in November of each year: 1770, $.66; 1777, $.20; 1778, $.10; 1779, $.02. In subsequent years dollar bills were worth but one cent, and later, absolutely nothing.* In 17S0 and later, Congress rcdciMiicd some of this money at the ratio of 40 to 1, but much of it was lost and destroyed. The de- preciation and prac- tical rc{)udiation of this money placed a heavy burden upon those who originally received it at face value. Unsuccessful attempts were made to check depreciation by laws fixing prices ?ind by legal-tender enactments. (2) Congress made requisitions upon the States for money with which to pay war expenses. In the two years fol- lowing November, 1777, they paid into the treasury about $55,000,000, in response to 'requisitions for $95,000,000. And this amount was paid in Continental currency worth at the time only $1,800,000 in specie. When, in 1780'and 1781, Congress made requisitions for $10,000,000 of specie, it re- ceived from the States about $1,500,000. The States were at this time burdened with the same task of raising revenue for the support of their local militias. They had issued great amounts of paper money early in the war, and they had bor- rowed much money. The ultimate source of all revenue, taxation, was difficult to put into operation among a peo- ple hitherto unused to it except in a mild form, where popu- lation was sparse, and in regions occupied by British troops. * Hence the phrase "not worth a continental." Paper money was sometimes used for wall paper. Dewey, Financial History of United States, 41. Tliv Hero/ Iff ion an/ U^ar 175 (3) Congress endeavored to raise money by borrowing. The specie vahie of SfiS.OOO.OOO borrowed at home during the hiter years of the war was only $7,600,000. The fol- John Paul Jones the .uiginal bust l>y H<. Pennsylvania Academy of Fine lowing amounts were borrowed from foreign governments: France, $6,350,000;* Spain, $174,000; Holland, $1,300,000. * It is estimated that France spent an equal amount upon Iier army and navy sent in aid of the American cause. 176 American Ili.sfon/ A part of tliese loans was in sj)oc'ie, and this was used to pay interest uj)on the debt contracted at home and to purchase supplies abroad. No inconsiderable part of the Revolutionary War was fought on the ocean. A great many cruisers were commis- sioned by State and National authority, and these, together with hundreds of privateers, brought havoc to English com- merce. While the United States had no naval force fit to cope with the British navy, some decisive victories were won. Captain John Paul Jones, after commanding various ships in American waters, conceived the greater project of using a fleet to attack England in her own waters, where her coasts were de- fenceless, and where rich fleets might be surj)rised. His {)rimary object was not enrichment through prize money, but the injury of his opponent and the attraction of British warships from Ameri- can waters for home defence. His fleet was fitted out in France and cruised around west of the British Isles into the North Sea. At Flamborough Head (September, 1779), Jones, with three ships, attacked and defeated two English warships convoying a large fleet of merchantmen. This victory gained for our country the respect of foreign governments. In 1778, the British entered upon a plan for the con- quest of the Southern States, beginning with the weakest, Georgia. Savannah was taken (December), and shortly thereafter the English Government was recognized as supreme in that State. In May, 1780, General Lincoln who commanded the American forces in the South, sur- rendered the city of Charleston, South Carolina. Elsewhere in that State there was at first .slight resistance. When an American army under Gates, faced the invaders at Cam- den, it was badly defeated, large bodies of the militia fleeing w^ithout giving fight.* As a result, the American army was practically dispersed, and the British ruled South Carolina. At this point the British plan received a check. Partisan leaders, chief among whom were ]\Iarion and Sumter, gathered their bands on the western frontier, and an army under General Greene, was stationed to resist the north- * Here DeKalb was killed, while Pulaski, a Polish patriot, met death in an earlier engagement at Charleston. The Revolutionary War 177 ward advance of General Cornwallis. When the latter was ready to invade North Carolina, he sent a force (com- posed largely of Tories) under Ferguson to harass the frontier. But the backwoodsmen of the mountain settle- ments completely defeated Ferguson at King's ^Mountain, October, 1780. Again, Morgan, commanding the western wing of the Ameri- can forces, met a part of the British army underTarle- ton at Cowpens (January, 1781), and completely defeated it. These battles deprived the Brit- ish of their most valuable contin- gents, the scouts and light infantry. Greene now fell back into North Carolina, draw- ing Cornwallis in pursuit farther from his base into a most difficult country. When the American army finally faced the enemy at Guil- ford Court House (March, 1781^ each side suffered con- siderable damage; but the British could advance no far- ther, and withdrew to Wilmington. Greene then returned to South Carolina, where he recovered all the strongholds except Charleston. From Wilmington Cornwallis transferred his army to Virginia, thus ginng aid to the forces that, under Benedict Arnold, had for some time harassed that State. The Amer- ican troops in Virginia, small in number, were commanded by Lafayette, then but twenty-three years of age. He successfully avoided (\)rnwallis when the latter invaded ^ — — — Route of Oen. Cornwallis The War in the Southern States American victories won by frontiers- men. The cam- paign in Virginia. 178 A m erica n IT I star i/ The siege and sur- render of Yorktown, 1781. Virginia. Failing to arouse Tory reenforcements and fear- ing to remain away from the coast, the British general soon withdrew to the York peninsula and asked for reenforce- ments from New York. At New York, Sir Henry Clinton was expecting an attack by Washington. The latter was awaiting the aid of a powerful French fleet, then in the West Indies, before de- 1 termining where the blow should fall. On August 14th, news reached Washington that the French fleet un- der De Grasse had started for Chesapeake Bay. This determined him at once upon a bold movement. Uniting with his 2,000 American troops a French force of 4,000, under Roch- ambeau, he moved into New Jersey, leaving a force to guard West Point. JNIost skilfully Washington now so mancjeuvred as to deceive the British into thinking that he contemplated an attack upon New York. Instead, his troops marched with great rapidity across New Jersey, through Philadel- phia, to the head of Chesapeake Bay. When Clinton discovered the true state of affairs he des- patched a fleet to attack De Grasse in Hampton Roads ; but it was worsted and returned to New York. Nothing now remained but to transport Washington's army down Chesa- peake Bay and up the James River, where, with another force brought by the French fleet, they joined Lafayette's army. The investment of Yorktown from the land and the water sides was now complete. From September, 28th to October 17th, Cornwallis withstood the siege and Map Showing the Position of the French and American Troops at Yorktown The Revolutionary War 179 he repeated assaults of the allied forces; he then sur- ■endered. Many considerations, besides British defeats in America, The end of letermined that the surrender of Cornwallis should end the war. he war. During the few preceding years England had iroused the enmity of nearly every European power. Vrrayed against her in open war were France, Spain, md Holland. Thus it became increasingly difficult to naintain the army in America. At home King George vas no longer able to stem the tide of opposition that lad condemned the war from the beginning. The mass )f common people, as they came to understand the King's nethods of government, turned against him with great )itterness. A majority of them now regarded the war IS "a civil war in which English liberty was at stake." liven Lord North's ministry had acted, in obedience to the \ing, "under compulsion and against their consciences." ^n March, 1782, George finally gave in. Lord North re- igned, and the government was turned over to his enemies, rhe new ministry ordered a cessation of hostilities in America. The commissioners now sent to Paris to agree upon Negotia- erms of peace were Franklin, Jay, and John Adams.* [reaty"'^'^ :n the treaty with France (1778), the United States had igreed not to make a separate treaty with England. The commissioners practically ignored this pledge, and the in- itructions from Congress to the same effect, by secretly »ming to an agreement with the English Government. 3ut the treaty was not signed until the European war erminated and the nations involved agreed upon terms )f peace (1783). In acting as they did the American commissioners were in- pired by fear that the French minister, Vergennes, would support he desire of Spain (the ally of France) that the United States hould be restricted to the Alleghany Mountains on the west. * Jefferson and Laurens were also appointed, but took no part in the legotiations. 180 American History The boundaries agreed upon were exceedingly liberal to the United States, but they were indefinite at two points: i. e., the line between Canada and New England, and that beyond Lake Superior. These had to be adjusted by subsequent treaties. The terms The Western boundarv followed the Mississippi River °^ ^'^^^ to 31° latitude. Thence the line ran eastward to the At- treaty, 1783.' lantic. The United States agreed to recommend to the States that they jmss laws favorable to the Tories whose property had been confiscated; also, it was agreed that no obstacles should be placed by law in the way of British creditors collecting dcl)ts due in America. These two pro- visions satisfied British })ridc, but of course, Congress could not compel the States to take any action to which they were opposed. There was ground for future controversy in these subjects . The Americans were guaranteed the right to enjoy the privilege of fishing on the coast of New- foundland. Suggestive Questions and References 1. The defence of Charleston (1776) is described in Fiske, American Revolution, I, 198-200. Bancroft, IV, 39S-411. 2. Conditions in the American army. Lecky, American Revo- lution, 253-257. Van Tyne, the American Revolution, 118-129. 3. The Battle of Long Island and Washington's retreat. Fiske, I, 204-212. Sloane, French War and Revolution, 238- 243. Bancroft, IV, 27-38. Larned, History for Ready Refer- ence, United States, August, 1776. For a recent critical view see American Historical Review, I, 650-670. 4. Explain the capture of Forts Washington and Lee. Fiske, I, 218-224. 5. Washington's retreat; the battles of Trenton and Princeton. Larned, September-November, 1776. Fiske, I, 224-238. Sloane, 243-245; 251-258. 6. Why were laws fixing prices unsuccessful, and what evils fol- lowed these and the legal tender laws? Lecky, 290-294. 7. Who were Silas Deane and Beaumarchais, and how did they aid the American cause? Larned, A. D., 1776-1778. 8. Hart, Contemporaries, II. (a) Nathan Hale and his fate, No. 171, (see also Bancroft, IV, 48-49). (6) How the work of re- The Rcvoliiiiouanj War 181 fruiting was done, Xo. 170. (r) Lafayette and his enlistment, No. 172, {d) Washington's complaints against the militia, No. 174. (f) Life in the American Army, Nos. 175, 179, 195. 9. Paper money and its depreciation. Was it necessary? Dewey, FinanciafHistory of U. S., 39-43. Sloane, 283-286. 10. Conditions at Valley Forge. Washington's letter to Con- gress. Lamed, January- Decemher, 1777. Fiske, II, 29. 11. Steuben's work in disci])liniiig the American Armv. Fiske, II, 50-56. 12. The Conway cabal and (Jeneral Gates, Fiske, II, 32-46. 13. The story of Lafayette's coming to America is told in his memoirs, Old South Leaflets, No. 97, 1-9. 14. Letters that passed between W^ashington and Lafayette, Old South Leaflets, No. 98, 1-10. 15. Reasons why the French made the treaty of 1778. Fiske, I, 238-242. \'an'Tyne, The American Revofution, 20:3-226. 16. Indians and Tories in New York and Pennsylvania. Fiske, 11, 82-94. Lamed, June-November, 1778; July, 1778. 17. Arnold's treason and the justice of Andre's execution. Lecky, 403-4 19. Fiske, II, 206-238. Sloane, 300-301 ; 325- 327. 18. George Rogers Clark and his expedition. Fiske, II, 103- 109. Lamed, A. D., 1778-1779. 19. Topics in Fiske, II. (o) Chatham's la.st speech and his death, 11-22. (6) Charles Lee and his character, 59-72. {c) John Paul Jones and his victory, 116-130. {d) Marion and Sumter, 182-185. {e) King's Mountain and Cowpens, 244- 255. Cornwallis in ^'irginia and the surrender of Yorktown, 268-284. (/) Results of Yorktown, 285-290. 20. Lodge, Story of the American Revolution (illustrated), in Scribner's INIagazine, Vols. 23 and 24. 21. On Boone, see Thwaites, Daniel Boone. 22. The Western Settlements. Howard, Preliminaries of the Revolution, 334-341. 23. What reasons can you state explaining why the Americans won in the Revolution ? 24. Why should the Spanish wish to restrict the limits of the United States on the West? 25. The treaty of 1783. Hart. Formation of the Union, 95- 101. Channing, the United States, 102-106. Sloane, French War and Revolution, 355-369. Hart, Contemporaries, II, No. 216. 182 Anicricnn II is/on/ 2(). James and Mann, Readings in American Ilistorv, cha]). 1 1 . 27. Historical Novels. Cooper, The Sj)y; The Pilot, (^hiirchill, Richard Carvel. Ford, Janice Meredith. Thompson, Alice of Old Vincennes. Mitchell, Hugh Wynne, The old Potts House at Valley Forge, used by Washiagton as Head- quarters. Now a Revolutionary Museum CHAPTER XII THE PERIOD OF THE CONFEDERATION, 1781-1789 The problems of self-government were no simpler than Forming were those connected with the winning of independence. Articles of To the masses of the people, Congress seemed another Confeder- 1 • 1 1 ^ • ation. government, external to their local governments, assummg authority similar to that which the King had striven to enforce. As they had previously rebelled against the re- strictions of the English Government, so now they objected to the exercise of authority by Congress. It became evi- dent, to some of the leaders, that if the elements of union were to be strengthened it would be necessary to have a government more effective than this Revolutionary Assem- bly. November 17, 1777, the Articles of Confederation were finally adopted by Congress and recommended to the States for ratification. Among the problems under discussion most difficult of solution by Congress were: (1) What powers were to be given the General Govern- ment and what powers retained by the States; (2) How were disputes among the States to be setded; (3) The number of votes to be given each State; and (4) The method of raising revenue. The Articles of Confederation provided for a "firm Nature of league of friendship" between the States. The authority JJ^eTIs.""' of the Central Government was vested in a Congress of tabiished. delegates who were appointed annually by and were re- sponsible to the State legislatures. Not less than two nor more than seven members could be sent from each State. Each State was entitled to only a single vote on any ques- 183 the go\ erument 184 American History tion. Among the powers of Confrress were: the "exclusive right and power of deckiring war and making peace"; authority to raise an army by caHing upon each State for its quota of troops and to build and equip a navy; and power to establish and regulate j)ost-offices and to send and receive ambassadors. Defects in There were many defects also in the actual working of this government. It provided for no separate executive authority to execute and no separate judiciary to interpret the laws. Congress might make the laws but could not enforce them. This was because the General Government had no power of taxation but was obliged to depend upon the State legislatures for necessary revenues. Congress acted on the States, not on individuals, but it had no power to coerce the States. "Its function was to advise, not to command." Besides, no important measure could be passed in Congress without the votes of nine States. The Articles could not be amended save by the ratification of all the States. It is clear, then, that the Articles of Con- federation did not institute a nation, but formed merely a league of States. We think of them as constituting a weak instrument of government. We must remember, however, that as a constitution for a confederation, it was superior to any which had been pre\dously formed. But circumstances, which we shall now consider, showed that a confederation was not adapted to the growing needs of the United States. Nearly three years and a half elapsed after the date of the submission of the Articles of Confederation to the States before they were ratified by the last legislature, that of jNIarvland. Delay was due to the disputes which had arisen over the disposal of the lands between the Alleghany Mountains and the ^Mississippi River. Seven States laid claim to this territory. The Carolinas and Georgia claimed (under various charters and grants) the region south of the Virginia Hne lying west of their borders as far as the Mississippi. Massachusetts laid claim, The Period oj the Confederation 1S5 under her charter of 1629 and Connecticut under a charter of 1662, to strips of land west of the boundary of New York. (See map p. 187.) But the claims of Virginia and New York were the most far- reaching. Virginia maintained that the charter of 1609 gave her control not alone of Kentucky but also of the territory extending north-west from the Ohio River to Lake Superior. Besides, it was stated as an additional right to this claim that Virginia soldiers supported by Virginia money and under the leadership of George Rogers Clark had won this territory in 1778-1779. New York maintained that on account of various treaties she had become the lawful successor to the Western lands formerly claimed by the Iroquois. The other States were unable to advance any claims Maryland to Western lands. They maintained, however, that this ratify^the territory had been fjained through a war in which there Articles, had been common sacrifice and that the individual States should surrender their claims. Maryland refused to ratify the Articles of Confederation unless first assured that these lands were to become the property of the United States. The other States had ratified by February, 1779, but Mary- land feared the future power of Virginia. Virginia planned to pay off her soldiers by grants of Western lands, while Maryland would be compelled to meet this obligation by taxation. Congress, on October 10, 1780 suggested that the States should cede their unappropriated lands to the General Government to be disposed of "for the common good of the United States." New York had already de- cided to give up her claims. Virginia, in January, 1781, promised to take like action. Maryland then agreed to ratify, and the Articles of Confederation soon went into operation. New York relinquished all of her western lands in 1781. Vir- The ginia, in 1784, completed her cession of western territory, re- serving jurisdiction over Kentucky, which remained a part of Virginia until 1792, when it became a State. Virginia also re- lands served a tract north of the Ohio as bounty land for soldiers of the Revolution. Massachusetts surrendered her claims in 1786. Connecticut, in her cession of the same year, reserved a strip of States cede their western 186 American History Roosevelt, The Win- ning of the West, I. 219. land one hundred and twenty miles long west of Pennsylvania, on the shore of Lake Erie. A part of this Western Reserve was sold, and the proceeds were used to aid the Connecticut schools. In 1800 Connecticut granted to the United States complete authority over the "Reserve," some 3,250,000 acres. In 1787 South Carolina surrendered her claim; North Carolina, in 1790, gave Congress jurisdiction over her remaining western lands. The territory between the present western boundary of Georgia and the Mississippi River was not ceded by Georgia until 1802. There can be no doubt about the importance of these cessions. A series of inevitable controversies over con- flicting claims were thus happily escaped. From that time, this western territory was regarded as the property of the Confederation to be used for National purposes. Here was the beginning of the National Domain. The interest felt by the States in this mutual property has always strengthened the ties of imion. While the contest over the adoption of the Articles of Confederation went on, sturdy pioneers continued to cross the mountains and take possession in their own way of the lands in dispute. "They po.ssessed the courage that enabled them to defy outside foes, together with the rough, practical common-sense that allowed them to establish a simple but effective form of government, so as to preserve order among themselves. To succeed in the wilderness it was necessary to possess not only daring, but also pa- tience, and the capacity to endure grinding toil. The pioneers were hunters and husbandmen." . . . "As a rule, each knot of settlers was gathered together into a little stockaded hamlet, called a fort or station." By 1784 it is estimated that there were 30,000 people in Kentucky alone, and 12,000 more came during that year. Some of them, by blazing a tree and marking it with the date and the number of acres, established what was called a "tomahawk claim" to the land. Others, by clearing a few acres and planting them, set up what was known as the "corn title." These possessions must be defended against the attacks of the Indians or seizure by other L F ^ \e X I c THE UNITED STATES ■83 ... WESTERN LAND CLAIMS O F \ "^l ^1 SCALE OF MILES 50 100 200 90 Longit 80 from Greenwich 70 187 188 American History settlers, who came with "land warrants" from the govern- ment of Virginia. It is stated that one thousand boats, car- rying settlers, descended the Ohio River in a single year. Most of the settlers went to the Kentucky side, but many ascended the river valleys to the north. Indian lands were seized regardless of the proclamation by Congress, in 1783, that such occupation was unlawful. Congress determined, even before the cessions of west- ern lands were completed, to sell them and in this way partially provide for the payment of the National debt. The provision for the first systematic survey of these lands was made in 1785. The rectangular survey was to be used. This plan had been suggested the year before by a committee of which Thomas Jefferson was chairman. According to this system, lands were divided into townships six miles square. One section of each township was to be set aside for the support of the public schools. Land was to be sold at a minimum price of one dollar an acre, a price which did not cover the actual cost of the survey. Congress had no constitutional authority for governing this territory. As early as 1780, however, it had been proposed to make new States out of it, and in pursuance of this plan, Jefferson, 1784, submitted a report providing for the government of the whole western country. It was proposed to make four- teen States, each having a classic name, as Metropotamia, Poly- potamia, and lUinoia. These States might adopt constitutions like that of any of the original States and become members of the Confederation. The ordinance was adopted by Congress when the clause abolishing slavery " after the year 1800 " was removed, but the names suggested for the States were rejected. The ordinance remained practically a dead letter for the next three years, when it became the foundation for the more famous Northwest Ordinance. In 1786, the "Ohio Company of Associates" was organized at Boston in the interests of Revolutionary soldiers who desired to procure homes in the West. Gen- erals Rufus Putnam and Samuel Parsons and Manasseh Cutler, a minister, were the directors. In July, 1787, while a committee of Congress was considering an ordi- nance for the government of the Northwest, Cutler asked The Period of the Co)i federation 18') that lands in this territory might be exchanged for the soldiers' certificates held by members of the Ohio Com- pany. The draft of the Ordinance was submitted to him, and he became the author of some of its notable provisions. This famous Ordinance, having received the votes of the eight States then represented in Congress, became a law, July 13, 1787. It applied only to the government to be organized for the terri- Some pro- tory bounded by the Ohio and Mississippi rivers and the Great ^'sions of Lakes, a territory out of which from three to five States were to be ordinance, formed. The officers of government to be appointed by Congress were a governor and three judges. Provision was made for a general assembly so soon as there should be five thousand free white men in the territory. This assembly, besides having cer- tain legislative powers, was authorized to elect a delegate to Con- gress who should have the right to take part in debate but not to vote. Settlers were to be granted religious freedom and right of trial by jury. Schools were to be encouraged. Slavery and in- voluntary servitude were prohibited except as a punishment for crime, "whereof the party shall have been duly convicted." Nathan Dane and Rufus King were prominent members of the Social and committee Avhich drafted the ordinance. The former was chair- religious man. Speaking broadly, the ordinance represents the substance and^the^ of the discussions of years over the problems of western settle- origin of ment. It indicates also the progress which was then being made the North- towards social and religious freedom. The legislature of Virginia, Q^dinance under the leadership of Jefferson, by an act of 1778, prohibited the importation of slaves into that State from foreign countries. All of the other States save Georgia and South Carolina had, by 1787, abolished or placed restrictions on the importation of ne- groes. In most of the Northern States, emancipation had been accomplished or begun. » In 1776 Jefferson, in the legislature of Virginia, had directed an attack against aristocracy and had brought about the destruction of the rule of primogeniture in that State. Similar action was taken in other States. The Ordinance became a model for the later organization influence of territories. It has been classed in importance with the ordinance. Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. "I doubt," said Webster, "whether one single law of any law-giver, ancient or modern, has produced effects of more 190 American History distinct, marked and lasting character than the Ordinance of 1787." On October 27, 1787, the Ohio Company secured about a milHon acres of western lands. General Putnam was elected leader. Two divisions of the pioneers, forty-eight in all, set out from Ipswich, Massachusetts. After cross- ing the Hudson, they passed through Pennsylvania and reacli(Hl the '^'ouelii'xJflHMu Rixcr. vAy]\ in ITSS. "With \ iew of Pittsburg in 1790 rude boats and canoes, hastily built, the voyagers moved down this river to Pittsburg, thence down the Ohio to the mouth of the Muskingum. There, as previously agreed upon, they founded a town, Marietta. INIeantime, Gen- eral Arthur St. Clair had been appointed Governor. He reached ^Marietta in July, 1788, was received with "due honors," and within a few days put into force the pro- visions of the Northwest Ordinance. In May, 1788, ffl^out a quarter of a million acres of land between the Great and Little Miami rivers were secured by John Cleves Symmes and a few associates. The terms of purchase were practically the same as those of the Ohio The Period of the Conjederaiiou 191 Company. A New Jersey colony of sixty persons, under Judge Symmes, reached the grant, September 22, 1788. Within two months a settlement was begun on the site of the city of Cincinnati. Here Fort Washington was built during the winter of 1789-1790. Governor St. Clair established his head-quarters there in 1790. Some of the foreign powers early showed a desire to Foreign enter into treaty relations with the new Confederation, under'the A commercial treaty was made with Holland in 1782, and Confedera- in the following year that nation sent a minister. France was the only other nation represented in America at the time. In 1783, Sweden, and in 1785, Prussia also made commercial treaties. At the close of the war, however, American foreign trade Commerce was chiefly with Great Britain. That nation refused to g^g^jand make a commercial treaty, since any State might break it, and her and still seem determined to interfere with iVmerican com- merce. In 1783, it was decreed, by an Order in Council, that trade between the United States and the British West Indies could be carried on only in vessels which were British built and were owned and manned by subjects of Great Britain. The retaliatory measures of the States on British commerce were of little effect. It was hoped that John Adams, who was appointed INIinister to Great Britain in 1785, would secure more sat- isfactory relations. But his efforts were futile, and upon his own request he was recalled in 1787. "It is very ap- parent," he wrote from England, "that we shall never have a satisfactory arrangement with this country, until Con- gress shall be made by the States supreme in matters of foreign commerce and until Congress shall have exerted that supremacy with a decent firmness." Besides, the terms of the treaty of 1783 had been kept by neither party. The States placed obstacles in the way of British creditors collecting their private debts in America. On the other hand, Great Britain declined to make com- pensation for the slaves carried away by the English army, 192 A merican H isiory and coiitinuod to liold her Western forts, the mo.st important bcin^ Oswego, Niagara, Detroit, and IVIackinac. Spain contended that the boundary of her territory should be farther north than the thirty-first parallel agreed upon in the treaty of Paris. In 1785, therefore, Gardoqui, envoy from Spain, offered to enter into a treaty of com- merce with the United States pro\iding the Mississippi were closed to American traders south of this line, the mouth of the Yazoo River. Northern merchants, desir- ous of Spanish trade, were willing to accept these terms. The people of the West pro- tested; for New Orleans as a market, and a port from which their products might be shipped, would thus be closed to them.* John Jay, representing the United States, on August 3, 178G, recommended that Congress consent to a treaty for twenty-five years upon the terms submitted by the Spanish Minister. Delegates from New England favored this action, but it was opposed by those of the South. Meantime, the boat and property of a trader from North Carolina were seized by Spanish officers at Natchez. American soldiers at Vincennes retaliated by sacking the store of a Spaniard. The AYestern settlers threatened to secede from the Union if the terms favored by Jay were accepted. Congress feared to take action, and the contro- versy was not finally settled until 1795. * Their chief products, corn and pork, were so bulky that it was im- practicable to transport them over the mountains to the Eastern markets. John Jay The earliest known portrait of him, engraved, iu 1783. from a pencil drawing by Du Simitiere, made in 1779 The Period oj the Coiijederatioii 193 Not only were the States jealous of the power of the Contro- among the war would result states. another. It seemed at times that civ from the selfish policy pursued by the States. New York taxed the products coming to its markets from Connecti- cut and New Jersey. jMerchants of Connecticut agreed to hold no intercourse with New York. New Jersey taxed The Franklin Tenny First United Stales Coin problems of the Govern- ment. the light-house recently built by New York City on Sandy Hook. Similar controversies arose between the other States. The financial distress of the Government during the Financial Revolution continued, and developed during the years of the Confederation. Foreign trade soon drained the country of the greater part of its specie. Sales of public lands cancelled the certificates of indebtedness, but brought in little money. The Continental currency was worthless. Robert ]Morris, who had been superintendent of finances since 1781, resigned his oflice in 1784. ISIanagement of the finances was entrusted to a Congressional Com- mittee of three, called "The Board of the Treasury." The States became more delinquent in furnishing the sums of money asked by Congress. Requisitions amounting to $10,000,000 had been made on the States between Novem- ber 1, 1781, and January 1, 1786, but less than $2,500,000 came into the treasury. This sum was not adequate to meet the interest on the national debt then amounting to $42,000,000. At the beginning of the year 1786, IMadison 194 American History wrote Randolph: "Our situation is becoming every day more and more critical. No money comes into the Federal treasury; no respect is paid to the Federal authority; and people of reflection unanimously ag;ree that the existing Confederacy is tottering to its foundation." Business confidence had well nigh disappeared. In 1785, under the lead of the debtor classes, the demand became general for new issues of paper money by the State governments. Seven legislatures yielded to the demand. Scarcely were the notes in circulation before they began to depreciate in value and people refused to accept them in payment of debts. In Rhode Island, any person who re- fused to accept the bills of the State was subject to a fine of one hundred dollars and the loss of his rights as a freeman. Discontent was most pronounced in INlassachusctts, a discontent due to stagnation in business, lack of employ- ment, and the consequent inability of debtors to pay their debts. As frequently happens at such times, the restless, idle, and vicious, asserted their wrongs. Hatred for lawyers who tried cases against helpless debtors and for judges Avas especially bitter. Armed mobs prevented the holding of court at Worcester and some other towns. During the closing months of 1786, some nineteen hundred insurgents were collected under the leadership of Daniel Shays, who had been a captain in the Continental army. He was not a man to maintain discipline among such fol- lowers. An attempt to capture the United States arsenal at Springfield was foiled through their defeat by the State troops. Within a short time they were completely routed and Shays and one hundred and fifty of his followers were made prisoners. Many others escaped into adjoining States. There were similar outbreaks in Vermont and New Hampshire. Something must be done to supply Congress with rev- enue, since the amount received from the States was not adequate to pay the running expenses of the Government. The attempt, in 1781, to give Congress the right to lay a The Period of the Confederation 195 duty of five per cent, on imports was defeated by the vote of Rhode Island. Two years later, Congress proposed, in order to provide for the interest on the public debt, that it be given authority, for twenty-five years to levy specific duties on imports. The States were to appoint the collectors. This amendment was also ratified by twelve States, but was defeated by the vote of New York. Other attempts to amend the Articles of Confederation failed. As we have seen, the nation was drifting rapidly tow- ard anarchy and open rebellion. In the dark days of Shays's Rebellion, Washington wrote to Lee, then in Con- gress: "You talk, my good Sir, of employing influence to appease the present tumults in Massachusetts. I know not where that influence is to be found or if obtainable that it would be a proper remedy for the disorders. Influence is not government. Let us have one by which our lives, liberties, and properties will be secured or let us know the worst." This expressed the sentiment which was general with Madison, Hamilton, and other leaders. The ad- vance toward a stronger Union was thus made possible. Suggestive References and Questions 1. Economic, political and religious conditions (1783-1787). McMaster, History of the People of the United States, I, chap. I. 2. Formation of the Articles of Confederation and Govern- ment established. Walker, Making of the Nation, &-14. 3. Why was the adoption of the Articles so long delayed? Hart, Contemporaries, II, 189. Hart, Formation of the I'nion, 93-95. 4. Elements of tlisunion among the people. Walker, Making of the Nation, 1-5. 5. Read the Articles of Confederation. Powers of Congress. Powers of the separate States. Method of voting. See American History Leaflets, No. 20, James and Sanford, Government in State and Nation, Appendix AA. G. The rectangular survey and its advantages. James and Sanford, Government in State and Nation, 329-332. 7. Slaverv under the Confederation. Fiske, Critical Period, 70-83. 196 American Ilisfory 8. The attitude of Jefferson toward freedom of religion and toward slavery. Jefferson, Am. St. Series, 70-83. 9. The Northwest Ordinance. Old South Leaflets, Nos. 13, 42. Hart, Contemporaries, III, No. 46. 10. The Ohio Company and settlement of Marietta. Mc- Master, History of the United States, I, 505-oH). Old South Leaflets, No. 40. Hart, Contemporaries, HI, No. 32. Roose- velt, Winning of the West, HI, chap. 0. 11. What does the attempt to organize the State of Franklin illustrate? Walker, ^Making of the Nation, 12. 12. Great Britain and American commerce. Fiske, Critical Period, 137-140. 13. The nature of the money of the period and its influence? Fiske, Critical Period, 1G2-1S6. McLaughlin, The Confedera- tion and the Constitution, 138-154. 14. Shays's Rebellion and other disturbances. McMaster, History of the United States, L 302-3.54. McLaughlin, The Confederation and the Constitution, 154-107. 15. Proposals to amend the Articles of Confederation. Ameri- can History Leaflets, No. 28. 16. James and Mann, Readings in American History, chap. 12. CHAPTER XTIT THE FORMATION OF THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION Disputes were common between Virginia and Maryland TJ^e^Co^'^;^ over the navigation of the Potomac River and of Chesa- Aiexan- peake Bay. Finally, in 1785, commissioners from these aw. 34. 204 American History Fortunately, there was little that was absolutely new in the nature of the proposed Government. English prin- ciples of government were of influence but the main features were derived from the constitutions of the several States. These, in turn, had been adopted from the colonial govern- ments. Many of the delegates to the convention had helped in the framing of the State constitutions, and all were familiar with their practical working. Thus, " the Convention was led astray by no theories of what might be good, but clave closely to what experience had demon- strated to be good." There was a legislature, with two houses, in eleven of the States and the terms. Senate and House of Representatives, were com- monly used. The Constitution of Delaware provided for the election of one-third of the Senators every two years. Connecti- cut furnished the example for equal representation of the States in the Senate and for proportional representation in the House of Representatives. The powers of the President resemble closely those granted the governors. Some of the delegates were fa- miliar also with other provisions of the State constitutions, such as: bills for raising revenue must originate in the House; the proc- ess of impeachment; the veto power and governor's message, and language of the first ten amendments. It has been said: "The process of electing the President is almost the only feature not a natural growth." The Constitution was submitted to Congress September 20. It was to go into effect between the ratifying States when accepted by conventions of delegates in nine States. The period included between September 28, 1787, when Congress, without a favorable word of comment, trans- mitted the Constitution to the legislatures and June 21, 1788, the date of its ratification by the requisite number of State conventions, was one of the most critical in our history. Delegates to conventions were elected in all of the States, except Rhode Island. In all the conventions the Constitu- tion was violently assailed by its foes. Those who supported it called themselves Federalists, and those who opposed it were known as Anti-Federalists. In general, the men who The Formation of the Federal Constitution 205 opposed the Constitution represented the views of con- Supporters stituents who lived away from the great trade centers, opponents This rural population, chiefly engaged in agricultural pur- of the suits, was frequently a debtor class, and desired that the tion. States be left free to issue a depreciated paper money. The landed aristocracy of New York opposed the Constitu- tion. A tax on their lands would be necessary if the State were to be deprived of the duties collected at their chief port. It was opposed by the Kentucky and Tennessee districts whose connection with the Atlantic coast was but slight. On the other hand, its advocates were men from the commercial centers or those who represented the great river valley regions, such as the Connecticut, Delaware, Shen- andoah, and Ohio, and other highways of trade. The Tories favored the Constitution because it seemed to offer them greater protection. Among the leaders in the State conventions, who de- Arguments fended ably the views of the opposition were Richard rftmca- Henry Lee, Elbridge Gerry, George Clinton, and Patrick tion. Henry. It was urged that the President would become a despot, the House of Representatives a corporate tyrant, and the Senate an oligarchy; that equality of representation in the Senate was an injustice to the large States; and that there was no Bill of Rights protecting the liberties of the people against encroachment by the National Govern- ment. Newspaper letters, tracts, and pamphlets appeared in large numbers denouncing the Constitution as dangerous. The ^iews of the Federalists were well presented in a letter written by Washington to Patrick Henry, in which he said: "I wish the Constitution which is offered had been more perfect; but it is the best which could be obtained at this time, and a door is open for amendments hereafter. The political concerns of this country are suspended by a thread. The Convention has been looked up to by the re- flecting part of the community with a solicitude which is hardly to be conceived, and if nothing had been agreed 206 American History on by that body, anarchy would soon have ensued, the seeds being deeply sown in every soil." In the NeAV York newspapers a series of political essays appeared for many weeks bearing the title "The Federal- ist." They presented the case for the Constitution with such logic that even now they are considered the best com- mentary on that document ever written. Hamilton in- stituted the plan and probably wrote fifty-one of the essays, Madison wrote twenty-nine, and Jay five. December 6, 17S7, the Delaware convention ratified the Constitution without a dissenting vote. Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Georgia, and Connecticut quickly followed. Much depended on the aption of the Massachusetts con- vention. The leading opponent of the Constitution in this State was Samuel Adams. A letter from Washington, which was published in a Boston newspaper, had much to do in bringing about ratification by the convention. The sentiment was similar to that presented in the letter to Patrick Henry. The delegates finally accepted the propo- sition that amendments might be made which would take the place of a Bill of Rights and ratified the Constitution with the vote of 187 to 168. Maryland and South Caro- lina, after a heated contest, adopted the Constitution. The ninth State was finally secured through the ratification by New Hampshire (June 21, 1788). Before this news was know^n in the South, Virginia had ratified on the 25th of June. Here both parties had notable leaders. "What right," exclaimed Patrick Henry, "had they to say. We the people? . . . Who authorized them to speak the language of We the people, instead of. We the States?" He was seconded in his opposition by jMason and Richard Henry Lee. But the influence of AVashington, JNIarshall, and Madison finally triumphed, and Virginia ratified with a vote of eighty-nine in favor and seventy-nine opposed. When the New York convention assembled, some two- thirds of the members, under the able leadership of Gov- ernor Clinton, were opposed to the Constitution. Ham- in organiz- new ern- ment. The Formation of the Federal Constitution 207 ilton was untiring in his efforts to secure the ratification by this State and to his influence was largely due the favor- able action in the close vote of thirty to twenty-seven. A second convention was called in North Carolina and, November 21, 1789, that State voted to adopt the Constitu- tion. Rhode Island, in :SIay of the following year, after Congress had threatened to cut her off from the privileges of trade, also declared in favor of the Constitution. When nine States had ratified the Constitution, Con- J^^^^^^f^^ gress passed a resolution for putting the new Government ing the into operation. Presidential electors were to be chosen Go^'^" on the first Wednesday in January, 1789. They were to cast their votes for President on the first Wednesday in February. The new Government was to go into operation on the first Wednesday of March which happened that year to be the fourth of the month. So slowly did the members of Congress assemble that the House of Representatives was not organized until the first of April and the Senate five days later. When the electoral votes were counted, it was found, as had been expected, that Washington was unanimously chosen President. John Adams was elected Vice-President, having received thirty-four votes, the next highest number.* THE NATION IN 1789 It is somewhat diflScult for us to picture to ourselves the Area and nation for which the new government was to be organized. ^X.' ''' The area of the United States was 843,000 square miles, ac- cording to the census of 1790, the population was 3,929,000. Of these, about one-fifth were negroes, mostly slaves. Virginia ranked first in population, having 747,610 in- habitants. Five per cent, of the total number of people were west of the Alleghanies, Kentucky having a popula- tion of 74,000 in 1790 and Tennessee 35,000. *There were sixty-nine electoral votes in all. Besides John Adams, nine other men received votes. Among them were John Hancock and Samuel Adams. 208 American Ifi.slori/ Tlicrc were no lur^'c cilics. "^riic most important were J^liiliulclpliia with a |)0|)iilation of 42,500; New York, with 38,000; Boston, with 1S,()00; C:harlcston, with 16,000 and Baltimore with 13,500. The streets of the cities were nar- row and were poorly paved when paved at all. Tliere were no sewers, and no attention was p.'iid to pro|)er sanitary condi- tions. Diseases of the worst sort were prevalent. The scourge of yellow fever in- fested the c-ities almost yearly. Amonjij the official and aris- tocratic .'lasses there was much social display. The styl(! and the fashion of the English gen- try were still copied. The homes of the rich were noted for their spa- cious rooms and elaborate furnishings, but the comforts of to-day were mostly lacking. Drinking of spirituous liquors and gambling were common among all classes. Duelling and lotteries were in vogue; many public im- provements and a number of academies and colleges were assisted by money received from lotteries. Farmers usually made their own wooden ploughs and wagons, cut the grain with a scythe, and threslied it with a r)J«THIBl!TION OF POPULATION IX17U0 /•r«m 2 u. 1« m/,„6. < \^ i ^08. for the cutter of some large vessel and asked, where was the great 210 lliMorij Means of communi- cation. District schools. Text- books Town scliools. ship? We are the great ship; answered they to the Chinese, stupefied at their hardiness." From a month to seven weeks and even three months were required to cross the Atlantic. Domestic trade was Umited because of the lack of good roads and bridges. Boats and sailing packets were common on the rivers and the coast. Stage-coaches were used between the larger towns. To make the journey from Boston to New York required six days. Mails were ordinarily carried on horse- back. Postmen carried the mail from New York to Phila- delphia five times each week, and required two days to make the journey. The intellectual life of the people developed slowly. District schools were common in New England, where school was "kept" for two months in winter by a man and two months in summer by a woman. The boys usually attended in winter and the girls in summer. The teacher received a small amount of money for his services and "boarded round." Pupils were given a limited amount of instruction in reading, writing, and arithmetic. Text-books were few until after the Revolution. Noah Webster's American Spelling Book, which appeared in 1785, was really the first of otir modern texts. The author indicated his purpose in the preface, as follows: "To diffuse an uniformity and purity of language in America, to destroy the provincial prejudices that originate in trifling differences of dialect and pro- duce reciprocal ridicule, to promote the interests of literature and harmony in the United States is the most earnest wish of the atithor." A Xeiv and Complete Arithmetic Composed for the Citizens of the United States, which appeared in 1788, was the first arithmetic produced by an American. The author, Nicolas Pike, devoted the greater part of the book to arithmetic proper and the remainder to plane geometry, algebra, trigonometry, and conic sections. Few schools were to be found in the country districts outside New England. In the towns it was the custom for pupils to remain with a single teacher through the sixth reader, when they were admitted to the grammar school. Here they were taught the classics. Grammar schools The Formation of the Federal Constitution 211 were generally supported by fees. Girls did not usually continue their education beyond the grammar school. Daughters of the well-to-do families completed their train- ing by learning to do fine needle-work or to play on the spinet or the harpsichord. There were no public high schools. Private tutors were frequently employed in wealthy families. Xight schools had been established in some of the cities. The need for higher secondary education led to the Higher founding of endowed academies by individuals, by towns, or by grants of land from the State. The first incorporated academy was founded in Philadelphia in 175S through the efforts of Franklin. Academies increased rapidly in num- bers, and by 1800 over one hundred had been established in different sections of the country. Among the most noted were Phillips Academy at Andover, chartered in 1780, and Phillips Academy at Exeter, founded about the same time. Nine years was regarded as the proper age for pupils to enter the academy. Discipline in all secondary schools was strict, and the rod ordinarily was the only "aid" in teach- ing. Courses of study in the better academies were classi- cal, in preparation for entering college. There were graduated from the colleges of the country, in 1789, about one hundred and seventy men. Instruction in the colleges was confined chiefly to Latin, Greek, mathematics and logic. North Carolina established the first State university in 1795. The first medical school, afterward a department of the University of Pennsylvania, was founded at Philadelphia in 1765. King's College and Harvard had also provided for instruction in medicine. But the majority of young men who desired an education in medicine were accus- tomed to become apprenticed to some city practitioner. Young men were accustomed to study law in the office of a leading lawyer. The first law school was established at Litchfield, Conn., in 1784. A chair of divinity existed in most of the colleges. No 212 American History Scientific societies and art. definite organization was given, however, to courses lead- ing to a preparation for the ministry. The first theological school in the country was established in 1784, in New York City, by the Dutch Reformed Church. English influence on thought grew weaker and French influence stronger after the Revolution. Few of the men who were to create a real National literature wxre born. Washington Irving was but a lad of six years, and James Fenimore Cooper was born in 1789. In 1787, Joel Barlow published "The Vision of Columbus," a lengthy, prosy production in verse. Philip Freneau was the real lyric poet of the time. But Benjamin Franklin was the eighteenth-century author of greatest distinction. Besides the two works by which he is best known, " Poor Richard's Almanac" and his Autobiography, he had won a notable reputation by his state papers, scientific discussions, and lectures. Americans excelled in political literature. The state papers of Washington, John Adams, Samuel Adams, Hamilton, Jefferson, and ^Madison, are models of their kind. James Otis, Patrick Henry, Fisher Ames, and several other men of the time have always been given high rank as orators. The Pennsylvania Packet, founded in 1784, was the first daily newspaper. In 1785, the first daily evening paper, The Philadelphia Gazette, was established. Newspapers were printed on poor paper. There were no editorials. They were made up chiefly of clippings from other papers, a summary of news from London or Paris, lengthy con- tributions on political questions, and advertisements. Scientific societies in America had their beginning in "The American Philosophical Society for Promoting Use- ful Knowledge," which met at Philadelphia. It was in- corporated in 1786. The American Academy of Arts and Sciences of Boston was founded the same year, and, in 1791, the Massachusetts Historical Association. John Copley, Benjamin West, and Gilbert Stuart were The Formafion of the Federal Cousfitution 213 three Americans who gained reputations as painters in England. They preferred to live there because of the poor support given artists in America. Stuart, who received $100 for his portrait of Washington once said: "A grocer will make more by buying a cargo of molasses in a day than my labor can bring me in a year." In America, as in other countries of the world at the Hospitals close of the eighteenth century, there was little responsi- prisons. bility felt for the care of dependent classes. Hospitals for the sick existed in only a few cities. Insane persons were confined in cells underneath the ground floor and were treated with great brutality. Prisoners, of all degrees of crime, were herded together in dark, loathsome dungeons, and their lives, through inhuman treatment, were made as miserable as possible. The crime of debt brought more people to jail than any other. A small property qualification or payment of a certain Right to amount of taxes was required of voters in a majority of ^j°{^^ '^"' the States. While freedom in religious belief had become ottice. general, in a number of the States only Protestants might hold office. But the Federal Constitution did not recog- nize religious belief as a qualification for office-holding, and the States soon followed this example. Suggestive Questions and References 1. The attitude of Congress toward the calling of a Conven- tion at Philadelphia. Fiske, Critical Period, 217-222. Schouler, History of the United States, I, 34-.39. 2. Problems connected with the appointment of delegates in some of the States. McMaster, History, I, 390-399. Members of the Convention. Hart, Contemporaries, III, No. 63. 3. The influence of certain men in the Convention. Mc- Master, History, I, 418-423. Fiske, Critical Period, 224-229. Walker, Making of the Nation, 23-27. 4. The "Compromises" of the Constitution. Read Article II, Section 8, Clause 3 and Section 9, Clause 1. Madison, Am. St. Series, chap. 8. McLaughlin, The Confederation and the Constitution, 221-235. 214 American Historij 5. The Con.stitution in the Virginia convention. Patrick Henrv, Am. St. Series, chap. 18. Schonler, History, I, 70-75. Fiske, Critical. Period, 334-33G. 6. Attitude of the New York convention and why was New York a pivotal State. Hamilton, Am. St. Series, 68-82. Ban- croft, History of the United States, VI, 455-460. Schouler, History, I, 66-67 (old ed.); 77-78 (new ed.). Fiske, Critical Period, 340-345. McLaughlin, The Confederation and the Constitution, 308-312. 7. Objections to the Constitution in North Carolina. Hart, Contemporaries, HI, No. 75. 8. What would have been the status of North Carolina and Rhode Island if they had refused to ratify? Walker, Making the Nation, 73-75. Hart, Formation, 132-133. 9. Compare the original method of nominating the President with that of to-day. James and Sanford, Government in State and Nation, 248-255. 10. The first Presidential election and inauguration of the new Government. Fiske, Critical Period, 34()-350. Schouler, His- tory, I, 74-86 (old ed.); 79-90 (new ed.). 11. The nation in 1789; education, literature, religion, etc. McMaster, History, II, 1-24; 57-66. Scudder, Men and Man- ners in America One Hundred Years Ago. Farle, Stage-Coach and Tavern Days. 12. Extent of American and foreign shipping engaged in the commerce of the United States in 1789. Is the showing for this country as favorable now? Why? Coman, Industrial History, 131, 132. 13. Would you favor the restrictions on suffrage of 1789? Of to-day? Fiske, Critical Period, 69, 70. Government in State and Nation, 48, 49, 142, 143. 14. James and Mann, Readings in American History, chap- ter 13. CHAPTER XIV ORGANIZATION OF THE NEW GOVERNMENT THE FEDERALISTS IN CONTROL Wasttixgton set out for New York April 1(1. He wrote inauKura in his diary of that day: "About 10 o'clock 1 bade adieu washing- to Mount Vernon, to private life and to domestic felic- 1°"- ity, and with a mind oppressed with more anxious and |)ainful sensations than I have words to express, set out for New York with the best disposition to render service to my country in obedience to its call, but with less hope of answering its expectations." Well might he hesitate to assume the burdens of the office to which he had been elected. The Govennnent must prove itself acceptable to the people, and under the guidance of a less able leader, it must have failed. The confidence of the })cople in Washington was expressed in the homage shown him at all stages of his journey. April 30, on the balcony of Federal Hall, in New York City, the oath of office was ad- ministered. Washington then reatl his inaugural address in the presence of Congress assembled in the Senate Chamber. At the conclusion of the address, the as- semblage went to St. Paul's chapel, where prayers were offered. Formal addresses were j)rcsented to the Presi- dent by both Houses of Congress. This ceremony, dis- continued when Jefferson became President, was in keep- ing with the other formalities of the time. The Federal treasurv was empty. Madison, on April First leeri; „ . , , , ". . I ' TT 1 J \.i lation bv 8, mtroduced a resolution into the House, based on tlie consrress. plan of 1783, for raising a national revenue. This led to the first tariff act (July 4, 1789). Members from Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, and the other States in which ^^'^^^^ ^ 215 The tariff, Article I, section 8, 216 American Ilistory manufactures were developing wanted protection for their industries. The act was sHghtly protective, but its chief object was to secure revenue for carrying on the Govern- ment. It provided specific duties on wines, teas, nails, salt, and twenty-eight other articles, and an ad valorevi duty from five to fifteen per cent, on a few articles, as paper, leather, and tinware. The average of duties was about eight and one-half per cent. The amount of money col- lected from taxes on imports was not suflScient to carry on Dollar of 1794 the Government, and on the recommendation of Hamil- ton the rates were increased in 1790 and 1792. The appropriations by Congress for the first year's ex- penses amounted to $639,000. Washington, as during the Revolutionary War, desired to serve without salary. It was agreed, however, that the President should receive $25,000 and the Vice-President $5,000 annually. It was taken for granted by the Constitutional Conven- tion that executive departments would be formed. Three departments were created: the Department of State, then called Foreign Affairs, the Department of War, and the Treasury Department. Provision was made for the office of Attorney-General, although this office was not, for many years, considered an executive department. The former Post-Office was continued, and it M^as made a Organization of the Neiv Government 2\\ department in 1794. Through the appointment by Washington and confirmation by the Senate, Thomas Jefferson was made Secretary of State, Alexander Hamil- ton, Secretary of Treasury; Henry Knox, Secretary of War, and Edmund Randolph, Attorney-General. Although not authorized by the Constitution, Washington early began the custom of calling these four men together from time to time to confer with him on public questions. Later Presidents have preserved this practice of calling their Cabinets into conference. \Miile the President is not obliged to take the advice of his Cabinet, their views have usually great weight with him. By an act of September 24, 1789, Congress proceeded o^^^^^^^;^ to organize the Federal Judiciary as outlined in the Consti- judiciary, tution. This act provided that the Supreme Court should f/^'^/f^^ V/' consist of a Chief Justice and five associate justices. Four clause i. Circuit Courts and thirteen District Courts were also cre- ated, and their functions as inferior courts were defined. John Jay, of New York, a man of sterling character and strong convictions was appointed Chief Justice. Regular Circuit Court judges were not then pro\aded for. The first Congress was called upon to consider some First ten three hundred propositions to amend the Constitution, ^"^^^sto Of these, more than one-third were submitted by the JJe^Consti- States at the time of ratification. Twelve amendments finally received the requisite two-thirds votes of both Houses of Congress. Ten became a part of the Constitu- tion in 1791, having been ratified by the legislatures of three-fourths of the States. These ten amendments have been called "The Bill of Rights"; for they provide, in general, for the preservation (against encroachment by the National Government) upon such rights as the freedom of religion, and of speech, and that over private property, rights which had been enumerated in the "Bills of Rights ' of the State consthutions. The Constitution provides (Article III, Section II, Clause 1) that Eleventh the judicial power of the United States shall extend to contro- ^^^^^ versies between a State and citizens of another State, and between 218 American History a State and the citizens or subjects of a foreign State. These pro- visions were intended doubtless to apply only to suits in which a State should attempt, as plaintiff, to secure justice in a Federal Court. But, contrary to expectation, suits were early brought against some of the States by citizens of other States. In the no- table case of Chisholm vs. the State of Georgia (in 1793), Chisholm, a citizen of North Carolina, began action against the State of Georgia in the Supreme Court of the United States. That Court interpreted the clause as applying to cases in which a State is defendant, as well as to those in which it is plaintiff. The de- cision was received with disfavor by the States, and Congress pro- posed the Eleventh Amendment to the Constitution, which was ratified in 1798 and reads as follows: "The judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against one of the United States, by citizens of another State or by citizens or subjects of any foreign State." When Alexander Hamilton, at the age of thirty-two, was appointed Secretary of the Treasury, he had already ac- quired a notable reputation as a writer on the problems of government and as a lawyer. Although fully aware of the difficulties to be met, he did not hesitate in accepting the burdens of the office at the meager salary of $3,500 a year. Shortly after his appointment, Congress requested Ham- ilton to prepare a report on the public credit. This led to the formation of his financial policy. The carrying out of his recommendations placed the National credit on a solid foundation. Hamilton showed that the National indebtedness was about $54,000,000, including principal and arrears of in- terest. Of this sum, $12,000,000 was owed in Europe, chiefly to the French Government. In his first report on the public credit (1790), he proposed that these obliga- tions against the Government should be paid in full. While there was no objection made to paying the foreign debt, a heated debate took place, in Congress, over the proposition to pay the remainder, or "domestic debt." These certificates of indebtedness had depreciated so much that they were worth only about one-fifth of their face value. Speculators had been bmdng the certificates, and it was Or(joiiizafi<)ii of flic New Govcriimoit 219 state debts and location of the Capi- tal. argued that they and not the original owners would profit by the measure. But Hamihon insisted that the credit of the Government could be established only by redeeming its jiromises to pay at full face value. Hamilton's plan tri- umphed, and a bill was |)assed by Congress providing for the pay- ment of both the for- eign and domestic debts. The proposal by Assump Hamilton that the Na- tional Government should assume the un- paid debts of the in- dixidual States which had been incurred in support of the Revolu- tion, met with bitter protest. The total of these debts finally fixed upon was $21,- 000,000. INIassachu- setts, Connecticut, and South Carolina had the largest debts. With the excep- tion of South Carolina, the Southern States had already paid off the greater part of their debts and were op- posed to the plan. New England and the INliddle States with the excej:)tion of Pennsylvania, favored assump- tion. The Representatives from North Carolina now ap- ])eared in Congress in time to defeat the measure in the House. Hamilton saw in the discussion over the permanent location of the Capital the opportunity to save his plan for assumption. The choice had narrowed down to a site on the Delaware River in Pennsylvania, or to one on the Potomac. Finally, a bargain was agreed upon in whi(-h Alexander Hami From the painting l>y John Tr 220 . line r ica 1 1 II i.sio ri/ Hamilton offered to secure enough Northern votes for the Potomac site, providing Jefferson would get Virginia votes to carry the assumption of the State debts. Both measures were carried. For ten years, the Capital was to be at Philadelphia and then to be located in a district ten miles square on the Potomac at some spot to be selected by Washington. Some means must be found to pay the debts. Hamil- ton proposed, in a second report on the public credit, pre- sented at the close of the year 1790, an increase in the import duties on distilled liquors and also an excise upon spirituous liquors distilled in the United States. An ex- cise, to be laid by the National Government, was especially objectionable to many. It was regarded in the same light as the stamp duties before the Revolution. It tended, they thought, to give too great powers of taxation to the Federal Government. In spite of great opposition, the measure was passed. One member suggested that it would be like "drinking down the National debt." The plan for a United States Bank, advocated in a special report (December 13, 1790), is even more note- worthy. Hamilton had recommended such an institution to Robert Morris during the Revolution. He now urged that a bank would become the means of increasing the cir- culating medium, and at the same time give a safe and uniform currency to the country, through the issue of bank-notes; and that the Government would be able to borrow money and carry on other financial affairs through the bank with greater facility. Besides, the men who might subscribe for the stock would thus become inter- ested in the Government. Madison, as the leader of a strong minority party in the House of Representatives, asserted that Congress did not possess the power of establishing such a corporation, since it was not "expressly" granted by the Constitution. Hamilton maintained that the power was implied in that clause which authorizes Congress "to make all laws Orgaitization of the New Gover)imeiit 221 which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into exe- cution the foregoing powers . . . vested by the Constitu- tion in the Government of the United States." The bill, which finally passed both Houses of Congress, provided for the incorporation of a bank for twenty years with a capital of $10,000,000. The Government might subscribe for an amount not exceeding $2,000,000. Payment for a large amount of the stock was to be made in Government bonds. The bank was to be used as a place of deposit for Government funds and to aid it in borrowing, collecting, and paying out money. Because of the objections to the measure, Washington, strict and before signing the bill, referred it to his Cabinet for their s°ruct^on^ written opinions on its constitutionality. The replies sub- mitted by Jefferson and Hamilton are noteworthy. They set forth definitely the two opposing views on the inter- pretation of the Constitution which have so often been con- tended for in the course of our history. Jefferson argued, as Madison had done, that the incorporation of a bank would be unconstitutional and that a bank was neither a "necessary" nor a "proper" agent "for carrying into exe- cution'.' the "enumerated powers" of the Constitution. He stood for what is called the doctrine of "strict" con- struction. Hamilton, in his answer, held that all con- venient "means" might be employed by the Government which were "required in the execution" of powers granted by the Constitution. He argued that the creation of a Article i, bank was constitutional since it was related to the powers clauses of collecting taxes and borrowing money. Thus he de- i- '^■ clared in favor of the "broad" construction of the Consti- tution. Washington, after some hesitation, signed the bill. The Bank was established in Philadelphia with branches in New York, Baltimore, and six other cities. This doctrine of the impUed powers of the Constitution was in Bryce, turn to be adopted by the Supreme Court and stated in the fa- ^'^J^^ mous decisions of John Marshall. James Bryce has well said: wealth, "The interpretation which has thus stretched the Constitution i, 390.' 1 mcricaii Ili.sforij to cover powers once undreamt of may be deemed a dangerous resource. But it must be remembered that even the constitu- tions we call rigid must make their choice between being bent or being broken. The Americans have more than once bent their Constitution in order that they might not be forced to break it." Congress, on Hamilton's recommendation, also passed an act for the establishment of a mint. The free coinage of both gold and silver at a ratio of 15 to 1 was adopted, i. e., the weight of pure metal in a silver dollar was fifteen times as much as the pure metal in a gold dollar. At the close of the year 1791, Hamilton made the most elaborate of his reports, that on manufactures. The argu- ments for the protection of American industries, through a tax on imports, stands to-day as one of the best presenta- tions ever made in behalf of the protective system. The act of 1792, which provided for a slight increase in duties, followed, in the main, his suggestions. As we have seen, two parties developed over the ratifi- cation of the Constitution. After the inauguration of the new Government, the Anti-Federalists as a party disappeared. But the adoption of Hamilton's financial plans was the chief cause for the formation of two well- organized political parties. Hamilton favored a strong central Government. The policy of loose construction which he advocated would deprive the State governments of many powers. INIany persons then, as to-day, viewed with alarm this growing authority of the central Govern- ment and Jefferson declared that the Government was drifting toward a monarchy. He believed that Hamilton was building up a monarchical party by giving to certain members of Congress, which the Secretary of State called the "corrupt squadron," financial privileges in return for their support. In the ceremonial connected with the sittings of the Supreme Court, and in the secret sessions of the Senate, Jefferson and his adherents saw also the death of Republican institutions. These followers of Jefferson, chief among whom was Organizafion of the Xnr Government 223 jNIadison, were soon organized, and called themselves the Repubii- Republican Party. They were called by their enemies federalists. "Democratic." They insisted on the strict interpretation of the Constitution, and were most numerous in the agri- cultural States. Those who favored the views of Hamilton clung to the name "FederalLst" for their party. They were chiefly in the commercial States. Another notable difference between the party views grew out of the atti- tude of the two leaders toward the people. Hamilton had The Home of Ceoroe Waslunston at Mouut Vernon little confidence in the ability of the mass of the people to govern, and held that government should be in the hands of the educated and property-owning classes. Jefferson believed in the common people and in their capacity for self-government. He had no fears of such uprisings as that led by Shays, and declared with regard to it: "Whenever our affairs go obviously wrong, the good sense of the people will interpose and set them right." 224 American Ilisforif From the sessions of the Cabinet, where, as Jeft'ersoii said, he and Hamihon were arrayed against eaeh other like "two cocks in a pit," the contest passed to the news- papers. Jefferson and Hamihon became personal ene- mies. Although the attacks on Hamilton were largely ill- founded, it is fortunate that a party was then brought into existence which held, as its leading principle, belief in the people. As the time for the second Presidential election ap- proached, Washington, wiio had grown weary of the at- tacks on his administration, would gladly have retired to the quiet of Mount Vernon. Urged by the leaders of both parties, he again allowed his name to be used and was unanimously reelected. The contest between the parties came in the choice of a Vice-President. John Adams, the Federalist candidate, was reelected, having received the votes of seventy-seven electors. Fifty electors voted for George Clinton of the Republican party. The Repub- licans, however, succeeded in electing a majority of the members of the House of Representatives. The Senate remained under the control of the Federalists. Suggestive Questions and References 1. Relation of Washington to the Senate. Hart, Contempo- raries, III, No. 79. 2. Washington's Cabinet; departments since organized and chief functions of each. Walker, ]\Iaking of the Nation, 88-93. Fiske, Civil Government, 236-240; 2.50-252. James and San- ford's Government in State and Nation, 28.3-297 3. Compare with the English Cabinet; appointment, authority. Government in State and Nation, 178-180. 4. Organization of the Federal Judiciary. Walker, Making of the Nation, 97, 98. Hart, Formation, 145, 146. Government in State and Nation, .30.^.305. 5. Process of amending the Constitution and nature of the first ten amendments. Walker, Making of the Nation, 74-77. Government in State and Nation, 337-341. 6. Compare the methods of raising revenue under the Consti- Organizafioii of the New Government 225 tution and under the Confederation. Government in State and Nation, 182. 7. Hamilton's Financial Policy. Hamilton, Am. St. Series, chaps. 5 and 6. Madison, Am. St. Series, 144-150 (new ed.). Hart, Formation, 146-151. Walker, Making of the Nation, 78-86. 8. Formation of political parties. Hamilton, Am. St. Series, chap. 7. Jefferson, Am. St. Series, chap. 8. INIadison, Am. St Series, chap. 12. Hart, Formation, 155-156. Walker, Making of the Nation, 94-97. 9. The slave question in the First Congress. Madison, Am. St. Series, 152-164 (new ed.). Hart, Formation, 151, 152, 10. James and Mann, Readings in American History, chap. 14. 11. Historical fiction. James Lane Allen, Choir Invisible (Kentucky). James K. Paulding, Westward Ho! (Kentucky). CHAPTER XV FOREIGN RELATIONS, 179:^-1801 Party contests became more embittered because of the relation of the United States to European affairs after tlie outbreak of the French Revolution in 1789. For a quarter of a century foreign relations were to constitute a leading feature in our history. France, as we have seen (p. 168), aided America in gaining independence. The news of the proclamation of the French Republic (Sep- tember 22, 1792), and the execution of King Louis XVI (January 21, 1793), were enthusiastically received in America. This feeling of joy was heightened when it was learned early in April, 1793, that France had also declared war against England. By the terms of the treaty of 1778, France expected the United States to defend the French West India Islands against attack and to grant France certain privileges in our ports not granted other nations. Appreciating that the very existence of the nation might depend on keeping out of the struggle, Washington determined that the United States should pursue an impartial course toward both England and France. His Proclamation of Neutral- ity was issued, therefore, on April 22, 1793. It is classed to-day as one of the most important documents of the period. The United States was thenceforth to keep clear of European entanglements. Its enforcement was difficult because of the actions of Genet, the French Minister, who came to Charleston two weeks before the Proclamation was issued.. Counting on 226 Foreign Relations 227 Aniorican sympathy and aid for France, he fitted ont four privateers, wliich captured a number of English vessels. After ten days he set out for Philadelphia. Ovations were given him on the way and in that city. Democratic clubs were formed, modelled after those in Paris. Angered at his treatment by Washington, who insisted on the principle of neutrality, Genet threatened an appeal to the people. Disregarding the request of Jefferson and his own promise not to do so, he fitted out a captured vessel and sent it to sea. His recall was requested by Washington. The party by which he was apjjointed had fallen, and the French Government, then in the hands of the more radical Robes pierre faction, sent Fauchet as his successor. The secret plans of Genet relative to the West were of no less French moment. Because of the closing of the Mississippi by Spain plans in (p. 192), and the seeming disregard of their interests by the ^ ^^ West. (iovernment, there was general discontent among the men of the West. Genet was secretly instructed, by his Government, to make use of this disaffection and enHst men to conquer, for I'rance, Louisiana, the Floridas, and Canada. Before leaving Charleston, he arranged for an expedition against Florida and similar plans for the capture of New Orleans and Louisiana were set on foot by him at Philadelphia. These plots were revived by Fauchet and by Adet, the successors of Genet. The non-enforcement of the terms of the treaty of Difficulties 1783 between Crreat Britain and the United States was ^;|.*^.^j still under discussion by both nations. In June, 1793, Britain. Great Britain ordered the seizure of neutral vessels carry- ing provisions to French ports. The French Government had already passed a similar decree relative to the ports of Great Britain. This policy, which struck so heavily at American shipping, was based on the doubtful claim that "provisions were contraband of war." Upon the outbreak of hostilities, France threw open her ports in the W'est Indies to trade with neutral ships. According to the " rule of 1756," by which Great Britain did not consider herself bound, trade which was forbidden a neutral in time of peace could not be allowed that nation in time of war. 228 American Historij Great Britain, however, proceeded to enforce this ride against American trade with the French colonies. Some three hundred American vessels were seized and brought into British West Indian ports, by March 7, 1794, and their passengers and seamen were brutally treated. With even greater arrogance, Great Britain claimed the right to stop and search American ships for seamen of British birth in order to impress them into her navy. Upon the theory, "once an Englishman always an Englishman," sailors, English by birth, but who had become naturalized Americans were impressed. Even sailors born in the United States were seized. With the feeling excited by these acts, war seemed inevitable. Congress, in March, 1794, voted an embargo for thirty days on shipping in the ports of the United States. It was renewed for a month and bills were passed providing for the fortification of some of the harbors and for increasing the navy. But in spite of the clamor for war, Washington deter- mined, if possible, to avert it. He selected John Jay, then Chief Justice, as Envoy Extraordinary to open negotia- tions with Great Britain for the execution of the treaty of 1783 and for making a treaty of commerce. After four months of negotiation, in London, between Lord Gren- ville and Jay a treaty was drawn up (November 19, 1794). According to its terms, the British Government agreed to evacuate the posts by June, 1796. Joint commissions were to settle the amount of the claims growing out of the non-payment of debts due British subjects and the seizure of American ships.* A general commercial treaty was agreed upon — an advantage to our merchants and ship- owners. Nothing was said about an indemnity for the loss of the negroes and no mention was made of impressment. The British Government refused to yield its position on ♦Three million dollars was agreed upon by treaty (1802) as the amount due British subjects. A commission of five, in 1804, settled on $11,000,000 as the amount due American claimants for the capture of their ships. Foreign Rrlattous 229 neutral trade. The treaty passed the Senate with the exact number of votes necessary to make the required two- thirds. The whole country was aroused when the terms became known. In many cities Jay was burned in effigy and Hamilton, while defending the treaty, was stoned at a public meeting in New York City. The British flag was dragged througli the streets at Charleston and burned be- fore the door of the British Consul. A violent debate en- sued in the House of Representatives over the bill pro- viding for the money needed to execute the terms of the treaty. Finally, the House, by a vote of 51 to 48, passed the appropriation bill. The terms of the treaty were doubt- less the best which could be secured at that time. Re- jection would have meant an almost certain war, a war which would have crippled the nation. The opening of the IVIississippi by Spain and the settlement of the Indian troubles of the West were intimately connected also with the acceptance of the Jay treaty. Fearing the alienation of the West because of the long Treaty standing troubles with Spain (p. 192), Thomas Pinck- gpain, ney, in 1794, was sent to Spain for the purpose of making i"95. a new treaty. Knowing of the relations about to be established by the parties to the Jay treaty, Spain thought it desirable to win the friendship of the United States. On October 27, 1795, a treaty was signed by which America gained all that was asked: the free navi- gation of the Mississippi; the right to deposit goods at New Orleans;* and the parallel of 31° as the Florida boundary line. The advance of settlers into the territory ceded by the Indian treaty of 1783 was resisted by the Indians and attacks upon J[,g"^'^'' the outlying settlements were frequent. f American offi- North- cers who made oifers of peace were answered by some of the * A place of deposit was necessary in order that goods brought down the Mississippi on river boats might be transferred to ocean-going vessels. t The early settlements in Ohio were noted on pages 190, 191. Three other settlements were made on the Muskingum in 1790. 230 American Hisiory chiefs of the North-western tribes: "The English com- mandant at Detroit is our father and we cannot answer without consuhing him." The enormities of the savages becoming more frequent, tlie Government, in 1790 sent a force against them led by General Harmar. Under the Washiiiu;ioii (('iiii-iiiiiati leadership of the famous Chief, "Little Turtle," the Indians were victorious. An expedition the following year under General St. Clair met a like fate. The command was then entrusted to General Anthony Wayne. Setting out from Fort Washington (Cincinnati), he reached the rapids of the Maumee in August, 1794. There the desperate battle of "Fallen Timbers" was fought in which the Indians were utterly defeated. In the treaty at Greenville the next year, they agreed to surrender their claims to the greater part of the present Ohio. With the promise of security, settlers began at once to go into this territory in ever-increasing num- bers. Fo re i(j / 1 Ilrlat io 1 1 .i 231 ]\Ieantime, hatred by the inhabitants of the Western communities, especially of Pennsylvania, for the excise law, gave rise to serious disturbances. Because of inade- quate facilities for transportation, Western men, in order to get their produce to market most readily, reduced the grain to whiskey. Their opposition to the tax on distilled spirits finally led to open rebellion in 1794. Collectors of revenue were driven from their homes, mails were seized, and the United States Marshal was fired upon. About (),()00 men assem- bled at " Braddock's Field " and marched through the streets of Pittsburg to frighten the inhab- itants. Governor Mifflin of Pennsylvania did nothing, and Washington determined to enforce the law. He called out 13,000 militia. This army, commanded by Governor Henry Lee of Virginia, marched across the mountains to the scene of the uprising, but met with no resistance, for the leaders had fled. The prompt suppression of this insur- rection served to demonstrate that the National Govern- ment had become powerful enough to enforce its laws. Declining to be a candidate for a third term, Washing- ton, in a masterly state paper (September 17, 1796), mad( an appeal for tlie highest standards for the nation, urged a "cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment" to national union. Americans were to observe good faith and justice toward all nations and keep "clear of per- manent alliances with any portion of the foreign world." Whiskey insurrec- tion, 1794. Wayne's Campaign and Treaty of Greenville He Washing- ton's Farewell Address. 232 A nier lea ii II i,sfo rij Public opinion, he wrote, slioukl be "enlightened" and public credit "cherished." John Adams and Thomas Pinckney were selected as the candidates of the Federalists for President and Vice-Presi- dent. The Republicans gave their support to Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr. Of the 132 electoral votes, Adams re- ceived 71 a n d was elected Pres- ident, and Jef- ferson received 68, the next high- est number, and was elected Vice- President. John Adams had already served his coun- try ably and with honor. He was prominent as a leader in INIassa- chusetts in bringing on the Revolution; was a member of both Continental congresses, became Minister to France and then to Holland; in 1785 was made Minis- ter to England; and was twice Vice-President. Always upright in his relations with his associates, he failed, at times, because of lack of tact, jealousy of his rivals, and dislike of advice. He soon foinid that he had made a mistake in retaining Washington's Cabinet, for they were under the control of Hamilton, who was his enemy. Out of touch with his Cabinet, Adams was early called upon to adjust the troubles with France, which had become serious. John Adams copy by Jane Stuart, about 1874, of a painting by her fatlier, Gilbert Stuart, about 1800— in the possession of Henry Adams Forcif/ii Riiations 233 The negotiation and ratification of the Jay treaty by the Unfriendly United States was considered by France a grave offence. France Because of the sacrifice of the principle that "free ships make free goods" and of the privileges secured to France by the treaty of 1778, that nation now declared its alliance with the United States at an end. American shipping was subjected to still greater injury by French war vessels, and the French minister to this country was recalled. INIean- time, Washington Orders in Council were to be withdrawn, and IMadison proclaimed the reopening of trade with Great Britain. But this action of Erskine was repudiated by his Gov- ernment, and he was recalled. Non-inter- course was again de- clared in force. The new Minister from Great Britain, Francis J. Jackson, was an able exponent of the arrogant attitude of the Court he represented. Presi- dent Madison, he de- clared, knew that Ers- .laines Madison kiue was exceeding his F^„. a pa.„t.n. '■v^;^-*^-^ ^--i- ^v ''^ ^ authority. Jackson was informed that no more communications would be received from him, and he returned to England. For some time Napoleon had been enforcing one of the most outrageous of his decrees. Because of the Non- intercourse Act, he issued the Ramhouillet Decree, which prescribed that every vessel bearing the American flag which had entered or should enter the ports of France after May 20, 1809, or the ports of any country under F'rench control, should be seized and sold. Before it became known in the United States, vessels and cargoes were con- Drviorrari/ and Expansion 255 fiscated which, when sold, poured .some $10,000,000 into the French Treasury. In the meantime, Congress (May 1, 1810), passed the "Macon Bill No. 2" which repealed the Non-intercourse Act. If either Great Britain or France should agree to stop its violations on neutral commerce, then intercourse between the United States and the other nation was to cease. Here was Napoleon's opportunity for deception which he be- lieved would lead to the destruction of his enemy. A let- ter from the French Minister of Foreign Affairs to Arm- strong, American Minister in Paris (August 5, 1810), an- nounced that the Berlin and ^Nlilan decrees would cease to have effect after November 1st. It was stipulated that (ireat Britain was to revoke her Orders in Council or the United States should "cause their rights to be rcsj)ccted by the English." The letter also affirmed the love that Napoleon bore the Americans; and that their prosperity and their commerce were within the sco})e of his policy. The l:)rcakdown of the Napoleonic system was hastened throvigh Napoleon- the diplomatic ability of John Quincy Adams, American Minister isni at St. Petersburg. October 25, 1809, he was officially received 5ohn by the Czar, Alexander I. Russia was then the ally of Napoleon. Quincy But Russia, compelled because of her own industrial condition Adams. to carry on foreign trade, seized this opportunity to break with jj^'^g''^^' the policy of Napoleon. Through the Russian Minister of For- eign Affairs, Adams asked the interposition of the Czar in behalf of American commerce in the Baltic then being ravaged by the agents of Napoleon, especially by Danish privateers. The Czar, to the astonishment of Adams, ordered the Danish Goverment to restore American property as speedily as possible. The " Em- peror was gratified," Adams was informed, "at this opportunity of proving his friendly dispositions toward the United States." During the summer of 1810, the Czar refused to close Russian ports to American ships as Prussia and Denmark had done. His answer to Napoleon was in no uncertain terms. " I cannot," he declared, " as I have already told you, prohibit all commerce to my subjects with the Americans. . . . We must keep to these terms, for I declare to you, were war at our doors, in regard to commercial matters I cannot go further." On December 19, an Imperial ukase was issued which admitted American produce 256 American Hi,stori/ and hundreds of American vessels entered Russian ports. Eight days afterward, Adams notified the American Government that Russia wouhl resist Napoleon " to the last." In February follow- ing, military movements on both sides began. Europe smiled incredulously at the promise made by Napoleon to rescind his decrees. Madison, however, ac- cepted literally the statement made in the letter to Armstrong.* After a stormy session, Congress passed an act (March 2, 1811) which was approved by the President, again declaring non- intercourse i n force against Great Britain. On May 16th of that year, the American fri- gate President was fired upon by the sloop-of- war Lilile Belt. The return fire quickly crippled the inferior British vessel. Americans were elatedat the out- come for the Chesapeake affair was fresh in their minds. The offer made by the Government of Great Britain shortly after- ward to make reparation for that attack, was accepted, but her attitude toward neutral rights remained unaltered. * The decrees were not actually revoked until April 28, 1811. Napoleon himself gave licenses to trade with Great Britain during the period of the ' ' Continental System . " ^^ Tecumseh Democracy and Expansion 257 For some yt'ars the Indians of the Western frontier had Battle of looked upon the advance of the white men with jealous J^noe' eyes. Tecumseh and his brother, "the Prophet," Indians isii. of unusual ability set about uniting the tribes of the entire frontier into one great confederacy which was to resist the further encroachments upon their hunting grounds. In October, 1811, Tecumseh was absent among the Southern Indians, arousing them to join the league which had al- ready been formed among the Northern tribes. British traders had furnished them with arms and equipment. The settlers becoming alarmed, General William Henry Harrison, the Governor of Indiana Territory, collected troops and marched against the Indians. Near the "Prophet's Town" on Tippecanoe Creek where it flows into the Wabash, (Jeneral Harrison Avas attacked (No- vember 7, 1811). After the first surprise, the troops rallied, repulsed the Indians,* and burned their town. The losses on both sides were heavy, the number of killed and wounded reported by General Harrison being one hun- dred and eighty-eight or about one-fourth of his com- mand actually engaged. Tecumseh returned in December, but the expec-ted attack did not follow, since he awaited directions from Canada. Suggestive Questions and References 1. Compare the election of President before 1800 with later process. Constitution, Article II, section 2, clause 1. Amend- ment XII. James and Sanford, Government in State and Na- tion, 258-264. 2. Civil Service during Jefferson's administration. Jefferson Am. St. Series, 194-200 (new ed.); 218-225 (old ed.). Hart, Formation, 179-180. 3. Cases in which the Supreme Court has original jurisdiction. Constitution, Article III, section 2, clause 2. 4. Gallatin's preparation and labors. Gallatin, Am. St. Series, chap. 6. 5. The Louisiana Purchase, Jefferson, Am. St. Series, chap, 258 American History 14. Monroe, Am. St. Series, 75-91. McMaster, HLstory, IT. 620-635. Schouler, History, II, 40-50 (old ed.); 49-59 ' (new ed.). Walker, Making of the Nation, 179-184. Hart, Con- temporaries, III, Nos. 111-114. Sparks, Expansion of the Am. People, 192-210. Roosevelt, Winning of the West, IV, 258- 282. Hosmer, The Louisiana Purchase, chaps. 2, 3, 7. Hos- mer, Short History of the Mississippi Valley, 118-127. Chan- ning, The Jeffersonian System, 47-72. 6. Authority by which the United States acquired territory not possessed before 1789. Hart, Formation, 188. Walker, Mak- ing of the Nation, 182-184. Government in State and Nation, 324-325. 7. Significance of the Louisiana Purchase. Review of Reviews, Vol. 27, 547-503; 508-584. 8. Lewis, Clark, and Pike. Roosevelt, Winning of the West, IV, chap. 7. Hart. Contemporaries, III, No. 115. Channing, The Jeffersonian System, 86-99. 9. Importation of slaves prohibited. Article I, section 9, clause 1. Walker, Making of the Nation, 209-210. Govern- ment in State and Nation, 243, 244. 10. James and Mann, Readings in American History, chap. 16. 11. Historical fiction. Cable, The Grandissimes (Louisiana). Cable, Strange True Stories of Louisiana. Edward Eggleston, Roxy (Battle Tippecanoe). .e\v men CHAPTER XVII THE SECOND WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE Of the members who assembled in the extra session of Xe Congress (November 4, 1811), the presence of a large congress. number of new men was notable. They came chiefly from tiie States of the South and the West. " The influence of these men of a "younger generation" was to be dominant in public affairs for over a third of a century. Aggressive by nature, ambitious, self-reliant, and intensely American, they were ready to defend the Nation against humiliation and insult. This new spirit was manifest in tlie election of Henry Henry Clay of Kentuc-ky as Speaker of the House. He was the ^I^J^^^ embodiment of the energy characteristic of the West — a Speaker. section which already, as expressed in Clay's own words, "looked to the conquest of Canada and the dictation of peace at Quebec or Halifax." At that time, thirty-four years of age, he had been a leader in the Legislature of his State. He had been sent on two occasions to fill a vacancy in the United States vSenate, where he had won a place by his power of argumentation and fiery eloquence. From the Speaker's chair and on the floor of the House, Clay wielded a dominating influence over legislation. The war party was given control of the chief committees. Deciara- John C. Calhoun, then thirty years of age, who was serving |^°" °^ his first term as Representative from South Carolina, was against placed on the Committee on Foreign Relations, and soon Britain, began to direct its policy. In his speech on the first report of this Committee, he showed that force and assurance 259 260 American Ilintory Madison reelected President. Strength of the bellig- erents. characteristic of all his efforts. The resolutions submitted (November 29, 1811) indicated clearly what the policy of the "war-hawks," as John Randolph called them, was to be. It recommended : that the army should be increased; that the navy be put into condition for im- mediate service; and that merchant vessels be allowed to arm in self-defence. Re- luctantly President INIadison was forced to modify his peaceful attitude and to sign the act declaring war against Great Britain (June 18, 1812). On June 23, that Gov- ernment revoked the Orders in Council. Even had this action been known in America, it is probable that impressment would have been regarded as adequate cause to go on with the struggle. Among the leading causesfor war men- tioned by the President were: (1) Tlie impressment of seamen; (2) the violation of the rights of commerce by Britisli cruisers in American Avaters; (3) "the mock blockades" of the Orders in Council ; and (4) attacks of the savages incited by British traders. A month previous to this time, INladison had been nominated for a second term. It was declared, without adequate evidence, that he agreed to sanction war as a condi- tion of his renomination. He received 128 electoral votes as against 89 for De Witt Clinton, the nominee of the "Peace Party." America was wholly unprepared to engage in such a conflict, although it was seen to be approaching for years. The regular army was composed of only 6,700 men led lay officers who had grown old in the service or by those with little experience. De- pendence upon volimteers and militia was necessary. The Brit- ish army was composed largely of veterans under able leaders. Besides, Great Britain controlled the ocean with a navy con- Infantrv Private, 1810 The Second War for Independence 261 sisting of 994 vessels of war, over 200 of them larger than any in the American navy, which contained only 16 effective vessels and 165 gun-boats. In contrast with the army, American naval officers were equal to the best of their oppo- nents, and the crews were, man for man, superior to those of Great Britain. It was with difficulty that the necessary money for the Financial war, which cost $30,000,000 each year, was raised. The ^^^o'^ditions customs revenue upon which the Government depended began immediately to decrease, and in 1812 amounted to only $9,000,000. The plans resorted to, among others, to raise money, were double duties on imports, double post- age, direct and excise taxes. Loans were made with difficulty, bonds were sold much below their face value, and $37,000,000 in treasury notes were issued. Great Britain at that time was raising, by taxation, $350,000,000 annually. Regardless of the lack of preparation due to a miserly Plans for economy, and in spite of the general incompetency of sloVof^ governmental officials to direct a war, the conflict was Canada. entered upon with a surprising air of self-confidence. This spirit was voiced by Calhoun, who declared that within four weeks most of Canada would be in the possession of Americans. Three armies were brought together on the Canadian frontier. One was to defend Detroit, the key to the fur- trade and the control of the Indians of the North-west. Another was to cross the Niagara River and, reenforced from the army at Detroit, was to capture York (now Toronto) and advance to ^Montreal. There they were to be met by the third army, advancing from Lake Cham- plain, and the combined forces, after the capture of Mon- treal, were to take Quebec. With 2,000 men, General WilHam Hull toiled over the war in the miserable roads through the forests from the Maumee River to Detroit, and then crossed to Canada in order to take Fort ]\Ialden. He delayed the attack, however, and thus allowed the assembhng of a larger force of British North- west. 262 A merican H istory and Indians. Learning that Fort Mackinac had fallen and that his lines of communication were broken, he re- tired to Detroit. Followed by General Brock with a force of 1,300, including 600 Indians, Hull retired "^within the fort and immediately surrendered (August 10, 1812). Thus, Michigan territory — the little garrison at Fort War on the Northern Fronti Dearborn * having been massacred by the Indians — passed to the control of the British. After this ill-fated event, General William Henry Har- rison was put in charge of the American forces on the Maumee River for the defence of Ohio. Early the next year a detachment of 600 Kentucky troops defended Frenchtown, on the River Raisin, from an attack by the Indians, but were compelled to surrender to a superior force of the British. Barely able to hold his line of de- fence, it was evident that Harrison could not recapture Detroit unless the English naval control over Lake Erie was overcome. There was at the time no American squadron on the lake. * Chicago now occupies the site of this Fort. The Second War for Independence 263 After the capture of Detroit, General Brock hurried to The Nlag- the defence of the Niagara frontier. During October, 600 \l^^^ TiX2. Americans crossed the river at Queenstown, but were not reenforced, and were compelled to surrender. General Brock was killed. A second attempt to cross the river was likewise a failure. Nothing was accomplished by the third army; but the gloom caused by these defeats on land was partly dis- pelled by the brilliant victories of American commanders at sea. The first of these naval duels took place off the coast of Nova Scotia, between the American frigate C oust itui ion, commanded by Captain Isaac Hull, and the Guerriere, The Cham- plain re- gion. Battles on the ocean, 1812-1813. under Captain Dacres. Within a half hour after the firing of the first gun, the masts of the English vessel were shot away, and she was otherwise so disabled that she could not be brought into port. Although the Consiihi- tion was a faster and a stronger vessel with heavier guns, the victory was due chiefly to the superior marksmanship of American gunners. Americans were exultant; for it was clear that the "Mistress of the Seas" was not invin- cible. During October, the American sloop-of-war Wasp, 264 American Hisior}/ in a short action, abont five hnndrod miles east of Chesa- peake Bay, overcame the brig Frolic, but both vessels were in such a disabled condition that they were taken possession of by a British war-vessel. Among other victories which heightened the pride of Americans in their small navy were the capture of the frigate Macedonia, off the coast of North Africa, by the frigate United States, Captain De- catur (October 25); the destruction, north-east of Rio Janeiro, of the frigate Java by the Constitution under Commodore Bainbridge (December 29); and the sinking of the Peacock by the Hornet, near the north-east coast of South America (February 24, 1813). At the begiiming of the year 1813, Great Britain made the blockade of the Chesapeake and Delaware bays more effective, and by the end of the year had extended it to the other ports on the Atlantic. The best American vessels were thus bottled up for the remainder of the Avar. Two other events occurred on the coast deserving of mention. The American frigate Chesapeake, commanded by Ca[)tain Lawrence, engaged in battle with the Shannon outside Boston harbor. The Chesapeake, with a crew composed mostly of green men, was ill-fitted for the contest, and within a few minutes was disabled. The last order of Cap- tain Lawrence, who was mortally wounded: "Don't give up the ship," was unavailing, and the colors were soon hauled down (June 1, 1813). During a year and a half, the frigate Essex, under Captain David Porter, cruised in the South Atlantic and the Pacific, capturing British whaling vessels until destroyed, in order to prevent capture, in the harbor of Valparaiso, Chili (February, 1814) The British were astounded at these defeats by an enemy that they held in contempt. Besides, in two hundred single ship battles with the vessels of other nations that had been fought during the previous twenty years. Great Britain had lost only five ships by capture. Her officers and crews were overconfident and training had been relaxed. The Americans, we are told, had become expert gunners The Second War for Independence 265 through constant target practice, while the British, with but few exceptions, engaged in this drill but once a year.* Returning to the lake frontier, we find that the Amer- Perry's ican squadron on Lake Ontario had accomplished nothing. Lak" Er?e The fate of the Xorth-west rested on the efforts of Com- Septem- modore Oliver H. Perry, who was put in command on ^^' Lake Erie. With great labor, he completed the construc- tion of a fleet of nine vessels, with which he was forced to meet the attack of a similarly constructed but inferior fleet, under Captain Barclay, off Put-in Bay (September 10, 1813). The outcome was expressed in Perry's well- known message to General Harrison: "We have met the enemy and they are ours, two ships, two brigs, one schooner and one sloop." The advantage was quickly followed up, and the American army in the West, aided by the fleet, appeared at Detroit. General Harrison pursued the re- treating British and defeated them in the Battle of the Thames (October 5, 1813). Tecumseh was killed, and the allegiance of the Indians to the British cause was broken. jNIichigan territory was again controlled by the Americans. jNIeantime, General Dearborn had captured York, and The Niag- some of the soldiers, unauthorized, burned the Parliament ^j^jj.^ig"4 House. The Americans were forced to retreat to the New York side and lost Fort Niagara. During the summer of 1814, because of the downfall of Napoleon, the British armies in America were greatly strengthened by the ad- dition of veteran soldiers withdrawn from European fields. jNIore competent officers, how^ever, were now in command of the Americans, and the partial victories at Chippewa and Lundy's Lane were due to the efficient leadership of General Jacob Brown and Lieutenant Winfield Scott. Later, they were forced to withdraw across the Niagara * The superiority of the Shannon over the Chesapeake was due to the discipline and training to which Captain Broke, contrary to orders, had for a long period subjected his men. Roosevelt, Naval War of 1812, p. 180. 266 American Ilistorif River. While nothing was accomplished on this fron- tier, a decisive action took place in September, on Lake Champlain, which added much credit to the American name. General Prevost, with 12,000 regulars, planned to in- vade New York by the old Burgoyne route. Instead of attacking the American army, consisting of 2,000 men, at Plattsburg, he awaited the cooperation of the British squadron. After a hard-fought contest, in the bay, the victory of the American squadron under Captain Mac- donough was so complete that Prevost retreated to Can- ada, and the war in that section was ended. Earlier in the year. Admiral Cochrane, in charge of the coast fleet, ordered the destruction of American property and towns in "retaliation" for the acts of our .soldiers at York and other places. The entire Eastern coast was harried, and General Ross was sent to capture Wash- ington. He encountered little resistance, and the Capitol, the White House, and many other piiblic buildings were plundered and burned. Two weeks afterward, Baltimore was attacked, but the Americans maintained their defence. General Ross was killed, and the bombardment of Fort ]\IcHenry also proving a failure, the British withdrew from the Chesapeake.* Although American foreign trade was cut off by the blockade, terrific blows were struck at the commerce of Great Britain by privateersmen. Americans in this way made their otherwise idle ships sources of profit. Over 500 of these armed ships scoured the seas, capturing mer- chantmen even on the coast of Great Britain. Because of these depredations, insurance rates on English vessels were made excessive, and public meetings of tradesmen and ship-owners demanded the termination of the war. Before the news reached Washington that peace had been concluded, the Battle of New Orleans was fought. * During the bombardment, Francis Scott Key, prisoner for the time on a British vessel, composed The Star Spangled Banner. The Second War for Independence 267 To General Edward Pakenham, one of Wellington's Battle ablest lieutenants, with an army of 10,000 veterans, sup- orSns. ported by a fleet of fifty vessels, was entrusted the capture January 8, of New Orleans. Andrew Jackson, having overcome the Creek Indians in Alabama, at Horse-shoe Bend, and in other battles, was put in command of the south-western district. With about 5,000 troops, mainly men from the West, he prepared to resist the British advance, and hurriedly threw up defences a short distance below the city. When the main assault was made, at daybreak, Jan- uary 8, so effective was the fire of the Americans that the British were repulsed with a loss of 2,000, and General Pakenham was killed. The American loss was 71. Four days after the declaration of war between the United j^^^j^^g^^jj' States and Great Britain, Napoleon renewed the conflict against Russian Russia. At the time, Great Britain and Russia were in alliance, mediation, and it was unfortunate that America should have contributed to the support of Napoleonic despotism. In keeping with the friendly attitude of the Czar, Alexander I, toward the United States (see p. 255), and with a desire to secure the full sup- port of his ally, he proposed Russian mediation between Great Britain and the United States. This proposal was immediately accepted by President Madison; and James A. Bayard and Albert Gallatin were sent to St. Petersburg as associates with John Quincy Adams for such a negotiation. But Great Britain, having refused to negotiate except directly, Henry Clay and Jonathan Russell were added to the Commission for that pur- pose. After needless delay on the part of Great Britain, the joint Commission met at Ghent during the summer of 1814. The treaty finally agreed upon provided for the mutual Treaty of restoration of all conquered territory and for commissions i8i4. ' to settle the boundary disputes. The rights of citizens of the United States to fish on the shores of British America, which had been granted in the treaty of 17S3 were not re- newed, and this continued to be a source of disturbance until 1818. Our commissioners were obliged to waive the question of impressment, but with the coming of general peace in Europe Great Britain ceased this obnoxious practice. 268 American HiMory Peace, even at a sacrifice, was at the time desirable; for there was danger that New England support would be entirely withdrawn. The declaration of war had been carried by members of Congress from the South and West in spite of the protests of the New England Representa- tives, who were ready to acquiesce in the attacks upon their commerce rather than risk its extinction. The Governors of INIassachusetts and Connecticut re- fused to obey the requisition of the President for State militia. Subscriptions to the national loan in New Eng- land were meager in comparison with the financial abiUty of that section. The effects of the blockade and the war taxes increased this disaffection, and led to the calling at Hartford, in December, 1814, of a convention of delegates from these States in opposition to the war. Portions of the report of the Convention resemble closely the lan- guage of the Virginia Resolutions (1798). It was recom- mended that the States should adopt measures for pre- venting the execution of the acts of Congress relative to enlistment which were deemed contrary to the Constitu- tion, the States themselves acting as judges, and executing their own decisions. The resolutions were not pre- sented to Congress, peace having been announced. The Federalist party never recovered from the effects of this movement. The lives of 30,000 Americans were sacrificed during the war, and the national debt was increased over $100,- 000,000. Large amounts of public and private property were destroyed, and the general disarrangement of com- merce and business burdened the entire country. On the other hand, local prejudice and selfishness were in large measure displaced by a spirit of national unity, aroused by the achievements of American soldiers and sailors, under the leadership of Jackson, Scott, Har- rison, Macdonough, Perry, and a few other leaders. In the succeeding chapters we shall see that problems connected with national development had become the The Second U\ir for hidependence 269 absorbing themes in the place of European poUtics and entanglements, and that America had really achieved independence. Suggestive Questions and References 1. The power of the Speaker over legislation. Government in State and Nation, 175, 176. 2. Influence of "Young Republicans" in bringing on the war. Clay, Am. St. Series, I, ch. V. Schouler, II, 334-356. McMaster, III, 427-440. Babcock, The Rise of American Nationality, 50-63. 3. Calhoun and the declaration of war; his spirit of national- ism. Calhoun, Am. St. Series, 15-26. 4. Finances of the war of 1812. Gallatin, Am. St. Series, 207-237. 5. Define direct taxes. To what extent have they been used in the United States? Government in State and Nation, 186- 188. 6. How is the efficiencv of the American navy accounted for? Roosevelt, Naval War of 1812, 27-37. 7. Difficulties in creating a navy on the Great Lakes. Roose- velt, Naval War of 1812, 221, 222 ; 254-258; 354. 8. In what way and for what reasons did the nations abandon privateering? Government in State and Nation, 234, 353. 9. Comparative losses of the contestants and causes for American successes? Roosevelt, Naval War of 1812, 439-450. 10. Scenes in Washington during the war. McMaster, IV, 138-147. 11. Under what conditions may the militia be called into ser- vice? Was the attitude of some of the New England States justifiable ? Government in State and Nation, 237, 238. Walker, Making of the Nation, 243, 244. 12. Opposidon to the war. Walker, 240-243. Hart, Forma- tion of the Union, 216-218. 13. The Battle of New Orleans. Roosevelt, Naval War of 1812, 454-493. Hart, Contemporaries, III, No. 127. Jackson, Am. St. Series, 44-.50 (new ed.); 38-44 (old ed.). Hosmer, A Short History of the Mississippi Valley, 147-153. 14. Treaty of Ghent and effects of the war. Hart, Contem- 270 America)! Ilistorif poraries, III, No. 128. Walker, INIaking of the Nation, 247, 248. Hart, Formation, 218-222. McMaster, IV, 256-276. Schouler, II, 477-485. 15. Jame.s and Mann. Readings in American History, Chapter 17. 16. Historical fiction. James Fennimore Cooper, Miles Wal- lingford, and Two Admirals. George Cary Eggleston, The Big Brother. Irving Bacheller, D'ri and I. Joseph A. Altsheler, A Herald of the West. Clark Russell, An Ocean Free Lance, CHAPTER XVIII REORGANIZATION, WESTWARD MIGRATION, AND INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS, 1815-1825 Because of the embargo, the non-intercourse act, and Tariff of the war, the shipping of the country was greatly reduced. Much of the capital withdrawn from commerce found a profitable investment in manufactures. This tendency was strengthened somewhat by the slight protection given by the tariff measures enacted after 1789. That of LS12 doubled the duties on imported goods. Iron factories and mills for the manufacture of cotton and woollen goods multiplied rapidly. British manufacturers, desiring to regain control of American markets and stifle American manufactures, began, after the war, to pour their goods into the United States. During the fifteen months after peace was declared, the exports from Great Britain to this country amounted to $150,000,000. Prices were re- duced and the stabihty of American industries was en- dangered. Influenced by the memorials from the manu- facturing centres asking for relief. Congress passed the tariff act of 1816, which imposed a duty of about 25 per cent, on the importations of cotton and woollen goods, and specific duties on iron products. This was the first really protective tariff. Votes for the measure came chiefly from the Middle States and the West. It was favored also in sections of New England and the South, where it was 271 272 A mer ica 1 1 II i.sfo ni Second United States Bank chartered, 1816. hoped manufactures would be established. Clay and Calhoun were earnest supporters of the bill. Jefferson declared at the time: "We must place the manufacturer by the side of the agriculturalist." Webster, who rep- resented the shipping interests of New England, opposed the bill. Efforts to secure the re-charter of the first United States Bank, failed in 1811. Banks chartered by tiie States began at once to increase rapidly in numbers. Many of them had little or no capital, and were unable to redeem the notes that they forced into circulation. In 1814, nearly all banks outside New England suspended specie payments, and business was in confusion. Finally, on the recommendation of Alexander Dallas, then Secretary of the Treasury, a bank bill Avas introduced into Congress, and, in spite of Federalist opposition, became a law. The new bank was chartered for twenty years. One-fifth of the capital of $3.5,000,000 was to be furnished by the National Government, and five of the twenty-five directors were to be appointed by the President, with the consent of the Senate. The main bank was located at Philadelphia, and branches were established in sixteen of the other leading cities. Normal financial conditions were not re- stored for a number of years. The Crisis Confidence in the future prosperity of the country was gen- of 1819. oral. Much of the currency, especially in the West and the South, consisted of notes issued by State banks. As a result of the excessive issues of currency, prices began to rise and specula- tion was encouraged. Extravagant prices were paid for land and farms were mortgaged. Manufacturers increased the size of their plants unduly. The use of luxuries spread. When the National Bank took action to force the State banks to redeem their notes in specie, a large part of these notes were seen to be valueless. The amount of currency was contracted from $110,- 000,000 in 1811 to $65,000,000 in 1819. Prices fell and thousands of business men were ruined. Laborers were out of employment and distress was general. This was the crisis of 1819. During the next few years the problems growing out of these conditions influenced the country profoundly. Reorganizatio)! and Infernal Improvcmcnfs 273 WESTWARD MIGRATION AND INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS, 1812-1825 Prior to the outbreak of the war, the movement of Western settlers across the mountains went on steadily. Cheap !^r?oT™o^"* government land was a constant lodestone. It could be 1812. purchased, after 1800, in lots of one hundred and sixty acres at a minimum price of two dollars an acre, of which one-fourth might be paid in cash and the rest in instal- ments extending over four years. The frontier was pushed steadily on by the force of backwoodsman, pioneer farmer, and town builder. The backwoodsman, with or without title to the land, advanced into the wilderness but when neighbors began to be too numerous, he sold his cabin and corn field for a small sum and "broke for the high timber." In the hands of the pioneer farmer the land was better cultivated, houses of hewn logs were built having glass windows, roads were improved, and the scattered village took form. In most cases he, too, was ready to sell out to the man who came with more capital and gave him the means by which he was able to gain possession of more and cheaper land farther West. Men were known to sell and move to a new spot five and six times. By 1810, Kentucky had a population of 400,000; Tennes- see, 262,000; Ohio, 230,000; Indiana, 25,000; Illinois, 12,000. North of the Ohio, the settlers came, at first, chiefly Routes of from Kentucky and Tennessee. Migration continued along the Alleghany valleys and the other established routes (p. 172). From South Carolina and Georgia, settlers passed into Alabama and Mississippi, and took possession of the cotton lands. Two main roads led from New England: (1) From Al- bany along the IVIohawk valley to Lake Erie; and (2) from the Hudson to the head waters of the Alleghany River and thence to Pittsburg. travel. 274 American History Freight and passengers, both at so mueh a pound, were carried in the great "C'onestoga" wagons, which were drawn by from four to six horses.* Many settlers went on foot, placing their household goods on the backs of horses, or the men carried their own slender stock. Even the best roads were at times almost impassable. Private corporations, in a nmnber of the States, had begun to con- struct "turnpikes" by the end of the century. The prob- lem of improving communication between the East and the West was constantly under discussion. Baltimore, Philadelj)hia, and New York were rivals for Western trade, and a road was demanded across the mountains which would be beyond the ability of jirivate capital to construct. In 1800, Congress appropriated $30,000 for the con- struction of a road west from Cumberland, Maryland, to the Ohio. It was believed that better means of communi- cation would hasten the sales of public lands. Work on the road was not begun until LSll. By 1(S20, it was com- pleted to Wheeling, and was extended to Columbus, to In- dianapolis, and to Vandalia, at that time the capital of Illinois. It made transportation easier, for it was built of crushed stone (the Western part was macadamized), the grades were reduced, and good bridges were constructed. Between LS06 and 183S sixty appropriations (amounting to nearly $7,000,000) were made for this road. Opposition to giving Federal aid to such enterprises developed; its place was gradually taken by railroads; and by 1856 Con- gress had given it over to the States through which it ran. At Pittsburg or Wheeling settlers took passage on one of the many sorts of water-craft. Barges and flat-boats were common. In 1811, there were four hundred keel- boats on the Ohio and its tributaries. These boats were from twelve to fifteen feet wide and fifty feet long, and were roofed over. They required from six to ten * In 1805, the cost was $4.50 a hundred from Baltimore to Pittsburg and $5 from Philadelphia. It required from twenty to twenty-four days to travel the 300 miles between Philadelphia and Pittsburg. RrorffcniizafioH and Infernal I mprovcmcnts 275 men to drive them against the current, but were used, because of their narrowness, in going up the tributary streams. Freight-boats were taken to New Orleans, where cargoes and boats were sold. The boatmen re- turned on foot or horseback, or went by sea to Philadel- phia or Baltimore. It was esthnated that twelve hundred Flat-boat freight-boats passed the Falls of the Ohio * (Louis\ille) during seven months of the year 1811 with their loads of flour, bacon, and merchandise of various sorts. Stories were common of the wild, free, and at times riotous, lives of the river-men, and Hkewise of the dangers from Indians. A steam-boat was first used on the Ohio in 1811, and in sieam- 1816 two were launched on Lake Ontario. The steam- western boat soon became one of the most effective agencies in deveiop- the development of the West. The markets of New * Goods were landed and carried around the Falls except during high water. 276 American ITi.sfory Orleans were brought nearer, for it became possible, as early as 1817, to go from Louisville to New Orleans in seven days (1,502 miles).* On the return trip, which took twenty-five days, hardware, dry-goods, and sugar were brought back. These products had formerly been conveyed from Atlantic ports at a much greater cost for freight, w^estwarfi After the war the Westward movement was greatly ac- nio\finent i u^-xi i » • i i i • ' i after 1815. celcrated. Old America seems to be breaking up and moving Westward," wrote a traveller who passed along the National Road in 1817. "W'e are seldom out of sight, as Ave travel on this grand track toward the Ohio, of family groups behind and before us." Fifteen thousand wagons, containing emigrants from New Eng- land, passed along the road between the Hudson and Pittsburg during the eighteen months previous to April, ISK). Motives in Commercial prosperity in the P^ast, as we have seen, Wesf. liad wellnigh disajjpeared. Laborers, unable to obtain work, crossed the mountains to points where labor was in great demand and wages high, at Pittsburg, Cin- cinnati, and other rapidly de\cloping manufacturing and commercial centres. There was no longer continual fear of attacks by the Lidians. Besides, the extinction of Indian titles to land opened up extensive areas suitable to cultivation and grazing. The great forest tracts were valuable for lumber. By a law of 1820 settlers were able to buy from the Government, for cash, as small a tract as eighty acres at a minimum price of one dollar and twenty- five cents an acre. The iron and coal mines of western Pennsylvania and the lead mines of Wisconsin and Illinois also attracted settlers. Owing to the hard times in Europe, at the close of the Napoleonic wars, emigration to America became notable. During the year 1817, 7,634 immigrants came through the port of New York alone, and large numbers of these joined the rush Westward. * Keel-boats took about forty days down and ninety up Reorganization and Internal Improvements During the war there was great delay in transporting men and snpj3lies to the West, and this became a striking illustration of the need of better means of communication. The rapid growth of this section and the problem of reach- ing the markets served likewise to create discussion, among the men of the West, on the necessity for roads and canals. Under the leadership of Calhoun, then an ardent Nation- alist, Congress, in 1817, passed the "Bonus Bill," appro- priating $1,500,000 for internal improvements. "Let it be forever kept in mind," he said, "that the extent of our republic exj)»)ses us to the greatest of all calamities — ^next to Internal improve- ments. ^ i J s moneula Ler.42S 5 1 1 1 4oo; ^ ^~' — «— >. 1 300 'i It; s 2001 "• 5S 100.; ~ ■^5,1 10 20 30 40 50 100 200 300 MILES \). in the Corcoran of mCn. HcadstrOUg, aud (iallery, Washuist^'n o' insubordinate on occa- sions, he was likewise noted for graceful manners, gener- osity and elevation of mind, sympathy with sufl^ering, and absolute honesty. His hatred of his enemies and devo- tion to his friends were alike intense. Blind to the faults of his friends, he became at times an unconscious agent through whom unprincipled men accomplished their designs. THE NATION DURING THE DECADE 1830-1840 Jackson was elected President of a nation having an area of over two million square miles and a population of nearly thirteen million. Of the increase of nine million Andrew Jackson Till' Xciv Demorraci/ 299 . BRITISH POSSESSIONS ,<^. // .^''^V during the years since 17«luch have becnTe-arranged, cushioned and lighted. Those wlio pay tArough between Albany & Rochester, §8. in the best cars. ^ ^ do^ 6 . 50 in accomodatlon-cara ssa^ds^ SD^aas" aBss^^o ffllnirciDmiglla firm SS HkdudipSo GOEfG WEST. 1st TrjJiL 2d Tyjin U«ve Albiny. 6 A.M. 1;P.M Pasx 8chenecU4r> ^1 ' " ~" - i;p.M. p. »L 9 P. M. uiic.. lir. m. » P. M. 4 A.M. Syracuse, 5; P. M. 2 A.M. 8 A. >l. Pus Pasa RMhesler, AirlveitBuffal . . ...M. . 1.10 A. M. . 3 P.M. GOING EAST. - _. IK Train jaUih. a Train. lASrt Bulalo. 4 A.M. 9 A.M. 4 P, M. Pass Boclieslcr. s; A. M. 3 P. M. 10 p. M. Pass Auburn. 3i P. M. 9 P. M. 4 A. M. Pass Syracuse, 5; P. M II P. M. 6 A.M. Pass t'tita, 9; P.M. 4SA.M. lOA. M. Pass ScheneclKly, 3iA.M. 10 A. M. 3 P. M Arrive atAlbany, 5 A. M. H A.M. 4; P. M. Passengers will procure tickets at the offices at Albany. BuSalo or Rochester througK to bo entitled to seats at the reduced rates: Far© wUl be received at each of the above places to any other places named on the route. From an Old Time-table (furnished by the "ABC Pathfinder Railway Guide"). 302 A mer ica ii II i story Steam- boats cross tlie At- lantic. Manufact- ures and inventions. Organiza- tion of labor. vented the locomotive. One was broufjht to America as a model. After a successful trial, in 1831, on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, of a locomotive built by Peter Cooper, steam quickly became the chief motive power and twenty miles an hour were easily attained. In 1835, there were twenty-two railroads in operation in this country and by 1840, 3,000 miles had been con- structed. The number of steamboats increased on the rivers and the lakes. In 1838, the Great Western and the Sirius were the first vessels, using steam-power alone, to cross the Atlantic Ocean. Sixteen days were required to make the voyage. Another characteristic of the period was the multiplica- tion of labor-saving and time-saving machinery. Axes and other edged tools were not made in America until 182G. In 1836, anthracite coal was successfully used in the smelt- ing of iron. Owing to this discovery and the more gen- eral use of water-power, manufacturing towns increased rapidly in numbers. Between 1831 and 1840, the number of cotton factories multiplied from 801 to 1,240. Cyrus McCormick, in 1834, was granted a patent for a reaper to be drawn by horses. One man, w^ith this machine, could cut more grain than twenty men with the "cradle." The threshing-machine also displaced the flail. Among the other important inventions of the time were the Fair- bank's platform scales, machinery for planing boards, and Colt's revolver. Friction matches also came into use, and the lighting of houses and streets with gas became more common. With the increase of factories and the growth of com- merce, people tended more to reside in the cities. Indi- vidual enterprise began to give place to production by corporations. Workingmen, in their Unions, demanded better conditions, and a Labor Party was organized in various States. Among their demands were a ten-hour day and free schools for their children. Education, Horace Mann. The New Democracy 303 State universities, colleges, and academies had multi- plied, but public elementary education, the boast of the United States to-day, was then of poor quality. Common schools were in a deplorable condition. Free high schools were beginning to be introduced into a few Northern cities. Conditions in Massachusetts were better than in most of the States, but one-third of the children of that State were without school advantages. Under the influ- ence of the great educational leader, Horace INlann, Massa- chusetts organized the flrst State Board of Education (1837). As the first secretary of this board, through his own un- tiring efforts, he brought about the raising of more taxes for the support of public schools, secured better text-books and established the first normal school (1839). Special academies and seminaries for girls had in- Girls' creased in numbers. Some of these schools were coedu- cational, although there was widespread opposition to grant- ing girls equal educational privileges with boys. In 1833, Oberlin College opened its doors to men and women alike, but twenty years elapsed before another college followed this example. The period was notable as marking the beginning of the creation of a new literature. Irving, Cooper, and Bryant already had made enduring reputations as writers. Noah Webster's American Dictionary of the English Language was first published in 1828. A volume of poems by Ed- gar Allan Poe appeared in 1827. Whittier, Longfellow, Lowell, Hawthorne, Emerson and Holmes were publish- ing their writings. The first volumes of George Ban- croft's History of the United States appeared in 1834; and Prescott's Ferdinand and Isabella in 1837. Audu- bon, Agassiz, and Asa Gray were making their contri- butions to scientific investigation. The Smithsonian In- stitution was endowed in 1838. During the decade, Web- ster, Edward Everett, and other orators of high rank were addressing large public audiences. The New York Sun, the first one-cent paper, was founded in 1833. An American literature. 304 1 mcrica n II i.sfory Commu- nistic settlement, Robert Owen. Besides the efforts which laborers were making in their own behalf, various reformers were projecting plans for their social betterment. Among the most notable of these experiments was that of Robert Owen. He had established a model factory- town in Scotland, and there had promoted the first successful attempt to limit the employment of child-labor in the cotton mills of Great Britain. On coming to America, he got together several hundretl people and established a settlement at New Harmony, Indiana (1S2G). All property and labor here were to be in common. The undertaking was a failure, but Owen caused the rapid extension of such communities. Some two hundred were established in different parts of the country. Brook Farm. Religious and hu- manitarian activities. A striking attempt at cooperation wa.s made at Brook Farm, ]Mas,sachu.sett.s (1841), with such members as Charles A. Dana, Margaret Fuller, (ieorge Ripley, Nathaniel Haw- thorne, and other men and women of letters. The most successful of religious communal organiza- tions was founded in 1S30 by Joseph Smith, who claimed to be an inspired leader and the discoverer and translator of the Book of ]Mormon. From PalmvTa, New York, the Mormons, Latter Da;/ Saints as they called themselves, migrated to Ohio; thence to ]\Ii.ssouri. Driven from that State, in 1840, they established the "Holy City" at Xauvoo, Illinois. It became a well-built city, with a population of 15,000, in which Smith was "prophet, mayor, general, and judge." He was killed by a mob (1844) and. driven from Illinois, his followers, under the leadership of Brigham Young, then moved to Utah. Religion was exerting a profound influence in all com- munities. New sects multiplied and the churches ex- tended rapidly their educational and missionary activities. There were a number of other evidences of the develoj)- ment of the social conscience. Some of the States had abolished the practice of imprisoning for debt, and the public elsewhere began to protest against the practice. In some of the cities special "Houses of Refuge" for juvenile delinquents were established. The system of uniting solitude and labor was introduced into a few The Neiv Democrac -y 305 penitentiaries. A public hospital for the insane was erected by Massachusetts. The use of intoxicating liquors was general. In 1824, a movement for temperance was begun in Boston, and from a sketch made about 1830 within three years a hundred temperance societies were organized. Total abstinence was also beginning to be agitated. THE "reign" of ANDREW JACKSON On coming to Washington, Jackson found the city full of office-seekers. It was understood that his supporters were to be rewarded and his opponents punished. Then, for the first time, was introduced into National affairs the corrupting influence known as the Spoils System. Ac- cording to this system, offices secured through appoint- The Spoils System. 306 American History Tlie Kitchen Cabinet. The AVeb- ster- Hayne debate, 1830. ment arc regarded a.s reward.s for parti.san .services. The usage had become general in Pennsylvania and New York, where State politics was thoroughly organized. It was W. L. Marcy, of the latter State, who, in defending the usage before the United States Senate, first used the ex- pression, "to the victor belong the spoils of the enemy." Jackson lent his influence to fastening the system upon the National administration. No reasons were given for removals; officers who had not been among the followers of Jackson were disj)laced; and long tenure in office was even regarded as an evidence of corruption. It has been estimated that two thousand removals were made during the first year of this administration. The President was desirous of appointing only able men, but he was fre- quently misled in his selection through the advice of others. The Cabinet, with the e\'cej)tion of Martin Van Buren, the Secretary of State, was made up of men of inferior ability. They were never regarded by Jackson as his ad- visers on public questions, and regular Cabinet meetings were discontinued. Real power, in the administration, was wielded by a number of intimate friends of the Presi- dent, called by his enemies the Kitchen Cabinet. - The discussion of the rights, of a State (see p. 294) Avas transferred to the United States Senate, and Senator Hayne, of South Carolina, an orator of ability, presented the Calhoun theory of State rights. He declared, speak- ing on a resolution of inquiry into the disposal of the public lands: (1) That a State might decide in a given case that the Federal Government had exceeded its power; and (2) that a State government might "by its own sovereign authority annul an act of the General Government." Webster, in a famous speech, classed among the greatest of world orations, defended the National view of the Constitution. He maintained that the Constitution was not a compact, but the "supreme law made by the people and answerable to the people," and denied the right of a The Neiv Democracy 307 State under the Constitution to annul a law of Congress. He pointed out that in the Constitution were enumerated the powers granted the General Government, and that in cases of doubt over the extent of such powers the final appeal was to the Federal Judiciary. This great debate aroused the people of the Nation. But the doctrine of nullifi- cation was not destroyed, and early took on practical form. Congress, in 1832, passed a new tariff act, an act which was more moder- ate than the "tariff of abom- inations." But the principle of protection was still recog- nized, and South Carolina, under the guidance of Cal- houn, prepared to resist its enforcement. In Novem- ber of that year a State- convention, called by the legislature, passed an ordi- nance of nullification. It declared the tariff acts of 1828 and 1832 "null, void, and no law," and not binding upon the State or its citizens; and that should force be em- ployed by the Fedeual Government to enforce these acts, South Carolina would regard itself as no longer a mem- ber of the Union. The ordinance was to go into effect after February 1, 1833. The attitude of the President was not long in doubt. He instructed the collector at Charleston to collect the duties on imports, and ordered General Scott to protect him in that task. He issued his famous "nulHfication proclamation," which contained a warning to South Carolina. The laws of the United States must be exe- cuted, he said; "my duty is emphatically pronounced in the Constitution. Those who told you that you might Daniel W^ebster Nullifica- tion in practice. Jackson and nulli- fication. 308 American History peaceably prevent their execution deceived you. . . . Their object is disunion, and disunion by armed force is treason. Are you ready to incur its guilt?" Upon his request, Congress passed the so-called Force Bill (jNIarch 1, 1833), authorizing the President, if necessary, to use the land and naval forces in the execution of the revenue laws. Callioun resigned the Vice-Presidency and was elected to the Senate, where he denounced the Force Bill. Defiant resolutions from Governor Hayne and the legislature of South Carolina were read in Congress. The crisis passed after ]\Iarch 2, 1S33, when Clay's measure providing for a compromise tariff became a law. This provided for a gradual reduction of the rates for the succeeding nine years, when the uniform rate was to be twenty per cent. South Carolina repealed the nullification ordinance (March 15, 1833). Calhoun declared that nullification did not mean secession, but it cannot be questioned that the terrible crisis of 1860-1865 was the final outcome of the applica- tion of his theories. In his first annual message Jackson showed that his purpose was to support Georgia's attitude toward the Cherokee Indians (see p. 292). They were to submit to the laws of the States (Alabama and ]\Iississippi had similar problems), or migrate to lands west of the Mississippi. He refused to be bound by a decision of the Supreme Court favoring the claim of the Cherokees. "John Mar- shall has rnade his decision; now let him enforce it!" he is said to have declared. Georgia also defied the Su- preme Court. Congress, finally (1834), set aside the Indian Territory, as a reservation, to which most of the Indian tribes east of the Mississippi agreed to migrate. The Black Hawk War (1832) and the Seminole War (1835- 1842) were serious episodes growing out of this transfer. A new element in the campaign of 1832 was the appear- ance of the Anti-Masonic party as a National organization. This party originated in Western New York (1826) The New Democracy 309 througli the ex-citement over the deatli of William Alorffaii who, It was asserted, had been killed because of his dis- closure of the secrets of Masonry. The national nominat- ing convention originated in the convention in which the ass'lf*'"'"' """"'"'^^"^ '^^'''^ ^^'i^t for President The National Republicans also met in National conven- Jackson tion and nominated Henry Clay and John Saro-ent Jack ^^^i^cted son and Van Buren were nominated in the National conven- fslf'"^' tion of the Democratic party (1832). Jackson was tri- umphantly reelected, receiving 219 of the 286 electoral votes. Clay's followers based their appeal on his efforts in favor of the protective tariff and internal improvements More than any other, the United States Bank advocated in the platform of the anti-administration party was made an issue. att'Icf r'n ^t ^"""t'""'. t^' ^^''"'^^ ^^^ ^«"^^"^^^» «" J-x-n attack on the bank. Notwithstanding a decision of the ^"^ the Supreme Court, he declared (1) its establishment constitutional; and (2) that it failed to provide a uni- form and sound currency although the currency of the country had never before been in as good condition. In his subsequent messages a similar attitude was manifested. Friends of the bank hastened the contest by applying for a new charter (1832) four years before the old one ex- pired. After a heated discussion a bill granting the re- newal of the charter passed both Houses of Congress. Ihe veto message of the President aroused the whole country. Among others, the reasons given for the veto were: (1) That the bank was "a great monopoly" with benefits for the few and in which the masses had no share; (2) that it was unconstitutional, mismanaged and unsound. A vote in the Senate on the veto failed of the eai^h'^sf.f?^! ^Z ^^"^ convention provided for as many delegates from ,n ConSlL i^'" ""''" '!""'''"'' ^"'^ Representatives from the State in Congress There were delegates appointed from ten States and the Te ntory of Michigan. An "address to the people" marks the use also of the first formal party platform. Bank. un- uni- of deposit 1833. 310 American Ili'.sfori/ n^-essary two-thirds. The campaign issue, Jackson or the bank, then went before the people, with the result already shown.* j{einovai His reelection convinced Jackson that the people sus- tained him in his attitude toward the bank, and he con- tinued the attack. He declared that it was unsound; that it had gone into politics, and that, consequently, the pubhc funds deposited in it were unsafe and should be withdrawn. It is true that funds of the bank had been used in the election of 1832. The House of Representa- tives, however, upon the report of a special committee, voted (March 21, 1833) that the deposits might be safely continued in the bank. But Jackson had determined that the deposits must be withdrawn. According to the charter, the public funds were to be deposited in the bank or its branches unless otherwise ordered by the Secretary of the Treasury, who should at once lay before Congress his reasons for such an order. INIcLane, then Secretary of the Treasury, was opposed to the removal and was transferred to the State Department. William J. Duane was appointed as his successor, but he refused to take the required action and was removed. Roger B. Taney Avas named as his successor and gave the order for removal (September 26, 1832). This meant that the pubUc money, about $10,000,000, then in the bank, was to be drawn upon in the payment of Government debts and that no more was to be deposited. Certain State banks called pet banks were selected as depositories.! * The argument that the bank was a monopoly and dangerous to the liberties of the people had especial influence over voters. Great oppo- sition to the bank was excited also by the State banks, particularly in the West and the South. t These banks were selected because of their political influence rather than for their soundness, and were situated, chiefly, in the Democratic South and West. All subsequent propositions for the renewal of the charter of the United States Bank failed. When the charter expired (1836), the bank was continued as a State bank by authority of the legislature of Penn- sylvania. The Neiv Democracy 311 The Bank of the United States was forced to curtail its Results of loans in order to meet the demands for the deposits. State mov^ai'of banks which were debtors to the United States Bank were deposits. compelled to pursue a similar course. Equal amounts could not be borrowed from the pet banks, and money became scarce. Failures in business ensued, petitions, with thousands of signatures, asking for relief were poured into Congress. A heated discussion in the Senate, occupying much of The the time for three months, finally led to the adoption of a censures resolution censuring Jackson for his action on the bank Jackson. (March 28, 1833). In his protest to the Senate against the charge of usurpation, Jackson declared that he was not bound by the decisions of the Supreme Court, and was independent of both Congress and the Supreme Court. The persistent demands of Senator Benton caused the expunging of the resolution of censure (January 16, 1837). During this period of excitement, in which the President was Origin of accused of '"tyrannical and dictatorial conduct" and disregard the Whig for the Constitution and the laws, the National Republican P^^^^- party took the name Whig. "Whig was the name by which the patriots of the Revolution were known and was synonymous with a friend of liberty and an opponent of arbitrary govern- ment."* The hope of securing a share of the deposits induced a Specuia- mania for the formation of banks. Between 1829-1837, *'°'^' the number of State banks increased from 329 to 788. These banks, many of them with Uttle or no capital, flooded the country with their notes. There was a general rise in prices; the rage for speculation became wide- spread and extended, especially, to city property and western lands. Everybody seemed to be getting rich. Many of the States became heavy borrowers at home and abroad to aid in building canals and railroads which were already projected beyond the needs of the country. * Sargent, Public Men and Events, I, 262. 312 American History Distribu- tion of the surplus revenue. The specie circular. Election of Martin Van Buren, 1836. The National debt was extinguished by January 1, 1835. Thereafter, the Government began to accumulate a large surplus, chiefly from the customs duties and the sale of public lands. Receipts from the latter source in- creased from $4,800,000 in 1834 to $24,800,000 in 1836. What should be done with this surplus ? Finally an act was passed, providing that the surplus money in the Treasury, after January 1, 1837, should be distributed in four quarterly instalments, an loans, among the States, in proportion to their representaion in Congress. Three payments, amounting in all to $28,000,000, were made and the distribution ceased. The surplus was exhausted. As was anticipated, the money has never been recalled. It was sunk, chiefly, in the construction of public works. During the years' 1836 and 1837 over 36,000,000 acres of public lands were sold. Payment had been permitted, contrary to the law,* in the notes of irresponsible State banks. The Treasury was soon flooded with this ir- redeemable currency. A resolution in the Senate provid- ing that such payments should be made in gold and silver failed to pass (1836). After the adjournment of Con- gress, the famous "specie circular" was issued by the Secretary of the Treasury upon the order of the President (July 11, 1836). It directed that only gold and silver should be received in payment for public lands. This order, as we shall see, hastened the inevitable financial crisis. But the period of inflation had almost run its course. The crash came during the administration of INIartin Van Buren. Jackson declared Van Buren to be his candidate for President, and that was law in the perfectly organized Democratic party. The opposition was not united. The Anti-]Masons nominated Wilham Henry Harrison of Tippecanoe fame. He was indorsed by the Whigs of Pennsylvania, but the Whigs of Massachusetts nominated Webster. Other nominees were put forward by State * Notes of specie-paying banks were stipulated. The New Democracy 313 legislatures. Van Buren was opposed to a United States Bank, to National internal improvements, and to the distribution of public funds. Harrison favored these measures. Van Buren received 170 electoral votes; Harrison 73. The majority of Van Buren over all other candidates was 46. The title, "Little Magician" had been applied to the President-elect because of his ability as a political manager. Even in his relations with opponents, he was noted for great social tact and geniality. He stood pledged to "tread in the footsteps of his illustrious pre- decessor." High prices and high rents had produced strikes and The panic riots before the election took place. Van Buren was °^ ^^^^• scarcely inaugurated before the country was in the midst of the worst financial panic it has ever passed through. Some features of Jackson's financial policy were harmful, no doubt, but the reckless gambling spirit prevalent among the people made a crisis inevitable. Among the immediate causes for this calamity may be mentioned: (1) Many banks, deposit banks among others, especially in the West, were unable to meet the demands made on them to redeem their notes after the issue of the specie circular. (2) Business depression had also become general in England (1836), and English creditors attempting to collect from American buyers seriously embarrassed the banks of Eastern cities. English factories reduced their output, and the demand for cotton becoming less, the price fell.* (3) Two failures of crops in the ISliddle and Western States (1835 and 1837) made it impossible for farmers to meet their obligations. Banks throughout the country suspended specie pay- ments (May 11, 1837). Specie disappeared and bank notes rapidly depreciated in value. Failures among mercantile houses were widespread; trade relations were almost sus- * Cotton was sixteen cents a pound in 1835, and fell to ten cents in 1837. 314 American History Establish- ment of the Inde- pendent Treasury. Anti- slavery move- ment. Abolition- ists.Lundy, Garrison. pended; factories were closed, throwing thousands out of employment, and distress ensued. Specie payments were resumed by the banks in 1838. The rehef was but temporary; for the next year witnessed an immense number of bank faihires. Normal business conditions were not restored before 1842. At this critical time, President Van Buren showed real strength. In his message to Congress, called in special session (September 4, 1837), he insisted, in spite of the clamor, that relief should not come from the Government but that the people must themselves right the conditions by natural methods. Sales of pubUc lands had fallen off greatly, and revenue from imports had shrunk one-half. Congress voted to postpone payment of the fourth in- stalment of the surplus to the States. The leading measure recommended by the President looked to the establishment of the Independent Treasury or the Sub-treasury system. According to this plan, not adopted until 1840, the Government was to be "divorced" from all banks, and the public funds were to be deposited in the Treasury at AVashington, and in sub-treasuries under the control of Government officials. During the first part of the century there had been a gradual extinction of slavery in the Northern States. After the ^Missouri Compromise, interest in the anti- slavery movement seemed to wane. In the slave-hold- ing States, there were then but few persons who really justified the system of slavery. Sentiment throughout the South became more favorable towards its continu- ance, however, as the cultivation of cotton became more profitable. But the aroused social conscience manifested in the various humane movements could not remain oblivious to the influence of slavery. Benjamin Lundy was the first American to dedicate his life to the cause of the slave. In his public addresses he advocated the gradual though total abolition of slavery in the United States and The New Deiriocracy 315 the extinction of slavery in the District of Columbia.* The same views were set forth in his journal, Genius of Universal Emaneipation, which he established in Ohio (1821). Antislavery societies, in large numbers, were ^^^^"^^^eryc^^ayr-r^^^Uni^ organized by Lundy in a number of the States. One of his converts in Boston was William Lloyd Garrison, who, for a short time, became a partner with Lundy, then (1829) publishing his paper in Baltimore. Half-way measures were not acceptable to Garrison, and he began to demand "immediate and unconditional emancipation." Returning to Boston, he determined to found a paper of * Lundy was in favor of colonizing emancipated slaves in Hayti. He never sympathized with the efforts of the American Colonization Society, which did not make emancipation a primary object. This Society, supported by reformers and slaveholders, had for its aim the trans- porting of free negroes to Africa. Several thousand were sent to Liberia. None of the colonization schemes were really successful. 316 American ll'mtorij Abolitio S5ocietiet Other abolition leaders. his own, and January 1, 1831, the Liberator appeared. He declared in the first number: "I sliall strenuously contend for the enfranchisement of our slave popula- tion. ... I am in earnest. ... I will not retreat a single inch, and I will be heard." In 1832, the New England Antislavery Society was formed by Garrison. A step farther was taken the next year when the American Antislavery Society was organized at Philadelphia. Local and State societies were also founded and slavery was denounced as an "execrable system." They proposed to use moral means to bring about its destruction, and conceded that Con- gress had no right to interfere with slavery in the States. This doctrine was not acceptable in the North. Abolitionist meetings were broken up by mobs, and the leaders suffered personal violence. Garrison was captured and dragged through the streets of Boston, and his life was threatened. In Alton, Illinois, Elijah P. Lovejoy was shot down (1837) because he persisted in publishing an abolition paper Such actions aroused many who heretofore had not sympathized with the movement, but who believed in freedom of speech and of the press. In 1840, there were 2,000 abolition societies with some 175,000 members. John Greenleaf Whittier, Wendell Phillips, and Theo- dore Parker exerted a notable influence in behalf of abolition. There were many men who were not in sym- pathy with the extreme view^s of Garrison and who con- demned his harsh language; in fact, he was not acknowl- edged as a leader in the ^Middle States and the West. Among others who were unwilling to accept his dictation were William Ellery Channing, a leading clergyman of Boston, James G. Birney, an Ohio editor, and Salmon P. Chase of the same State. While women were admitted to the local abolition societies, separate societies for them were also founded. Lucretia Mott and Lydia Maria Child were prominent in the movement. The New Democracy 317 In 1831, there was general alarm in the slave States because Sentiment of an insurrection in Southampton County, Virginia, led by a toward negro, Nat Turner. The lives of sixty-one whites were saeri- abolition ficed. In the attack upon them which followed, more than one gouth. liundred negroes met a like fate. In both South and North the words of Garrison were cited as the real cause of the revolt, although it has been shown that Nat Turner had never seen the Lih- erator. The legislature of Georgia offered a re- ward of $5,000 for the arrest and conviction of the editor or publisher or any person who should circulate copies within the State. Post- masters refused to trans- mit abolition publica- tions through the mails. Sectional feeling congress grew apace after the di.scus.sions in Con- gress, during the ses- sion 1835-1836, over the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. Petitions from Quakers, asking such action, had for many years been regularly sent to Congress, where they were read, sent to the Committee on the District, and were not heard from again. Other petitioners took up the cause, and in 1836 a controversy arose which was to arouse the country for years. John Quincy Adams, then a Representative from Massachusetts, presented the usual petition on slavery in the District of Columbia. Representatives from the South, believang their affairs interfered with and their peace and safety invaded, finally succeeded in bringing about the passage of the so-called 'gag resolution." It provided that all petitions and resolutions relating to slavery should be laid upon the table and that there should be no further and tlie right of petition. Wendell Phillips 318 American History Candidates for President, 1840. action on them. On many occasions, for eight years, Adams renewed his attack on this resolution as a violation of the Constitution. During that time, he presented thousands of similar petitions, those of the year 1838 having 300,000 signatures. In 1844, the rule was abandoned. Van Buren was the candidate of the Democratic party for reelection in 1840. By a i)olitical trick, the Whigs, in National convention, set aside Clay, who was their acknowl- edged leader, and nominated William Henry Harrison. He had taken no part in public life for years, but the "odor of gunpowder" was still about him. John Tyler of Virginia, who had until recently been an extreme Democrat of the Calhoun school, was selectetfK^^//,-M^Partereburg.. - . V^ ir'rOjV.*!^^.. «'"''<'C<> WEST ' * Ajr. 'W. ««).;• Porlimonth f'-itS^" '.■'"•%V T* > VIRGINIA •■' P- Albanj^ -I «,.,. " .'«f. °. '""''■"" o--JfyyFaset!erine«~*§J^T^ -'VW*-'/ OoldsluTor -; ARKANSAS / / /~~f~~-----~"^X""'^°'^'^°M.lJ.}f^^^ V ^ — ^ ,'Panola/ « ,' AtUntaVJIj^CX^ . ',Colamlji\J^^4^ V'"' ".' ;■"; / ; ALyBAMAv/sj-isY^'H'N \4r ^, ^ ■'■'";'>"« /Fore,. ■S''"V^,,J_yj£>-' ~V '-, ^0..,\«,„n >, "'■""'"''■M:*^^ ^. laonts-^y ~_jy /GEORGIA X.^r"-- jslo^sel.^, ggV (? u M E L F X I V MAP OF RAILWAYS in 1860 I.Texas and also in California. 356 American Ifi.sfory ocean-steamer lines were aided by subsidies from the Government, but this custom was generally discontinued after 1858. The famine in Ireland increased the demand for American wheat and corn. In 1846 Great Britain reduced her import tax on foodstuffs, and thereafter rapidly extended the free list. Cereals valued at $22,- 500,000 were sent from the United States in 1849, and of the 4,669,000 bales of cotton produced in 1860, two- thirds were exported, Great Britain furnishing the lead- ing market. American inventive genius had never before been so active. The number of patents issued in any one year before 1849 had not exceeded 660, but during the ensuing ten years there was an average of about 2,000 a year. Among the most important of these inventions were the first usable electric fire-alarm (1852); the first successful steam fire-engine (1853); and the breech-loading rifle. About this time, Cyrus jNIcCormick invented the har- vester. The manufacture of waterproof goods was extensive after the discovery by Charles Goodyear (1844) of a proc- ess of vulcanizing rubber. The se^^^ng-machine invented by Elias Howe (1846) was a success from the first. Then began the transfer of the manufacture of clothing and boots and shoes from small shops to factories, a transfer which was to constitute' them great industries. That year, Dr. AY. T. ]\Iorton and also Dr. Charles T. Jackson demonstrated that a person might, by breathing sulphuric ether, become insensible to pain and afterward recover consciousness wdth no ill effects. Printing was faciUtated through the invention of the revolving cylinder press by Richard M. Hoe (1847). Manufacturing developed rapidly, notwithstanding the low duties on imports. The value of American manu- factures, in 1860, was nearly two bilhons of dollars. This expansion may be illustrated by reference to two or three typical industries. The amount of iron products doubled Slavery Extension and Sectional Feeling 357 in five years (1852-1857), a result clue largely to the im- proved means of communication between the factories and the mines of iron and coal. Pittsburg was becoming a leading centre of the iron industry, and the iron mines of Michigan were being exploited. The number of spindles in the cotton-mills was 1,246,000 in 1831 and by 1860 there were five times as many. Woollen manufact- ures increased over fifty per cent, between 1850 and 1860. From the duties on imports (1854-1856) revenue was Tariff of poured into the Treasury beyond the amount necessary to cover the ordinary expenses of Government. Sales of public lands also brought in large sums, and the public debt was being decreased. Congress, early in the year 1857, passed a tariff act which reduced the average rate of duties to a little less than 20 per cent. No political party opposed the measure, and real opposition came only from Representatives of the Middle States and the North-west. Scarcely was this act passed before the country was in Panic of the midst of a financial crisis, the cause of which cannot ^ be attributed to the lowering of import duties. Some features of the industrial expansion which we have been considering foretold a collapse. The output of gold from the California mines amounted in ten years to over $500,- 000,000, and because of the greater amount of money put into circulation prices rose and investment increased. Between 1849 and 1858, $700,000,000 were invested in the construction of railroads alone, which were frequently extended bevond the real needs of the country. The issue of bank-notes grew from $58,000,000 in ^1843 to $214,000,000 in 1857 and loans by banks also increased enormously. Business on a credit basis expanded ab- normally and speculation became general. In August, 1857, the Ohio Life Insurance and Trust Company failed, and this caused a panic in New York City which spread to other cities. Banks everywhere suspended specie payments. The Illinois Central, the Michigan Central, and a number of other railroads became bank- 358 American Hisfori/ rupt. During the years 1S57 and LS.^S business failures numbered over 9,000, with losses amounting to nearly $400,000,(X)0, the blow falling heaviest on bankers and investors. Within two years, the coimtry had recovered from the panic. Products of fields and forests, factories and mines were enriching the Nation when the shock of civil war came. At the "xlose of the period, gold was discovered near Pike's Peak and silver in Nevada, and in 1859 oil was found to exist in north-western Pennsylvania in quantities sufficient to make it a marketable com- modity. At this time there was little appreciation among Ameri- cans of the need for physical exercise and hygienic food. Rowing was practically the only out-of-doors sport then in vogue. Owing to the agi- tation for temperance, drunk- enness was decreasing, and the Christian religion had a marked influence over the daily lives of men. This has been called the "golden age" of American literature. Among the great prose writers were Emerson, Holmes, Hawthorne, Lowell, and William Gilmore Simms; and the leading poets were Longfellow, Whittier, Lowell, and Bryant. To the list of American historians of the time, a Ust which included William H. Prescott and George Bancroft, were added the names of John Lothrop Motley and Francis Parkman. Wide political influence was wielded by Horace Greeley through the New York Tribune, Russell Lowell photograph, copyright by Elliott and Fry Slavery Extension and Sectional Feeling 359 which he founded. Harper's Magazine was begun in 1850, and the "Easy Chair" became notable through the brilUant essays of George WiUiani Curtis. The illustra- tions were also a leading feature of the magazine. The Atlantic Monthly was founded in 1857, with James Rus- sell Lowell as editor. Ralph Waldo Emerson, Henry "Ward Beecher, Wendell Public lect- Phillips, and John B. Gough were conspicuous among the Education men who instructed their countrymen through "lycemn" lectures on literary subjects and reform movements. Public and school libraries were multiplied. District schools were improved through the influence of State and county superintendents. The numbers of city superin- tendents of schools were increased from 17 to 53 (1850- 1859), and gradation in the schools was carried forward rapidly. Sixty-four public liigh schools had been organized in the years before 1850. By 1859, there were 108, and thereafter the increase was remarkable. Opportunity for securing a secondary education was given in 6,000 acad- emies, the pupils in these schools numbering over 250,000. This was a period also of most rapid increase in the num- bers of institutions of higher learning. Between 1800 and 1850, 82 colleges and universities had been founded. One hundred and five institutions of this rank Avere established in the succeeding ten years. Coeducation obtained in a few of the colleges, but Iowa University was the first State university to admit women on terms of equality with men (1856). Early in the year 1857 agitation over slavery increased The Dred because of a decision rendered by the Supreme Court of ^eci"ion the United States. Several years before, a negro, Dred i857. Scott, had been taken by his master to Illinois and to Fort Snelling in the northern part of the Louisiana Pur- chase. After his return to Missouri, he sued for his liberty on the ground that residenjce in a free territory had made him free. The case finally came before the Supreme Court. The decision delivered for the Court by Chief- 3(^)0 Inicricaii Ilisfonj Justice Taney declared: (1) That Scott liad not become free; and (2) that a slave or the descendant of a slave could not be considered a citizen of the United States with the right of suing in a Federal court. More important was the further declaration that the right of pro{)erty in a slave was "affirmed in the Constitution"; that Congress had no right to legislate against this particular kind of property; and therefore, the ^Missouri Compromise was void, since it forbade the holding and owning of slaves in National ter- ritory. Five of the eight otlier judge,s sanc- tioned this oj)inion of the Chief-Justice. Jus- tice Curtis held that the Court had transcended its powers in the case by deciding upon the constitutionality of the IMissouri Compromise. "The Supreme Court of the country ranged itself squarely on the side of the South; but a mightier force than Congress, or courts, or armies was against it — the force of public opinion." * The controversy over slavery in Kansas was still un- settled. Emigration from North and South continued, the number of Free State men increasing most rapidly. In the election of members to the territorial legislature, the Free State party, having abandoned the Topeka gov- ernment, secured a majority in both Houses (October, 1857). Five months previously, this party had refused to * Brown, The Lower South ia American History, 104. Roger B. Taney Slavery Extension and Sectional Feeling 361 vote for delegates to a constitutional convention, and consequently the convention that met at Leconipton was proslaverv. A constitution was drawn up which sanc- tioned slavery (November, 1857). By an unfair device it was decreed that the people were to vote for this constitu- tion "with slavery" or for it "w^th no slavery." No op- portunity was given to vote against the constitution as a whole, and even if "no slavery" carried, the constitution provided that the "right of property in slaves" then in the territory should not be interfered with. Free State men refused to take part in the election, and the vote stood overwhelmingly in favor of the "constitution with slavery." The legislature then voted to submit the constitution itself to the people, and the popular vote showed a majority of over 10,000 against it. But President Buchanan had determined to force the admission of Kansas under the Lecompton constitution and recommended this action to Congress. Douglas, standing true to his doctrine of pop- ular sovereigniy, in spite of threats from the administra- tion and from Southern Democrats, attacked the Lecomp- ton scheme as "a fraud upon the rights of the people." The bill passed the Senate, but failed in the House. Both Houses finally agreed to a measure resubmitting the ques- tion to Kansas voters. Should they accept the Lecompton constitution, the State was to receive a large grant of public lands. This attempted bribe was rejected by a decisive vote, and Kansas remained a territory until 1861. The election, in Illinois, of a successor to Senator The Lin- Douglas resulted in bringing Abraham Lincoln, who was Douglas the candidate of the Republicans, prominently before the debates, country. ^Yith confidence in his cause, Lincoln chal- lenged Douglas to meet him in a series of joint debates, and seven places for such meetings were selected. Lincoln was then the most eminent jury lawyer of Illinois, but was little known outside the bounds of the State. He had served in the Illinois Legislature four 362 American Hi story terms. Elected a member of the House of Representa- tives in 1847, he showed his opposition to slavery by voting, as he himself said, "in favor of the AVilmot Proviso in one way and another about forty times." His j)owers of analysis, his ability to state problems dearly, and his ready wit made him an effective speaker Avith the people. Douglas was the best known pubUc man in the country, and the ablest debater in the Senate at the time. In accepting the nomination, Lincohi had stated his convic- tions in the famous words: " In my oj)inion, it [agitation against slavery] will not cease until a crisis has been reached and passed. 'A house divided against itself cannot stand.' I believe this Government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved — I do not expect the House to fall, but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing or all the other. Either the oppo- nents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, . . .or its advocates will push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new — North as well as South." * Thousands of people attended the joint debates. The climax was reached at Freeport when Lincoln adroitly in- quired whether the people of a territory, "in any lawful way," could exclude slavery from its limits before atl- mission. In reply, Douglas reasserted the doctrine of popular sovereignty and declared that the legislature of a territory might by "unfriendly legislation" prevent the introduction of slavery. This so-called Freeport doctrine meant the repudiation of the Dred Scott decision; for, as Lincoln said, "the territorial legislature can do no more than Congress can do." f Douglas was elected to the Sen- ate, but he had lost the prize he sought, the Presidency; for his influence over the Southern democracy was gone. * Urged by his friends to omit this statement, he repHed: "The time has come when these sentiments shonld be uttered; and if it is decreed that I should go down because of this speech then let me go down linked to the truth— let me die in the advocacy of what is just and right."— Herndon, Life of Lincoln, pp. 398. 400. t Statement made in the debate at Jonesboro. Slavery Extension and Sectional Feeling 363 The defeat of Buchanan's Kansas poUcy in the fall Election elections of 1858 was decisive. Douglas was the only ^^ i^^^- Northern Democrat returned to the Senate, and a Repub- lican was chosen Speaker of the House of Representatives. In a speech made at Rochester, Seward also took a stand which was to make him a leader of public opinion. After contrasting slavery with free- dom he declared: "It is an irrepressible conflict between ___ opposing and enduring forces, j/ftl^ and it means that the United ^^^^B States must and will, sooner W^- *^ P or later, become either en- tirely a slaveholding Nation or entirely a free-labor Nation." The report that John john Brown, with his twenty-two ^^^^'] followers, had seized the per's United States arsenal at Har- per's Ferry (October 16, 1859) aroused the entire country. As a leader in Kansas, Brown had freed a number of slaves by force, and now he proposed to bring about the total destruction of slavery. His plan was to advance from a spot in the Virginia mountains with a small company of men, liberate slaves and arm them or send them to Can- ada. In this way, with an enlarged force he thought to make slaveholding insecure, and thus the owners would be ready to give up all their slaves. Ferry 1859. Prominent antislavery leaders assisted him with money. The scheme to attack Harper's Ferry was unknown to them, and was disapproved by his two sons and all of his other men. In de- fending themselves against the militia which had been hastily summoned, a number of men on both sides were killed. Four of Brown's followers escaped, and the survivors were made 364 American Ilistonj prisoners by United States troops. In a fair trial, Brown was found guilty and was ordered to be executed on the charge of treason and conspiracy "with slaves and others to rebel and murder." The act was that of a man who had brooded so long over freeing the slaves that his mind had become unbalanced on that one question. At the South, it was believed that the deed was the outcome of the teachings of the "Black" Republican party. That party in its National Convention condemned the deed as "among the gravest of crimes." Emerson expressed the thought of the men of more extreme views when he declared: " I wish we might have health enough to know virtue when we see it and not cry with the fools, 'madman' when a hero passes." t I I S.A,I>ouglni Oray foreign debts. Paper-money prices rose with the depreciation. Higher prices stimulated produc- tion and encouraged speculation. (2) Wages and salaries rose less rapidly than prices, and many persons living upon fixed incomes suffered severely. (.'0 When tlebts contracted before the issuance of the "legal tenders" were paid in these notes, the creditors suffered loss. (4) There was almost daily fluctuation of the notes in value, depending upon the state of public con- fidence as influenced by battles, acts of Congress, and news from Europe. The fractional silver currency also disappeared from circula- tion, and later Congress authorized the issuance of a fractional paper currency. In 1862, the exjDcnditures of the Government were $2,000,000 a day. More bonds were authorized, $500,- 000,000, bearing 6 per cent, interest, and payable in from five to twenty years. A wide-reaching internal revenue law was enacted (July, 1862). A multitude of manu- factured articles were taxed; license fees were imposed upon citizens engaged in many occupations; corporations * For a fuller discussion of these notes and their constitutionality, see Government in State and Nation, 212-214. Secession and Civil War 389 Laws in- tended to were taxed upon their gross receipts; and stamp taxes were imposed upon legal documents and proprietary articles. This law, says Rhodes, "might be briefly de- scribed ... as an act which taxed everything." In order that the tax burden placed upon manufacturers should not place them at a disadvantage in competing stimurate with foreign pro- industri ducers, a higher tariff was enacted. This stimulated manufactures and gave employment to workmen. Business was also stimulated by the Govern- ment's great de- mand for war ma- terials. Congress further favored in- dustrial conditions by providing for the construction of a railroad to the Pa- cific Ocean (1862); by a homestead act opening great tracts of land for settlement free of charge (1862); and by donations of land made to the States from the proceeds of which agricuhural colleges were to be established. After the Peninsular campaign, the Union army in the Pope's East was commanded by General Pope; to this was added McClellan's army, soon withdrawn from the James River. Pope planned an attack upon Richmond from the north, but Lee, assuming the offensive, outgeneralled him in Virginia, and the Union army was defeated at the second battle of Bull Run (August, 1862). Lee then determined upon an invasion of the North. He hoped (1) to gain Campaigns in the East, 1862-1863 Lee's Invasions of tlie North campaign in Virginia and Lee's invasion. 390 American History reenforcements in INIaryland, (2) to encourage the party in the North ()j)j)o.scd to the war, and (3) to make a favor- able impression upon European governments. But Lee was repulsed in the bloody battle at Antietam or Sharps- burg, Maryland (September 17, 18G2), by McClellan, who had been restored to the Union command. Lee's army, however, was allowed to return to Virginia unmolested. The battle of Antietam was followed by the issuance of President Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation (Sep- tember 22, 1S()2). Written some two months previously, it had been kept secret, within the councils of tlie Cabinet, awaiting a Union victory. The Proclamation announced that on January 1, 18G3, the President would declare to be free all slaves held within the regions at that date in arms against the Union. It was the culmination of a long series of events occurring since the outbreak of the war, which had changed Lincohi's views regarding his pohcy toward shivery (see j). 373) and had developed pubhc opinion at the North to the point where eman- cipation seemed a logical step. (1) General Butler, commanding at Fortress Monroe, had declared that fugitive slaves appearing within his lines were "contraband of war" (May, 1861), and he refused to return them to their owners. The Administration accepted this ingenious solution of the difficulty. (2) Congress passed an act (August, 1861) confiscating slaves employed by their masters in resistance to the Govermiient. (3) Next, Congress forbade officers and troops to assist in the return of fugitive slaves. (4) Congress adopted (April, 1862) Lincoln's compensated eman- cipation plan whereby if any State w^ould free its slaves the Gov- ernment would grant financial assistance in the compensation of masters. No State availed itself of this offer. (5) Congress next abolished slavery in the District of Columbia (compensating mas- ters to the extent of $1,000,000) and in all territories of the United States. (6) Lincoln had annulled orders issued by Gen- erals Fremont and Hunter declaring free the slaves of persons in insurrection; he feared alienating friends of the Union in the border States and increasing opposition to the war in the North.* Congress now (July, 1862) declared all such slaves confiscated. * As illustrating Lincoln's conservative policy, see Horace Greeley's Prayer of Twenty Millions and Lincoln's remarkable letter in reply. Morse's Lincoln, II, 105-110. Larned, Ready Reference, United States, August, 1862. Seces^-ioii and Civil 117 391 The final Emancipation Proclamation of January 1, constitu- 1863, applied to all the seceding States except Tennessee and f^^ ^^- certain parts of Virginia and Louisiana, which were then section '2. under the control of Federal troops. Lincoln found the ^^^^^^ ^" constitutional authority for his act in his power as Commander-in-Chief of the army and navy. The emancipation of the slaves seemed to him a direct and neces- sary means for preserv- ing the Union. In the North the Proclamation aroused greater enthu- siasm for the support of the war. Abroad, its effect was to render im- possible the moral sup- port of the Confederacy by the masses of the people. The year 1862, with its military delays and failures, brought a storm of criticism upon Lincoln and his administration: — Gen. Thos. J. Jackson 1. The President was accused of being inefficient and lacking in vigor. The public did not yet understand his pohcy of awaiting events, instead of making bold announcements of pohcy. 2. He was accused of using unconstitutional and des- potic powers in the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus in parts of the country distant from the seat of war. It seemed necessary to arrest and hold persons who were merely suspected of plotting against the Government. (See Government in State and Nation, 244.) Numbers of persons were arrested who, in public speeches and in newspapers, were opposing the prosecu- tion of the war, discouraging enlistment, and encouraging deser- tions. In the view of Lincoln they were giving "aid and com- fort" to the enemy. (Government in State and Nation, 312.) 3. Lincoln's policy toward slavery aroused much enmity, both Criticisms of Lincoln. 392 America ti Ilistortj from the Abolitionists and from those who saw no evil in shivery. The former chiss constituted a violent and harassing element in the Republican party. b-^u McClellan, instead of attacking, watched the slow Freriericks- retreat of Lee's army after the battle of Antietani. Finally, burg. ]^P ^^.jj^ removed, and General Burnside was a})pointed in his place. The latter undertook a fonvard movement against the Confederates at Fredericksburg, on the soutli bank of the Rappahannock River. A mistaken plan of attack and a vain attempt to storm Avell-defended heights brought disastrous defeat to the Union army (December 13, 1862). Once more incompetent leadership had dis- appointed the North. "Grief, as great as any told in epic, in drama, or in novel, wrung their hearts at the useless sacrifice of so many noble souls." In this battle nearly 13,000 men were either killed or wounded. Such was "the horror of Fredericksburg." Ohanoei- Once more the Union army was demoralized by lack of confidence in its General, and Burnside was superseded by General Joseph Hooker, who had shown good fighting qualities in previous Virginia campaigns. Lee held his army in Fredericksburg during the winter that followed, and it was May before Hooker was ready to begin a for- ward movement toward this point. Crossing the Rappa- hannock above Fredericksbiu'g, his army, though superior to Lee's in numerical strength, met disaster on the battle- field of Chancellorsville, j\Iay 2-5, 1863. On the evening of the first day, General "Stonewall" Jackson, while reconnoitering, was accidentally fired upon by his own troops and fatally wounded. Thus the South lost this remark- able commander; they might better have lost the battle. Gen- eral Jackson displayed such genius as a leader and inspired his men to accomplish such victories that he ranks high among the world's great commanders. Lee was now prepared to assume the offensive, and he again entered upon an invasion of the North. Crossing the Potomac with 75,000 troops he advanced into southern Secession and Civil War 393 Pennsylvania, hoping to reach Harrisburg and perliaps to threaten Philadelphia. One part of his army reached a point within four miles of the former place when it was recalled to join the main force, which was about to meet -p,^g the Union army at battle of Gettysburg. (See burgf^ map, 389.) The {^{.^ /- Union army was commanded by Hooker's successor, General George Meade, a quiet, busi- ness-like officer, who could be depended upon. The first day's fighting, July 1, 18G3, merely placed the opposing armies in their final positions along the summits of two op- posing ridges. On the second day the Confederates at- tacked both right and left wings of the Union army with great energy; but they were unable to dislodge them. There remained the desperate chance of an attack upon the center, and July 3 witnessed one of the most thrilling charges in military history, when Pickett's division of 15,000 Confederate troops advanced against the Union second corps, which was commanded by General Hancock. Never was a brilUant charge more sturdily met, the Confederates being completely repulsed. Lee was defeated, and he once more retreated without having accomplished his aim. Cautious General Meade would not risk an at- f; laAP OF I THE BATTLE OF GETTYSBURG. DnioQ Lines :_»:« Unioii Defenses 5^—^ Confeder&te Lines Confederate Defenses • Jiminui Scale of Milea. Map of the Battle of Gettysburg 394 American History tack, and the Southern forces reached Vir^uiia soil in safety. Lee had hoped by this invasion to gain a decisive battle, to dictate terms to the Union Government, and to win recognition of the Confederacy by foreign powers. His armv was the finest the Confederacy ever put forth; for its losses on the field of Gettysburg the Southern people were never able to compensate. In the West, dur- ing the last months of 1862, Grant and Sherman were mak- ing unsuccessful at- tempts to capture Vicksburg. That part of the ]\lissis- sippi River, s o m e two hundred miles, between Vicksbm-g and Port H u d s o n , was still controlled by the Confederacy. This enabled them to maintain connec- tions with the States west of the river, drawing thence both men and supplies — sugar, grain, and beef — besides army equipments smuggled in from ^Mexico. To sever this connection was a prime object of the war in the AY est. Failing to make any progress against the defences of Vicksburg from the north and east. Grant transferred his troops to the west side of the river, and marched them to a point twenty miles below Vicksburg (April, 1863). The way had been prepared for this movement by the rimning of the Vicksburg batteries situated on the ■■^^•^ •^ j>S:s, GULF OF MEXICO The Vicksbiirg and CliatlanooRa Campaigns Sec(\ssioii and Civil ]]'(ir 305 lii(,^li bliift's overlooking tlie river, by vessels of Admiral Porter's fleet. Transports, provisions, and gun-boats were now ready for Grant's use below the city. Advancing northward, he captured Jackson, the capital of Mississippi and a railroad center, and drove General Pemberton's forces into Yicksburg. He prevented reenforcements under General Joseph E. Johnston from joining Pember- ton, and laid siege to Vicksburg. Week after week, Grant Tlie Siege of Vicks- burg. Facsimile of a Vic-lvsbuig Newspaper Printed on Wall Paper drew his lines more closely about the city, whose citizens were driven near the verge of starvation. On July 4, 1863, Pemberton surrendered, and over 30,000 troops gave up their arms. A few days later Port Hudson sur- rendered to General Banks. As a result of these opera- tions, the Confederacy was divided and weakened. It was now less than two years since the first pitched battle of the war had been fought. In that short period the American people, both North and South, had displayed marvellous energy in the raising and training of two vast armies. They had given evidence of intense loyalty to the 396 American History opposin*; jjrinciplcs that caused the -war. They had put iuto operation with facility, and at great cost, all the gov- ernmental processes that were calculated to support a long war. During the greater part of this period, the Union armies had met defeat in the East, though they were successful in the West. On the ocean and on Western waters the Union fleet had done valiant work. After the two great victories at Gettysburg and Vicksburg closing this period of the war, it seemed inevitable that the North would ultimately prevail; but it was also certain that the South would stubbornly resist until men, money, and food were reduced to their lowest limits. It was to be a test of endurance. If the North could avoid dissension, could maintain its enthusiasm and determination, the end was not uncertain. But the South was to make its opponent pay dearly for the victory. Suggestive Questions and References 1. Lincoln's first inaugural. Lamed, Ready Reference, United States, 1861, March 4. Burgess, Civil War and Constitution, I, 140-145. Sehouler, VI, 3-7. Abraham Lincoln, Am. St. Series, I, 226-2.32 (new ed.), 219-228 (old ed.). 2. Fort Sumter. Sehouler, VI, 15-18; 26-38. Hart, Con- temporaries, Nos. 70, 72. Source Book, 299-302. Abraham Lincoln, Am. St. Series, 1,24.3-257 (new ed.), 241-257 (old ed.). 3. Grant's account of the outbreak of the war. Memoirs, I, 183-193. 4. The blockade. Dodge, Bird's-Eye View of the Civil War, 33-38. Burgess, I, 184-185; 266-270. Sehouler, VI, 137-140; 273-274; 575-578. Seward, Am. St. Series, 265-270 (new ed.), 288-291 (old ed.). Hart, Contemporaries, IV, No. 116. 5. The situation in Missouri and Kentucky. Sehouler, \'I, 186-195. 6. The battle of Bull Run. Sehouler, VI, 76-81. Dodge. 6-20. Burgess, I, 213-225. Hart, Contemporaries, IV, No. 103. Source Book, 305-308. 7. Grant's campaign in the West, 1862. Dodge, 2.5-32; 42-48. Burgess, I, 281-289; 294-307. Grant, ISIemoirs, I, 235-259. Secession and Civil War 397 8. The Tretit affair. Burgess, I, 270-275. Schouler, VI, 121- 125. Hart, Contemporaries, lY, No, 299 (Seward's argument). Abraham Lincoln, Am. St. Series, I, 380-387 (new ed.), 380- 387 (old ed.). C. F. Adams, Am. St. Series, chap. 12. Seward, Am. St. Series, chap. 18. 9. The Monitor and Merrimac, Dodge, 38-39. Schouler, VI, 190-192. Hart, Contemporaries, IV, No. 109. 10. The Peninsular campaign. Dodge, 49-68. Schouler, VI, 192-208. Lincoln, Am. St. Series, II, chap. 2. Hart, Con- temporaries, IV, No. 1 12. 11. Gettysburg. Dodge, chaps. 25, 20. Abraham Lincoln, Am. St. Series, II, 147-149 (new ed.), 142-152 (old cd.). Burgess, II, chap. 25. Schouler, VI, 350-369. 12. The Vicksburg campaign. Burgess, II, chap. 24. Dodge, chaps. 27-30. Schouler, VI, 375-398. Hart, Contemporaries, VI, No. 119. 13. Interesting accounts of war scenes and incidents, from a Southern view-point, are to be found in Eggleston, A Rebel's Recollections; also, Southern Soldier Stories. 14. Historical fiction. John Fox, Jr., The Little Shepherd of Kingdom Come. Eggleston, The Master of Warlock. Cable, The Cavalier. Crane, The Red Badge of Courage. Frederick, The Copperhead; and other stories of the North. 15. Are there any respects in which the Confederate Con- stitution was superior to that of the United States ? 16. Mention other prominent Southerners besides Stephens who reluctantly followed their States in secession. 17. See James and Mann, Readings on American History, chap. XXIII. CHAPTER XXIV THE CIVIL WAR (Continued), 1SG3-1865 The strategic value of Chatta- nooga's position. Battles of Chicka- mauga and Chat- tanooga, 1863. Chattanooc.a wa.s the most important strategic point left in Confederate hands in the West. (1) It was the base whose possession gave control of the valley of the upper Tennessee River. From this sheltered region be- tween the parallel mountain ranges the Confederate army menaced eastern Tennessee and Kentucky; their raids through the easily defended mountain gaj)s extended even to Ohio River points. (2) This valley was the easy route of communication between the West and Virginia; relief expeditions were sent in either direction as necessity de- manded. (3) Chattanooga occupied and controlled the mountain gap througii which attack might be made from the West upon the Atlantic States of the South. When Rosecrans assumed the offensive against Bragg (June, 1863) he skilfully manoeuvred his troops, without bringing on a battle, so that the Confederate army was obliged to abandon Chattanooga. Rosecrans followed Bragg's army southward, beyond Chattanooga, but the latter turned and attacked the Federal anny at Chicka- mauga (September 19-20, 1863). This came near being a disaster; but General Thomas, commanding the Union left, held his position against great odds. The Union army retired to a position near Chattanooga, where it was be- sieged. General Grant was now put in charge of the campaign, with Thomas in immediate command at Chat- tanooga. Reenforcements arrived under Sherman from the Mississippi and under Hooker from the Potomac. 398 The Civil War 399 The Union army now attacked Bragg, who occupied the heights of Lookout IMountain and INIissionary Ridge. "One of the most spectacular encounters the world ever saw lasted over three days [November 23, 24, 25] on these heights surrounding Chattanooga, with thrilling and impressive incidents." The Union victory was complete, and, except for minor operations, the West ceased to be a battle-ground. On its political side, the Government, in 1863, entered The draft. upon two new lines of policy. (1) A conscription, or draft, act was passed by Congress in March. Hitherto the army had been sustained by volunteer recruits. Under its power "to raise and support armies" Congress had as- signed to each State its quota. Now, the militia were to be called out "to suppress insurrection." All able-bodied men between the ages of 20 and 45 (with certain exemp- tions) were enrolled by Federal officers. If the quota of any State was not supplied by volunteers the deficiency constitu- was made up by the drawing of names from a box, as in tion, Ar- a lottery. Any person not responding to this call was secUon 8, treated as a deserter; but exemption from the draft might clauses 12 be secured by the payment of $500 (a provision afterward repealed), or by furnishing a substitute. Later, a bounty of $300 was granted to each volunteer, in addition to the regular pay of a private soldier (originally $13, later made $16 per month); and to this amount State and even local governments added bounties on their own ac- count. When the draft was put into force, in the summer of 1863, it met serious resistance in New York city, where there was a riot, in the suppression of which many per- sons were killed and w^ounded. Several draft orders Avere issued in 1864; comparatively few troops were raised in this way, however, because of the remarkable willingness of men to volunteer. (2) At the beginning of 1863, taxation was bringing in a very inadequate revenue, the legal tenders were de- preciating, and bond sales were very slow. The expenses 400 American History of tlie Government averao:e(l .1i;2,r)00,000 a (lav, while the roceij)t.s were about $()0(),0()0 a (hiy. A serious deficit existed, amountin^r to $277,000,000 in December, 1SG2. At tliis juncture Congress enacted the ji;reatest financial measure of the war —the National Banking act. It pro- vided that banking associations might purchase National bonds, deposit them in the Treasury at Washington, and receive in return "National bank- notes" to the extent of 90 per cent, of the par value (but not more than 90 per cent, of the market value) of the bonds.* Thus an in- ducement was offered for the purchase of bonds; for the bank would receive interest on its bonds in addition to in- terest upon the National bank- notes which it loaned in the course of its business. A tax of 10 per cent, was later placed upon the notes of all State banks (see p. 387), and these were driven from circulation. The National Bank Act attained two great objects: it secured a market for National bonds; and it provided the country with a uniform and safe currency. New legislation, enacted in the summer of 1864, in- creased the various taxes already imposed (see pp. 387, 388-9.) at almost every point. Tariff duties were raised * See Government in State and Nation, 217-219. ■ rEHri tlif ■' n'^XT -'^'iffiP' ' Fractional Currency of the Civil War Peiiod The Civil War 401 from 37 per cent., on the average, to 47 per cent, of the vahie of imported goods. Animosity toward the United States and friendship for The atti- the Confederacy were plainly displayed in England by Enland the aristocracy, by the majority of the commercial and "^^" " moneyed classes, and by newspapers. For this there were several reasons: (1) The classes mentioned were prejudiced against the people of the North, whom they regarded as crude and boastful. (2) There was a dislike for republican institutions, whose insecurity was now 'to be dem- onstrated by the success of tlie South. (3) Commercially, the interests of the Enghsh seemed to be bound more closely to the South, from whom they must have cotton; besides, the exclu- sive protective tariff policy of the United States was contrasted with the free-trade policy of the Confederacy. Napoleon III of France was ready at any time to The ques- recognize the independence of the Confederate Govern- ''°" °^. ment. The Russian Government, however, refused to Uon.^'^'" accede to the French desire for joint action among the powers in that direction. The English Cabinet, hesitat- ing for many months, was divided upon this question (though a majority of Parliament favored recognition), and consequently a waiting policy was adopted. As the struggle progressed, and especially after the issuance of the Emancipation Proclamation, public sentiment in England became aroused. Richard Cobden and John Bright spoke strongly for the Northern cause. The mid- dle and laboring classes showed plainly that upon the question of slave labor versus free labor they stood for the cause of the North. This fact was the more remarkable because the curtailment of the cotton supply threw out of employment hundreds of thousands of mill employees and reduced them temporarily to extreme want. In its relations to the American war the English Go vernment violated the plainest rules concerning the duties of neutrals. Among these rules is this: that a neutral power is bound to use due diligence to prevent the fitting out, arming, or equipping, within its jurisdiction, or the departure from its ports, of any 402 [mrricaii Ilistori/ Confeder- vessel which it has reasonable grovimls to believe is intended to atecniistTs carry on war against one of the belligerents. In spite of the England well-known intentions of Confederate agents in securing the construction of vessels in English shipyards, the Government refused to prevent it. Among the vessels allowed to depart from England under these circumstances, the most famous was the Alabama (July, 1862). For nearly two years this and other Confederate cruisers seized and destroyed American vessels, and thus inflicted upon our merchant marine a blow from which it has never recovered.* The career of the Alabama came to an end, June 19, 1864, in a battle with the Kearsarge, commanded by Captain Winslow, near Cherbourg, France. The Confederate vessel was defeated and sunk within an hour's time. The Confederate agents also secured the construction in Eng- land of two formidable iron-clad rams, again.st which the vessels of the United States navy would have been helpless. The skilfull diplomacy and repeated protests of our minister in Eng- land, Charles Francis Adams, had hitherto been unavailing, but now, realizing the crisis of the moment, he wrote to Earl Russell, Secretary for Foreign Affairs, " It would be superfluous in me to point out to your lordship that this is war" (September, 1863). The Cabinet policy was reversed, the rams were detained, and afterward they were purchased by the British Government. After Grant's siicce.s.se.s in the West, the country looked to him as its champion. Congress passed (Februarv, 1864) an act reviving the rank of Lieutenant-Generalf and Lincohi promptly appointed Grant to this exaUed position. Grant's military genius shone through a very plain exterior. Sherman characterized him as "simple, honest, and unpretending." He Avas taciturn, but was a hard worker and a deep thinker in the formation and execution of his military jilans. Grant was aggressive and tenacious. Ahvays cool in the midst of the most exciting events, his "simple faith in success" inspired officers and men with the greatest confidence. * Two hundred and fifty-eight vessels were captured and 715 were transferred to the flags of other nations in order to avoid capture. The captures of the Alabama numbered sixty-eight. Hosmer, The Outcome of the Civil War. 174. t This had been enjoyed only by Washington, and, by brevet, by Scott. The Civil War 403 washin5t-« Grant had won his victories in the West by striking The hard blows; he now proposed to use this method against j^^Thtf^^" Lee's army — to wear it away, if nothing else, by mere East, attrition. At the same time, General Butler was to move against Richmond by the James River, and General Franz Sigel was to confront the enemy in the Shenandoah valley. On May 4, 1864, Grant's army, num- bering about 120,000 troops, crossed the Rapidan and entered that densely wooded region known as the \Yilderness. The fierce conflict that raged for two day force an advance. Grant's Campaign, 1864-1865 s demonstrated Grant's failure to Undismayed, and unwilling to yield ground, he made a movement by the left flank to the east- ward, hoping to outflank Lee and to place his army between the enemy and Richmond. But his troops in their new position at Spottsylvania were again confronted by Lee's army, and again failed to make a forward movement. In this, as in succeeding movements of Grant's army by the left flank, Lee possessed the advantage of operating upon interior lines, and his great military skill enabled him to confront Grant at every point on ground well suited for defence. In eight days of almost continuous fighting 36,000 Union soldiers had fallen, either killed or wounded. When Grant's army, again moving south- eastward, confronted Lee at Cold Harbor and charged his breastworks, fearful slaughter resulted, 7,000 men falling in one hour. But Lee's army and Richmond were still uncaptured. Grant now made an efi'ective movement in Grant's advance towards Richmond. 404 American History the transportation of his army south of tlie James River. Here an attempt to capture Petersburg failed witli great loss. Nothing remained but to lay siege to Petersburg and Richmond. Meanwhile, in the Shenandoah valley, there was a repetition of Lee's former raids into the North. (leneral Jubal Early's troops entered sev- eral Maryland towns and exacted tribute. They even penetrated to the outer defences of Washington, north-west of the city, within sight of the dome of the capitol. It is difficult to realize the gloom that now settled upon the North- ern people as they looked back upon another campaign of failure and loss. Lee's army had not been conquered, and the enemy had again been at the gates of Wash- ington. There had been an a\\'f ul loss of skilled officers and veteran troops (about 60,000), and their places could not be adequately taken by the inexperienced troops now sent forward. Starting from Chattanooga with 100,000 troops at the same time (^lay, 1864) that Grant crossed the Rapidan, General Sherman moved south-eastwardly against the Confederate army under General Joseph E. Johnston. The destruction of this army was one of Sherman's ob- jects; another purpose was the invasion of Southern territory in order to destroy sources of military supplies, and thus to bring home to the people the conviction that uhimately they would be conquered. Like Grant, Sher- man w'as aggressive in policy; his peculiar genius was shown in the rapid and original manoeuvres of his army. Displaying the same plain and honest traits as his great commander, Sherman won in a peculiar way the love of his soldiers. Ulysses Simpson Grant fieiieral. 1864-1889 The Civil War 405 Johnston retreated from one stronghold to another, Dahon, Resaca, Kingston, and Cassville in succession being abandoned. He was defeated in a strong position at Kenesaw Mountain, and the army of Sherman marched forward to capture Atlanta. (See map, p. 409.) The political campaign of 1864 revealed several sources The Presi- of popular discontent with Lincoln's administration (see campaign p. 391). Secretary Chase, whose peculiar temperament of i864. had prevented his entering into sincerely cordial relations with Lincoln, allowed his name to be used (by the radical anti-slavery faction) as a prospective candidate for the Republican nomination. Chase soon saw his mistake and withdrew his name. This faction continued in opposi- tion, however, and finally held a convention at Cleve- The land, where Lincoln was denounced as a usurper of ^^fven- power without capacity for the Presidency. His admin- tion. istration was declared to be politically, militarily, and financially a failure. General Fremont was nominated' as a candidate for the Presidency; but when it became evident that popular support would be lacking, he with- drew. The friends of Lincoln's administration held a conven- The Re- tion at Baltimore, in June, and nominated him with great I^^I^'JI^a" enthusiasm. Their party was styled the "Union Repub- tions. lican Party," for it included many Democrats who favored the war policy. The candidate for Vice-President was Andrew Johnson, of Andrew Tennessee. His nomination was a stroke of policy intended to ° '"^°'^- win the votes of Democrats and of loyal men in the border States. Johnson was a war Democrat, and he had performed many valuable services for the Union cause in his capacity as military governor of Tennessee. The most serious opposition to the reelection of Lincoln The Dem- , T^ . • • mi • ocratic came from the regular Democratic organization. Ihis party. included two elements: (1) the "Copperheads," who were P|f/°™' utterly opposed to the military coercion of the South and didate. desired peace at any price; (2) those who believed that the 406 American Ilisfory war could be piislied to a more speedy termination by a more efficient President. Both elements condemned Mr. Lincoln's apparent determination to bring about the aboUtion of slavery. The former element controlled the convention (at Chicago, August, 1864) sufficiently to have included in the platform a clause declaring that "after four years of failure to restore the Union by the experi- ment of war . . . justice, humanity, and liberty and the public welfare demand that immediate efforts be made for a cessation of hostilities, with a view to an uhimate convention of the States, or other peaceable means, to the end that at the earliest practicable moment peace may be restored on the basis of the Federal Union of tiie States." "Whatever specific policy this rather vague declaration pointed to, the candidate nominated, General IMcClellan, promptly repudiated the section just quoted. He placed himself, with the conservative Democrats, squarely upon the demand for the prosecution of the war, saying, "The Union must be preserved at all hazards." Opposition to Lincoln's administration during the summer of 1864 was most serious.* The war had now dragged on for more than three years; there was among the people a feeling of excessive weariness of its a^vful burdens in taxation and the loss of human life. But all this was changed when the military situation improved. (1) On August 5, Admiral Farragut made a bold attack with his fleet upon the forts that guarded the entrance to ]\Iobile harbor. Later in the month the forts were capt- ured, and thus another step was taken in the execution of the blockade policy that was so effectually throttling the trade of the Confederacy. (2) After many weeks of strenuous work, Sherman captured Atlanta in September. This city had been a center for the manufacture of Con- * Lincoln himself doubted his reelection. See Century Magazine, August, 1907 (Vol. LXXIV, pp. 612-622). This entire series of articles (Lincoln in the Telegraph Office) gives an intimate view of Lincoln dur- ing the war. The Civil War 407 federate arms, animnnition, and supplies. (3) General Philip Sheridan won a series of victories over General Early in the Shenandoah valley; the most important were at Win- chester and Fisher's Hill in September, and at Cedar Creek, October 19.* (See map, p. 377.) Subsequently, Sheridan's army devastated the Shenandoah valley, destroying not only crops and provisions, but also all means of further production. Henceforth, this source of supplies for Lee's army was cut off, and no more raids into Northern territory by way of this valley were possible. The election in November The result •showed the stimulating effects of victory; for Lincoln carried all the States participating, except New Jersey, Delaware, and Kentucky. He received 212 electoral votes, while McClellan had but 2L Yet the popular vote shows more fairly the division among the people: Lincoln, 2,330,000; INIcClellan, 1,835,000. Commenting upon the election, Lincoln said : "It has been demonstrated that a people's government can sustain a National election in the midst of a great civil war. Until now it has not been known to the world that this was a possibility." f Sherman was anxious to cooperate with Grant against Sherman's Richmond, and for accomplishing this he had an origi- ^*^'^ nal plan. His army would first march directly from Atlanta Atlanta to Savannah, and there establish new connections ^° ^'''^ '*•^^• with the north, by water; this would be followed by a of the election, November, 1864. Philip H. Sheridan Liciitenaiit-Cieiieral, rSS3-lSSs * T. Buchanan Reid's poem, Sheridan's Ride, and especially its recital at Cincinnati by a famous reader, Murdoch, aroused great enthusiasm and produced no little political effect. t See Morse's Abraham Lincoln, II, 293-295, for the speech of which this is an extract. 408 American History The defeat of Hood and Sher- man's ad- vance. march north to Kiclimoiul. Receiving the consent of Lincohi and Grant for liis plan, Sherman abandoned his base and northern connections at Atlanta (November 12, 1864), and advanced throngh Georgia with an army of 60,000 veterans marching in three columns. No resist- ance was met. . Railroads, facto- ries, and other means for aiding the Confederacy were ruthlessly destroyed; food and forage for Sherman's army were gathered from near and far; but, beyond this, the needless destruction of private property was prohibited and, in the main, was prevented. Says Dodge (Bird's-Eye View of the Civil War, 290), "No army ever enjoyed such freedom and kept with- in such bounds." From Sherman's Official Report we learn: "We con- sumed corn and fodder in the region of country thirty miles on either side of the line from Atlanta to Savannah; also the sweet potatoes, hojis", sheep, and poultry, and carried off more than ten" thousand mules and horses. I estimate the damage done to the State of Georgia at $100,000,- 000, at least $10,000,000 of which inured to our benefit and the remainder was simply waste and destruction." By December 10, Sherman's army arrived before the defences of Savannah, and a few days before Christmas the city was captured; great stores of arms and ammunition and 25,000 bales of cotton were the prize secured. In the meantime, General Hood had attacked Sher- man's line of communications between Atlanta and Chat- tanooga, hoping to draw him back to their defence. Gen- eral Thomas, who was put in command of the Union army in eastern Tennessee, met Hood's assaults successfully. Finally, he attacked the Southern army at Nashville (December 15-16), and completely defeated it. Hood's army never reassembled; many of his soldiers returned to Tecumseh Sherman lencral. 1869-1883 The Civil War 409 their homes, -while others joined the army under Johnston now gathering in the CaroUnas to oppose Sherman's northward march. ^Yhen the latter set out from Savan- nah, the rivers were swollen and the roads were almost impassable. Columbia, S. C. was reached February 17, Goldsboro, N. C, March 23, and Raleigh, April 2. 1865. Lincoln's second dictive feeling. " Fondly do we hope — fervently do we pray — that this great scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet, if Lincoln was inaugurated for the second time, March 4, In his second inaugural the great President displayed no vin- Map Illustrating Sherman's March to the Sea God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled up by the bondman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid with another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said, ' The judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether.' With malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan — to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves, and with all nations." 410 American Ilistonj Grant, besicfjing Petersburg and Uiehmond sinee June, 1864, could not wait for Sherman's arrival from the South to |)ush his army to victory. On April 1, LSGo, a success- ful attack was nuide by troops under Sheridan against the Confederate forces at Fi\e Forks. See map, p. 403. The next day the inner works of Petersburg were carried. That night ( A p r i 1 2-3) Lee's army (| u i c 1 1 y withdrew along the only avenue of es- cape left o])en to the west- w ard. ( Jrant's troops oc- (•u|)ied Richmond and immediately took up the pursuit. Lee's supplies failed him, and, finally, on \\)y\\ 0, at Ajjpomat- tox Court House, he found that Sheridan had planted troops squarely across his path. Refusing to cause needless bloodshed, Lee asked for an interview with Grant, and terms of surrender were at once arranged. These were most generous: the entire force surrendered were released on parole; the officers retained their sidearms, horses, and baggage; and the privates who owned horses were allowed to take them home in order that they might at once begin the spring farm work. General Johnston surrendered to Sherman on April 26, and thus two great armies went at once from the field to the peaceful pursuits of life. The complete abolition of slavery, as a logical conse- quence of the war, was provided for by the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution, proposed by Congress in Januarv, 1865. This amendment was ratified by three- General Hubert E. Lee, C. S. A. The Civil War 411 fourths of the States and was declared in force December 18, 1865.* The great joy over the close of the war was almost im- The great mediately turned to grief over the assassination of Presi- f^^^] ^'^^ dent Lincoln. This occurred on the evening of April 14, when John Wilkes Booth, an actor, shot the President as he sat in his box at Ford's Theatre in Washington. f Now, as never before, the people saw the worth of the simple, honest man who had guided the Nation through these perilous years. No other man in all our history has come so near to the hearts of the common people. Rising from their midst, he embodied not only the true American democratic spirit, but all the homely virtues that called forth the lasting admiration of the masses. He was shrewd, far-seeing, and kindly — "thinking no evil." Completely master of himself, he held to his convictions with an iron grip. He showed the highest skill in dealing with his ene- mies, in winning opponents to his side, and in interpreting the half-ex-pressed will of the people. W^e may not hesitate to repeat the high eulogy of his contemporary, Stanton, who called Lincoln "the most perfect ruler of men the world has ever seen." How much the disunited country needed his skilful service in healing the dissensions of the years that now followed will be seen in succeeding chapters. The defeat of the Confederacy was not due to lack of why the fighting qualities in her generals and soldiers, or of devo- JeSteT^ tion in her people.f (1) First among the causes of defeat * Before this time slavery had been abolished by Missouri, Maryland, Ten- nessee, and West Virginia, States unaffected by the Emancipation Procla- mation; and by Virginia and Louisiana, parts of which were excepted by the Proclamation. Of the original slave States, therefore, Delaware and Ken- tucky alone retained slavery when the amendment went into force. t A valuable account of this event by one of Lincoln's body-guard is found in Harper's Magazine, September, 1907 (Vol. CXVIII, pp. 519-530). The series, of which this article is one, is of great interest. t "The devotion of the Southerners was, in fact, immeasurable; the economic agree with the military historians that their sacrifices were far greater than any the Revolutionary patriots made. In the day of extreme need, the women offered the hair of their heads to be sold abroad for arms." Brown, The Lower South, 167. 412 American History (1) Lark of soldiers. (2) Lack of resources. (3) The failure of taxation as a basis for bonds and paper money. The results of the war. was the disparity in population. While volunteering was as general there as in the North, it became neces- sary early (April, 1862) to resort to conscription; the draft laws finally included all males between the ages of 10 and GO. AVhile le.ss than one-half the military popula- tion of the North entered the army, the proportion in the South was nine-tenths. (2) The resources of the South proved inadequate. The curse of slavery was upon the land; here lay the secret of the Confederacy's lack in skilled mechanics, factories, mines, and railroads. The blockade cut off imports which she could not produce. (3) The fundamental cause of the failure of the Con- federacy's finances lay in the lack of resources that could be taxed ; for the ability of a people to pay taxes depends upon the productivity of their industries. While at the North business thrived and millions of fresh acres were turned into farms, at the South the withdrawal of men paralyzed industry. ^Moreover, the blockade cut off the great source of income — cotton exportation. The taxa- tion of commerce by import and exi)ort duties also became impossible. In its extremity, the Confederate Govern- ment seized supplies, paying for them at fixed rates. But the Government relied chiefly for financial support upon bond issues and paper money. The bonds became next to worthless before the end of the war. Paper money was issued (both by States and by the Confederacy) in enor- mous quantities, and it depreciated almost from the beginning.* The Civil W^ar was fought by the North for the mainten- ance of an ideal — that union of States and of people which aroused the patriotic spirits of the loyal citizens. The doc- * "In 1863, flour was worth from $90 to $100 a barrel in Mississippi, and salt $30 a bushel. The following year boots sold for $200 a pair and coats for $350 each. The price of coffee was 85 and of sugar was $2 a pound." — Garner, Reconstruction in Mississippi, 50. The Confed- erate Government virtually repudiated large amounts of the paper money by compelling the people to take in exchange for it Confederate bonds. Neither the money nor the bonds were ever redeemed. The Civil War 413 trine that a State could constitutionally withdraw from the Union was finally and completely overthrown. Doubtless, moral indignation over the great wrong of slavery — that first cause of disunion — went far toward spurring men on for the defence of the Union. The North spent in treasure three and a quarter billions of dollars, piling up a debt of $2,846,000,000. For this cause 3()0,000 men laid down their lives in the field, and as many more died from wounds and sickness.* They won for posterity a united country, freedom from the shame of slavery, and exemption from all the strife and economic loss that must have ensued had two independent nations attempted to occupy the geographical territory destined for one people. Suggestive Questions and References 1. Chickaniauga and Chattanooga. Burgess, The Civil War and the Constitution, II, chap. 26. Dodge, Bird's-Eye View of the Civil War, chaps. 34, 35. Schouler, \l, 441-455. 2. Finances of United States during the war. Burgess, II, 225-229. Blaine, Twenty Years in Congress, I, 433. Chase, Am. St. Series, chap. 9. 3. Sheridan in the Shenandoah valley. Dodge, chaji. 42. Schouler, VI, 516-519. Hart, Contemporaries, IV, No. 135. 4. Sherman's march. Burgess, II, 261-266. Dodge, chaps. 45, 46. Schouler, VI, 549-555. Hart, Contemporaries, IV, No. 137. 5. Northern and Southern soldiers. Dodge, 116-121. Schouler, VI, 24(5-316. 6. Prisons and prisoners. Schouler, \\, 407-414. 7. English sentiment toward the United States. Rhodes, IV, 76-95; 349-374. Seward, Am. St. Series, II, 296-297 (new ed.), 296-297 (old ed.). Hart, Contemporaries, IV, No. 98. * "While the money cost to the Confederacy was perhaps one-half that stated for the Union, the number of hves sacrificed was probably about the same. Thus the total loss of human life was considerably over one million." — Hosmer, Outcome of the Civil War, 304. "The blood of the Nation was lastingly impoverished by that awful hemorrhage." — Ross, Foundations of Sociology, 392, 414 America)! Ilisionj 8. Dissatisfaction with Lincoln in IStH. Rhodes, I\', 518- 522; 530-531. Abraham Lincoln, Am. St. Series, II, 24(>-241), 207-208 (new ed.), 240-249, 2()7-208 (old ed.). 0. Economic and financial conditions in the Confederacy. Wilson, Division and Reunion, 244-248. Schouler, \\, 508-575. 10. Lincoln's appearance and personality. Schouler, \'I, 20- 23; 024-033. Hart, Contemporaries, I\', No. 0(). Lowell, Political Essays. Abraham Lincoln, Am. St. Series, 354-358 (new ed.), 354-358 (old ed.). 11. Money and ])rices in war times. Hart, Contemporaries, IV, No. 82. \'ivid descriptions of battle scenes, ibid., Nos. 87 and 92. The sanitary conmiission, ibid., No. 89. 12. Causes of Northern success. Elson, Sidelights on Amer- ican Ili.story, II, chap. 0. 13. Special l)ooks on this jx-riod. Riddle, liecollections of War Times. INIcClure, Lincoln and Men of War Times. Greeley, American Conflict. Wilson, Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in America. S. S. Cox, Three Decades of Federal Legisla- tion. U. S. (jrant. Memoirs. W. T. Sherman, INIemoirs. Avery, A Virginia Girl in the Civil War. J. Davis, Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government. Kieffer, Recollections of a Drummer Boy. Porter, Campaigning with Grant. Recollec- tions and Letters of Robert E. Lee, by His Son. Dodd, Life of Jefferson Davis. 14. Lives of Grant have been written by Church, Stoddard, and Allen; of Lee by White and Howe. 15. Lives of Lincoln by Brooks, Hapgood, and Arnold. 10. Abraham Lincoln: A History, by Nicolay and Hay, the most authoritative account, was published in the Century Mag- azine from Vol. XIII (1887) to Vol. XVII. 17. In the Century Magazine, Volumes VII (1884) to XIII, is a series of articles upon the various campaigns, many of them written by the officers in command. The illustrations are in- valuable. 18. Historical fiction. Brady, The Southerners. Altsheler, Before the Dawn. Page, The Burial of the Guns; and other stories. 19. Further material on the Civil War, in James and Mann, Readings on American History, chap. 24. CHAPTER XXV RECONSTRl'CTION, 1863-1872 The grave problems that confronted the Nation at the conditions close of the war centered about industrial, social, and ^|^*'^^ political conditions in the South. Industrially, that sec- tion was in ruins. "The people were generally impoverished. The farms had gone to waste; the fields were covered with weeds and bushes. Farm implements and tools were gone; live stock had disap- peared so that there were barely enough farm animals to meet the demands of agriculture. Business was at a standstill; banks and commercial places had either been suspended or closed on account of insolvency. The currency was in a wretched condi- tion, and the disbanded soldiers returned to their homes to find desolation and starvation staring them in the face." * One-third of the white bread-winners had been either The freed killed or disabled. But the most difficult problem in the situation involved the negroes, who comprised one-half of the population. Could they prove their fitness for free- dom? Under slavery they had been elevated from barbarism to at least a semblance of civilization ; but they had had no experience in working under any other incen- tive than the fear or the love of a master who was at the same time owner. It is not strange that they should have developed little power of self-control and that, emerging from slavery, they should have been, on the whole, both indolent and shiftless. During the war the mass of the slaves had remained on the plantations, quietly guarding the women and the children and raising crops. For their admirable conduct * Garner, Reconstruction in Mississippi, 122. 415 men. 416 imrrlcan Ilisfori/ The origin of the Freedman" Bureau. ■Lincoln's plan of reconstruc- tion. they had won tlic gratitiule of their masters. If this benevolent attitude could have continued, all mi<;ht have been well; but that was not to be. As the victorious Union annies advanced, particularly after the issuance of the Emancipation Proclamation, multitudes of negroes flocked to tliem for protection.* Many of them followed the troops, Avliile others left tiieir plantations and went to the neighborinor towns and cities. All w^ere without means of subsistence, and consequently the Federal Government was forced, for humane reasons, to begin the practice of issuing rations and clothing to them. In March, 1865, a special bureau was created in the War Depart- ment, known as the Freedman's Bureau, with officers and agents in all parts of the South. Its purposes were: (1) The distribution of food, clothing, and fuel to destitute froedmen; (2) the distribution among them of abandoned or confiscated lands; (3) the establishment of schools for tiieir instruction. During tlie summer of 1865 and the winter that followed, multitudes of frcednien were without occupation; against the advice of the Freedman's Bureau officials, they con- tinued flocking to the towns and wandering from place to place. Petty larceny became very common. ]\lany, indeed, took advantage of their new freedom to assume insolent airs toward their former masters. Another problem was more purely political; viz., what was the legal status of the Southern States? Their legal governments had been overthrown and their constitutional relation to the Union had been broken. By what methods and by what authority should these be reestablished? President Lincoln had made some progress in solving this problem before his death. Avoiding the abstract question as to whether the Southern States were legally in or out of the Union, he maintained that they were "out of their proper practical relation with the Na- * Fifty thousand slaves were gathered about Grant's armj- at Vicks- burg. ifinmnl IJu: 'll'iuni -J nui.-^f. _lj: •■ '■■■ ■' -., Hlii jitoltfttij errJumqetl, in ^urh n, ■ muhinUij a/ili:o, -w.»;,r, (or ;illMin). In llir l...-r,i..' ..I AiMl..in\ (.ni.. Il,:.i I u'll I., n.-,r.,ri|. Ia.il,r.,!lv ■ ,,ii-.rt. ,,r..l..l r.M.l .lrlVt„l tl,.- (:.,n-lii-itl<.n .,t il. r,„i.-.l Sii.l.^ aiirl nil liiHS :iimI pLicliiimition- wlii.l. I.ine l>.-. n nia.i.- .Inrn - ■!:.■ . \i>Iim- r.lx-lli.iii with ..•(rrrii.i' ti> llir i'm.iiici|in(ion of -liurs. So iFEi.r ve GoH. S«.or'. ;iimI suI.v. iiImiI to, U Iwr.- me, lhi« .lay i i.f _ IWW. ^_ ( 'ojil. iiiiJ Ats'l I'romst Mai-ihoL I IH> iiKBKBY crJtTlJV, Tbol on tijf day of___ _ ^ , 1*01, at tlw Onth prefcribcd by the Prexidfnt of llif Initoil SlaUN, in his l**eniBti<.ii of Mux 29th. lil«5, »ns duly taken, 8ubscx,i»e)nfcderates who had fonnerly held United States offices. President Lin- coln's plan of reconstruction was put into practical effect in Louisiana, Arkansas, and Tennessee. It was well understood by Lincoln that the process of reconstruction could be completed only by the admission of Senators and Representatives into Congress from these States; and that over this matter the Houses had complete control. Lincoln's procedure met with the bitter opposition of a few Republican members of Congress, and at his death the problem was still unsolved. The method of recon- struction to be adopted must depend upon the views of the man who now assumed the Presidency and of the Republican leaders in Congress. President Johnson had been a tailor by trade. Reared in poverty and without education, he had advanced in life by sheer energy and force of character. He had been elected to the State Legislature of Tennessee and to the United States House of Representatives; he had been Governor of Tennessee and then * See Lincoln's address of April 11, 1865; American History Leaflets, No. 26, pp. 31-35; Larned's History for Ready Reference, 1863, De- cember, and 1865, April 11, His recon- RccoiistrucfioiL 419 United States Senator. He refused to join in the secession movement in his State, and in 1862 was made by Lincoln raihtary governor of Tennessee. A man of pure motives and genuine patriotism, he was yet the victim of a violent and unreasoning temper. The strength of will and stubborn adherence to pur- pose that had raised him from obscurity to eminence, were now to be displayed where tact and accommodation to men of dif- ferent views were necessary. On :May 29, 1865, President Johnson issued an Am- nesty Proclamation similar to that of Lincoln, but exclud- ^o™f '°" ing from the privilege of general pardon a larger number of classes; notable among these were all ex-Confederates possessing taxable property of $20,000 value. All persons of the excepted classes, however, had the privilege of ob- taining special pardon upon application to the President. Johnson subsequently displayed great leniency in the granting of special pardons. Congress was not in session between ISIarch and De- steps cember, 1865; consequently, ample opportunity was given ^^r^^^i^ for the execution of the President's policy of reconstruc- out"!^' tion. A provisional governor was appointed by the Presi- dent for each one of the seceding States. Elections were then held for choosing delegates to constitutional conven- tions in those States. The conventions, after repeaUng or declaring null and void the ordinances of secession, proceeded to amend their former constitutions by abolish- ing slavery. Elections were held for members of the State Legislatures and for Representatives in Congress. These steps were completed in most of the Southern States by the time Congress met. Now, it was the duty of Con- gress, said President Johnson, to recognize these States by admitting their Senators and Representatives to seats at once. The policy thus rapidly and effectively put into execu- Opposition tion met with determined opposition in Congress. (1) gon'^s"*^'^' The leaders in Congress believed that the President had policy. assumed unwarranted powers; that the authority to direct the reconstruction process resided in Congress. (2) The 420 American Illsfori/ President's policy was considcrcfl too lil)cral. Many persons in the North were loath to believe that the "rebels" were sincerely repentant. Should there not be at least a period of probation during which their sincerity could be demonstrated and guarantees for their future conduct be secured? (3) In the Southern States the Democratic party was in control. If the Northern and Southern wings of that party should now combine, they might secure the control of Congress, and of the Presidency. To many Re- publicans this would seem like resigning the Government into the hands of those who had done their best to wreck the Union and to perpetuate slavery.* (4) During the winter of ISGS-lStU), the Legislatures of thcSouthern States enacted laws which were intended to mitigate the evils that arose while the freedmen, still in large measure idle and lawless, were roving about and congregating in towns and cities. These laws, known as the Black Codes, differed in the various States, but may be summarized as foUows: (1) All free negroes or persons of color should have regular occupations, or emplo>Tnent under written con- tract; and quitting the service of employers, when under contract, would subject them to arrest. (2) Freed- men found without emplo^-ment were considered vagrants and were subject to arrest and fine. Failure to pay the fine (which was, of course, inevitable) would cause such persons to be hired out to employers, preferably their former masters. (3) The same penalty was fixed for the commission of those crimes and petty offences of which the free negro was commonly guilty; even cruelty to ani- mals, seditious speeches, insulting gestures, language, or acts, were included in the list of offences. (4) All negroes under eighteen years of age who were orphans, or whose parents did not support them, might be apprenticed by a * " Have we endured and prosecuted this war for the sake of bringing back our old enemies to legislate for us, stronger than ever, with all the resentment and none of the instruction of defeat?" — James Russell Lowell, Political Essays. Recoiistructiou 421 court to employers, preferably to their former masters. The apprenticeship should last, in the case of males, until they were twenty-one, and in the case of females until they were eighteen years of age. The master had power to inflict corporal punishment upon an apprentice; deser- tion was followed by arrest. Southerners justified these laws by the conditions then pre- justifica- vailing, as described in preceding paragraphs. To them it tion and seemed unreasonable to expect the ex-slaves to develop in- criticism stantly self-control and industrious habits. In this transitional period, the freedmen must be restrained by strict legislation. Moreover, said they, the freedmen have been systematically taught by agents of the Freedman's Bureau and of Northern philanthropic societies to regard themselves as equals of the whites in every respect. They had, in consequence, become in- solent and dangerous. Their false ideas of National protection and bounty had deterred them from industry. The negro, said Southerners, is not the equal of the white man in civilization, and we shall not regard him as our equal in social, civil, or political rights. In the North, on the other hand, the Black Codes were regarded as an evasion of the Thirteenth Amend- ment and an indirect method of reestablishing negro slavery. The enemies of slavery saw behind these laws only the spirit of race animosity. Throughout the North, sectional hatred was inflamed. Northern In Congress the rising opposition to Johnson's plan of reconstruction was strengthened. From the Republican standpoint, the new State governments had demonstrated their incapacity to cope with the negro problem. As a consequence, it seemed necessary to enact National legisla- tion protecting the freedman from such discriminations against his civil rights, and to exact from the Southern States certain guarantees before their readmission into the Union. To many Northerners of the more radical type, the only solution of the problem seemed to lie in the granting of negro suft'rage. Congress contained a Repub- Ucan majority who now refused to admit the newly elected Senators and Representatives from the Southern States to their seats. A joint committee of fifteen was appointed views of the negro ques- tion. 422 American llistonj to rt'jjort ii plan of reconstruction. Instead of attempting, by consultation, to bring about some compromise. Presi- dent Johnson upheld his own policy with characteristic violence, and in this he received Democratic support. Among the Republicans in Congress, Thaildeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania, exertetl the most powerful influence in the House. He was a man of strong, uncom- promising convictions, and one of the greatest parliamentarians of our history. His speeches abounded in wit and sarcasm and frequently breathed the spirit of acrimony. In the Sen- ate, Charles Sumner played the leading part. His constant ad- herence to the doctrine of the equality of all men placed him with the radicals in dealing with the Southern question. Neither he nor Stevens could rest while there remained upon the statute books of the Nation, or of any State, a trace of the negro's infe- riority in civil or political rights. The first measure passed by the Republicans was a bill for the continuance of the Freedman's Bureau and the enlargement of its powers (January, LSOG). Its agents were authorized to take from the courts any case (either civil or criminal) in which it seemed that a freedman's rights might not be fully secured. The Bureau was to receive the support of United States troops. In vetoing this bill, Johnson argued in a dignified and conclusive way that it was a war measure for which, in times of peace, there was neither legal nor moral justification; and that it would not aid in the solution of the industrial problem of the South. The bill failed to pass over his veto. In a public speech made on February 22d, Johnson cited by name Stevens, Sumner, and Wendell Phillips as enemies of their country. The breach betw^een the Presi- Charl&s Sum liccoit.striictioK, 423 on March 2, 1866, the House passed a resohition that Sena- ^^---^ tors and Representatives should not be adn.itted to Con- Sua. gress from any of the eleven States until Congress had de- clared them entitled to representation. Congress now pro- ceeded to put mto force its own policy of reconstruction. The motives that inspired this policy were mingled in the dasS Dir " ^"^ ''^ ^'^' ^^^* *hese moti/es may t classihed as (1) humane, m so far as they contemplated the protection and elevation of the freedmen; (2) v^d L fve in lookmg toward the punishment of the South for its sins (3) M nerson".r"""^ '* the maintenance of Repubhcan supremacy (4) personal, as mspired by hatred of the President. The Civil Rights bill, passed in .March, 1866, declared i The that all persons born in the United States, and not sub- Civil ject toany foreign power, excluding Indians not taxed." Slf'^ were citizens of the United States; that all citizens "of every race and color, without regard to previous condition of slaver.y, were entitled to the same civil rights in every State; that the laws for the protection of citizens and for the punishment of offenders should apply to blacks the same as to whites. This law was a distinct blow at the 13Iack Codes It established a new policy under which the National Government defined civil rights (hitherto entirely within the province of State legislation) and en- forced them by the use of its mihtary authority. The bill was vetoed as a matter of course bv Johnson, but it was passed over his veto. The next important legislation, enacted in June, 1866 H- The after a report of the Committee on Reconstruction and feenth many weeks of discussion, was the proposed Fourteenth Amend- Amendment, which Congress now submitted to the States ""'"'• tor ratification. It read as follows: "Section 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United Citizens fetates and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the and their United States, and of the State wherein they reside. No State "^^^'• shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges 424 A mer ica n II isforij or immunities of citizens of tlic United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or projjerty withovit due process of law, nor deny to any i)erson within its juri.Mliction the equal protection of the laws. "Sect. 2. Representatives shall be af)portioned amonp the several States according to their respective numbers, counting the whole mnnber of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. JJut when the right to vote at any election for the choice of electors for president and vice-president of the Tnited States, representatives in Congress, the executive and judicial officers of a State, or the meml)ers of the legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such State, being twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged, except for participation in rebellion or other crimes, the basis of representation shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens, twenty-one years of age, in such State. "Sect. 3. No j)erson shall be a senator or representative in Congress, or elector of jjresident or vice-president, or hold any office, civil or military, under the United States or iniiler any State, who having previously taken an oath as a member of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a memljer of any State legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof. But Congress may by a vote of two-thirds of each house remove such disability. "Sec. 4. The validity of the j)ublic debt of the United States, authorized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions and bounties for services in suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned. But neither the United States, nor any State, shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave; but all such debts, obligations, and claims shall be held illegal and void. "Sect. 5. The Congress shall have power to enforce by ap- propriate legislation the provisions of this article." The first section of this amendment is evidently a repetition of the Civil Rights Act. The abolition of slavery resulted in the annulment of the three-fifths clause of Article I of the Con- stitution, and w^ould consequently increase the representation of the Southern States in the House and the number of their electoral votes. Republican supremacy was thus endangered, Reconstruction 425 unless the number of Democratic Representatives could be cut down by the device of the second section; for it was never con- ceived that a Southern State would grant suffrage to the negroes. The third section of the proposed amendment disqualified for holding offices all leaders of the South. The President might pardon these " ex-rebels, " but Congress alone could, by two-thirds vote of each House, restore this important political right. The fourth section was a reasonable guarantee of National dignity with respect to the debts and expenses of the war. Numerous events now occurred that had the effect of Events driving the majority of Congress to a more radical posi- couraged tion. (1) President Johnson made a circuit through im- more rad- portant cities (New York, Chicago, St. Louis, and Indian- tion. apolis, among others), in the course of which, provoked by the taunts of his enemies, he made undignified and in- sulting remarks concerning Congress and Republicans. (2) The fall elections (1866) for members of Congress showed increased Republican gains, and these betokened popular approval of Congressional action. (3) The Southern States showed great hostility to the Fourteenth Amendment, and all except Tennessee finally rejected it.* (4) Reports reached the North of disturbed conditions in the South, including the abuse of the freedmen and riots involving much bloodshed. In view of these events all conservatism in Congress was iii. The now laid aside, and this body went forward to the execu- stmcUon tion of a most rigorous policy. This was embodied in the Act of Reconstruction Act of March, 1867: (1) The ten un- reconstructed States were divided into five military dis- tricts, each under an officer of the army and an adequate force of troops. ^Military government might supersede the existing civil government at any place where this seemed desirable. (2) The officers in command should supervise the election of a constitutional convention in each State; those who could vote for delegates to these conventions were to be male citizens twenty-one years of age, "of whatever * Tennessee ratified the amendment, and its Senators and Repre- sentatives were admitted to Congress before its adjournment in July. 426 History race, color, or previous condition"; except such as might be disfranchised for participation in rebellion. This meant the enfranchisement of the blacks and the disfranchise- ment of the majority of the whites. (3) The conventions should frame State constitutions in which the negro should be granted suffrage. (4) These constitutions should be ratified by popular vote, the same cjualifications being employed here as in the election of delegates, (o) The State Legislatures electing under these new governments should ratify the Fourteenth Amendment. (G) Congress would then declare the admission of the Senators and Representatives from these States and their full restora- tion to the Union. Under this law many State and local officials in the Southern States were removed and su])erseded by men who approved of negro sufi'rage and the Reconstruction Act. Thus Congress succeeded in its purpose of taking all political power in these States from the persons who had been active in the struggle against the Union. The actual government of the Southern States now fell into the hands of four groups of persons: (1) Southern unionists who had been ostracized or banished during the war, and a few ex-Confederates who now acquiesced in the Congressional policy; these were called "scalawags." (2) A class of Northerners who went South after the war, some to make investments (chiefly buying up at a low figure, estates of insolvent or dead planters), and others deliberately to get public offices; these were known as "carpet-baggers." (3) The negroes.* (4) Some South- erners, mostly business men who had not previously taken active part in politics. It is almost unnecessary to say that the dominant political party in each State was the Re- publican. Following the p^o^^sions of the Reconstruction * "Of the registered voters (previous to the constitutional conventions) a majority were negroes in South Carolina, Alabama, Florida, and Louisiana, and probably in Mississippi. In the constitutional conven- tions negroes were a majority of the delegates in South Carolina." — Dun- ning's Essays on the Civil War and Reconstruction, 188, 194. Recoustruciion 427 Act, the States of Arkansas, North and South CaroUna, Louisiana, Florida, and Alabama were admitted to the Union in 1868. In July of that year, it was announced that the Fourteenth Amendment had been ratified by the required number of States and was a part of the Con- stitution. The readmission of Virginia, Georgia, Texas, and jNIississippi was postponed for various reasons until the year 1870. In the meantime, Congress had proposed (February, 1869) a new constitutional amendment. " Section 1. The right of citizens of the United States to vote The Fif- shall not be denied or abridged by the United States, or by any teentli State, on account of race, color, or previous condition of ser- ^^^^^ vitude. " Sect. 2. The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation." This was intended to place negro suffrage beyond the power of Congress and the State Legislatures. The Fif- teenth Amendment was ratified and declared in force in March, 1870. In March, 1867, Congress had enacted the Tenure of The Ten- Office Act, a law which may be regarded as a trap delib- offic° Act. erately set to catch Johnson in the commission of an im- peachable offence. Its occasion was the removal by the President, in accordance with the custom of his predeces- sors since Jackson's time, of many officers who were not in sympathy with his administration. The Constitution, vesting the appointment of important Did the officers in the President "with the advice and consent of the President Senate," is silent as to the process of removal. Since the estab- po^^gj. of lishment of the Government, however, the power to remove removal? such officers had been regarded as a prerogative of the President alone. This conclusion had been arrived at during debate in the first Congress and was strengthened by judicial decision. The Tenure of Office Act declared that every officer appointed with the advice and consent of the Senate should continue to hold his position until the Senate agreed to his removal. Dur- ing a recess of the Senate the President might suspend an officer, 428 American Ilisiory Tlie im- peatliinent of Presi- dent Johnson. Constitu- tion, Art. II, sec. 4. Art. I, sec. 2, el. 5. Sec. 3, els. 6.7. The trial and its out- come. but if the Senate disapproved of this the officer should resume his position. President John.son asked for the resignation of Secretary of War Stanton in August, 1807. General Grant was authorized to act as Secretary of War until the Senate should act upon the matter. The Senate refused (January, 18G8) to concur in Stanton's suspension, and he thereupon resumeil his office. The President then issuetl an order for his removal and appointed a successor. This led at once to the voting of articles of impeach- ment in the House of Representatives. The President was charged with "high crimes and misdemeanors" in eleven articles. These, briefly summarized, specified: (1) His violation of the Tenure of Office Act in the removal of Stanton; (2) his declarations and public speeches, in which it was maintained that he .sought "to destroy the regard and respect of all the good people of the United States for Congress and the legislative power thereof"; (3) his opposition to the Reconstruction Act. Among the leaders of the House who conducted the prosecution before the Senate were Thaddeus Stevens, Benjamin F. Butler, and George S. Boutwell. The President was de- fended by able lawyers, among them AVilliam M. Evarts' and Benjamin R. Curtis. This notable trial lasted ten weeks and attracted the atten- tion of the civilized world. Again the .stability of our institu- tions was put to a test; but in spite of all the bitter feeling and party hatred that had been engendered, the forms ot law were fully observed and there was no thought of resort to physical violence on either side. The defence maintained that the Tenure of Office Act encroached upon a constitutional power of the President — the independent right of removing his subortlinates. The loss of this power, it was argued, would destroy the equality of this department and place the Executive at the mercy of Congress. The vote upon the article of impeachment involving this question was 35 to 19, and thus the Senate failed by one vote to convict the President. Seven Republicans who had hitherto opposed the President in his contest with Congress, and four Republicans who had hitherto sided with him, voted with eight Democrats in his favor. No vote was taken on the other charges, and the accusation was dropped. Thus ended the most dramatic incident in the civil history of the Reconstruction 429 United States — an incident which friends of both parties in the unseemly dispute were soon ghid to forget. In the election of 1868 the Democratic party condemned The eiec- in strong terms the reconstruction poUcy of the Repub- ^'^gg" licans; they also favored the payment of the war bonds i«4t Df M. H. BERRY. All EiMs ofliiif iiiisjwTRissij. CHILbRCN S CABRIACES, WACOHS. it. r . . -00^ /^if /y,u . 5,fi^ .Li/i. ^ o^o^^^^ /It-' > -t^/^ ys^ /M . .«eJL^'S£Tnent of specie at banks, the false valua- Diplomacy, Finance, and Politics 445 tion was revealed and failures resulted. In September, 1873, there was a stringency in the money market in Nejiv York and the reserves of the banks were very low. Upon the appearance of a "scare," depositors de- manded their money and banks were obliged to refuse payment. The panic ensued. There were 5,000 bank- ruptcies in 1873, and by 1878 the number was twice as large. Business stagnation ensued and the greatest burden fell upon the poor, for whom idle industries gave no employment. Immediately following the panic came a renewal of the The"infla- demand for "more money." Consequently, Congress ^'""^ ^ * passed (1874) a bill increasing the amount of legal tender notes. President Grant vetoed this bill on the ground that prosperity could not permanently result from an artificial inflation of the money supply. In 1875 Congress gave tardy expression to the policy Resump- of resumption. It was enacted that on January 1, 1879, g'^'^ie^ the Government woidd redeem the legal tenders at par in payments. coin; to provide specie for this purpose, bonds might be issued by the Secretary of the Treasury. When the date thus fixed arrived, the notes were equal in value to gold. A reserve of considerably more than $100,000,000 was in the Treasury for their redemption. The people, however, called for the redemption of but few notes. The ovenvhelraing victory of the Republicans in the Grant's election of 1872 (see pp. 433-434) was offset by reverses ^jTimi" met during Grant's second administration. The party in power during a financial crisis usually receives unmerited blame for the "hard times" that follow. On the score of official corruption, however, the party was justly criticised. The evils of the spoils system had led to the^ enactment of a law (1871) providing for a civil-service examination system. The foremost agitator in this cause was George WiUiam Curtis, and he was appointed by Grant chairman of a commission to administer the new law. There was opposition to the reform, however, and in 1875 Congress 446 American History The cam- paign of 1876. ralue. refused further appropriations and the system was aban- doned for the time. Investigations disclosed the fact that a corjwration called the Credit :Mobilier, engaged in constructing the Pacific railroads, had sought to influence Congressmen by selling to them shares of its stock below market Collectors of internal rev- enue taxes upon whiskey were found, upon investi- g a t i o n s prosecuted by Secretary of the Treas- ury Bristow, to be de- frauding the Government of millions of dollars. A member of the Cabinet, Se('retary of \Var Belknap, was fomid to be involved in frauds connected with the letting of contracts in his dejiartment. President Grant's personal honesty, it appears, was combined with great incapacity for judging the quality of his subordinates. This official corruption gave the Democrats the oppor- tunity to make rejorm the leading issue of the campaign of 1876. For their leader they selected Samuel J. Tilden, an eminent lawyer, formerly Governor of New York. He was prominent at this time through his work in ])rosecuting suc- cessfullv the leaders of the infamous "Tweed ring," which had robbed tije city of New York of some $100,000,000. Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana, was nominated as candidate for Vice-President. For their candidate the Republicans turned from their prominent leaders, James G. Blaine, of Maine, OUver P. Morton, of Indiana, and Roscoe Conkling, of New York, Samuel J. Tilden Diplomacy, Finance, and PoUti 447 and nominated a "dark horse," Rutherford B. Hayes a manof considerable experience, thrice Governor of Ohio \^^lIhalll H. Wheeler, of New York, was the candidate for V ice-President. In response to the Democratic cry for reform, the Repub- licans dwelt upon the issue of Southern political conditions the suppression of tfie negro vote, and the Civil War record ot their opponents * The parties differed flatly on the % f^' "~».. I /::t-c ELECTIO OF 1876 n3Ii<;publican 185 J [Democratic ISU nU Disputed 20 Election Map of 187( tariff question, but upon resumption the issue was con- fused: the Republicans indorsed the law of 1875, while the Democrats demanded its repeal without denouncing resumption. The contest was close for the first time since 1860. The Democrats carried all the doubtful Northern States (New York, Indiana, New Jersey, and * This appeal to the prejudices of war times was called " waving the bloody shirt." It helped to solidify the Democratic white vote in the South and to prevent secession from Republican ranks in the North. Issues of the elec- tion. 448 America II Ilisiorij Disputed election returns. The Electoral Commis- sion. Connecticut) and claimed all of the Southern States, tliou^h their victory was disputed in Louisiana, Florida, and South Carolina. In these three States the carpet-bag governments were still in power, and the officers who canvassed the election returns (returning boards) were Republicans. They decided that there was evidence of fraud and intimida- tion sufhcient to justify the rejec- tion of votes in certain districts, and that the Hayes electors were elected. Other officers in those States, and in TT^^ Oregon, where a question as to the tidW ^^ '^^^H qualifications of a Republican \. ->.^^H Democratic electors had been chosen. In each of these four States, tlien, two groups of electors met and voted for President, and double returns were sent to the President of the Senate to be counted. In Congress, a rule in operation since 1865 that the electoral vote of any state should not be counted if either House objected, could not be reenacted because the House was Democratic and the Senate Republican. Tilden had 184 undisputed votes, and the count- ing of one vote from the States in dispute would make him President. On the other hand, it required all the votes from those States to give Hayes a majority. No method being provided by the Constitution or by lawto settle the question, which of the disputed votes should be counted, the two Houses finally agreed upon an extra-Constitutional process. An Electoral Commission was established, consisting of five Sena- tors (three Republicans and two Democrats), five Representatives (three Democrats and two Republicans), and five Justices of the Supreme Court (two of each party, the fifth to be chosen by these four). The fifth Justice selected was Mr. Bradley, a Republican, and the Commission decided by a strict party vote of eight to seven that it would accept the returns sent by the returning boards in the disputed States, without examining into the merits of their decisions. This gave the majority to Hayes. The excitement and bitterness aroused by this contest sub- sided with remarkable ease, and the country once more demon- Kutherford B. Hayes Diplomacy, Finance, and Politics 449 strated its respect for the decisions of constituted authorities regardless of personal feeling. ' President Hayes displayed an admirable quality in his The firm stand against political corruption; he forbade the p^^^^s of practice of assessing Government employees for political Hayes^"^ purposes, and aimed to make fitness a test in his appoint- ments. He disappointed a large number in his party by withdrawing from Southern States the Federal troops hith- erto maintained there to secure fair elections (see p. 432). This policy removed the last obstacle in the way of negro disfranchisement, and had the effect of removing the Southern question from politics. This administration was not marked by important party legislation, since the Democrats controlled either one or both Houses of Con- gress. They tried to enact Democratic measures by fixing them as "riders" upon urgent appropriation bills. These were vetoed by Hayes. Suggestive Questions and References 1. The Geneva Arbitration. Charles Francis Adams, Am. St. Series 380-397. Hart, Contemporaries, IV, No. 175. Andrews, The United States in Our Own Time, 87-95. 2. Senator Sumner on the purchase of Alaska. Hart, Con- temporaries, IV, No. 174. 3. The industrial effects of the Civil War. Wright, Industrial Evolution of the United States, 152-158, 188. Bogart, Economic History of the United States, 266-267, 419. 4. Why was not the tariff reduced after the war? Taussig, Tariff History of the United States, 171-178. 5. What were the arguments for and against contraction of the currency ? Dewey, Financial History of the United States, 335- 339. For and against payment of the bonds in currency, 344- 349. The history of resumption, 372-378. See also, Andrews, 263-267. 6. The panic of 1873. Andrews, 253-263. Larned, History for Ready Reference, United States, A.D. 1873. 7. The transcontinental railways and the Credit Mobilier Company. Andrews, 103-109. 450 American History 8. The elections of 1872 and 187G are treated in Wilson, Division and Reunion, 281-287. The disputed election of 1876, in Andrews, 205-221. Lamed, Ready Reference, United States, 1876-1877. Government in State and Nation, 261-262. 9. For the history of the legal tenders and resumption, see Government in State and Nation, 212-214. 10. For the topics in this chapter, see James and Mann, Readings in American History, chap. 26. CHAPTER XXVIl INDUSTRIAL AND SOCIAL CHANGES 1866-1886 The industrial activity that followed the Civil War industrial (see p. 439) was accompanied by changes that constitute men'ts^^ almost another industrial revolution. The progress of after the invention that had been somewhat checked by the Civil War now proceeded with renewed ^'igor. New machinery and new processes multiplied rapidly. The most im- portant of these were the Bessemer process of converting iron into steel, first used extensively in 18G7, and the Siemens-Martin, or open-hearth method of 1869. Coke was substituted for coal in the reduction of the ore. The great activity in railroad construction (see p. 444) stimu- lated this industry, and the substitution of steel for iron rails made possible larger and more efficient rolling stock. At this time the opening of the great iron deposits of upper steel man- Michigan and Wisconsin, together with the cheaper proc- "facture. esses, facilitated the substitution of steel for iron in all in- dustries — the "age of steel" began. The manufacture of steel advanced westward, the ports of the Great Lakes being convenient meeting points for the iron from the north and the bituminous coal of Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Illinois. This period saw the development of the petroleum in- dustry to vast proportions. The copper mines of Michi- gan and the silver mines of Colorado yielded abundantly. The applications of electricity (in electroplating, electro- typing, etc.) began to assume importance. 451 452 •an ILidory The in- creased use of machinery. Corpora- tions and large-scale produc- tion. This was also tlio age of machinery in a sense hitherto un- reaUzed; in every nianufacturinji j)rocess, machines superseded hand labor. In the manufacture of flour nearly three-fifths of the laborers were displaced by machinery; in furniture factories, nearly three-fourths; in metal goods industries, one-third; in the manufacture of boots and shoes, four-fifths; and in cotton factories, one-half. Yet so great was the demand for the goods that were thus being produced more cheaply * and so numerous were the new lines of manufacture opened, that labor found abundant employment. In fact, tlie number of persons em- ployed in productive industries increased at a faster rate than did the total population. These great changes in mechanical methods necessi- tated changes in business methods that were no less im- portant. The extensive use of machinery led to manufactur- ing on a large scale. Manufacturers then handled larger stocks of raw materials and of finished products, and this necessitated an increase of capital. This was in turn ef- fected by the organization of corporations. In the com- petition between large establishments owned by corpor- ations and smaller ones, the former had the advantage; for in various ways large-scale production is more eco- nomical than that conducted upon a small scale. Hence there was a decided movement toward the concentration of industry. The earnings from large-scale production were turned back into the channels of industry, and new fields were exploited. In numerous instances great fort- unes were rapidly accumulated. There now appeared more distinctly than ever before the separation of the employer, or capitalist, class from the laboring class. In large establishments the intimate relations between em- ployers and employees cannot exist. The latter lose their indi- viduality and to a great extent their independence, as the extreme division of labor involves greater routine in processes. The corporation deals in a less human way with its employees, and its directors frequently sanction practices for which an individual ♦ The per capita consumption of iron rose from 105 lbs. in 1870 to 204 lbs. in 1880. Wright, Industrial Evolution of the United States, 323. Industrial and Social Changes 453 employer would not wish to assume the responsibility. More- Effects over, the growth of large production favored the concentration that fol- of population in large cities.* Here conditions of life were less ^°'^®'^ *''^ pleasant and the employment of women and children in factories tion^ofhr." increased rapidly. Under these conditions the contrast be- dustry. tween the rich and the poor became more apparent; the sharp business methods and the profligacy exhibited by some of the "newly rich" aroused bitterness and hatred in the hearts of the mass of laborers. Sometimes attempts were made by corpor- ations to conceal their great profits by stock-watering. Small stock-holders in corporations were frequently cheated by the juggling of accounts; and corporations were bankrupted by stock manipulators for their own profit. Such were some of the evils that accompanied the great changes in business organization. Before the Civil War a movement had begun for the The growth organization of laborers corresponding to the organiza- ''^'^t.or tion of capitalists into corporations. Local labor unions were numerous, and some twenty-six national unions ex- isted in 1860. The industrial changes mentioned above were extremely favorable to the progress of this move- ment, and new organizations were now rapidly formed. f Many trades-union newspapers w^ere established at this time. Notable among the unions was the Knights of Labor, which combined in its membership workers of all industries, numbering in 1886 about 500,000. The Ameri- can Federation of Labor, founded in 1881, was intended to centralize the control of this movement by affiliating a large number of unions ufider one national management. The labor movement grew out of a general feeling of discontent with the new industrial conditions. The purposes of the unions may be summarized as follows: (1) The distribution of sick and death benefits. (2) The fostering of a spirit of cooperation * See Government in State and Nation, p. 34, for statistics of urban growth. t Unions were formed in the following occupations: railroad engineers (1863), cigar-makers (1864), bricklayers and masons (1865), railroad con- ductors (1868), furniture workers (1873), locomotive firemen (1874), iron and steel workers (1876), granite cutters (1877), carpenters and joiners (1881), railroad brakemen (1884), coal-miners (1885). Both national and international organizations were founded in many trades. 454 American History What labor unions have ac- coni- pHshed. The first great strikes. among working men. (3) The spread of educational influences, through meetings, papers, and discussions. (4) Common action looking toward the increase of wages, based upon the feeling that labor was not receiving its proportionate share of the profits arising from mechanical improvements. (5) A movement for shorter hours of work. {(i) A demand for legislation insuring the safety and comfort of laborers, and the protection of women and children. Themselves an evidence of growing intelligence among the working cla.sses, the unions have had an educating and uplifting influence. Their demand for the scientific in- vestigation of labor conditions bv the government resulted in the State Labor Bureaus (first in Mas.sachusetts, 1809) and the National Bureau of Labor (18S4). Their demand for labor legislation resulted in a nudtitude of beneficent laws.* The hours of labor for women and children have been restricted (first in Massachusetts to ten hours a day, 1874). Since 1870 the imions have emphasized their de- mands for a uniform eight-hour day for all employees. For securing higher wages and shorter hours labor unions depended to some extent upon strikes and "boy- cotts," sometimes accompanied by violence. In the early years of this period, the.se were seldom succes.sful. In 1877 the employees of the Baltimore and Ohio Rail- road struck against a ten-per-cent. reduction of wages; em- ployees of the Pennsylvania system, with other grievances, followed this example. Sympathetic strikes on other roads and in other industries soon involved 100,000 employees. There ensued much violence, with the destruction of property and loss of life, especially at Pittsburg, Pa. These events startled the public and directed attention to the labor problem. In 1883 there was an extensive strike among the telegraphers of the country, and two years later another occurred among the employees of the Gould system of railroads in the south-western States. In 1886 there was great unrest among the laboring classes * For a list of these laws see Wright, Industrial Evolution of the' United States, 291-292; Government in State and Nation, 107-110. Industrial and Sucial Changes 455 in Chicago. During the course of a strike at the IMcCor- The Chi- mick reaper works, workmen used violent methods and cago an- several were shot by police. These conditions culminated in the throwing of a bomb at a public gathering in Hay- market Square. Several policemen were killed and others were wounded. The act was regarded as the outcome of the teachings promulgated by certain anarchists who ad- vised resistance to government authority. Four of these were hanged. Several years later, Governor Altgeld of Illinois pardoned three others, then in the penitentiary, on the ground that they had not had a fair trial. Business depression continued for some years after the The growth panic of 1873. The movement of population mto the trai'wesT' central West was very rapid.* The production of wheat, corn, and other agricultural products increased apace. This fact, together with the lower cost of production, due to the use of improved farm machinery, and the lower cost^of transportation, tended to cause decreasing prices for farm products. Thousands of farmers who had hope- fully mortgaged their farms now found the interest burden growing heavier, and a spirit of discontent reigned through- out the agricultural West and South. There were real grievances, also, felt by the farmers in Railroad the methods employed by railroads. Freight rates on ^j^" ^''^ ^^"^ goods carried to cities Avhere several lines were compet- Granger ing for business, were, naturally, low; while high rates were exacted at intermediate points Avhere there was no competition. There arose a movement (organized in 1867) among farmers, similar to that among factory em- ployees. Local organizations, known as "granges," in- cluded by 1875 1,-500,000 members. These were organ- ized into State and national systems under the name "Patrons of Husbandry." Their purpose was partly educational, but chiefly they aimed to compel, by the * Between 1870 and 1880 population here increased a.s follows: Minne- sota, 77 per cent.; Iowa, 36 per cent.; Dakota Ter., 853 per cent.; Kansas, 173 per cent.; Nebraska, 267 per cent. movement. 456 American lH.siory Europeai iniiiiiKra- tioii. The Chinese on the Pacific Coast. The Greenback party. force of public opinion, Icirislation against abii.ses com- mitted bv railroads and other (•()rj)oration.s. These organ- izations also assisted in the establishment of agricultural colleges and founded c(^6pcrative buying and selling agencies. In several Western States (Illinois, Wisconsin, Iowa, and Minnesota) laws were enacted (1S71-1S74) prescrib- ing maximum rates and establisliing railroad commissions empowered to enforce these aufl other restrictive laws. The railroad managers fought bitterly against this legis- lation, arguing that theirs wa.s a private business which the States could not control. The opposite contention, that, as corporations deri^•ing their charters from the pub- lic, and as common carriers* performing public service, the railroads were subject to public control, was sus- tained by the United States Supreme Court in 1877. One of the causes for the discontent of the laboring classes in these years was the severe competition arising from the immigration of European laborers. These numbered, for the decade 1870-18S0, 2,261,000, chiefly German (700,000), English (460,000), Irish (436,000) and Scandinavian (211,000). During the next decade (1880-1890) the total number of European immigrants was more than doubled (4,721,000). The coming of large numbers of Chinese to the Pacific Coast was the cause of turbulent demonstrations against them; their cheap manner of life, low wages, and their habit of returning home with their earnings, all added fuel to the flames of race hatred. In obedience to popular demand, Congress enacted a law (1882) excluding the Chinese laboring class from this country for a period of ten years. During the period of business stagnation that followed the crisis of 1873, there arose a demand for "more money." A "Greenback" party was formed in 1876 with a Presi- dential candidate, Peter Cooper, who received, however, * See Government in State and Nation, 100-101. Industrial and Social Changes 457 but 80,000 votes. Two years later the Congressional can- didates of this party polled over 1,000,000 votes. The fundamental principle of the Greenback party was a denial of the doctrine that money owes its value and acceptabihty to the intrinsic value of the material from which it is made. They contended that this is determined solely by the quantity of money in comparison with the business demand for it. It was argued ■ that the government stamp, and that alone, gave value to any- thing that was made money by law. The government should therefore issue as much "fiat" paper money as business required, making no provision for its redemption, but allowing it to be convertible into government bonds bearing interest. This party denounced resumption, National banks, and the payment of bonds in specie. There were many njen in both of the old parties who were either favorable to its views or afraid, for po- htical reasons, to oppose them. While refusing to repeal the resumption act of 1875 The re- (see p. 445) Congress took another step opposed to con- ofTp^ede" traction, in 1878, when it decreed that after the commence- payments ment of resumption (1879) none of tlie legal tender notes refssuinc? that were redeemed should be destroyed, but that all ^nue^d should be reissued in the ordinary course of business, states Thus the total amount of these notes remained constant "°*^"" ($346,000,000). Business conditions, giving the United States a favorable balance of trade against Europe, en- abled the Secretary of the Treasury, John Sherman, to accumulate gold for the resumption fund; but no provision was made in anticipation of the troublous times when this could not be done (see p. 481). The history of silver legislation in this period is closely The de- related to the events above described. For many years ^on^of^sU- previous to 1873, gold production was in excess of silver pro- duction, and very little silver bullion was brought to the mints for coinage. Silver dollars were exported, and were seldom seen in circulation. Public attention w^as there- fore only slightly attracted to the law of 1873 revising the coinage regulations and omitting the silver dollar from the list of coins. Soon after this, silver production rap- ver in 1873. 458 American History idly increased, especially from newly discovered deposits in Colorado.* The bullion value of the silver dollar .was 102 cents in 1872; but by 1875 it had fallen to about 96 cents, and this tendency continued. In consequence, a demand arose in the silver producing States of the West for the return to the policy of free silver coinage f that had prevailed from the beginning of our government until 1873. This demand grew in intensity as the value of silver bullion declined, and a large portion of the Greenback party threw their influence in the same direction, since free coin- age would mean expansion of the money supply. The strength of the movement is indicated by the fact that in 1876 and 1877 the House of Representatives passed bills for the free coinage of silver. The free-silver movement gained great strength in the agricult- ural sections of the West and South, wiiere there was a condition of business depression (see p. 45.') ), as well as in the silver- mining States. This depression was tlue, it was claimed, to contraction of the currency. The decline of prices and the de- monetization t of silver were cited as proofs that there was con- traction. The restoration of silver to its former place as a money metal, would, it was claimed, raise its value, increase the amount of money in circulation, restore the former level of prices, and bring as a result greater business activity. Free-silver advocates of more moderate views believed that an international agreement should be made before entering upon that policy. These men united with those * Product of gold and silver in the United States in millions of dollars. GOLD SILVER GOLD SILVER 1861 S43 mil. S2 mil. 1873 . . . . S36 mil. S36 mU. 1865... ....53 •• 12 ■■ 1874.... ...34 ■' 37 " 1870... . ... 50 " 17 •■ 1875 ...33 " 31 " 1871 44 " 24 •' 1876.... 40 '• 35 " 1872. . . . ...36 " 29 " 1877... . ... 47 " 37 " 1878. . . . . . . 51 " 40 " t Free coinage of any metal exists when any person may bring bullion to the mint and have it coined; the government undertakes to coin all that is brought. See Government in State and Nation, 207-208. t /. e., the stoppage of free coinage in 1873 by the United States and, at about the same time, by several European countries. ludmtrial and Social Changcf! Am who stood for the single gold standard in the enactment ot a compromise law— the Bland-Allison act of 1878 i his law authorized the Secretary of the Treasury to purchase monthly from $2,000,000 to $4,000,000 worth ot silver bullion and to coin it into silver dollars of the standard weight (412.5 grains), which were to be full lecral tender * Under this law $378,000,000 were coined but silver bullion continued to decline in value, and, another period of^ business depression occurring in 1882-1884, the demand for free-silver coinage continued. Suggestive Questioxs and References 1. Wright, Industrial Evolution of the United States, has the tollowmg topics: The tendency to concentration in the iron and stee industries, 176-179. Labor organizations, chaps. 19, '^0 Strikes on the Pennsylvania and the Gould railroads, 301-309 2. Andrews, The United States in Our Own Time The SToi'f \Pf'^''' ^^^^^^' ^-^^- ^^^ G^^^g^r mov'ement, ^3 L;;^^«^"^ov^ment, 285-293. The Chicago anarchists, 530-53O. Chinese immigration, 356-381. Euorpean immigra- tion, /07-714. " 3 Dewey, Financial History of the United States, the Green- back party, 378-382. Silver legislation of this period, 403-410 4. Bogart, Economic History of the United States. Silver legislation, 346. Large-scale manufacturing, 373-379 Labor unions, 425-426, 442-444. 5. For source readings on the topics of this chapter, see James and Mann, Readings in American History, chap. 27. *See Government in State and Nation. 211. The holders of these dollars might deposit them in the Treasury and receive in exchange silver ce,-uficates m the same amounts, as a more convenient form of money Ibid.. 2U CHAPTER XXVITI POLITICAL CHANGES AND INDUSTRIAL EXPANSION, 1880-1890 Party POLITICALLY, the administration of President Haves Uonrfor was successful. We have seen (j). 449) that he closed "the the eiec- epoch of Reconstruction by withdrawing the Federal troops 1880° from the South. The Republican party profited by his sensible, conservative guidance, and by his honest efforts in the direction of official jnirity. For the Republican nomination for President in ISSO, there arose a contest between the supporters of General Grant, whose popu- larity was at this time greatly increased by his return from a trip around the world, and the opponents of a "third term." The latter were divided in their support of James G. Blaine and John Sherman. The warring fac- tions finally united upon James A. Garfield of Ohio, with Chester A. Arthur of New York as candidate for Vice- President. The Democrats nominated Gen. Winfield S. Hancock of Pennsylvania and WilUam H. English of Indiana. Mr. Garfield was reared in poverty, but he secured a college education and became president of Hiram College, Ohio. In the Civil War he had shown marked ability, rising to the rank of General; he had been a Republican leader in Congress since 1863. General Hancock had had little political experience, but his record as a soldier was brilliant. A graduate of West Point, he had seen service in the Mexican War; he had contributed much toward the victory at Gettysburg, where he commanded the left center of the Union Army. His nomination strengthened the adherence of the War Democrats. 460 Polifical Changes- and Indmtrlal Expansion 4G1 In this campaign, as in 1876, the past records of the Repubii two parties, chiefly upon Civil War, reconstruction, and an^the^ financial policies, were debated. The result was remark- "Solid'' able in the clear division between the sections. The ^°"*'^-" Republicans who were successful, carried all the North- ern States, except New Jersey, Nevada, and California; while the Democrats carried every Southern State. The "Solid South" was a product of reconstruction times. ^ CmUr of Poputattan Population map, In this section practically all the white voters were united in the party which opposed negro suffrage, regardless of their views upon other questions. The contest between the two Republican factions was renewed when President Garfield appointed, as Secretary of State, James G. Blaine, the personal enemy of Senator Roscoe Conkling of New York, who had been leader of the Grant faction. Garfield also nominated as collector of the port of New York a candidate who was personally and politically unacceptable to Conkling. The confirmation of the latter appointment by the Senate would violate the Factional quarrels within Republi- can ranks. 462 A III erica II Ilislorj/ principle of "senatorial courtesy"* and the issue was most bitterly contested. The Senate finally sustained the Presi- dent. Senators Conklin^ aiid Piatt resigned, but the legis- lature of New York refused to vindicate them bv reelection. James A. Ciarfield After a pIiotoRiarli liy Bell— the last pictine made lief..re the The as- The opening months of Garfield's administration were sassina- otherwise perplexed by questions invohing the distribution Garfield. of "spoils." He was gladly seeking release from these cares by leaving Washington, when he w^as shot down (July 9, 1881) at the railway station by Charles Guiteau, a disappointed office-seeker, who thought his act was neces- sary to prevent a split in the Republican party. The * See Government in Slate and Nation, p. 275. Political Changes and Indushial Expansion 463 sympatliy of the entire world was ^iven to the strieken President during the weeks that foUowed. On September 19 his long struggle for life was ended. Vice-President Arthur, who now succeeded Garfield, had President been hitherto unknown by the country, outside of political ^''^'^"■■• and social circles in New York. There were fears that the consequences follow- ing the succession of other Vice-Presidents would be repeated; but, fortunately, Arthur rose to the situation and showed himself to be an able, fearless executive. The events above re- The cited had served to em- f^.'^lfll phasize the evils of the service spoils system, its debas- endsTuc- ing effects upon political cessfuliy. contests, and the burden inflicted upon members of Congress and the Pres- ident. Besides, the evil practice of requiring as- sessments, called " volun- tary contributions," from Government employees had been in full operation during the preceding campaign, as a method of paying ex- penses. Since the failure of the civil service law of 1871 (see p. 445), the fight for reform had been continued by independent thinkers and able reformers, led by George William Curtis and Carl Schurz. The practice of re- quiring competitive examinations had been inaugurated in some departments under Hayes; and now politicians who relied upon gifts of public offices to maintain their political stations were no longer able to resist the pressure George William Curtis 464 American Hi star ij of public opinion. A law was enacted (1S.S8) requirinjr the examination system for clerks in the departments at Washington and in the larger customs houses and post-offices. Political assessments were forbidden. Arthur appointed a strong commission to administer the law.* Thf noni- The closc friends of Arthur wished to see him nominated ilt^BUine ^y tlif- Republicans for President in 1S.S4, and both Senator id 1884. Edmunds of Vermont and Senator Logan of Illinois each had a strong following. But there was great enthusiasm, especially in the West, over James G. Blaine, who became the Republican standard bearer. Blaine's personality — he w^as called the "plumed knight" — was very attractive; his public record was long and brilliant;! he had stood for conservative Republican measures and had exercised great influence in the policy of that party during and after the war. Jhe Blaine's nomination was followed by a most serious "bolt" from Republican ranks on the part of the reform element in that jiarty. The "Mugwumps," who refused to support him, were strongest in New York and New England. They included many leading editors, edu- cators, and men of culture; while many others of equally high character remained loyal to the party. This move- ment was strengthened when the Democrats nominated Grover Cleveland of New York as their candidate. Op- position to Blaine was based upon three propositions: (1) He was accused of having had dishonorable dealings with corporations while a member of Congress.| (2) He was regarded as a representative of "machine politics," i. e., the arbitrary and sometimes corrupt control of the Republican party by a few men. (3) Blaine's foreign * For further details in the history of the ci\-il service law, see Gov- ernment in State and Nation, pp. 275-278. t House of Representatives, 1863-1876; Speaker, 1866-1875; United States Senator, 1876-1881; Secretary of State, 1881. X W'hile this was most strenuously denied, some of Blaine's friends now admit that his acts had been "indelicate"; but the practices of public men were not at that time so severely judged as at present. wump movement Political Changes and Indtistrial Expansion 465 policy, developed while he was Secretary of State, was considered unsafe (see p. 470). The campaign of 1884 was filled with bitter personal- ities; the Southern problem attracted little attention for the first time since the Civil War, and the tariff question became of more importance. In the election, the Demo- The elec- tion of a Democrat- ic Presi- dent. Grover Cleveland Copyright by C. M. Bell crats carried the "Solid South" and the doubtful Northern States, including New York, where the result apparently turned upon the "mugwump" movement. Cleveland, the first Democratic President since Bu- chanan, represented a new tvpe of poUtician in that posi- tion. His previous record in public office as Mayor of Buffalo and Governor of New York had marked him as fearlessly independent in both word and action. His President Cleve- land's record. 4GG American Ili.siorij Railroad consolida- tion leads to the In- terstate Commerce Act, 1887. Constitu- tion, Article I, section 8, clause 3. vetoes checking corrupt and extravagant measures had become famous. He stood for honest, business-Uke ad- ministration of government by officers who were public servants in fact as well as in name. During Cleveland's administration the l{ei)ublicans retained control of the Senate, and no great party legislation was enacted. Im- portant laws passed were the Presidential Succession Act,* a law increasing the size of the navy and placing it upon a modern footing, and the Interstate Commerce Act of 1887. The measure last mentioned was the outcome of con- ditions briefly discussed in a previous chapter (see p. 455). While various States were trying, by laws that were more or less strict, to suj)ervise and regulate railroads, short lines Avere rapidly being consolidated into longer ones. Through lines were thus established between the great cities, and an increasing proportion of the business became interstate instead of intrastate. With this change there came about a condition of sharper competition at cities that were railroad centers, resulting in discriminations and rate wars. The Granger movement included a de- mand for Federal legislation regulating railroads as a cor- rective of these abuses, and two Congressional committees (reporting in 1874 and 188(3), made recommendations look- ing toward this end. In 1886 the Supreme Court rendered a decision which defined interstate commerce as that be- ginning in one State and terminating in another, and which placed all such commerce within the jurisdiction of Congress exclusively. The Interstate Commerce Act of 1887 was accordingly passed. This law established a Commission of five persons with power to investigate and to report concerning grievances and violations of the act. Railroad charges must be just and reasonable; unjust discrimination between persons or localities were prohibited; pooling was declared illegal; * Members of the Cabinet succeed to this oflfice in case of the death or disability of both President and Vice-President. See Government in State and Nation, pp. 265-266. Political Changes and Iiulmfrial Expansion 4(37 there should be full publicity of rates.* This act marks an era in the history of transportation in this country. In the political contests of the years between 1876 and The tariff 1884, Civil War questions, pertaining chiefly to reconstruc- caUs^ue*'" tion and finance, and the personalities of candidates were ' the leading issues debated. In the decade that followed, the tariff became the all-important issue. Upon the question of protection the voters of the Republican and Democratic parties had not been clearly divided; though in theory, and for campaign purposes, the former party had stood for protection and the latter for a low tariff. Fundamentally, this was an economic and business ques- tion, rather than a political one, and within the ranks of the Republicans were Westerners who objected to the pajTnent of high prices on manufactures when the neces- sity for war taxation had passed; while particularly strong in the Democratic ranks was an element in the East who desired the continuance of protection for their industries. In 1882 there was a general demand within both The tariff parties for the revision and reduction of the tariff, Ij^^sio^ which still stood practically upon its war basis. Such of 1883. reduction was advocated partly as a means of reducing the great surplus that was rapidly accumulating in the Treasury,! and partly because there was a wide-spread conviction that the protective system should not become the permanent policy of the country. Recognizing the purely economic aspects of tariff-making. Congress authorized the appointment of a non-partisan commission of nine persons (not members of Congress) who made an investigation and report (1883) recommending re- ductions of from twenty to twenty-five per cent, in the * For a more detailed statement see Government in State and Nation, pp. 200-202. t The reduction of this surplus by the redemption and retirement of the greenbacks was opposed for fear of contraction of the currency; its reduction by the payment of United States bonds before they were due would reduce the amount of bonds that were available for use in securing National Bank notes. 4G8 .1 mcricaii J I t^tort/ Cleve- land's tariff message. 1887. duties. In Congress the work of these experts was re- jected; special interests made strong appeals for the con- tinuance of protection, and the result was a law, passed the same year, which revised the tariff in a haphazard way, retaining a great many of the high j^rotective duties. Western farmers were particularly dissatisfied with the repeal of the duty on wool, and this contributed to the defeat of the Republican party in 1884. The division in the Democratic ranks on the tariff question prevented the House of Representatives from passing a new tariff law in the early part of Cleveland's administration. But the President was a radical tariff reformer and devoted his entire annual message in De- cember, 1887, to this subject. He made the tariff ques- tion a clear issue between the parties. The Democrats now stood for a tariff "for revenue only"; the Republicans said that this meant "free trade," and they went further than ever before in advocating ])rotection as a permanent National policy. They demanded the protection of Amer- ican laborers against competition with laborers in European countries where the scale of wages was much lower.* They argued that the products made by European "pauper labor" should not be allowed to undersell the products of American laborers. It was answered that the protective tariff caused high prices in this country, which offset the high wages; and that the profits arising in the protected industries were not fairly divided between the manu- facturer and his workmen. The tariff question constituted the main issue in the election of 1888. The Democrats nominated Cleveland, as a matter of course. The Republican candidate was Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana, a lawyer of great ability and experience. He had an excellent war record, and * American workmen were receiving on an average of one and one-half times the English wage, twice that paid in Belgium, three times the rate customary in France. Italy, Germany, and Spain. Coman, Industrial History of the United States. 299. Political Changes and Indmfrial Expansion 460 had been a United States Senator between 18S1 and 18S7. Besides the tariff issue, the record of Cleveland's admin- istration was debated, and many of his Mugwump friends deserted him because of the free distribution of offices to Democrats. The result, a substantial victory for the Benjamin Harrison Republicans, may be regarded as a popular verdict in favor of the principle of the protective tariff*. The Republicans now went forward with a free hand in their solution of pending questions. The reduction of the surplus was accomplished by the enactment of a service, or dependent pension law;* and by the repeal of * This pensioned all Union soldiers who had served ninety days and were now unable to earn a living, and also their widows, children, and depen- dent parents. Pension expenditures now rose from $89,000,000 in 1889 to $106,000,000 in 1890, $118,000,000 in 1891, and $141,000,000 in 1892. The reduc- tion of the surplus. 470 A meriraii Hisfori/ the duty on raw sugar, wliicli had yiel-279, 281-282 (References). Elson, History of the United States, 854-856. Andrews, The United States in Our Own Time, 230-235, 341-342. Hart, Contemporaries, IV, No. 199. 7. The campaign of 1884. Blaine, Am. St. Series, 277-290. Accusations against Blaine, ibid., 144-176. Elson, 857-861. Andrews, 452-480. Sparks, National Development, 335-351. 8. Do you approve of the Mugwump movement of 1884? 9. For references on the Interstate Commerce Law of 1887, see Government in State and Nation, 204. 10. Interstate Commerce and the law of 1887. Bogart, Eco- nomic History of the United States, 317-327. Coman, In- dustrial History of the United States, 319-325. 11. Cleveland's tariff message of 1887. Hart, Contemporaries, IV, No. 164. 12. The tariff of 1890. Dewey, Financial History of the United States, 438-440. 13. The growth of manufacturing on a large scale. Bogart, 373-379. 14. The trusts. Bogart, 400-416. Coman, Industrial His- tory of the United States, 325-331. Dewey, National Problems, chap. 12. For references, see Government in State and Nation, 204. 15. The new navy. Andrews, 487-490. 476 American History 16. The Pan-American Congress. Andrews, 409-416. 17. On the Indian problem, see Helen Hunt Jackson, A Cen- tury of Dishonor; also her novel, Ramona. Mrs. Custer, Boots and Saddles. Andrews, Our Own Time, 186-193. 18. James and Mann. Readings in American History, chap. 28. CHAPTER XXIX INDUSTRIAL AND POLITICAL PROBLEMS, 1890-1897 It is a fundamental fact in the economic situation of these years that the rural sections did not enjoy to the same degree the prosperity that prevailed in the commercial and manufacturing centers. The marked movement of population toward the cities* is an evidence of the greater material gains to be earned there, besides the greater edu- cational and social advantages of urban life. The prices of agricultural products steadily declined. f The lessen- ing profitableness of farming and the disadvantages of farm life, which now became more apparent, bred a wide- spread spirit of discontent throughout the agricultural South and West. An organization known as the "Farm- ers' Alliance" was the outcome of this feeling; this had local and State branches and held national conventions. By Discon- tent in the agricult- ural sections. * In 1S70 about twenty per cent, of the population lived in cities of more than 8,000 population; in 1890 the percentage was nearly thirty. See Government in State and Nation, 34. t The following table of prices is compiled from the Statistical Abstract of the United States for 1894: CORN, WHEAT, COTTON SALT SUGAR BUTTER TO- PER BU. PER BU. PER LB. PER LB. PER LB. PER LB. PER LB. DOLLARS DOLL.\RS CENTS CENTS CENTS CENTS CENTS 1870 .925 1.29 23.5 13.2 12.6 29.3 11.4 1875 .848 1.12 15.0 10.1 10.8 23.7 11.3 1880 .543 1.25 11.5 6.1 9.0 17.1 7.7 1885 .54 .86 10.6 7.2 6.4 16.8 9.9 1890 .418 .83 10.1 6.0 7.0 14.4 8.6 1894 .46 .67 7.8 8.0 4.4 17.6 8.5 477 478 America)! Ifi-ifori/ 1801, this organization included several millions of mem- bers and controlled a thousand newspapers. Among the grievances leading to this movement were the fol- lowing: (1). The increasing number of mortgaged and rented farms. (2). The increase in corporate wealth; also, the fact that stocks, bonds, and other intangible evidences of this wealth in the hands of individuals easily avoided taxation. (3). The power exercised by railroads in arbitrarily fixing rates, and other corporate extortions made possil)le bj'^ the formation of combi- nations and trusts. (4). Speculation in agricultural products and the formation of "corners" by wealthy brokers in the cities. (5). The growing political influence of corporations and men of wealth. (G). The increased u.se of money in politics, leading to the corruption of voters, delegates, and legislators. In their efforts to assign the causes and to find the remedies for their ills, the agricultural population was right in some respects and wrong in others. There was a disposition in the East and North to ridicule this movement; but in recent years measures have been adopted to check the evils complained of (see pp. 518-519, 521-522). It was natural that many of these evils should be at- tributed to the monetary policy of the Nation since the Civil War. This policy, it was asserted, was deliberately adopted by the Government for the benefit of Eastern capitalists. The depression of prices, ascribed to the con- traction of the money supply, was a "conspiracy" to favor creditors at the expense of debtors. The Farmers' Al- liance therefore demanded an increase of our paper cur- rency, and the free coinage of silver. The grievances and demands above stated became the platform of the People's or Populist party, which repre- sented the political side of this movement. This party originated in Kansas, held its first national con- vention in 1891, and became the most formidable third-party movement since the Civil War. It controlled the Democratic party in two elections (1896 and 1900), and the spirit of its doctrines has to some extent permanently influenced the creeds of both Republicans and Democrats. In the Presidential election of 1892, Harrison and Cleveland were the logical candidates of the Republicans luduslrial and Political Problems 470 and Democrats respectively, though eacli was opposed Theeiec- by a powerful faction in his own party. Since both parties i'892;°the were divided within their own ranks upon the question sii^^r and •111- 1.1J. tariff ques- of tree silver coniage, they avoided that issue by adopt- tions. ing planks favoring international bimetallism, which every one knew to be a policy extremely difficult of attainment. The McKinlev tariff law became, therefore, the leading issue of the campaign. As this act seemed to have caused an advance in the prices of manufactures, without a cor- responding advance in wages, the popular verdict was in favor of the Democrats. The People's party in this campaign demanded: the The enactment of laws checking corporate corruption; the pi^^^or^^Jj free coinage of silver; the issue of paper money to farmers upon the deposit of produce in Government warehouses; free trade and the restriction of immigration; the Govern- ment ownership of railroads, telegraphs and telephones ; an income tax; shorter hours for labor, and the enforcement of the National eight-hour labor law; the prohibition of alien and large-tract land ownership. Their candidate for President was General James B. Weaver. In Colorado, Idaho, Kansas, North Dakota, and Wyoming, the Demo- crats nominated no candidates, the Populists taking their place. In some Southern States the Populists and Republicans united. The third party cast over 1,000,000 votes and elected twenty-two Presidential electors. In the State and Congressional elections of 1894 this party cast 1,500,000 votes and the issues it presented could no longer be ignored by the two great parties. The most pressing of these issues was that of free silver coinage. It has been stated (p. 458) that the Bland-Allison act The ques- ^ . X J X i.- g tion of free of 1878 was a compromise measure, enacted to satisfy coinage. in part the growing demand for the coinage of all the silver bullion that might be brought to the mints. Under this act .378,000,000 silver dollars had been coined by 1890; but this did not have the expected result of raising the 480 A merica ii IT isfory price of silver in the market.* Kll'orts made in Conwre.s.s between 1S85 and 1890 to enact free coinage were a.s fruit- less as were opposing efforts made to stop the coinage of silver under the existing law. Neither of the great parties dared to legislate upon the subject, since both Avere divided upon this i.ssue within their own membership. Several new Western States, in which industrial discontent was very strong, were at this time admitted into the Union (see p. 471). INIany of the Senators and Representatives from these States favored the free coinage of silver, and a bill to this effect passed the Senate in 1890. It was re- jected by the House and a compromise was finally enacted known as the Sherman law.f Under this law, 4,r)()0,()00 ounces of silver were to be purchased monthly by the Secretary of the Treasury at the market price. This bullion was to be stored, and Treasury Notes were to be issued in payment for it, which were to be redeemable in coin. This called for an increased purchase of silver — practically the entire product of the country. The law declared it to be the policy of the Government to maintain the value of gold and silver coins at a parity. This meant that neither should be allowed to depreciate below face value. The improvement in the value of silver under this law was but temporary,! and now arose other complications. * Average price of silver per ounce in London: 1878 $1.15 1880 1.14 1885 1 . 065 1890 1 046 1891 1892 1893 1894 ...$ .88 ... .87 ... .78 . .63 Statistical Abstract of the United States. tSays Senator Sherman in his Recollections (Vol. II. 1069-1070): "Some action had to be taken to prevent a return to free silver coinage, and the measure evolved was the best obtainable. I voted for it, but the day it became a law I was ready to repeal it, if repeal could be had without substituting in its place absolute free coinage." t See diagram showing the fluctuations in the value of silver in Gov- ernment in State and Nation, p. 210. The entire question is there dis- cussed, pp. 207-212, 215-217. Industrial and Political Problems 481 Since the resumption of specie payments (1879), a gold reserve of at least $100,000,000 had formed a part of the stock of money in the Treasury. This had been used, when needed, to redeem the United States Notes, and it was now faUing in amount rapidly.* The principal reasons for the withdrawal of large amounts of gold from the Treasury are found in the commercial conditions of the time, which caused a balance of trade against the United States. As this balance had to be paid in gold, and as the stock of gold in banks was reduced, the bankers asked the Government to redeem United States Notes as a means of obtaining it. Since the law of 1878 (see p. 457) required that these The policy Notes, when redeemed, be reissued, they could be brought back for redemption repeatedly, thus constituting an "end- less chain" for drawing gold from the Treasury. Further- more, the new Treasury Notes were redeemable in coin, and the Government chose to redeem them in gold, when that was requested. It did so for fear that their redemp- tion in silver, under these circumstances, should destroy the confidence of the commercial world in the wiUingness of the United States to pay its obligations in gold. This would cause gold to go to a premium (since the intrinsic value of the silver in a silver dollar was but $.67 in 1892), and the parity of the two kinds of money would be destroyed. The United States would then go to a silver basis, and a financial panic would ensue. Fear of the results thus predicted caused the hoarding of gold by banks and individuals, and a severe financial panic began in the summer of 1893. President Cleve- land, who attributed these troubles to the continuance of silver purchases and the issuance of Treasury Notes, called a special session of Congress, requesting the repeal * The gold reserve in the Treasury was as follows, on June 30 of the years indicated: 1890, $190,232,000; 1891, $117,667,000; 1892. $114,342.- 000; 1893, $95,485,000; 1894, $64,873,000. Dewey, Financial History of the United States. 442. 482 A mcr lea 1 1 II l.sfury of the silver purchase clause of the Sherman Act. This was accomplished, after a bitter struggle in the Senate (November, 1S93). The gold reserve continued to de- cline,* and in 1894 and 1895 four bond issues were made .t:;:;- ^...J^, r TER.;*" •'- V\ \ TEXAS ;^•■-^>J:;^^-;,— -' 189 6 I \Repablican ST] I I Dem< •jtibltcan 27 h inocratic 176 \ Election Map of 1896 as a means of replenishing it. The National debt Avas thereby increased $262,000,000. The steps thus taken by Cleveland's administration to maintain the gold standard aroused the bitterest en- mity in the silver-producing and agricultural sections of the country. The silver question became the main issue in the Democratic National convention at Chicago in 1896. The free-silver (Populist) vdng of that party gained control, nominating William Jennings Bryan of * There was a decrease in revenue receipts, due to the high protective duties of the McKinley Act, the decline of business during the panic, and the fear of tariff re\1sion that might follow the Democratic victory of 1892. Indmtrial and Political Problems 483 Nebraska as their candidate for President and inserting in the platform tliis plank: "We demand the free and un- limited coinage of both silver and gold at the present legal ratio of sixteen to one, Avithout waiting for the aid or con- sent of anv other nation." Bryan was the youngest man evernominated for the Presidency, being tiien but thirty-six years of age. He was a lawyer residing at Lincoln, Nebraska. He had served in Con- gress for two terms. Bryan's victory in the convention over Rich- ard P. Bland, of Mis- souri, is partly attrib- uted to a brilliant speech in which he said: "We answer the demand for the gold standard by say- ing, 'You shall not press down upon the brow of labor this crown of thorns. You shall not crucify man- kind upon a cross of gold.'" The Populist party ratified the nomina- tion of Bryan for the Presidency, but named their own candidate for the Vice-Presi- dency (Thomas Wat- son, of Georgia) in- stead of appro ving the Chicago convention's nominee, Arthur Sewall, of Maine. A large section of the Democratic party, particularly in the North and East, was dissatisfied with the result of the Chicago convention, and another Democratic ticket (the nominees being John M. Palmer, of Illinois, and Simon B. Buckner, of Kentucky) was placed in the field. This wing of the party declared for the gold standard; but many of the "Gold Democrats" voted the Republican ticket. William J. Bryan. liy Underwood The "Gold Demo- crats." 484 llialonj The Republicans, in their national convention nomin- ated AVilliani ■NlcKinley, of Ohio, and G. A. Hobart, of New Jersey. Their platform declared that the party was "opposed to the free coinage of siher except by inter- national a(]jreement with the leadinoj commercial nations of the world, which we pledge oursehes to jiromote, and until such agreement can be obtained the existing gold standard must be preserved." A great "campaign of edu- cation" now ensued, the op- posing forces being divided sectionally (see map, p. 482). On the free-silver side the argument was in favor of " more money" as a means of reliev- ing distress and bringing about prosperous times. More sub- stantial were their contentions that the period of falling prices was due to the use of gold alone as a measure of value; that this contraction of the basis upon \\ illi;iiu McKiiyUy which values rested wrought an injustice to debtors; antl that the same cause produced business stagnation. They urgeel that the free coinage of silver by the United States alone would bring that metal to a parity with gold at the ratio of 16:1, and would satisfy the demand for a larger supply of full value money. The gold-standard argument- attributed the decline of prices, and the consequent enhancement in the purchasing power of gold, to improvements in methods of production, through in- ventions and large-scale production; to the opening of new sources of raw materials; and to the lower cost of transportation. It was claimed that the benefits of lower prices counterbalanced any injury to debtors. The rapid opening of new Western lands and the competition of grain from India, Russia, and the Argen- tine Republic were cited as the cause of low prices for agricult- ural products. Free-silver coinage would result in depreciated silver uioney. The great commercial nations of the world were bound to maintain the gold standard, and the United States must conform to this practice. Industrial mid Political Problems 4S5 The campaign resulted in a decided Re])iil)li('an victory, Repubii- but the vote for Bryan was so large ((),2()(),00() as com- ^^iS^the"'' pared Avith 7,100,000 for McKinley) that the free-silver decline of element took courage and looked forward to victory in cause!^^'^ 1900. In this they were disappointed. Other events intervened (chapter 29) which greatly strengthened the Republican administration, and still others which were unfavorable to the silver cause (see p. 507). In conse- quence, the gold standard w^as again successful in 1900; and in that year, too, Congress enacted a law providing for its maintenance. Turning now to the important events of Cleveland's Hawaiian second administration (1893-1897) we note first his policy toward the Hawaiian Islands. At the close of Harrison's administration our relations with Hawaii were in an un- settled state. These islands were first visited by missionaries in 1820, and the natives became Christianized. Later, foreigners became the predominant element; the industries were largely in the con- trol of Americans, who were, however, comparatively few in numbers. Hawaii was originally an absolute monarchy; the foreign element had compelled the adoption of a constitution in 1887, and it was the attempt to abrogate this, in January, 1893, that led to a revolution, incited by Americans. Queen Liliuok- alani was deposed. The provisional government then formed was recognized by President Harrison, and a treaty of annexa- tion was drawn up and submitted to the Senate. When President Cleveland assumed his position (March cieve- 4, 1893) he withdrew the treaty of annexation and sent a Hawaiian special commissioner to investigate Hawaiian conditions, policy. He reversed his predecessor's policy, on the ground that the revolution had been assisted by United States troops from a man-of-war, and that the recognition had been hasty. While annexation was thus delayed, the Queen was forced to resign, and the Hawaiian Republic was formed, with a constitution that provided for future an- J^'j^j^'J^"*'''" nexation to the United States. After the succession of Hawaii. McKinley (1897), there was still lacking a two-thirds ^898. 486 Amcricdii ITisfori/ nuijority of the Senate favorable to the ratification of the treaty of annexation; but this step was aceompHshed by a Joint Uesohition (July, 1898). Hawaii was given the government of an organized territory.* Upon other questions of foreign policy, Cleveland's administration was independent and emphatic. England and Venezuela had for many years disputed over the boundary between the latter country and its neighbor to the east, British Guiana. It .seemed that British territorial claims had been gradually extended westward until they threatened the control of the mouth of the Orinoco River. While the English government agreed with Venezuela upon the desirability of settling this controversy by arbi- tration, it dechned to include in the arbitration all of the territory which, according to Venezuelan claims, was actually in dispute. In other words, England, if brought to the test, would use force in excluding Venezuela from a portion of the disputed territory. The United States Government had at various times used its influence in favor of settling the question by arbitration; and now (November, 1895) in a dispatch sent by Secretary of State Richard Olney to our minister at London, Mr. Bayard, its position was announced in a most emphatic manner. The opinion was stated that the refusal of England to arbitrate the entire question called for intervention by the United States, on the basis of the Monroe Doctrine (see p. 288). England was endeavoring to exercise political control over an independent American power; the interests, welfare, and safety of the United States were thereby endangered. Secretary Olney stated the relations of the United States to the other American powers thus: "To-day the United States is practically sovereign on this continent, and its fiat is law upon the subjects to which it con- fines its interposition." It is "master of the situation, and prac- tically invulnerable as against other powers." When the English Prime Minister, Lord Salisbury, re- fused to accept our Government's view and again refused the arbitration desired, President Cleveland sent (De- * See Government in State and Nation, 323. Industrial and Political Prohlcnis 487 cember, 1895) a message to Congress, recommending Cleveland's policy and his threat that a commission be created, composed of United States citizens, to determine the true boundary between Venezuela of war and British Guiana, and to report to Congress. He con- cluded: "When such report is made and accepted, it will, in my opinion, be the duty of the United States to resist by every means in its power, as a willful aggression upon its rights and interests, the approj)riation by Great Britain of any lands or the exercise of governmental jurisdiction over any territory which after investigation we have de- termined of right belongs to Venezuela." This was a distinct threat of war, and it created a profound impression both at home and abroad. Opinions differed upon the policy of the administration; many high authorities* op- posed it as an undue extension of the Monroe Doctrine. Popular opinion supported it, however, and Congress appropriated $100,000 for the expenses of the commis- sion which was appointed by the President. Fortunately, the English Government receded from its position, consenting to the arbitration of all lands reasonably in dispute. The services of the Commission were not needed, and a Tribunal of Arbitration finally fixed the boimdary line. The disagreeable danger of war during the discussion The arbi over this incident led to the negotiation of a treaty with England providing for the submission of future disputes with that country to arbitration. Although it was sup- ported by popular sentiment, this treaty was rejected by the Senate. The need for such an agreement had been more than once apparent. Two troublesome questions still unsettled involved the rights of American and Cana- dian fishermen on the Atlantic Coast, and the protection * See Woolsey, America's Foreign Policy, 223-238; also, Forum, February, 1896. On the contrary, Foster regards Olney's dispatch as embodying "the most complete and satisfactory statement of the Monroe Doctrine thus far made." A Century of American Diplomacy, 470. See post, p. 513. tration treaty. 488 inirriccni Ifi.ston/ of the seal fisheries of the Ahiskan waters. The former of these assumed an aeute stage during Cleveland's first administration, but an agreement was finally reached by the two governments. The claims of the United States to jurisdiction over seal-catching in the entire Behring Sea gave rise to a sharp controversy and some use of violence. This question was submitted to a tribunal that sat at Paris (1893) and decided adversely to our Government's claim. The first- great American exjjosition was held at Phila- delphia, in 1S7(), celebrating the centennial anniversary of our independence. This had an elevating and enlight- ening infiuence, stimulating greater interest in the artistic side of life, as well as spreading knowdedge of new in- dustrial processes. The year 1893 saw the greatest of world's e\i:)ositions, that at Chicago, in celebration of the discovery of America. With a total of twenty-seven million admissions, this "World's Fair" W'as an educa- tional and unifying force of great importance. While its predominant features were, of course, industrial, it was no less impressive artistically. On the intellectual and religious sides the World's Congress, of which the ParUament of Religions formed a part, was a notable achievement. Here was the best evidence of that breadth of thought and tolerance of spirit w'hich stand among the remarkable products of the nineteenth century. The Chicago Fair emphasized in various ways the recent advancement of women: their entrance into new industrial fields, the remarkable growth of women's organizations, and the beneficent work accomplished by women in moral and civic reform, as well as in the direction of self-culture. Accompanying these significant changes in the sphere traditionally occupied by women, was a growing rec- ognition by the general public of their right to higher education, and their ability to profit by it. This was indicated by the more general admission of women to Industrial and Political Problems 489 collegiate courses and the establishment of new women's colleges.* Other indications of educational advance in this time Educa- were: the rapid growth of the number of students in col- progress in leges and universities; the expansion of college courses colleges and the introduction of the elective system; the employ- mon ment of new methods of research by advanced students; schools. the improvement of high-school courses and equipment; and the increased attention paid to elementary education, especially in cities. These changes were accompanied by the greater study and application of the science of education. The great writers of the earlier period of our history The new (see p. 303) continued their work after the Civil War; and I'^ericfn a new group of authors arose, notable particularly for authors. originality and for their interpretation of purely American phases of life and character. Prominent among these were the novelists and short-story writers: Bret Harte, Henry James, Frank Stockton, F. ]\Iarion Crawford, C. H. (Joaquin) INIiller, William D. Howells, and Elizabeth Stuart Phelps Ward. Among the poets there were Walt Whitman, Edmund C. Stedman, T. B. Aldrich, and R. W. Gilder. There was a new group of critics, historians, and essayists: John Fiske, George W. Curtis, C. D. War- ner, T. W' . Higginson, and Edward Eggleston. Humor and "local color" were displayed in the works of Eugene Field, James Whitcomb Riley, E. W. ("Bill") Nye, and Samuel L. Clemens ("Mark Twain"). For the first time in our history, the South was adequately rep- resented in the field of literature; prominent among its writers were Joel Chandler Harris, Paul Hayne, George W. Cable, Thomas N. Page, and Sidney Lanier. On the whole the work of the writers in this period dis- * Vassar, 1861; Smith, 1875; Wellesley, 1875; RadcUffe, 1879; Bryn Mawr, 1885; Barnard, 1889; Mt. Holyoke, 1888 (established as a semin- ary by Mary Lyon in 1837). In 1900 one-third of the students in all the colleges of the country were women. 490 American TTisfori/ played variety, freshness of spirit, and a truly American tone that mark this as an epoch in our intellectual history. There was a remarkable advance in the arts of photog- raphy and illustration, accompanied by the multiplica- tion of magazines and the enlargement and increased circulation of newspapers. American artists and archi- tects began to achieve marked success and raised the standards of artistic merit in this country. The period of industrial depression that followed the panic of 1S73 was followed by a period of activity that grew in intensity toward the end of the century, though interrupted for a short time by the crisis of 1S93. Before ISGo the largest number of patents issued in a single year was about 5,000. Between 1.SG7 and 1879 the average number annually was nearly three times that number; for each of the twenty years succeeding 1879 the average number was about 23.000. Some of the new processes and products in this period added greatly to the comfort of life; such were the .systems of heating by steam and hot water, and new metlKxls of sanitary plumbing. There came into use cheap processes of canning fruit, vegetables, and meats, and methods of "packing" meats, both lead- ing to the establishment of immense industries and add- ing a great variety of foods to the dietary of all classes. The manufacture of artificial ice and the process of refrig- eration made possible the storage and shipment of many perishable food products hitherto unattainable at a dis- tance from their sources of production. The application of the roller process in Hour manufac- ture, accompanying the opening of the new north-western wheat fields, revolutionized that industry. The product of the local "grist mills" of the central States, with their water wheels and millstones, was underbid by "patent" fiour from ]\Iimieapolis. The fields of those States were now planted with corn, and stock-raising and dairying became the great industries of the central West. At the Industrial and Pnliti'cal Prohlems 491 ;ese factories, with im- Oleomargarine was first same time creameries and cli proved ap{)liances,* sprang up. manufactured in this period. Of labor-saving inventions we may enumerate the typewriter, sulky plough, self-binding reaper, compressed-air rock drill. The Hoe web printing press, the linotype, stereotyping, and improved methods of paper-making (the sulphite process of pulp manu- facture), rendered printing much cheaper and increased enor- mously the output of books, newspapers, and pamphlets. Travel was made more safe and comfortable by the Westinghouse air Side and front views of Bell's first Telephone The iiistiuiiiciit sliown at the Centennial Exposition brake, vestibuled trains, and systems of automatic signalling. Cable street-car lines and, later, trolley car systems stimulated the expansion of cities. Another class of inventions gave us dynamite, smokeless powder, the magazine rifle, the Whitehead torpedo, and automatic guns. The bicycle, assuming its present form in 1875, became extensively used about 1890, and added much to the convenience and pleasure of thousands. Improve- ments in passenger elevators, coinciding with the cheapening * Professor Babcock, of the University of Wisconsin donated to that State his milk-test invention, which has revolutionized the dairy business and added millions of dollars to the value of dairy farms throughout the world. 492 imcrica)! lit si or if in jjrocesses of stool nianufactun', ami tlic npplication of tlu- siccl- cajre method of constructing l)uil(lings, gave us the first "sky scrapers" of our great cities. The most remarkable industrial advance of this period was in the field of electrical a|)])liances. liy 1S70 electric dynamos had been made practicable, thou(;ii their ex- tensive use came later, with inipnivcnicntv in the lonu- distance transmission of elec- tric cnri-ents. The Bell telc-- phone was invented in 1S7(»; later, the arc and incandes- cent lights* were introduced. Storafje batteries and elec- tric-weldinjj: followed, and the trolley car became com- mon. Manufacture in all departments was facilitated and cheapened by standardi- zation (parts of machines be ini; made in standard size- and shapes), and the consc quent use of interchanpre.ssive as before. The burden of taxation and bad economic conditions led to another insurrection in 1S05. The United States de- clared a ])()licy of strict neutrality, and President Cl<>ve- land ottered his services in mediation between Spain and Cuba, but without effect. Meanwhile, popular sympathy for the Cubans grew' strong in the United States. This was increased, and to it was added deep indignation, * Report on the census of Cuba. War Department, 1S99. This docu- ment contains a summary of Cuban history. The t> pa II ish- American War 499 wlien the horrors of the "reconcentration" policy beccaine known. The non-combatant country population, who sympathized with the insurgents and gave them assist- ance, Avere compelled to leave their homes and move to the nearest towns, where thousands, including helpless women and children, died of starvation and disease. Sup- plies were voted by Congress, and also gathered from private sources, to be forwarded to the suffering Cubans. A "junta" of Cubans operated in the United States and succeeded in sending many filibustering expeditions with aid to the insurgents, though the United States (lovenunent exercised due diligence to prevent them. Public opinion in this country gradually became ex- The de- asperated with the apparent inability of Spain to conquer ^truction the Cubans, and her unwillingness to grant terms that the Maine. latter would accept. Hostile feeling was increased when, on February 15, 1898, the American battle-ship Maine was blown up in the harbor of Havana, causing the death of two officers and 2()4 sailors. A Naval Board of In- (juiry reported that the explosion came from outside, while Spanish officers, who also examined the wreck, declared that it was internal. President ^IcKinley undertook by diplomacy to bring McKin- Spain and the Cubans to agree upon terms of peace, but J^gnto^f^*^" without success; the latter would be satisfied with nothing reasons for less than complete independence. On April 11, 1898, the President asked Congress for authority to take measures that would put an end to the war in Cuba. Said he: "The present revolution is but the successor of other similar insurrections which have occurred in Cuba against the dominion of Spain, extending over a period of nearly half a century, each of which, during its progress, has subjected the United States to great effort and expense in enforcing its neutrality laws, caused enormous losses to American trade and commerce, caused irritation, annoy- ance and disturbance among our citizens, and by the ex- ercise of cruel, barbarous, and uncivilized practices of interven- tion. 500 A mcricaii Ilisfori/ warfare, shocked the sensibilities and ofl'ended the liumane synipatliies of our peoj)le." On April 19, Conjrress demanded the withdrawal of Spain from Cuba, and authorized tiie President to use the army and navy, if necessary, to briufj^ this about. A fonnal declaration of /fqhmosa V. " TOE I'HILIPIMNE ISLANDS O U T H IK " \ o l^.uzo^«/ &• E A PALAWAN war followed. Cuba was recojjnized as free, but the United States disclaimed any intention "to exercise sovereignty, jurisdic- tion, or control over said island, except for the pacification thereof." The war was thereby justified upon hunuuiitarian. rather than selfish, grounds. On May 1, 189S. Commodore Dewey, who had been sta- tioned at Hong Kong, C h i n a , w i t h an American squadron, captured or destroyed all of the vessels of the Spanish fleet in the harbor of Manila, Philij)pine Islands. Later, American troops captured the city of Manila. The American fleet in the Atlantic blockaded the port of Havana, Cuba, and watched for the arrival of the Spanish fleet, which, it was feared, might attack some of the defenceless coast cities. The enemy's fleet, under Admiral Cervera moved with secrecy, crossed the Atlantic and finally sailed into the harbor of Santiago de Cuba. The American squadron, commanded by Admirals Samp- son and Schley, kept guard, ready to attack when it ap- J), „7 SLLL' SEA J^J" \ The I'hilip The ''^paiiish-Amrrican IVc 501 pcamj. LicutcMianl Ilobson made a daring' attempt to blockade the narrow cliannel leading into Santiago harbor by sinking a vessel'across it; but he was unsuccessful. While these events were occurring, the small regular army The i of 2(),000 men was supplemented by 200,000 volunteers, l^^^l The War Department was entirely unprepared to cope with the problems of feeding, equipping, and transporting these troops. There resulted much suffering and loss of life in the American camps during the summer that followed. The West Indies anjo surrencU'rtM. It was now dis- covered tliat the Spanish fleet had been in a tknioralized condition previous to its destruction. The American fleet, liowever, was in an excellent state of efficiency. Hostilities ceased in August. A treaty of peace was drawn up in Paris by coinnii.ssioners of the two countries (I)ecendx'r, 1S9S). This was proclaimed in ett'ect Aj)ril 11, 1(S99. The treaty provided for the comjilete indej)en- dence of Cuba. Porto Hico and the Phili|)j)ine Archipelago came into the jwssession of the United States, together with tiie island of (ruam. The United States ])aid Spain $2(),{)00,000. By this treaty Spain lost the last of her American colonial po.ssessions. The Government justi- fied its policy of actpiiring the Philippines on the grounds that Spanish authority in the Islands had been destroyed by the insurgents, assisted by American troops; that for commercial reasons the Philippines should not fall into the hands of any other power; finally, that the Filipinos were incapable of self-government and hence must be ruled by adequate and humane authority. The Spanish war was supported with great j)opular enthusiasm in the United States. The volunteers greatly exceeded the ability of the Government to use them. The effect was a remarkable unification of sentiment throughout the country. Especially were old antagon- isms between North and Soutii forgotten, when such Con- federates as Generals Fitzhugh Lee and Joseph Wheeler entered the military service of their country. The leader of the Filipino insurgents was Aguinaldo, who had been expelled from the Islands, but had returned soon after the battle of IManila. He commanded native forces which besieged Manila before its capture by the Americans. He now set up a government and contended for Philippine independence. A war against the American authoritv ensued, which lasted for about three years, the The S pai) I sJt- America II War 503 Americans fjjradually bringing ditt'erent islands under control. In the meantime, civil government was estab- Material lished, in the pacified sections, by the Philippine Com- i^J^'jg^'^njj mission, headed by Judge William H. Taft. Schools and seif-gov- internal improvements, such as roads, telegraphs, and ^'"'^"^'^'^*- mail facilities, were promoted. A Philippine Assembly, one-half of which was elected bv the natives, met for the The Roiish Ri.lers first time in 1907. Thus these people began the process of self-government. During the period of American occupation in Cuba, Theoccu- nuich attention was paid to sanitary improvements, cuhTand especially in Havana. Throughout the island, and in the estab- r " ,.,11 1 J lishment Porto Rico, prisons, hospitals, and asylums were placed of the upon a modern basis in equipment and management. Republic Public schools were established. A convention elected by the Cubans framed a constitution for the Cuban Re- piiblic and this was adopted in February, 1901. Before it went into effect, the United States Government insisted 504 inicriran History upon tlie inrorporation of certain j)rovisi<)ns* .safc-fjuanjinjj; its inteivsts in Cuba. 'J'hc Republic was then formally pro- claimed (May 20, 1002), with President Palina at its head, and the American troops were withdrawn from the island. In 1903 the United States entered into a reci})rocity treaty with Cuba, admitting her su<;ar at a reduced tariff rate; while Cuba granted reductions on provisions and machinery from the United States. The proneness of the Cubans to engafje in factional cjuarrels, running into violence, was shown after the second election of President Palma and his reinauguration in 1906. Accusations of fraud in the election were made, and Palma resigned. The Cuban Congress failed in its duty of electitig his successor, and, there being danger of further disturbance, the United States Government sent troops to Cuba and assumed control. Secretary of War Taft was named as Provincial (lovernor. In January, 1909, our Government again withdrew its control, a new Cuban administration having been established. In 1SS9 the United States signed the treaty of Berlin, engaging to cooperate with PvUgland and (iermany in the maintenance of peace and order in the Samoan Islands. Insurrections against the native rulers continued after this date, however, and President Cleveland recommended the discontinuance of the arrangement. The situation was finally adjusted in 1899 by a treaty under which the Sa- moan Islands were divided between this country and Germany. Our Government acquired four islands, the largest being Tutuila, with a harbor, Pago Pago, which is one of the best in the Pacific. In these years other islands of the Pacific, hitherto un- claimed, were occupied by the United States. By the territorial acquisitions mentioned above, and the annex- ation of Hawaii, the commercial opportunities of the United States in the countries bordering upon the Pacific were distinctly increased. * See Government in State and Nation, 324. 50G American History SUGGESTHE QUESTIONS AND REFERENCES 1. Books dealing with the Spanish war. Draper, The Rescue of Cuba. Roosevelt, The Rough Riders. (See also articles in Scribner's jNIagazine, Vol. XXV.) Kennan, Campaigning in Cuba. 2. Special references. Latan^, America as a World Power, G-19. Elson, History of the United States, 889-'»02; Sidelights on American History, H, 3o2-401. 3. Hart, Contemporaries, I\'. Reasons for the Spanish War, Xo. 180. Dewey's report on the battle of Manila Bay, No. 182. Arguments against holding the Philippines, Xo. 191. 4. Lamed, History for Ready Reference, Cuba, 1897. The Constitution granted by Sj)ain to Cuba, 1897-1898. Consul- General Lee's report on the "reconcentrados." Ibid. The United States, 1898. Extract from the Report of the Court of Incjuiry on the Mninr. ^IcKinley's message to Congress of April il. 5. In Scribner's Magazine, Vol. XXIV, are a number of illus- trated articles descriptive of the Spanish war, by various authors. See also, Century Magazine, Xew Series, Vols. XXXIV, XXXV, XXXVI. 6. Compare the Cubans in their struggle against Spain with the English colonists in the Revolutionary War. Comj)are the latter with Aguinaldo's supporters in the Philip{)ines. 7. What are now the policies of the great political parties on the subject of Philippine independence? Which is right? 8. On the Philippine and Cuban relations, see Government in State and Xation, pp. 321-324. On the power to acquire and govern territory, ibid., 32.^-327. References, ibid., 335. 9. James and Mann, Readings on*American History, chap. 30. CHAPTER XXXI THE OPENING OF A NEW ERA The period of industrial depression that began with the The eiec- panic of 1S93 was followed by one of the most remarkable ^^q^q^^ eras of prosperity that our country has known. This fact, and the popularity of the McKinley administration, due in part to the success of the Spanish war, made the election of 1900 an easy victory for the Republicans. William McKinley was again their candidate. Theodore Roosevelt, who was candidate for the Vice-Presidencv,* had aroused |)oj)ular admiration by his part in the Spanish war and descrv(>d great credit for liis work as Assistant Secretary of the Navy, in jMitting that branch of the service into a state of efficiency. The licpublicans stood squarely upon the gold standard policy, while the Democrats re- peated their free silver plank of ISOG; this was demanded by William Jennings Bryan as a condition of his acceptance of the nomination for President. It was apparent, however, that the silver issue was dis- appearing; for rich gold deposits had been discovered in the Klondike region of Canada and Alaska (1S96-1S97), and the influx of this metal resulted in an increased supply of money.f Better prices and activity in all industries * Roosevelt had been elected Governor of New York. His nomination for the Vice-Presidency was insisted upon by "machine" politicians of that State who feared his influence and desired his removal to a station where he would have little power. t The amount of money in circulation rose from $22.82 per capita in 1890 to 823.24 in 189.5.and S26.93 in 1900. 507 508 A mrrica ii II istorij followed with the return of business eonfidenee. In view of this faet, the Democrats announced that "imperialism" — i. e., the acquisition and permanent control of the Philip- pines — was the paramount issue. They demanded the inde- pendence of our new possessions. The appeal to this issue failed to arouse enthusiasm, as both parties were divided upon it within their own ranks. The popular vote in Gcemtcrof J'upulation ^ "^Center of Manu/acturM^^, ^ y j, Iri^'^yf^^f^ — ^ ! a>— -—Cleveland pTfeiMN SYLVAN >A Movement of Centers of Population ane a blow to our export trade. Now, the acquisition of the Philippines gave us a vantage-point from which we could consistently exert influence in Oriental affairs. In Sejjteinbor, 1S99, Secretarv of State John Hay ad- dressed a note to tlie European powers interested, asking reeognition of tlie policy of the "open door"; i. c, that no power sliould e.vcliide the citizens of other nations from e(jual trade rio^hts within its sphere of influence in China. Witliout winning complete acceptance from all the nations, the justice of this ])olicy was in the main approved. During the following year came the Boxer Rebellion, in which there were ma.ssacres of Europeans and Amer- icans. AVhen the legations of the civilized nations were besieged in Peking, troops of the United States took part in the expedition that marched to their relief. Seizure of Chinese territory as indenniity might have followed, but Secretary Hay brought the influence of this country to bear in securing guarantees of the territorial integrity of China and equal trade rights in its ports. At the outbreak of the war between Japan and Ras.sia, in 1904, the United States secured pledges from those nations that Chinese neutrality woukl be ob-served, and that the operations of the war would be confined to ^Manchuria. In 1905, President lioosevelt aj)pealed directly to the belligerents in favor of a c-essation of the war. With great diplomatic skill he brought them to begin negotiations for peace, and his personal influence was exerted in bringing to a successful termination tlie peace negotiations at Ports- mouth, New Hampshire. The United States sent representatives to the Peace Conference called by the Czar of Russia, which met at The Hague in 1S99,* and also to the second Conference in 1907. Upon these occasions our policy favored the widest possible application of the j^rinciple of international arbitration. The first dispute to be appealed to the permanent Tribunal * See Government in State and Nation, 355-356. 77/r Oprniiig of a Xcir Era olo of Arbitration was one between the United States and Mexico (1902). More recently treaties have been made between our country and Great Britain, France, and a number of other nations, to submit certain disputes to arbitration by the Hague Tribunal before resorting to force.* In the above events we see the beginnings of a foreign policy which has been exerted in favor of justice, humanity, and peace in international relations. Great Britain has supported our Government in this policy, and the relations of these nations have become more friendly in consequence. The acquisition of the Philippines and our "open door" policy have been distinctly favorable to England's com- mercial interests. In its relations with other American powers the United The new States has maintained its leadership. A second Pan- Doctrine. American congress was held in the City of Mexico, in 1901, followed by another at Rio Janeiro (1906). At various times European nations have engaged in controversies with South American states over the payment of debts due the citizens of the former. The question has then arisen, to what extent shall the United States permit the use of force against the debtor nations ? The wider application of the Monroe Doctrine under President Cleveland (p. 48(5), looking toward the maintenance of the rights of the weaker American nations, has been followed by recogni- tion of our obligation to secure the performance of duties by those nations. Said President Roosevelt (1905): "We cannot permanently adhere to the Monroe Doctrine unless we succeed in making it evident, in the first place, that we do not intend to treat it in any shape or way as an excuse for aggrandizement on our part at the expense of the Republics to the south of us; second, that we do not intend to permit it to be used by any of these Re- publics as a shield to protect that Republic from the consequences * " Eighteen years ago international arbitration was little more than a hope; to-day it is an accepted policy; and since this country has already made twelve specific special agreements for arbitration, there is every ground to believe that as time passes the Senate will view this policy more and more broadly." The Nation, 86 : 390. .14 [mcricaii flisfori/ of its own inisdocds :ifi;iinst forcifrii nations; tliinl, that inasniucli as by this (ioctrinc wo prcvcMit other nations from intorfcrinfr on uiis side of the water, we shall ourselves in good faith try to helj) those of our sister Republics, which need such help, upward towanl peace and order." Early The history of the Paiiiima ("anal (.'.\einj)lifi(.'s the new [sthmian aiTt»;re.s.sive policy of this coiiiitry in its world relations, as projects. well as our cxpaiuliiitj iiuliistrial interests. In 1S50, by the I»A>i.\>IA CAIVAI, uiid i'l NITKD -SiT.VTKS CAN.VL STRIP or /••-f .V anal Strip riayton-Biihver treaty (p. 33')), the United States and Enijland agreed to renounce the right to acquire indepen- dent control of any isthmian canal route. As early as the administration of President Hayes this policy was con- demned by officers of our Government. When, in the next decade, a French company began the construction of a canal at Panama,* the demand for a canal under the control of this country became urgent. Efforts to bring about the formal abrogation of the C^layton-Bulwer treaty were unsuccessful. Several surveys were authorized, how- ever, especially with a view to establishing a route through ' * Projected by Ferdinand De Lessep.s, who con.structed the Suez Canal. The ()j)ciiiii(/ of (I Xeir Km 515 Xicaragua. Then occuiTed the Spanish war, during which the warshij) Oregon was obliged to make its long journey from San Francisco around Cape Horn in order to join the The Atlantic Squadron, This incident attracted attention to the difficulty of defending the two coasts of our country, and the demand for a canal became irresistible. In 1S99, the Isthmian Canal Commission was appointed to examine routes, and they recommended that through demand for a canal. ..., .;,:.. . . __ : aii.inia (.'anal in the Culebra Cut Nicaragua. In the meantime, an American company had acquired the property of the French Panama Canal Com- pany, whose undertaking had ended some ten years earlier in bankruptcy. This property was noAV offered for sale to the United States. Secretary Hay, after much diplo- matic delay, and the rejection of one treaty, finally secured the abrogation of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty (1901). The United States was now free to proceed to construct and own an Isthmian canal which should be free to the use of all nations, both in peace and in war. As this country alone was to guarantee the neutral use and the defence of the canal, it is practically unrestricted in its control. Obstacles removed. 510 , i incricdii 1 1 isforij CongvQi^s now |)a.sst'(l tlio Spooner Act (1902), providintjr for the construction of the Panama Canal on the condition that favorable terms could be secured from the canal company and from Colombia, throutjh whose territory it was to run; otherwise, the \icara<;ua route was to be used. A treaty was next made with Colombia, providinjj for a Sl(),()()().()()() payment and an annuity of S2r)(),000 in con- sideration for the control by the I'nited States of a six- mile strip across the Isthmus. Tliis treaty was rejected by the Colombian Con mmil)('r of iiiiini<;ran(s became more than one million annually. Of these nearly three-fourths came from southern and eastern Europe. The eoimtry is thus confronted by a great problem in the proper (listrii)ution and coinj)lete assimilation of these peoples, The industrial advance of the South was a striking feature of the period under review. The vast mineral, coal, and forest resources of the Southern States, and its water j)ower, were now exploited as never before. Manufactures increased fifty j)er cent, between 19()() and 1<)()(3. In cotton manufacture, especially, the advance was rapid, the South con- verting one-third of its crop into finished prod- ucts. The entire Piedmont region, from Virginia to Georgia, was raj)i(lly becoming a manufacturing sec-tion. There began, too, the more complete occupation of the soil, and more intelligent farming, the raising of garden produce and fruits receiving j^articular attention. The South also entered upon a period of educational improve- ment. The negro felt the effects of the changes noted above. The industrial relations of blacks and whites were im- proved by the influence of industrial schools for negroes. Chief among these is Tuskegee Institute (Alabama), under the principalship of Booker T. Washington, the acknowl- edged leader of the negro race. The social relations be- tween whites and negroes were frequently disturbed by "race riots," some of which occurred in Northern States. Politically, the negro continued to be debarred from voting and office-holding. Beginning in 1S90, most of the Southern States adopted constitutions requiring educa- The OpoiiiHj of a New Era 521 tional and property qualifications for suffrage.* Thus the observance of legal forms took the place of the violence of former times (see pp. 432-433). In the Far West, this period witnessed the rapid growth The Far of cities and substantial industrial advance. The cattle ^^'^^' ranch was supplemented by intensive agriculture and fruit raising. This was encouraged by the irrigation of arid lands. Besides private and State irrigation systems, Con- gress provided for the construction of reservoirs and ditches with the proceeds from the sale of public lands. f Congress authorized the formation of two new States in Oklahoma the West, by the union of New Mexico and Arizona, and ^^°^" of Indian Territory and Oklahoma. The inhabitants of the latter territories agreed to this plan, and the State of Oklahoma was admitted in 1907. Accompanying our great industrial advance, the public Reform in conscience has been awakened to demand remedies for industrial 1 1 -111 • 1 • I methods. abuses that are possible under our present industrial system. Laws have been enacted in many States limiting the age and conditions of child labor; and a demand has been raised for Congressional action upon this subject. Legislation prohibiting food adulteration and the false lal)elling of packages, and providing for the inspection of factories and packing-houses, has been general. In 1905 there was an investigation by the State of New York of the methods used by the great life insurance companies. This resulted in revelations of loose and pernicious busi- ness methods (not, however, confined to this class of com- panies), formerly winked at, but now condemned by public opinion. In this period, then, we have seen the beginnings of a higher standard of business morality. In political matters, as well, public standards have been Pojjjj^^' rising. About 1S90 the use of the Australian ballot system measures. became general, and thus the purchase of votes became more difficult. But this reform did not eliminate the evils * See Government in State and Nation, 49, 142-143. t See Government in State and Nation, 334. Amrrirau Ili^siorij of ^naf'lli^e politics. State laws were extended to the con- trol of party affairs, with severer punishments for corrupt practices, the control of lobbying, and the requirement of pul)licity for campaign expenses. In a few States the j)riinary election system was j)ut into operation. Public ofhccrs won poj)uIar a|)proval, in numerous States and cities, by their activity in reveaUuf; "<;raft" and by their fearless enforcement of the law. Municipal fjovernmcnt improved fjrcatly in this period. These reforms were made possible by (he increase of in- dependent votinir in State and city |)()lilics. Politicians must now reckon, as never before, with the demand of the averafje citizen for honesty in ])ublic servic-e. The influ- ence of corporations in governmental affairs has received a check, and there is a growing denumd for the more com- plete control of j)ublic utilities, and for the |)ublic owner- ship of them in cities. The prominence of the moral ele- ment in the business and jiolitical reforms mentioned above characterizes this as an era of "awakened civic conscience." Both moral and economic considerations may be seen in the protest against the excessive use of lifjuors that has resulted in the prohibition of licpior .selling in a number of States and parts of States, es))ecially in the South. Educationally, the past decade has seen increased atten- tion paid to the industrial and practical aspects of school work. Courses in manual training and domestic science are now believed to be necessary for the complete develop- ment of mind and body. Commercial courses and trade schools fit for definite careers. Physical education receives greater attention. And the mass of people now seek out- door life and recreation as never before in our history. The establishment of j)ublic libraries, aided by the munifi- cent gifts of Andrew Carnegie, has been raj)id. The rural free delivery .system and the increased use of telej)hones and interurban car lines have revolutionized farm life and have added greatly to the comfort and intelligence of the masses. The Opening of a N'eiv Era 523 In Dcoemhcr, 1907, tlie Atlantic fleet of our navv, com- prisiiif; sixteen war-ships and a flotilla of torpedo-boats, began a cruise around the world. No such array of war- vessels had ever before been sent upon so long a voyage. The conduct of the fleet constituted an excellent test of its efficiency; and the event was considered as significant of America's position in world politics. The following statistics indicate the growth of manufactures: The great naval cruise. 1890 1900 1905 ESTABLISH- MENTS 355,000 512,000 533,000 $6,525,000,000 9,817.000,000 13,872.000,000 PERSONS EMPLOYED 4,712,000 5,705,000 6,723,000 VALUE or PRODUCT $9,372,000,000 13,004,000,000 16,866,000,000 1890 1895 1900 1905 1907 IRON AND STEEL MANUFACTl'RES EXPORTED $25,000,000 32.000,000 121,000,000 134,728,000 181,000,000 TOTAL EXPORTS $884,000,000 807,000,000 1,394,000,000 1,518,000,000 1,880,000,000 PRICES (dun's INDEX. NUMBERS) 91.55 81.:-i2 91.41 98.31 108.95 In May, 1908, there met at Washington, upon the re- quest of President Roosevelt, a conference to consider the conservation of our natural resources. It included the governors of the States and other eminent men. This movement was a recognition of the extremely wasteful methods that have been employed in the use of our soil, mines, forests, and water supply. Having now definitely passed beyond the pioneer stage of our history, we must conserve our natural resources; our industries must be developed intensively, rather than extensively. Included in this movement is the proposal to improve our water-ways, as an undeveloped resource, and as a means of competi- tion with railroads. A ship route between Lake Michigan and the Gulf of Mexico is especially favored. Anticipating the Presidential election of 1908, there Our natural resources. 524 A mrrira n flisfortf The ol(M tion of 1908. Tarty iioiiiii tions. The plat- forms. was a .stroiifj popular (Icinaiul (hat President Roo.spvolt Ik* uoininatcd for a third term. Tlii.s he ino.st emphatically decliiu'd, hut in.stead exerted influence which resulted in the nomination of his Secretary of War, William II. Taft, by the Republican convention at Chicaeview of Reviews, 34: 077-()S(). 12. Methods of regulating immigration. Review of Reviews, 33: 33f>-339. 13. Conditions of child labor. Independent, ')'): 375-379. Outlook, 73: (i37-(i41; 921-927. 14. The nuinher and value of Carnegie lil)rari«-s. World's Work, 9: (•)()'.)2-C.()!>7. 1.'). The prohibition wave in the South. Review of Reviews, 30: 32S-334. 16. Negotiations with Colombia and ilie ranaina Republic, Latane, America sis a World Power, 208-221. 17. The Panama Canal. Independent, 5."): 7()4-770. Re- view of Reviews, 3'): ()r)-73. 15. Additi«>nal references upon the al)ovc and otluT important current topics may be found in great abundance in weekly and monthly periodicals. 1!'. What do you believe to be the essential difference between the Re|)ul)lican and Democratic parties at the |)rescnt time? What other |)olitical ])arties had candidates in the last Presidential election? What did each stand for, and how many votes were cast for each? Platforms and election statistics may be found in newspaper almanacs. 20. Further readings in James and Mami. Readings in American History, chap. 31. APPENDIX I THE CORRELATION OF AMERICAN HISTORY AND GOVERNMENT In many schools it seems desirable to teach American History and Civics in close correlation. As a guide in carrying out this plan, the authors have prepared the following outline of topics, with references to the pages where they are treated in the text "Government in State and Nation" by James and Sanford. There is included, also, a list of topics in Civics with which there is little opportunity for correlation in the study of Ameri- can History. An Outline Showing thk Correlation of American History WITH Civics. 1. COLONIAL HISTORY History Topics Civics Topics " Government in State and (a) Local Governments Nation." PAGE Town type in New England Town organization of to-day 5 Aristocratic County type in County Organization in the South Southern States 5 Combined town and demo- Towns and counties in all cratic county type in the Western States 5-6 Middle Colonies (b) Colonial Governments Colonial House of Repre- State House of Representa- sentatives tives or Assembly 12 Colonial Governor's Council State Senate 12 Colonial Governor and Courts State Governor and courts 19-20 Colonial Charter State Constitution 10 527 528 Appendix I (c) British Empire Control of fonM^n affairs, Control of same affairs by peace and war, Indians, nngranted land, and com- merce, by Parliament Privy Council Congress See Index United States Supreme Court 303 2. RKVOH'noNAKV AM) ('Itri'KAL ri'.HlODS The formation of State gov- ernments; adoption of State constitutions Continental Congresses / Articles of Confederation S The impotence of Congress Prominence of State feeling Attitude of foreign nations The existing States State constitutions an— I C^ i-H b- lO "^J ^ I a; O) S < P ?^ C ^ c-2 111 tn CO ^ ,9 £ ^9. r.< 'TS O wO P^H o H Ol ^5 r-HlMlM -< z Q <; 05 » X 33 r- H • S : ^.^ -tj~ • p ^ c • ^ a> rs ■ cS ^ : sr^ i| « o ."^t: Ph bj i.£ ■n f ^^i ^S'r o s. s ^ -*^ K -3 S o Ph s O &1 "o 1 Y\^ C3 .2 "o III o -C ^3:s s .- c^ ci "OJ 6 M« 2 Uj V sTjS^ HHOHH i30 Appendix 1 t^ -/: t- o c -SO Is ^1 r^ 3: r^ iri r^ re CC (M c 't cc cc if I (M re re c^i c^ — ! O *; o 5 = -r t: 2 c ci ?=.^Cr-i?;x ■5 b ■^ o 2 Sc _tD •- o c-5 c Is rS cS < American History ami Government 531 '0-^^Ma5'-t'r>-t--.x-.c— 'Oil— 1"^ CC C^l -M JO ?0 C^ ^ -H r>) ,^ rvj fC CO -M -t" Oi 05 (M CO (M CO CO -H -f CO C^ IM CO C^J cot- lO 05 't CO CO CO OOl CO(N t^-H^C005-^-HO'-HC?3— < O--f-t-0 05 O O CO CO r-- ^ 10 CO CO -* CO 01 Ol -H CO OJ ^ Ol CO 3 "^iMCOlMOOQOCOtNOOOINoO GO(N oTCM CSJ00COt-CO(M(M OOC^oTg (M_lr-<(Mr-I^^^^Or-l, a s &; a ^- a tj 5« ^ o CO L>. 03 O ■. T3 O '^K 2 al-s £ bp^ 0.2. o o — a £ ^-^ a; ^ 0; 00 I 0. a ^ c SI ■2=S ^ W^ 532 \ j>j)( 11(11. 1' I c -.'d:,' — -jr -f -r ri c _ _. — . I ' -r .r i^ cc ?c '^^ — ^7 't — 1 C^ -M -< c^j Ti re re n ^r :c . o; lO re r: s: u^ X r: O rc-^ ^:^^-" — ce-f-< (Noi (Mc^recciMfcro - t- ir — cr. — y: o r >• re — -r~:-r-r-r-^xrer^-ro; ^: — — ej re ?e e^ c^i ei ei ei '^ c^i — le X -H t^ ac X re ei X ei ::: ic r> re ^: x c^i c: ^ re x oi c x TT (N< c :; £=6 'x ■" ^, c utiX : s ?£;p- c o c- ri ■:; c-xji rt^ 5.= .= p c^ aj c = - ^ ^^ = 5 -^ c 't n -E o ■^ t: — =3 MhJ h-1 h American History and Government 533 ot--r?c-f-r-rf^b b o iM ri -M ^ (N CC re »>» M rv) cm CC 05 05 Ot>-'-< C"l '-O OS cccoc*? -^r^o o o r-* Oi^a M M -M -M C^ 05 t^ Ol' Ol ^ (N — I r-l . ■* CO »0 05 »C CD CO 00 O rH CO CO (^^^ocorH^^l.O(^^TflO(^^co^I:^^0(^^co^Tt<(N(M —i o t ^ a E a S3 01 G rt -3 c3 J? G " « fa 0) oj o-a .Si^ >< >,G W)- > o ^ .ti .2 § o > -g § OJ G 2^ OJ I^G-S-I 3 a 2-2 .J^ o o S c^o"^ 534 Appendix I Extra Constitutional Topics Tukatkd in American History The following topics show the actual workings and policy of the National government, although no part of the Constitution is directly involved in any one of them: "Government History Topics Civics Topics in State and Nation." Comparison of early and Methods of selecting presi- pa^ge later Presidential elections dential electors. Methods of nominating candidates for President and Vice- President 249-255 Tenure of office act. Quarrel Senatorial courtesy 275 between Garfield ami Conkling Whiskey Ring Methods of collecting Inter- nal Revenue 185-186 Presidency of Arthur Presidential succession 205-266 Monroe's message. Clayton- Monroe Doctrine Bulwer treaty. French in Mexico. Pan-American Congress. Cuban War. Panama Canal Policy Treaty of Washington International Arbitration 355-356 International Peace Confer- The Hague Tribunal 356 ences Subjects Not Treated in the Correlation of American History and Civics 1. National Government While, as the preceding outline shows, the study of American History brings before the pupil the more important parts of the Constitution, and also some of the extra-constitutional workings of the National government, yet there are many features of our government which do not arise naturally in the discussion of any event of American history. A list of such topics follows: " Government (a) Congress in State and Nation." P.\GE Times of elections and sessions 140, 154-155 Present apportionment and personnel of Congress 145-146 Contested seats 160-161 Gerrymandering 153-154 Method of voting in Congress 163, 170 The Committee system 167-169 Comparison with English Cabinet system . . 178-180 Popular election of United States Senators . 151-152 Reduction of the tariff 184 American History and Government 535 (b) Executive PAGE Methods employed in collecting taxes 183, 186 The inheritance tax . 189 Statistics of revenues, appropriations, and public debt 192-193 Naturalization frauds 222-224 Postal system and deficit 225-229 Status of army, navy, and militia 233-238 Consular reform 286-287 Military and naval schools 292, 293 Pension policy and statistics 295 Weather bureau 298 (c) Judiciary Present organization of courts 303-305 Process of trial 309-312 12 12-13 13 13 15 13-14 2. State and Local Governments General versus special and private legislation Restrictions upon State legislatures Lobbying and corruption of legislators The pass system . Referendum and initiative .... Proportional representation ... Important and recent legislation upon public health, insurance, general labor conditions, labor of women and children, liquor traffic, etc _. Chaps. 10, 11 City Government — general organization, administra- tive departments; police corruption; home rule; party politics in city affairs; municipal ownership; reform movements .... ' ' ' ,a ^'^^P- ^ Election processes and problems— educational qualih- cations; boss and machine rule; primary reform; Australian ballot; voting machine t-nap. b Taxation methods and problems— corporation taxes; mortgage tax; income and inheritance tax; faults of property tax .• • ■ 9^^^' I Penal and charitable legislation and institutions . l^nap. » Educational legislation and school systems . . . l-nap. y Judicial organization— processes of trial; workings of jury system ^'^^P- ' APPENDIX II CONSTITUTION OF Tin-: UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. We the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, estahlish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, pro- vide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America ARTICLE I. Section I. All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, wliicli siiall consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives. Sect. II. 1. The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year V)y tlie people of the several States, and the electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State Legislature. 2. No person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to the age of twenty-five years, and been seven years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of tliat State in which he shall be chosen. 3. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, accord- ing to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by add- ing to the whole number of free persons, including tliose bound to service for a terra of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of all other persons. The actual enumeration shall be made within three years after the first meeting of the Congress of the 536 Constitution of the United States of America 537 United States, and witliin every subsequent term of ten years, in sucii manner as they shall by law direct. The number of Kepre- sentatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand, but each State shall have at least one representative ; and until such enu- meration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be enti- tled to choose three, Massacimsetts eight, Rhode Island and Provi- dence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New York six. New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eigiit, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten, North Carolina five. South Carolina five, and Georgia three. 4. AViien vacancies happen in the representation from any State, the Executive authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill Buch vacancies. 5. The House of Representatives shall choose their Speaker and other officers ; and shall have the sole power of impeachment. Skct. III. 1. The Senate of the United States shall be com- posed of two Senators from each State, chosen by the legislature thereof, for six years ; and each Senator shall have one vote. 2. Immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of the first election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into three classes. The seats of tiie Senators of the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of the second year, of the second class at the expiration of the fourth year, and of the third class at the ex- piration of the sixth year, so that one third may be chosen every second year ; and if vacancies happen by resignation or otherwise, during the recess of the legislature of any State, the Executive thereof may make temporary appointments until the next meeting of the legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies. 3. No person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to the age of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State for which he shall be chosen. 4. The Vice-President of the United States shall be President of the Senate, but shall have no vote, unless they be equally divided. 5. The Senate shall choose their other officers, and also a President pro tempore, in the absence of the Vice-President, or when he shall exercise the office of President of the United States. 6. The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeach- ments. When sitting for that purpose, they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside : and no person shall be convicted with- out the concurrence of two thirds of the members present. 538 Appendix JI 7. Judgment in cases of impeacbuieut shall not extond furtlior than to removal from office, and disqualiticaliou to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust or profit under the United States; but tlie party convicted shall nevertlieless be liable and ^subject to in- dictment, trial, judgment and punishment, according to law. Sect. IV. 1. Tiie times, places and manner of holding elec- tions for Senators and Kopresentatives shall be prescribed in each State by the legislature thereof ; but the Congress may at any time by law make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of choosing Senators. 2. The Congress shall a.>isemble at least once in every year, ami such meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by law appoint a different day. Sect. V. 1. P^ach house shall bo the judge of the elections, returns and qualifications of its own members, and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do business; but a smaller num- ber may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the attendance of absent members, in such manner, and under such penalties, as each house may provide. 2. Each house may determine the rules of its proceedings, pun- ish its members for disorderly behavior, and with the concurrence of two thirds, expel a member. 3. Each house shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from time to time publish the same, excepting such parts as may in their judgment require secrecy; and the yeas and nays of the members of either house on any question shall, at the desire of one fifth of those present, be entered on the journal. 4. Neither house, during the session of Congress, shall, without the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than that in which the two houses shall be sitting. Sect. VI. 1. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a compensation for their services, to be ascertained by law and paid out of the treasury of the United States. They shall in all cases except treason, felony and breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance at the session of their respective houses, and in going to and returning from the same ; and for any speech or debate in either house, they shall not be questioned in any other place. 2. No Senator or Representative shall, during the time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the United States, which shall have been created, or the emolu- Constitution of the United States of America 539 nients whereof shall have been increased, during such time ; and no person holding any office under the United States shall be a member of either house during his continuance in office. Sect. VII. 1. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives ; but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments as on other bills. 2. Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representa- tives and the Senate, shall, before it become a law, be presented to the President of the United States ; if he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it with his objections to that house in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such reconsideration two thirds of that house shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the objections, to the otlier house, by whicli it shall likewise be reconsidered, and, if approved by two thirds of tiiat house, it shall become a law. lUit in all such cases the votes of both houses shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the names of tiie persons voting for and against the bill shall be entered on the journal of each house respectively. If any bill shall not be returned by the President within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the same shall be a law, in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by their adjournment prevent its return, in which case it shall not be a law. 3. Every order, resolution, or vote to which the concurrence of the Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a question of adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the United States ; and before the same shall take eflFect, shall be approved by him, or being disapproved by him, shall be re- passed by two thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, according to the rules and limitations prescribed in the case of a bill. Sect. VIII. The Congress shall have power 1. To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States ; but all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States; 2. To borrow money on the credit of the United States ; 3. To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian tribes ; 4. To establish an uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United States ; 540 Appendix II 5. To coin money, ropulatc tlio vahic thereof, and of foreipfn coin, and fix tiie standard of weights and measures; G. To provide for the punislmient of counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the United States; 7. To establish post offices and post roads ; 8. To promote the progress of science and useful arts by secur- ing for limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries; 9. To constitute trii)unals inferior to the Supreme Court ; 10. To define and punisli piracies and felonies committed on the high seas and offences against tlie law of nations; 11. To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and water ; 12. To raise and support armies, but no approjjriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than two years ; 13. To provide and maintain a navy ; 14. To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces ; 15. To provide for calling forth the militia to execute tlie laws of the Union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions ; IG. To provide for organizing, arming and disciplining the mili- tia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, reserving to the States respective- ly the appointment of the officers, and the autiiority of training the militia according to the discii)line prescribed by Congress; 17. To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular States, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of government of the United States, and to exercise like authority over all places purchased by the consent of the legislature of the State, in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, maga- zines, arsenals, dock-yards, and other needful buildings;— and 18. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department or office thereof. Sect. IX. 1. The migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shall tliink 'proper to admit sliall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the year 1808; but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding .$10 for each person. Constitui'ion of the United States of America 541 2. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be sus- pended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it. 3. No bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed. 4. No capitation, or other direct, tax shall be laid, unless in pro- portion to the census or enumeration herein before directed to be taken. 5. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State. 6. No preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue to the ports of one State over those of another : nor shall vessels bound to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another. 7. No money shall be drawn from the treasury, but in con- sequence of appropriations made by law ; and a regular statement and account of the receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time. 8. No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States : and no person holding any office of profit or trust under them, shall, without the consent of the Congress, accept of any present, emolu- ment, office, or title, of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state. Sect. X. 1. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation; grant letters of marque and reprisal; coin money; emit bills of credit ; make anything but gold and silver coin a ten- der in payment of debts ; pass any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts, or grant any title of nobility. 2. No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any imposts or duties on imports or exports, except what may be ab- solutely necessary for executing its inspection laws : and the net produce of all duties and imposts, laid by any State on imports or exports, shall be for the use of the treasury of the United States; and all such laws shall be subject to the revision and control of the Congress. 3. No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops, or ships of war in time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with another State, or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such im- minent danger as will not admit of delay. 542 Appendix II ARTICLE II. Section I. 1. Tln' executive power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America. He shall hold his office during the term of four years, and together with the Vice-President, chosen for the same term, he elected as follows : 2. Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the legislature thereof nuiy direct, a number of electors, equal to tlie whole num- ber of Senators and Uepresentatives to which the State may be en- titled in the Congress; but no Senator or Representative, or per- son holding an office of trust or profit under the United States, shall be appointed an elector. [The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by ballot for two persons, of whom one at least shall not be an in- habitant of the same State witii themselves. And tliey shall make a list of all the persons voted for, and of the number of votes for each; which list they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of government of the United States, directed to the Presi- dent of the Senate. The President of tlie Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted. The person hav- ing the greatest number of votes shall be the President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed ; and if there be more than one who have such majority, and liave an equal number of votes, then the House of Representatives shall immediately choose by ballot one of them for President ; and if no person have a majority, then from the five highest on the list the said house shall in like manner choose the President. But in choosing the President the votes shall be taken by States, the rep- resentation from each State liaving one vote; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. In every case, after the choice of the President, the person having the greatest number of votes of the electors shall be the Vice-President. But if there should remain two or more who have equal votes, the Senate shall choose from them by ballot the Vice- President.] 3. The Congress may determine the time of choosing the electors, and the day on which they shall give their votes; which day shall be the same throughout the United States. 4. No person except a natural born citizen, or a citizen of the Constitution of the United States of America 543 United States, at the time of the adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to the office of President ; neither shall any person be eligible to that office who shall not have attained to the age of tliirty-five years, and been fourteen years a resident within the United States. 5. In case of the removal of the President from office or of his death, resignation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties of the said office, the same shall devolve on the Vice-President, and the Congress may by law provide for the case of removal, death, resignation, or inability, botli of the President and Vice-President, declaring what officer shall then act as President, and such officer shall act accordingly, until the disability be removed, or a Presi- dent shall be elected. 6. The President shall, at stated times, receive for his services, a compensation, which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive within that period any other emolument from the United States, or any of them. 7. Before he enter on the execution of his office, he shall take the following oath or affirmation : — " I do solemnly swear (or af- firm) that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States." Sect. II. 1. The President shall be commander in chief of the army and navy of the United States, and of the militia of the several States, when called into the actual service of the United States ; he may require the opinion, in writing, of the principal officer in each of the executive departments, upon any subject re- lating to the duties of their respective offices, and he shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for offences against the United States, except in cases of impeachment. 2. He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators present concur ; and he shall nominate, and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, judges of the Supreme Court, and all other officers of the United States, whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established b)^ law : but the Congress may by law vest the appointment of such inferior officers, as they think proper, in the President alone, in the courts of law, or in the heads of departments. 544 Appendix II 3. The President shall liave power to fill up all vacancies that may happen during the recess of the Senate, by granting commis- eions which shall expire at the end of their next session. Sect. III. He shall from time to time give to the Congress in- formation of the state of the Union, and recommend to tiieir con- sideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient ; he may, on extraordinary occasions, convene both houses, or either of them, and in case of disagreement between them, with respect to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to such time as he shall think proper; he shall receive ambassadors and other pub- lic ministers ; he shall take care that the laws be faithfully exe- cuted, and shall commission all the officers of the United States. Sect. IV. The President, Vice-President and all civil officers of the United States, shall be removed from office on impeachment for, and conviction of, treason, bribery, or other high crime.s and misdemeanors. ARTICLE III. Section I. 1. The judicial power of the United States, shall be vested in one Supreme Court, and in such inferior courts as Con- gress may from time to time ordain and establish. The judges, both of the Supreme and inferior courts, shall hold their offices during good behavior, and shall, at stated times, receive for their services, a compensation, which siiall not be diminished during their continuance in office. Sect. II. 1. The judicial power shall extend to all cases, in law and equity, arising under this Constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties nuide or which shall be made, under their au- thority ; — to all cases affecting ambassadors, other public minis- ters and consuls; — to all cases of admiralty jurisdiction; — to controversies to which the United States shall be a party ; — to controversies between two or more States ; — between a State and citizens of another State; — between citizens of different States; — between citizens of the same State claiming lands under grants of different States, and between a State, or the citizens thereof, and foreign states, citizens or subjects. 2. In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, and those in which a State shall be a party, the Supreme Court shall have original jurisdiction. In all the other cases before mentioned, the Supreme Court shall have appellate jurisdiction, Constitution of the United States of America 545 both as to law and fact, with such exceptions, and under such reg- ulations as the Congress shall make. 3. The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury ; and such trial shall be held in the State where the said crimes shall have been committed ; but Avhen not committed with- in any State, the trial shall be at such place or places as the Con- gress may by law have directed. Sect. III. 1. Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. No person shall be convicted of treason unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open court. 2. The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason, but no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood, or forfeiture except during the life of the person attainted. ARTICLE IV. Section I. Full faith and credit shall be given in each State to the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other State. And the Congress may by general laws prescribe the man- ner in which such acts, records, and proceedings shall be proved, and the effect thereof. Sect. II. 1. The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States. 2. A person charged in any State with treason, felony, or other crime, who sliall flee from justice, and be found in another State, shall on demand of the executive authority of the State from which he tied, be delivered up, to be removed to the State having jurisdiction of the crime. 3. No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such ser- vice or labor may be due. Sect. III. 1. New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union ; but no new State shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other State ; nor any State be formed by the junction of two or more States, or parts of States, without the consent of the legislatures of the States concerned as well as of the Congress. 546 Appendix II 2. Tlie CoiifjresH .sliall have power to ilisposo of and make all Docdfiil rules ami regulations respectin^j tlie territory or other property hehmgini,' to the United States ; and nothing in tiiis C'on- Btitution shall l)e so construed as to prejudice any clainis of the United States, or of any i)articular State. Sect. IV. The United States shall n;uarantee to every State in this Union a republican form of government, and sliall protect each of them against invasion ; and on application of the legislature, or of the executive (when the legislature cannot be couveued; against domestic violence. ARTICLE V. The Congre.ss, whenever two thirds of both houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose amendments to this Constitution, or, on the application of the legislatures of two thirds of the several States, shall call a convention for proposing amendments, which, in either case shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of this Constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the several States, or by conventions in three fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the Congress; provided that no amendments which may be made prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any manner affect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article; and that no State, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate. ARTICLE V^I. 1. AW debts contracted and engagements entered into, before the adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United States under this Constitution, as under the Confederation. 2. This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof; and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land ; and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding. 3. The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the members of the several State legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers, both of the United States and of the several Constiiufion of the United States of America 547 States, shall be bound by oath or affirmation, to support this Con- stitution ; but no religious test shall ever be required as a qualifi- cation to any office or public trust under the United States. ARTICLE VII. The ratification of the conventions of nine States, shall be suf- ficient for the establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the same. Done in Convention by the unanimous consent of the States pres- ent, the seventeenth day of September in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-seven and of the Inde- pendence of the United States of America the twelfth. In wit- ness whereof we have hereunto subscribed our names. [Signed by J New Hampshire. John Langdon, Nicholas Gilman. Mass.\chusetts. Nathaniel Gorbam, Rufus King. Connecticut. Wm. Saml. Johnson. Roger Sherman. New York. Alexander Hamilton New Jersey. Wil : Livingston, David Brearley, Wm : Paterson, Jona : Dayton. G" Washington, Fresidi and Deputy from Virginia. Pennsylvania B Franklin, Thomas Mifflin, Robt. Morris, Geo. Clymer, Tho. Fitz Simons, Jared Ingersoll, James Wilson, Gouv Morris. Delaware. Geo : Read, Gunning Bedford Jun, John Dickinson, Richard Bassett, Jaco : Broom. Maryland. James McHenry, Dan of St. Thos. Jenifer, Danl Carroll. Attest : William Jackson, Secretary Virginia. John Blair, James Madison, Jr. North Carolina. Wm. Blount, Richd. Dobbs Spaight, Hu AVilliamson. South Carolina. X Rutledge, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, Charles Pinckney, Pierce Butler. Georgla, William Fen, Abr Baldwin. 548 Appendix II Articles in Addition to and Amendment of the Constitdtiom OF the United States of Amekica, Proposed ry Congkess, AND Ratified ry the Legislatitkes of the Several States, Pl-rsuant to the Fifth Article of the Original Consti- tdtion. Article I. — Congress shall make no law respecting an establish- ment of religion, or prohihiting the free exercise thereof ; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press ; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances. Article II. — A well-regulated militia, being necessary to the se- curity of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms, shall not be infringed. Article III.— No soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered in any house without the consent of the owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law. Akticle IV. — The right of the people to be secure in their per- sons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no warrants .ciiall issue but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized. Article V. — No person sliall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service in time of war or public dan- ger : nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb ; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law ; nor shall private property be taken for public u." ,<^^