oo . ' u> /ft Albert James Pickett. HISTORY OF ALABAMA AND INCIDENTALLY OF GEORGIA AND MISSISSIPPI FROM THE EARLIEST PERIOD. BY ALBERT JAMES PICKETT. REPUBLISHED BY ROBERT C. RANDOLPH, OF SHEFFIELD, ALA. 1896. v>w^ :-\ ■ "''' ■'"•" , to bhi ao longrtu, by a.,.,,^. Jambi Piokott, on the fftU January, L801, i Oltrk'i on of tbe Dlitriol Ooui lit United si.,.. foi i (•'■ Middle Dlitriol ol Uabatni M LTT <• v v LI, Ol»rn i . s. n c m /> ,,/ j/,, UOPYRIOHT 1878 11 v Mum. Sauaii S. I'm KBT1 rnt%» or K00KHI3 A 90N, 1111,-minhham DEDICATION. As ;i token ol inv siiurir esteem, ami ol (lie Iiij-.Ii respect I (eel lor then talents and character, as well as in consideration <>i the deep Interest which tii<-v have taken In my literary enterprises, I DBDICA1 B hum. V( >i UMBS l'< > BENJAMIN PITZPATRICK, JOHN ARCHIBALD CAMPBELL, Ainiii i: i i: INCEH Hopkins, THOMAS JAME8 JUDOS WILLIAM LOWNDES YANCEY, EDMUND BTROTHBB DARGAN, FRANCIS BUOBEE, THADDEU8 BANFORD, WILLIAM PARI8B CHILTON, Bl RWELL BOYKIN, Joshua LANIER MARTIN, LLEXANDEB BOWIE, BASIL MANLY, si i, \s PARBONB, NIOHOLAB DAVIS AND CLEMENT 0. CLAY, JB , 01 MAMA MA : OEORGE M.TROUP AND JOHN M. BERRIEN, Of 0B0BO1 I .ioiin II V. CLAIBORNE AND JOHN w monk i n • pi KIIIIMIPPI : LESLIE a. THOMPSON AND WALKBB ANDERSON, <>i i i.oi;ii>A : CHARLES OAYARRH LND SAMUEL F. WILSON, HI I. 'il hIANA : DANIEL GRAHAM, OF tinn i DStl I ARTHUB P. HAYNE, FRANCIS W, PICKENS, .1 \ mi.- ii BAMMOND, w GILMORE BIMS, RICHARD 7EAD0N, MITCHELL KING and HENRY w. CONNER, < LBOLINA : A. J. I'M, KM I CONTENTS. CHAPTER. PAGE. Preface I. De Soto in Alabama, Georgia and Mississippi 17 II. The Aborigines of Alabama and the Surrounding States.. 58 III. The Modern Indian of Alabama, Georgia ami Mississippi. 74 IV. Mobilians, Chatots, Thomes and Tensas I is V. The Chootaws and Chiokasaws 123 VI. The Cherokees 189 VII. Ancient Mounds and Fortifications in Alabama 14s VIII. Tlif French in Alabama and Mississippi 100 IX. The Colony of Louisiana Granted to Crozat 183 \. The India or Mississippi Company 20*.i \ I. Terrible Massacre at Natchez 286 XII. The English] in Georgia 258 XIII. Jesuit 1'iiests or Missionaries 270 X I V. The French Battles upon the Tombigby 27'.) X V. Bienville Leaves the Colony — His Character 299 xyi. Horrible Death of Beaudrot and the Swiss Soldiers 304 XVII. Bossu's Visits to the French Forts upon the Alabama and Tombigby Rivers 809 6 HISTORY <>K ALABAMA. Will. The Occupation Of Alabama and Mississippi by the English 319 XIX. Hardships of the Early Emigrants 831 X X. Journey of Bartram through Alabama 838 XXI. An Account of the McGillivray Family — The Revolu- tionary War 342 XXII. Extreme Perils and Sufferings of the Natchez Refugees. . 852 xxiii. The Spaniards in Alabama and Mississippi 365 XXIV. Bloody Scenes in Alabama and Georgia 378 XXV. The Deep Intrigues of McGillivray 385 XXVI. The First Yazoo Sale— Bowles, the Freebooter 408 XXVII. Singular Inhabitants of Alabama 416 XX VI II. Death of McGillivray— Bloody Scenes 426 XXIX. The French Minister, Genet— His Designs Upon the Southwest 438 XXX. The Second Yazoo Sale 443 XXXI. The Americans in Alabama and Mississippi 460 XXXII. Governor Troup, or the Mcintosh Family — Incidents in the Mississippi Territory 470 X X X 1 1 1. The Arrest, of Aaron Burr in Alabama 488 XXXIV. St. Stephens — Huntsville — Indian Commerce — Kemper Expeditions 503 XXXV. Tecumseh— Civil War Among the Creeks 510 XXXVI. Battle of Burnt Corn — Arrival of Gen. Claiborne's Army . . 521 XXX V II. Terrible Massacre at Fort Mims 528 XXX\ III. Daring of lleaton— Bloody Scenes — Gainesand the Choc- taws T)44 CONTENTS. < XXXIX. Battles of Tallaseliatchie, Talladega and Auttose 52 2 X \j. Remarkable Canoe Fight — Battle of Holy Ground — March to Cahaba Old Towns 560 X Li. Battles of Emuckfau, Enitachopco and Calebee 57fl XLU. Battle of the Horse-Shoe — Weatherford Surrenders Him- self at Fort Jackson 588 XL! II. Treaty of Fort Jackson — Attack upon Mobile Point — March upon Tuscaloosa : 599 XI J V. The British Take Mobile Point— Peace Declared— The Alabama Territory 012 XLY. Modern French Colony in Alabama, or the Vine and Olive Company 023 XLVI. Last Territorial Legislature— State Convention <;:H XLVII. The First Legislature of the State of Alabama — Governor Bibb 660 PREFACE. In submitting my first book to the public, I refrain from making apologies in its behalf, and shall only briefly allude to my labors, in order to show how strenuously I have endeavored to insure its authenticity. I have sought materials for a correct history of my country, wherever they were to be procured, whether in Europe or America, and without regard to cost or trouble. All the Atlantic States have Historical Societies, and books and manuscripts relating to those States have been col- lected. In addition to this, agents have been sent to Europe by different Legislatures, who have transcribed the colonial records which relate to their history. I have had none of these aids. I have been compelled to hunt up and buy books and manuscripts connected with the history of Alabama, and to collect oral infor- mation in all directions. I rejoice, however, to know that a Historical Society has recently been formed at Tuscaloosa by some literary gentlemen, and it gives me pleasure to reflect that the authors who may appear after my day, will not he subjected to the labor which it has been my lot to undergo. Believing that the historian ought to be the most conscientious of men, writing, as he does, not only for the present age but for posterity, I have endeavored to divest myself of all prejudices, and to speak the truth in all cases. If it should be found, by the most scrutiniz- ing reader, that any of my statements are incorrect, let me say in advance, that when I penned those statements I believed them 9 10 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. to be true. So anxious have I been to record each incident as it really occurred, that upon several occasions I have traveled over four hundred miles to learn merely a few facts. About four years since, feeling impressed with the fact that it was the duty of every man to make himself, in some way, use- ful to his race, I looked around in search of some object, in the pursuit of which I could benefit my fellow-citizens ; for, although much interested in agriculture, that did not occupy one-fourth of my time. Having no taste for politics, and never having studied a profession, I determined to write a History. I thought it would serve to amuse my leisure hours, but it has been the hard- est work of my life. While exhausted by the labor of reconcil- ing the statements of old authors, toiling over old French and Spanish manuscripts, traveling through Florida, Alabama and Mississippi for information, and corresponding with persons in Europe and elsewhere for facts, I have sometimes almost re- solved to abandon the attempt to prepare a History of my State. In reference to that portion of the work which relates to the Indians, I will state that my father removed from Anson county, North Carolina, and carried me to the wilds of the "Alabama Territory," in 1818, when I was a boy but eight years of age. He established a trading-house in connection with his plantation, in the present county of Autauga. During my youthful days, I was accustomed to be much with the Creek Indians— hundreds of whom came almost daily to the trading-house. For twenty years I frequently visited the Creek nation. Their green coin dances, ball plays, war ceremonies, and manners and customs, are all fresh in my recollection. In my intercourse with them I PREFACE. 1 1 was thrown into the company of many old white men, called "Indian countrymen," who had for years conducted a commerce with them. Some of these men had come to the Creek nation before the revolutionary war, and others being tories, had fled to it during the war, and after it, to escape from whig persecution. They were unquestionably the shrewdest and most interesting men with whom I ever conversed. Generally of Scotch descent, many of them were men of some education. All of them were married to Indian wives, and some of them had intelligent and handsome children. From these Indian countrymen I learned much concerning the manners and customs of the Creeks, with whom they had been so long associated, and more particularly with regard to the commerce which they carried on with them. In addition to this, I often conversed with the Chiefs while they were seated in the shades of the spreading mulberry and walnut, upon the banks of the beautiful Tallapoosa. As they leisurely smoked their pipes, some of them related to me the traditions of their country. I occasionally saw Choctaw and Cherokee trad- ers, and learned much from them. I had no particular object in view at that time, except the gratification of a curiosity, which led me for my own satisfaction alone, to learn something of the early history of Alabama. In relation to the invasion of Alabama by De Soto, which is related in the first chapter of this work, I have derived much information in regard to the route of that earliest discoverer from statements of General McGillivray, a Creek of mixed blood, who ruled this country with eminent ability from 1776 to 1793. I have perused the manuscript history of the Creeks by Stiggins, a half-breed, who also received some particulars of the route of 12 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. De Soto during his boyhood from the lips of the oldest Indians. My library contains many old Spanish and French maps, with the towns through which De Soto passed correctly laid down. The sites of many of these are familiar to the present population. Besides all these, I have procured from England and France three journals of De Soto's expedition. One of these journals was written by a cavalier of the expe- dition, who was a native of Elvas, in Portugal. He finished his narrative on the 10th February, 1557, in the city of Evora, and it was printed in the house of Andrew de Burgos, printer and gentleman of the Lord Cardinal and the Infanta. It was trans- lated into English by Richard Hakluyt in 1609. and is to be found in the supplementary volume of his voyages and discov- eries ; London, 1812. It is also published at length in the His- torical Collections of Peter Force, of Washington City. Another journal of the expedition was written by the Inca Garcellasso de la Vega, a Peruvian by birth and a native of the city of Cuzco. His father was a Spaniard of noble blood, and his mother the sister of Capac, one of the Indian sovereigns of Peru. Garcellasso was a distinguished writer of that age. He had heard of the remarkable invasion of Florida by De Soto, *ind he applied himself diligently to obtain the facts. He found out an intelligent cavalier of that expedition, with whom he had minute conversations of all the particulars of lt^.. In addition to this, journals were placed in his hands written in the camp of De Soto — one by Alonzo de Carmona, a native of the town of Priego, and the other by Juan Coles, a native of Zafra. Garcellasso pub- lished his work at an early period in Spanish. It has been trans- lated into French, but never into English. The copy in our PREFACE. 13 hands is entitled "Histoire de la Conquete de la Floride ou rela- tion, de ce qui s'est passe dans la decouverte de ce pais, par Fer- dinand De Soto, Composee en Espagnol, par L'Inca Garcellasso de la Vega, et traduite en Francois, par Sr. Pierre Richelet, en deux tomes; A. Leide : 1731." I have still another journal, and the last one, of the expedi- tion of De Soto. It was written by Biedma, who accompanied De Soto as his commissary. The journal is entitled, " Relation de ce qui arriva pendant le voyage du Captaine Soto, et details sur la nature du pas qu'il parcourut ; par Luis Hernandez de Biedma," contained in a volume entitled « Recuil de Pieces sur la, Floride," one of a series of " Voyages et memoires originaux pour servir a L'Histoire de la decouverte de L'Amerique publies pour la premier fois en Francois ; par H. Ternaux-Compans. Paris : 1841." In Biedma there is an interesting letter written by De Soto, while he was at Tampa Bay, in Florida, which was addressed to some town authorities in Cuba. The journal of Biedma is much less in detail than those of the Portuguese Gentleman and Gar- cellasso, but agrees with them in the relation of the most im- portant occurrences. Our own accomplished writer and earliest pioneer in Ala- bama history — Alexander B. Meek, of Mobile — has furnished a condensed, but well written and graphic account of De Soto's expedition, contained in a monthly magazine, entitled "The Southron," Tuscaloosa, 1839. He is correct as to the direction assumed by the Spaniards over our soil, as well as to the char- acter of that extraordinary conquest. 14 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. Theodore Irving, M. A., of New York, has recently issued a revised edition of his Conquest of Florida. Its style is easy and flowing, when the author journalizes in regard to marches through the country, and is exceedingly graphic, when he gives us a description of De Soto's battles. As I have closely ex- amined the sources from which Mr. Irving has collated his work, I am prepared to state that he has related all things as they are said to have occurred. For the complimentary terms which Mr. Irving has employed in the preface, and also in many of the notes of his late edition, in relation to my humble efforts in en- deavoring to throw new light upon the expedition of De Soto, I beg him to accept my profound acknowledgments. There are many gentlemen of talents and distinction, who have unselfishly, nobly and generously interested themselves in my behalf, while engaged in the arduous labors which are now brought to a close. I will name John A. Campbell and George N. Stewart, of Mobile ; Alfred Hennen and J. D. B. DeBow, of New Orleans ; the Rev. Francis Hawks, of New York ; William H. Prescott and Jared Sparks, of Massachusetts ; the Rev. William Bacon Stevens, of Philadelphia; W. Gilrnore Simms, of South Carolina; and particularly, John H. F. Claiborne, of Missis- sippi, who placed in my hands the manuscript papers of his father, Gen. F. L. Claiborne, who commanded the southern wing of the army, during the Creek war of 1813 and 1814. The son has requested me to present the manuscript papers of his father as a contribution from him to the Historical Society of Alabama. I shall comply with his request upon the first suitable occasion. There are many other persons who have manifested an interest PREFACE. 15 in my behalf, to enumerate all of whom, would be extending this preface to an unreasonable length. While I omit the mention of their names, I shall ever cherish the memory of their atten- tions with the most grateful recollections. THE AUTHOR. May, 1851. HISTORY OF ALABAMA. CHAPTER I. De Soto in Alabama, Georgia and Mississippi. The first discovery of Alabama was by Hernando De Soto, a native of Spain, and the son of a squire of Xerez of Badajos. When a youth he went to Peru, enlisted under Pizarro, and, with no property but his sword, won distinguished military reputation. Returning to his native country, and making an imposing ap- pearance at Court, he was made Governor of Cuba, and Adelan- tado of Florida. In the unknown regions of the latter, he re- solved to embark his vast wealth in a splendid expedition, de- signed to conquer a people whom he believed to possess more gold than he had yet beheld in South America. Young men of the best blood in Spain and Portugal, sold their houses and their vineyards and flocked to his standard. Soon he was surrounded by an army of six hundred chosen men, 1538 with whom he put to sea, over the bar of San Lucar April de Barremeda. Arriving at Cuba, he consumed a year in arranging the affairs of his government, and in preparation for the great enterprise before him.* At the end of that period, he left his wife, Dona Isabel de Bobadilla, and the Lieu- tenant Governor, in charge of the Island, and sailed for 1539 the coast of Florida, with a fleet of nine vessels — five May 12 large ships, together with caravels and brigantines. * Portuguese Narrative, pp. 695-700. Garcellasso de la Vega, pp. 59-60. 18 HISTORY OF ALAJiAMA. A prosperous voyage soon enabled De Soto to pitch his camp upon the shores of Tampa Bay, in Florida, with an army May 30 now increased to one thousand men. Sending out de- tachments to capture Indians, from whom he expected to learn something of the country, he found them skilful with the bow and too wily to be easily taken. In one of these sallies, the soldiers under Baltasar de Gallegos charged upon a small number of Indians. At that moment a voice cried out, " I am a Christian ! I am a Christian ! — slay me not." Instantly Alvaro Nieto, a stout trooper, drew back his lance, and lifting the un- known man up behind him, pranced oft" to join his comrades. Panfilo de Narvaez had attempted to overrun this country with a large expedition ; but after disastrous wander- 1528 ings, he reached Apalache without finding any gold, — and from thence went to the site of the present St. Marks, where his famished troops embarked for Cuba, in rude and hastily constructed boats, which were soon swallowed by the waves.* Jean Ortiz, the person taken prisoner, and who now in all respects, resembled a savage, was a native of the town of Seville, in Spain. When a youth, he came to this coast with some others in search of Narvaez, and was captured by the Indians, who were about to burn him to death, when he was for- tunately saved through the entreaties of the beautiful daughter of Uceta, the Chief. In the earlier periods of his slavery he was treated with barbarity, and compelled to guard, night and day, a lonely temple, in which the dead were deposited. After having been twelve years a prisoner among these savages, he was joy- fully hastening to the camp of De Soto, when the Castilian words, which he so imploringly uttered, arrested the terrible lance of Alvaro Nieto. t Gratified at the appearance of Jean Ortiz, who became his in- * A history of the expedition of Narvaez will he found in Harcia, vol. 1, folio edition, Madrid, 1741), entitled " N'avfra^ios de Alvar Nunez Cabzea de Vaca y Relacion de la Jornada que hizoala Florida, con el Adelantado Panfilo de Narvaez." See, also, Her- rera's History of America, vol. i, pp. 21-3S, vol. 6, pp. 91-105. London : 1740. t Portuguese Narrative, pp. 702-704. (iarcellasso, pp. 45-64. DE SOTO IN ALAI5AMA, GEORGIA AND MISSISSIPPI. 19 terpreter, De Soto gave him clothes and arras, and plac- ed hira upon a good charger. The Adelantado was now 1539 ready to penetrate the interior. His troops were pro- June vided with helmets, breastplates, shields, and coats of steel to repel arrows of the Indians ; and with swords, Biscayan lances, rude guns called arquebuses, cross-bows, and one piece of artillery. His cavaliers, mounted upon two hundred and thirteen horses, were the most gallant and graceful men of all Spain. Greyhounds, of almost the fleetness of the winds, were ready to be turned loose upon the retreating savages ; and bloodhounds, of prodigious and noted ferocity, were at hand to devour them, if the bloody Spaniards deemed it necessary. To secure the un- happy Indian, handcuffs, chains and neck collars abounded in the camp. Workmen of every trade, with their various tools, and men of science, with their philosophical instruments and crucibles for refining gold, were in attendance. Tons of iron and steel, and much other metal, various merchandise, and provisions to last two years, were provided by the munificense of the com- mander and his followers. A large drove of hogs, which strange- ly multiplied upon the route, together with cattle and mules, was also attached to the expedition. The establishment of the Catholic religion appears to have been one of the objects ; for, associated with the army, were twelve priests, eight clergymen of inferior rank, and four monks, with their robes, holy relics, and sacramental bread and wine. Most of them 1539 were relatives of the superior officers. Never was an June expedition more complete, owing to the experience of De Soto, who, upon the plains of Peru, had ridden down hun- dreds in his powerful charges, and had poured out streams of savage blood with his broad and sweeping sword ! It is not within our scope to detail the bloody engagements which attend- ed the wanderings of this daring son of Spain, upon the territory of the now State of Florida. Everywhere, but especially in nar- row defiles, the natives showered clouds of arrows upon the in- 20 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. vaders. Strong in numbers, and made revengeful by the cruel- ties inflicted by Narvaez, they had determined to fight De Soto until his army was destroyed or driven from their soil. No- where in Florida did he find peace. His gallant troops, however, were successful. The Indians, often put to flight, and as often captured, were laden with chains, while the ponderous baggage of the expedition was unfeelingly thrown upon their backs for transportation. When in camp, they were made to pound corn, and to perform the most laborious and servile drudgery. Cutting his way from Tampa, De Soto arrived at 1539 Anaica Apalache, in the neighborhood of the modern Oct. 27 Tallahassee. Then, as it is yet, a fertile region, he drew from this town, and from others which surrounded it, breadstuff's to last him during the winter. The sea, only thirty miles distant, was explored by a detachment, and at the present St. Marks the bones of horses, hewn timbers, and other evidences of Narvaez, were discovered. During the winter all the detach- ments, in their various expeditions, were attacked by the Indians, and the main camp at Apalache was harrassed, day and night, in the fiercest manner, and with the most sanguinary results. At length Captain Maldinado, who had been ordered to sail to the west in some brigantines, which arrived from Tampa Bay, in search of a good harbor, returned in February and re- 1540 ported the discovery of the bay of Ocbus, since called Feb. Pensacola, which had a spacious channel, and was pro- tected from the winds on all sides.* Delighted at this good news, which enabled the Governor to make a wide circuit in the interior, he now ordered Maldinado to put to sea in the brigantines which then lay in the Apalache Bay, and to sail for Cuba. He was commanded to sail from thence to Ochus with a fleet of provisions, clothes, and military supplies, with which to * The Portuguese Narrative asserts that Maldinado was sent to the west, at the head of a detachment, by land; but I adopt the more reasonable statement of Garcel- lasso, especially as he is sustained by Biedma, Desoto's commissary. See "Relation de ce qui arriva pendant le voyage du Captaine Soto, par Luis Hernandez de Biedma," p. 59. DE SOTO IN ALABAMA, GEORGIA AND MISSISSIPPI. 21 recruit the expedition, when it should have met him at that point in October.* Learning from an Indian slave that a country to the north- east abounded in gold, De Soto broke up his winter encampment, and set out in that direction. He entered 1540 the territory of the present Georgia at its southwestern Mar. 3 border, and successively crossing the Ockmulgee, Oconee and Ogechee,f finally rested upon the banks of the Savannah, im- mediately opposite the modern Silver Bluff. On the eastern side was the town of Cutifachiqui,t where lived an Indian Queen, young, beautiful and unmarried, and who ruled the country around to a vast extent. She glided across the river in a magnificent canoe, with many attendants, and, after an interesting interview with De Soto, in which they exchanged presents, and passed many agreeable compliments, she invited him and his numerous fol- lowers over to her town. The next day the expedition crossed the Savannah upon log rafts and in canoes, and 1540 quartered in the wigwams and under the spreading April shades of the mulberry. Many interesting things oc- curred at this place, which are mentioned at length by both of the journalists of De Soto, particularly by Garcellasso, but which are here reluctantly omitted in our anxiety to reach the borders of Alabama. After a halt of several weeks at Cutifachiqui, De Soto broke * Portuguese Narrative, p. 709. Garcellasso, pp. 211-214. t Biedma states that De Soto crossed a river (while in this part of the country) called the Altapaha. The substitution of onlv one letter would make it the Altamaha. p. 62. t All Indian tradition locates this town at the modern Silver Bluff, which is sit- uated on the east bank of the Savannah, in Barnwell District, South Carolina, and which is now the property of Governor Hammond. In 1736, George Golphin, then a young Irishman, established himself as an Indian trader at this point, and gave the old site of Cutifachiqui the name of Silver Bluff. The most ancient Indians informed him that this was the place where De Soto found the Indian Princess; and this tradition agrees with that preserved by other old traders, and handed down to me. Golphin became a very wealthy man, and was for many years one of the most influential persons in Georgia and South' Carolina, as we will see hereafter. He left many descendants ; among others, the wife of the late Governor Millege, was his daughter; Dr. Thomas G. Holmes, an intelligent man, of Baldwin county, Alabama, is his grandson. Bertram, in his " Travels," page 313, speaking of Silver Bluff, says : "The Spaniards formerly fixed themselves at this place in the hopes of finding silver." 22 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. up his camp, and, in company with the beautiful young Queen, whom he retained about his person as a hostage, to secure obe- dience among her subjects, and who did not escape 1540 from him until the army had nearly accomplished May 3 its route through northern Georgia — marched up the Savannah to its head waters, and rested, for a short time, at a town in the present Habersham county, Georgia. From this place the expedition assumed a direct western course, across northern Georgia, until they struck the head waters of the Coosa river, where they advanced upon the town of Guaxule, containing three hundred houses, and sit- uated between several streams which had their sources in the surrounding mountains. The Chief met De Soto with five hun- dred warriors clothed in light costume, after the fashion of the country, and conducted him to his own house — surrendered at the instance of his wife — which stood upon a mound, and was surrounded by a terrace wide enough for six men to promenade abreast* Having but little corn for the famished troops, the natives collected and gave them three hundred dogs, which the Spaniards had been accustomed to eat in the pine barrens of lower Georgia, " esteeming them as though they had been fat wethers. "t Gaining much information about the country, in conversations with the Chief, conducted by the inter- preter, Jean Ortiz, the Governor, after the fourth day's 1540 sojourn at Guaxule, marched to the town of Conasauga, May in the modern county of Murray, Georgia. Cross- ing the Conasauga creek, and journeying down its western banks, the Spaniards found it to increase in size, and being joined by other streams, it presently grew larger than the Guadalquiver which passes by Seville.! This was the Oostanaula ; and follow- ing its western side, De Soto, after a very slow march, advanced within seven miles of Chiaha, where he was met by fifteen In- * Garcellasso, p. 294. t Portuguese Marrative, p. 712. t Garcellasso, 295. DE SOTO IN ALABAMA, GEORGIA AND MISSISSIPPI. 23 dians, laden with corn, bearing a message from the Chief, inviting him to hasten to his capital, where abundant 1540 supplies awaited him. Soon the eager Spaniards stood May before the town of Chiaha, which is the site of the mod- ern Rome. The most ancient Cherokee Indians, whose tradition has been handed down to us through old Indian traders, disagree as to the precise place where De Soto crossed the Oostanaula to get over into the town of Chiaha — some asserting that he passed over that river seven miles above its junction with the Etowa, and that he marched from thence down to Chiaha, which, all contend, lay immediately at the confluence of the two rivers ; while other ancient Indians asserted that he crossed, with his army, immedi- ately opposite the town. But this is not very important. Coup- ling the Indian traditions with the account by Garcellasso, and that by the Portuguese eye-witness, we are inclined to believe the latter tradition that the expedition continued to advance down the western side of the Oostanaula, until they halted in view of the mouth of the Etowa. De Soto having arrived immediately opposite the great town of Chiaha, now the site of Rome, crossed the 1 540 Oostanaula in canoes and upon rafts made of logs pre- June 5 pared by the Indians, and took up his quarters in the town.* The, noble young chief received De Soto with unaffected joy, and made him the following address : " Mighty Chief : Nothing could have made me so happy as to be the means of serving you and your warriors. You sent me word from Guaxule to have corn collected to last your army two months. Here I have twenty barns full of the best which the country can afford. If I have not met your wishes, respect my tender age, and receive my good will to do for you whatever I am able."t * Garcellasso, p. 295. t Portuguese Narrative, p. 717. 24 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. The Governor responded in a kind manner, and was then conducted to the Chief's own house, prepared for his accommo- dation. Chiaha contained a great quantity of bear's oil in gourds, and walnut oil as clear as butter and equally palatable; and for the only time upon the entire route were seen pots of honey.* The Spaniards, irregularly quartered in the fields, and scattered about at their will, reposed under trees and loitered upon the banks of the rivers. The horses, reduced in flesh and unfit for battle, grazed upon the meadows. Unaccustomed to allow such loose discipline, De Soto now winked at it, for the natives were friendly, and every soul in the camp needed repose. One day the Chief presented the Governor with a string of 1540 pearls, two yards in length, and as large as filberts, for June which he received in return pieces of velvet and other cloth much esteemed by the Indians. He said that the temple of this town, where the remains of his ancestors were de- posited, contained a vast quantity of these valuables. He invited his distinguished guest to take from it as many as he desired. But the latter declined, remarking that he wished to appropriate nothing to himself from so sacred a place. The Chief, to gratify him in regard to the manner of obtaining these pearls, immedi- ately despatched somelof his|subjects in four canoes, with instruc- tions to fish all night for the oysters which contained them. In the morning he caused a fire to be made upon the bank. The canoes returned laden, and the natives throwing the oysters upon the glowing coals, succeeded in finding many pearls the size of peas, which De Soto pronounced beautiful, but for the fire, which had robbed them of some of their brilliancy. A soldier, in eat- ing some of the oysters, or, rather, muscles, found one of great * I have often been informed by old bee hunters and Indian countrymen, that after the territory of Alabama became partially settled by an American population, wild bees were much more abundant than they were in their earliest recollection. They were in- troduced into the country from Georgia and the Carolinas, and often escaping from their hives to the woods, became wild; hence De Soto found no honey in the country at the early period in which he invaded it, except at Chiaha. DE BOTO IV ALABAMA, &XOBOIA 4JTD MISSISSIPPI* 25 size uninjured, and offered it to the commander for bona Isabel. He declined the kindness intended bis wife, and urged the gener- ous fellow to keep it to buy horses with at Havana. Connois- seurs in eamp valued it at four hnndied ducats.* While here, a cavalier, named Luis Bravo de Seres, walking one day upon the hank of the river, threw his lanee at a dog, which suddenly dis- appeared under the bluff. Coming np to recover bis weapon, he found, to his horror, that it had pierced the temple of Jean Mateo.-, and had killed him. The poor man was quietly fishing on the margin of the stream, and little suspecting that death was at band. The accident caused deep regret 1540 in the camp, the deceased being much esteemed, and, June having the only gray bead in the army, was called, by way of pleasantry, father Mateos.f About this time a principal Indian from Costa, a town be- low, Informed De Soto that in the mountains to the north, at a place called, Cbisca, were mines of copper, and of a yellow metal, still finer and softer. Having seen, upon the Savannah, copper hatchets supposed to be mixed with gold, his 1540 attention was deeply aroused Upon the subject. Villa- June bos and Bilvera, two fearL oldiers, volunteered to explore that region. Furnished with guides by the Chief of Chiaha, they departed upon their perilous 1 journey. The Spaniards bad basked upon the delightful spot where now stands the town of Rome, for the space of thirty days. The horses had recruited, and the troops hud grown vigorous and ready for desperate deeds. De Boto demanded of the hospitable *Garcells o,p 297. The ojster mentioned irai the muscle to i»<- found in all (be riven >,\ sJabama. Heaps of muscle shells are now to be teen on oni ri v<-r b;mkh wher- ever Indian* need to lire. The) irere mncn used » »y the ancienl Indian* for tome pur- , and old warrior* hare Informed me that Mici r aneeetore once used the shell tempei the clay witb irhich they made tbeii ressels. Bui at thousands of the shell* lie banked op, some deep in the ground, ire n luppose that the Indians, in De Soto's time, everywhere In Alabama, obtained pearli from them. There can i><- no doubt about the quantity of pearli found in this State and Georgia in 1640, but they were of a coarsei and more valueless kind than the Spaniards supposed. The Indians used to perforate them with a heated copper spindle, and string them around their necks and arms like beads others made toy babies ami bird* of them. t Garcellasso, p. 2 26 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. Chief, through the persuasion of some of his unprincipled officers, a number of females to accompany them in their wanderings. That night the inhabitants quietly left the town and hid them- selves in the bordering forests. The Chief entreated the Gov- ernor not to hold him responsible for their conduct, for, during his minority, an arbitrary uncle ruled them with a despotic will. With sixty troopers De Soto ravaged the surrounding 1540 country, and, provoked at not finding the fugitives, laid June waste their nourishing fields of corn. When afterwards informed that men only would be required to bear the baggage, the Indians returned to Chiaha, apologized for their flight, and yielded to the last proposition .* De Soto then broke up his camp, re-crossed the Oostanaula, and marched down the west side of the Coosa, leaving the generous people of Chiaha well satisfied with presents. On the 2d July, and after seven days slow march, he entered the town of Costa.t The Spaniards were now in Alabama, in the territory embraced in the county ol Cherokee, and by the side of the Coosa, one 1540 of our noblest streams. Ne\er before had our soil been July trodden by European feet ! Never before had our natives beheld white faces, long beards, strange apparel, glitter- ing armor, and, stranger than all, the singular animals bestrode by the dashing cavaliers ! De Soto had discovered Alabama, not by sea, but after dangerous and difficult marches had penetrated her northeastern border with a splendid and well equipped land expedition ! The Atlantic States were quietly discovered by voyagers entering their harbors. Alabama was marched upon by an army, whose soldiers sickened with famine upon the bar- rens of Georgia, and left tracks of blood upon the soil of Florida ! Commanding his camp to be pitched two cross-bow shots from the town, De Soto, with eight men of his guard, approached the Chief of Costa, who received him with apparent friendship. * Portuguese Narrative, pp. 718-719. t Portuguese Narrative, pp. 718-719. DE SOTO IN ALABAMA, GEORGIA AND MISSISSIPPI. 27 While they were conversing together some unscrupulous foot- men entered the town and plundered several of the houses. The justly incensed Indians fell upon them with their clubs. Seeing himself surrounded by the natives, and in great personal danger, the Governor seized a cudgel, and, with his usual presence of mind, commenced beating his own men. The savages, observing that he took their part, became pacified for a moment. In the meantime, taking the Chief by the hand, he led him, with flatter- ing words, towards the camp, where he was presently surrounded by a guard and held as a hostage.* The Spaniards remained under arms all night. Fifteen hundred Indians, armed complete, often made dispositions to charge upon them, vociferating angry and insulting language. Averse to war since he had been so re- peatedly attacked by the Floridians, De Soto restrained his anxious troops. His coolness, together with the influence of a prominent Indian who followed him from Chiaha, put an end to the serious affair, t Three days after this Villabos and Silvera returned from Chisca. They passed into the mountains, found no gold, but a country abounding with lofty hills and stupendous rocks. Dispirited, they returned to a poor town, where the in- habitants gave them a buffalo robe, which they supposed once covered a tremendous animal, partaking of the qualities of the ox and the sheep. $ According to Garcellasso, the mines which they reached were of a highly colored copper, and were doubtless situated in the territory of the county of De 1540 Kalb. The sick, who were placed in canoes at Chiaha, July 9 had by this time arrived down the river. Furnished with the burden carriers by the Chief, who was to the last hour held a prisoner, the Governor left Costa on the 9th of July, 1540, and crossed over to the east side of the Coosa upon rafts and canoes. Proceeding down its eastern bank, he encamped the first night at the town of Talle. The Chief came forth to receive * Portuguese Narrative, pp. 718-719. t Garcellasso, p. 300. X Portuguese Narrative,'p. 719. 28 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. him, and, in a formal speech, begged him to command his ser- vices. Here the Spaniards remained two days, sharing the hos- pitality of the natives. Upon their departure they were supplied with two women and four men. Indeed, De Soto brought from the forests of Florida over five hundred unhappy men and women, secured with chains, driven by keepers, and made to transport the effects of the expedition. When any of them became sick, died, or escaped, it was his policy to supply their places at the first town upon which he marched. He always, however, distri- buted among the principal Indians presents, which were gratify- ing to them, and left at many of the towns pairs of swine to stock the country. The expedition now began to enter the far-famed province of Coosa, the beauty and fertility of which were known to all the Indians, even upon the seaside. Garcellasso asserts 1540 that it extended three hundred miles, and other authors July agree that it reached over the territory now embraced in the counties of Cherokee, Benton, Talladega and Coo- sa. Continuing through the rich lands of Benton, the expedition passed many towns subject to the Chief of Coosa. Every day they met ambassadors, " one going and another coming," by which De Soto was assured of a hearty welcome at the capital.* With joyful faces the Indians rushed to his lines every mile upon the route, furnishing supplies and assisting the troops from one town to another. The same generous reception attended him upon entering the soil of the county of Talladega. The hospitality of the Coosas surpassed that of any people whom be had yet dis- covered. The trail was lined with towns, villages and hamlets, and " many sown fields which reached from one to the other."f With a delightful climate, and abounding in fine meadows and beautiful little rivers, this region was charming to De Soto and his followers. The numerous barns were full of corn, while acres * Portuguese Narrative, p. 719. t Portuguese Narrative, p. 719. DE SOTO IN ALABAMA, GEORGIA AND MISSISSIPPI. 29 of that which was growing bent to the warm rays of the sun and rustled in the breeze. In the plains were plum trees peculiar to the country, and others resembling those of Spain. Wild fruit clambered to the tops of the loftiest trees, and lower branches were laden with delicious Isabella grapes. On the 26th of July, 1540, the army came in sight of the town of Coosa. Far in the outskirts, De Soto was 1540 met by the Chief, seated upon a cushion, and riding in a July 26 chair supported upon the shoulders of four of his chief men. One thousand warriors, tall, active, sprightly and admira- bly proportioned, with large plumes of various colors on their heads, followed him, marching in regular order. His dress con- sisted of a splendid mantle of martin skins, thrown gracefully over his shoulder, while his head was adorned with a diadem of brilliant feathers. Around him many Indians raised their voices in song, and others made music upon flutes.* The steel-clad warriors of Spain, with their glittering armor, scarcely equalled the magnificent display made by these natives of Alabama. The Chief, receiving De Soto with the warmth of a generous heart, made him the following speech : " Mighty Chief ! above all others of the earth ! Although I come now to receive you, yet I received you many days ago deep in my heart. If I had the whole world, it would not give me as much pleasure as I now enjoy at the presence of yourself and your incomparable warriors. My person, lands and subjects are at your service. I will now march you to your quarters with playing and singing."f De Soto responded in his best style, after which he advanced to the town, conversing with the Chief, who rode in his sedan chair, while the lofty Spaniard sat upon his fiery steed. The royal house was set apart for the accommodation of the Adelan- tado, and one half of the other houses were surrendered * Garcellasso, p. 300. t Portuguese Narrative, pp. 719-720. 30 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. 1540 to the troops. The town of Coosa was situated upon the July east bank of the river of that name, between the mouths of the two creeks, now known as Talladega and Tallase- hatchee, one of which is sometimes called Kiamulgee.* It con- tained five hundred houses, and was the capital of this rich and extensive province. The Chief of Coosa was twenty-six years of age, well formed, intelligent, with a face beautifully expressive, and a heart honest and generous. He always dined with De Soto. One day he rose from the table, and, in an earnest manner, besought the Governor to select a region anywhere in his dominions, and immediately establish upon it a large Spanish colony. De Soto had contem- plated peopling some beautiful country, and was better pleased with this section than any other, but his imagination still pointed him to some gold region, like Peru. He returned the Chief his profound thanks, adduced many reasons for de- 1540 dining the liberal offer, among others, that Maldinado's Aug. ships would await him at the bay of Pensacola. Yet, in the face of all the kindness, the politic and suspicious De Soto kept the Chief about his person, as a hostage, to preserve peace among the Indians, and to extort slaves and provisions. Enraged at the imprisonment of their Chief, the Indians fled to the woods to prepare for war. Four captains, with their compa- nies, were despatched in different directions in pursuit, and returned with many women and men in chains. Some of the principal of these were released at the entreaty of the Chief, * In 1798, Col. Benjamin Hawkins, then Creek Agent, visited the Coosa town, now embraced in the county of Talladega. He accurately describes the inhabitants and the location of the town, which lie says was situated on the banksof the Coosa, between the mouths of two creeks, the Indian' names of which were Natehe and Ufaula. When the French expelled the Natchez from the Mississippi in 1730, some of that tribe sought refuge among the Talladegas— hence the name of one of these creeks in Hawkins' day. When the Americans, in 1832, began to settle this country, they changed the names of these creeks to Talladega, or Kiaimiliree. and Tallasehatchee. In addition to the testi- mony of Col. Hawkins, many old Indian Countrymen have informed me that here was the site of the Coosa town, which was known by that name in their early days. Several ancient French and Spanish maps, in my possession, lay down the town of Coosa at the place described. See Hawkins' sketch of the Creek Country in 1798-1799, published by the Historical Society of Georgia, Savannah, 1848. DE SOTO IN ALABAMA, GEORGIA AND MISSISSIPPI. 31 while others were carried off with the expedition, laden with irons and baggage, and those who were not destroyed at the bat- tle of Maubila were conducted far beyond the Mississippi river.* The Indians returned from the forest, and remained at peace with the Spaniards, but were still dissatisfied at the restrictions imposed upon the liberties of their Chief. After twenty- five days had been passed at the capital of Coosa, De 1540 Soto marched in the direction of the Tallapoosa, leaving Aug. behind a Christian negro, too sick to travel, whom the Indians desired to retain among them on account of his singular hair and sable complexion. He recovered, and was doubtless the distant ancestor of the dark-colored savages seen in that region in more modern times. t The first day the army passed through the large town of Tallemuchasa, within a few hours after it had been abandoned by its inhabitants. The next day the town of Utaua was reached, where De Soto encamped six days, awaiting the abacement of the stream which ran by it, now violently swol- len by incessant rains. As the expedition had not crossed any stream since leaving Coosa, it is probable the one alluded to was the modern Tallasehatchee. The march was continued to Ulle- bahale, situated upon Platchet creek, which was called a "small river." The town was surrounded by a wall composed of two rows of posts driven deep in the ground, with poles laid hori- zontally between them, the inner and outside of the frame work neatly stuccoed with clay and straw. Fort-holes were left at proper distances, forming a defence "as high as a lance." Such was the character of the Indian fortifications from this place on- * Portuguese Narrative, p. 720. I- The negro left at Coosa was not the only memorial of De Soto that remained with these people. George Stiggins, whose mother was a Natchez Indian, and whose f.ither was a Scotchman, was born in the Talladega country. He was a fair English scholar, and a pretty good writer. He had been for years engaged in writing a history of the Creeks, and died some years ago, leaving it in an unfinished state. His son permitted me to peruse it one day. Stiggins asserts that the Talladegas had, at a late day, a brass kettle-drum and several shields which once belonged to the army of De Soto, and that he had often seen them. The Coosas used them as trophies in their annual festivals. .Besides these, De Soto left hogs and sometimes cattle among the Alabama towns, and such is the origin of these animals among the Indians. Horses and mules were too valuable to be given away. 32 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. ward. In consequence of the duresse of the Chief of Coosa, whom De Soto carried along with him, but treated with respect and kindness, the Indians of Ullebahale were in arms. Before the Spaniards entered the suburbs, twelve principal men, 1540 armed with bows, and with lofty plumes upon their Sept. 14 heads, advanced and volunteered to rescue their beloved Chief by arraying a formidable force, but he dissuaded them from it. On the opposite side of the creek lived a sub- Chief, who furnished De Soto with thirty women for slaves, and to carry burdens. Then the Adelantado pursued his wanderings, leaving behind Mansano, a native of Salamanca, of noble parent- age, who was lost while rambling in the hills for grapes, which were found in great abundance. The route lay along the modern Socapatoy region, in the county of Coosa. The expedi- 1540 tion passed the town of Toase, and several others, sub- Sept. 18 ject to the Chief of Tallase, and arrived at the great town of that name on the 18th September, 1540. Tallase was an extensive town, the principal part of which was encompassed by a wall, similar to that just described, with the addition of terraces. It reposed upon a point of land " almost surrounded by a main river," which was the Tallapoosa.* Ex- tensive fields of corn reached up and down the banks. On the opposite side were other towns, skirted with rich fields laden with heavy ears of maize. The beautiful river, rolling its silvery waters through these fertile lands, and the delightful climate, contrib- uted to render the whole prospect most pleasing. But the recep- tion of De Soto among these people was cool and scarcely civil. Some had abandoned their houses at his approach, and gone into the woods. However, the Chief gave him forty Indians. After •Some years after De Soto passed through this country, the Muscogees or Creeks came from the Mexican empire, of which they were subjects, and overrun all hast Alabama and the greater portion of Georgia, killing and making: slaves of many of the Alabamas, Ockmulgees, Oconees and Uchees. the latter of whom then lived near the modern city of Savannah. Upon the ruins of the Tallase discovered by De Soto, the Muscogees built the town of Tookabatcha, but immediately opposite, across the river, the name of Tal- lase was preserved until they moved to Arkansas, in 1836. This ancient and extensive Indian settlement is now in large cotton plantations. DE SOTO IN ALABAMA, GEORGIA AND MISSISSIPPI. 33 a few days, a noble-looking young savage, of gigantic proportions, and with a face extremely handsome and interesting, visited the marquee. He was the son of Tuscaloosa, a potent Chief, whose domains commenced thirty miles below, and extended to the dis- tant Tombigby. He bore an invitation from his father to De Soto to hasten to his capital, where he was making preparations to receive him upon a magnificent scale, and then awaited him upon the eastern confines of his territory. The son was des- patched with a suitable reply, and presents for the father. Having remained at Tallase twenty days, De Soto dismissed the Chief of Coosa, with whom he parted upon good terms, crossed the Tallapoosa in canoes and upon rafts, marched down the eastern side, and encamped the first night at Casista, prob- ably the sight of the modern Autose. Delayed in pass- ing the river, he could not have advanced further that 1540 day. In the morning the march was resumed. During Oct* this day a large town was discovered, and at night the camp was pitched upon the borders of another. The next day, advancing within six miles of the temporary residence of Tusca- loosa, a halt was made in the woods. Louis de Moscoso, the campmaster, with fifteen horsemen, was despatched to inform the Chief of the proximity of the Governor. Moscoso found the proud Mobilian seated upon two cushions, placed on a large and elegant matting, upon an eminence which commanded a delight- ful prospect. His numerous attendants posted themselves around him, leaving space for the nearer position of his chief men. One of these held over his head a round deerskin shield, with a staff in the middle, resembling an umbrella. Fainted with stripes of different colors, it was used as a banner in his wars, but was employed at present in protecting his head from the rays of the sun. Tuscaloosa was 40 years of age, of great stature, with im- mense limbs. He was spare around the waist, and his whole form was admirably proportioned. His countenance was hand- some, but grave and severe. " He was lord of many territories — 3 34 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. and much people, and was feared by his neighbors and subjects." In vain did Moscoso endeavor to excite his curiosity, by prancing his horses before him. Sometimes he scarcely deigned to raise his eyes, and then, again, be bestowed upon the troopers the most contemptuous smiles. Even when De Soto arrived, he preserved the same haughty demeanor; but, in consideration of his position as commander-in-chief, he reluctantly advanced, and made the following address : " Mighty Chief: I bid you welcome. I greet you as I would my brother. It is needless to talk long. What I have to say can be said in a few words. You shall know how willing ] 540 I am to serve you. I am thankful for the things which Oct. you have sent me, chiefly because they were yours. I am now ready to comply with your desires." The Governor replied in true Spanish style, failing, not to assure the Chief that, even in distant Indian countries, through which he passed, he had heard of his greatness and power. This interesting scene occurred below Line Creek, in the present county of Montgomery. Both journalists agree that De Soto had advanced thirty-six miles below Tallase. Reposing at this town the space of two days, preparations were made to advance. An officer was sent among the horses, to find one large enough to sustain the giant Indian. A large pack horse, the property of the Governor, was selected. Appareled in a rich suit of scarlet, and a cap of the same, given to him by De Soto, the Chieftain, who was a head taller than any of his attendants, mounted upon his horse, with his feet nearly trailing on the ground. 1540 Onward the lofty and graceful Mobilian rode, side by Oct. side with the Governor. Marching through the terri- tory embraced in the present counties of Montgomery, Lowndes, and the southeastern part of Dallas, the expedition ar- rived at a town called Piache, seated on a peninsula formed by the windings of a large river, " the same which runs by Tallase, DE SOTO IX ALABAMA, GEORGIA AND MISSISSIPPI. 35 but here grown much wider and deeper."* This was the Ala- bama. On the march hither, a distressing disease broke out among the Spaniards, from the want of salt. The death of sev- eral, together with the loathsome condition of the sufferers, spread alarm in the camp. Those who afterwards used ashes with their food, from a weed recommended by the Indians, escaped the dreadful malady.f The town of Piache was strongly fortified. Its name is probable preserved in a large creek which flows into the Alabama en the northern side, called Chilache. The Indians having no canoes, soon constructed rafts of dry logs and cane, upon which the troops were wafted to the northern or western side of the Alabama — according to the conviction of the writer, in the upper part of the county of Wilcox. $ The expedition assumed a southern direction, and marched down the western side of the Alabama, over the soil of the present county of Wilcox. De Soto began to read 1540 the Mobilian Chief. He was still proud and distant, and Oct. evidently felt that he was a prisoner. Upon the whole route he had been studiously engaged in consulting with his principal men, and in constantly sending runners to the capital with messages. De Soto suspected that he meditated schemes, which aimed at the destruction of the Spaniards. His suspicions were further awakened, when Villabos and another cavalier were believed to have been killed by his subjects. When asked about them Tuscaloosa indignantly replied, "I am not their keeper." High words ensued between him and De Soto ; but the latter re- strained himself until an opportunity offered of taking deep re- venge on the Chief for his insolence and the death of the two Spaniards. On the third day of the march from Piache, they * Garcellasso, p. 310. Portuguese Narrative, p. 722. t Garcellasso, pp. 369-370. t Biedma says that De Soto occupied two days in passing the river; and he learned from the Indians that Narvaez's barques touched at the mouth of the river (the Ala- bama) in search of water, and that a Christian, named Teodoro, was still among the Indians below— and they exhibited to De Soto a dagger which they had obtained from him. p. 72. 36 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. passed through many populous towns, well stored with corn, beans, pumpkins, and other provisions. In the meantime, Chara- milla and Yasques, two able and discreet cavaliers, were despatched in advance to discover if any conspiracy was going on at the capital. Before daylight, on the fourth morning, De Soto placed himself at the head of one hundred horse, and an equal number of foot, and marched rapidly in that direction with the Chief, leaving Moscoso, the camp-master, to bring up the larger portion of the troops. At eight o'clock the same morning, the 18th October, 1540, De Soto and Tuscaloosa arrived 1540 at the capital, called Maubila. It stood by the side of Oct. 18 a large river, upon a beautiful plain, and consisted of eighty handsome houses, each capacious enough to con- tain a thousand men. They all fronted a large public square. They were encompassed by a high wall, made of immense trunks of trees, set deep in the ground and close together, strengthened with cross-timbers, and interwoven with large vines. A thick mud plaster, resembling handsome masonry, concealed the wood work, while port-holes were abundant, together with towers, capable of containing eight men each, at the distance of fifty paces apart. An eastern and a western gate opened into the town. The writer is satisfied that Maubila was upon the north bank of the Alabama, and at a place now called Choctaw Bluff, in the county of Clarke, about twenty-five miles above the con- fluence of the Alabama and Tombigby. The march from Piache, the time occupied, the distance from Maubila to the bay of Pen- sacola — computed by Oarcellasso and the Portuguese Gentleman at eighty-five miles — and the representations of aged Indians and Indian countrymen, that here was fought the great battle be- tween De Soto and the brave Mobilians, have forcibly con- tributed to make that impression upon his mind. De Soto and Tuscaloosa were ushered into the great public square of Maubila with songs, music upon Indian flutes, and the graceful dancing of beautiful brown girls. They alighted from DE SOTO IN ALABAMA, GEORGIA AND MISSISSIPPI. 37 their chargers, and seated themselves under a " canopy of state." Remaining here a short time, the Chief requested that he should no longer be held as a hostage, nor required to follow the army any further. The Adelantado hesitated in reply, which brought Tuscaloosa immediately to his feet, who walked off with a lofty and independent bearing, and entered one of the bouses. De Soto had scarcely recovered from bis surprise, when 1540 Jean Ortiz followed the Chief and announced that Oct. 18 breakfast awaited him at the Governor's table. Tusca- loosa refused to return, and added, '« If your Chief knows what is best for him, he will immediately take his troops out of my ter- ritory." In the meantime, Charamilla, one of the spies, informed the Governor that he had discovered over ten thousand men in the houses, the subjects of Tuscaloosa and other neighboring Chiefs ; that other houses were filled with bows, arrows, stones and clubs ; that the old women and children had been sent out of the town, and the Indians were at that moment de- bating the most suitable hour to capture the Spaniards. The General received this startling intelligence with the deep- est solicitude. He secretly sent word to his men to be ready for an attack. Then, anxious to avert a rupture, by regaining possession of the person of the Chief, he approached him with smiles and kind words, but Tuscaloosa scorn- fully turned his back upon him, and was soon lost 1540 among the host of excited warriors. At that moment a Oct. 18 principal Indian rushed out of the same house, and loudly denounced the Spaniards as robbers, thieves and assassins, who should no longer impose on their great Chief, by depriving him of a liberty with which he was born, and his fathers before him. His insolence, and the motions which he made to shoot at a squad of Spaniards with a drawn bow, so incensed Baltasar de Gallegos, that, with a powerful sweep of his sword, he split down his body and let out his bowels ! Like bees in a swarm the sav- ages now poured out upon the Spaniards. De Soto place 1 him- 38 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. self at the head of his men, and fought face to face with the enemy, retreating slowly and passing the gate into the plain. His cavalry had rushed to rescue their horses, tied outside the walls, some of which the Indians came upon in time to kill. Still receding to get out of the reach of the enemy, De Soto at length paused at a considerable distance upon the plain. The Mobilians seized the Indian slaves, packed upon their backs the effects of the expedition, which had now arrived and lay scattered about, drove the poor devils within the walls, knocked off their irons, placed bows in their hands, and arrayed them in battle against their former masters. In the first sally, De Soto had five men killed and many wounded, himself among the latter number. Having captured the baggage, the victors covered the ground in advance of the gate, and rent the air with exulting shouts. At that moment the Governor headed his cavalry, and followed by his footmen, charged upon the savage masses ; and, with a terrible slaughter, drove tbem back into the town. The Indians rushed to the port-holes and towers, and shot upon the invaders clouds of arrows, compelling them again to retire from the walls. A small party of Spaniards were left in a perilous situation. Three cross-bow men, an armed friendly Indian, five of De Soto's guard, some servants and two priests, not having time to join the others when first attacked in the square, took refuge in the house set apart for their commander. The savages sought an entrance at the door, but the unhappy inmates bravely defended it, killing many of the assailants. Others clambered upon the roof to open the covering, but were as successfully re- pulsed. Separated from their friends by a thick wall, 1540 and in the midst of thousands of enemies panting to lap Oct. 18 their blood, their destruction appeared inevitable. Dur- ing the long struggle for existence, the holy fathers en- gaged in earnest prayer for their deliverance, while the others fought with a desperation which rose with the occasion. Seeing the Spaniards again retreat, the Indians rushed DE SOTO IN ALABAMA, GEORGIA AND MISSISSIPPI. 39 through the gates, and dropping down from the walls, engaged fiercely with the soldiers, seizing their sweeping swords and piercing lances ! Three long hours were consumed in the ter- rible conflict, first one side giving way and then the other. Occasionally, De Soto was strengthened by small squads of horsemen who arrived, and without orders, charged into the midst of the bloody melee. The Governor was every- where present in the fight, and his vigorous arm hewed down the lustiest warriors. That sword, which had often been dyed in the blood of Peruvians, was now crimsoned with the gore of a still braver race. The invincible Baltasar de Gallegos, who struck the first blow, followed it up, and was only equaled by the com- mander in the profuse outpouring of savage blood. Far on the borders of the exciting scene rode his brother, Fray Juan, a Do- minican friar, who constantly beckoned him to quit the engage- ment on foot, and take the horse which he bestrode, in order to fight the better. But Baltasar, gloating on 1540 blood, heeded him not; when presently an Indian arrow, Oct. 18 which made a slight wound upon the back of the worthy father, caused him to retire to a less dangerous distance. Indeed, during the whole battle the priests kept the plain, watched the awful carnage with intense anxiety, and often fell upon their knees, imploring Almighty God to give victory to the Spaniards. At length the matchless daring of De Soto and his troops forced the Indians to take a permanent position within Maubila, closing after them its ponderous gates. The sun began to lower towards the tops of the loftiest trees, when Moscoso and the last of the army arrived. He had strangely loitered by the way, al- lowing the soldiers to scatter in the woods and hunt at their leis- ure. His advanced guard heard at a distance the alarum of drums and the clangor of trumpets. With beating hearts they passed back the word along the scattered lines, from one to the other, and soon the hindmost rushed to the support of their ex- hausted and crimson-stained comrades. Joined by all his force, 40 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. De Soto formed the best armed into four divisions of foot. Pro- vided with bucklers for defense, and battle-axes to demolish the walls, they made a simultaneous charge, at the firing of an arque- buse. Upon the first onset, they were assailed with showers of arrows and dreadful missies. Kepeated blows against the gates forced them open. The avenues were filled with eager soldiers, rushing into the square. Others, impatient to get in, battered the stucco from the walls and aided each other to climb over the skeleton works. A horrible and unparalleled carnage ensued. The horsemen remained on the outside to overtake those who might attempt to escape. The Indians fought in the 1540 streets, in the square, from the tops of the houses and Oct. 18 walls. The ground was covered with their dead, but not one of the living entreated for quarters. The Span- iards were protected with bucklers and coats of mail, while the poor Indians were only covered with the thin shield which the Great Spirit gave them at the dawn of their existence. The troops entered the town in time to save the two priests and their companions, who had so long held out against such fearful odds. The battle, which now waxed hotter and more sanguinary than ever, cannot be as graphically described as the heroic deeds on either side so justly deserve. Often the Indians drove the troops out of the town, and as often they returned with increased desperation. Near the wall lay a large pool of delicious water, fed by many springs. It was now dis- colored with blood. Here soldiers fell down to slake the intense thirst created by heat and wounds, and those who were able rose again, and once more pitched into a combat characterized by the most revolting destruction of human life. For some time the young females had joined in the fight, and they now contended side by side with the foremost warriors, sharing in the 1540 indiscriminate slaughter. Heated with excitement, Oct. 18 smarting with his wounds, and provoked at the unsub- dued fierceness of the natives, De Soto rushed out DE SOTO IX ALABAMA, GEORGIA AND MISSISSIPPI. 41 alone by the gate, threw himself into the saddle, and charged into the town. Calling, with a loud voice, upon " Our Lady and San- tiago," he forced his charger over hundreds of fighting men and women, followed by the brave Nuno Tobar. While opening lanes through the savage ranks and sprinkling his tracks with blood, he rose on one occasion to cast his lance into a gigantic warrior. At that instant a powerful winged arrow went deep into the bot- tom of his thigh. Unable to extract it, or to sit in his saddle, he continued to fight to the end of the battle, standing in his stir- rups. Everywhere, that mighty son of Spain now gorged upon Alabama blood ! His fearless bounds filled the boldest soldiers with renewed courage. At length the houses were set on fire, and the wind blew the smoke and flames in all directions, adding horror to the scene. The flames ascended in mighty volumes! The sun went down, hiding himself from the awful sight! Mau- bila was in ruins, and her inhabitants destroyed ! The battle of Maubila had lasted nine hours. It was disas- trous to De Soto. Eighty-two Spaniards were slain, or died in a few days after the engagement. Among these were Diego De Soto, the nephew of the Governor; Don Carlos Enriquez, who had married his niece; and Men-Kodriquez, a cavalier of Portu- gal, who had served with distinction in Africa and upon the Por- tuguese frontiers. Other men of rank and blood lost their lives in the terrible conflict, some of whom died in great agony, being shot in the eyes and in the joints of their limbs. Forty-five horses were slain — an irreparable loss, mourned by the whole expedition. All the camp equipage and baggage were consumed in the house where the Indians had stored it, except that of Cap- tain Andres de Vnsconcellos, which arrived late in the evening. All the clothes, medicines, instruments, books, much of the armor, all the pearls, the relics and robes of the priests, their flour and wine, used in the holy sacrament, with a thousand other things which a wilderness could not supply, perished in the flames. The Mobilians were nearly all destroyed. Garcellasso 42 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. asserts that above eleven thousand were slain. The Portuguese Gentleman sets down the number at two thousand five hundred killed within the walls alone. Assuming a point between the two estimates, it is safe to say that at least six thousand were killed in the town and upon the plains, or were after- 1540 wards found dead in the woods. These authors also Oct. 18 disagree as to the fate of Tuscaloosa — the one contend- ing that he was consumed in the flames, and the other that he decamped upon the arrival of Moscoso, at the solicita- tion of his people, attended by a small guard, and laden with rich Spanish spoils. It is more probable that the Black Warrior remained in his capital, desiring not to survive the downfall of his people .* Upon the ruins of Maubila the Spaniards passed the first night, in confusion and pain, sending forth groans and cries that fell upon the distant air like the ravings of the damned ! In every direction a sickening and revolting sight was presented. In the slowly receding fire, piles of brave Mobihans cracked and fried upon the glowing coals ! Upon the great square, pyramids of bodies, smeared with blood and brains, lay still unburnt. Out- side the walls, hundreds lay in the sleep of death, still hot from their last desperate exertions, and copiously bleeding from the large orifices made by lances and swords, and discoloring the beautiful grounds upon which they had so often sported 1540 in their native games. All the Spaniards were wounded Oct. 18 except the holy fathers, and were, besides, exhausted, famished, and intoxicated with the most fiendish des- peration. Seventeen hundred dangerous wounds demanded im- mediate attention. It was often that a soldier had a dozen se- vere ones, with barbed arrows rankling in his flesh. But one surgeon of the expedition survived, and he was slow and un- skillful. Everything, in his department, was devoured by the * In describing the battle of Maubila, I have carefully consulted the Portuguese Narrative and Garcellasso. I find that they are, in the main, sustained by Biedma. See Garcellasso, pp. 312-331— Portuguese Narrative, pp. 722-725— Biedma, pp. 74-78. DE SOTO IN ALABAMA, GEORGIA AND MISSISSIPPI. 43 terrible element. Those who were slightly wounded, adminis- tered to those whom the Indians had pierced deepest. As the soldiers of Cortez did in Mexico, they opened the bodies of some of the savages, and with the fat obtained, bound up the wounds with bandages torn from the garments of the soldiers who were killed. Others rushed to the woods, obtained straw and boughs, and formed against the walls beds and imperfect covering for the wounded and dying. Although severely pierced himself with arrows, and bruised with missiles, yet the generous De Soto un- selfishly gave his whole attention to his men. During that miserable night, many of the unhappy Spaniards 1540 joined the priests in fervent appeals to their Heavenly Oct. 18 Father for the alleviation of their wretched condition. They remained within the walls eight days, and then re- moved to the Indian huts upon the plain. De Soto sent out foraging detachments, who found the villages abounding in pro- visions. In the woods and ravines, Indians were found dead, and others lay wounded. The latter were treated with kindness by the Spaniards, who fed them and dressed their wounds. Fe- males of incomparable beauty were captured upon these excur- sions, and added to those who were taken at the close of the bat- tle. From them, the Governor was astounded to learn the deep schemes which Tuscaloosa had planned to capture his army, weeks before his arrival at Maubila. To the Tallases, who com- plained to him that their Chief had given their people to De Soto as slaves, he replied : " Fear nothing ; I shall shortly send the Spaniards back from my country to Tallase in chains, led by your people whom they have enslaved. 1 ' The priests, monks, and best informed laymen, went into convention to determine the propriety of substituting corn meal for flour in the celebration of Mass. They decided that bread made of pure wheat, and wine of the juice of the grape, were re- quired for consecration. After this, the fathers, in lieu of the 44 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. chalices, altar dresses, chasubles, and other sacred ornaments, which had been consumed by fire, made some robes of dressed deer skins, erected rude altars and read the introitus and other prayers of the Mass on Sundays and feasts, omitting the conse- cration. This unusual ceremony was denominated the Dry Mass. While referring to the religious exercises of the Spaniards, it is proper to allude to some of their vices. Upon the whole journey from Tampa Bay to this place, they had passed much of their leisure time in gambling. This vice was common to all classes ; those of rank often bet high, staking their 1540 money, jewels, horses, effects, and even their female Oct. slaves ! The fire of Maubila destroyed their cards. They now made others of parchment, painted them with admirable skill, and loaned these packs from one company to another, continuing to gamble under trees, upon the river banks, and in their rude huts. The report which De Soto had received upon his first arrival at Maubila, that Maldinado and his vessels awaited him at the bay of Pensacola, was now fully confirmed by the females whom he had captured. Refreshed by this good news, which deter- mined him to plant a colony in the wilderness, he dismissed a Chief of that country whom Maldinado had brought into his camp, while at Apalache Anaica. He had always treated him with kindness, and they parted upon the most friendly terms. The Chief set out for Ochus. When it became known in camp that the ships had arrived, joy succeeded the sadness which had universally prevailed. Some of the most distinguished cavaliers secretly talked of sailing from Ochus to Spain, and others to Peru, each resolved upon quitting De Soto and his fortunes. He heard of the conspiracy with painful solicitude, and determined to ascertain if it was founded in seriousness. One dark night he disguised himself and cautiously moved about the camp. 1540 Approaching the hut of Juan Caitan, the treasurer, he Nov. overheard an earnest conversation, which satisfied him DE SOTO IN ALABAMA, GEORGIA AND MISSISSIPPI. 45 of the truth of what had been intimated. De Soto was startled at the faithless schemers. It altered his plans. He now dreaded to march to Ochus, for he well knew that some of these cavaliers had once deserted Pizarro, leaving him on the island of Gorgonne. He reflected, that his means were exhausted, his hopes of finding a gold country, thus far, blasted, and that he had nothing to tempt the cupidity of recruits; even the pearls, all he had to exhibit of his discoveries, having shared the fate of the other^ effects. These things, connected with a desire to thwart the plans of the conspirators, influenced him to turn his back upon his ships, laden with provisions, clothes, arms, and everything which the whole army needed. De Soto became gloomy and morose. Sometimes, in the midst of his desponding fits, a hope of yet finding a gold region shot across his mind, but, like a flashing meteor, it ex- ploded in darkness, leaving him in deeper despair! He resolved, however, to strike into the wilderness. The wounded had recov- ered enough to march, and he gave orders to break up the camp. On Sunday, the 18th of November, 1540, a direction was assumed to the north. The order fell like a clap of thunder upon the unwilling cavaliers. But they obeyed, for he threat- 1540 ened to put to death the first man who should even Nov. 18 think of Maldinado and his ships.* The expedition traversed an extremely fertile, but uninhabited country, called Pa- fallaya, now embraced in the counties of Clarke, Marengo and Greene, and, at the expiration of five days, passed the town of Talepataua, and reached another called Cabusto. This was " near a river, wide, deep, and with high bluffs."f The Spaniards had now arrived upon the Black Warrior, and near the modern town of Erie. Fifteen hundred Indians advanced in battle array, * De Soto had no doubt determined to settle a colony in the province of Coosa. The desperate resolution, now formed, of again plunging into unknown regions, was unfor- tunate for him and his followers, and for the historians of Alabama. A colony in Ala- bama, at that early period, would have afforded many rich historic incidents. t "Etoit sur un fleuve, grand, profond et haut de bord." Garcellasso, p. 348. The American rivers, of ordinary size, appeared large to the Spaniards, and do even now to all Europeans. 46 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. shouting that a war of "fire and blood" was what they desired. They remembered the destruction of their friends at Maubila, and they were determined to be revenged. Severe skirmishing ensued. The Spaniards drove the savages into the river ; some crossed over in canoes and others swam, and on the opposite side they were joined by a force estimated at eight thousand. For six miles they stretched along the western bank to oppose the crossing of the army. De Soto occupied Cabusto, and was at- tacked every night by detachments of the enemy, who came over secretly in canoes from different directions, and sprang upon him. He at length caused ditches to be cut near the landings, in which he posted cross-bow men and those armed with arquebuses. Af- ter the Indians were repulsed three times from these intrench- ments, they ceased to annoy the Spaniards at night. In the meantime, one hundred men completed in the woods two large boats. They were placed upon sledges, and by the force of horses and mules, and with the assistance of the soldiers, were conveyed to a convenient landing one and a half miles up the river, and launched before clay. Ten cavalry and forty infantry entered each of these boats, the former keeping the saddle while the latter rowed rapidly across. Five hundred Indians rushed down the banks and overwhelmed the voyagers with arrows. However, the boats reached the shore, one of them com- 1540 ing to with great difficulty. The soldiers, all of whom Nov. were wounded, sprang out, and, headed by the impetu- ous Silvestre and Garcia, charged the Indians with great resolution. A severe conflict continued until the boats returned and brought over De Soto with eighty men, who, joining in the fight, forced the Indians to retreat to a distant forest. The ad- vanced wing keeping off the enemy, the whole army soon crossed the river. When all were over, the Indians were driven to their first position, which they had strengthened with pallisades, and from which they continually sallied, skirmishing with the DE SOTO IN ALABAMA, GEORGIA AND MISSISSIPPI. 47 invaders until the sun was lost behind the hills * Upon the Warrior, De Soto found a delightful country, with towns and villages well supplied with corn, beans and other provisions. The next day he caused the boats to be broken up, for the iron which they contained, and the expedition inarched in a northern direc- tion, passing through a portion of Greene and Pickens. After rive days they reached the Little Tombigby, somewhere in the county of Lowndes, Mississippi. Here the Indians had collected to dispute the passage. Having recently suffered so severely in contentions with the natives of Alabama, De Soto felt unwilling to expose his army to further loss. Halting two days for the con- struction of a small boat, he despatched in it an Indian, who bore a message to the Chief, with offers of peace and friendship. Im- mediately upon reaching the opposite bank, the poor fellow was seized and barbarously killed, in the sight of the Governor. His murderers then rent the air with terrific yells and dispersed. De Soto conducted his troops unmolested across the river, and marched until he arrived at the town of Chickasa, in the province of that name. It consisted of two hundred houses, and reposed upon a hill extending towards the north, shaded by oak and wal- nut trees, and watered by several rivulets. The Spaniards had now reached the territory embraced in the county of Yalobusha. The region was fertile, well-peopled and dotted with villages. The cold weather set in with much severity. In the midst of snow and ice, the army encamped upon the 1540 fields opposite the town, until houses could be erected ; Nov. for here De Soto had determined to pass the winter. Foraging parties scoured the country, collected provisions, and captured Indians. The latter were invariably dismissed, with presents for their Chief. The Chief at length came to see De Soto, and offered him his lands, person and subjects. He returned, shortly after, with two neighboring Chiefs — Alibamo and Nicalaso. The august trio ♦Portuguese Narrative, p. 725. Garcellasso, pp. 348-352. 48 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. gave the Adelantado one hundred and fifty rabbits, besides man- tles and skins. The Chief of Chickasa became a frequent visitor, and De Soto often sent him home on one of the horses. Having besought the General to aid him in overcoming a prominent and rebellious subject, for the purpose of dividing and de- 1541 stroying the army, as was afterwards ascertained, De Jan. Soto marched, with thirty horsemen and two hundred Indians, upon Saquechuma, and destroyed that place by fire. Upon their return to the camp, the principal Indians were feasted upon the flesh of the swine. They were pleased with the first dish of an animal never before seen, and from that time the place where the hogs were kept was often broken in upon dark nights and many stolen. Three of the rogues were caught on one occasion and two of them put to death. The hands of the other were chopped off, and in that painful and helpless situation he was sent to his Chief- On the other side, the Spaniards robbed the In- dians. One day four horsemen, Francisco Osario, a servant of the Marquis of Astorga, called Raynoso, Ribera, the page of the Gov- ernor, and Fuentes, his chamberlain, entered a neighboring village and forcibly carried off some valuable skins and mantles. The enraged Indians forscok their town and went into the woods to prepare for war. The robbers were arrested, and Fuentes and Osario were condemned to die. The priests and some of the most distinguished cavaliers pleaded, in vain, for the pardon of the lat- ter. De Soto had them brought out to have their heads chopped off, when Indians arrived with a message from the Chief, inform- ing him of the outrage upon his people. At the suggestion of Baltasar de Gallegos, the interpreter cunningly turned it to the advantage of the prisoners. He said to De Soto that the Chief desired him not to execute the robbers, for they had not 1541 molested his subjects. He said to the Indian ambassa- March dors that they might return home well assured that the plunderers would be immediately put to death, accord- DE SOTO IX ALABAMA, GEORGIA AND MISSISSIPPI. 49 ing to the wishes of the Chief. The prisoners, in consequence were all set at liberty, much to the joy of the army.* Upon the appearance of March, 1541, the thoughts of the unhappy De Soto occasionally turned upon pursuing the journey. He demanded of the Chief two hundred men for burden bearers. An evasive answer was given, and for several days the Governor was apprehensive of an attack. He posted sentinels, under the supervision of Moscoso. One dark night, when the cold wind was howling awfully, the Chickasaws rushed upon the camp, in four squadrons, sending up yells the most terrific, and adding horror to the scene by the sound of wooden drums and the dis- cordant blasts of conch shells. The houses of the town, in which the larger portion of the troops now lodged, were set on fire by arrows containing burning matches, made of a vegetable sub- stance, which shot through the air like Hashing meteors and fell upon the roofs ! Constructed of straw and cane, the wigwams were soon wrapped in flames. The Spaniards, blinded by the smoke, ran out of the houses half dressed, and, in their dismay, knew not. the best way to oppose the assailants. Some of the horses were burned in the stables and others broke their halters, and running in all directions among the soldiers, increased the unparalleled confusion. Do Soto, and a soldier named Tapier, the first to mount, charged upon the enemy, the former being envel- oped in an overcoat, quilted with cotton three inches thick, to shield him from the arrows. His saddle, which, in the haste, had not been girted, turned with him in one of his sweeping bounds, and he fell heavily to the ground, at the moment his lance had pierced a savage. The soldiers drove off 1541 the Indians, who had surrounded him with clubs, and March adjusted his saddle. Vaulting into it, he charged in * Poor Ortiz never reached his native country, but died in Arkansas. He was of great service as an interpreter. Understanding only the Floridian language, he conducted conversations through the Indians of different tribes who understood each other, and who attended the expedition. In conversing with the Chickasaws, for instance, he commenced with a Floridian. who carried the word to a Georgian, the Georgian to the Coosa, the Coosa to the Mobilian, and the latter to the Chickasaw. In the same tedious manner the answer was conveyed to him and reported to De Soto. T}4 o a o o o it O o be o W 2 a DE SOTO IN ALABAMA, GEORGIA AND MISSISSIPPI. 51 the thickest of the enemy, and revelled in blood. The Span- iards were now seen, in all directions, engaged in a dreadful tight. Many, however, had just awoke, and now crawled upon their hands and knees out of the devouring flames above them. In a house, at some distance, lay the sick, and those who had not recovered from the wounds which they had re- ceived at Maubila and Cabusto. Hordes of savages pressed upon the poor fellows, and, before thev were rescued, several fell vic- tims. In the meantime, the cavaliers, some without saddles and others without clothes, joined the intrepid De Soto ; and now the awful wind, the flames, the yells and the clangour of arms, made the scene frightfully sublime, and the night one long to be re- membered. Fifty infantry took flight, which was the first in- stance of cowardice upon the march. Nuno Tobar, sword in hand, rushed before them, and with the assistance of a detach- ment of thirty men under Juan de Guzman, arrayed them against the enemy. At that instant, Andres de 1541 Vasconcellos, at the head of twenty Portuguese hidalgos, March most of whom had served as horsemen upon the Afri- can frontier, accompanied by Nuno Tobar on foot, forced the savages to retire on one side of the town. At length the Indians fled from the battle field, and were pursued by De Soto and his troops as long as they could distinguish objects by the light of the burning town. Returning from the chase, the Governor found that the engagement had resulted in considerable loss. Forty Spaniards were killed, and among them the only white woman in camp, the wife of a soldier, whom she had followed from Spain. Fifty horses were lost, either burned or pierced with arrows. Dreading these singular quadrupeds in war, the Indians aimed at their entire destruction, and many were found shot entirely through in the most vital parts. The swine, the increase of which had often kept the Spaniards from starving, when hard pressed for food, were confined in a roofed enclosure, and a number of them were consumed by the fire. De Soto sur- 52 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. veyed the scene with deep mortification. He blamed Moscoso for the unfortunate attack. His negligence here, reminded him of his tardy advance upon Maubila, and, in his anger, he deposed his old brother in arms from the rank of camp-master, and be- stowed it upon the bold Baltasar de Gallegos. A suc- 1541 cession of losses had attended him since he crossed the March Alabama at Piache. Indeed, from his first landing at Tampa Bay, over three hundred men had fallen by the assaults of the natives. The fire at Chickasa swept the few things saved at Maubila, together with half their wearing apparel. And now many of the unfortunate soldiers shivered in the cold, with scarcely a vestige of clothing. In the fit of deep despondency into which he was thrown, De Soto did not forget the duties which a commanding officer owes to his suffering troops. The dead were buried and the wounded properly attended. The Indians, thick upon the plain, and upon the ruined town, remained, a prey for the hungry wolves and birds of carrion. The Spaniards abandoned the sickening spot, and encamped three miles distant, at Chickasilla, or little Chickasa, where they erected a forge and tempered their swords^ now seriously injured by the fire. They busied themselves in making shields, lances and saddles. The remainder of the winter was passed in great wretchedness. Intense cold and grievous wounds were not all they had to bear, but often the natives assailed them at night, with the agility and ferocity of tigers ! At sunset they were compelled to evacuate the town, and take position in the field, for fear that fire might be applied to the houses. The ingenuity of one of the soldiers devised mat- tings, four inches in thickness, made of long soft grass, in which those who were not upon guard wrapped themselves, and were somewhat protected from the piercing air. Often De Soto sent forth detachments, who cut down every Indian they overtook ; yet, in a few succeeding nights, the savages would return and attack the camp. Before daylight on Wednesday, the 15th DE SOTO IN ALABAMA, GEORGIA AND MISSISSIPPI. 53 March, 1541, Capt. Juan de Guzman, a man of delicate form, but of indomitable courage, was seized by the collar by an athletic Indian, who carried a banner, and jerked from his horse. The soldiers, rushing up, cut the bold fellow to pieces. Others dashed after the main body of Indians, and deep revenge would have been taken, if a monk, fearful that they would be led into an ambush, had not arrested the charge by the cry of, "To the camp ! to the camp ! " Forty Indians fell, two horses were killed, and two soldiers wounded. On the 25th of April, 1541, De Soto marched northwest, through a campaign country, thickly populated, and journeying twelve miles, halted in a plain not far from the town of Alibamo. Juan de Anasco, with a foraging party, came 1541 in sight of this fortress, which was garrisoned by a large April number of savages, whose bodies were painted in stripes of white, black and red, while their faces were frightfully black- ened. Red circles surrounded their eyes. These, with head- dresses of feathers and horns, gave them a fantastic and ferocious appearance. The drums sounded alarums, and they rushed out of the fort with fearful whoops, forcing Anasco to retreat to the open fields. The enemy, scorning the inferiority of the detach- ment, pretended to knock one of the warriors in the head with a club, in front of the fort ; and swinging him by the head and heels near a fire, in insulting mockery, indicated the fate of the Spaniards who should fall into their hands. The irritated Anasco sent three troopers to the camp, who returned with De Soto at the head of a considerable force. The latter assaulted the fortress of Alibamo, leading on his men in three 1541 squadrons, commanded by Guzman, Avaro Rorao de April 27 Cardenoso, and the stout Gonzalo Silvestre. A hundred Alabamas poured out from each portal and met the Spaniards. Upon the first encounter, Diego de Castro, Louis Bravo and Francisco de Figarro fell, mortally wounded. An arrow struck the casque of the Governor with such force that it made his eyes 45 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. flash fire. The victorious Spaniards forced the Alabamas into the fort, pressing them to death by the united shock of cavalry and infantry — the passes of the gates admitting but few of the In- dians at once. The soldiers remembered that they had united with the Chickasaws, and they knew no bounds to the revenge which they now sought. In the rear many savages escaped, by climbing over the walls and through the back portals, pitching into the river which ran by the fort, but far below its foundation. In a short time, De Soto held possession of the interior. Alibamo stood upon the Yazoo river, in the county of Tallahatchie* It was built of pal- lisades, in the form of a quadrangle, four hundred paces long on either side. Inner walls divided it into separate parts, enabling the besieged to retreat from one to the other. The centre wall, on the back side, was immediately upon a perpendicular bluff, beneath which flowed a deep and narrow river, across which were thrown a few rude bridges. Portions of the fort ap- 1541 peared to have been recently constructed for defence Apr. 27 against the horses. It was decidedly the best fortified place yet discovered, except Maubila, but the garrison was greatly inferior in numbers to that of the latter. The out- side portals were too low and narrow for a cavalier to enter on his horse. De Soto crossed the river at a ford below the plain, and pur- sued the savages until twilight, leaving many of them in the sleep of death. Four days were consumed at Alibamo in attending to ♦General Le Clerc Milfort, an intelligent Frenchman, lived in the Creek Nation from 1776 until 1799. He wrote a history of the Muscogees or Creeks, and published his work in Paris in 1802. He married the sister of General Alexander McGillivray, of the Creek tribe. When he arrived in France Bonaparte made him a General of Brigade, and in 1814 he was attacked in his house by a party of Russians, and rescued by some grena- diers. Shortly afterwards he died. Milfort states that the Alabamas wandered from the northern part of Mexico, and settled upon the Yazoo, and afterwards removed to the river which bears their name. This fact, connected with that of the Alibamo fort, mentioned by the journals of De Soto, establishes conclusively that they were the same people. The Alabamas, after De Soto's time, settled on the site of the modern Montgomery, Coosawdaand Washington, below the confluence of the Coosa and Tallapoosa. From these people the river and State took their name. » " Memoire ou coup d'ceil rapide sur mes differens voyages et mon sejour dans la Na- tion Creek, par Le Clerc Milfort."— pp. 229-288. DE SOTO IN ALABAMA, GEORGIA AND MISSISSIPPI. 55 the wounded. Fifteen Spaniards died — among them the cava- liers first wounded, who were young, valiant, and of the best blood of Spain. So terminated the battle of Alibamo, the last one of the many De Soto fought, which it is within our province to describe. We have followed that extraordinary adventurer through our State into the heart of Mississippi. A few more words must close the account of his nomadic march, as far as it rests in our hands. The Spaniards reached the Mississippi river in May, 1541, and were the first to discover it, unless Cabaca de Vaca crossed it twelve years before in wandering to Mexico with his four com- panions, which is not probable from the evidence afforded by his journal. De Soto consumed a year in marching over Arkansas, and returned to the " Father of Waters," at the town of Guachaya. below the mouth of the Arkansas river, on the last of May, 1542. He here engaged in the construction of two 1542 brigantines to communicate with Cuba. That great May man, whose spirits had long since forsaken him — who had met with nothing but disappointments — and who had, in his most perilous wanderings, discovered no country like Peru and Mexico — became sick with a slow and malignant fever. He appointed Moscoso to the command — bid his officers and soldiers farewell — exhorted them to keep together, in order to reach that country which he was destined never to see — and then closed his eyes in dj:ath! Thus died Hernando De Soto, one of the most distinguished captains of that or any age. To conceal his death and protect his body from Indian brutali- ties, he was placed in an oaken trough, and silently plunged into the middle of the Mississippi, on a dark and gloomy night. Long did the muddy waters wash the bones of one of the bravest sons of Spain ! He was the first to behold that river — the first to close his eyes in death upon it — and the first to find a grave in its deep and turbid channel. Moscoso and the remaining troops again plunged into the 56 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. wilderness west of the Mississippi, with the hope of reaching Mexico. Departing on the 1st of June, 1542, he returned on the 1st of December to the Mississippi river, at a point fifty miles above the place where De Soto died. The Spaniards began the construction of seven brigantines, the building of which required the chains of the slaves, saddle-stirrups, and every thing which contained a particle of iron, made into nails by the erection of forges, the Indian mantles stitched together for sails, and the in- ner bark of trees made into ropes. When these were completed, Gov. Moscoso departed down the vast stream, the 2d of July, 1543. The once splendid army of one thousand men was re- duced to three hundred and twenty ! Five hundred 1543 slaves were left at the place of embarkation, and Mos- July 2 coso took with him one hundred, among others the beautiful women of Maubila. Twenty-two of the best horses were embarked; the others were killed and dried for food, as were the hogs, a large number of which still remained. The Spaniards were attacked, in descending the river, by fleets of In- dian canoes. In one of these engagements, the brave Guzman and eleven others were drowned, and twenty-five wounded. In sixteen days they reached the Gulf, and put to sea on the 18th July, 1543. Having landed at Tampa Bay on the 30th of May, 1539, they had consumed a little over four years in wandering through Florida, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi and the vast re- gions of the Arkansas Territory. Tossed by the waves, fam- ished with hunger, parched with thirst, and several times wrecked by tornadoes, the poor Spaniards finally reached the mouth of the river Panuco, upon the Mexican coast, on the 10th September, 1543. From thence they went to the town of Panuco. Appareled in skins of deer, buffalo, bear and other animals — with faces hag- gard, blackened, shriveled, and but faintly resembling 1543 human beings — they repaired to the church and offered Sept. 13 up thanks to God for the preservation of their lives. Repairing to the City of Mexico, the Viceroy extended DE SOTO IX ALABAMA, GEORGIA AND MISSISSIPPI, 57 to them every hospitality. So did the elegant Castilian ladies of his court, who were enraptured with the beauty of Mobilian females — the high-spirited daughters of Alabama.* Maldinado, whom we left at Pensacola Bay, awaited, in vain, the arrival of De Soto. He and his distinguished asso- ciate, Gomez Arias, at length weighed anchor and sailed along the coast in different directions, hoping to meet the expe- dition at some point. They left signals upon the trees, and at- tached letters to the bark. Returning to Cuba, they again sailed in search of De Soto in the summer of 1541, and touched frequently upon the Floridian and Mexican coasts, but heard nothing of him. Again, in the summer of 1542, they made a similar voyage, with no better success. Determined not to give up the search for the lost Spaniards, Maldinado and Arias, in the spring of 1543, departed on a long voyage. 1543 On the 15tn of October they touched at Vera Cruz, and Oct. 15 learned that De Soto had died upon the Mississippi, and that three hundred of his army only had lived to reach Mex- ico. When this sad intelligence was conveyed to Havana, every one grieved, and Dona Isabel, long racked with anxiety, died of a broken heart! •An interesting account of the expedition, from the battle of Alibamo to their en- trance into the city of Mexico, which 1 have rapidly glanced at, may be found in the Portuguese Narrative, pp. 728-762; barcellasso de la Vega, pp. 372-557. CHAPTER II. The Aborigines of Alabama and the Surrounding States. The Indians of Alabama, Florida, Georgia and Mississippi were so similar in form, mode of living and general habits, in the time of De Soto and of others who succeeded him in penetrating these wilds, that they will all be treated, on the pages of this chapter, as one people. The color was like that of the 1540 Indians of our day. The males were admirably propor- tioned, athletic, active and graceful in their movements, and possessed open and manly countenances. The females, not in- ferior in form, were smaller, and many of them beautiful. No ugly or ill-formed Indians were seen, except at the town of Tula, west of the Mississippi. Corpulency was rare; nevertheless, it was excessive in a few instances. In the neighborhood of Apa- lache, in Florida, the Chief was so fat that he was compelled to move about his house upon his hands and knees. The dress of the men consisted of a mantle of the size of a common blanket, made of the inner bark of trees, and a species of flax, interwoven. It was thrown over the shoulders, with the right arm exposed. One of these mantles encircled the body of the female, commencing below the breast and extending nearly to the knees, while another was gracefully thrown over the shoulders, also with the right arm exposed. Upon 1540 the St. John's river, the females, although equally ad- vanced in civilization, appeared in a much greater state of nudity — often with no covering in summer, except a moss drapery suspended round the waist, and which hung down in graceful negligence. Both sexes there were, however, adorned with ornaments, consisting of pretty shells and shining pearls, X ABORIGINES OF ALABAMA AND SURROUNDING STATES. 59 while the better classes wore moccasins and buskins of dressed deer leather. In Georgia and Alabama the towns contained store-houses, rilled with rich and comfortable clothing, such as mantles of hemp, and of feathers of every color, exquisitely ar- ranged, forming admirable cloaks for winter; with a variety of dressed deer skin garments, and skins of the 1540 martin, bear and panther, nicely packed away in bas- kets.* Fond of trinkets, the natives collected shells from the seaside, and pearls from the beds of the interior rivers. The latter they pierced with heated copper spindles, and strung them around their legs, necks and arms.f The Queen upon the Sa- vannah took from her neck a magnificent cordon of pearls, and twined it round the neck of the warlike but courteous De Soto.t In the interior of the country, pearls were worn in the ears ; but upon the coast, fish bladders, inflated after 1564 they had been inserted, were greatly preferred. § The Chiefs and their wives, the Prophets and principal men, painted their breasts and the front part of their bodies with a variety of stripes and characters. Others, like sea-faring people, had their skins punctured with bone needles and indelible ink rubbed in, which gave them the appearance of being 1539 tattooed. || Jean Ortiz, so long a prisoner among the Floridians, when discovered by De Soto, was taken for an Indian, on account of his body being "razed" in this manner. IT * Portuguese Narrative, p. 711. t Portuguese Narrative, p. 701. % Portuguese Narrative, p. 714. \ Le Moyne's Florida plate, 38. Renaudde Laudouniere, an admiral of France, made a second voyage to Florida, and landed upon its shore in 15G4. Attached to this expe- dition was a Frenchman, named Jacob Le Moyne. who was an admirable painter. Laudouniere left some soldiers at a Fort which he built upon the St. John's, and with them this accomplished artist. Le Aloyne was frequently despatched with small de- tachments along the coast, and at some distance in the interior, to make surveys of the rivers and to cultivate the friendship of the natives. During these excursions he made admirable drawings of the Indians, their houses, farms, games, amusements, manners, customs and religious ceremonies. Returning to France, lie related his adventures to Charles IX.. and exhibited to him his pictures. These, with his explanatory notes, were published by Theodore de Bry, in 1591, in the Latin language, at Frankfort. The copy in my possession, a most interesting book upon the ancient Indians of Florida and the adjoining States, contains forty-two plates, a few specimens of which are intro- duced in this volume. || Le Moyne, plate 38. U Portuguese Narrative, p. 702. 60 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. It will be remembered that the Alabamas, upon the Yazoo, painted in stripes of white, yellow, blacK and red, and "seemed as though they were dressed in hose and doublets."* Lofty plumes of the feathers of the eagle, and other noted birds, adorned the heads of the warriors. At the battle of Vitachuco, in Middle Florida, ten thousand warriors appeared in this mag- nificent native head-dress. They also punished and deformed themselves in the display of their more peculiar ornaments. Upon an island in West Florida, they wore reeds thrust 1528 through their nipples and under lips.f Indian grandees were often seen promenading, of an evening, enveloped in beautiful mantles of deer skins and of the martin, trailing be- hind them, and often held up by attendants. Among the pretti- est ornaments were flat shells, of varied colors, which they sus- pended from girdles around their waists, and which hung down around their hips. The bow, the most formidable weapon of the ancient Indians, was long, elastic, and exceedingly strong. The string 1540 was made of the sinews of the deer. The arrows, of strong young cane, hardened before the fire, were often tipped with buck horn, and invariably pointed either with palm or other hard wood, flints, long and sharp like a dagger, fish bones shaped like a chisel, or diamond flints.}: The Spaniards soon ascertained that they pierced as deep as those which they themselves shot from the cross-bow, and were discharged more rapidly. § The quiver which held them was made of fawn or some other spotted skin, and was cased at the lower end with thick hide of the bear or alligator. It was always sus- 15(>4 pended by a leather strap, passing round the neck, which permitted it to rest on the left hip, like a sword. It was capable of holding a great many arrows. Shields were ♦Portuguese Narrative, p. 727. tExpecfition of Narvaez, coutained in Herrera's History of America, vol. 4, p. 33. +Garcellasso de la Vega, p. 266. §Portuguese Narrative, p. 102. ABORIGINES OF ALABAMA AND SURROUNDING STATES. 61 universal appendages in war, and were made either of wood, split canes strongly interwoven, alligator hide, and sometimes that of buffalo. The latter was often the case west of the Mississippi. Of various sizes, but ordinarily large enough to cover the breast, these round shields were painted with rings and stripes, and sus- pended from the neck by a band. Sometimes a noted Chief pro- tected his breast and a portion of his abdomen with three of them. These, with a piece of bark covering the left arm, to pre- vent the severe rebound of the bow-string, were all that shielded the natives in time of war. Wooden spears, of the usual length, pointed with excellent darts of fish-bone or flint, were, also, much used. And, strange to say, swords of palm wood, of the proper shape, were often seen. A Chief, in Georgia, seized one of this de- scription, which was borne by one of his servants, and began to cut and thrust with it to the admiration of De Soto and his officers. The war clubs were of two kinds — one, small at the handle, gradu- ally enlarging at the top in oval form; and the other, with two sharp edges at the end, usually employed in executions. Decoration with plumes, appears to have been more common in general cos- tume and pleasure excursions, than in war. In enterprises of the latter character, the natives sought to appear as ferocious as pos- sible. The skins of the eagle, of the wolf and of the panther, with the heads of these animals attached, and well preserved, were worn by warriors, while the talons and 1564 claws were inserted as ear ornaments.* When about to make war, a Chief despatched a party, who approached near the town of the enemy, and by night stuck ar- rows into the cross-paths and public places, with long locks of human hair waving from them.t After this declaration of war, he assembled his men, who, painted and decorated in the most fantastic and frightful manner, surrounded him on all sides. Ex- cited with seeming anger, he rolled his eyes, spoke in guttural * Le Moyne, plates 11, 12, 13, 14. \ Le Moyne, plate 33. 62 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. accents, and often sent forth tremendous war whoops. The war- riors responded in chorus, and struck their weapons against their sides. With a wooden spear he turned himself reverentially to- wards the sun, and implored of that luminary victory over his enemies. Turning to his men, he took water from a 1564 vessel on his right and sprinkled it about, saying, " Thus may you do with the blood of your enemies." Then rais- ing another vessel of water, he poured its entire contents on a fire which had been kindled on his left, and repeated, "Thus may you destroy your enemies and bring home their scalps."* Hav- ing marched his army within the vicinity of the enemy, he bid his prophet to inform him of their number and position, and in what manner it was best to bring on the attack. The old man, usually a hundred years of age, advanced, and a large circle was immediately formed around him. He placed a shield upon the ground, drew a ring around it five feet in diameter, in which he inscribed various characters. Then kneeling on the shield, and sitting on his feet, so as to touch the earth with no part of his body, he made the most horrible grimaces, uttered the most unnatural howls, and distorted his limbs until his very 1564 bones appeared to be flexible. In twenty minutes he ceased his infernal juggling, assumed his natural look, with apparently no fatigue, and gave the Chief the information which he desired. t Some of our ancient natives marched in reg- ular order, with the Chief in the centre, but it was their common habit to scatter in small parties, and take the enemy by surprise. But in the arrangement of their camp, which was always made at sunset, they were exceedingly particular. They then stationed detachments around the Chief, forming a compact and well-ar- ranged defence.t The women who had lost their husbands in battle, at a con- venient time surrounded the Chief, stooped at his feet, cov- *Le Moyne, plate 11. t Le Moyne, plate 12. J Le Moyne, plate 14. ABORIGINES OF ALABAMA AND SURROUNDING STATES. 63 ered their faces with their hands, wept, and implored him to be revenged for the death of their companions. They en- treated him to grant them an allowance during their widow- hood, and to permit them to marry again when the time ap- pointed by law expired. They afterwards visited the graves of their husbands and deposited upon them the arms which they used in hunts and wars, and the shells out of which they were accustomed to drink. Having cut off their long hair, they sprinkled it also over their graves, and then returned home. They did not marry until it had attained its ordinary length* The natives drank a tea, which, in modern times, was called black drink. It was made by boiling the leaves of the cacina plant until a strong decoction was produced. The Chief took his seat, made of nine small poles, in the centre of a semi-circle of seats; but his was the most elevated of all. His principal officers approached him by turns, one at a time, and placing their hands upon the top of their heads, sung ha, he, ya, ha, ha. The whole assembly responded, ha, ha. After which they seated themselves upon his right and left. The women, in the meantime, had pre- pared the black drink, which was served up in conch shells and handed to certain men, who distributed it around. The warriors drank large portions of it, and presently vomited it with great ease. It seemed to have been used at the 1564 early period of 1564, as it is at present, to purify the system, and to tultill a kind of religious rite.f The punishments of that day were summary and cruel. For a crime deserving death, the criminal was conducted to the square and made to kneel with his body inclined forward. The execu- tioner placed his left foot upon his back, and with a murderous blow with the sharp-sided club, dashed out his brains. % Jean Ortiz and his companions were stripped naked, 1564 and forced to run from corner to corner through the *Le Moyne, plate 19. t Le Mnyne's Florida, Plate 29. + Le Moyne' s Florida, plate 32. G4 HISTORY OF ALA1JAMA. town while the exulting savages shot at them by turns with deadly arrows. Ortiz alone survived, and they next proceeded to roast him upon a wooden gridiron, when he was saved 1539-40 by the entreaties of a noble girl.* Whenever they made prisoners of each other, those who were captured were often put to menial services. To prevent them from running away, it was customary to cut the nerves of their legs just above the instep. t When a battle was fought, the victors seized upon the enemy mid mutilated their bodies in the most brutal manner. With cane knives the arms and legs were cut around, and then severed from the body by blows upon the bones, from wooden cleavers. They thus amputated with great skill and rapidity. The head was also out around, with these knives, just above the ears, and the whole scalp jerked off. These were then rapidly smoked over a fire, kindled in a small round hole, and borne off in triumph toward home, together with the arms and legs, suspended upon spears. $ The joyous and excited inhabitants now as- 15G4 sembled upon the square and formed a large area, in which these trophies were hung upon high poles. An old Prophet took a position on one side of the circle, held in his hand a small image of a child, and danced and muttered over it a thousand impre- cations upon the enemy. On the other side, and opposite to him, three warriors fell upon their knees. One of them, who was in the middle, constantly brought down a club, with great force, on a smooth si one, placed before him, while the others, on either side of him, rattled gourds rilled with shells and pebbles, all keeping time with the Prophet.§ The houses of the Chiefs, with but few exceptions, stood upon large and elevated artificial mounds. When the Indians of 1540 resolved to build a town, the site of which Avas usually • Garcellasso \>. 274-282. t Herrera, vol.4, p. .'JO. 68 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. between them being filled with shields of various sizes, made of strong woven reeds, adorned with pearls and colored tassels. Three rows of chests, full of valuable pearls, occupied the mid- dle of the temple. Deer skins, of a variety of colors, were packed away in chests, together with a large amount of clothing made of the skins of wild cat, martin, and other animals. The temple abounded in the most splendid mantles of feathers. Adjoining was a store-house, divided into eight apartments, which con- tained long pikes of copper, around which rings of pearls were coiled, while clubs, maces, wooden swords, paddles, arrows, quivers, bows, round wooden shields, and those of reed and buf- falo hide, were decorated in like manner* Everywhere upon the route through Alabama and the neighboring States, De Soto found the temples full of human bones. They were held sacred, but sometimes were wantonly violated by tribes at war with each other. On the west bank of the Mississippi, De Soto, joined by the Indian forces of the Chief Casquin, sacked the town of Pacaha. The invading Indians entered the temple, threw down the wooden boxes containing the dead, trampled upon the bodies and bones, and wreaked upon them every insult and indignity. A few days after the Chief of Pacaha and his people came back to the ruined town, and gathering up the scattered bones in mournful silence, kissed and returned them reverentially to their cofnns.t The productions of the country were abundant. Peas, beans, squashes, pumpkins and corn grew as if by magic. Per- 1540 simons, formed into large cakes, were eaten in winter, together with walnut and bear's oil. A small pumpkin, when roasted in the embers, was delightful, and resembled, in taste, boiled chestnuts. Com was pounded in mortars, 1528 but Narvaez saw stones for grinding it upon the Florida coast.t The Indians prepared their fields by digging up the ground with hoes made of fish bone. When the earth was * Garcellasso de la. Vega, pp. 274-282. f Portuguese Narrative, p. 701. % Herrera, vol. 4, p. 30. ABORIGINES OF ALABAMA AND SURROUNDING STATES. 69 levelled in this manner, others followed with canes, with which they made holes, certain distances apart. The women next came with corn, in baskets, which they dropped in 1564 the holes. The virginity and richness of the soil pro- duced the crop without further labor. [See page 50J. The granaries were sometimes erected in the woods, near navigable streams, and were constructed with stone and dirt, and covered with cane mats. Here were deposited corn, fruits, and all kinds of cured meats, for subsistence during the winter hunts in that part of the country. The universal honesty of 1564 the people was a guarantee that the contents of these granaries would remain undisturbed, until consumed by the owners. Hunting and fishing occupied much of the time of the na- tives. The hunter threw over his body the skin of a deer, with the head, horns and legs admirably preserved. Round wooden hoops gave the body of the skin its proper shape, inside of which the Indian placed his body. Then, in a stooping posi- tion, so as to allow the feet to touch the ground, he moved along and peeped through the eye-holes of the 1564 deer's head, all the time having a drawn bow. When near enough to the deer, he let fly a fatal arrow. The deer, in that day, unaccustomed to the noise of fire-arms, were gentle and numerous, and easily killed by a strategem like this.* At certain periods the Indians were a social people, and in- dulged in large feasts. At other times, they resorted to bow- shooting, ball-plays and dancing.f The population was much greater when De Soto was in the country than it has been since. Large armies were frequently arrayed against him. In Patofa, Florida, he was even furnished with seven hundred burden bearers. In Ocute, Georgia, he was supplied with two hundred of these indispensable men. At * Le Moyne's Florida, plate 25. Bossu's Travels in Louisiana, vol. 1, p. 259. t Le Moyne, plate 28. 70 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. Cafeque, in the same state, tour thousand warriors escorted him, while four thousand more transported the effects L640 ot 'Ins army. It has been seen what a numerous popu- lation was found in the province of Coosa, and what forces opposed him at Maubila, Chickasa and Alibamo. The ingenuity of the natives, displayed in the construction of mounds, arms, houses and ornaments, was by no means incon- siderable. At Chaquate, west of the Mississippi, earthenware was manufactured equal to that of Estremosor Montremor.* At Tulla, in Arkansas, salt was made from the deposits formed upon the shores of a lake ; and again, at several saline springs. The salt was made into small cakes, and vended among other tribes for skins and mantles. f The walls which surrounded 1541 the towns, with their towers and terraces, have already been mentioned in the preceding chapter. Entrench- mentS and ditches were also found over the country. The most remarkable of the latter was at Pacha, west of the Mississippi. Here a large ditch, - wide enough for two canoes to pass abreast Without the paddles touching," surrounded a walled town. It was out nine miles long, communicated with the Mississippi, sup- plied the natives with lish and afforded them the privileges of navigation. The construction of canoes and barges, connected with the things which have already been enumerated, affords abundant proof that our aborigines were superior, in some respects, to the tribes who afterwards occupied Alabama, but who were 1641 also ingenious in the manufacture of articles. The Queen of Savannah, borne out of her house in a sedan chair, supported upon the shoulders of four of her principal men, entered a handsome barge which had a tilted top at the 1540 stern under which she took a seat upon soft cushions. Many principal Indians likewise entered similar barges, and aCOOmpanied her to the western side, in the style of a, splcn- » IWtu.-m-s,. Narrative and (ian-Hlasso. | Portuguese Narrative and (Jarcollas.so. ABORIGINES <>K alahama AND BUBROUNDING STATES. 71 did water procession. When De Soto first discovered the Mis- sissippi, ;i Chief approached from the oilier side with two hun- dred handsome canoes of great size, tilled with painted and plumed warriors, who stood erect, with bows in their bands, to protect those who paddled. The boats of the Chiefs and princi- pal men had tops — like that of the Georgia Queen — decorated with waving flags and plumes, which floated L641 on the breeze from poles to which they were attached. They are described by the journalists to have been equal to a beaut it'iil army of ^allies.* The natives worshipped the sun, and entertained great ven- eration for the moon, and certain stars. Whether they also be- lieved in a Great Spirit is not stated. When the Indian ambas- sadors crossed the Savannah t<» meet De Soto, they made three profound bows towards the east, intended for the sun; three; to- wards the west, for the moon ; and three; to the Governor.f I ■ p<>n the east bank of the Mississippi, all tin; Indians approached him without uttering a word, and went through precisely the Same ceremony; making, however, to him three bows much less rev- erential than those; made to the sun and moon. On the Other side of that river, Ik; was surrounded by the Chief and his sub- jects. Presently, his Indian majesty sneezed in a loud manner. The subjects bowed their head s, opened and closed their arms, and saluted the Chief with these, words, " May the sun guard you" — "May the sun be with you" — "May the; sun shim; upon you," and " May the sun prosper and defend yoii":|: About the first of March, annually, the natives selected 1541 the skin of the largest deer, with the bead and legs at- tached. They filled it with a variety of fruit and grain, and sewed it up again. The bonis were also hung with garlands of fruit. This skin, in all respects resembling a, large buck, was earned by all tin; inhabitants to a plain. There it was placed • Portuguese Narrative, p. 729. t Oarcellaio e Soto was here in 1540. He was informed, upon the best traditional authority, that the Creek Indians then heard of De Soto, and the strange people with him ; and, that, like those whom they had seen in Mexico, they had " hair over their bodies, and carried thunder and lightning in their hands." 76 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. man, and honored him with an audience. He desired to engage his services in forming alliances with the Alabama and Missis- sippi Indians, for the purpose of strengthening his Louisiana pos- sessions. But, finally giving up these possessions, and. turning his whole attention to the wars in which he was deeply en- gaged with the allied powers, he still retained Milfort, con- ferring upon him the pay and rank of General of Brigade, but without active employment. In the meantime, General Milfort had published his work upon the Creek Indians* In 1814 his home was attacked by a party of Russians, who had heard of his daring exploits in assisting to repel the allied invad- ers. He barricaded it, and defended himself with desperation. His French wife assisted him to load his guns. At length he was rescued by a troop of grenadiers. Shortly after this 1814 General Milfort closed, by death, a career which had been full of event in the savage as well as the civilized world. His wife, at an advanced age, was recently burned to death in her own house at Rheims.f When Milfort arrived among the Creeks, the old men often spoke of their ancestors, and they exhibited to him 1776 strands of pearls which contained their history and con- July stituted their archives. Upon their arrangement de- pended their signification, and only principal events were thus preserved. One of their chaplets sometimes related the history of thirty years. Each year was rapidly distinguished by those who understood them. The old men, therefore, with the assistance of these singular records and strong memories, were enabled to impart to Milfort a correct tradition, the sub- stance of which we give.J Hernando Cortez, with some Spanish troops, landed at Vera * Memoire ou coup d'ceil rapide sur mes differens voyages et mon sejour dans la na- tion Creek, by Le Clerc Milfort. Tastanegry ou Grand Chef de Guerre de la nation Creek et General de Brigade ou service de la Kepublique Francaise. A Paris. 1802. t Extract from a Paris paper, published by Galignani t Milfort, p. 47. MODERN INDIANS OF ALABAMA, GEORGIA, MISSISSIPPI. 77 Cruz in 1519. He fought his way thence to the City of Mexico. In the meantime, Montezuma had assembled his forces from all parts of his empire to exterminate the invad- 1519 ers. The Muscogees then formed a separate republic on the northwest of Mexico. Hitherto invincible in war, they now rallied to his aid, engaging in the defence of that greatest of aboriginal cities. At length Cortez was successful — Montezuma was killed, his government overthrown, and thousands of his subjects put to the sword. Having lost many of their own war- riors, and unwilling to live in a country conquered by foreign assassins, the Muscogees determined to seek some other land. The whole tribe took up the line of march, and 1520 continued eastward until they struck the sources of the Red river. The route lay over vast prairies, abounding with wild animals and fruits, which afforded them all the means of subsistence. In journeying down the banks of the Red river, they discovered salt lakes and ponds, which were covered with fowl of every description. Consuming months upon the journey, they finally reached a large forest, in which they encamped. The young men, sent in advance to explore the country, re- turned in a month, and announced the discovery of a forest on the banks of the Red river, in which were beautiful sub- terranean habitations. Marching thither, they found these caves had been made by buffalos and other animals, who came there to lick the earth, which was impregnated with salt. A town was here laid out, houses constructed, an ex- tensive field enclosed, and corn, which they had brought with them, planted. Subsisting by the chase and the products of the earth, they passed here several years in health and tran- quility. But even in this remote retreat they eventually found those who would molest them. The Alabamas, who seem also to have been wandering from the west, attacked a party of Mus- cogees, who were hunting, and killed several of them. The Mus- cogees abandoned their town, which they believed did not afford 78 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. them sufficient protection from the buffalo and hu- Probably man foes. They resumed their march in the direc- in 1 527 tion of the camps of the Alabamas, upon whom they had resolved to be avenged. Traversing immense plains, they reached a grove on the Missouri river, having shaped their course in a northern direction from their last settlement. Here they came upon the footprints of the Alabamas. The most aristocratic among the Muscogees, called the Family of the Wind, passed the muddy river first. They were followed by the Fam- ily of the Bear ; then by that of the Tiger ; and thus, till the humblest of the tribe had crossed over. Resuming the march, young warriors and the Chiefs formed the advanced guard ; the old men were placed in the rear, and those of an age less ad- vanced on the flanks, while the women and children Probably occupied the centre. Coming within the neighbor- in 1528 hood of the enemy, the main party halted, while the Tastenuggee, or Grand Chief of War, at the head of the young warriors, advanced to the attack. The Ala- bamas, temporarily dwelling in subterranean habitations, were taken by surprise, and many of them slain. Forced to abandon this place, and retreat from the victors, they did not rally again until they had fled a great distance down on the eastern side of the Missouri. After a time they were overtaken, when several bloody engagements ensued. The Muscogees were triumphant, and the vanquished retreated in terror and dismay to the banks of the Mississippi. The enemy again coming upon them with in- vincible charges, precipitated many of them into the river. Thus, alternately fighting, constructing new towns, and again breaking up their last establishments, these two war-like tribes gradually reached the Ohio river, and proceeded along its banks almost to the Wabash.* Here, for a long time, the Muscogees resided, and lost sight of the Alabamas, who had established themselves upon the Yazoo, and were there living when De Soto, 1541, attacked * Milfort, pp. 234-259. MODERN INDIANS OF ALABAMA, GEORGIA, MISSISSIPPI. 79 their fortress.* The Muscogees abandoned their home in the northwestern province of Mexico about the pe- 1520 riod of 1520, had consumed fifteen years in reaching the to Ohio, and were there residing when the Spanish inva- 1535 sion occurred. How long they occupied that country Milfort does not inform us ; but he states that they finally crossed the Ohio and Tennessee, and settled upon the Yazoo — thus con- tinuing to pursue the unfortunate Alabamas. Delighted with the genial climate, the abundance of fruit and game with which it abounded, they established towns upon the Yazoo, con- structed subterranean habitations, and for some years passed their time most agreeably. It is probable the Alabamas had fled before their arrival, for the Spaniards had so thinned the number of the latter that it was folly to resist the Musco- gees, who had conquered them when they w T ere much stronger. Milfort states that the Alabamas finally advanced to the river which now bears their name. Here, finding a region charming in climate, rich in soil, convenient in navigation, and remote from the country of their enemies, they made permanent establish- ments, from the confluence of the Coosa and Tallapoosa some dis- tance down the Alabama. Remembering how often they had been surprised by the Muscogees, and how insecure from the attacks was even a dis- tant retreat, the Alabamas sent forth young warriors westward, to see if their foes were still wandering upon their heels. It hap- pened that a party of the latter were reconnoitering eastward. They met, fought, and some of the Muscogees were killed. In the meantime, the latter tribe had learned what a delightful country was occupied by the Alabamas, and this new outrage, coupled with a desire to go further south-east, induced them to break up their establishments upon the Yazoo. Without opposi- tion the Muscogees took possession of the lands upon the Alabama, and also those upon the Supposed to Coosa and Tallapoosa. The Alabamas fled in all be in 1620 * Other Indian traditions in my possession. 80 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. directions, seeking asylums among the Choctaws and other tribes. Gaining a firm footing in the new region, enjoying good health, and increasing in population, the Muscogees advanced to the Ockmulgee, Oconee, and Ogechee, and even established a town where now reposes the beautiful city of Augusta. With the Indians of the present State of Georgia, they had combats, but overcame them. Pushing on their conquests, they reduced a warlike tribe called the Uchees, lower down upon the Savannah, and brought the prisoners in slavery to the f^hattahoochie.* In 1822, the Big Warrior, who then ruled the Creek confederacy, confirmed this tradition, even going further back than Milfort, taking the Muscogees from Asia, bringing them over the Pacific, landing them near the Isthmus of Darien, and conducting them from thence to this country. " My ancestors were a mighty people. After they reached the waters of the Alabama and took possession of all this country, they went further — conquered the tribes upon the Chattahoochie, and upon all the rivers from thence to the Savannah — yes, and even whipped the Indians then living in the territory of South Carolina, and wrested much of their country from them." The Big Warrior concluded this sentence with great exultation, when Mr. Compere, to whom he was speaking, interposed an unfortunate question: — "If 1822 this is the way your ancestors acquired all the territory now lying in Georgia, how can you blame the American population in that State for endeavoring to take it from you?" Never after that could the worthy missionary extract a solitary item from the Chieftain, in relation to the history of his people.! * Milfort, pp. 269-263. Bartram's Travels in Florida, pp. 53, 54, 464. Also traditional MSS. notes in my possession. t Key. Lee Compere's MS. notes in my possession. This gentleman was born in England, on Nov. 3, 1790. He came to South Carolinain 1817. The Baptist Missionary Board and that of the General Convention, sent him as a missionary to the Creek nation in 1822. He and his wife, who was an English lady, resided at Tookabatcha (the capital) six years. Mr. Compere made but little progress towards the conversion of the Creeks, owing to the opposition of the Chiefs to the abolition of primitive customs. He was a MODERN INDIANS OF ALABAMA, GEORGIA, MISSISSIPPI. 81 Sometime after these conquests, the French established themselves at Mobile. The Alabamas, scattered as we have seen, and made to flee before superior numbers, became desir- ous to place themselves under their protection. Anxious 1701 to cultivate a good understanding with all the Indian tribes, and to heal old animosities existing among them, the French caused an interview between the Chiefs of the Alabamas and those of the Muscogees, at Mobile. In 1702 the presence of M. Bienville, the Commandant of that place, a peace was made, which has not since been violated. The Alabamas returned to their towns, upon the river of that name, which were called Coosawda, Econchate, Pauwocte, Towassau and Autauga, situated on both sides of the river, and embracing a country from the junction of the Coosa and Tallapoosa, for forty miles down. They consented to become members of the Muscogee confederacy, and to observe their national laws, but stipulated to retain their ancient manners and customs. Not long afterwards, the Tookabatchas, who had nearly been destroyed by the Iroquois and Hurons, wandered from the Ohio country, and obtained permission from the Muscogees to form a part of their nation. They were willingly received by the cun- ning Muscogees, who were anxious to gain all the strength they could, to prevent the encroachments of the English from South Carolina. Upon the ruins of the western Tallase, where De Soto encamped twenty days, the Tookabatchas built a town and gave it their name.* The Tookabatchas brought with them to the Tallapoosa some curious brass plates, the origin and objects of which have much puzzled the Americans of our day, who have seen them. Such information respecting them as has fallen 1759 into our possession, will be given. On the 27th July, July 27 learned man and a respectable writer. He furnished the Indian Bureau, at Washing- ton, with a complete vocabulary of the Muscogee language and also the Lord's Pray« r, all of which is published in the ilth vol. of "Transactions of the American Antiquarian Society." Cambridge, 1836, pp. 381-422. In 1833, I often heard Mr. Compere and his w il'e sing beautiful hymns in the Creek tongue. He lives in the State of Mississippi. *Milfort, pp. 263-266. 6 82 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. 1759, at the Tookabatcha square, William Balsover, a British trader, made inquiries concerning their ancient relics, of an old Indian Chief, named Bracket, near a hundred years of age. There were two plates of brass and five of copper. The Indians es- teemed them so much that they were preserved in a private place, known only to a few Chiefs, to whom they were annually en- trusted. They were never brought to light but once in a year, and that was upon the occasion of the Green Corn Celebration, when, on the fourth day, they were introduced in what was termed the " brass plate dance." Then one of the high Prophets carried one before him, under his arm, ahead of the dancers — next to him the head warrior carried another, and then others followed with the remainder, bearing alott, at the same time, white canes, with the feathers of a swan at the tops. Shape of the five coppjber plates : One a foot and a half long, and seven inches wide; the other four a little shorter and narrower. Shape of the two brass plates : Eighteen inches in diameter, about the thickness of a dollar, and stamped as exhibited upon the face. Formerly, the Tookabatcha tribe had many more of these relics, of different sizes and shapes, with letters and inscriptions upon them, which were given to their ancestors by the Great Spirit, who instructed them that they were only to be handled by particular men, who must at the moment be engaged in MODERN INDIANS OF ALABAMA, GEORGIA, MISSISSIPPI. 83 fasting, and that no unclean woman must be suffered to come near them or the place where they were deposited. Bracket further related, that several of these plates 1759 were then buried under the Micco's cabin in Tooka- July 27 batcha, and had lain there ever since the first settle- ment of the town ; that formerly it was the custom to place one or more of them in the grave by the side of a deceased Chief of the pure Tookabatcha blood, and that no other Indians in the whole Creek nation had such sacred relics.* Similar accounts of these plates were obtained from four other British traders, " at the most eminent trading house of all English America."f The town of Tookabatcha became, in later times, the capital of the Creek nation ; and many reliable citizens of Alabama have seen these mysterious pieces at the Green Corn Dances, upon which occasions they were used precisely as in the more ancient days. J When the inhabitants of this town, in the autumn of 1836, took up the line of march for their present home in the Arkansas Territory, these plates were transported thence by six Indians, remarkable for their sobriety and moral character, at the head of whom was the Chief, Spoke-oak, Micco. Medicine, made ex- pressly for their safe transportation, was carried along by these warriors. Each one had a plate strapped behind his back, enveloped nicely in buckskin. They carried 1836 nothing else, but marched on, one before the other, the whole distance to Arkansas, neither communicating nor con- versing with a soul but themselves, although several thousands were emigrating in company ; and walking, with a solemn religious air, one mile in advance of the others. § How much their march resembled that of the ancient Trojans, bearing off * Adair's "American Indians," pp. 178-179. t Adair's "American Indians," p. 17'J. i Conversations with Jiarent Dubois, Abraham Mordecai, James Moore, Capt. Vil- liam Walker, Lack Ian Durant, Mrs. Sophia McComb, and other persons, who staged that these plates had Roman characters upon them, as well as they could detenu ne from the rapid glances which they could occasionally bestow upon them, while they were being used in the " brass plate dance." § Conversations with Barent Dubois. 84 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. their household gods ! Another tradition is, that the Shawnees gave these plates to the Tookabatchas, as tokens of their friend- ship, with an injunction that they would annually introduce them in their religious observances of the new corn 1833 season. But the opinion of Opothleoholo, one of the Dec. most gifted Chiefs of the modern Creeks, went to cor- roborate the general tradition that they were gifts from the Great Spirit* It will be recollected that our aborigines, in the time of De Soto, undertook the use of copper, and that hatchets and ornaments were made of that metal. The ancient Indians may have made them, and engraved upon their faces hieroglyphics, which were supposed, from the glance only per- mitted to be given them, to be Roman characters. An intelligent New Englander, named Barent Dubois, who had long lived among the Tookabatchas, believed that these plates originally formed some portion of the armor or musical instruments of De Soto, and that the Indians stole them, as they did the shields, in the Talladega country, and hence he accounts for the Roman let- ters on them. We give no opinion, but leave the reader to deter- mine for himself — having discharged our duty by placing all the available evidence before him. The reputation which the Muscogees had acquired for strength and a warlike spirit, induced other tribes who had be- come weak to seek an asylum among them. The Tuskegees wandered down into East Alabama, were received with 1700 open arms, and permitted to occupy the territory imme- diately in the fork of the Coosa and Tallapoosa. Upon the east bank of the former a town was erected and called after the name of the tribe. Some time after this the French fort, Tou- louse, was built here ; and, one hundred years afterwards, Fort Jackson was placed upon the same foundation by the Americans. A tribe of the Ozeailles came at the same time, and were * Conversations with Opothleoholo in 1833. MODERN INDIANS OF ALABAMA, GEORGIA, MISSISSIPPI. 85 located eighteen miles above, on a beautiful plain, through which meandered a fine creek.* A large tribe of Uchees, made prisoners and brought to Cusseta, upon the Chattahoo- 1700 chie, not long afterwards, were liberated and assigned residences upon the creeks which bear their name, flowing through the eastern portion of the county of Russell. Or, upon the authority of Col. Hawkins, the Uchees, formerly living upon tho Savannah in small villages at Ponpon, Saltketcherand Silver Bluff, and also upon the Ogechee, were continually at war with the Creeks, Cherokees and Cataubas ; but in 1729 an old Chief of Cusseta, called Captain Ellick, married three Uchee women and brought them to Cusseta, which greatly displeased his friends. Their opposition determined him to move from Cusseta. With three of his brothers, two of whom also had Uchee wives, he set- tled upon the Uchee creek. Afterwards he collected all that tribe, and with them formed there a distinct community, which, however, became amenable, nationally, to the government of the Muscogees.t In 1729, the Natchez masscred the French at Fort Rosalie, now the site of the city of Natchez, and were in turn overpow-' ered, and many of them made slaves, while others escaped to the Coosa. In the Talladega country they built two towns, one called Natche and the other Abecouche. Thus a branch of the Natchez also became members of the Muscogee confederacy. At the close of the Revolutionary War, a party of Savannahs came from that river in company with some Shawnees, from Florida, and formed a town on the east side of the Tal- 1783 lapoosa, called Souvanogee ; upon the ruins of which the Americans, in 1819, established the village of Augusta — no re- mains of which now exist. Souvanogee was laid out in conform- ity with their usages and habits, which they retained ; but they * Milfort, p. 267. t ''Sketch of the Creek Country in 1798-99," hy Benjamin Hawkins, pp. 61, 62, 63. Also, manuscript traditional notes in my possession, taken from the lips of aged Indian countrymen. s a w C3 5 ^ - c 4) c c re a i—. Cm > a MODERN INDIANS OF ALABAMA, OEORGIA, MISSISSIPPI. 87 willingly came under the national government of the confed- eracy.* Thus did the Muscogee confederacy gain strength, from time to time, by the migration" of broken tribes. When the English began to explore their country, and to transport goods into all parts of it, they gave all the inhabitants, collectively, the name of the "Creeks," on account of the many beautiful rivers and streams which flowed through their extensive domain. f By that name they will, in the future pages of this history, be called. The Creek woman was short in stature, but well forme' 1 . Her cheeks were rather high, but her features were generally reg- ular and pretty. Her brow was high and arched, her eye large, black and languishing, expressive of modesty and diffidence. I [er feet and hands were small, and the latter exquis- itely shaped. The warrior was larger than the ordinary 1777 race of Europeans, often above six feet in height, but was invariably well formed, erect in his carriage, and graceful in every movement. They were proud, haughty and arrogant ; brave and valiant in war; ambitious of conquest; restless, and perpetually exercising their arms, yet magnanimous and merci- ful to a vanquished Indian enemy who afterwards sought their friendship and protection. t Encountering fatigue with ease, they were great travellers, and sometimes went 1780 three or four hundred leagues on a hunting expedition. " Formerly they were cruel, but at the present day they are brave, yet peaceable, when not forced to abandon their charac- ter." § Like all other Indians, they were fond of ornaments, which consisted of stones, beads, wampum, porcupine quills, eagles' feathers, beautiful plumes, and ear-rings of various descrip- tions. The higher classes were often fantastic in their wear- ing apparel. Sometimes a warrior put on a ruffled shirt of * H H fort, pp. 282-283. " Sketch of the Creek Country," by Hawkins, p. 34. Also, con- versations with Indian countrymen. t Hawkins, p. 19. % Barnaul's Travels, pp. 482, 500, 506. § Milfort, pp. 21C-217. 88 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. fine linen, and went out with no other garment except a flap of blue broadcloth, with buskins made of the same. The stillapica or moccasin, embroidered with beads, adorned the feet of the bet- ter classes. Mantles of good broadcloth, of a blue or scarlet color, decorated with fringe and lace, and hung with round sil- ver or brass buttons, were worn by those who could afford them. When they desired to be particularly gay, vermillion was freely applied to the face, neck and arms. Again, the skin was often inscribed with hieroglyphics, and representations of the sun, moon, stars and various animals.* This was performed by punc- turing the parts with gar's teeth, and rubbing in a dye made of the drippings of rich pine roots. These characters were inscribed during youth, and frequently in manhood, every time that a war- rior distinguished himself in slaying the enemy. Hence, 1777 when he was unfortunately taken prisoner, he was se- verely punished in proportion to the marks upon his skin, by which he was known to have shed the blood of many of the kindred of those into whose hands he had fallen. f The Creeks wore many ornaments of silver. Crescents or gorgets, very massive, suspended around the neck by ribbons, reposed upon the breast, while the arms, fingers, hats, and even sometimes the necks, had silver bands around them. The females wore a petticoat which reached to the middle of the leg. The waistcoat, or wrapper, made of calico, printed linen, or fine cloth, ornamented with lace and beads, enveloped the up- per part of the body. They never wore boots or stockings, but their buskins reached to the middle of the leg. Their hair, black, long and rather coarse, was plaited in wreaths, and ordi- narily turned up and fastened to the crown with a silver band. This description of dress and ornaments were worn only by the better classes. The others were more upon the primitive Indian order. They were fond of music, both vocal and instrumental ; but the instruments they used were of an inferior kind, such as * Bartram's Travels, pp. 482-506. t Adair's American Indians, p. 389. MODERN INDIANS OF ALABAMA, GEORGIA, MISSISSIPPI. 89 the tambour, rattle-gourd, and a kind of flute, made of the joint of a cane or the tibia of the deer's leg. Dancing was practiced to a great extent, and they employed an endless variety of steps* Their most manly and important game was the " ball play." It was the most exciting and interesting game imaginable, and was the admiration of all the curious and learned travellers who witnessed it. The warriors of one town challenged those of an- other, and they agreed to meet at one town, or the other, as may have been decided. For several days previous to the time, those who intended to engage in the amusement took medicine, as though they were going to war. The night immediately pre- ceding was spent in dancing and other ceremonious preparations. On the morning of the play, they painted and decorated them- selves. In the meantime, the news had spread abroad in the neighboring towns, which had collected, at the place designated, an immense concourse of men, women and children — the young and the gay — the old and the grave — together with hundreds of ponies, Indian merchandise, extra wearing apparel, and various articles brought there to stake upon the result. The players were all nearly naked, wearing only a piece of cloth called " flap.' 1 They advanced towards the immense plain upon which they were presently to exhibit astonishing feats of strength and agility. From eighty to a hundred men were usu- ally on a side. They now approached each other, and were first seen at the distance of a quarter of a mile apart, but their war songs and yells had previously been heard. Intense excitement and anxiety were depicted upon the countenance of the immense throng of spectators. Presently the parties appeared in full trot, as if about to encounter fiercely in fight. They met and soon became intermingled together, dancing and stamp- 1750 ing, while a dreadful artillery of noise and shouts went up and rent the air. An awful silence then succeeded. The players retired from each other, and fell back one hundred and * Bartraiii's Travels, pp. 482-506. 90 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. fifty yards from the centre. Thus they were three hundred yards apart. In the center were erected two poles, between which the ball must pass to count one. Every warrior was pro- vided with two rackets or hurls, of singular construction, re- sembling a ladle or hoop-net with handles nearly three feet long. The handle was of wood, and the netting of the thongs of raw hide or the tendons of an animal. The play was commenced by a ball, covered with buckskin, being thrown in the air. The players rushed together with a mighty shock, and he who caught the ball between his two rackets, ran off with it and hurled it again in the air, endeavoring to throw it between the 1790 poles in the direction of the town to which he belonged. They seized hold of each other's limbs and hair, tumbled each other over, first trampled upon those that were down, and did everything to obtain the ball, and afterwards to make him who had it, drop it before he could make a successful throw. The game was usually from twelve to twenty. It was kept up for hours, and during the time the players used the greatest ex- ertions, exhibited the most infatuated devotion to their side, were often severely hurt, and sometimes killed, in the rough and un- feeling scramble which prevailed. It sometimes happened that the inhabitants of a town gamed away all their ponies, jewels, and wearing apparel, even stripping themselves, upon the issue of the ball play. In the meantime, the women were constantly on the alert with vessels and gourds filled with water, watching every opportunity to supply the players.* If a Creek warrior wished to marry, he sent his sister, mother, or some female relation, to the female relations of the girl whom he loved. Her female relations then consulted the un- 1798 cles, and if none the brothers, on the maternal side, who decided upon the case. If it was an agreeable alliance, the bridegroom was informed of it, and he sent, soon after, a blan- ket and articles of clothing to the female part of the family of * The "Narrative of a Mission to the Creek Nation," by Col. Marinus Willett, pp. 108-110. Bartram's Travels, pp. 482-506. MODERN INDIANS OF ALABAMA, GEORGIA, MISSISSIPPI. 91 the bride. If they received these presents, the match was made, and the man was at liberty to go to the house of his wife as soon as he deemed it proper. When he had built a residence, produced a crop, gathered it in, made a hunt and brought 1798 home the game, and tendered a general delivery of all to the girl, then they were considered man and wife. Divorce was at the choice of either party. The man, how- ever, had the advantage, for he could again marry another woman if he wished ; but the woman was obliged to lead a life of celib- acy until the Boosketuh, or Green Corn Dance, was over. Mar- riage gave no right to the husband over the property of the wife, or the control or management of the children which he might have by her. Adultery was punished by the family of the husband, who collected together, consulted and agreed on the course to pursue. One-half of them then went to the house of the woman, and the other half to the residence of the guilty warrior. They appre- hended, stripped, and beat them with long poles until they were insensible. Then they cropped off their ears, and sometimes their noses, with knives, the edges of which were made rough and saw-like. The hair of the woman was carried in triumph to the square. Strange to say, they generally recovered from this inhuman treatment. If one of the offenders escaped, 1798 satisfaction was taken by similar punishment inflicted upon the nearest relative. If both of the parties fled unpunished, and the party aggrieved returned home and laid down the poles, the offense was considered satisfied. But one family in the Creek nation had authority to take up the poles the second time, and that was the Ho-tul-gee, or family of the Wind. The parties might absent themselves until the Boosketuh was over, and then they were free from punishment for this and all other offenses, except murder, which had to be atoned for by death inflicted upon the guilty one or his nearest relative.* * Hawkins' " Sketch of the Creek Country," pp. 73-74. 92 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. The Creeks buried their dead in the earth, in a square pit, under the bed where the deceased lay in his house. The grave was lined on the sides with cypress bark, like the curbing of a well. The corpse, before it became cold, was drawn up with cords, and made to assume a squatting position ; and in this manner it was placed in the grave and covered with earth. The gun, tomahawk, pipe, and other articles of the deceased, were buried with him * In 1777, Bar tram found, in the Creek nation, fifty towns, with a population of eleven thousand, which lay upon the rivers Coosa, Tallapoosa, Alabama, Chattahoochie and Flint, and the prominent creeks which flowed into them. The Muscogee was the national language, although in some of these towns, the Uchee or Savannah, Alabama, Natchez and Shawnee tongues prevailed. But the Muscogee was called, by the traders, the " mother tongue," while the others mentioned were termed the "stinkard lingo."f The general council of the nation was always held in the principal town, in the centre of which was a large public square, with three cabins of different sizes in each angle, making twelve in all. Four avenues led into the square. The cabins, capable of containing sixty persons each, were so situated that from one of them a person might see into the others. 1776 One belonging to the Grand Chief fronted the rising sun, to remind him that he should watch the interests of his people. Near it was the grand cabin, where the councils were held. In the opposite angle, three others belonged to the old men, and faced the setting sun, to remind them that they were growing feeble, and should not go to war. In the two remaining corners were the cabins of the different Chiefs of the nation, the dimensions of which were in proportion to the rank and services of those Chiefs. The whole number in the square was painted red, except those facing the west, which were white, symbolical * Bartram, pp. 513-514. t Bartrain's Travels, pp. 461-462. MODERN INDIANS OF ALABAMA, GEORGIA, MISSISSIPPI. 93 of virtue and old age. The former, during war, were decorated with wooden pieces sustaining a chain of rings of wood. This was a sign of grief, and told the warriors they should hold them- selves in readiness, for their country needed their services. These chains were replaced by garlands of ivy leaves during peace. In the month of May, annually, the Chiefs and principal In- dians assembled in the large square formed by these houses, to deliberate upon all subjects of general interest. When they were organized they remained in the square until the council broke up. Here they legislated, eat and slept. During the session, no person, except the principal Chiefs, could approach within less than twenty feet of the grand cabin. The women prepared the food, and deposited it at a prescribed distance, when it was borne to the grand cabin by the subordinate Chiefs. 1776 In the center of the square was a fire constantly burn- ing. At sunset the council adjourned for the day, and then the young people of both sexes danced around this fire until a cer- tain hour. As soon as the sun appeared above the horizon, a drum-beat called the Chiefs to the duties of the day.* Besides this National Legislature, each principal town in the nation had its separate public buildings, as do the States of this American Union ; and like them, regulated their own local affairs. The public square at Auttose, upon the Tallapoosa, in 1777, con- sisted of four square buildings, of the same dimensions and uni- form in shape, so situated as to form a tetragon, enclosing an area of an half acre. Four passages, of equal width at the corners, admitted persons into it. The frames of these buildings were of wood, but a mud plaster, inside and out, was 1777 employed to form neat walls ; except two feet all around under the eaves, left open to admit light and air. One of them was the council house, where the Micco (King), Chiefs and war- riors, with the white citizens, who had business, daily assembled * Milfort, pp. 206-208. 94 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. to hear and decide upon all grievances, adopt measures for the better government of the people, and the improvement of the town, and to receive ambassadors from other towns. This building was enclosed on three sides, while a partition, from end to end, di- vided it into two apartments, the back one of which was totally dark, having only three arched holes large enough for a per- son to crawl into. It was a sanctuary of priestcraft, in which were deposited physic-pots, rattles, chaplets of deer's hoofs, the great pipe of peace, the imperial eagle-tail standard, displayed like an open fan, attached to which was a staff as white and clean as it could be scoured. The front part of this building was open like a piazza, divided into three apartments — breast high — each containing three rows of seats, rising one above the other, for the legislators. The other three buildings fronting the square were similar to the one just described, except that they had no sanctuary, and served to accommodate the spectators; they were also used for banqueting houses. The pillars and walls of the houses of the square abounded with sculptures and caricature paintings, representing men in different ludicrous attitudes; some with the human shape, hav- ing the heads of the duck, turkey, bear, fox, wolf and deer. Again, these animals were represented with the human head. These designs were not ill-executed, and the outlines were bold and well proportioned. The pillars of the council house were in- geniously formed in the likeness of vast speckled snakes ascend- ing — the Auttoses being of the Snake family.f Rude paintings were quite common among the Creeks, and they often conveyed ideas by drawings. No people could pre- sent a more comprehensive view of the topography of a country with which they were acquainted, than the Creeks 1776 could, in a few moments, by drawing upon the ground. Sept. 30 Barnard Roman, a Captain in the British Army, saw at Hoopa Ulla, a Choctaw town, not far from Mobile, the * Bartram's Travels, pp. 448-454. MODERN INDIANS OF ALABAMA, GEORGIA, MISSISSIPPI. 95 following drawing, executed by the Creeks, which had fallen into the possession of the Choctaws. JUL4 v- m This represents that ten Creek warriors, of the family of the Deer, went into the Choctaw country in three canoes ; that six of them landed, and in marching along a path, met two Choctaw men, two women and a dog ; that the Creeks killed and scalped them. The scalp, in the deer's foot, implies the horror of the ac- tion to the whole Deer family.* The great council house in Auttose, was appropriated to much the same' purpose as the square, but was more private. It was a vast conical building, capable of accommodating many hundred people. Those appointed to take care of it, daily swept it clean, and provided canes for fuel and to give lights. Besides using this rotunda for political purposes, of a private na- ture, the inhabitants of Auttose were accustomed to take their "black drink" in it. The officer who had charge of this cere- mony ordered the cacina tea to be prepared under an open shed opposite the door of the council house ; he directed bun- dles of dry cane to be brought in, which were previously 1777 split in pieces two feet long. "They were now placed * Barnard Roman's Florida, p. 102. 96 HISTORY OF ALAI'.AMA. obliquely across upon one another on the Boor, forming a spiral line round about the great centre pillar, eighteen Inches in thick- ness. This spiral line, spreading as it proceeded round and round, often repeated from right to left, every revolution in- creased its diameter, and at length extended to the distance of ten or twelve feet from the centre, according to the time the as- sembly was to continue." By the time these preparations were Completed, it was night-, and the assembly had taken their seats. The outer end of the spiral line was tired. It gradually crept round the centre pillar, with the course of the sun, feeding on the cane, and affording a bright and cheerful light. r l 'he aged Chiefs and warriors sal upon their eane solas, which were elevated One above the other, and fixed against the back side of the house, op- posite the door. The white people and Indians of confederate towns sat, in like order, on the left — a transverse range of pil- lars, supporting a, thin clay wall, breast high, separating them. The King's seat was in front,; hack of it Were the seats of the head warriors, and those of a subordinate condition. 1777 Two middle-aged men now entered at the door, bearing Large OOnch shells full of black drink. They advanced with slow, uniform and steady Steps, with eyes elevated, and sing- ing in a very low tone. Coming within a few fed, of the King, they stopped, and rested their shells on Little fables. Presently they b»ok them up again, crossed each other, and advanced obsequi- ously. One presented his shell to the King, and the other to the principal man among the white audience. As soon as they raised 1 1 it'in to their mouths (he attendants uttered two notes hoo* Ojah! and <(-lu yah /—Which they spun OUt as long as they could hold their breath. As long as the notes continued, so long did the person drink or hold the shell to his mouth. In this manner all the assembly were served with the " black drink." Hut when the drinking begun, tobacco, contained in pouches made of the skins of the wild eat, otter, bear and rattlesnake, was distributed among the assembly, together with pipes, and a general smoking MODERN Indians OF ILABAMA, GEORGIA, MISSISSIPPI. !»7 commenced, The King began first, with a few whiffs from the great i>i[><*, blowing it ceremoniously, first toward the sun, next toward the four Cardinal points, and then toward the white audience. Then .the attendants passed this pipe 1777 to others of distinction. In this manner, these dignified and singular people occupied some hours in the night, until the spiral line of canes was consumed, which was a signal for re« tiring.* Twenty-one years after the visit of Bartram to the Creels nation, Col. Benjamin Hawkins, to whom Washington had con- fided Important trusts in relation to the tribes south of tin; Ohio, penetrated these wilds. He found the public buildings, at that period similar to those already described, with, however, some exceptions, which may have hem the result of a slight change of ancient customs. Every town had a separate government, and public buildings for business and pleasure, with a presiding officer, who was called a King, by the traders, and a Micco, by the In- dians. This functionary received all public characters, 17'. beard their talks, laid them before his people, and, in re- turn, delivered the talk of his own town. He was always chosen from some noted family. The .Micco of Tookabatcha, was of the Eagle tribe (Lum-ul-gee.) When they were put into office, they held their stations for life, and when dead, were succeeded by their nephews. The Micco could select an assistant when be be came infirm, or for other causes, subject to the approval of the principal men of the town. They generally bore the name of the town which they governed, as Cusseta Micco, Tookabatcha Micco, etc. «* Choo-co-thiuc-co, (big house) the town house or public square, consists of four buildings of one story, facing each other, • Bartram'i Travel*, pp. 448-404. The Bite -a Auttoee ii now embraced In Mamn county, and li a cotton plantation, the property of the u<>n. George Goldthwalte, Jud) e ni the (eighth Judicial < ircnit. On the morning <>r the 26th of November, 1818, ;i battle w.i i rougni i ii- 1 <• bel ween tin- Creeki and the Georgian! the latter commanded by Oen John Floyd y8 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. forty by sixteen feet, eight feet pitch ; the entrance at each cor- ner. Each building is a wooden frame supported on posts set in the ground, covered with slabs, open in front like a piazza, di- vided into three rooms, the back and ends clayed up to the plates. Each division is divided lengthwise into two seats. The front, two feet high, extending back half way, covered with reed mats or slabs ; then a rise of one toot and it extends back, covered in like manner, to the side of the building. On these seats they lie or sit at pleasure. "THE RANK OF THE BUILDINGS WHICH FORM THE SQUARE. " 1st. Mic-ul-gee in-too-pau, the Micco? s cabin. This fronts the east, and is occupied by those of the highest rank. The cen- ter of the building is always occupied by the Micco of the town, by the Agent for Indian affairs, when he pays a visit to a town, by the Miccos of other towns, and by respectable white people. " The division to the right is occupied by the Mic-ug-gee (Miccos, there being several so called in every town, 1798 from custom, the origin of which is unknown), and the councillors. These two classes give their advice in rela- tion to war, and are, in fact, the principal councillors. " The division to the left is occupied by the E-ne-hau-ulgee (people second in command, the head of whom is called by the traders second man.) These have the direction of the public works appertaining to trte town, such as the public buildings, building houses in town for new settlers, or working in the fields. Tney are particularly charged with the ceremony of the a-ce, (a decoction of the cassine yupon, called by the traders black drink), under the direction of the Micco. "2d. Tus-tun-nug-ul-gee in-too-pau, the warriors' cabin. This fronts the south. The head warrior sits at the end of the cabin, and in his division the great warriors sit beside each other. The next in rank sit in the center division, and the young warriors in MODERN INDIANS OF ALABAMA, GEORGIA, MISSISSIPPI. 99 the third. The rise is regular by merit from the third to the first division. The Great Warrior, for this is the title of the head warrior, is appointed by the Micco and councillors from among the greatest war characters. « When a young man is trained up and appears well quali- fied for the fatigues and hardships of war, and is promising, the Micco appoints him a governor, or, as the name imports, a leader (Is-te-puc-cau-chau), and if he distinguishes himself they elevate him to the center cabin. A man who distinguishes him- self repeatedly in warlike enterprises, arrives to the rank of the Great Leader (Is-te-puc-cau-chau-tblucco.) This title, though greatly coveted, is seldom attained, as it requires a long course of years, and great and numerous successes in war. « The second class of warriors is the Tusse-ki-ul-gee. All who go to war, and are in company when a scalp is taken, get a war- name. The leader reports their conduct and they receive a name accordingly. This is the Tus-se-o-chif-co or war-name. The term leader, as used by the Indians, is a proper one. The war parties all march in Indian file, with the leader in front, un- til coming on hostile ground. He is then in the rear. "3d. Is-te-chaguc-ul-gee in-too-pau, the cabin of the beloved men. This fronts the north. There are a great many men who have been war leaders and who, although of various ranks, have become estimable in long course of public service. They sit themselves on the right division of the cabin of the Micco, and are his councillors. The family of the Micco, and great men who have distinguished themselves occupy this cabin of the Beloved Men. " 4th. Hut-te-mau-hug-gee, the cabin of the young people and their associates. This fronts the west. " THE CONVENTION OF THE TOWN. « The Micco, councillors and warriors meet every day in the public square, sit and drink of the black tea, talk of the news, the 100 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. n public and domestic concerns, smoke their pipes, and play Thla- chal-litch-cau (roll the bullet). Here all complaints are intro- duced, attended to and redressed. "5th. Chooc-ofau-thluc-co, the rotundo or assembly room, y called by the traders 'hot house.'' This is near the square, and is constructed after the following manner : Eight posts are driven into the ground, forming an octagon of thirty feet in diameter. They are twelve feet high, and large enough to support the roof. On these five or six logs are placed, of a side, drawn in as they rise. On these, long poles or rafters, to suit the height of the building, are laid, the upper ends forming a point, and the lower ends projecting out six feet from the octagon, and resting on the posts, five feet high, placed in a circle round the octagon, with plates on them, to which the rafters are tied with splits. The rafters are near together and fastened with splits. These are covered with clay, and that of pine bark. The wall, six feet from the octagon, is clayed up. They have a small door, with a small portico carved round for five or six feet, then into the house. " The space between the octagon and wall is one entire sofa, where the visitors lie or sit at pleasure. It is covered with reed, mat or splits. " In the centre of the room, on a small rise, the fire is made of dry cane, or dry old pine slabs, split fine, and laid in a spiral line. This is the assembly room for all people, old and young. They assemble every night and amuse themselves with dancing, singing or conversation. Amd here, sometimes, in very cold weather, the old and naked sleep. 1798 "In all transactions which require secrecy, the rul- ers meet here, make their fire, deliberate and decide."* A very interesting festival, common not only to the Creeks, but to many other tribes, will now be described. As Col. Haw- kins was, in all respects, one of the most conscientious and relia- ble men that ever lived, his account, like the preceding, will be * Sketch of the Creek Country in 1798-1799, by Benjamin Hawkins, pp. 68-72. MODERN INDIANS OF ALABAMA, GEORGIA, MISSISSIPPI. 101 copied in his own style. Of the many descriptions of the Green Corn Dance, in our possession, that by the honest and indefati- gable Creek Agent is the most minute and most readily under- stood. " BOOS-KE-TAU. "The Creeks celebrate this festival in the months of July and August. The precise time is fixed by the Micco and councillors, and is sooner or later, as the state of affairs of the town or the early or lateness of their corn will suit. In Cus- 1798 setuh this ceremony lasts for eight days. In some towns of less note it is but four days. "FIRST DAY. "In the morning the warriors clear the yard of the square, and sprinkle white sand, when the black drink is made. The fire- maker makes the fire as early in the morning as he can, by friction. The warriors cut and bring into the square four logs, each as long as a man can cover by extending his two arms. These are placed in the center of the square, end to end, forming a cross, the outer ends pointed to the cardinal points ; in the cen- ter of the cross the new fire is made. During the first four days they burn out these first four logs. "The Pin-e-bun-gau (turkey dance) is danced by the women of the Turkey tribe, and while they are dancing the possau is brewed. This is a powerful emetic. It is drank from twelve o'clock to the middle of the afternoon. Alter 1798 this, Toc-co-yula-gau (tad-pole) is danced by four women and four men. In the evening the men dance E-ne-hou-bun-gau (the dance of the people second in command). This they dance till daylight. " SECOND DAY. "About ten o'clock the women dance Its-ho-bun-gau (gun dance). After twelve o'clock the men go to the new fire, take 102 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. some of the ashes, rub them on the chin, neck and abdomen, and jump head foremost into the river, and then return into the square. The women having prepared the new corn for the feast, the men take some of it and rub it between their hands, then on their faces and breasts, and then they feast. " THIRD DAY. " The men sit in the square. "FOURTH DAY. " The women go early in the morning and get the new fire, clean out their hearths, sprinkle them with sand, and make their fires. The men finish burning out the first four logs, 1798 and they take ashes, rub them on their chin, neck and abdomen, and they go into the water. This day they eat salt,. and they dance Obungauchapco (the long dance). " FIFTH DAY. « They get four new logs, and place them as on the first day, and they drink the black drink. " SIXTH AND SEVENTH DAYS. " They remain in the square. " EIGHTH DAY. " They get two large pots, and their physic plants, the names of which are : Mic-ca-ho-you-e-juh, Co-hal-le-wau-gea, Toloh, Chofeinsack-cau-fuck-au, A-che-nau, Cho-fe-mus-see, Cap-pau-pos-cau, Hillis-hutke, Chu-lis-sau (the roots), To-te-cuh-chooe-his-see, Tuck-thlau-lus-te, Welau-nuh, To-te-cul-hil-lis-so-wau, Oak-chon-utch-co. These plants are put in pots and beat up with water. The chem- MODERN INDIANS OF ALABAMA, GEORGIA, MISSISSIPPI. 103 ists, E-lic-chul-gee, called by the traders physic-makers, blow into it through a small reed, and then it is drank by the men and rubbed over their joints till the afternoon. " They collect old corn cobs and pine burs, put them into a pot and burn them to ashes. Four very young virgins bring ashes from their houses and stir them up. The men take white clay and mix it with water in two pans. One pan of clay and one of the ashes are carried to the cabin of the Micco, and the other two to that of the warriors. They then rub themselves with the clay and ashes. Two men, appointed to that office, bring some flowers of tobacco of a small kind, Itch-au-chee-le- pue-pug-gee, or, as the name imports, the old man's tobacco, which was prepared on the first day and put in 1798 a pan in the cabin of the Micco, and they gave a little of it to every one present. " The Micco and councillors then go four times around the fire, and every time they face the east they throw some of the flowers into the tire. They then go, and stand to the west. The warriors then repeat the same ceremony. "A cane is stuck up at the cabin of the Micco, with two white feathers at the end of it. One of the fish tribe (Thlot-logulgee) takes it, just as the sun goes down, and goes off to the river, fol- lowed by all. When he gets half way down the river he gives the death whoop, which he repeats four times between the square and the water's edge. Here they all place themselves as thick as they can stand near the edge of the water. He sticks up the cane at the water's edge, and they all put a grain 1798 of the old man's tobacco on their heads and in each ear. Then, at a signal given four different times, they throw some into the river; and every man, at a signal, plunges into the river and picks up four stones from the bottom. With these they cross themselves on their breasts four times, each time throwing a stone into the river and giving the death whoop. They then wash themselves, take up the cane and feathers, return and stick 104 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. it up in the square, and visit through the town. At night they dance O-bun-gau-hadjo (mad dance), and this finishes the ceremony. " This happy institution of the Boos-ke-tau restores man to nimself, to his family, and to his nation. It is a general am- nesty, which not only absolves the Indians from all 1798 crimes, murder alone excepted, but seems to bring guilt itself into oblivion."* With some slight variations, the Green Corn Dance was thus celebrated throughout the Creek confederacy. At the town of Tookabatcha, however, it will be recollected, that on the fourth day, the Indians introduced the «' brass plates." At Coosawda, the principal town of the Alabamas, they celebrated aBoosketau of four days each, of mulberries and beans, when these fruits re- spectively ripened. f < James Adair, a man of learning and enterprise, lived more than thirty years among the Chickasaws, and had frequent in- tercourse with the nations of the Muscogees, Cherokees and Choctaws, commencing in 1735. He' was an Englishman, and was connected with the extensive commerce carried on 1735 at an early period with these tribes. While among the Chickasaws, with whom he first began to reside in 1744, he wrote a large work on aboriginal history. When he re- turned to his mother country, he published this work, the " American Indians," a ponderous volume of near five hundred pages, at London, in 1775. Well acquainted with the Hebrew language, and having, in his long residence with the Indians, ac- quired an accurate knowledge of their tongue, he devoted the larger portion of his work to prove that the latter were originally Hebrews, and were a portion of the lost tribes of Israel. He as- serts, that at the Boosketaus of the Creeks and other tribes within the limits of Alabama, the warriors danced around the * Hawkins' Sketch of the Creek Country, pp. 75-78. t Adair's American Indians, p. 97. MODERN INDIANS OF ALABAMA, GEORGIA, MISSISSIPPI, 105 holy fire, during which the elder Priest invoked the Great Spirit, while the others responded Halelu! Halelu! then Haleluiah! Haleluyah ! He is ingenious in his arguments, and introduces many strange things to prove, to his own satisfaction, that the Indians were descendants of the Jews — seeking, throughout two hundred pages, to assimilate their language, manners and cus- toms. He formed his belief that they were originally the same people, upon their division into tribes, worship of Jehovah, no- tions of a theocracy, belief in the ministration of angels, language and dialects, manner of computing time, their Prophets and High Priests, festivals, fasts and religious rites, 1740 daily sacrifices, ablutions and anointings, laws of un- cleanliness, abstinence from unclean things, marriages, divorces, and punishments for adultery, other punishments, their towns of refuge, purification and ceremony preparatory to war, their orna- ments, manner of curing the sick, burial of the dead, mourning for the dead, raising seed to a deceased brother, choice of names adapted to their circumstances and times, their own traditions, and the accounts of our English writers, and the testimony which the Spanish and other authors have given concerning the primitive inhabitants of Peru and Mexico. He insists that in nothing do they differ from the Jews except in the rite of circumcision, which, he contends, their ancestors dispensed with, after they became lost from the other tribes, on account of the danger and inconvenience of the execution of that rite, to those engaged in a hunting and roving life. That when the Israelites were forty years in the wilderness, 1740 even then they attempted to dispense with circumci- sion, but Joshua, by his stern authority, enforced its observance. The difference in food, mode of living and climate are relied upon by Adair, to account for the difference in the color, between the Jew and Indian, and also why the one has hair upon the body in profusion and the other has not.* * Adair's American Indians, pp. 15-220. 106 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. Adair is by no means alone in his opinion of the descent of the American Indians. Other writers, who have lived among these people, have arrived at the same conclusion. Many of the old Indian countrymen with whom we have conversed believe in their Jewish origin, while others are of a different opinion. Abram Mordecai, an intelligent Jew, who dwelt fifty years in the Creek nation, confidently believed that the Indians were origi- nally of his people, and he asserted that in their Green Corn Dances he had heard them often utter in grateful tones the word yavoyaha! yavoyaha ! He was always informed bv the Indians that this meant Jehovah, or the Great Spirit, and that they were then returning thanks for the abundant harvest with which they were blessed.* Colonel Hawkins concludes his account of the religious and war ceremonies of the Creek Indians as follows : " At the age of from fifteen to seventeen, the ceremony of initiating youth to manhood is performed. It is called the Booske-' tau, in like manner as the annual Boosketau of the nation. A youth of the proper age gathers two handfuls of the 1798 Sou- watch- cau, a very bitter root, which he eats a whole day. Then he steeps the leaves in water and drinks it. In the dusk of the evening he eats two or three spoonfuls of boiled grits. This is repeated for four days, and during this time he remains in a house. The Sou-watch-cau has the effect of in- toxicating and maddening. The fourth day he goes out, but must put on a pair of new moccasins (stillapicas). For twelve moons he abstains from eating bucks, except old ones, and from turkey cocks, fowls, peas and salt. During this period he must not pick his ears or scratch his head with his fingers, but use a small stick. For four moons he must have a fire to himself to cook his food, and a little girl, a virgin, may cook for him. His food is * Conversations with Abram Mordecai, a man of ninety-two years of age, whom I found in Dudleyville, Tallapoosa county, in the fall of 1847* His mind was fresh in the recollection of "early incidents. Of him I shall have occasion to speak in another por- tion of the work. MODERN INDIANS OF ALABAMA, GEORGIA. MISSISSIPPI. 107 boiled grits. The fifth moon any person may cook for him, but he must serve himself first, and use one pan and spoon. Every new moon he drinks for four days thepossau (button snakeroot), an emetic, and abstains for three days from all food, except in the evening a little boiled grits (humpetuh hutke). The twelfth moon he performs, for four days, what he commenced with on the first. The fiftn day he comes out of his house, gathers corn cobs, burns them to ashes, and with these rubs his body all over. At the end of this moon he sweats under 1798 blankets, then goes into water, and thus ends the cer- emony. This ceremony is sometimes extended to four, six or eight moons, or even to twelve days only, but the course is the same. " During the whole of this ceremony the physic is adminis- tered by the Is-te-puc-cau-chau-thlucco (Great Leader), who, in speaking of the youth under initiation says, 'lam physicing him' — (Boo-se-ji-jite saut li-to mise-cha). Or 4 I am teaching him all that it is proper for him to know' — (nauk o-mul-gau e-muc- e-thli-jite saut litomise cha). The youth during this initiation does not touch any one except young persons, who are under a like course with himself. And if he dreams, he drinks the possau." * Whenever Creeks were forced to take up arms, the Tuste- nuggee caused to be displayed in the public places a club, part of which was painted red. He sent it to each subordinate Chief, accompanied with a number of pieces of wood, equal to the num- ber of days that it would take that Chief to present himself at the rendezvous. The War Chief alone had the power of appointing that day. When this club had arrived, each 1778 Chief caused a drum to be beat before the grand cabin where he resided. All the inhabitants immediately presented themselves. He informed them of the day and place where he intended to kindle his fire. He repaired to that placo before the * Hawkins', pp. 78-79. IDS IIISTOKY OK A I, A HA MA. appointed day, and rubbed two stioks together, which produced lire, lie kindled it in the midst of ;i, square, formed by four posts, sufficiently extended i<> contain the number of warriors he desired to assemble. As soon ;is the day dawned, the Chief plaoed himself between the two posts which fronted the east, and beld in ids hand a. paokage of small stioks. When a, warrior en- tered the enclosure, which was open only <>n one side, he threw down a stick and continued until they were all gone, the number of stioks being equal to the number of warriors lie required. Those who presented themselves afterwards could not be admit- ted, and they returned home to hunt, Indicating the plaoe where they could be found If their services should be needed. 1778 Those who thus tardily presented themselves were badly received at home, and were reproached lor the Slight desire they hud testified to defend their country. The warriors who were in the Inolosure remained there, and for three days took the medicine of war. Their wives brought them their arms, and ;iii things requisite for the oampaign, and deposited them three hundred yards in front- of the square, to- gether with ;i little bag Of parched corn-meal, an ounce 1778 of which would make a pint of broth. * [t was only nec- essary to mix if with water, and in live minutes it be- came as thiok as soup cooked by ;i lire. Two ounces would sus- tain a man twenty four hours. I f was indispensable, for, durine; ;i war expedition, the party could not kill game. The three days of medioine having expired, the Chief de- parted with Ins warriors to the rendezvous appointed by the Grand Chief. Independently of this medicine, which was taken by all, eaol] subordinate Chief had his particular talisman, which he oarefully carried about his person, it consisted of ;i small , 111 which were ;i lew stones and some pieces of cloth which had beetl taken from the garments of the Grand Chief, 111 the re turn from some former war. If tin- subordinate Chief forgot his * < lulled On I lit' model n < 'ivi'K l r . i . I . ioal Hour." MODERN Indians OF ALABAMA, GEORGIA, MISSISSIPPI. L09 bag he was deprived of his rank, and remained a com- mon soldier during the whole expedition. The Grand 1778 Chief presented himself at the rendezvous on the ap- pointed day, and he was sure to And there the assembled war- riors, lie Him placed himself at the head of the army, making all necessary arrangements, without being obliged to rendezvous on account of any one. Being certain that Ins discipline, and or- ders would be punctually enforced, he marched with confidence against the enemy. When they were ready to march, each sub- ord irate Chief was compelled to be provided with the liquor wliich they called medicine oi war; and the ('reeks placed in it, such ;i degree of confidence that it was difficult for a War Chief to collect his army if they were deprived of it. He would be ex- posed to great danger if he should be forced to do battle without, having satisfied this necessity, [f be should suffer defeat, winch would certainly he the case, because the warriois would have no confidence in themselves, but, be overcome by their own supersti- tious fears, In; would be responsible tor all misfortunes. There were two medicines, the great and the little, and it re mained for the Chief to designate which of these should be used. The warrior, when he had partaken of the great medicine, be- lieved himself invulnerable. The little medicine served, in his eyes, to diminish danger. Pull of confidence in the statements of his Chief , the latter easily persuaded him that, when he gave him only the little medicine it was because the ci rcumst aiic.es did not require the other. These medicines being purgative in their na- ture, the warrior found himself less endangered by the wounds which he might receive. The Creeks had still another means of diminishing the danger of their wounds, which consisted in fight- ing almost, naked, for it is well known that, particles of cloth re- maining in wounds render them more difficult to heal. They observed during war the most, rigorous discipline, for they neither eat nor drank without an order from the 1 77s Chief. They dispensed with drinking, even while passing 110 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. along the bank of a river, because circumstances had obliged their Chief to forbid it, under pain of depriving them of their medicine of war, or, rather, of the influence of their talisman. When an enemy compelled them to take up arms they never returned home without giving him battle, and at least taking a few scalps. These may be compared to the colors among civilized troops, for when a warrior had killed an enemy he took his scalp, which was an honorable trophy for him to return with to his nation. They removed them from the head of an enemy with great skill and dex- terity. They were not all of the same value, but were classed, and it was for the Chiefs, who were the judges of all achievements, to decide the value of each. It was in proportion to the num- ber and value of these scalps that a Creek advanced in civil as well as military rank. It was necessary, in order to occupy a station of any importance, to have taken at least seven of them. If a young Creek, having been at war, returned without a single scalp, he continued to bear the name of his mother, and could not marry, but if he returned with a scalp, the principle men assem- bled at the grand cabin, to give him a name, that he might aban- don that of his mother. They judged of the value of the scalp by the dangers experienced in capturing it, and the greater these dangers, the more considerable were the title and advancement derived from it, by its owner. In time of battle, the Great Chief commonly placed himself in the centre of the army, and sent reinforcements wherever dan- ger appeared most pressing. When he perceived that his forces were repulsed and feared that they would yield entirely to the efforts of the enemy, he advanced in person, and com- 1778 bated hand to hand. A cry, repeated on all sides, in- formed the warriors of the danger to which a Chief was exposed. Immediately the corps de reserve came together, and advanced to the spot where the Grand Chief was, in order to force the enemy to abandon him. Should he be dead, they would all die rather than abandon his body to the enemy, without first se- MODERN INDIANS OF ALABAMA, GEORGIA, MISSISSIPPI. Ill curing his scalp. They attached such value to this relic, and so much disgrace to the loss of it, that when the danger was very great, and they were not able to prevent his body from falling into the hands of the enemy, the warrior who was nearest to the dead Chief, took his scalp and fled, at the same time raising a cry, known only among the savages. He then went to the spot which the deceased Chief had indicated, as the place of rendezvous, should his army be beaten. All the subordinate Chiefs, being made aware of his death by this cry, made dispositions to retreat ; and, this being effected, they proceeded to the election of his suc- cessor, before taking any other measures. The Creeks were very warlike, and were not rebuffed by defeat. On the morrow, after an unfortunate battle, they advanced with renewed intre- pidity, to encounter their enemy anew. When they advanced towards an enemy, they marched one after another, the Chief of the party being at the head. They arranged themselves in such a manner as to place the foot of every one in the track made by the first. The last one concealed even that track with grass. By this means they kept from the enemy any knowledge of their number. When 1778 they made a halt, for the purpose of encamping, they formed in a circle, leaving a passage only large enough to admit a single man. They sat cross-legged, and each one had his gun by his side. The Chief faced the entrance of the circle, and no warrior could go out without his permission. At the time of sleeping he gave a signal, and after that no person could stir. Rising was performed at the same signal. It was ordinarily the Grand Chief who marked out positions, and placed sentinels to watch for the security of the army. He always had a great num- ber of runners, both before and behind, so that an army was rarely surprised. They, on the contrary, conducted wars against the Europeans entirely by sudden attacks, and they were very dangerous to those who were not aware of them.* * Sejour dans la nation Creek, par Le Oleic Milf ort, pp. 240, 252, 218, 219. 112 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. When the Creeks returned from war with captives, they marched into their town with shouts and the firing of guns. They stripped them naked and put on their feet bear-skin moc- casins, with the hair exposed. The punishment was always left to the women, who examined their bodies for their war-marks. Sometimes the young warriors, who had none of these honorable inscriptions, were released and used as slaves. But the warrior of middle age, even those of advanced years, suffered death by fire. The victim's arms were pinioned, and one end of a strong grape vine tied around his neck, while the other was fastened to the top of a war-pole, so as to allow him to track around a circle of fifteen yards. To secure his scalp against fire, tough clay was placed upon his head. The immense throng of spectators were now filled with delight, and eager to witness the inhuman spec- tacle. The suffering warrior was not dismayed, but, with a manly and insulting voice, sang the war-song. The women then made a furious onset with flaming torches, dripping with hot, black pitch, and applied them to his back and all parts of his body. Suffering excruciating pain, he rushed from the pole with the fury of a wild beast, kicking, biting and trampling his cruel assailants under foot. But fresh numbers came on, and after a long time, and when he was nearly burned to his vitals, they ceased and poured water upon him to relieve him — only to pro- long their sport. They renewed their tortures, when, with champing teeth and sparkling eye-balls, he once more broke through the demon throng to the extent of his rope, and acted every part that the deepest desperation could prompt. Then he died. His head was scalped, his body quartered, and the limbs carried over the town in triumph.* An enumeration of the towns found in the Creek 1798 nation by Col. Hawkins, in 1798, will conclude the no- tice of the manners and customs of these remarkable * Adair, pp. 390-3'Jl. MODERN INDIANS OF ALABAMA, GEORGIA, MISSISSIPPI. 113 people, though, hereafter, they will often be mentioned, in refer- ence to their commerce and wars with the Americans. TOWNS AMONG THE UPPER CREEKS. Tal-e-se, derived from Tal-o-fau, a town, and e-se, taken — sit- uated in the fork of the Eufaube, upon the left bank of the Tal- lapooosa. Took-a-batcha, opposite Tallese. Auttose, on the left side of Tallapoosa, a few miles below the latter. Ho-ith-le-waule — from h-ith-le, war, and waule, divide — right bank of the Tallapoosa, five miles below Auttose. Foosce-hat-che — fooso-wau, a bird, and hat-che, tail — two miles below the latter, on the right bank. Coo-loo- me was below and adjoining the latter. E-cun-hut-ke — e-cun-nau, earth, and hut-ke, white — below Coo-loo-me, on the same side of the Tallapoosa. Sou-vau-no-gee, left bank of the river. Mook-lau-sau, a mile below the latter, same side. Coo-sau-dee, three miles below the confluence of the Coosa and Tallapoosa, on the west bank of the Alabama. E-cun-chate — e-cun-na, earth, chate, red — (now a 1798 part of the city of Montgomery). Too-was-sau, three miles below, same side of the Alabama. Pau-woe-te, two miles below the latter, on the same side. Au-tau-gee, right side of the Alabama, near the mouth ' f be p" ' a name. ■* the fork of the Coosa and Tallapoosa, 01 u.e T Id site of forts Toulouse •kchoie-ooche, towns just above the lat' ^he-ub, hickory tree, and po-*au, iv le Coosa, on the plain jus f 114 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. We-wo-cau — we-wau, water, wo-cau, barking or roaring — on creek of that name, fifteen miles above the latter. Puc-cun-tal-lau-has-see — epuc-cun-nau, may-apple, tal-lau- has-see, old town — in the fork of a creek of that name. Coo-sau, on the left bank of that river, between the mouths f Eufaule and Nauche (creeks now called Talladega and Kia- mulgee). Au-be-cho-che, on Nauche creek, five miles from the Coosa. Nau-che, on same creek, five miles above the latter. Eu-fau-lau-hat-che, fifteen miles still higher up on the same jreek. Woc-co-coie — woc-co, blow horn, coie, a nest — on Tote-pauf- cau creek. Hill-au-bee, on col-luffa-creek, which joins Hillaubee creek on the right side, one mile below the town. Thla-noo-che-au-bau-lau — thlen-ne, mountain, ooche, little, au-bau-lau, over — on a branch of the Hillaubee. 1798 Au-net-te-chap-co — au-net-te, swamp, chap-co, long — on a branch of the Hillaubee. E-chuse-is-li-gau, where a young thing was found (a child was found here) — left side of Hillaubee creek. Oak-tau-hau-zau-see— oak-tau-hau, sand, zau-see, great dea — on a creek of that name, a branch of the Hillaubee. 1778 Oc-fus-kee — oc, in, fus-kee, a point, right bank of the Tallapoosa. T nv-yau-cau, named after New York, when Gen. McGillivrpv led from there in 1790, twenty miles abo lViq * tft side of the Tallapoosa. Took-au-batche-tal-lau-h p ii :, ^ide of the river. to r the same work, written by Col. Hawkins for his grandfather, Gen. Andrew Pickens, who was an intimate friend of Hawkins, and was associated with him In several Importanl Indian treaties, and whose name will often be mentioned hereafter. CHAPTER IV. MOBILIANS, ClIATOTS, TlIOMEZ AND TENSAS. In 1718, the French West India Company sent, from Ro- chelle, eight hundred colonists to Louisiana. Among them was a Frenchman of intelligence and high standing, named Le Page Du Pratz, who was appointed superintendent of the public plantations. After a residence of sixteen years in this country, he returned to France, and published an interesting work upon Louisiana. Du Pratz was often at Mobile, and about the period of 1721 found living, in that vicinity, a few small 1721 tribes of Indians, whom we will now describe. The Chatots were a very small tribe, who composed a town of about forty huts, adjoining the bay and river of Mobile. They appear to have resided at or near the present city of Mobile. The Chatots were great friends of the French settlers, and most of them embraced the Catholic religion. North from Mobile, and upon the first bluffs on the same side of the river of that name, lived the Thorn ez, who were not more numerous than the Chatots, and who, also, had been taught to worship the true God. ( Opposite to them, upon the Tensa river, lived a tribe of Tensas, whose settlement consisted of one hundred huts. They were a branch of the Natchez, and, like them, kept a perpetual fire burning in their temple. Further north, and near the confluence of the Tombigby and Alabama, and above there, the Mobilians still existed. It was from these people, a remnant of whom survived the invasion of De Soto, that the city, river and bay derive their names.* They, also, kept a fire in their temple, which was never suffered for a * Du Prate's Louisiana, pp. 308-309. 118 MOBILIANS, CHATOTS, THOMEZ AND TENSAS. 119 moment to expire. Indeed, they had some pre-eminence in this particular — for, formerly, the natives obtained this holy light from their temples.* These small tribes were all living in peace with each other, upon the discovery of their 1721 country by the French, and continued so. Gradually, however, they became merged in the larger nations of the Choc- taws and Chickasaws. They were all, sometimes, called the Mo- bile Indians, by the early French settlers. The Natchez once inhabited the southwestern portion of the Mexican empire, but on account of the wars with which they were continually harassed by neighboring Indians, they began to wander northeast. Finally they settled upon the banks of the Mississippi, chiefly on the bluff where now stands the beautiful city which bears their name.f They retained, until they were broken up by the French, many of the religious rites and customs of the Mexicans. Their form of govern- 1721 ment was distinguished from that of other tribes in Ala- bama and Mississippi, by its ultra despotism, and by the grandeur and haughtiness of its Chiefs. The Grand Chief of the Natchez bore the name of the Sun. Every morning, as soon as that bright luminary appeared, he stood at the door his cabin, turned his face toward the east, and bowed three times, at the same time prostrating himself to the ground. A pipe, which was never used but upon this occasion, was then handed him, from which he putted smoke, first toward the Sun, and then toward the other three quarters of the world. He pretended that he derived his origin from the Sun, acknowledged no other master, and held absolute power over the lives and goods of his subjects. When he or his nearest female relation died, his body-guard was obliged to follow to the land of spirits. The death of a Chief sometimes resulted in that of an hundred persons, who consid- ered it a great honor to be sacrificed upon his death. Indeed few Natchez of note djed without being attended to the other * Charlevoix's •« Voyage to North America," vol. 2, p. 273. t Du Pratz's Louisiana. 120 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. world by some of their relatives, friends or servants. So eager were persons to sacrifice themselves in this way, that 1721 sometimes it was ten years before their turn came, and those who obtained the favor, spun the cord with which they were to be strangled.* The cabins of the Natchez were in the shape of pavilions, low, without windows, and covered with corn-stalks, leaves and cane matting. That of the Great Chief, which stood upon an artificial mound, and fronted a large square, was handsomely rough-cast with clay, both inside and out. The temple was at the side of his cabin, facing the east, and at the extremity of the square. It was in an oblong form, forty feet in length and twenty in breadth. Within it were the bones of the deceased Chiefs, contained in boxes and baskets. Three logs of wood, joined at the ends and placed in a triangle, occupied the middle part of the floor, and burned slowly away, night and day. Keep- ers attended and constantly removed them.f The Great Sun in- formed Da Pratz, who had, in 1820, taken up his abode among them, that their nation was once very formidable, extending over vast regions and governed by numerous Suns and nobility; that one of the keepers of the temple once left it on some business, and while he was absent his associate keepers fell asleep ; that the fire went out, and that, in the terror and dismay into which 1721 they were thrown, they substituted profane fire, with the hope that their shameful neglect would escape unno- ticed. But a dreadful calamity was the consequence of this negligence. A horrible malady raged for years, during which many of the Suns, and an infinite number of people, died. t This fire was kept constantly burning in honor of the Sun, which they seemed to worship and adore above everything else. In the spring of 1700 Ibenville, in company with a few of his colonial people, visited the Natchez. While there, one of the temples was con- * Charlevoix's " Voyage to North America," pp. 260-261. t Charlevoix's Voyage to North America, p. 256. % Du Pratz' Louisiana, p. 333. a > ■i T? / 2. X 3" 03 J: while the Choctaws spoke the same language, with the exception of a difference produced by the intonation of the voice.* Upon the first settlement of Mobile by the French, they found that the Choctaws and the remnant of the Mobi- lians employed the same language. Indeed, we have 1700 seen that the Mobihan Chief, in 1540, had a name which was derived from two well-known Choctaw words — Tusca, loar- rior, and lusa, black. The Indians who fought De Soto at Cabusto, upon the Warrior, and who extended their lines six miles up and down its western banks to oppose his 1540 crossing, were the Pafallayas. They are believed to have been no other people than the Choctaws. There is a word * Adair's American Indians, pp. 5, 66, 352. 123 124 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. in the language of the latter called fallaya, long* It is scarcely necessary to remind the reader that the Chickasaws 1541 were living in the upper part of Mississippi when De Soto invaded it, and that they fought him with great courage. Now, as the Choctaws, according to tradition, came with them into this country, and were a portion of the same family, ib is reasonable to suppose that the Pafallayas, the brave allies of Tuscaloosa, were the Choctaws — especially when taken in connection with the collateral evidence in our possession. The tradition of the migration of the Chickasaws and Period Choctaws from the Mexican empire has been pre- unknown served by the former alone ; while the latter, with few exceptions, have lost it. On the road leading from St. Stephens, in Alabama, to the city of Jackson, Missis- sippi, was, some years ago, a large mound, embracing at the base about two acres, and rising about forty feet high in a conical form, and enclosed by a ditch encompassing twenty acres. On the top of it was a deep hole, ten feet in circumference, out of which the ignorant portion of the Choctaws believed that their ancestors once sprung as thick as bees, peopling the whole of that part of the country. They had great regard for this arti- ficial elevation, and called it Nannawyah, the signification of which is nanna, hill, and wyah, mother. When hunting near this mound they were accustomed to throw into the hole the leg of a deer, thus feeding their mother. One clay, in 1810, Mr. Geo. S. Gaines, the United States Choctaw Factor, in going to 1810 the Agency, roue up on this mound, which lay near the road. Presently a good many warriors passed by, and, after he had satisfied his curiosity, he rode on and overtook them. The Chief, who was no less a personage than the cele- brated Pushmatahaw, with a smile full of meaning and mischief, said : " Well, Mr. < Gainis? I suppose you have been to pay our * Transactions of the American Antiquarian Society, vol. 2, p. 105. (A paper read before the society by Albert Gallatin.) THE CHOCTAWS AND CHICKASAWS. 125 mother a visit; and what did she say ?" "Your mother," said the Factor, "observed that her children were poor, had become too numerous to inhabit the country they were then occupying, and desired very much that they would sell their lands to the United States, and move west of the Mississippi, to better and more ex- tensive hunting grounds."* The old Chief laughed immoderately, vociferating, " Holauba ! holauba! feenah. (It's a lie, it's a lie, it's a real lie.) Our good mother never could have made such remarks." On the journey he conversed 1810 much with Mr. Gaines upon the Indian traditions, and said that the true account was that his ancestors came from the west.f In 1771, the population of the Choctaw nation was consid- erable. Two thousand three hundred warriors were upon the superintendent's books at Mobile, while two thousand more were scattered over the country, engaged in hunt- 1771 ing. At that period Capt. Roman passed through sev- enty of their towns. J The eastern district of the nation was known as Oy-pat-oO-coo-la, or the small 7iation. The western was called Oo-coo-la, Falaya. Oo-coola, Hanete and Chickasaha. These people were more slender in their forms than other tribes. The men were raw-boned and astonishingly active. None could excel them in the ball play, or run as fast upon level ground. § Both sexes were well made, and 1745 the features of the females w r ere lively and agreeable. They had the habit of inscribing their faces and bodies with a blue indelible ink, which appears to have been the practice of all the tribes to which it has been our province to allude. The Choctaws formed the heads of the infants into different shapes by compression, but it was chiefly applied to the forehead, and hence they were called by traders "flat heads." The infant was t .? Il ? &s the P ollc >' of a11 the Indian Agents to encourage the emigration of the Indians further west, and they never let an opportunity slip of alluding to it. t Conversations with Mr. George S. Gaines See, also, Barnard Roman's Florida, pp. 71-90. t Roman, pp. 70-90. § Adair. 126 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. placed in a cradle, with his feet elevated twelve inches above a horizontal position, while his head was bent back and rested in a hole made for the purpose. A small bag of sand was fixed upon the forehead, and as the little fellow could not move, the shape required was soon attained, for at that age the skull is capable of receiving any impression.* 1745 The dress of the male Choctaw was similar to that of the Creeks, and was influenced in its style by his wealth or poverty. But they all wore the buck-she-ah-ma, flap, made of woolen cloth or buckskin. The female had usually only a petticoat reaching from the waist to the knees, while some of the richer classes wore a covering also upon the neck and shoulder, and little bells fastened to a buckskin garter, which clasped the leg just below the knee. They wore ornaments in their ears, noses and around the fingers, like the Creeks. 1759 They were not cleanly in their persons like the Creeks, who were eternally engaged in bathing ; but, strange to relate of Indians, very few of the Choctaws could swim, a fact recorded by all early travellers among them. As they seldom bathed, the smoke of their lightwood fires made their bodies as- sume a soot color.! Peculiarly fond of the taste of horse flesh, they preferred it to beef, even if the animal had died a 1780 natural death ; and it was not uncommon for them to de- vour snakes when hard pressed for food. i Yet, notwith- standing, they were, upon the whole, very agreeable Indians, being invariably cheerful, witty and cunning. The men, too, unlike the proud Chiefs of other nations, helped the women to work, and did not consider it a degradation to hire themselves for that pur- pose to their constant friends, the French, and afterwards to the English. § No Indians, moreover, excelled them in hos- 1771 pitality, which they exhibited particularly in their hunting camps, where all travelers and visitors were • Adair, pp. 8-9. t Rossu's Travels, p. 298. + Milfort, p. 290; Adair, p. 133. g Roman, pp. 71-90. THE CHOCTAWS AND CHICKASAWS. 127 received and entertained with a hearty welcome. In regard to their habits in the chase, it may here be observed, that they ex- celled in killing bears, wild-cats and panthers, pursuing them through the immense cane swamps with which their country abounded ; bat that the Creeks and Chickasaws were superior to them in overcoming the fleet deer. While hunting, the liver of the game was divided into as many pieces as there were camp- fires, and was carried around by a boy, who threw a piece into each fire, intended, it would seem, as a kind of sacrifice. The Choctaws were superior orators. They spoke with good ^ense, and used the most beautiful metaphors. They had the power of changing the same words into different significations, and even their common speech was full of these changes. Their orations were concise, strong and full of fire.* 1745 Excessive debauchery, and a constant practice of beg- ging, constituted their most g, u*ing faults ; and it was amusing to witness the many ingenious devices and shifts to which they resorted to obtain presents. Timid in war against an enemy abroad, they fought like des- perate veterans when attacked at home. On account of their re- pugnance to invading the country of an enemy, in which they were unlike the Creeks and Chickasaws, they were often taunted by these latter nations with cowardice. Frequently, ex- asperated by these aspersions, they would boldly chal- 1745 lenge the calumniators to mortal combat upon an open field. But the latter, feigning to believe that true Indian cour- age consisted in slyness and stratagem, rarely accepted the ban- ter. However, in 1765, an opportunity offered in the streets of Mobile, when Hoopa, at the head of forty Choctaws, fell upon three hundred Creeks, and routed and drove them 1765 across the river, into the marsh. Hooma alone killed fifteen of them, and was then despatched himself, by a retreating Creek. They were pursued no further, because the Choctaws could not swim. ______ * Adair, p. 11. 128 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. They did not torture a prisoner, in a protracted manner, like other tribes. He was brought home, despatched with a bullet or hatchet, and cut up, and the parts burned. The scalp was sus- pended from the hot-house, around which the women danced until they were tired. They were more to be relied upon as allies than most other American Indians. The Creeks were 1765 their greatest enemies. In August, 1765, a war began Aug. between them, and raged severely for six years.* Art- ful in deceiving an enemy, they attached the paws or trotters of panthers, bears and buffaloes to their own feet and hands, and wound about the woods, imitating the circlings of those animals. Sometimes a large bush was carried by the front warrior, concealing himself and those behind him, while the one in the extreme rear defaced all the tracKs with grass. Most excel- lent trackers themselves, they well understood how to deceive the enemy, which they, also, effected by astonishing powers in imitating every fowl and quadruped. Their leader could never directly assume the command, but had, rather, to conduct his operations by persuasion, f Gambling was a common vice, and even boys engaged in it by shooting at marks for a wager. In addition to the great ball play, which was conducted like that of the Creeks, already de- scribed, they had an exciting game called Chunke, or, 1745 by some of the traders "running hard labor." Anal- ley was made, two hundred feet long, with a hard clay surface, which was kept swept clean. Two men entered upon it to play. They stood six yards from the upper end, each with a pole twelve feet long, smooth, and tapering at the end, and with the points flat. One of them took a stone in the shape of a grind-stone, which was two spans round, and two inches thick on the edges. He gave it a powerful hurl down the alley, when both set off after it, and running a few yards, the one who did not roll, cast his pole, which was annointed with bear's oil, with a true * Roman, pp. 70-91. t Adair, p. 309— Bossu, p. 297. THE CHOCTAWS AND CHICK A SAWS. 129 aim at the stone in its flight. The other player, to defeat his ob- ject, immediately darted his pole, aiming to hit the pole of his an- tagonist. If the first one hit the stone he counted one, and if the other, by the dexterity of his cast, hit his pole and knocked it from its proper. direction, he also counted one. If both of the players missed, the throw was renewed. Eleven was the game, and the winner had the privilege of casting 1771 the stone. In this manner the greater part of the day 1745 was passed, at half speed; the players and bystanders 1759 staking their ornaments, wearing apparel, skins, pipes and arms upon the result. Sometimes, after a fellow had lost all, he went home, borrowed a gun, and shot himself. The women, also, had a game with sticks and balls, something like the game of battledoor.* The funeral ceremonies of the Choctaws were singular, and, in- deed, horrible, but like those of nearly all the aborigines at the time of the invasion of De Soto. As soon as the breath departed from the body of a Choctaw, a high scaffold was erected, thirty-six feet from the dwelling where the deceased died. It consisted of four forks set in the ground, across which poles were laid, and then a floor made of boards or cypress bark. It was stockaded with poles, to prevent the admission of beasts of prey. The posts of the scaffold were painted with a mixture of vermilion and bear's oil, if the deceased was an Indian of note. The body, enveloped in a large bear skin, was hauled up on the scaffold by ropes or vines, and laid out at length. The relations assembled, and wept and howled with mournful voices, asking strange questions of the corpse, according to the sex to 1782 which it belonged. " Why did you leave us?" "Did 1771 your wife not serve you well?" "Were you not con- 1745 tented with your children ? " "Did you not have corn 1759 enough?" "Did not your land produce?" "Were you afraid of your enemies?" To increase the solemnity and * Roman, pp. 70-91.— Adair, p. 402.— Bossu, p. 306. 180 HISTORY OF ALABAMA.. importance of the funeral of a noted Indian, persons were hired to cry, the males having their beads hung with black moss, and the females suffering their hair to How loosely to the winds. These women came at all hours, for several weeks, to mourn around the Scaffold ; and, on account of the horrid stench, fre- quently fainted and had to he Dome away. When the body had thus lain for three or four months, the BONE-PlCKER made his appearanoe. in 177^ there were five of these hideous undertak- ers in the Choctaw nation, who traveled about, in search of scaffolds and the horrible work which will he described. The Hone Ticker apprised the relatives Of the deceased that the time had arrived when dissection should take place. 1 ' pon the d;iy which he had appointed, the relatives, friends, and others hired to assist in mourning, surrounded the Scaffold. The L745 Bone-Picker mounted upon it, with horrid grimaces and 1771 groans, took oil' the skin, and commenced his disgust- 1782 ing work. He had very Long and hard nails growing on 1777 the thumb, fore and middle fingers of each hand. He tore oil" the flesh With his nails, and tied it, up in a bun- dle, lie cleaned the hones, and also tied up the scrapings. Leav- ing i he Latter on the scaffold, he descended with the bones upon his head. All this time the assembly moaned and howled most awfully. They then painted the head with vermilion, which, to- gether with all the hones, was placed in a nice; box with a loose lid. I f the hones were t hose of a Chief, t he colVui a'so was painted red. Next, lire was applied to the scall'old, around which the assembly danced and frightfully whooped until it Mas consumed by the llames. Then a Long procession was formed and the hones were carried, amid weeping and moaning, to the hone house, of which every town Of importance had several. These houses were made by Pour pitchpine posts being placed in the ground, upon the top of which was a scaffold floor. On this a steep 17 h r > roof was erected, like that of some modern houses, with 1771 the gables Left open. There the box was deposited with THB OHOCTAWS AND CHICKA8AW8. 181 other boxes containing bones. In the meantime a great 1782 feast had been prepared, and (sometimes three horses were 1777 OOOked up, if the deceased was wealthy. But. the infer- nal Bone-Picker still was master of ceremonies, and having only wiped his lilfliy, bloody hands with grass, served out the food to the whole assembly.* When the bone-house was full of chests, a general interment took place. Tin- people assembled, bore <>tv the ehests in proces- sion to a plain, wit 1 1 weeping, howlingand ejaculations of Allelu- jah ! Alielujah ! The chests containing the hones were arranged upon the ground in order, forming a pyramid. Then they covered all with earth, which raised a conical mound. Then returning home, th<" day was concluded with a feast. t The Cboctaws entertained a great veneration for their medi- cine men or doctors, who practiced upon tliem constant frauds. Their fees were exorbitant, and required to be L746 Satisfied In advance. When a doctor had attended a patient a long time, and the latter had nothing more to give as payment, he usually assembled the relations in private, informed them that Ik; had done ull in his power, and 1771 had exhausted his skill in endeavoring to restore their friend; that he would surely die. and it was best to terminate his sufferings. Reposing the blindest confidence in this in- human declaration, two of them then jumped upon the 1777 poor fellow and strangled him. In 1782, one of these doc- 1782 tors thus began to consult With the relations upon the Case "I a pool- fellow. While they were out of the house, Ik; sus- pected their intentions, and making an unnatural effort, (trawled to tin; woods which fortunately were near the house. It was night, and he succeeded in getting beyond their reach. The doctor persuaded them that he was certainly dead, and they erected a scaffold as though he were upon it and wept around it. Fortun- • \.i;ur, pp. 138-188. Roman, pp. 7l-:m. ftfllfort, pp. 288-298. t Barl nun, pp . r 'i i-. r >ir>. 132 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. ately, laying his bands upon an opossum, the poor fellow eat of it from time to time, and gained strength., now that he had escaped the clutches of the doctor, who had nearly smoked and bled him into the other world. At length, after much suffering, he made his way to the Creek nation and threw himself upon the compassion of Colonel McGillivray, who had him restored to health by proper attention. Again going back to his nation, at the expiration of three months, he arrived at the house from which he had escaped, at the very time that the people were celebrating his funeral by burning the scaffold and dancing around it. His sudden appearance filled them with horror and dismay. Some fled to the woods, others fell upon the ground. Alarmed himself, he retreated to the house of a neighbor, who instantly fell on his face, saying, " Why have you left the land of spirits if you were happy there? Why do you return among us V Is it to assist in the last feast which your family and your friends make for you ? Go, return to the land of the dead for fear of renewing the sorrow which they have felt at your loss ! " Shunned by all his people, the poor Choctaw went 1782 back to the Creek nation, married a Tuskegee woman, and lived in that town the balance of his life. Before his door lay the four French cannon of old Fort Toulouse. When the Choctaws had become satisfied that he did not die, and was really alive, they killed the doctor who had deceived them. They often entreated the fellow to return home, but he preferred to remain among a people who would not strangle him when he was sick.* The Choctaws had no other religion than that which at- tached to their funeral rites. The French, to whom they were warmly attached, sought in vain to convert them to Christianity. At Chickasaha, they erected a chapel and gave the control of it to a Jesuit missionary. When the English took possession of this country, the Chocktaws of that place would, for the amuse- * Milfort, pp 298-304. THE CHOCTAW'S AND CHICK AS A WS. 133 ment of their new friends, enter the old chapel, and go through the Catholic ceremonies, mimicing the priest with surprising powers. In 1771, Capt. Roman saw the lightwood cross still standing, but the chapel had been destroyed. The Chickasaws, although at the period of 1771 a small nation, were once numerous, and their language was spoken by many tribes in the Western States. They 1771 were the fiercest, most insolent, haughty and cruel peo- ple among the Southern Indians. They had proved their bravery and intrepidity in constant wars. In 1541, they attacked the camp of De Soto in a most furious midnight assault, threw his army into dismay, killed some of his soldiers, 1541 destroyed all his baggage, and burnt up the town in which he was quartered. In 1736, they whipped the French under Bienville, who had invaded their country, and forced them to retreat to Mobile. In 1753, MM. Bevist and Regio encoun- tered defeat at their hands. They continually attacked the boats of the French voyagers upon the Mississippi 1753 and Tennessee. They were constantly at war with the Kickapoos and other tribes upon the Ohio, but were defeated in most of these engagements. But, with the English as their allies, they were eminently successful against the Choctaws and Creeks, with whom they were often at variance. The Chickasaws were great robbers, and, like the Creeks, often invaded a country, killing the inhabitants and carrying off slaves and plunder. The men considered the cultivation of the earth beneath them; and, when not engaged in hunting or war- fare, slept away their time or played upon flutes, while their women were at work. They were athletic, well-formed and graceful. The women were cleanly, industrious, and generally good-looking. In 1771, they lived in the centre of a large and 1771 gently rolling prairie, three miles square. They ob- tained their water from holes, which dried up in summer. In 134 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. this prairie was an assemblage of houses one mile and a half long, very narrow, and irregular, which was divided into seven towns, as follows : Mellattau — hat and feather. Chatelau — copper town. Chuckafalaya — long town. Hickihaw — stand still. Chucalissa — great town. Tuckahaw — a certain weed. Ash-wick-boo-ma — red grass. The last was once well fortified with palisades, and there they defeated D'Artaguette. The nearest running water was two miles distant ; the next was four miles off, to which point canoes could ascend from the Tombigby in high tide. The ford, which often proved difficult of crossing, was called Na- 1771 hoola Inalchubba— the white man's hard labor. Horses and cattle increased rapidly in this country. The breed of the former descended from importations from Arabia to Spain, from Spain to Mexico, and from thence to the Chickasaw nation. Here they ran wild in immense droves, galloping over the beau- tiful prairies, the sun glittering upon their various colors. They were owned by the Indians and traders. The Chickasaws were very imperious in their carriage to- wards females, and extremely jealous of their wives. Like the Creeks, they punished adultery by beating with poles 1771 until the sufferer was senseless, and then concluded by cropping the ears, and, for the second offence, the nose or a piece of the upper lip. Notwithstanding they resided so far from large streams, they were all excellent swimmers, and their children were taught that art in clay holes and pools, which re- mained filled with water unless the summer was remarkably dry Of all the Indians in America, they were the most expert in tracking. They would follow their flying enemy on a long gallop over any kind of ground without mistaking, where perhaps only THE CHOCTAWS AND CHICKASAWS. 135 a blade of grass bent down told the footprint. Again, when they were leisurely hunting over the woods, and 1782 came upon an indistinct trail recently made by Indians, 1745 they knew at once of what nation they were by the 1759 footprints, the hatchet chops upon the trees, their camp- fires, and other distinguishing marks. They were also esteemed to be admirable hunters, and their extensive plains and unbroken forests afforded them the widest field for the display of their skill. In 1771 their grounds extended from Middle Mississippi to the mouth of the Ohio, and some distance into the territory of the present State of Tennessee. But this extreme northern ground they visited with caution, and only in the win- ter, when their northern enemies were close at home. 1745 They were often surprised on the sources of the Yazoo, 1782 but below there, and as far east as the branches of the 1759 Tombigby to Oaktibbehaw they hunted undisturbed. This last point they regarded as the boundary between them and the Choctaws. With the latter they had no jealousies in re- gard to the chase, and they sported upon each others' grounds when not at war. Although the country of the Chickasaws abounded with that valuable animal, the beaver, they left them for the traders to capture, saying, "Anybody can 1771 kill a beaver." They pursued the more noble and diffi- cult sport of overcoming the fleet deer, and the equally swift and more formidable elk. The summer habitations of the Chickasaws were cabins of an oblong shape, near which were corn-houses. In the yard stood also a winter house of a circular form. Having no chimneys, the smoke found its way out of this " hot-house " wherever it could. These they entered and slept all night, stifled with smoke, and, no matter how cold the morning, they came 1745 forth naked and sweating as soon as the day dawned. These houses were used by the sick also, who, remaining in them 186 msiuK'Y ok ALABAMA, until perspiration ensued, jumped suddenly into holes of cold water. They dried and pounded their corn before it came to matur- ity, which they called Boota-capassa — coal flow, A small quan- tity of this thrown into water swelled immediately, and made a line beverage. They used hickory nut and bear's oil, 1771 and the traders l earned them to make the hams of the bear into bacon. In 1771 the whole number of gunmen in the ( 'hiokasaw nut ion only amounted to about two hundred and titty. It is astonishing- what a, handful of warriors had so long kept neighboring nations of great strength from destroying them. They buried their dead the moment vitality ceased, in the very spot where the bed stood upon which thedeceased 1771 lay, and the nearest relatives mourned over it with woe- ful lamentations. This mourning continued for twelve moons, the women practising it openly and vociferously, and the men silently.* The modern leader may form some idea of the Chickasaw and Choctaw nations, as they once existed, by briefly tracing the route of Captain Roman through their country. He began his tour at Mobile, encamped at Spring Hill, passed the head 1771 waters of Dog river, and again encamped at Bouge Sept. 'JO Ilooma — red creek — the boundary between the English and the Choctaws. Pursuing his journey, the camp was pitched at Iloopa Ulla noisy owl — where he saw the Creek painting described upon page 95. Then passing Okee Sept. 80 [Jlla — noisy water — and the towns of Coosa, Haanka Ulla — howling goose — he crossed a. branch of the Sook- han-Hatoha river. He reached a deserted town called Etuck Chukke — blue wood — passed through Abecka, an inhab- Oot. 5 ited town, and there crossed another branch of the Sook- han-Hatcha, and arrived at Ebeetap Oocoola, where the Chootaws had erected a large stockade fort. A southwestern di- • Barnard Roman's Florida, pp. 59-71. THE OHOGTAWS AND rim KASAWs. L87 rection was now assumed, and Captain Roman passed through the following towns : Chooka, Hoola, Oka Hoola, Hoola Taffa, Ebeetap Ocoola Cho, Oka Attakkala, and cross- Oot. 28 ing Bouge Pooka and Bouge Chitto, which runs into Bouge Aithe Tanne, arrived at the house of Benjamin .lames, at Chickasaha. He set out from this place for the Chickasaw nation, and crossed only two streams of importance — Nashooba and Oktibbehaw. Without accident lie arrived at the ('hick- Nov. 10 asaw towns enumerated upon page 184, and Lying within a tew miles of Pontitoc. He proceeded east-by-south five miles and crossed Nahoola-Inal-chubba — town creek — and then assumed a southeast direction, and arrived at the Twenty- Dec. s mile creek, a large branch of the; Tombigby. At the mouth of Nahoola-Inalchubba, Captain Roman found a Large canoe, in which he and his companions embarked and proceeded down the Tombigby. One mile below, on the west bank, bhey passed a bluff on which the French formerly had a for- tified trading post. Captain Roman next saw the 1771 mouth'of the Oktibbehaw, the dividing Line between Dec. w> the two nations, and passed fin; mouth of the Nasheba, 1 11'2 on the east. Floating with rapidity down tin; river, Jan. 6-7 he next came to the Noxshubby, on the west side, and then to the mouth a creek called Etomba-Igaby — box maker's creek — where the French had a fort/ From this creek, the name of which has been corrupted by the French to "Tom- beckbe," and by the Americans to " Tombigby," the river takes its name. Upon it lived an Indian who made chests to hold the bones of the Choctaws. Roman came to the confluence of the Tombigby and War- rior, and, a little below, passed some steep chalky bluffs, which the traders called the Chickascw Gallery i be- .Ian. 10 cause from this point they were accustomed to shoot at » Now Jones' Bluff. 1,'JH HISTORY OF ALABAMA, tin- French boaU. ( >u tbe top ol this bluff was a vast plain, with gome remains <»i buts standing upon it.* Three miles be low I, in- mouth «>i tbe Boukan Hatoba, Roman came upon the old towns of the Ooosawdas and OahchoU, commencing at Saotu loosa black i>i"j) and extending from thence down tbe river for some distanoe.1 Next, passing a bigb bluff oalled Nanna Pal laya, be reached Batoba Cbooka, a bluff on tbe east side, where in-, enoountered ;> desperate band ot thieves, belonging 1 77ii to the town or Okaloosa, of the Chootaws. He then Jan. 18 oame to some bluffs <*:t n<-« i Nanna Obabaws, where ;< gray flat rook, oalled Teeakbaily Ekutapa, rises out or the water i Here the people of ( !hiokasaha onoe bad a settlement. Lower down, I, he party saw a, Mull ii| on the east side, called STagna Eioolah— beloved ground ami encamped at tbe \ll>i mouth ot Sintabouge — snake creek three miles below Jan. 20 whiob was tbe English line separating them from the the Chootaws. Having entered the British settlements* Captain L'oman continued his voyage until he reached Mobile. | * Now i in , ii c ..i i temopoliii |< florae of the Alabama* living at tbe fcown <>i that name below the confluence ol the Cooea and Tallai "'.i iCreebaoi the town of Oakoboy, to be cearei tbe Frem h, who were theii friende, moved upon tbe main Tomblgby. and tbe d id townewhiob Roman mentions were tbose In wnlob tbey had formerly lived. i Roman I loi Idai CHAPTEB VI. The Chbeokees. i i has been sees that i>e Soto passed over a portion of the country of these Indians in the territory which embraces North- ern Georgia. The name Cherokee Is derived from Chera, fire; and the Prophets of this nation were called Cberatagbge, men of divine lire. 1640 The iirst tliat we hear <>i* tin; Cherokees, after the Spanish invasion, is their connection with the early British set- tlers of Virginia. A powerful and extensive nation, they oven bad settlements upon the Appomattox river, and were allied by blood with the Powhattan tribe. The Virginians drove them from that place, and they retreated to the bead of 1628 the Hoiston river. Here, making temporary settle- ments, the Northern Indians compelled them to retire to the Little Tennessee river, where they established themselves per- manently. About the same time, a large branch of the Chero- kees came from the territory of South Carolina, near Charleston, and formed towns upon the main Tennessee, extending as far as the Muscle Shoals. They found all that region unoccupied, ex- cept upon the Cumberland, where resided a roving band of Sbawnees. i>ut the whole country bore'evidence of once having sustained a Large Indian population. Such is the origin of the iirst Cherokee settlements upon the main Tennessee, hut the great body of the nation appears to have occupied Northern Georgia and North western Carolina as far back as the earliest discoveries can trace them. But very little was known of these natives until the English m 140 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. formed colonies in the two Carolinas. They are first 1693 mentioned when some of their Chiefs complained that the Savannas and Congerees attacked their extreme eastern settlements, captured their people and sold them as slaves in the town of Charleston. Two years afterwards, Gov- ernor Arch dale, of Carolina, arrested this practice, which 1712 induced the Cherokees to become friends of the English. They joined the latter in a war against the Tuscaroras. But three years afterwards they became allies of the Northern Indians and once more fought their European friends. At length Governor Nichalson concluded a peace with them, which 1730 was confirmed by Alexander Cummings, the British General Superintendent of Indian Affairs. The Chero- kees assisted the English in the capture of Fort Duquesne. When returning home, however, they committed some 1758 depredations upon the settlers of Virginia, which were Nov. 24 resented. This, together with the influence of French emissaries, had the effect again to array them against the people of Georgia and the Carolinas. Various expeditions marched against them, and their country was finally invaded with success, by Colonel Grant. Having sued for peace, 1761 articles of amity and alliance were signed at Long Nov. 19 Island, upon the Holston. According to the traditions preserved by Judge Haywood, who wrote the History of Tennessee, the Cherokees originally came from the territory now embraced by the Eastern States of the Union, in which "hey differ from the other tribes of whom it has been our province to speak, all of whom came from the west. When they began to be visited by the Carolina traders, their nation was powerful and warlike, and was divided into two parts. The Upper Cherokees lived upon the rivers Tellico, Great and Little Tennessee, the Holston and French Broad. The Lower Cherokees inhabited the country watered by the sources of the Oconee, the Ockmulgee and the Savannah. The great Unaka or THE CHEROKEES. 141 Smoky mountain lay between and divided the two sections.* Their whole country was the most beautiful and romantic in the known world. Their springs of delicious water gushed out of every hill and mountain side. Their lovely rivers 1735 meandered, now smoothly and gently, through the most fertile valleys, and then, with the precipitancy and fleetness of the winds, rushed over cataracts and through mountain gaps. The forests were full of game, the rivers abounded with fish, the vales teemed with their various productions, and the mountains with fruit, while the pure atmosphere consummated the happiness of the blest Cherokees. 1700 About the period of 1700, the Cherokee nation con- sisted of sixty-four towns. But the inhabitants of those situated in the upper district, were continually engaged in wars with the Northern Indians, while those below were harassed by the Creeks. Then again, the Cherokees had to en- 1738 counter, first, the French, and then the English. From these causes, (added to which was the terrible scourge of the small pox, introduced into Charleston by a slave ship, and thence carried into their country,) the population 1740 had greatly decreased — so that, in 1740, the number of warriors were estimated at only five thousand. That year fully one thousand of these were destroyed by that disease.! The Cherekees were so similar to the Creeks in their form, color, general habits and pursuits, that the reader is requested to refresh his recollection in relation to our description of the latter, and will not be required, tediously, to retrace the same ground. Their ball plays, green corn dances, constant habit of indulging in the purifying black drink, their manner of conducting wars and of punishing prisoners, their council-houses, their com- mon apparel, and also their appearance during war, 1735 were all precisely like those of the Creeks. And, in * Haywood's Aboriginal History of Tennessee, pp. 233-234. Transactions of the American Antiquarian Society, vol/2, pp. 89-90. Adair's American Indians, t Historical Collections of Georgia, vol. 2, p. 72. 142 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. addition, they played Chunke, like the Choctaws. However, a careful examination of several authorities, has unfolded a few pe- culiarities, which will now be introduced. Unlike other Indian nations, who once trod our soil, the Cherokees had no laws against adultery. Both sexes were unre- strained in this particular, and marriage was usually of short duration. On account of the pure air which they breathed, the exercise of the chase, the abundance of natural productions which the coun- try afforded, and the delicious water which was always near, the Cherokees lived to an age much more advanced than the other tribes which have been noticed in this chapter.* They observed some singular rules in relation to the burial of the dead. When a person was past recovery, (to prevent pol- lution,) they dug a grave, prepared a tomb, anointed the hair of the patient and painted his face ; and when death ensued, inter- ment was immediately performed. After the third day, the at- tendants at the funeral appeared at the council-house and en- gaged in their ordinary pursuits, but the relatives lived in retire- ment and moaned for some time.t Such ceremonies, practiced upon the poor fellow in his last moments, and while in his senses, was certainly a cooler and more cruel method than that of the Choctaws, who, as we have seen, suddenly jumped down upon the patient and strangled him to death, after the doctor had pro- nounced his recovery impossible. It was formerly the habit of the Cherokees to shoot all the stock belonging to the deceased, and they continued to bury, with the dead, their guns, bows and household utensils. If one died upon a journey, hunt, or war expedition, his companions erected a stage, upon which was a notched log pen, in which the body was placed to secure it from wild beasts. When it was supposed that sufficient time had elapsed, so that nothing remained but the bones, they returned to the spot, collected these, carried them * Adair, pp. 226-228; t Adair, p. 126. THE CHEROKEES. 143 home and buried them with great ceremony. Sometimes heaps of stones were raised as monuments to the dead, whose bones they had not been able to " gather to their fathers," and every one who passed by added a stone to the pile * Henry Timberlake. a lieutenant in the British service, was despatched with a small command from Long Island, upon the Holston, to the Cherokee towns upon the Tel- 1761 lico and the Little Tennessee rivers. His object was to Nov. 28 cultivate a good understanding with these people, who had, indeed, invited him to their country. He descended the Holston in canoes to the mouth of the Little Tennessee, and thence passed up that stream to their towns. Spending some weeks here, he returned to Charleston with three Cher- okee Chiefs, and sailed for England. Three years after- 1762 wards he published a book, from which we have been enabled to gain some information respecting the Cherokees.t The Cherokees were of middle stature, and of an olive color, but were generally painted, while their skins were stained with indelible ink, representing a variety of pretty figures. Accord- ing to Bartram, the males were larger and more robust than any others of our natives, while the women were tall, slen- der, erect, and of delicate frame, with features of perfect 1776 symmetry. With cheerful countenances, they moved about with becoming grace and dignity. Their feet and hands were small and exquisitely shaped. The hair of the male was shaved, except a patch on the back part of the head, which was ornamented with beads and feathers, or with a colored deer's tail. Their ears were slit and stretched to an enormous size, causing the persons who had the cutting performed to undergo incredible pain. They slit but one ear at a time, because the patient had to lay on one side forty days for it to heal. As soon as he could bear the operation, wire was wound around them to expand them, * Adair— Bartram t Memoirs of Lieutenant Henry Timberlake, London : 1765. 144 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. and when they were entirely well they were adorned with silver pendants and rings. Many of them had genius, and spoke well, which paved the way to power in council. Their language was pleasant. It was very aspirited, and the accents so many and va- 1761 rious that one would often imagine them singing in their common discourse. They had a particular method of relieving the poor, which ought to be ranked among the most laudable of their religious ceremonies. The head men issued orders for a war dance, at which all the fighting men of the town assembled. But here, contrary to all their other dances, only one danced at a time, who, with a tomahawk in his hand, hopped and capered for a minute, and then gave a whoop. The music then stopped till he related the manner of his taking his first scalp. He concluded his nar- ration, and cast a string of wampum, wire, plate, paint, lead, or anything he could spare upon a large bear skin spread for the purpose. Then the music again began, and he continued in the same manner through all his warlike actions. Then another succeeded him, and the ceremony lasted until all the warriors had related their exploits and thrown presents upon the skin. The stock thus raised, after paying the musicians, was divided among the poor. The same ceremony was used to recompense any extraordinary merit. The Cherokees engaged oftener in dancing than any other Indian population ; and when reposing in their towns, almost every night was spent in this agreeable amusement. They were likewise very dexterous at pantomimes. In one of these, two men dressed themselves in bear-skins, and came among the assembly, winding and pawing about with all the motions of that animal. Two hunters next entered, who, in dumb show, acted in all respects as if they had been in the woods. After many at- tempts to shoot the bears, the hunters fired, and one of them was killed and the other wounded. They attempted to cut the throat THE CHEROKEES. 145 of the latter. A tremendous scuffle ensued between the wounded bruin and the hunters, affording the whole company a great deal of diversion. They also had other amus- 1761 ing pantomimic entertainments, among which was " taking the pigeons at roost." They were extremely proud, despising the lower class of Europeans. Yet they were gentle and amiable to those whom they thought their friends. Implacable in their enmity, their revenge was only completed in the entire destruction of the enemy. They were hardy, and endured heat, cold and hunger in a surprising manner. But when in their power to indulge, no people on earth, except the Choctaws, carried debauchery to greater excess.* William Bartram, who penetrated the Cherokee nation, men- tions the following towns. We use his orthography : OX THE LITTLE TENNESSEE RIVER, EAST OF THE SMOKY MOUNTAINS. Echoe ; Nucasse; Whataga ; Cowe. 1776 ON THE BRANCHES OF THAT RIVER. Spring SeaSOll Ticaloosa ; Jore; Conisca ; Xowe. ON THE LITTLE TENNESSEE, NORTH OF THE SMOKY MOUNTAINS. Tomothle; Xoewe ; Tellico; Clennuse; Ocunnolufte; Chewe ; Quanuse ; Tellowe. INLAND TOWNS ON THE BRANCHES OF THAT RIVER, AND OTHERS NORTH OF THE SMOKY MOUNTAINS. Tellico ; Chatuga ; Hiwassee ; Chewase ; Nuanha. OVERHILL TOWNS ON THE TENNESSEE OR CHEROKEE RIVERS. Tallasse; Chelowe ; Sette ; Chote-great ; loco; Tahasse ; Tamohle ; Tuskege; Big Island ; Nilaque; Niowe. LOWER TOWNS, EAST OF THE MOUNTAINS. Sinica; Keowe; Kulsage ; Tngilo; Estotowe; Qualatche ; Chote ; Estotowe, great ; Aliagae; lore; Nacooche.t * Timberlake's Memoirs, pp. 49-80; Bartram, pp. 368-369. t Bartram, 371-372. 10 146 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. Gov. Blount, of the Tennessee Territory, made a report to the Indian Department of the Federal Government, in 1792 which he described the other towns of the Cherokee Mar. 5 nation. It appears that a portion of the Cherokees established themselves upon Chicamauga Creek, one hundred miles below the mouth of the Holston, being averse to any terms of friendship with the English. But believing these new settlements to be infested with witches, they aban- 1782 doned them, moved forty miles lower down the Tennes- see, and there laid out the foundation of the "five towns" which they inhabited for many years afterwards, and until their final removal to Arkansas. These towns were : Running Water — on the south bank of the main Tennessee, three miles above Nickajack, containing one hundred huts, the inhabitants of which were a mixed population of Cherokees and Shawnees. Nickajack — on the south bank of the Tennessee, containing forty houses. Long Island Town — on the south side of the Tennessee, on an island of that name, containing several houses. Crow Town — on the north side of the Tennessee, half a mile from the river, up Crow creek. This was the largest of the towns. Lookout Mountain Town — between two mountains, on Lookout Mountain creek, fifteen miles from its confluence with the Tennessee. The first four of these towns were considerable Indian thoroughfares for a long period, being the crossing places of the Southern and Northern Indians during their wars with 1792 the Cumberland American settlements. Of these five towns, the sites of Nickajack and Long Island only are in Alabama, situated in the northeast part of De Kalb county. But still lower down, in the present State of Alabama, were Will's Town and Turkey Town — important Cherokee establish- THE CHEROKEES. 147 merits. The former was named for a half breed called Red- headed Will. At these towns lived the British Superintendent, (the celebrated Col. Campbell,) before and during the Revolu- tionary War.* * Indian Affairs, vol. 1, pp. 264-289. CHAPTER VII. Ancient Mounds and Fortifications in Alabama. In the Southern and Northwestern States mounds of various dimensions and descriptions are yet to be seen, and continue to elicit no little speculation in regard to the race of people who formed them, and the objects which they had in view. Mounds are most commonly heaps of earth, but in some in- stances they are made of fragments of rock. In Florida, Geor- gia, Alabama and Mississippi, they are of two classes. 1540 We will first treat of the large mounds, some of which are round, some elliptical, and others square. Many of them are flat on top, while others present conical forms. They ascend to the height of from forty to ninety feet, and some are eighteen hundred feet in circumference at the base. Especial con- trivances appear to have been resorted to, to ascend these singular and imposing elevations, by means of steps cut in the sides, in- clining at an easy angle, and reaching from the ground be- low to their tops.* During the invasion of De Soto, they were used as elevated platforms, sustaining the houses of the Chief, his family and attendants, while the common people lived around the base. The writers upon that expedition describe the manner in which the natives brought the earth to the spot and formed these elevations. Garcellasso de la Vega states that the erection of a mound was the first object in building a new town, which was generally located upon some low alluvial ground. When completed, the Chief's houses, from ten to twenty in num- ber, were placed upon its top, and a public square laid out at the * See Chapter 2, pp. 65-66. 148 ANCIENT MOUNDS AND FORTIFICATIONS IN ALABAMA. 149 base, around which were the houses of the prominent Indians, while the humbler wigwams of the common people stood around the other side of the mound. Such, then, three hundred and ten years ago, was found to be the use of these mounds. By the writers of De Soto, they are repeatedly mentioned as being almost daily 1540 seen in all the territory through which that remarkable adventurer passed. Yet, many very learned and wise antiquaries have contended, in various works which they have published, that these mounds must have been constructed at a very ancient period, by a race far advanced in civilization — that the aborig- ines who were first discovered by Europeans were incapable of erecting such works on account of their ignorance of the arts and their want of sufficient population. Our readers have seen what a numerous population De Soto and other discoverers found here, and that they possessed much ingenuity in 1564 the building of boats, fortifications, temples, houses, etc. Of all people upon earth the American Indians had most time to engage in such works, for they were never accustomed to regard their time of the least importance. Indeed, the American citizen of the present day, who has lived upon the Indian frontiers, knows that they often assembled together in great numbers and performed public works of all kinds. But much later authority than that offered by the writers of De Soto 1730 will be presented. It will be recollected that when the French drove the Natchez tribe from the spot now occupied by the city of that name, that the latter established them- selves upon the Lower Washita, where they "erected 1731 mounds and embankments for defence, which covered 1732 an area of four hundred acres." These mounds are still to be seen there, and some of them are verv large. These In- dians were driven from Natchez in 1730. Two years afterwards the French defeated them upon the Washita, where they were protected by their embankments and mounds, which they had only 150 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. been a little over two years in constructing. Let it be borne in mind that this was about one hundred and ninety-one years after the invasion of De Soto; and the facts are attested by nume- rous Frenchmen and other authors, some of whom were eye- witnesses.* Charlevoix and Tonti both mention that they found Indians a little south of Lake Michigan, who well understood the con- struction of mounds and fortifications. Even during the ad- ministration of Jefferson, Lewis and Clarke, who had been de- spatched upon an overland route to Oregon, discovered the Sioux and other Western Indians erecting earthen embankments around their camps and towns. Were it deemed necessary, other author- ities could be adduced to overthrow the speculations of those an- tiquarians who endeavor to inculcate the belief that our country was once inhabited by an almost civilized race. We heartily con- cur in the opinion expressed by McCulloh, in his " Researches," that the " mounds were sites for the dwellings of the Chiefs, for council halls and for temples, which fancy and conceit have con- structed into various shapes and variously situated, one to the other." This author has reference, of course, to the larger mounds.f Bartram found, in East Florida, many peculiar mounds. He saw groups of square mounds surrounded walls of earth, and pyramidal mounds of great height. "From the river St. 1776 John, southwardly to the point of the peninsula of Flor- ida, are to be seen high pyramidal mounds, with spa- cious and extensive avenues leading from them out of the town to an artificial lake or pond of water." In another place he says: "At about fifty yards distance from the landing place stands a magnificent Indian mount. But what greatly contrib- uted to the beauty of the scene, was a noble Indian highway, which led from the great mount, in a straight line three-quarters * See Chapter 2, Part 3, pp. 132-133. t Researches, Philosophical and Antiquarian, concerning the aboriginal history of America, by J. H. McCulloh, Jr., M.D. Baltimore, 18'2i>; pp. 516. ANCIENT MOUNDS AND FORTIFICATIONS IN ALABAMA. 151 of a mile, through a forest of live-oaks, to the verge of an oblong artificial lake, which was on the edge of an extensive level savan- nah. This grand highway was about fifty yards wide, sunk a little below the common level, and the earth thrown on each side, making a bank of about two feet high." On the east side of the Ockmulgee, and a little below the city of Macon, in Georgia, are some large and interesting mounds. In the town of Florence, Lauderdale county, Alabama, is a very large and peculiar mound. Near Carthage, in the same State, there are many mounds of various sizes, some of which are large. Dr. Charles A. Woodruff — a native of Savannah, but now a resident of Alabama — a man of letters and research, who has travelled over Georgia, Mississippi, Florida, Louisiana, Arkansas and Alabama, engaged in geological researches — has called our attention to a very remarkable group of mounds on the lands of Judge Messier, twenty-one miles in a southeastern direction from Fort Gaines. A reference to the sketch which he has furnished us, and his description of it, which follows, wili make the reader acquainted with these remarkable artificial elevations. (See page 165). "No. 1. The large sacrificial mound, seventy feet in height and six hundred feet in circumference. This mound is covered with large forest trees, from four to five hundred years old. A shaft has been sunk in the center to the depth 1847 of sixty feet, and at its lower portion a bed of human bones, five feet in thickness, and in a perfectly decomposed state, was passed. " No. 2, 2. Like the former, have hearthstones on the sum- mit, with charred wood around them, which would show that they, too, were used for sacrifices. They are thirty feet high. " No. 3. A wall of earth enclosing thesemounds. "No. 4, 4, 4, 4. Mounds outside of the enclosure, twenty feet high, and probably used as watch towers. " No. 5. Entrance to the enclosure. 152 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. " In the rear of these mounds is a creek, No. 6, and from the large mound there has been constructed an arched pas- 1847 sage, three hundred yards in length, leading to the creek, and probably intended to procure water for religious purposes." The smaller mounds, to be found in almost every field upon the rivers Tennessee, Coosa, Tallapoosa, Alabama, Cahaba, War- rior and Toinbigbee, will next be considered. Many of these elevations are cultivated in cotton and corn, the plough ascending and descending from year to year, with more ease as they gradually wear away. They are usually from five to ten feet high, from fifteen to sixty feet in circumference at the base, and of conical forms, resembling haystacks. Where they have been excavated they have, invariably, been found to contain human bones, various stone ornaments, weapons, pieces of pottery, and sometimes ornaments of copper and silver, but of a rude manufacture, clearly indicating Indian origin. Layers of ashes and charcoal are also found in these mounds. It will be recollected that the Spaniards, during the invasion of De Soto, discovered temples in all the chief towns, in 1539 which the dead were deposited in baskets and wooden 1540 boxes. At a late day this custom was found to exist 1541 only among the Ohoctaws, Natchez, and a few other tribes. The Mascogees and Alabamas, who came into the country after it had been overrun by De Soto, had, as we have seen, simple modes of burial, and hence knew nothing about the construction of these mounds. The bone-houses of the Choctaws were miniature temples of the Indians of 1540. We 1735 have seen in what manner the Choctaws placed their 1777 dead upon scaffolds, and afterwards picked off all the 1759 flesh and fragments from the bones, and deposited the 1782 latter in bone-houses. It is positively asserted by Bar- tram that every few years, when these houses became full of bones, the latter were carried out upon a plain, buried in a ANCIENT MOUNDS AND FORTIFICATIONS IN ALABAMA. 153 common grave, and a mound raised over them.* According to Charlevoix, another conscientious author, the Six Nations and the Wyandots every eight or ten years disinterred their dead, who had been deposited where they had died, and carried all the bones to a certain place, where they dug a pit, thirty feet in diameter and ten in depth, which was paved at the bottom with stones. In this the various skeletons, with the property which the de- ceased possessed, were thrown. Over the heap a mound was raised, by throwing in the earth they had dug out, together with rubbish of every kind. Much later authority will be ad- duced. Lewis and Clarke, whom, as we have said, Jefferson sent to explore Oregon, saw a mound twelve feet in diameter at the base, and six feet high, which had just been erected over the body of a Maha Chief. It appears to have always been the custom to erect a mound over a Chief or person of distinction, and no other bodies were interred with him. Indeed, no prac- tice has been more universal than that of erecting a mound or tumulus over the dead, not only in America, but over the world. Adair asserts that it was the practice of the Cherokees to collect the skeletons of those who had died far from home, and erect over them stone mounds, and every person who passed by was required to add a stone to the heap.t This, then, accounts for heaps of stone to be found in the norchern part of Georgia and Northeastern Alabama, resembling mounds in form. In North Alabama and Tennessee, skeletons have been found in caves. In mountainous countries this may have been one of the modes of disposing of the dead, or, which is more probable, persons died there suddenly, and their bones were not afterwards gathered together, buried in a common grave, and a 1735 mound erected over them, as was the general custom of ancient times. The small mounds in Alabama, which have been excavated, * Bartram's Travels, p. 516. See also Bossu's Travels, vol. 1, p. 299. t " Adair's American Indians." 154 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. contained different strata. Beginning to dig at the top, the op- erators first pass through a stratum of earth about two feet thick, then they come to a bed of ashes and charcoal, and then a bed of human bones mixed with pieces of pottery, pipes, arrow-heads and various Indian ornaments. Muscle shells are often mixed with these. Continuing to dig downwards, the excavators pass through a stratum of earth, which is succeeded by strata of bones, charcoal, pottery, Indian ornaments and arrow-points. 1735 Now, from all that we have read and heard of the Choc- 1777 taws, we are satisfied that it was their custom to take 1759 from the bone-houses the skeletons, with which they 178*2 repaired in funeral procession to the suburbs of the town, where they placed them on the ground in one heap, together with the property of the dead, such as pots, bows, arrows, ornaments, curious shaped stones for dressing deer-skins, and a variety of other things. Over this heap they first threw charcoal and ashes, probably to preserve the bones, and the next operation was to cover all with earth. This left a mound several feet high. In the course of eight or ten years, when the bone- house again became full of skeletons, the latter were carried in the same manner to the mound, placed upon top of it, and covered with ashes and earth. When the mound became high enough to excite a kind of veneration for it, by depositing upon it heaps of bones, from time to time, another was made not far from it, and then another, as time rolled on. This accounts for the different strata of bones to be found in the same mound, and for the erec- tion of several mounds, often found near each other. As for the ancient ditches at Cahaba, and in other portions of Alabama, in which are now growing the largest trees 1775 of the forest, indicating the works to have been of very 1735 remote date, we have been unable, in our investiga- 1759 tions, to ascribe them to European origin, as they J 782 are generally supposed to be. De Soto erected no forts, in passing through this country, and had no ANCIENT MOUNDS AND FORTIFICATIONS IN ALABAMA. 155 occasion to do so, for his army was competent to subdue the natives without such means of defense. It is true he cut some temporary ditches upon the Warrior, near Erie, to repel the savages, who were charging him constantly from the other side of the river. These were soon abandoned, and his journalists mention no other works of the kind which he made.* The French and Spaniards, who afterwards occupied Alabama, erected no forts, except those at Mobile, upon the Tensaw River, at St. Stephens, at Jones' Bluff upon the Tombigby, and four miles above the confluence of the Coosa and Tallapoosa, upon the east bank of the former. The English, at an early period, constructed a fort at Ocfus- kee upon the Tallapoosa. If any other forts or entrenchments were made by the Europeans who first established themselves upon our soil, we have not been so fortunate as to trace them. The conclusion, then, seems to us to be apparent, that these an- cient entrenchments or fortifications were the works of the aborigines of the country. It will be recollected 1540 that De Soto, and the French authors who succeeded 1700 him, nearly two centuries afterwards, discovered towns 179*2 which were well fortified with immense breastworks of timber, around which were cut large ditches. It was easy, within a short space of time, for a few hundred Indians to have cut an immense ditch, or to have thrown up a great mound. The same tools employed in the erection of the latter, certainly the work of the ancient Indians, could well have been used in the cutting of these old entrenchments or ditches. Hence, we con- tend, that at the town of Cahaba there once existed a large In- dian establishment, which was fortified with palisades, and that the ditch, which has produced so much modern speculation among the good people of that place, was cut around these pali- * " Had Hernando De Soto erected one-tenth of the works which have been ascribed to him, in the States bordering on the Gulf , in Tennessee, and even in Ken- tucky, he must have found ample demands on his time and exertions." — "Ancient Monuments of the .Mississippi Valley," by E. G. Squier, A. M., p. 112. 156 • HISTORY OF ALABAMA. sades, or rather around the town, having the Alabama river open on one side. There is a ditch near the Talladega Springs, which formerly had trees growing in it, and which surrounds an eleva- tion, embracing a few acres and taking in a beautiful spring, which gushes out of the rocks at the side of a hill* No doubt, this, and all other works like it, now frequently seen over the territories of Alabama and Mississippi, are the works of our an- cient Indians, for they invariably erected their defences at those places which admitted of the encompassment of running water; while, on the other hand, the Europeans who came to this coun- try at an early period, always dug wells within the fortifications which they made. In the month of October, 1850, we visited a remarkable place at the Falls of Little River, situated in the northeastern corner of Cherokee county, Alabama, and very near the line of DeKalb county, in the same State. (See page 364.) What 1850 is rather singular Little River has its source on the top of Oct. Lookout Mountain, and runs for many miles on the most elevated parts of it. In the winter and spring it is a stream of considerable size, affording a rapid and dan- gerous current of water; but when it was seen upon the present occasion, a very protracted drought had nearly dried it up. The river flows along the top of the mountain with very in- considerable banks, until it reaches a precipice of solid rock, in the form of a half circle, over which it falls seventy feet perpen- dicularly, into a basin. After being received in this rock basin, the river flows off without much interruption, and, in winding about, forms a peninsula about two or three hundred yards be- low the falls. The banks of the river bordering on this peninsula are the same unbroken rock walls which form the falls, 1850 and are equally high and bold. Across the neck of the Oct. peninsula are yet to be traced two ancient ditches, nearly parallel with each other, and about thirty feet apart in * Formerly the property of Henry G. Woodward. ANCIENT MOUNDS AND FORTIFICATIONS IN ALABAMA. 157 the middle of the curve which they form, though they commence within ten feet of each other upon the upper precipice, and when they have reached the lower precipice are found to run into each other. These ditches have been almost rilled up by the effects of time. On their inner sides are rocks piled up and mixed with the dirt which was thrown up in making these entrenchments, indicating them to be of the simplest and rudest Indian origin. The author has seen many such entrenchments in his travels over Alabama, Mississippi and Florida, and hesitates not to say that they are the works of the aborigines of the country. On one side of the bend of the peninsula, and about ten feet below the top of the rock precipice, are four or five small caves, large enough, if square, to form rooms twelve by fourteen feet. They are separated from each other by strata of rock, two of which resemble pillars, roughly hewn out. Three of of them communicate with each other by means of holes 1850 which can be crawled through. These caves open irn- Oct. mediately upon the precipice, and from their floors it is at least seventy feet down to the surface of the river. Many per- sons who have visited this singular place, call these "De Soto's Rock Houses," and they have stretched their imagination to such an extent as to assert that they have distinctly traced his pick- axes in the face of the rocks. There can be no question, how- ever, but that these caves have been improved, to a slight ex- tent, in size and shape, by human labor. But it was the labor of the Red people. Occasionally we could see where they smoothed off a point, and leveled the floors by knocking off the uneven places. It was, doubtless, a strong Indian fortification, and long used as a safe retreat when the valleys below were overrun by a victorious enemy. The walls are black with smoke, and every- thing about them bears evidence of constant occupation for years. These caves or rock houses constituted a most admirable defence, especially with the assistance of the walls at the head of the peninsula. In order to get into the first cave, lf>H HISTORY OF AI.AUAMA ;i person has to pass along a rook passage wide enough for only one man, Below him, <>n iiis right, Is the awful preoipioe, and on hie left, the rook wall reaching ben feel above his bead. A few persons In the first rook bouse with >rds or spears, oould keep off an army of one thousand men ; inr, only one assailant, being able to approaoh the cave at ;i time, oould be Instantly despatohed and burled down the abyss be low. in regard to the Inner walls of the ditches, the author saw in. oement among the rooks, although he bad beard that thai In gredlent (never used i>y [ndians) w;is to be found there. [Jpon creeks and rivers In Alabama, where they meander through mountainous regions, are oooasionally seen cuttings upon rooks, which have also been Improperly attributed to Euro pean discoverers, in the oounty of Tallapoosa, not far below the mouth of the Sougohatohie, and a few miles east from the Tallapoosa river, are cliffs of ;i singular kind of gray 1847 rook, rather soft, and having the appearance o! contain April iiim; silver ore. The face Of lliese dill's is literally y or Ira plement they pleased. Henoe, bowls, small mortars, immense pipes, and various pieces resembling wedges* In shape, are often ploughed up in the fields In Macon, Tallapoosa and Montgomery, and other oounties In Alabama, of precisely the same kind of rook of which bhei e cliffs are composed. The author Is ;>iso sus- tained In this position by unquestionable Indian teeth y, whiob has been seoured by bim. ■ rheie wedge , in appearanoe, were uied bj the IndhuiH In dn^Mln^ Umlr ileei kin Thej were a I id a> olubi in war, having handlei fixed to them. ANCIKNT MuiMis A\l» KOHTIFK VTIONH IN ALABAMA L69 A t'nw iniirs from Ely ton, in the county of Jefferson, the mil bor is informed that there stands ;> Large quadrangular mound, about I it'iy feet high, and flat on the top ; that, near its base, are 1,0 be seen outtings in the rook something Like mortars, some ol which would hold over a gallon. These were done by the in dians, for the Limestone n><;k oould easily be worked Into any shape i>y means of flint picks. The reader has observed that we have often mentioned the published works of Bartram, the botanist, who was Ln our ooun try jusl before the Revolutionary War. We now Quote from hi .Ms., never publl bed entire, but occasionally introduced by Bquier in bis "Ancient Monuments of the Mississippi 1777 Valley." Squier embodies in his work the following account, from Bartram's MS., of the "Chunk STards" of the (Hcks or Muscogees : "They are rectangular areas, generally ocoupying the centre of the town. The public square and rotunda, or great winter council bouse, stood at the two opposite corners of them. They are generally very exten ive e peoially in the Large old towns, some of them are from six hundred to nine hundred feet Ln Length, and of proportionate breadth, The ares 1 exactly Level, and sunk two, and sometimes three, feet below the I*. inks 0! terrace surrounding it, which ars occasionally two in number, one behind and above tbe*otber, and composed of the earth taken from the area at the time of its formation. The 8 banks or terraces serve the purposes of seats for spectators, In the centre of this yard «>r ares there 1 a i«»w circular mound or eminence, in the middle of which stand 1 the Ckv/nk Pole, which is a high obelisk, or four-square pillar, declining upward to an obtuse point. This Ls of wood, the heart of a sound pitch pine, which is very durable. It Is generally from thirty to forty feet In height, and to the topis fastened some object which serves as a mark to shoot at with arrows, or the rifle, at certain ap- pointed times." CHAPTER VIII. The French in Alabama \ni> Mississippi. Afteb fche Spanish invasion of l>c Soto, to which allusion has sooften been made, our soil remained untrodden by European feet for nearly a century and a, half. At the end of that long and dark period it became connected with (lie history of tin; distant French possessions of Canada,, which were contemporaneous with the oldest English colonies iii America. For more than fifty years the Frenoh I'm- traders of Canada, associated with the en- terprising Jesuit Fathers, had continued to advance southwest- Ward upon the great lakes, discovering new regions, different races of Indians, more abundant game, and wider and brighter waters. At length, from the tribes upon the southern shore of Lake Superior, Father Allouez heard souk; vague reports of a great western river. Subsequently, Father Marquette was des- patched from Quebec with Joliet, a trader of that plaoe, five other Frenchmen, and a, large number of Indian guides, to seek the Mississippi, and thus add new regions to the dominion of France, and new missions to the empire of the .Jesuits. Ascending Fox nvcr to the head of navigation, and crossing the portage to the hanks of the Wisconsin, witli hirch hark canoes, the adventurers again launched their tiny boats and floated down to the .Mississippi river. Descending it to the mouth of the Ar- kansas, and encountering decided evidences of a southern 1678 climate, Marquette finally found himself among the June 17 (Miickasaws, whose reports that, hostile tribes thronged the hanks from thence to the sea, served to arrest, his progress. Reluctantly commencing his return up the still' and Leo THE FRENCH IN ALABAMA AND MISSISSIPPI. 161 turbid tide, he found the mouth of the Illinois river, ascended to its head, crossed the portage to Chicago, launched his canoes upon Lake Michigan, and paddled to Green Bay, where he resumed his missionary labors. Joliet proceeded to Quebec with the news of the discovery. The young and gifted La Salle, a native of Rome, in France, educated as a Jesuit, went to Canada to acquire fortune and fame by finding an overland passage to China. Becoming fired at the discovery which Marquette had made, he returned to France and obtained a royal commission for perfecting the exploration of the Mississippi, for which he was granted a monopoly in the trade of the skins of the buffalo. Sailing back to Canada, with men and stores, and accompanied by the Chevalier Tonti, 1G78 an Italian soldier, who acted as his lieutenant, La Salle proceeded, by way of the lakes, upon his important enterprise. Consuming over two years in exploring those vast sheets of water, in building forts and collecting furs, he at length rigged a small barge, in which he descended the Mississippi to its mouth. Here, upon a small marshy elevation, in full view of the sea, he took formal and ceremonious possession in the name of the King of France. The country received the name of Lou- isiana, in honor of Louis XIV., who then occupied the French throne; but the attempt to give the river the name of Colbert, in honor of his Minister of Finance, did not succeed, and it retained that by which the aborigines had designated it. 1682 Leaving the Chevalier Tonti in command of Fort St. Apr. 9 Louis, which La Salle had established in the country of Illinois, the latter returned to France, where the report of his discoveries had already given rise to much excitement and joy. The government immediately furnished him with a frigate and three other ships, upon which embarked two hundred and eighty persons, consisting of priests, gentlemen, soldiers, hired me- chanics and agricultural emigrants, for the purpose of forming a colony at the mouth of the Mississippi. But the fearless adven- — 11 IC)'2 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. turer, having crossed the Atlantic, and being unable to find, from the Gulf, the entrance to that river, was forced to 1687 disembark upon the coast of Texas. Here, erecting Fort Feb. St. Louis, and leaving the larger portion of the colonists, he explored the surrounding country, with the hope of finding the Mississippi, but returned unsuccessful. Death had hovered over the colony, which was now reduced to thirty-six per- sons ; and with sixteen of these, La Salle again departed, with the determination to cut his way to Canada by land. After three months' wanderings, he was muriered by two of his 1687 companions, in the prairies of Texas, near the western Mar. 19 branch of the Trinity river. In the meantime the Chev- alier Tonti, with twenty Canadians and thirty Indians, descended from the Illinois to meet his old commander; but, dis- appointed in not finding the French fleet at the Balize, he returned to the mouth of the Arkansas, where he established a little post. The few colonists left upon the coast of Texas all perished ob- scurely, except the brother of La Salle and six others, who made their way to Canada. Such was the melancholy termination ot the first attempt to colonize Louisiana.* Louis XIV. of France, the most splendid sovereign whom Europe had yet seen, had long been engaged in a war with Wil- liam III. of England, which had extended to their respective colo- nies in North America. In consequence of these troubles, further efforts to colonize the Mississippi were not attempted until after the peace of Ryswick. By the terms of the treaty each party was to enjoy the territories in America which they possessed be- fore the war. The attention of the French monarch was now once more turned to the new country which La Salle had discovered. A number of Canadians had been left upon the shores of France * Hildreth's History of the United States New York : 1849; vol. 2, pp. 81-99. Historie de la Louisiana, par Charles Uayarre; vol. 1, pp. 23-61. Journal Historique du Dernier Voyage que feu v| . de la Sale, lit dans le O dfe de Mexique, pour trouver I'embouchure, et le cours de la Riviere de St. Louis, qui traverse la Louisiana A Paris : 1713— 386 paues. The History of Louisiana from the earliest period, by Francois Xavier Martin, vol. 1. pp. 59-121. New Orleans: 1827. Also many other authorities. THE FRENCH IN ALABAMA AND MISSISSIPPI. 163 upon the conclusion of the war, and among them was a distin- guished naval officer named Iberville, who had acquired great military renown by his exploits against the English on the shores of Hudson Bay and Newfoundland, and by the capture of Pema- quid. He was one of seven sons, all natives of Quebec, all men of ability and merit, and all engaged in the king's service. To Iberville was confided the project of peopling- Louisiana. He sailed from Rochelle with the Badine, of thirty guns, of which he had the immediate command, and with the 1698 Marir, commanded by Count Sugeres, together with two Sept. 24 harbor boats, each of forty tons. On board these vessels were his two young but gallant brothers, Bienville and Sauvolle, and two hundred colonists, mostly Canadians, who had gone to France to assist in her defence. Among them were some women and children. Arriving at Cape Fiancoise, in the Island of St. Domingo, he was joined by the Marquis Chateau Morant, with a fifty-two gun ship. There he received on board a famous bucca- neer named De Grace, who had pillaged Vera Cruz some years before. Leaving St. Domingo, Iberville sailed for 1699 the coast of Florida, and after a prosperous voyage Jan. '20 stood before the Island of St. Rosa, from which point he discovered two men-of-war at anchor in the harbor of Pensacola, at whose mast-heads floated the colors of Spain. One month previous to this Don Roalli, with three hundred Spaniards, from Vera Cruz, had established a battery upon the site of the present town of Pensacola. A deputation sent by Iberville were received with much politeness, but the Don declined to permit the French vessels to enter the harbor, for fear of a treacherous surprise.* The French then made sail to the west, and presently cast anchor off an island, which, from the quantity of human bones discovered upon it by Midshipman Bienville, was called the Isle of Massacre. * The Spaniards, who still claimed the whole circuit of the Gulf-, had hastened to occupy the Pensacola harbor, the best upon it. The barrier thus formed, made the ui- vidiun line between Florida and Louisiana. 164 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. The small vessels passed through the channel between two ele- vations, to which they gave the name of Cat and Ship 1699 Islands. The fifty-two gun ship sailed for St. Domingo, Jan. 31 while the frigates lay off a group of banks, which received the names of the Chandeliers. Iberville despatched two boats to the main land, the crews of which found seven recently abandoned canoes, and succeeded in capturing two sick old Indians, whom they left with presents. The next day, a woman being taken and likewise sent off with presents, returned with two of her people, who belonged to the Biloxi tribe, whose name was given by the French to the bay. Four savages of this nation were then carried on board of Iber- ville's ship, while his brother, Bienville, remained upon the beach a hostage. On the same evening, twenty-four Bayagolas arrived upon the shore, being on their way to fight theMobilians, who, they said, lived on the banks of a great river which flowed into the sea, not far to the east.* When Iberville had caused some huts to be erected upon Ship Island, he entered a boat with thirty men, accompanied by his brother, Bienville, and Father Athanase, a Francis- 1699 can friar, the companion of the unfortunate La Salle in Feb. 27 his descent of the Mississippi, and at the time when he was killed upon the plains of Texas. Upon the third day, Iberville made the Balize, and was the first to enter the great river from the sea. He ascended for the space often days, until he arrived at a town of the Bayagola nation. There he found, preserved by these Indians, a prayer book which belonged to the first expedition of La Salle, some cloaks which the dis- coverer had given them, a coat of mail which had belonged to the troop of De Soto, and a letter written by the Chevalier Tonti to La Salle, whom he had been disappointed in not meeting, as we have already seen. All these things combined to dispel the * Journal Historique de l'Etablissenient des Francais a la Louisiane, par Bernard de la Harpe, pp. 4-8. La Harpe was one of the first French settlers in Mobile, and he kept a journal of all he witnessed in that place, at Dauphin, Biloxi, Ship Island, etc. ■'. ■'. 166 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. doubts which Iberville had entertained, that this was really the Mississippi, and re-assured the convictions of Father 1699 Athanase. Continuing the voyage to a point which he named Portage de la Croix, Iberville turned his boat down stream and touched at Bayou Manchac. Here Bienville, who was placed in command of the main boat, presently de- scended the river to the sea, while Iberville passed through the bayou in birch-bark canoes, guided by a Bayagola Indian. En- tering the river Amite, he soon fell into Lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain, which he named in honor of the two principal Ministers of his King. Bienville joined him soon after he readied his shipping. At the eastern extremity of the Bay of Biloxi and within the limits of the present State of Mississippi, a fort, with four bastions and mounted with twelve pieces of artillery,. 1699 was now erected, the command of which was given to May 1 Sauvolle, the elder of the two brothers of Iberville, while Bienville, the youngest of the three, was made lieuten- ant. After the colonists had built huts and houses around it, Iberville and the Count Sugeres sailed in the two frigates for France. Sauvolle despatched a vessel to St. Domingo for pro- visions, and Bienville, with a small command, to visit the neigh- boring tribes, with whom he desired to cultivate friendly rela- tions. Visiting the Callapissas upon the northern shore of Luke Pontchartrain, and the Pascagoulas upon the river of that name, among whom he distributed presents, and going by land from Mo- bile Point to Pensacola, to observe the movements of the Spaniards, he returned to Fort Biloxi ; but in a few days set off in a boat, again to explore the Mississippi river. After having ascended it 1699 some distance, and while returning, he met, not far below Aug. 16 the site of New Orleans, an English Captain named Bar, in charge of a vessel of sixteen guns, who asserted that there was another vessel of the same class belonging to him at the mouth of the river, and that his intention was to establish an THE FRENCH IN ALABAMA AND MISSISSIPPI. 167 English colony upon the banks of the Mississippi. The ingeni- ous Bienville turned him toward the Gulf, by telling him that France had already taken possession of the river in which he then was, and above there had occupied it with a fort and garri- son , and, furthermore, that the Mississippi river lay consider- ably to the west. In the meantime, Sauvolle received two Canadian mis- sionaries, who had some time before established them- selves among the Yazoos. These holy men dropped 1699 down the Mississippi, entered the lakes by the Bayou Manchac, and paid their brethren an unexpected but most pleas- ing visit. Upon a bluff on the Mississippi, the site of old Fort Adams, lived one of these men, Father Davion, who erected a cross in the open air, and kept his holy relics in the hollow of a large tree. Here he told the Indians who the true God was, and baptized those who were converted with the waters of the an- cient Mississippi. Could a life so entirely solitary, and attended with so many dangers, have been influenced by any other mo- tives than such as are prompted by the purest piety ? At length, the roar of distant cannon at sea announced the ar- rival of two large ships of war, commanded by Iberville and the Count Sugeres, direct from France, laden with provisions for the colony, and having on board thirty laborers and sixty Canadians, intended as military pioneers, with their commanders, St. Dennis and Mai ton, together with a person named Dec. 7 Le Sueur, who had acquired some celebrity in his voyage to Canada. They brought the pleasing intelligence that Sauvolle had been appointed Governor of Louisiana, and Bienville Lieu- tenant Governor. Boisbriant, who also came with the ships, was commissioned to take the command of Fort Biloxi. Dreading the advance of the British, and deter- mined to secure the banks of the Mississippi from their 1700 grasp, Iberville sailed, with fifty Canadians, to a point Jan. 15 eighteen leagues above the Balize, which had been se- 168 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. lected by the indefatigable young Bienville, who had arrived for that purpose a few days before, by way of Manchac, with some Bayagolas, who were acquainted with the inundations of the river. Here they immediately began the construction of a fort, and, after a short time, were joined by the aged Tonti, who came from Canada, down the Mississippi, with a few Frenchmen and Indians. This veteran pioneer was joyfully received by those who had so often heard of his intrepid and fearless adventures. In the meantime Sauvolle wrote to the minister, regretting that he was not allowed to accompany Iberville upon the Missis- sippi, where he could have learned so much of the country, con- demned the location at Biloxi as too low, sterile and sickly, and gave it as his opinion that the country offered no inducement to enterprise, except in the solitary article of hides. . He 1700 closed his letter by expressing the hope that some mines of precious metals would be discovered. About this time Governor Roalli, of Pensacola, advanced to Ship Island with a man-of-war and some smaller vessels, for the purpose of expelling the French ; but, deterred by Iberville's fleet, he hastened back, leaving only a proclamation protesting against the settlement of any portion of the coast, the whole breadth of which, he con- tended, belonged to His Catholic Majesty's Mexican possessions. Taking with them the Chevalier Tonti, Iberville and Bien- ville left their new fort and ascended the Mississippi, Mar. 11 visiting the different tribes upon its shores, and finally resting at the site of the present city of Natchez, where lived the Indians who bore that name, and whose manners and customs have already been described. Delighted with this place, and resolved to plant a settlement there, Iberville marked out a town, and called it Rosalie — the name of the Countess Pontchar- train. From this place the Chevalier Tonti went up the river, and Bienville and St. Dennis, with twenty-two Canadians, started to the west, by an overland route, to reconnoitre the Spanish set- tlements, while Iberville floated down the river to rejoin his fleet. THE FRENCH IN ALABAMA AND MISSISSIPPI. 169 Returning from the west to Biloxi, Bienville was sent to take the command of the new establishment upon the Mississippi, and then Iberville once more spread the 1700 sails of his ships for beloved France. Meanwhile the May 28 colony languished ; the earth was not cultivated, and, relying for supplies from St. Domingo, horrible famine and sick- ness reduced the number of inhabitants to one hundred and fifty souls ! Sauvolle himself died, leaving the cares of the colony to the more redoubtable Bienville. The latter, 1701 deploring the condition of his people, and seeing the ne- Aug. 22 cessity of tilling the earth, in a despatch to the French government, urged them to send him laborers, rather than the vicious and the idle, who roamed the forests in search of mines and Indian mistresses. A delegation of Choctaws and Mobilians visited Fort Biloxi. and requested assistance in their war with the Chickasaws, These were succeeded by twenty other Mobilians, and the Chief of the Alabamas, all of whom were dismissed with pres- ents and exhortations to remain at peace with each other. Sept. At this time, the Spaniards of Pensacolaand the French colony were not only upon good terms, but of mutual assistance to each other; so much so that Bienville arrested eighteen Span- ish deserters and sent them back to Don Martin, the Governor of Pensacola. Iberville and his brother, Serigny, arriving at Pensacola, direct from France on board two men-of-war, despatched supplies to the colonists in smaller vessels, which were 1701 joyfully received, as a meagre portion of corn had for a Dec. 18 long time barely kept them alive. Having received or- ders to break up the colonial establishment at Biloxi, and to re- move it upon the Mobile, Bienville left only twenty soldiers at the fort, under Boisbriant, and sailed with his people to Dauphin Is- land, to which, as we have seen, they first gave the name of Mas- sacre. Here he met his brother, Serigny, and a person named La Salle. The latter had been sent out to perform 1702 170 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. the duties of Marine Commissary. With forty sailors and some ship carpenters, Bienville began the construction of a ware- house on Dauphin Island. With a sufficient force of soldiers, arti- sans and laborers he then sailed up the bay of Mobile, and at the mouth of Dog river commenced the erection of a fort, a warehouse and other public buildings. This place received the name of Mobile,. from the spacious bay upon which it was situated, which 1540 was called after the tribe of Indians who had so resolutely Oct. 18 fought De Soto upon the field of Maubila. The fort itself was long designated as Fort St. Louis de la Mo- bile.* Here was the seat of government for the space of nine years, when, in 1711, as we shall see, the French moved up to the mouth of Mobile river, where they founded the town of Mobile, which has since become the beautiful commercial emporium of the State of Alabama. A few days of activity and bustle had scarcely been passed at the new place, at the mouth of Dog rives, before it was made sad by the meeting of Bienville and Iberville, who wept for the loss of Sau voile while affectionately locked in each other's arms. Iberville had passed with his ship-of-war, the Palmier, over the bar of Mobile point, finding at least twenty feet of 1702 water. It was not long before La Salle and his family Feb. 18 came up to Mobile, which now presented the appearance of a settlement, with houses and shelters. Bienville, anxious to obtain the friendship of all the tribes upon the Mobile river and its tributaries, and to institute friendly relations between the different savage nations themselves, had sent Tonti with a small command to the Choctaw and Chickasaw countries. They now returned, with seven Chiefs of those tribes. The Feb. 31 Governor gave them handsome presents, and exhorted them to remain at peace with the French and with each * In 1777 Bartram, being on a voyage from Mobile to Pearl river, in a French trading boat, touched at the mouth of Dog river, and saw there the ruins of old Fort St. Louis de la Mobile, where lay some iron cannon and some immense iron kettles, formerly used by the French for boiling tar into pitch.— Bartram's Travels, pp, 416-417. THE FRENCH IN ALABAMA AND MISSISSIPPI. 171 other. Then Iberville and his retinue dropped down the bay of Mobile, went to Pensacola, and from thence sailed for France. Mobile being now the seat of government, various delega- tions of Chiefs, Spaniards from Vera Cruz, and Canadians from the northern lakes and rivers, constantly repaired there to see Governor Bienville upon business. Among others, a delegation of eight Chiefs of the Alabamas arrived, whom his Excellency treated with kindness, and dissuaded from mak- ing war upon the Mobihans, Tomez and Chickasaws. Don Ro- bles came with a letter from the Governor of Pensacola, requesting the loan of provisions for his famishing gar- June risons, with which the generous Frenchman readily 1702 complied. Midshipman Becaucourt, commanding the colonial marine, made several trips to Vera Cruz and returned with provisions, the King of Spain having granted the French free access to his colonial ports. Father Davion, the missionary upon the Mississippi, and Father Liomoge, a Jesuit, came by way of the Bayou Manchac, and reported that one of their companions and four other Frenchmen had been killed Summer by the Indians above the Yazoo river. News also reached Bienville, that St. Dennis, at the head of the Canadian scouts, had wantonly made war upon and killed some Indians with whom they were at peace, for the purpose of obtaining slaves. Bienville, grieved at his conduct, endeavored, unsuc- cessfully, to have the slaves restored to their people. Governor Martin, of Pensacola, came to Mobile, with the information that France and Spain had gone to war with England, and his re- quest to be furnished with arms and ammunition was granted by Bienville. He was succeeded .by two Spanish officers from St. Augustine, with a letter from Serda, Gover- Autumn nor of that place, requesting military supplies, as he had been blockaded by the English and Indians. Bienville sent to his assistance a liberal supply of powder and ball. The English of Carolina began to disturb the French 1702 17'2 HISTORY OK ALABAMA. colonies, by sending emissaries among the Musoogees and Alabamas. In a very short time two artful Alabamas came down the river, to decoy the French into the conn try. 1703 Having assured the (Governor that their homes abounded in corn, which would be furnished at the most reasona- ble price, the latter forthwith dispatched Labrie, with four Ca- nadians in canoes, to procure some. They had not pro- May o ceeded far, before they were all killed except one of the Canadians, who returned to Mobile with his arm nearly severed by a blow which he received from an axe. To avenge this outrage, Bienville began the ascent of the Mobile in seven canoes, in which were forty soldiers and Canadians. In four- teen days he arrived in the vicinity of the Alabamas, Dec. '28 upon the river of that name, where he discovered ten canoes without occupants, but saw smoke floating upon the air and rising over the forest trees and cane, upon the bluff. St. Dennis and Tonti advised him not to make the attack until night, to which he assented, contrary to his better judg- ment. The night was very dark, and the path which led to the Indian camp was full of weeds and briars. However, an engage- ment ensued, in which three Frenchmen were slain, and 1 704 the savages dispersed. Capturing the canoes, which Jan. 11 were laden with provisions, Bienville returned to Mo- bile. But he did not relax in his efforts to be revenged, for he presently engaged parties of Chickasaws and Choctaws to puisne the Alabamas, who brought some of their scalps to Mo- bile, for which they received rewards.* An official dispatch represented the following to be the con- dition of the feeble colony of Louisiana at this period : 1704 "180 men capable of bearing arms. Apr. 30 '2 French families, with three little girls and seven little boys. • Journal Historique de l'Ktablissement lies Efrancais a la Louisiana, par Bernard de la Harpe, pp. ;<5-83. THE FRENCH IN ALABAMA AND MISSISSIPPI. 173 6 young Indian boys, slaves, from fifteen to twenty years of age. A little of the territory around Fort Louis (Mobile) has been cultivated. 80 wooden houses, of one story high, covered with palm leaves and straw. 9 oxen, five of which belonged to the King. 14 cows. 4 bulls, one of which belonged lo the King. 6 calves. 100 hogs. 3 kids. 400 hens." This account did not, of course, include the officers. The colonists, suffering from severe famine, were temporar- ily relieved by the Governor of Pensacola, but again became des- titute of provisions; and, while forced to disperse themselves along the coast, procuring subsistence upon fish and oysters, a vessel of war from France, commanded by Chateaugne, another brother of Bienville, happily reestablished abundance among them. This vessel was succeeded by the Pelican, another man- of-war, laden with provisions, and having on board seventy-five soldiers intended for the various posts, La July 24 Vente, of the foreign mission, sent as rector by the Bishop of Quebec, four Priests, and four Sisters of Charity, to- gether with four families of laborers. But what created more novelty and excitement than all the rest of the ar- 1704 rivals, were twenty-three girls, whom Bienville was in- July 24 formed, by the Minister's despatch, were all of spot- less chastity, pious and industrious, and that his Majesty bad en- joined upon the Bishop of Quebec to send no females to Mobile who did not bear characters as irreproachable as these. He was instructed to have them married to Canadians and others, who were competent to support them. Only a few days rolled round, before they all found husbands. These Aug. 174 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. were the first marriages which were solemnize^ in old Mobile, or, indeed, upon any part of the soil of Alabama, by Chris- tian marital rites.* Bat sickness and disasters soon dispelled the joy which these arrivals had occasioned. Half the crew of the Pelican died. Tonti and Levassuer, invaluable officers — Father Dange, Sept. a Jesuit — and thirty of the soldiers lately arrived, soon followed them to the grave. The fort and out houses at Pensacola were wrapped in flames. Lambert, with his Canadians, driven from the post of Washita by the Indians, had fled to Mo- bile, where the Chicasaws and Choctaws had began a war with each other, which was exceedingly embarrassing to Bienville. More than seventy of the former, of both sexes, being in Mobile, and imploring Bienville to have them safely conducted to their nation, the route to which lay over the country of their 1704 enemies, he despatched twenty Canadians, under Bois- Dec. briant, with them. Arriving at one of the Choctaw towns, the inhabitants assembled in great numbers to put them to death, but Boisbriant interposing, they fell upon a stratagem to accomplish their purposes. Pretending that they only desired to rebuke the Chickasaws for their conduct, while the Chief was accordingly making his speech to them, he let a feather fall, which was the signal for attack. The Chick- 1705 asaw warriors were all instantly put to death, and the Feb. women and children reserved for slaves. Boisbriant was accidentally wounded by a ball, which was exceedingly regretted by the Choctaws, three hundred of whom carried him on a litter to Mobile, in mournful procession. Bienville was shocked and mortified at the ruthless massacre, and saw at a glance, that the Chickasaws would suspect him of decoying these unhappy people there to meet the fate which they received. * " The first child born in the colony, and, consequently, the first • Creole,' was named Claude Jousset, and was the son of a Canadian who carried on a small trading business at Mobile." — Louisiana, its Colonial History and Romance, by Charles Gayarie. New York, 1851. pp. 4G4-465. THE FRENCH IX ALABAMA AND MISSISSIPPI. 175 When Boisbriant recovered from his wound, he was des- patched up the Alabama river, with sixty Canadians, to fight the Alabamas and Muscogees. After a long absence he re- turned with only two scalps and an Indian slave. In 1706 the meanwhile the Chickasaws and Choctaws continued Feb. their war, which raged with the most savage ferocity. The French unavoidably became implicated in these feuds. Be- ing considered the exclusive friends of the Choctaws, on account of their proximity, they were often suddenly slain by skulking Chickasaws. Iberville wrote to the Minister that famine again prevailed in the unhappy colony of Louisiana ; that the Spaniards could afford them but little corn, which the men only had be- come accustomed to eat, the Parisian women eschewing it, and blaming the Bishop for not telling them what 1706 they had to encounter in the "promised land"; that titty men had come to make a settlement at Mobile from the Upper Mississippi; and that the colonists would not unite to re- sist the savages and combat famine, but quarrelled among them- selves. At this period, Commissary General La Salle had com- menced a series of vindictive and unprincipled assaults upon the character of Bienville, in his despatches to the Sept. 7 Court. In one of these he said that "Iberville, Bienville and Chateaugne, the three brothers, are guilty of all kinds of malpractices, and are extortioners and knaves, who waste the property of his Majesty." Father La Vente, the rector of Mo- bile, a man of bad temper and sordid feelings, and unpopular with the priests over whom he was placed, became a willing co- adjutor of La Salle in his indiscriminate abuse of the Governor. He, too, wrote letters to the Court, the bur- Oct. den of which was the corruption of Bienville's colonial government. He essayed to persuade the inhabitants that their sufferings were owing alone to the conduct of their Governor, who too tardily ordered supplies from France. He attempted to buy up the sick soldiers whom he visited by giving them (as his 176 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. own) money which had been placed in his hands for charitable purposes. The Lady Superior also vented her spleen against Bienville, by writing to the Minister that Boisbriant had inten- ded to have married her, but had been prevented by the Gov- ernor. Hence, she adds, "Bienville does not possess the qualities necessary for a Governor." The colonists continued to lead unpleasant lives ; the Mus- cogees and Alabamas threatened their existence; their 1706 hearts were troubled with the Chickasaw and Choctaw Dec. war ; while the quarrels among the authorities contin- ued to increase. Father Gravier, a Jesuit, took up the cudgels for Bienville, and defended him in a letter which he ad- dressed to the Minister. But Bienville, disdaining these 1707 cabals, continued to discharge his duty faithfully to the Feb. 27 government, as far as it could be done with his means and ability, and in his despatches refrained from allud- ing to the animosities of the commissary and rec f or, except casually to mention that he had encountered much opposition from the former. Iberville, the indefatigable founder of Louisi- ana and the devoted friend of the colonists, died of yellow fever at Havana, where he had touched with his fleet while on his way to attack Charleston and Jamaica. This was a severe blow, added to the general suffering of the colony, and seri- Jan. 1 ously retarded its advance. About the same time, Ber- guier, Grand Vicar of the Lord of Quebec, came from the Illinois country to Mobile, and reported that St. Come, a missionary among the Natchez, with three other Frenchmen, had been murdered, while descending the Mississippi, by the Chau- machas. This induced Bienville to send presents to all the na- tions of the Lower Mississippi, which would cause them to make war upon those savages. The English from Carolina, aided by troops from Great Britain, had continued to advance 1706 upon the Spanish settlements of the Floridas, assisted by large bands of Muscogee Indians, and had overrun THE FRENCH IX ALABAMA AND MISSISSIPPI. 177 the greater portion of Middle and East Florida, laying waste the Spanish settlements, and forcing the inhabitants and friendly In- dians almost to abandon the country. News reached Bienville that they had besieged the fort of Pensacola, which had recently been rebuilt, he advanced from Mobile with 1707 one hundred and twenty Canadians ; but, on reaching Nov. 24 that place, he found that the thirteen Englishmen and three hundred and fifty Muscogees, who for two days had lain around the fort to attack it, becoming destitute of provisions, had already retired. In the meanwhile, Bienville, in a despatch to the Minister, urged the necessity of sending out more colonial supplies, as the inhabitants had not yet made plantations ample enough from which to derive a support. He stated that the lands were fertile up the Mobile River, but too unhealthy during the period of cul- tivating the crops. The want of negroes, horses and oxen also contributed its share in embarrassing the feeble efforts of the Louisiana planter, and failures were often made. He informed the Minister, further, that he had intended establishing a fort upon the " Tombecbe," in the vicinity of the Chickasaws, in order to secure the friendship of those Indians, who were the most warlike of all, and who were daily tampered with by the English of Carolina, but that the distance to that point, and the general distress of the col- ony, had prevented it; that all the Indians were treacherous, and often assassinated the French, for whose strength they had begun to entertain a most contemptible opinion ; that three-fourths of the soldiers were too young to prosecute a war, and con- stantly deserted, while the Canadians, whom he had de- 1707 clined to discharge, contrary to the orders of Begar, In- tendant of Rochefort, were the sole pillars of the colony. In con- sequence of these things, he had been compelled to abandon the establishment upon the Mississippi. In addition, he stated that La Salle had refused to pay the colonists their just dues, and had — 12 178 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. withheld payment from those who had been sent to a distance upon important duties. The continued reports of the malpractices of Bienville, which had reached the ears of the Minister, induced the French govern- ment to order his arrest. DeMuys was appointed Gov- July23 ernor of Louisiana, "to prove the facts charged against this person, to arrest him if they were true, and to send him a prisoner to France." Thus the unjust and singular position was assumed, of leaving to Bienville's successor to decide whether he was guilty or innocent! In the meantime, Bienville, hearing of his disgrace at Court, demanded to be dismissed from his post, to enable him to return to France. This startled the inhabitants of Mobile, who were warmly attached to him, and who imme- diately petitioned the government that, if Bienville's request should be allowed, that he should immediately be sent back to them as their Governor. But DeMuys, his successor and his judge, died at Havana on his passage out. Diron D'Artaguette was appointed Commissary General in the place of the growling La Salle, whom the government had also removed. D'Artaguette, more fortunate than his companion, had reached Mobile in safety, and was directed to investigate the charges against Bienville, without letting him know what they were. However, fortunate- ly for the cause of justice, and perhaps the future wel- 1708 fare of the colony, D'Artaguette, in the report of his in- Feb. 26 vestigations to the Minister, was enabled to close by saying, that "all the accusations brought against Bien- ville were most miserable calumnies." Subjoined to this state- ment was the attestation of Boisbriant, now Major of the fort at Mobile. But the disappointed and vindictive La Salle renewed his accusations, in which he assured the Minister that an under- standing existed between Bienville and the new Commissary, and that the report of the latter was not to be believed. At the same time he denounced Barrot, the surgeon of the colony, as "an THE FRENCH IN ALABAMA AND MISSISSIPPI. 179 ignorant man — a drunkard and a rogue, who sold, for his own profit, the medicines belonging to the king." The following is a statement of the condition of the 1708 colony of Louisiana at this period : Aug. GARRISON. 14 superior officers, comprising a midshipman attending on the commandant. 76 soldiers, comprising four military officers. 13 sailors, comprising four naval officers. 2 Canadians, serving as clerks in the warehouses, by order of Bienville. 1 superintendent of the warehouses. 3 priests, comprising one rector. 6 workmen. 1 Canadian, serving as interpreter. 6 cabin boys, learning the Indian language, and intended to serve by land and sea as workmen. INHABITANTS. 24 inhabitants who have no grants of land, which prevents the majority from working plantations. 28 women. 1708 25 children. Aug. 80 slaves, men and women, of various Indian na- tions. 157 TOTAL. 279, of whom six are sick. In addition to these there are more than 60 Canadians who live in the Indian villages on the Mississippi, without the per- mission of the Governor, and who destroy, by their evil and lib- 180 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. ertine life with the Indian women, all that the missionaries and others have instructed them in the mysteries of religion. ANIMALS. 50 cows. 40 calves. 4 bulls. 8 oxen, four of which belong to the King. 1400 hogs and sows. 2000 hens, or thereabouts. In consequence of the death of the recently appointed Gov- ernor of Louisiana, and the complete overthrow of the charges brought against the old one, the French government permitted the latter to continue at his responsible and thankless post. Knowing that the colony could not prosper unless the earth was cultivated, Governor Bienville endeavored in vain to make the whites under him labor in the fields. On the other hand, the savages, whom the French had endeavored to enslave, 1708 would escape to their native woods, at the slightest ap- Oct. 12 pearance of coercion. In a despatch to the Minister, Bienville recommended that the colonists be allowed to send Indians to the West India Islands, and there to exchange them for negroes, asserting that these Islanders would give two Africans for three savages. His proposition was laid before M. Robert, one of the heads of the Bureau of the Minister Nov. 28 of Marine, who pronounced against it, upon the ground that the inhabitants of the West Indies would not part with their good negroes, and that the only way to obtain such was by purchasing from Guinea. Another idea of Bienville's seemed still more unreasonable. He had given orders to watch several inhabitants of Mobile, to prevent them from leaving the country. As they had " amassed considerable property in the colony, by keeping public-house, it was but just," said he to the Minister, " to compel them to remain." THE FRENCH IN ALABAMA AND MISSISSIPPI. 181 Although discharged from office, La Salle, far from remain- ing quiet, continued to complain of the administration of the colony. He urged the Minister to send thirty 1709 females to Mobile, to prevent, by marriage, the debauch- May 12 ery which was committed with Indian women. He said that such an importation would serve to keep at home a number of Canadians who roamed the country in search of female slaves. He agreed in opinion with Bienville that negroes were indispensable to the prosperity of the colony ; and in this he was right, for ex- perience has proved that neither South Carolina, Louisiana, nor any other Southern State, with such low, rich lands, and with a humid atmosphere so destructive to the constitutions of the whites, could ever have been successfully brought into cultiva- tion without African labor. Commissary D'Artaguette, visiting the country lying be- tween Lake Pontchartrain and the Mississippi river, now a por- tion of New Orleans, found there seven Frenchmen, who had each planted an acre of Indian corn, brought from 1709 the Illinois, and which grew most luxuriantly. He wrote to the Minister, as Iberville and Bienville had often done before, urging the establishment of colonies upon that river, and for their protection against the floods, the erection of embankments along the margin. Although LaSalle had died at Mobile early in the year 1710, a short time after the death of his second wife, who, like the first, had. been reared in the hospitals, yet Bienville 1710 failed not to find those who were equally willing to com- ment, in the most illiberal manner, upon his administration. Ma- rigny, an officer of the garrison, in a despatch to the Minister, accused him with disregarding the interests of the colony. La Vente, the curate, who appeared officiously desirous to attend to the temporal as well as the spiritual affairs of Louisiana, also abused him without measure, attributing to him every misfor- tune which attended the inhabitants of Mobile. He assured the 182 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. Minister, that if the permission of the government could be ob- tained, they had determined to form a colony upon Dau- 1710 phin Island, where there were twenty fortified houses, for the purpose of catching fish, and being more con- venient to the supplies which might be sent to them from Pen- sacola and France. Under these repeated assaults, Bienville lost the dignity and patience which had formerly characterized his conduct, and now retorted upon his adversaries with considera- ble acrimony. In one of his despatches, he said, that " the curate, La Vente, endeavored to excite everybody against him ;" that the curate was " not ashamed to keep an open shop and sell like an avaricious Jew." Verily, this father must have been a man who possessed too much malignity, avarice and bad tem- per, to have been a successful missionary in the holy cause in which he was ostensibly engaged. December Thus the year 1710 closed with such controver- sies, while Bienville had been obliged to distribute his men among the Indian towns to procure something to eat.* How unfortunate that the colonists, like mere children, should have depended upon the mother country for everything which went into their mouths, when moderate industry, bestowed higher up the Tombigby and Alabama rivers, upon the more ele- vated and less sickly lands, would have ensured them an abun- dance. * Histoire de la Louisiane, par Charles Gayarre, vol. 1, pp. 78-91. CHAPTER IX. The Colony of Louisiana Granted to Crozat. The high floods having inundated the settlements around Fort St. Louis de la Mobile, Bienville determined to place his people upon more elevated ground. All the inhabitants, except the garrison of the fort, removed upon the Mobile river, where, upon the site of the present beautiful and wealthy com- mercial emporium of Alabama, they established them- 1711 selves. Here Bienville built a new wooden fort, which, March in a few years, was destroyed to give place to an exten- sive fortress of brick, called, in French times, Fort Conde, and in English and Spanish times, Fort Charlotte. The seat of govern- ment was permanently fixed here, and the leading characters of the colony made Mobile their headquarters. Only a small garri- son was left at the old settlement at the mouth of the Dog river, which, however, continued to guard that point for several years after this period. The Chickasaws having again engaged in a war with the Choctaws, at the instance of the English, and thirty of the former tribe being at Mobile at the time, they implored Bienville to have them safely conducted home, through the country of their ene- mies. Desiring to acquire the confidence of the Chickasaws by acts of kindness that would induce them to break up their alli- ance with the Carolinians, Bienville readily granted their request, and despatched his brother, Chateaugne, with thirty soldiers, to escort them. He was successful in his mission, and returned to Mobile without having met any serious adventures. The colony of Louisiana still remained in a precarious situ- 183 IS1 imstokv OF ALABAMA. ation. [t is true, the inhabitants bad to some extent begun the cultivation of tobacco, tin; first samples of which were I7M supposed to be superior to the quality raised inVir- ( )c!,. 27 ginia. Wheat came up most luxuriantly, but the damp atmosphere destroyed it when it commenced maturing. Notwithstanding the long war which bad existed between France and England, no attacks of the enemy had been directed against any part, of the Louisiana colony, until about this time, when a pirate ship from Jamaica disembarked On Dauphin Island, and plundered the inhabitants of nearly all which they possessed. Not long afterwards, this first and last act of hostility during the present war, was succeeded by the arrival of a ship which came Upon a more agreeable mission. She brought large sup- 1711 plies for the colony, and when she hoisted her sails to return to France, D'Artaguette, the commissary general, an accomplished man, who well understood his business, became 8 passenger on board oi her, to the regret of all the inhabitants, who ardently desired him to remain longer with them. The following is a statement of the colonial disbursements of the year 17 1 1 : PAYMENTS. 'I'o L2 workmen on the fortitication 4,480 /lores. « 28 naval officers, soldiers and cabin boys. 4,. r >72 " superior officers 19,988 " medicine chest • r>()<> « wax candles in the chapel 270 « presents to the Indians 4,000 maintenance of military companies 27,688 01,504 livree. D'Artaguette, the colonial commissary, had a prosperous voyage to France, and arrived there 1 ' at the time," to use the eloquent language of Gayarre, w when the star of Louis XIV., THE COLONY of Louisiana GRANTED TO OBOZAT. 185 which had shed such brilliant glory around for half a century, was almost extinguished, and the doors of the old cathedral of St. Dennis had already opened in expectation of receiving the great monarch, whom age and misfortune urged rapidly to the tomb." The country, too, over which he had so long reigned, w;is then groaning under the effects of the long, bloody smd ex- pensive wars which h<; had waged. The report which D'Arta- guette now made of the unhappy condition of the colony of Louisiana, induced the French Government to number that fruit- less and extravagant bantling among its other misfortunes. It determined to hand the colony over to tin; care of a company, or to some rich merchant, with a grant of its exclusive commerce and other important privileges. Accordingly, an opulent mer- chant, named Antoine Crozat, entered into a contract with the King of France. The King granted to him for the term of fifteen years, the exclusive commerce of all the conn- 1712 try known as the colony of Louisiana, embracing the Sept. 14 country upon tin; Alabama and Tombigby, with their va- rious tributary streams ; of all the islands at or near their entrance to the sea ; of all the lakes, rivers and islands connected with the lakes Pontchartrain. Mauripas, Borne, etc. ; of all the country upon the Mississippi and its numerous tributaries, from the sea as high up as the Illinois river, together with that of Texas. He also ceded to him u forever " all the lands which In; could establish himself upon, all the manufactures which he could put into operation, and all the structures which he should erect. The King also granted to him the proceeds of all the mines which he might find and work, and agreed to appropriate titty thousand livres annually toward the payment of his officers and troops in Louisiana. For all these privileges, Orozat obligated, on his part, to appropriate one-fourth of the proceeds of the mines of precious metals to the King's use ; to forfeit the lands which were granted to him « /biever" if the improvements or manufactures which lie 186 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. placed upon them should be abandoned by him or should cease to exist; to send a vessel annually to Guinea for slaves for the colony, and to send every year two ships from France, Sept. 14 with a certain number of emigrants to Louisiana ; and, at the expiration of nine years, to pay the salaries of the King's officers in the colony during the remainder of his time, with the privilege of nominating those officers for his majesty's appointment. All this country was to be a dependency upon the govern- ment of New France. The ordinances and usages of the Provost and Viscount of Paris were to rule the colony, in connection with a council similar to that which then existed in St. Domingo. About the time that France thus abandoned our soil and the few white inhabitants upon it, to the wealthy Parisian merchant, the King, by the treaty of Utrecht, ceded to England the country of Nova Scotia, with its ancient boundaries. The population of Louisiana, now turned over to Crozat, con- sisted of twenty-eight families, twenty negroes, seventy - 1712 five Canadians, and two companies of infantry of fifty Sept. 14 men each, the whole numbering three hundred and twenty-four souls. They were scattered over the colony, and separated by large rivers and expansive lakes, protected by only six forts of miserable construction, built of stakes, trees and earth, and portions of them covered with palm leaves. These forts were situated as follows : one upon the Mississippi, one upon Ship Island, one upon Dauphin Island, one at Biloxi, one at the old and the other at the new settlement of Mobile. At length a vessel of fifty guns disembarked at Dauphin Is- land the officers intended for the government of Louis- 1713 iana under Crozat's charter. Among them were Lamotte May 17 Cadillac, the new Governor; Duclos, the Commissary General; Lebas, the Comptroller; and Dirigoin and La- loire de Ursins, directors of the affairs of Crozat in the colony. Governor Cadillac had served with distinction in the wars of THE COLONY OF LOUISIANA GRANTED TO CROZAT. 187 Panada, and brought with him to the colony of Louisiana his daughter, whom he attempted, as we shall see, to marry to Bien- ville. He was a man of poor judgment, of weak feelings, and much selfishness. To interest him in the deepest manner, in ac- complishing his various schemes of colonial aggrandizement, Cro- zat had promised him a portion of his profits. But Cadillac, in his first despatch to the Minister, began to complain of everybody and everything appertaining to the colony; and 1713 all his other documents to that high functionary were, May 17 likewise, rilled with carping epithets, which would only emanate from a selfish and childish mind like his. Dauphin Is- land, which, he said, had been represented to him as a terrestrial paradise, he assured the Minister, was a poor and miserable spot, supporting but a few improvements, with a few fig trees and sap- less vines of the grape and lemon. Wheat did not grow upon the whole continent, having been abandoned upon the borders of Lake Pontchartrain and at Natchez, where one Larigne had endeavored to raise it. Other colonial officers, also, July 15 hastened to complain. Duclos wrote to the Minister that twelve girls had lately arrived from France, who were too ugly and badly formed to secure the affections of the men, and that but two of them had yet found husbands. He was afraid that the other ten would remain on hand a long time. He thought proper to suggest that those who sent girls to the colony in future should attach more importance to beauty than to virtue, as the Canadians were not scrupulous as to the lives which their spouses may have formerly led. But if they were only to be offered girls as ugly as these they would rather attach themselves to Indian females, particularly in the Illinois country, where the Jesuit priests sanctioned such alliances by the marital ceremony. Duclos again wrote to the Minister, accusing Cadillac with having appropriated the presents intended for the In- dians, to his own use, and recommended that the Gov- 1712 ernor should, in future, be required to confer with Bien- Oct. 25 ISM HIST0B1 OF ai.auama v i I h * in relation i<> the distribution of Michc preHentw; the Latter) be remarked, having for so many years, i»y justice, bonor and good ;ir the oolony consisted merely In skins of deer, bear, and other animals and Lumber. That the coutbwb dt bod hunted for peltry and slaves, which they brought to Mnhiie and sold, and that tin' peltry was then re-sold, together with vegetables and poultry, to the Spaniards ; know how h> drill soldiers, and had not since learned any thing ni proper discipline ; and that the soldiers all had Indian wives wild cooked for them and waited upon them — ail of which be pronounoed to be intolerable tie believed that the oolony pre sented but two objeots of oo eroe— trade with the Spaniards of Mexico and the working <>i preolous mines, d the lal L718 lei could be discovered j but that, unfortunately, i>in gion, one of < irozat's dlreotors, was a, man of no oapaoi ty, while Lebas, the comptroller, was extremely dissipated. He desired more tradespeople, sailors;' Canadians and artizans to be sent out, and a ohuroh to be erected at Mobile. But the latter THE COLON'S OF i.oiisiana okantki. fO GBOZAT. L8U the inhabitants would be delighted not to have, [ndeed, a ma- jority of the gentlemen, priests and missionaries, had not taken sacrament for eight years, the soldiers bad not kept. Palm Bun day, but followed the example of Bienville ami his adherents that the sea captain who brought < > 1 1 1- the twelve girls bad se- duced more than half of them upon the passage, winch was the cause of their not having married respeotable persons in the colony, ami he contended that it was best, under the oiroura- stanoes, that the soldiers should be allowed to marry them, for fear that their poverty would drive them to prostitution, in re laiion i the French below, and to the Spaniards Inhabiting the province oi Florida, The Creeks, in conjunction with their British allies, Invaded the latter provinces, as we bave already seen. 1702 Bienville bad repeatedly suggested <<> the French to iv ii government the neoesi Ity of establishing it fort and I rad« Ing post upon the Alabama river, in the immediate strong bold of the powerful Creeks, to counteract the Influence of the Carolinians ; but a war ensued between bim and the ( ireeks, with whom ii<- bad an engagement, ;i» we bave seen, and against whom in- found ii imperative, for the preservation <>i ins colony, t<» in. ii.- the Cbootaws and other tribes. About the commencement oi the year 1714, and when Crozat's charter bad ix-m In operation for near ;■ twelve month, Bienville, who was still retained bigb In authority as royal lieutenant, only second t<> the Governor, vvas must fortunate in making peace with the (nri. Having obtained from them their consent fortbeerec hun oi :> tort bigb up in their oountry, be was authorized i».y the oolonlal oounoll ;>t Mobile to immediately establish it. Crozat's directors deemed the location a most suitable one for the advanoe merit oi bis 0( leroe, besides the barrier it would interpose i«» the enemies "i that commerce. Accordingly Bienville embarked at, Mobile, with eight iron oannon many fire arms, ;• large supply <>i ammunition, meroban ( i, .... mi. ,i,i,. inr the Indians, and a liberal supply <>i provisions, on board I wo small sailing vessels, \v Ith these vessels also went .i number of oanoes oi various descriptions. The expedition was composed of soldiers, ( lanadlans and Mobile ;n«f commerce by either river. Re- i urningto Ooopawda, Bienville now advanced his fleet from thence to the junction, where, entering tbe Coosa, be arrived at Tuske- gee, where the voyage terminated. The crew left tbe boats, as- cended tbe bluff, formed themselves In religious order, and sur- rounded a cross which had been hastily constructed. Two priests, who accompanied the expedition, chanted praises to the Most High, and went through other solemn ceremonies, in presence of a number of tin; natives, who contemplated the scene with • Now tin- ilte <>i Washington. i n«>w tin- iltc <>i Montgomery. 13 194 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. calmness and respect, and who preserved the most profound silence. With the assistance of the natives, Bienville began the erection of a wooden fort with four bastions, in each one of which he mounted two of the cannon. As the history of these cannon is rather singular, and may interest some of our readers, we must be allowed to digress a little from the main narrative, by a brief reference to it. These cannon remained upon the en- trenchments of Fort Toulouse from 1714 to 17G3. Then the French commandant spiked them, broke off the trunions, evacu- ated the fort, and left the cannon there in that situation. The English, who, in 1763, succeeded to the possession of this coun- try, threw a garrison into Fort Toulouse, but in a very short time also evacuated it and it fell into rapid decay ; but still the French cannon remained there. A few years after Col. Hawkins had been stationed among the Creeks, as their agent, he induced the government, as a means of encouraging agriculture, to send some blacksmiths to the nation. One of these men succeeded in filing away the spikes from two of the cannon. These the Indians used to fire with powder for amusement. Afterwards, the army of Jackson occupied the site of the old fort. In due time they marched away, and still these French pieces remained there. Finally, the town of Montgomery, now our capital, began to be settled, and the inhabitants went up to old Fort Toulouse, then Fort Jackson, and brought down two of these cannon, which they fired at 4th of July festivals, and upon other extraordinary occa- sions. When it was known that John Quincy Adams had been elected President of the United States, his warm friends in Mont- gomery determined to make the forests resound with the noise of powder. One of the cannon was over-charged, and when touched off by Ebenezer Pond, burst into pieces and mangled that gen- tleman in such a horrid manner, that he was a long time recover- ing. The breech of the other cannon was, some years afterwards, burst off by heavy charges, and the portion which remains now stands at Pollard's corner in Montgomery, being there planted in THE colony OF Louisiana SB AN TED TO CB0ZA.T. 195 the ground, the muzzle up, for the purpose of protecting the corner of the, sidewalk. About the year 1820, another of these cannon was carried to the town of Washington, then county seat of Autauga, where the inhabitants used to fire it upon the celebration of the 4th July, and whenever a steamboat arrived, but at length it was also hurst, by a party rejoicing one night at the result of a county election. Another of these old French pieces was carried to We- tumpka when that town was first established, and was fired upon Like occasions. It is now at Rookford, in Coosa county, in the possession of thesame Elbenezer Pond who was so badly wounded at Montgomery by the explosion of one of its mates. What be- came of the other tour cannon we do not know, but have under- stood that they, together with a fine brass piece, are in the river Opposite Fort Jackson. But to return to Bienville and his romantic expedi- tion. Around the stockading the governor out en- 17M trenohments, and one hundred years afterwards, Jack" An^. son placed an American fort upon the ruins, which assumed his nunc. Bienville occupied the summer and fall in Completing the tort and OUt-houses, and in explor- ing the surrounding country. He visited Tookabat- Nov. cha, upon tin; Tallapoosa, and extended his jour- ney among the Lower MuSOOgeeS, upon tin; Chattahoochee — even crossing that river, and conferring with the Chiefs in the towns of Coweta and Cusseta, within tin; present limits of Georgia. Upon all these dangerous excursions in; was accompa- nied by only a few faithful Canadians, and always performed his journeys on foot. Was not this whole expedition most interest* ing — nay, romantic? Here was tin; former Governor of Louisi- ana, and now the Lieutenant Governor, in the centre of Alabama, in tin; deepest depths of her forests, among people with whom he had been at war, and who were yet tampered with by the Eng- lish, visiting their towns, distributing presents, and exhorting them to form alliances with the French colony of Louisiana, and 196 HISTORY o(ie — and established a small colony upon the east bank of the Coosa! Giving the fort the name of "Toulouse;," in honor of a dis- tinguished French ( !ount <>f that name, who had much to do wit h the government of France and her colonics, and Leaving Deo. 27 in command Marigny de Mandaville with thirty soldiers, and one of the priests, Bienville turned his boats down the river, and, after a prosperous voyage, arrived at Mobile with the Indians and Canadians who had accompanied him.| Thus, we set;, that although the French had been residing upon the Mobile river since i7()iJ, and tin; Canadians had several times explored Central Alabama, yet no attempt was made to form permanent settlements in this region, until twelve years afterwards, when it was so successfully accomplished by Bien- ville. Governor Cadillac, in a despatch to the Minister, attempted to acquire all the Credit for the peace which had been made with the ('reck nation, and I insisted, generally, of the important serv- ices which, he contended, he had rendered tin; colony. But he was the same inefficient, Belflsh and fault-finding officer. A Large majority of the inhabitants relied solely upon Bienville, who.se most prominent friends were Duolos, Boisbriant, Chateaugne, ItiohebOUJ'g, and du Tisne, and the larger number of the priest- hood. The friends of Cadillac were Marigny do Mandaville Bagot, Bloundel, Latour, Villiers and Terrine. Thus this hand- ful of men were at daggers' points with each other, instead of uniting for theirown preservation and prosperity, and that of the * Thlrbelng now 1851. I MS. letters obtained from Paris. THE COLONT OF LOUISIANA GRANTED TO CEOZAT. 11*7 feeble settlements over which they bad charge. A tyran- nical ordinance \v;is issued in France, upon the petition 1714 of Crozat, which farther embarrassed affairs. All persons Dec. 27 were forbidden to bring any merchandise into Lou- isiana, or to carry any out of it, under penalty of confiscation to the profit of Crozat. No person in the colony was allowed to have a vessel fit to #o to sea, and all subjects of the King were prohibited from sending vessels to the colony to carry on com- merce. Croza* Was determined to avail himself of the monopoly which had been granted him, and this ordinance was based upon the representations of Cadillac, who had, more than once, com- plained to the Minister, that the inhabitants of the colony were making a little for themselves, in a commerce with tin; Spaniards, which was deemed a very unwarrantable thing by that illiberal man. Cadillac bated Bienville for several rea- 1714 sons, the most prominent of which were, that he was too popular with the Canadians and Indians, too much respected and obeyed by the inhabitants generally, and had absolutely re- fused to become his son-in-law. Cadillac's daughter, who had been educated in France, and who, like inn- father, thought much of the blood and honor of the family, fell in Jove with Bienville, soon after her arrival in Mobile,. The proud governor could not, at first, brook the idea of an alliance with a Canadian, but be saw, as he supposed, the strong attachment of his daughter, who now began, like many Other hypocritical girls, to pine away and sicken in consequence of his refusal. Believing that Bienville's great influence with the inhabitants, as well as with the various Indian tribes, would materially strengthen his administration and advance the commerce of Crozat, the profits of which he was to share, if he could but once secure his friendship and obedience, he resolved to sacrifice his family dignity by gratifying the wishes of his daughter. Om; day he accosted Bienville, with much respect and suavity of manner, and invited him into his closet. He then disclosed to him his entire willingness to sane- 198 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. tion the contemplated match between him and his daughter, charged him to treat her with affection, and concluded his con- versation with a very patronizing air. Bienville, much surprised at the whole affair, as he had never alluded to marriage in the few visits which be had paid the daughter, gravely assured Ca- dillac that he had "determined never to marry." This was too bad; and, from that moment, Bienville found, in the persons of the Governor and his daughter, two most cordial haters. The redoubtable Curate de la Vente continued to declaim, not only against the colonial government, but against 1714 everybody except his friend Cadillac. In his despatches Dec. to the Minister, he said that the Canadians particularly, "did not wish to connect themselves with any women by marriage, much preferring to carry on scandalous concubin- age with the young Indian squaws, who were hurried by their nature into all kinds of irregularities." That they scarcely ever saw a church, never performed mass, and never partook of the sacraments ; that, while a few of the inhabitants did celebrate Sundays and festival days, the large majority resorted to tav- erns and to public game — "whence it is easy to comprehend, that they are almost all drunkards, gamesters, blasphemers of the holy name of God, and declared enemies of all good, mak- ing a matter of ridicule of our holy religion and of the persons who perform its exercises." They corrupted the soldiers by such horrid examples ; and even officers, who wore the sword and plume, had children by Indian females. The missiona- ries found themselves useless to a people who were led awny by such vices, and to the Indians, who were corrupted by the sins of the latter, and consequently they would be forced to leave a land so accursed. La Vente suggested to the Minister two plans "to rectify the affairs of the past and those of the future," either to solely colonize Louisiana with Christian families, or per- mit the French to marry the Indian women by religious rites. THE COLONY OF LOUISIANA GRANTED TO CROZAT. 199 Or, if these plans could not be carried into effect, that a large number of girls, "better chosen than the last, 1714 and especially some who will be sufficiently pleasing Dec. and well-formed to suit the officers of the garrisons and the principal inhabitants," should be sent over from France as a partial remedy. Verily, the worthy curate's head appeared to run much upon women of various grades ! According to the orders which he had received, De la Loire des Ursins made a settlement at Natchez, to promote the com- merce of Crozat. Cadillac set off on an expedition to discover mines of gold and silver in the Illinois country, and did not re- turn from his chimerical excursion until October, when he wrote to the Minister that he had everywhere set the Indians upon the English ; but, in truth, he had aroused the 1715 anger of the savages against himself wherever he had appeared among them ; and, in descending the Mississippi, upon his way to Mobile, he had refused to smoke with the powerful and war-like Natchez Chiefs, which was highly resented on their part, and afterwards led to a war with the French. An English officer from Carolina, named Hutchey, who had passed through the Creek and Chickasaw nations, came into the territory of the Natchez. From thence he began the descent of the Mississippi, to form alliances with the tribes below. But Des Ursins, who had gained intelligence of his movements, pursued him in a boat, captured him near Manchac, and carried him to Mobile. From thence Bienville sent him to Pensacola; but having determined to reach Carolina by land, he was 1715 killed upon the route by a Thomez Indian. A large July canoe, containing seven Alabamas, an Englishman and a Canadian named Boutin, arrived at Mobile. They reported that the Indians, bordering upon Carolina, had risen in war against the inhabitants of that province, had killed those upon the frontiers, and that even Port Royal and several other towns had been destroyed. The war extended to the distant Chickasaw na- 4 J()0 HISTORY OF ai.ai'.a.ma. bion. There, fifteen English traders, who bad taken shelter in one cabin, were Instantly slain Ln the presence oi De si. Helene, ;i Frenchman, who was then among the tribe, ;in«i who, ;i few minutes after the massacre, was killed himself, through 1716 mistake, i»y two young Chiokasaws, engaged Ln the bloody scene, they supposing him to be one of the enemy. His death was regretted by all the Chiokasaws who Were present, . To profit by this intelligence, so agreeable to the French col- ony, Bienville immediately despatched emissaries among the A lab am as and Muscogees, to renew tin; alliances which he had formed with them, and t<> engage them t<> turn their whole com meroe Into French channels. He sent messengers to the Choc* baws, demanding the head <>r Outaotaobito, who had introduced l he English inl«> their nation, ;iml who had driven off tin; Inhabit- ants of the two C hoot aw towns that were faithfuJ to tin; French and who still lay around Mohile, anxious to ret, urn home. The messengers returned to Moi>iie with the head of this warrior, which had hcen reluctantly stricken oil' hy the Chiefs, who were afraid to disobey Bienville. They bore ;oi invitation to those (Jhootaws wl i they had forced to leave then- homes, to return III peace. The Storesbip Dauphin came to anchor in Mohile L715 bay, where she landed I, wo companies of in I'antry, Aug. oommanded by Mandaville and Bagot, which increased the expenditures of the colony to the amount <>• thirty- two thousand h vres a year. < >ne of the passengers, named RogeOU, came to nil the place of Dirigoin, <>nc of the directors of Crozat, who had Keen removed limn itllicc. At, t he sa me t line a frigate from Ivochellc, and a Infantine from I\Ia it ini(pie, arriving in the bay, requested permission t.o dispose; of their cargoes to the in- habitants; hut the authorities, anxious to perfect the monopoly oi Crozat, refused them the privilege. in the meantime, Cadillac hud not forgotten how to till the THE 0BO2SAT. 201 sheets, winch be sent, to Count Pontcbartrain, with gloomy pic turesof the colony, and the licentiousness of it,s Inhabitants* in one of these despatches he denominated Louisiana '* a monster which bad neither head uor tail. 91 He complained of the mannei in winch the council unscrupulously altered the decrees of the French government. He said that the whole country was the poorest, and most miserable upon the globe, the people <>i' which would sooner believe a lie than the truth. He recommended that a stone fort, he erected at Mobile, but Immediately Interposed an obstacle to the project by saying that the topographical engineer was a man without, linnncMS and judgment) and was a.lway:. drunk. n<5 was violently opposed to tin- establl nment of a Colony upon tin; Mississippi, on the ground which I 7 I 5 sustains \ew Orleans, a measure dow contemplated by Crozat, through the recommendation of Bienville. Reasserted that tie- Mississippi river was too crooked, too rapid in high tide and too low in the dry season, for the navigation of canoes 1 At Length < ad I llac went I o re ,idc on |)auphm I, land, win -m- he had loimeily spent iinich ol his time. [t was f'orti- lied with lour I .arracks of palisades, covered with 1718 rushes, and a. guard house, with a prison of the | ame .Inly 20 style the whole surrounded with palisades very im-e;- ularly arranged. From this Island be Immediately I .u<-.<\ the following Singular ordinance; : ORDIM a nci. <»i \i. DE LEMOTTfl CADILLAC " As we have, obtained certain knowledge of several cabals and conspiracies which tend to revolt, and sedition, and 0D ftC count of some disturbances from which evil consequences may en lie, In order to abolish and obviate the misconduct caused by drunkenness, and also disturbances fomented by vromen of irregu- lar life, or by the Instigation of other persons who excite to renge- ancc those w Ik. are so nn fort una I e M to expose; them ol ves hy evil discoui s, and as every one takes It upon himself to carry a 202 HISTORY OK ALABAMA.. sword and other weapons without having any right to do so, we most positively prohibit to all persons of low birth, to all clerks of M. Crozat, sailors and strangers lately arrived from France, if they are not provided with his majesty's commission, from carrying a sword or any other weapons, either by day or night, on Dauphin Island, or at any other settlements where there is an actual garrison, under the penalty of three hundred limes fine, to be applied to the erection of a church on Dauphin Island ; and in default of payment, the offender shall be confined in prison for the space of one month, and the penalty shall be greater for each repetition of the offence. We grant to all gen- tlemen the privilege of wearing a sword after having proved their nobility, and presented their titles to the secretary of the coun- cil for Examination, and not otherwise, under the same penalties. We grant, also, to all civil and military officers, actually serving in the country, permission to wear a sword, r justice, the King re« serving to himself only the right of appointing the members of the Supreme ( lounoiL [t was further provided by the charter that the military OffloerB could cnlcr into ihe service of (lie eompiuiy without LOS- in/;- Iheil rniik in 1 lie ;uni y OT mivy, hill, lliey wire not m Mowed i(» leize, either in the bands <>i the directors, or in those of its cashier or Its agents, the effeots, shares <>•■ profits of tin 1 stock holders, except In oase of failure or open bankruptcy or death <»r said stockholders. The merchandise <>i tin 1 company w ns to be tree from all oharges either of entry <>r departure, and i<> those portions of the territory where they made permanent Improve ments, the company was to have durable rights, which were to extend also to the mines, whioh they might discover and work. The only thing whioh savored of liberality toward the 1717 Inhabitants, was their exemption from taxation during Sept. 6 (he existenoe of the charter. The eooleslHstioal jurisdic- tion was still to form ;> part of the diocese of Quebec, while the oompany was to build ohurohes and pay 'lie clergy. li was t<» transport t<> the colony, during the term of its oharter, i\ thousand whites and three thousand negroes; but itwaspro- hibited from sending negroes or whites i<» the other French col- onies, without the permission of the < tovernor of Louisiana. The directors were to i>e appointed by the King, forthefirst two years, and afterwards they were to ho eleoted every three years, hy the stockholders, each of whom had a vote for every fifty shares, in short, the Endia Oompany was granted ;di manner <>r powers and privileges. \ oelebrated Sootohman, named Law, who was now director of the Bank <>r bVanoe; D'Artaguette, reoelvei general of the finances of Auoh; Duohe, reoelver of those of Kooholle; Moreau, commercial deputy of the city of si. Malo; Kiou, deputy of the oity of Nantes; and Ooataignes and Mauohard, merchants 214 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. of Rochelle, were nominated by the King of France as the first directors for the colony of Louisiana, under the new charter. The company then sent over three companies of infantry, and sixty-nine colonists. The three vessels which bore them 1718 arrived at Dauphin Island, and the inhabitants were re- Feb. 9 vived with pleasing anticipations of better times, espec- ially as the great and good Bienville, whom they almost idolized, was made Governor with a salary of six thousand livres. He, who had been twenty years in this wild and inhospitable country, and who, amidst the deepest gloom and the greatest suf- fering of the colonists, had never once left them, but had sus- tained them with his fearless spirit, mighty arm and benevolent heart, was eminently deserving the high post to which he was now elevated. The first thing he did was to seek a suitable place for the location of the principal settlement of the colony. He se- lected the site of New Orleans, which had long been a favorite point with him, as we have seen. He proceeded there with fifty persons, carpenters and galley slaves, whom he set to March work to clear away the woods and erect houses. He next sent a detachment of fifty soldiers,under Chateaugne, to build a fort upon the bay of St. Joseph, situated between Pen- sacola and St. Marks, which, being completed, De Gousy was left in command. From him Captain Roka, a Spaniard, induced twenty-five soldiers to desert and flee to St. Augustine. The post of St. Joseph was soon abandoned by the French, who had no right to settle any part of Florida, and it was immediately occu- pied by the Spaniards. In the vessels which arrived on the 9th of February came Major Boisbriant, who had paid a visit to France, and who was now commissioned a royal lieutenant, with a salary of three thousand livres. D'Hubert was retained as Commissary 1718 General, with a salary of five thousand livres. These Apr. 28 vessels were succeeded by another, having on board sixty passengers for the grant belonging to Paris Duvernet THE INDIA OR MISSISSIPPI COMPANY. 215 which embraced the old Indian village of Pascagoula, where they were presently located. Three more ships arrived at Dauphin Island, which brought out Richebourg, now Aug. 35 Chevalier of the Order of St. Louis ; Grandval, intended to act as major of Mobile ; Lieutenants Noyan and Meleque, and Daniel, major of New Orleans. At the same time there arrived forty commissioners, with Le Gac sub-director ; seventy persons for the grant of Houssays, and sixty for that of La Harpe. It was wisely determined to encourage agriculture, as the best means of increasing the wealth and importance of Louisiana ; and for that purpose extensive grants of land were made to the richest and most powerful persons of the kingdom of France. Four leagues square were ceded to the Scotch financier, Law, on the Arkansas river, where he was to settle fifteen hundred Germans, whom he was to protect by a small body of cavalry and infantry. The other persons to whom grants were made, likewise bound themselves to furnish a certain number of emigrants. But the experiment did not succeed. These great proprietors did send to Louisiana a few colonists, but a majority of them fell victims to the climate, and those who survived did not devote themselves to any useful occupation. Among the grants were several upon the Yazoo river, near Nat- chez, upon Red river, at Baton Rouge, and at other points upon the Mississippi river. Failing in the scheme to make the colony an agricultural country, by the importation of colonists who were to have settled upon these grants, the company next turned its attention to slavery, as a means of effecting that which was so much desired.* The following regulation of the company fixed the price the colonists were to pay for the negroes, which they imported from Africa: "The company considers every negro of seventeen * Histoire de la Louisiane, par Charles Gayarre, vol. 1, pp. torique de l'Etablissement des Francais a la Louisiane, par i J .e 131-144 148-166. Journal His ernard de la Harpe, pp. 216 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. years of age, and over, without bodily defect, also every negress from fifteen to thirty years of age, as worth ' piece d'lnde.* Three little negroes, from eight to ten years old, are valued at two of the same coins. Two negro children, over ten years of age, are valued at one 4 piece d'lnde.' One year's credit will be given to the old inhabitants for half the price. The other half must be paid immediately. Those colonists who have been settled here two years are called old inhabitants. 1718 The new settlers shall be entitled to one and two Sept. 25 years credit." In a despatch to the Minister, Bienville complained thac the colonists recently sent to Louisiana, were not the kind desirable ; that among them were to be found scarcely any car- penters or laborers, " notwithstanding laboring people employed in the country are paid ten or fifteen livres per day, which de- lays improvement and causes great expense to the company." Two vessels arrived from the mother country, and 1719 brought the startling intelligence that Spain and France Apr. 19 had gone to war with each other. A council, composed of Bienville, D'Hubert, Larchebault and Le Gac, deter- mined upon the necessity of immediately possessing the im- portant post of Pensacola. None of the military officers were consulted in this movement, as they should have been, especially upon the plan of attack. Bienville assembled, at Mobile, May 13 some Canadians and four hundred Indians. His brother, Serigny, sailed from Dauphin Island, with three men-of- war, on boai d of which he had embarked one hundred and fifty sol- diers. Bienville embarked in a sloop, with twenty men, made the mouth of the Perdido, and went up the river to meet the Canadians and Indians, whom he had instructed to march across the country * Piece d'lnde was 660 livres. THE INDIA OR MISSISSIPPI COMPANY. 217 from Mobile, and whom he found already at the place of rendezvous. Placing himself at their head, he marched May 14 to Pensacola. In the meantime, the fleet stood before that place, and at four o'clock, in the evening, Governor Mata- mora surrendered to the French, when he found that he was invested both by sea and land. According to the terms of the capitulation, Bienville embarked the Spanish garrison on board two of the men-of-war, with directions to convey them safely to Havana. Arriving at that place, the governor of Cuba ordered all the French forces to be landed and impris- oned, seized the two men-of-war, manned them with sailors and soldiers, and sent them back to attack Pensacola. This was a most shameful disregard of the terms of capitulation. The Spanish fleet, comprising the two French vessels and a Spanish man-of-war, with nine brigantines and eighteen hundred men, in- vested Pensacola, and the next day made their attack. Bien- ville had returned to Mobile, and had left his brother, Chateaugne, in command. Seeing the superior force of the enemy, fifty sol- diers deserted from the fort and joined the Spaniards, which forced Chateaugne to capitulate. He was allowed to march out of the fort, with the honors of war and to be carried to old Spain. The store ship Dauphin was accidentally destroyed by fire, and St. Louis was captured by the Spaniards. The commander of the Spanish squadron next turned his eyes to Dauphin Island, and presently sent thither two well manned brigantines. To the captain of the French ship, Phillippe, which lay at anchor at Dauphin Island, he sent a summons to surrender, but the captain referred the messenger to Serigny, who commanded the fort ; the latter declined to surrender the island. During the night two brigantines entered the bay of Mobile, and half way between Dauphin Island and the town of Mobile, landed thirty-five men to burn and plunder the inhabitants. While they were here destroying the improvements of a settler, they were suddenly attacked by a detachment of Canadians and 218 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. Indians, whom Bienville had hastened to send from Mobile, to support his brother, Serigny. Five Spaniards were slain, whose scalps the Indians immediately secured ; six were drowned in the endeavor to reach the brigantines, while eighteen were made prisoners ; among the latter were some of the French soldiers, who had deserted from Cheteaugne, and who were now promptly beheaded for their treason.* Two days afterwards the 1719 remainder of the Spanish squadron stood before Dauphin Aug. 19 Island, and continued for four days to cannonade the Philippe and the town. Serigny, with one hundred and sixty soldiers and two hundred Indians, aided by the gallant officers and men of the Philippe, which was anchored within pistol shot of the fort, succeeded in repulsing the Spaniards, who Aug. 26 sustained considerable loss. The ships of the enemy then set sail for Pensacola. Three ships of the French line, under the command of Champmeslin, convoying two of the company's ships, Sept. 2 arrived off Dauphin Island, direct from France. The two Spanish brigantines, which were cruising in the bay, between this island and Mobile, escaped to sea and sailed to Pen- sacola, as soon as the French fleet was discovered. Bienville and Serigny repaired on board of the ship Champmeslin, where was presently convened a council, composed of all the sea captains in port, who decided to capture the Spanish squadron and to take the fort of Pensacola. Time was allowed the vessels to dis- charge their freight and to take in wood and water, and Bienville to assemble the savages and prepare them for the expedition. When all things were ready, the Philippe and the Union, vessels belonging to the company, were joined to the squadron, together with two hundred and fifty of the new troops, lately arrived, while Bienville, with the soldiers and volunteers, sailed in sloops * La Harpe states (page 155), that eighteen French deserters, who were made prison- ers, were bound by the Indians and carried to Bienville, at Mobile, who caused seven- teen of theui to be decapitated, and that the remaining one was hung on Dauphin Island. THE INDIA OR MISSISSIPPI COMPANY. 219 to the river Perdido, where he was joined by five hundred In- dians under the command of Langueville, who had marched with them from Mobile. From this point Bienville sent a detachment of French and Indians to invest the principal fort at Pensacola, to prevent all egress from it and to harass the enemy as much as possible. In the meantime, Champmeslin entered the harbor of Pensacola, and, after a conflict of two hours' duration, captured four ships and six brigan tines, which were 1719 anchored before St. Rosa, and reduced the small fort Sept. 17 situated at the point of that Island. Bienville, having marched across the country from the Perdido, had advanced in the rear of the town with his whole force. He made a resolute attack upon the fort, which was surrendered two hours after the victory at St. Rosa's Island. The Indians fought with great courage, often attempting to pull up the palisades of the fort. The plunder was divided among them, but they were prohibited by Bienville from taking any scalps. The pillage being ended, Champmeslin returned the sword which Don Alphonzo, com- mander of the Spanish fleet, had presented to him as his con- queror, assuring him that he was worthy of wearing it. But Matamora, the Governor of Pensacola, who had acted with so much perfidy towards the French victors, who conveyed him to Havana, was suffered to be disarmed by a common sailor, and was severely reproached for his conduct" The loss of the French in these engagements was only six men ; that of the Spaniards was much greater. Champmeslin despatched the St. Louis, one of the Spanish vessels, to Havana, with three hundred and sixty of the prisoners. The commander was instructed to demand an exchange of the French prisoners, at the head of 1719 whom was Chateaugne,who had not been carried to Spain, Sept. 18 according to the capitulation, but had been closely con- fined in Moro Castle. A Spanish brigantine from Havana, laden with corn flour and brandy for the garrison, entered the bay of Pensacola, sup- 220 HISTORY OP ALABAMA. posing the fleet to belong to Spain, into whose hands it was now believed the whole of Louisiana had fallen, and was immediately captured by the French squadron. On the same day forty-seven French deserters were tried, twelve of whom were hung at the yard-arms of the Count de Toulouse, and the remainder con- demned to serve the company as galley slaves. Thus ended the expedition against Pensacola, the command of which was given to DeLisle, a lieutenant of the navy. 1719 Since the commencement of this year, vessels from France had constantly brought over to Louisiana liberal supplies of provisions, merchandise, and not unfrequently distin- guished persons and emigrants, thus adding to the number and giv- ing character to her population, and causing her slowly to emerge from the supineness and insignificance of former times. For this reason, and also on account of the war with Spain, it became nec- essary to re-organize the colonial government in several respects. A royal ordinance decreed that a Supreme Council should be com- posed of those directors who were residents in the colony, the governor, the two royal lieutenants, four councillors, an attorney- general, and a secretary. Three members for civil affairs, and five for criminal cases, could constitute a quorum. Its jurisdic- tion was to be the highest in the colony, and its sessions were to be monthly. The former council had been the only tribunal in the colony, but now it was decided to establish inferior courts, of which the directors of the company, or their agents, weie to be judges, in places where they resided. These, with two respect- able citizens of the neighborhood, were to have cognizance of civil business. They were required, in criminal cases, to add four more citizens to their number. An appeal from their decisions could be had to the Supreme Council — the members of which were not allowed to charge for their final opinions. Bienville, the governor ; D'Hubert, commissary-general and first councillor ; Boisbriant and Chateaugne, royal lieutenants ; L'Archambault, Villardo and Legas, other councillors ; Cartier de \ THE INDIA OR MISSISSIPPI COMPANY. 221 Baune, the attorney-general ; and Couture, secretary, composed the first Supreme Council, which met under the auspices of the Western or India Company. Although the governor occupied the place of honor in this body, D'Hubert, the first councillor, was the real president, who took the vote, pronounced judgment, affixed the public seals, and filled the station of chief judge. Bienville was opposed in his long cherished desire of remov- ing the government to the site of New Orleans, by D'Hubert and the directors, who dreaded the inundations of the Mis- sissipi, and who contended that the colony was not in 1719 a situation to oppose levees to the floods at that point. D'Hubert suggested the location of Natchez ; but as he owned large grants there, his motives were suspected. It was decided to adopt the views of L'Archambault, Villardo and Legas, who inclined more towards commerce than agriculture, and who rec- ommended that a new establishment should be formed east of the bay of Biloxi, which should be called New Biloxi. A detachment was sent there to build barracks and houses. The cultivation of rice, indigo and tobacco had already occu- pied the attention of the colonists to some extent, who found the lands extremely productive for those profitable plants. But the climate was too warm and unhealthy for European labor, and hence one thousand of the Children of the Sun, from Africa, had been introduced into the colony, and from that moment Louisiana began to prosper. But many things yet impeded its ad- vancement. Among other impediments, the company, Nov. 26 to secure the exclusive commerce of Louisiana, issued an edict forbidding any vessel to enter the colony under penalty of confiscation. This was followed up by a proclama- tion, regulating the price of merchandise, which the col- 1720 onists were compelled to buy at the company's ware- Jan. houses, and nowhere else. It also arbitrarily fixed the price which the colonists were to receive for their product, skins, and 222 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. for everything which they had for sale.* Gayarre says : " At the present day, we can hardly discover how the whites, whom the company transported from Europe, differed from the blacks, who were bought from Africa, at least as to their relation to the company ; for these two classes of men belonged both to one mas- ter — the all-powerful company!" The Royal Squadron, intended to protect the commerce of Louisiana, arrived with two hundred and thirty passen- 1720 gers, among whom were several girls, and a considerable Feb. 28 quantity ot provisions and merchandise. Several months June 8 elapsed, when two vessels of the Royal Navy bore the intelligence that a treaty of peace had been concluded with Spain. These were succeeded by three other vessels of war, which anchored at Dauphin Island, and which brought with them a contagious malady, contracted at St. Domingo, July 1 which killed many of the crew, and filled their bodies, as it was ascertained by post mortem examination, with horrible worms ! At the same time, the ship Hercules came with one hundred and twenty negroes from Guinea, and a brigantine from Havana arrived at Mobile with Chateaugne and others, who had been made prisoners at Pensacola, and who were now released in pursuance of the treaty of peace. So long as the French colony of Louisiana remained in a feeble and thriftless condition, the English of Carolina were con- tent only to annoy it occasionally ; but now that it gave signs of durable vitality, under the auspices of a powerful company, they began to oppose it with the fiercest hostility. Rivalry in trade, together with the national jealousy, fomented quarrels, and caused blood to flow betwen the Coureurs de bois and the Eng- lish. The French traders also met the latter in all parts of the Indian nations, within the limits of the present States of Alabama * Goods were to be obtained in the company's stores at Mobile, Dauphin Island, and Pensacola. To these prices, an advance of five per cent, was to be added on goods de- livered at New Orleans, ten at Natchez, thirteen at the Yazoos, twenty at Natchitoches, and fifty at the Illinois and on the Missouri. The produce of the country was to be re- ceived in the company's warehouses in New Orleans, Biloxi, Ship Island and Mobile. Martin's Louisiana, vol. 1, pp. 218-219. THE INDIA OR MISSISSIPPI COMPANY. 223 and Mississippi. Each contended for the patronage of the sav- ages, and each endeavored to expel the other from those situa- tions where they had established themselves. The Carolina traders, many of whom had quartered themselves in the Chicka- saw towns, arrayed that tribe in war against the French, and they committed the first act of hostility, by the murder of Serigny, a French officer, whom Bienville had posted 1720 among them to cultivate their friendship. This war July greatly embarrassed Bienville, who, with difficulty, brought to his assistance the larger body of the Choctaws. At this time, the forces of the colony had been augmented to twenty companies, of fifty men each, who were required to defend the province of Louisiana, the inhabitants of which were scattered from Fort Toulouse, upon the Coosa, to La Harpe's station, upon Red river. The Alabamas could barely be kept neutral, for they complained that their peltries brought lower prices at the French ports, than at those of the English, and that the goods which they received for them, were also held at a clearer rate. Vessels with emigrants and provisions, continued to cast their anchors upon the sands of Mobile Bay. A store ship brought out two hundred and sixty persons for the 1720 grant of St. Catharine, in the vicinity of Natchez. An- other arrived at Ship Island with two hundred and forty emi- grants, for the grant of Louvre, and was succeeded by still another, on board of which was de L'Orme, now di- August rector general, with a salary of five thousand livres, to- gether with other vessels laden with provisions, labor- Sept. ers and merchandise. In the meantime, the public houses had been completed at New Biloxi, and thither the government of Louisiana was, unwisely, transferred. It had remained at old and Dec. 20 new Mobile since January, 1702, but during this trying period, of eighteen years, the governors occasionally resided at Dauphin Island. 224 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. A vessel, belonging to the company, furled her sails in the splendid bay of Mobile, and disembarked three hundred 1721 colonists for the grant of Madame Chaumont, at Pasca- Jan. 3 goula, whom the colonial government soon placed there, but whom they forbade to enter into any branch of Jan. 9 trade, such as that which would result from the culture of hemp, flax, and the vine, or which would compete Jan. 5 with the commerce of the company. A ship arrived with twenty-five girls, taken from a house of correction, in Paris, called the Saltpetriere. They had been sent over in conse- quence of the great complaints made to the Minister, by various officers of the colony, on account of the want of wives, and they had been confided, by the directors in France, to sister Gertrude, and, under her, to sisters Louise and Bergere, who were author- ized to conduct to Louisiana, "such girls as were willing to go thither and remain under the care of Sister Gertrude, until they shall marry, which they must not do without her consent." The directors or the Minister in sending these prostitutes to Mobile, where they soon took up their abode, did not act consistently with a previous ordinance, which they had passed, that "here- after, no more vagabonds shall be sent to Louisiana, but that any French and foreign families and laborers might go." Much con- tention now arose between the stockholders and the directors. The latter were reproached for their enormous outlays, and for the appointment of persons to govern the colonies, who appeared to have their exclusive interest to subserve; and Bienville was written to, and informed that the Regent complained that his services were not effectual. But to arouse all his exertions, the same letter promised the governor the rank of Brigadier, 1 721 with the ribbon of St. Louis, if his future conduct should Mar. 17 merit them. The Africaine, a ship of war, arrived at Mobile, with one hundred and twenty negroes, out of the number of two hundred and twenty-four, who had em- barked at Guinea. She was succeeded by the Maire, with THE INDIA OR MISSISSIPPI COMPANY. 225 three hundred and thirty-eight more, who were, for the present, all quartered at Mobile, and where they Mar. 23 remained in a state bordering upon starvation, from the famine which now universally prevailed in the colony. The Neride also came with two hundred and thirty-eight Africans, the remainder of three hundred and fifty who sailed from Angola. She had put to sea, with the frigate Charles, laden with negroes, which took fire and was consumed, more than sixty leagues from land, a large majority of her crew perishing in the flames. The whites escaped in the boats, with a few of the Africans, but tossed for many days at the mercy of the waves, and suffering for subsistence, the unhappy negroes were killed, one after another, for food ! The present population of France are abolitionists, and denounce the Southern States for their mild and beneficial system of domestic slavery, and yet their ancestors,, in the manner we have described, put these slaves into our pos- session. So did England, with her men-of-war, at the same period, plant her American colonies with slaves, also captured in Africa. The Puritan fathers of New England received them, paid for them, put them to hard labor, sold and re-sold them for many years, and yet their descendants profess to be shocked at the sight of a Southern slaveholder, and denounce Southern slavery as a " damning sin before God ! " With two hundred German emigrants, who were sent over to occupy the grant of Law upon the Arkansas river, came also a woman, whose adventures in Europe and 1721 America are related in the histories of that period. She March was believed to be the wife of the Czarowitz Alexis Pe- trowitz, son of Peter the Great, Emperor of all the Russians. Her resemblance to that Princess was so striking as to deceive those who knew the latter intimately. The story ran, that to escape the brutal treatment of the Prince, her husband, she pretended to die, and was actually entombed, but when taken from the tomb in a few hours afterwards put herself beyond the reach of perse- 15 226 history of Alabama. cution by Hying to a foreign land. The Chevalier D'Aubont, one of the officers of the Mobile garrison, who had been at St. Peters- burg, had seen the Princess, and had heard of her strange escape, now believed that this woman who was then in Mobile was the beautiful and accomplished lady herself. He was sure he recog- nized her beneath the incognito which she had assumed, and which she appeared desirous to retain. The Chevalier married her, and after a long residence in Louisiana, most of which was passed in Mobile, she followed him to France, and thence to the Island of Bourbon, whither he was sent with the rank of Major. In 1765 she became a widow, and went to Paris with a daughter born in Mobile. In 1771 her mysterious and romantic life was terminated in the midst of the most abject poverty.* An ordinance decreed that the council should meet daily at New Biloxi ; that merchandise should be sold at that place, Mo- bile, and New Orleans, at fifty per cent, profit on the manufac- ture of France, seventy per cent, among the Natchez and Yazoos, one hundred per cent, among the Arkansas, and fifty per cent, among the Alabamas and Muscogees, on account of the 1721 proximity of Fort Toulouse to the English influence, Sept. 5 with which the French company were anxious success- fully to compete. Another ordinance declared that ne- groes should be sold to the inhabitants at the price of the "piece de Inde," or six hundred and sixty livres,t in three annual in- stallments, to be paid in tobacco or rice. If, after the second year, the debtor failed to pay, the company could take Sept. 27 the negro if not paid for during the third year. If the effects of the debtor failed to discharge the whole debt, * Jud^e Martin, in his History of Louisiana, vol. 1, pp. 231-232, states that this woman w;is;in impostor, and that'she imposed on the credulity of the chevalier d'Aubont and many others; that she had once been attached to the wardrobe of the Princess whom she assumed to represent, and that a few years before the declaration Of American Inde- pendence a similar imposition was practiced upon the people of the Southern British Provinces by a female, driven by her misconduct from the post of maid of honor to Prin- otsfl Matilda, sister of George in. She was convicted at Old Bailey and transported to Maryland. Before the expiration of her time she effected her escape, traveled through the provinces of Virginia and the Carol inas, personating the Princess, and levying con- tributions upon the credulity of the inhabitants. She was at length arrested in Charles- ton, prosecuted and publicly whipped, t Equal to one hundred and seventy-six dollars. THE INDIA OR MISSISSIPPI COMPANY. 227 the company could then take his body. It also declared that leaf tobacco delivered at the warehouses of New Biloxi, New Orleans and Mobile should command the price of twenty livres per quin- tal; rice, twelve livres per quintal; wine, one hundred and twenty livres a hogshead ; and a quarter of brandy, the same price. It also declared that Louisiana should, hereafter, be formed into nine divisions — New Orleans, Biloxi, Mobile, Alabama, Ya- zoo, Natchitoches, Arkansas, and Illinois ; that in the chief town of each there should be a commandant and a judge, from whose decisions an appeal could be had to the Supreme Council of New Biloxi. STATE OF THE COLONY AT THE CLOSE OF 1721. "In the vessels which the India Company has sent thither from the 25th October, 1717, to May, 1721, there have emigrated, on the forty-three belonging to it, and in the squadron of M. de Saunjor 7020 These, with the 400 who were already there 400 7420 Of this number those who have died, deserted, or returned to France 2000 5420 To them the number of colonists is added, to which may be set down about 600 negroes." From this statement it appears that the colony of Louisiana had really begun to prosper, but many impediments still retarded its more rapid advance, among which may be enumerated its ex- penses, which, for the year 1721, amounted to four hun- dred and seventy-four thousand two hundred and sev- 1722 enty-four livres. The company, too, issued an ordinance Mar. 12 prohibiting the inhabitants from selling their negroes to the Spaniards, or to other foreigners, or taking them out of the colony, under a severe penalty, besides their confiscation. JJ28 HISTORY OF AI.AKAMA. Bienville, writing from Mobile, acquainted the Minister wiiii the difficulty of discharging the cargoes of vessels upon the low shores of New Biloxi, and again brought to bis consideration the superior advantages of New Orleans, for the capi- Apr. 20 tal Of the colony. One more councillor was added to the supreme council, which now consisted of Brusle, Fazende, Perry, Guilhet and Masclary. Two hundred and fifty Germans, commanded by the Chevalier I t'Arenshourg, a 1722 Swedish ollicer, arrived at Mobile, with whom came Marigny de Mandaville, Who had obtained, in France, the CrOSS Of St. Louis and the command of FortOonde, in Mobile. This was by farthe best fort in the colony, and was now rapidly drawing toa state oi oompletion; it was built of brick, with four bastions, and a great many casements for soldiers.* The vessel Which brought over these Hermans bore the distressing news that the great royal bank, which Law, the Scotch linancier, under the auspices of the Duke of Orleans, had established in France, had utterly failed; that Law had left the country in disgrace, and that the people whom he had induced to take slock, found it worthless and themselves mined. All Paris was in a ferment, and no one could anticipate an end to the long train of commer- cial evils which the scheming ability of this Scotchman bad en- gendered, The company which had charge of Louisiana, and in- deed the chief inhabitants of the province, were SOOn made to feel the explosion o^ this once powerful and popular institution. Louisiana, herself, was deeply involved in the failure, and her in- habitants now feared that the government Of France would aban- don them, lint some supplies continued to arrive, in spite of the panic whioh pervaded the mother country. Duvergier, who had been appointed director-genera] and commander of the ma- il vit HI T. w ....a., a Mobile, who wrote t history of that plaoe, embodied In a directory, whioh he published, says that when Fori Conde (wuloh was also oalled Fort Charlotte i>\ i in' Hriush after i hev took possession of It,) was pulled down by the Americans some after the plaoe r.'ii Into their hands, that the coiner stout- was ion ml with tiu> date ol 1717, distinouy engraved upon it, THE INDIA OR MISSISSIPPI COMPANY. 229 rine, disembarked at Pensacola, bearing the Cross 1722 of St. Louis for Boisbriant, St. Dennis and Chateaugne. July 25 The failure of the Royal Bank of France, and the distress which it produced in all parts of that kingdom, caused Louisiana, for a time, to be so neglected, that the inhabitants be- came destitute of provisions. The officers were obliged to dis- miss the garrisons of Mobile and Biloxi, and send them to the Choctaw nation to precure subsistence among the Indians, while many of the colonists abandoned their homes and betook them- selves to the sea-side to procure a scanty living upon fish and oysters. It was even worse at some of the more distant posts, particularly at Fort Toulouse 4 , upon the Coosa, now in Ala- bama. There, the soldiers were tortured by famine, and cor- rupted by some British traders, who induced them to desert and fly to Charleston. The command consisted of a captain, a lieutenant, an ensign, a corporal and twenty-six sol- Aug. diers. When the latter had perfected their mutiny, the planning of which had occupied several days, they rose upon the officers, one morning, about breakfast. Capt. Marchand was instantly slain. Lieutenant Yillemont and Ensign Paque made their escape through a port-hole of one of the bastions, and lied to the Hickory Ground, a town of Creek Indians, three miles above, on the east bank of the Coosa, and embracing the lower suburbs of the modern city of Wetumpka. Here Villemont made irresistible appeals to the warriors to march against the mutineers. He, at the same time, despatched Paque across the river to the town of Coosawda, where then lived the great Chief, I Jig Mortar, whom the ensign succeeded in enlisting in the cause of the King. In the meantime, the mutineers, having killed the captain, intimidated the corporal, who now joined them in a gen- eral pillage of the fort. They appropriated to themselves the money and clothing of the officers, leaving only the sacred ward- robe of the priest, a Jesuit father, whom they did not molest. The magazine, constructed of brick, was forced open, and arms 230 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. and ammunition taken from it.* The store-room was plundered of its contents, consisting of a very limited supply of flour and meat. The mutineers, after partaking of a hearty repast, marched off to the Red Warrior's Bluff,t where they crossed the Talla- poosa and took up the line of march for Charleston. Villemont, with the Indian force which he had speedily raised, marched against them. A battle ensued at the ford of Line Creek, which now divides the modern counties of Montgomery and 1722 Macon. Sixteen of the deserters were slain. They all Aug. fought with the desperation of tigers.:}: The others, ex- cept two who escaped, were taken prisoners, and Ville- mont, who was wounded in the action, marched with them back to Fort Toulouse. Here the fort was found to be in a very soli- tary condition, being inhabited only by the Jesuit father, who had resolved to remain until he could get a favorable opportunity of going to Mobile, not believing that the brave and indefatigable Villemont could subdue the deserters ; the body of the unfortun- ate Captain Marchand had been already interred by him and some Indians. Villemont, the next day, obtained some canoes and placed the deserters in them, in charge of an Indian guard, at the head of which was Ensign Paque, who conveyed Sept. them to Mobile, where they were shortly afterwards executed. Villemont and the priest were solitary in- mates of Fort Toulouse for several months, until another garri- son was sent up the river. The lieutenant had, however, many Indian warriors lying around the fort, who were ready to aid him if he had been attacked by the English, who were anxious to occupy this post.§ * Some of the brick of this magazine are yet to be seen lying about the ruins of old Fort Toulouse, now called old Fort Jackson, and 1 have several of them in my house, taken from that place, t The Red Warrior's Bluff of that day is the present Grey's Ferry. + The bones of these sixteen Frenchmen lay, for many years, very near the house which Walter B. Lucas afterwards erected, and where be for a long time kept enter- tainment. & The revolt of the garrison of Fort Toulouse, upon the Coosa, is mentioned by Gayarre. in his History of Louisiana, vol. 1, p. 190 ; by La Harpe, p. '261 ; by Judge Mar- in, vol. 2, p. 239; but I have derived the chief facts from Indian traditions handed down y General Alexander McGillivray, a very great Indian Chief of mixed blood, who was he grandson of the unfortunate Captain Marchand, who was killed upon this occasion. THE INDIA OR MISSISSIPPI COMPANY. 231 Fortunately, a vessel arrived with provisions for the King's troops. She brought the news that the Regent had entrusted the affairs of the colony to the management of three commissioners : Ferrand, Faget and Machinet. A detailed account of a great hurricane which swept along the coast of Lou- 172*2 isiana, of the desertion of soldiers, sailors and workmen, and a recommendation to allow free passage to all who might choose to return to France, as a remedy for desertions gen- erally, formed the subjects of a communication ad- dressed by De FOrme to the Minister. While the dis- Oct. 30 tressing situation of the colony rendered the offices of the three commissioners by no means sinecures, embarrassments were further produced by a war which the Natcheshad begun, and the worthlessness of the paper money hitherto used in the colony, to remedy which cards were substituted after the notes were sup- pressed. One Michel, of Mobile, was the person appointed to en- grave these cards. The new commissioners who had succeeded to the director- ship of the company, readily acceded to the long cher- ished wish of Bienville, to remove the seat of govern- 1723 ment to New Orleans, and it was accordingly estab- lished at that place.* The population of New Orleans, at that period numbered only two hundred souls, who occupied a hun- dred huts and cabins ! The commissioners of the company, in a new code of regula- tions, declared that negroes should hereafter be sold at six hun- dred and seventy-six livres,f payable in one, two or three years, either in rice or tobacco. The province was divided into nine dis- tricts, civil and military, as follows : Alabama, Mobile, Biloxi, New Orleans, Natchez, Yazoo, Illinois, Wabash, Arkansas and Natchitoches. There was a commandant and a judge appointed * Histoirede Louisiane, par Charles Gayarre, vol. 1, pp. 166-193. Journal Histori que del'Establissement des Francaisa la Louisiane, par Bernard de la Harpe, pp. 144-289.=— Martin's History of Louisiana, vol. 1, pp. 218-244. t Equal to one* hundred and sixty-nine dollars. 232 HISTORY OF ALA HA MA. for eaob of these districts. Three great ecclesiastical districts were also formed. The first was entrusted to the Capuchins, and extended from the mouth of Mississippi river to Illinois. The bare- footed Carmelites were stationed at Fort Toulouse, upon the Coosa river, at Mobile and at Biloxi, while the Jesuits labored upon the Wabash and Illinois. Churches and chapels were or- dered to be constructed, for many of the colonists had been forced to worship in the open air, around crosses, the bottom parts of which were buried in the ground ! Bienville restored Pensaoola to the Spaniards in pursuance of orders from his government; for Spain and France had 172IJ concluded a peace. In a despatch to the Minister, he Stated that his allies, — the Choctaws, — had destroyed three towns of the Chiekasaws, and had brought to him one hun- dred prisoners and four hundred scalps! Bienville communi- cated this intelligence with much apparent gusto, accompanied with the remark that "this important result was obtained with- out risking tin; life of a single Frenchman." Although the colonists often existed in a state of penury and want, they did not abandon their passion for gambling, which was ('aiiicd to such an extent that the government issued an ordinance against all games of chance. An ordinance was also promulgated against the trade which many of the colonists were illicitly conducting with the Natchez Indians. The month of September terminated with a dreadful tornado, which prostrated the Church, the hospital, and thirty houses in New Orleans; de- stroyed the crops upon the Mobile and Pearl rivers; dismantled the shipping in the different ports, and left the whole colony in a condition of wretchedness and famine. Added to all this, a wdiole company of Swiss infantry, which had embarked at Biloxi for New Orleans, rose upon the captain of the vessel and com- pelled him to carry them to Charleston. Yet, in the 1728 midst of all these calamities, the indefatigable Bienville Oct. departed from New Orleans with seven hundred men to THE INDIA OR MISSISSIPPI COMPANY. 233 punish the Natchez, who had recently killed several French- men. He returned after having terminated the second war with them, by procuring the heads of the principal offend- ers. Notwithstanding the important services which this great man was continuing to render the colony, his relentless enemies sought every opportunity to make him odious to the ruling pow- ers of France. Aspersed in dispatches, which were speedily borne across the ocean, he was at the same moment insulted at home by libellous placards in the streets. At length he received orders to sail for France, to answer the charges 1724 against him, leaving the command to Boisbriant until Feb. 16 his return. But before Bienville embarked upon the broad Atlantic, he issued the celebrated " Black Code," in the name of the King. It declared that all Jews should leave the 1724 colony ; that all slaves should be instructed in the Ro- March man Catholic religion ; that no other religion should be tolerated in the colony ; that if the owners of negroes were not true Catholics, their slaves should be confiscated ; and that the white inhabitants should not enter into marital relations with negroes, nor live with them in a state of concubinage. The " Black Code" contained many other articles in relation to the government of slaves — some of which were precisely like those now in force in the Southwestern States of the present con- federacy. The year 1724 was remarkable for arbitrary edicts; but there was one which was beneficial. The inhabitants had become so accustomed to rely upon France for all the necessaries of subsistence, that valuable cattle, sent to Louisiana for pur- poses of propagation, were always killed and devoured. An ordinance was issued by the King, at the request of the Superior Council, punishing with death every person who should inten- tionally kill or severely wound any horse or horned animal which did not belong to him. 234 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. De la Chaise, nephew of the famous father of that name, who was the confessor of Louis XI V\, presided over the coun- 1725 oil, which was now held monthly in the town of New Orleans. But to return to Bienville. That brave man appeared at Paris, after a prosperous voyage, and submitted an eloquent memoir to the King in justification of his official conduct. It also contained a history of the services to which he had, from the commencement of the colonial establishment, devoted a period of twenty-five years. But, in despite of his true exposition of his arduous labors spent in the insalubrious forests of America, among savages and reptiles, and in spite of the exertions made by his friends, both in France and Louisiana, to re-establish him in the confidence of the King, he was removed from office, 1726 and Perrier nominated Governor of Louisiana. The Aug. 9 government did not stop here. Chateaugne, the brother of Bienville, lost the post of Royal Lieutenant, while two nephews of Bienville, named Noyan, one a Captain and the other an Ensign, were cashiered without any just cause. Thus the in- fluence of Bienville was overthrown in Louisiana. In the mean- time the new Governor arrived in New Orleans. Governor Perrier, in a despatch to the Minister, employed this language in reference to the encroachments of the English of ' South Carolina : « The English continue to urge their commerce into the very heart of the province. Sixty or seventy horses, laden with merchandise, have passed into the country of the Ohickasaws, to which nation I have given orders to plunder the English of their goods, promising to recompense them by a present. As yet I have heard nothing from that quarter. It appears that a league was formed among all the Indian nations of their neighborhood to attack the Spanish settlements. Where- upon the Governor of Pensacola requested assistance ] 727 from me. Having no news from Europe, I thought it was for our interest not to have the English so near us, THE INDIA OR MISSISSIPPI COMPANY. 235 and, in consequence, informed the Tallapoosas,* who were before Pensacola, that if they did not immediately retire I should attack them with those nations who were friendly to us. I also gave notice to the Alabamas, that if they attacked the Spaniards, who were our friends, I should be compelled to assist the latter. But I should have taken care not to have interfered with the natives who were friendly to us, in order that I might not commit myself with regard to the English. This had a good effect. The Gov- ernor thanked me, informing me that war was declared in Europe. Notwithstanding, I shall indirectly assist the Spanish until I receive other orders from your highness, at the same time taking the liberty to represent that our sole effort should be to prevent the English from approaching us. " I have caused all the nations, from the Arkansas to the mouth of the river, to make peace with each other. There re- main at variance only the Choctaws and Chickasaws, who have a discussion concerning a Chief of the latter 1727 nation who was killed by the former. I shall go to Mo- bile to settle their affairs, and shall take measures with them to prevent the English from entering our territory during the ensu- ing year, and by degrees to abolish the custom which they have formed, of trading for all the deer skins obtained by the Indians, in order, that the latter may not be obliged to , trade with the English to get rid of them." A vessel belonging to the company arrived with quite a num- ber of young girls, who, unlike many others who had been sent to Louisiana, had not been taken from the house of correction. They were each provided with a little chest, containing articles of apparel, and from this circumstance they were called girls de la cassette — girls of the chest. They were placed under the sur- veillance of the Ursuline nuns until they could be disposed of by marriage.! * Meaning the Creeks, who lived upon the Tallapoosa river. t Histoire dela Louisiane, par Charles Gayarre, vol. 1, pp. 193-235. CHAPTER XI. Terrible Massacre at Natchez. The colony of Louisiana was now in a nourishing condition ; its fields were cultivated by more than two thousand negroes ; cotton, indigo, tobacco and grain were produced ; skins 1728 and furs of all descriptions were obtained in a traffic with the Indians; and lumber was extensively exported to the West India islands. The province was protected by eight hundred troops of the line; but the bloody massacre of 1729 the French population of Fort Rosalie, at the Natchez, arrested these rapid strides of prosperity, and shrouded all things in sadness and gloom. Our library contains many ac- counts of this horrible affair, which harmonize very well with each other ; but in reference to the causes which led to it, more particularly, we propose to introduce the statement of Le Page Du Pratz, who was residing in Louisiana at the time. We give his account, in his own faithful style : "Chopart had been commandant of the post of the Natchez, from which he was removed on account of some act of injustice. Governor Perrier, but lately arrived, suffered himself to be pre- possessed in his favor, on his telling him that he had commanded that post with applause, and thus he obtained the command from Perrier, who was unacquainted with his character. This new commandant, on taking possession of his post, projected the form- ing of one of the most eminent settlements of the whole colony. For this purpose he examined all the grounds unoccupied by the French, but could not find anything that came up to the grandeur of his views. Nothing but the village of the White Apple, a square league, at least, in extent, could give him satisfaction, and 236 TERRIBLE MASSACRE AT NATCHEZ. 237 there he resolved immediately to settle. This ground was dis- tant from the fort about two leagues.* Conceited with the beauty of his project, the commandant sent for the Sun of that village, to come to the fort ; upon his arrival, he told him, without cere- mony, that he must look out for another ground to build his vil- lage on, as he, himself, resolved, as soon as possible, to build on the village of the Apple, and that he must directly close the huts and retire somewhere else. The better to cover his design, he gave out that it was necessary for the French to settle on the banks of the rivulet, where stood the great village and the abode of the Grand Sun. The commandant, doubtless, supposed that he was speaking to a slave, whom we may command in a tone of absolute authority. But he knew not that the natives of Louisi- ana are such enemies to a state of slavery that they prefer death itself; above all, the Suns, accustomed to govern despotically, have still a greater aversion to it. ********** "The Sun of the Apple made answer, that his ancestors had lived in that village for as many years as there were hairs in his double cue, and, therefore, it was good they should continue there. Scarce had the interpreter explained this answer to the commandant, when the latter fell into a passion, and, Spring threateningly, told the Sun, that if he did not quit his vil- of lage, in a few days, he might repent it. The Sun replied : 1729 'When the French came to ask us for land, to settle on, they told us there was land enough still unoccupied for them, and that the same sun would enlighten them all, and all would walk in the same path.' He wanted to proceed further, in justification of what he alleged, but the commandant, in a passion, said he was resolved to be obeyed. The Sun, without discovering any emo- * "The site of the White Apple village was about twelve miles south of the present city of Natchez, near the mouth of second creek, and three miles east of the Missis- sippi. The site was occupied by the plantation of Colonel Anthony Hutchens, an early emigrant to Florida. All vestiges of Indian industry have disappeared except some mounds in the vicinity." — Monette's History of the Valley of the Mississippi, vol. 1, p 258. 238 HISTORY OF ALABAMA, tion or passion, then withdrew, only observing that he was going to assemble the old men of his village to hold a council upon the affair. * * * * ***** " In this council it was resolved to represent to the com- mandant, that the corn of all the people of their village was already shot a little out of the earth, and that all their hens were laying their eggs. That if they quitted their village now, the chickens and corn would be lost both to the French and to themselves. * * * * The commandant turned a deaf ear to these views, and threatened to chastise the Chiefs if they did not comply with his orders, in a very short time, which he named. The Sun reported this answer to his council, who debated the question. But the policy of the old men was, that they should be allowed to stay in their village until harvest, and until they had time to dry their corn and shake out the grain. Summer In consideration of this privilege, they each proposed of 1729 to pay the commandant, in so many moons, a basket of corn and a fowl. * * * * The cupidity of the commandant made him accept the proposition with joy, and blinded him with regard to the consequences of his tyranny. He, however, pretended that he agreed to the offer out of favor, to do a pleasure to a nation so beloved, and who had ever been good friends of the French. The Sun appeared highly satisfied to have obtained a delay sufficient for taking the precautions necessary to the security of the nation, for he was by no means the dupe of the feigned benevolence of the commander. " The Sun, upon his return, again caused the council to be assembled. * * * * He stated to them that it was neces- sary to avail themselves of this time, in order to withdraw them- selves from this proposed payment and tyrannic domination of the French, who grew dangerous in proportion as they multi- plied. That the Natchez ought to remember the war made upon them, in violation of the peace concluded between them. That TERRIBLE MASSACRE AT NATCHEZ. 239 this war, having been made upon their village alone, they ought to consider of the surest means to take a just and bloody ven- geance. That this enterprise being of the utmost importance, it called for much secrecy, for solid measures, and for much policy. That it was proper to cajole the French chief more than ever, and that the affair required reflection before it was proposed to the Orand Sun. " In the meantime, the old men had come to the determina- tion, not only to revenge themselves, but to engage in the entire destruction of all the French in the province. When, therefore, the council again met, the most venerable man rose and delivered the following speech : '"We have a long time been sensible that the neighborhood of the French is a greater prejudice than benefit to us. . We, who are old, see this — the young see it not. The wares of the French yield pleasure to the youth, but to what Summer purpose is it, except to debauch the young women, and of 1729 taint the blood of the nation, and make them vain and idle? The young men are in the same condition — they must work themselves to death to maintain their families and please their children. Before the French came among us, we were men, content with what we had, and walked with boldness every path. Now we go groping about, afraid of meeting briars. We walk like slaves, which we shall soon be, since the French already treat us as if we were such. When they are sufficiently strong, they will no longer dissemble. For the least fault of our young people they will then tie them to a post and whip them. Have they not already done so to one of our young men, and is not death preferable to slavery? What wait we for? Shall we suffer the French to multiply till we are no longer in a condition to oppose them ? What will the other na- tions say of the Natchez, who are admitted to be the greatest of all the Red men ? Let us set ourselves at liberty. * * * From this very day let our women get provisions ready, without 240 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. telling them the reason. Go and carry the pipe of peace to all the nations of this country. Tell them that the French, being stronger here than elsewhere, enslave us the more ; but when they spread out they will treat all nations in like manner. That it is their interest to join us to prevent so great a misfortune. That they have only to join us to cut off the French to a man in one day and in one hour ! " Here the speaker continued his address and exhorted them to be prepared to fall upon the French at nine o'clock, on the morning of the day when they were to deliver to the command- ant the corn and chickens, and that the warriors were to carry with them their arms, as if going to hunt. They unanimously approved of his views, and pledged themselves to carry them out. Du Pratz continues : '« Notwithstanding the profound secrecy ob- served by the Natchez, the council held by the Suns and aged nobles gave the people great uneasiness, unable, as they were, to penetrate into the matter. The female Suns had alone, Fall of in this nation, the right to demand why they were kept 1729 in the dark in this affair. The young grand female Sun was a princess scarce eighteen. None but the Stung Arm, a woman of great wit, and no less sensible of it, could be offended that nothing was disclosed to her. In effect, she made known to her son her displeasure at this reserve with respect to herself. He replied that the several deputations were made in order to renew their good intelligence with the other nations, to whom they had not, in a long time, sent an embassy, and who might imagine themselves slighted by such neglect. This feigned excuse seemed to appease the princess, but not quite to rid her of all her uneasiness, which, on the contrary, was height- ened upon the return of the embassies, when she saw the Suns assemble in secret council together. She was filled with rage, which would have broken out, if her prudence had not set bounds to it. Happy it is for the French that she imagined herself neg- lected. I am persuaded that the colony owes its preservation to TERRIBLE MASSACRE AT NATCHEZ. 241 the vexation of this woman, rather than to any affection which she entertained for the French, as she was now far advanced in years, and her French gallant long since dead. In order to get to the bottom of the secret, she prevailed on her son to accom- pany her on a visit to a relation that lay sick at the village of the Meal, and leading him the most distant and retired route, took occasion to reproach him with the secrecv he and the other Suns observed with regard to her. She insisted on her right, as a mother, and her privilege as a princess, adding, that although the world and herself, too, had told him he was the son of a Frenchman, yet her own blood was much dearer to her than that of strangers ; that she need not apprehend she would ever betray him to the French, against whom, she said, you are plotting. "The son, stung with these reproaches, told her it was unusual to reveal what the old men of the council had once resolved upon, and as he was Grand Sun, he ought Fall of to set a good example in this respect; but seeing you 1729 have guessed the whole affair, I need not inform you further. You know as much as 1 do myself, only hold your tongue." " She replied that she was in no pain to know against whom he had taken his precaution, but as it was against the French this was the very thing that made her apprehensive he had not taken his measures aright, in order to surprise them, as they were a people of great penetration, although their commandant had none. Her son told her that she had nothing to apprehend as to the measures taken ; that all the nations had heard and approved their project, and promised to fall upon the French in their neigh- borhood on the same day with the Natchez; that the Choctaws had resolved to destroy all the French lower down and along the Mississippi, up as far as the Tonicas, to which last people, he said, we did not send, as they and the Oumas are too much wedded to the French. Heat last told her that the bundle of — 16 242 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. rods* lay in the temple, on the flat timber. The Stung Arm, being informed of the whole design, pretended to approve it, and leaving her son at ease, henceforward was only solicitous how she might defeat this barbarous design. The time was pressing, and the term fixed for the execution was almost expired. Un- willing to see the French cut off to a man in one day, she resolved to apprise them of the conspiracy through some young woman who loved them, enjoining them never to tell from whom they had their information.! She desired a soldier whom she met to tell the com- mandant that the Natchez had lost their senses, and to desire him to be upon his guard. The soldier faithfully performed his com- mission, but the commandant treated him as a coward Fall of and a visionary, — caused him to be placed in irons, and 1727 declared he would never take any steps towards repair- ing the fort, as the Natchez would then imagine he was a man of no resolution. The Stung Arm fearing a discovery, notwithstanding her precaution and the secrecy she enjoined, re- paired to the temple and pulled some rods out of the fatal bundle. Her design was to hasten the time fixed, to the end that such Frenchmen as escaped the massacre might apprise their country- men, many of whom had informed the commandant, who placed seven of them in irons. The female Sun, seeing the time ap- proaching, and many of those punished whom she had charged to * By all ancient and modern Indians rods or sticks were used to assemble the nation together. A Chief was accustomed to send forth a warrior with a bundle of sticks, and as he journeyed towards the towns to which he was despatched he would throw away one of these sticks at the close of each day. When he gave them to the party to whom he was bearing them, the latter also continued, at the close of every day, to throw away a stick. The Chiefs who sent these sticks also kept a duplicate number, and each day threw away one, so that those at a distance and those at the council house would meet together on the same day, when the last stick had been thrown away. In modern times sending sticks was called " sending out the broken days." t "The Sieur de Mace, ensign of the garrison of the fort at Natchez, received advice by a young Indian girl who loved him. She told him, crying, that her nation was to massacre all the French. M. De Mace, amazed at this discourse, questioned his mistress. Her simple answers and her tender tears left him no room to doubt of the plot. He went immediately to give chopart intelligence of it, who put him under arrest for giving false alarm."— Hossu's Travels through Louisiana, letter 3, addressed to the Marquis de L'Ls- trade, vol. 1, p. 62. London, 1771. Bossu also states that Chopart. becoming enraged at Dumont, the second in com- mand, for remonstrating with him against his tyranny towards the Natchez in the commencement of the spring, placed that excellent ofhcer and faithful historian in irons.— Vol. 1, p. 48 TERRIBLE MASSACRE AT NATCHEZ. 243 acquaint the governor, resolved to speak to the under-lieutenant, but to no better purpose. Notwithstanding all these warnings, the commandant went out the night before on a party of pleasure, with some other Frenchmen, to the grand village of the Natchez, without returning to the fort till the break of day, where he had no sooner arrived than he was admonished to be upon his guard. Still stimulated with his last night's debauch, he added impru- dence to neglect, and despatched his interpreter to demand of the Grand Sun whether he intended to kill the French. The Grand Sun, though but a young man, knew how to dissemble, and spoke in such a manner to the interpreter as to allay his suspicions and fears.* We propose now to introduce the statement of Father Le Petit, who at the time of its occurrence was residing in New Or- leans, respecting the massacre itself. He was a learned and pious Jesuit priest. The following is his letter to Father D'Avaugour, procurator of the missions in North America : "At New Orleans, 12th July, 1730. " My Reverend Father — the Peace of our Lord be with you : * * * * "After having given you an imperfect idea of the character and customs of the Natchez Indians, I proceed, my rev- erend father, as I have promised you, to enter upon a detailed ac- count of their perfidy and treason. It was on the second of De- cember of the year 1729, that we learned they had surprised the French, and had massacred almost all of them. This sad news was first brought to us by one of the planters, who had escaped their fury. It was confirmed to us on the following day by other French fugitives, and finally, some French women, whom they had made slaves, and were forced afterwards to restore, brought us all the particulars. " At the first rumor of an event so sad, the alarm and con- sternation was general in New Orleans. Although the massacre * DuPratz' Louisiana, pp. 79-90. In copying this author's statement, I have occasion- ally omitted some redundancies and uninteresting detail. 244 HISTOKY OF ALABAMA. had taken place more than a hundred leagues from here, you would have supposed that it had happened under our own eyes. Each one was mourning the loss of a relative — a friend — or some property ; all were alarmed for their own lives, for there J 729 was reason for fear that the conspiracy of the Indians Oct. 28 had been general. This unlooked for massacre began on Monday, the 28th of October, about nine o'clock in the morning. Some cause of dissatisfaction which the Natchez thought they had with the commander, and the arrival of a number of richly laden boats for the garrison and the colo- nists, determined them to hasten their enterprise, and to strike their blow sooner than they had agreed with the other confeder- ate tribes* First they divided themselves, and sent into the fort, into the village, and into the two grants, as many Indians as there were French in each of these places. Then they feigned that they were going out for a grand hunt, and undertook to trade with the French for guns, powder and ball, offering to pay them as much, and even more, than was customary ; and, in truth, as there was no reason to suspect their fidelity, they made at the time, an exchange of their poultry and corn for some arms and ammunition, which they used advantageously against us. It is true that some expressed their distrust, but this was thought to have so little foundation that they were treated as cowards, who were frightened at their own shadows. They had been on their guard against the Choctaws ; but as for the Natchez, they had never distrusted them, and they were so persuaded of their good faith that it increased their hardihood. Having thus posted themselves in different houses, provided with the arms obtained from us, they attacked, at the same time, each his man ; and in less than two hours they massacred more than two hundred of the French. The best known are M. De Chopart, commander of the post; M. Du Codere, commander among the Yazoos ; M. Des * Father Le Petit is mistaken as to the causes which hastened the massacre. It will be recollected that DuFratz told us that Stung Arm pulled out several sticks from the bundle, and it was this which brought on the time sooner. TKRRIBLE MASSACRE AT NATCHEZ. 245 Ursins ; Messieurs De Kolly, father and son ; Messieurs De Lon- grays, Des Noyers, Bailly, etc. « The Father Du Poisson had just performed the funeral rites of his associate, the brother Crucy, who had died very sud- denly of a sunstroke ; he was on his way to consult Governor Perrier, and to adopt with him proper measures to enable the Arkansas to descend the banks of the Mississippi, for the accom- modation of the voyagers. He arrived among the Natchez on the 26th of November, that is, two days before the massacre. The next day, which was the first Sunday of Advent, he said mass in the parish, and preached in the absence of the cure. He was to have returned in the afternoon to his mission among the Arkansas, but he was detained by some sick 1729 persons, to whom it was necessary to administer the Oct. 28 sacraments. On Monday he was about to say mass, and to carry the holy sacrament to one of those sick persons whom he had confessed, the evening before, when the massacre began. A gigantic Chief, six feet in height, seized him, and having thrown him to the ground, cut off his head with blows of a hatchet. The father, in falling, only uttered these words : 'Ab, my God! ah, my God!' M. Du Codere drew his sword to de- fend him, when he was himself killed by a musket ball from another Indian, whom he did not perceive. " The barbarians spared but two of the French, a tailor and a carpenter, who were able to serve their wants. They did not treat badly, either the negro slaves or the Indians who were willing to give themselves up; but they ripped up the ab- domen of every pregnant woman, and killed almost all those who were nursing their children, because they were disturbed by their cries and tears. They did not kill the other women, but made them their slaves, and treated them with every indignity during the two or three months that they were their masters. The least miserable were those who knew how to sew, because they kept them busy in making shirts, dresses, etc. The others 2 H» HI8T0B v OF ma r.A m a. wen- employed In cutting and carrying wood for oooking, and in pounding theoorn of which they made their tagamite, But two thlngi, above all, aggravated the grief and bardnesi of tbeir slavery , it was, in the first place, to have for masters, those same persons whom they bad seen dipping Lii«ir cmci immiH in the blood of their husbands; and, In the second plaoe, <> L729 hear them continually saying that the ETrenoh bad been Oot. 28 treated In the same manner at all the other posts, and that the country was now entirely freed from them. « During the massacre, the Sun, <>r the Great Chief <>r the Natohez, was seated quietly under the tobacco hImhI <>r the com pany. His warriors brought to bis feet the head <>r t£ie com- mander, about which they ranged those <>r the principal Frenoh of tin- post, Leaving their bodies a prey to the dogs, the buzzards, and other carnivorous i»inis.* When they were assured that no other Frenoh men remained at I in- post, they applied themselves to plunder the bouses, the magazines <>i the [ndian oompany, and all the boats whlob were still loaded by the banks <>r the river. They employed the negroes to transport the merchandise, which they divided among themselves, with the exoeption of the muni- tions <>i war, winch they plaoed, for security, In ;i separate oabin. while the brandy lasted, <>r winch they found ;» good supply, they passed their days and nights In drinking, sing- ing, danoing, and Insulting, In the most barbarous manner, the dead bodies and the memory <>r the Frenoh. The Chootaws and the other Indians being engaged In the i>i<>i with them, they icii ;ii ihcir ciiHc, and did not ;ii all fear that they would • Dumont, in his " Memoirei Hiitorlques sur laiLouiili ," tone ., pp, 1 1:> i in, thui M|IHIllll m| ( llo|..l I I ••in iin mi.i t of the general muiiori of the Prenoh, Ohoparl revived, hi ii Provi donee had wished 1 ir< him ■ a witness of the destruol f so man] Inhabitant w 1 1" won lil n, 1 1 I i.i ii' | >t tin nil on, i tn i i iii y win- no i no M' iio ion iii sea iii .ii mi ii, i iii iii, i,\ the hIiIch oi the r iii i'i< 'i . w iii. 1 1 1- iifin rii iii i i '.i 1 1 ii'ii, i iii i .ii 1 1 1 i ir H ii w 1 1 1 1 i in' 1 1 carcasses \ i the ii i he w i in i oiiii.i.-ii i.\ ih. no, , who breathed nothing n than IiIm death, wlille f them wished to lay hands upon liiui. They considered him ■> I •i "dog, H imwoiiiiN oi being kiliud ii\ .i brave man. and they made the ohiel stinking tome, w in. i. iii. ,i linn with i lie I roke "i n olub." TERRIBLB Kf A 88 A ORB at NTATOHEZ. 247 draw on I herasel vts i he vengeance wiiidi was merited by their cruelty and perfidy. <>ne night, when they were plunged in drunkennesB and sleep, Madame Dee Noycrs w I bed to make use <>r Mm- negroes to revenge the death of her busband and i he French, but she was betrayed i»y the person to whom she confided her design, and oame very near being burned alive. " Some of the Prenoh escaped tin- fury <>r the Indians by taking refuge In the woods, where they suffered extremely from hunger ami the effects "i I be weather.* ( me <»i them, on arriving here, relieved us of a little disquietude we felt in regard to the pOSt We OCOUpy anion;-; I In- V a ZOOS, which Ls not more than I'm I y or fifty leagues above the Natchez by water and only from fifteen to twenty by land. Not being able to endure the extreme cold from which be suffered, be left the woods under cover ol the night, to go and warm himself In the house of ;> Frenchman. VVIm'H he was near It be heard the voices ol Indians, and delih Crated whether he should enler. lie determined, however, to do so, preferring rather to perish by the hands of these barbarians than to die of famine and cold. He was agreeably surprised when he found these savages ready tO render him a service, lo heap kindness upon him, to commiserate him, to console him, to fui nish him with provisions, clothes and a, hoat to make his escape to New Orleans. These were the STazoos, who wen- returning from chanting the oalumet, at Oumas. The Chief charged him to say to M. Terrier licit he had nothing to le.u on the pari Of the Ya/oos, that 'they would not lose their spirit,'- I hat is, that they would always remain attached to the French, end that be would he constantly on the watch with bis tribe, to warn the * in ;i i * * • » < when the ittui I commenced, and hci nu unable I " regain hli houie. he defended lilmiell until he fell, having killed four Indian Thui It hi coil the Natchez only twelve men to deitroy twobundred and fifty <>i <>iu people «■.. i, ( . m tolre de la i ouliiane, \<>i i, pp. '^48 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. French boats that were descending the river, to be on their guard against the Natchez. « We believed, for a long time, that the promises of this Chief were very sincere, and feared no more Indian perfidy for our post among the Yazoos. Rut learn, my reverend father, the dis- position of these Indians, and how little one is able to trust their words, even when accompanied by the greatest demonstrations of friendship. Scarcely had they returned to their own village, when loaded with presents they received from the Natchez, they followed their example and imitated their treachery. Uniting with the Corroys, they agreed together to exterminate the French. They began with Father Souel, the missionary of both tribes, who was then living in the midst of them, in their own vil- lage. On the 11th of December, Father Souel was re- 1730 turning in the evening from visiting the Chief, and Dec. 1 1 while in a ravine, received many musket balls, and fell dead on the spot. The Indians immediately rushed to his cabin to plunder it. His negro, who composed all his family and all his defense, armed himself with a wood-cutter's knife, to prevent (he pillage, and even wounded one of the savages. This zealous action cost him his life, but happily less than a month before he had received baptism, and was living in a most Chris- tian manner. "These Indians, who even to that time seemed sensible of the affection which their missionary bore them, reproached them- selves for his death, as soon as tney were capable of reflection ; but returning again to their natural ferocity, they adopted the resolution of putting a finishing stroke to their crime, by the de- struction of the whole French post. 'Since the Black Chief is dead, 1 said they, 'it is the same as if all the French were dead; let us not spare any.' The next day they executed their barbar- ous plan. They repaired, early in the morning, to the fort, which was not more than a league distant, and whose occupants sup- posed, on their arrival, that the Indians wished to chant the cal- TERRIBLE MASSACRE AT NATCHEZ. 249 umet to the Chevalier des Roches, who commanded that post, in the absence of M. de Codere. lie had but seventeen men with him, who had no suspicion of any evil design on the part of the savages, and were, therefore, all massacred, not one escaping their fury. They, however, spared the lives of four women and five children, whom they found there, and whom they made slaves. One of the Yazoos having stripped the missionary, clothed him- self in his garments, and shortly after announced to the Natchez that his nation had redeemed their pledge, and that the French, settled among them, were all massacred. In this city, there was no longer any doubt on that point, as soon as they learned what came near being the fate of Father Doutreleau. This missionary had availed himself of the time when the Indians were en- gaged in their winter occupations, to come and see us, for the purpose of regulating some matters relating to his mission. He set out On the first of this year, 17M, and not expecting to arrive at the residence of Father Souel, of whose fate he was ignorant, in time to say mass, he determined to say it at the mouth of the Little Yazoo river, where his party had cabined. w As he was preparing for the sacred office, he saw a boat full of Indians landing; they demanded from them of what na- tion they were. * Yazoos, comrades of the French,' they replied, making a thousand friendly demonstrations to the voy- agers, who accompanied the missionary, and presenting 17o<» them with provisions. While the father was preparing Jan. 1 his altar, a tlock of bustards passed, and the voyagers fired at them the only two guns they had, without thinking of reloading, as mass had already commenced. The Indians noted this, and placed themselves behind the voyagers, as if it was their intention to hear mass, although they were not Christians. At the time the father was saying the Kgrie FAeison, the Indians made their discharge; the missionary, seeing himself wounded in his right arm, and seeing one of the voyagers killed at his feet, and the four others fled, threw himself on his 250 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. knees to receive the last fatal blow, which he regarded as inevitable. In this posture he received two or three discharges, but although the Indians fired while almost touching him, yet they did not inflict on him any new wounds. Finding himself then, as it were, miraculously escaped from so many mortal blows, he took to flight, having on still his priestly garments, and without any other defence than entire confidence in God, whose particular protection was given him, as the events proved. He threw himself into the water, and after advancing some steps gained the boat, in which two of the voyagers were making their escape. They had supposed him to be killed 1730 by some of the many balls which they had heard fired on Jan. him. In climbing up into the boat, and turning his head to see whether any one of his pursuers was follow- ing him too closely, he received in the mouth a discharge of small shot, the greater part of which were flattened against his teeth, though some of them entered his gums and remained there for a long time. I have myself seen two of them. Father Doutreleau, all wounded as he was, undertook the duty of steering the boat, while his two companions placed themselves at the oars ; unfor- tunately one of them at setting out had his thigh broken by a musket ball, from the effects of which he has since remained a cripple. * * * As soon as they found themselves freed from their enemies, they dressed their wounds as well as they could, and for the purpose of aiding their flight from that fatal shore they threw into the river everything they had in their boat, pre- serving only some pieces of raw bacon for their nourishment. It had been their intention to stop in passing at the Natchez, but having seen that the houses of the French were either demolished or burned, they did not think it advisable to listen to the compli- ments of the Indians who, from the bank of the river, invited them to land. They placed a wide distance between them as soon as possible, and thus shunned the balls which were ineffectually fired at them. It was then that they began to distrust all the TERRIBLE MASSACRE AT NATCHEZ. 251 Indian nations, and, therefore, resolved not to go near the land until they reached New Orleans ; and supposing that the savages might have rendered themselves masters of it, to descend even to the Balize, where they hoped to find some French vessel provided to receive the wreck of the colony. * * * I cannot express to you, my reverend father, the great satisfac- 1730 tion I felt at seeing Father Doutreleau, his arm in a Jan. 8 scarf, arrive (in New Orleans) after a voyage of more than four hundred leagues, all the clothes he had on having been borrowed, except his cassock. I placed him immediately in the hands of brother Parisel, who examined his wounds and who dressed them with great care and speedy suscess. The mission- ary was not yet entirely cured of his wounds when he departed to act as chaplain to the French army, as he had promised the officers, in accordance with their request. " Knowing as you do, my reverend father, the vigilance and the oversight of our Governor, you can well imagine that he did not sleep in this sad crisis in which we now found ourselves. We may say, without flattery, that he surpassed himself by the rapid movements he made, and by the wise meas- ures he adopted to revenge the French blood which had been shed, and to prevent the evils with which almost all the posts of the colony were threatened. As soon as he was apprised of this unexpected attack, by the Natchez Indians, he caused the news to be carried to all the posts, and even as far as the Illinois, not by the ordinary route of the river, which was closed, but on one side by the Natchitoches and the Arkansas, and the other by Mobile and the Chickasaw. He invited the neighbors, who were our allies, and particularly the Choctaws, to avenge this outrage. He furnished arms and ammunition to all the houses of the city and to the plantations. He caused two ships, that is, the Due de Bourbon and the Alexandre, to ascend the river as far as the Tonicas. These ships were like two good fortresses against the 252 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. insults of the Indians, and in case of attack, two certain asylums for the women and children. He caused a ditch to be dug en- tirely around the city, and placed guard houses at the four ex- tremities. He organized for its defence many companies of city militia, who mounted guard during the whole night. As there was more to fear in the grants and in the plantations than in the city, he fortified them with the most care. He had good forts erected at Chapitoulas, Cannes, Brules, Altemands, Bayagoulas, and Pointe Coupee. " At first, our governor, listening only to the dictates of his own courage, adopted the design of placing himself at the head of the troops, but it was represented to him that he ought not to quit New Orleans, where his presence was absolutely necessary ; that there was danger of the Choctaws determining to fall upon the city, if it should be deprived of its troops ; and the negroes, to free themselves from slavery, might join them, as some had done with the Natchez. Moreover, he could feel per- 1730 fectly easy with regard to the conduct of the troops, as Jan. the Chevalier De Loubois, with whose experience and bravery he was well acquainted, had been appointed to command them. Whilst our little army was repairing to the Tonicas, seven hundred Choctaws, mustered and conducted by M. Le Sner, marched towards the Natchez. We were informed, by a party of these people, that the Natchez were not at all on their guard, but passed all their nights in dancing. The Choc- taws took them, therefore, by surprise, and made a descent on them, the 27th of January, at the break of day. In less than three hours they had delivered fifty-nine persons, both women and children, with the tailor and carpenter, and one hundred and six negroes or negro women, with their children. They made eighteen of the Natchez prisoners, and took sixty scalps. 1730 They would have taken more, if they had not been in- Jan. 27 tent on freeing the slaves, as they had been directed. They had but two men killed and seven or eight TERRIBLE MASSACRE AT NATCHEZ. 253 wounded. They encamped, with their prizes, at the grant of St. Catherine, in a mere park enclosed with stakes. The victory would have been complete, if they had waited the arrival of the French army, as had been agreed upon by their deputies.* " The Natchez, seeing themselves attacked by the formidable Choctaws, regarded their defeat as certain, and shutting them- selves up in two forts, passed the following nights in dancing their death dance. In their speeches, we heard them reproach- ing the Choctaws for their perfidy in declaring in favor of the French, contrary to the pledge they had given, to unite with them for our destruction. Three days before this action, the Sieur Mes- plex landed at the Natchez with five other Frenchmen; they had volunteered to M. De Loubois, to carry to the Indians negotia- tions for peace, that they might be able, under this pretext, to gain information with regard to their force and their present sit- uation. But, in descending from their boat, they encountered a party who, without giving them time to speak, killed three of their men and made the other three prisoners. The next day they sent one of these prisoners with a letter, in which they de- manded, as hostages, the Sieur Broutin, who had formerly been commander among them, and the Chief of the Tonicas. Besides, they demanded, as the ransom for the women, children and slaves, two hundred guns, two hundred barrels of powder, two thousand gun flints, two hundred knives, two hundred hatchets, two hundred pickaxes, five hogsheads of brandy, twenty casks of wine, twenty barrels of vermilion, two hundred shirts, twenty pieces of limbourg, twenty pieces of cloth, twenty coats with lace on the seams, twenty hats bordered with plumes, and a hundred coats of a plainer kind. Their design was to massacre the French, who should bring these goods. On the very same day, * Monette, Martin, and other modern authors, state that Le Seur advanced from the Tombigby, with six hundred warriors, and near Pearl river increased his force to twelve hundred. Arriving; near Natchez, and learning the unguarded condition of the Indians of that place, the Choctaws fell upon them, in spite of the entreaties of Le Seur, who urged them to await the arrival of the French army. 254 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. with every refinement in cruelty, they burned the Sieur Mesplex and his companion. " On the 8th February, the French, with the Tonicas and some other small tribes from the lower end of the Mississippi, ar- rived at the Natchez, and seized their temple, dedicated to the Sun. The impatience and impracticability of the Choctaws, who, like all these Indians, are capable of striking only one blow and then disperse — the small number of French soldiers, who found themselves worn down by fatigues — the want of provi- 1730 sions, which the Indians stole from the French — the fail- Feb. ure of ammunition, with which they were not able to satisfy the Choctaws, who wasted one part of it, and placed the other in reserve to be used in hunting — the resistance of the Natchez, who were well fortified, and who fought in des- peration — all these things decided us to listen to the propositions which the besieged made, after the trenches had been opened for seven days. They threatened, if we persisted in the siege, to burn those of the French who remained ; while, on the other hand, they offered to restore them, if we would withdraw our seven pieces of cannon. These, in reality, for want of a good gun- ner, and under present circumstances, were scarcely in a fit state to give them any fear. " These propositions were accepted, and fulfilled on both sides. On the '^5th of February, the besieged faithfully re- stored all that they had promised, while the besiegers retired with their cannon to a small fort which they had hastily built on the Escore, near the river, for the purpose of always keeping the Natchez in check, and ensuring a passage to the voyagers. Gov- ernor Perrier gave the command of it to M. D'Artaguette, as an acknowledgement of the intrepidity with which, during the siege, he had exposed himself to the greatest dangers, and everywhere braved death. " Before the Choctaws had determined to fall upon the Natchez, they had been to them to convey the calumet, and were TERRIBLE MASSACRE AT NATCHEZ. 255 received in a very novel manner. They found them and their horses adorned with chasubles and drapery of the altars ; many wore patterns about their necks, and drank, and gave to drink, of brandy in the chalices and pyx. And the 1730 Choctaws themselves, when they had gained these arti- Feb. cles by pillaging our enemies, renewed this profane sac- rilege, by making the same use of our ornaments and sacred ves- sels in their dances and sports. We were never able to recover more than a small portion of them."* Here Father Le Petit discontinues his detail of the Natchez war, and ends his letter with some remarks upon the character of the Illinois and several other tribes of Indians. He appears to have deemed it a very great outrage that the Natchez thus pros- tituted their holy vessels and priestly robes, yet he announces that the French army "arrived at the Natchez and seized their temple, dedicated to the Sun," which they, no doubt, also de- stroyed. The religion of tbe Natchez was as sacred to the Natchez, as the religion of the Roman Catholics was to the good Father Le Petit. The Natchez Chiefs proposed to surrender more than two hundred prisoners, if the French commander would remove his artillery and withdraw his forces, or else all the prisoners would be consumed by fire. Loubois, to save the lives of these misera- ble captives, consented, yet with the secret intention of wreaking his vengeance upon the Indians as soon as the prisoners were in his possession. But he was sadly disappointed, for the Indians, suspecting treachery on his part, took ad- 1730 vantage of the suspension of hostilities, and one night Feb. 25 evacuated the fort, and succeeded in gaining the oppo- site shore of the Mississippi with all their women and children. The prisoners were found in the fort, agreeably to the treaty. * "The Early Jesuit Missions in North America," compiled, and translated from the letters of the French Jesuits, with notes by the Rev. Ingrabam Kip, M. A., Correspond- ing Member of the New York Historical Society. New York: 1846. See Part 2, pp. 267-300. 256 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. Loubois was astonished at the dexterous manoeuvre, but he saw the folly of pursuing the foe, who had now secreted themselves in the vast swamps. He began the erection of a terraced fort upon the verge of the bluff, and leaving there a garrison of one hun- dred and twenty men, returned with his troops and the rescued prisoners to New Orleans. The largest portion of the Natchez, conducted by the Great Sun, established themselves " upon the lower Washita, on the point between the Little River and the Washita, just below the mouth of Little River, where the Washita assumes the name of Black river."* Here the Natchez placed about four hundred acres of land in a state of defence by the erection of large and small mounds and extensive embankments. Other portions of this tribe sought an asylum among the Chickasaws, while others wandered still further east, and took up their abode upon a por- tion of the territory now embraced in Talladega county, Alabama. The English traders of Carolina, it is said, rejoiced in the destruc- tion of the French, and many of them, then residing among the Chickasaws, urged those people and the refugee Natchez to en- gage in a vigorous warfare, and not only to defend their soil but to exterminate the French. In the meantime Governor Perrier made preparations to follow up the Natchez upon the Washita, but his exertions were to some extent defeated by a serious negro insurrection, which occurred upon the plantations in the vicinity of New Orleans. 1731 However, upon the 10th of August one of the com- Aug. 10 pany's ships arrived at the Balize with some troops and supplies. Although mortified that the reinforce- ment was so small, Perrier added them to the colonial troops, and, procuring a Choctaw force at Mobile, left New Or- Nov. 15 leans with an army of six hundred and fifty, which was increased on the way to one thousand by Indian allies. Reaching the mouth of Black river, they at length came in sight * Monette's History of the Valley of the Mississippi, vol. 1, p. 267. TERRIBLE MASSACRE IN NATCHEZ. 257 of the enemy's stronghold. The troops were disem- barked, the fort invested, and for three days the besieged 1732 made a spirited resistance, when they made propositions Jan. 20 which Perrier rejected. At length the Indians consented to surrender the Great Sun and one War Chief, which the Gov- ernor refused. They then consented to surrender sixty-five men and about two hundred women and children, upon conditions that their lives should be spared. Perrier once more opened his artil- lery upon them, but a heavy rain, which continued until nighty silenced his batteries. When night set in the Natchez began to escape from their defences, and make their way up the river in the midst of a tempest of wind and rain. The Indian allies went in pursuit, and returned with one hundred prisoners. The next day Perrier demolished the outworks of the fort and began his voyage to New Orleans, where he arrived in 1732 due time with four hundred and twenty-seven captives Feb. 5 of the Natchez tribe. At the head of them were the Great Sun and several principal Chiefs. Soon afterwards they were all shipped to St. Domingo and sold as slaves.* Those of the Natchez who escaped during the stormy night rallied again and collected in one body near the French settlements on Red river. They then marched and attacked the post in a most furious manner, but St. Denys, the commandant, an intrepid offi- cer, repelled them with the loss of ninety-two braves, including all their Chiefs. The remnant escaped by flight. This was the closing scene in the Natchez drama, and ended the existence of these brave Indians as a distinct tribe.* * "The French army re-embarked and carried the Natchez as slaves to New Orleans, where they were put in prison ; but afterwards, to avoid the infection, the women and the children were disposed of on the King's plantation and elsewhere. Among these women was the Female Sun, called the Stung Arm, who then told me all she had done in order to save the French. Some time after, these slaves were embarked to St. Domingo, in order to root out that nation in the colony; * * * and thus that nation, the most conspicuous in the colony and the most useful to the French, was destroyed." — Du Pratz, p. 95. *In relation to the massacre at Natchez, and the final defeat of those Indians, I have carefully consulted the following authorities: Du Pratz's Louisiana; London, 1774. Bossu's Travels in Louisiana, vol. 1 ; London, 1771. Memoire Historique et Politique sur la Louisiane, par M. de Vergennes, Ministre de Louis XVI. ; a Paris, 1802. Voyage a la Louisiane, par B*** D ; Paris, 1802. Memoires Historique sur la Louisiane, par M. Du- mont; a Paris, 1753. Kip's Early Jesuit Adssions ; New York. 1846. Gayarre's Histoire de la Louisiane. Martin's History of Louisiana; New Orleans, 1827. Stoddart's Sketches, Historical and Descriptive, of Louisiana; Piladelphia, 1812. Monette's History of the Valley of the Mississippi; New York, 1846. 17 CHAPTER XIL The English in Georgia. We have shown that South Carolina had been established as a colony for some years, that its seat of government was at Charleston, and that its inhabitants, in endeavoring to extend the English trade to all the Western Indian nations as far as the Mississippi river, had many conflicts and difficulties with the French, who occupied the territory of Alabama. They were also constantly opposed by the Spaniards of the Floridas. In order to interpose a barrier to these foes, as well as to protect the citizens from the attacks of the Creek Indians, the King of England and the British Parliament listened to a proposition of a great philanthropist, to plant a colony upon the western bank of the Savannah river. His motives, purely noble and disin- terested, originated in a desire to ameliorate the condition of many unfortunate people in England. To carry out his plans of humanity, he was willing that the King should blend with them politic measures for the advancement of this, his most Southern province, and it was determined that "silk, wine and oil should be cultivated most abundantly." James Oglethorpe, a descendant of one of the oldest and most influential families of England, was born on the 22d of De- cember, 1688, and after graduating at Oxford University, was ommissioned an ensign in the British army. In 1713, he ac- companied the Earl of Petersburg, then Ambassador to the Ital- ian States, in the capacity of aide-de-camp. Returning to England, a year afterwards, he was promoted to a captaincy in the first troop of Queen Anne's Guard, and was soon an adjutant-general 258 THE ENGLISH IN" GEORGIA. 259 of the Queen's forces. He was next transferred to the post of aide-de-camp to Prince Eugene, the first general of the age, and was with him amid all the sanguinary battles fought between the Austrians and the Turks, upon the frontiers of Hungary. When these wars were over, Oglethorpe returned to England, and in 1722 was elected a member of the British Parliament, where he soon became useful and influential. Oglethorpe caused an investigation to be made into the state of the English prisons, and it was ascertained that they groaned with thousands of poor wretches who had been imprisoned many years for debt. That the kingdom of England also contained thousands, "descended of good families," who were in destitute circumstances, and that hundreds of German exiles, driven from their native country by religious persecution, were starving among them. He brought this unhappy state of things before the King and Parliament, and, by his zeal and 1732 ability, succeeded in procuring a charter for the coloni- June zation of Georgia, the inhabitants of which were to con- sist of these distressed people. He resolved, himself, to embark with the first emigrants. They consisted of thirty families, num- bering, collectively, one hundred and twenty-five souls. Enter- ing the sea from the Thames, the vessel, after a long voyage across the Atlantic, furled its sails in the har- 1733 bor of Charleston. Oglethorpe landed, and was received Jan. with attention by the Governor and Council of South Carolina. The King's pilot carried the ship into Port Royal, while small vessels were furnished to convey the emigrants to the Savannah river. Leaving his people at Beaufort, and accompanied by Colonel Bull of South Carolina, Jan. 20 Oglethorpe ascended the Savannah, and launched his boat at the splendid bluff, which now forms the site of the com- mercial emporium of Georgia. At the northern end of this bluff, the great philanthropist came upon an Indian town, called Yamacraw, the chief of which was named Tomochichi, and where ^%0\ © ■- © O CD ® 5 0.2 c€ © ^* 5 O H) ^ ^^ 13 O © o © CS CO >s 1-1 © o ^ o g 2 £• o ^ ^ . eg. j-, CD .2 .2 © pq THE ENGLISH IN GEORGIA. 261 Musgrove, a Carolina trader, married to a half-breed named Mary, had established himself.* This Indian, Mary, was born in the year 1700, at the town of Coweta, upon the Chattahoochie, in Alabama. Her Indian name was Consaponaheeso, and by maternal descent she was one of the Queens of the Muscogee nation, and the Indians conceded to her the title of x^rincess. When ten years of age, her father took her to Ponpon, in South Carolina, where she was baptized, educated and instructed in Christianity. Afterwards, she fled back to her forest home, laid aside the civilization of the British, and assumed the ease and freedom of the happy Muscogee. In 1716, Colonel John Musgrove was despatched to the Chattahoochie, by the government of Carolina, to form a treaty of alliance with the Creeks, with whom that colony had been at war. It was there stipulated that the Creeks were to remain the free occupants of all the lands east, as far as the Savannah river. The son of the British nego- tiator, John Musgrove, had accompanied his father to Coweta, and falling in love with the Princess Mary, made her his wife. After remaining in the nation several years, and after the birth of their only child, they removed to South Car- 1723 olina. There residing seven years in much happiness, they afterwards established themselves upon Yamacraw Bluff, at the head of an extensive trading house, and where Ogle- thorpe found them, as we have just observed. By his 1732 alliance with this remarkable woman, who was well June versed in the Indian and English languages, Musgrove obtained considerable influence over the natives, and became ex- ceedingly wealthy. Mary was, afterwards, the warm friend of Oglethorpe, and several times saved the early colonists of Georgia from savage butchery. Oglethorpe returned to Beaufort, and, collecting his colo- * Stevens' History of Georgia, vol. 1, pp. 58-76-89. Georgia Historical Collections, vol. l,pp. 9-11-12-167-174. McCall's History of Georgia, vol. 1, pp. 9-32. 262 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. nists, sailed up the Savannah, and landing at the bluff, where now stands the beautiful city, immediately disembarked and pitched four large tents. Here the emigrants spent their first 1 733 night in Georgia. The Indians received them with hos- Feb. 12 pitality, and gave pledges of future friendship. Ogle- thorpe marked out the streets and squares ; all was bustle and activity, and it was not long before Savannah assumed something of the appearance of a town. A small fort was estab- lished at the edge of the bluff, as a place of refuge, and 1733 some artillery was mounted upon it. Fort Argyle was Feb. 9 built at the narrow passage of the Ogeechee, above the mouth of Canouchee, to defend the inhabitants against inland invasion from the Spaniards of St. Augustine. Soon after his arrival, Oglethorpe despatched runners to the Lower Creek nation, and having assembled eighteen Chiefs and their attendants, at Savannah, he formed a treaty with them, in which they relinquished to the British government the May 21 lands between the Savannah and the Altamaha. It was also stipulated, among other things, that English traders should be allowed to establish themselves in any part of the Creek nation. Their goods were to be sold at fixed rates — thus, a white blanket was set down at five buckskins, a gun at ten, a hatchet at three doeskins, a knife at one, and so on. Returning to Charleston, after this important treaty, a dinner was given to the philanthropist by the legislative bodies, which he returned by a ball and supper to the ladies. A company of forty Jews, acting under the broad principles of the charter, which gave freedom to all religions, save that of the Romish Church, landed at Savannah. Much dissatisfaction, both in England and America, arose in consequence of the ap- pearance of these Israelites, and Oglethorpe was solicited to send them immediately from the colony. He, however, gen- erously permitted them to remain, which was one of 1734 the wisest acts of his life, for they and their de- THE ENGLISH IN GEORGIA. 263 scendants were highly instrumental in developing the com- mercial resources of this wild land. There also came, in the months of September and October, three hundred and forty -one Salzburgers, driven from Germany for their religious opinions, and Oglethorpe settled them above Savannah, on the river of that name, where they formed a town and named it Ebenezer. These people were succeeded by many Highlanders, from Scot- land, who, being brave and hardy, were located upon the 1736 banks of the Altamaha, the most exposed part of the Jan. colony, where they founded the town of Darien. In the meantime Oglethorpe had made a voyage to England, taking with him Tomochichi, the Chief of Yamacraw. Senanky, his wife, Tooanhouie, their nephew, Hillipili, the War Captain, and five Chiefs of the Cherokees. He was most graciously re- ceived by the ruling powers of England and her citizens ; and his noble and disinterested exertions were universally approved. In due time he returned to Georgia, with his Indian friends. The lands, between Ebenezer and Briar Creek, belonged to the Uchees, who refused to dispose of them. But to secure this part of the country, two forts were built on the South Carolina side of the river, which answered the purpose. Establishments were also made at Silver Bluff, and at the falls of the Savannah, where the town of Augusta was laid out, warehouses erected, and a garrison thrown into a small fort. Augusta immediately be- came a general resort for Indian traders, where they purchased annually about two thousand pack-horse loads of peltry. Six hundred' white persons were engaged in this trade, including townsmen, pack-horse men and servants. Boats, each capable of carrying down the river a large quantity of peltry, were built, and four or five voyages were annually made with them to Charleston. A trading highway was opened to Savannah on which few of the creeks were bridged, or marshes and swamps causewayed. He who became the wealthiest and most conspicuous of all 264 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. these Indian traders, was George Galphin, a native of Ireland. When quite a young man, he established himself upon the site of Da Soto's ancient Cutifachiqui, where that remarkable adventurer first discovered the Savannah river, in 1540. Upon the site of this old Indian town, on the east bluff of the Savannah, 1737 in Barnwell District, South Carolina, now called Silver Bluff, and at present the property of Gov. Hammond, young Galphin first begun to trade with the Creek Indians. Al- though he made Silver Bluff his headquarters, he had trading houses in Savannah and Augusta. He was a man of fine address, great sense, commanding person, untiring energy and unsurpassed bravery. His power was felt and his influence extended even to the banks of the Mississippi. Among the Upper and Lower Creeks, Cherokees, Chickasaws and Choctaws, he sent forth nu- merous pack-horse men, with various merchandise, who brought back to Georgia almost countless skins and furs, kegs of bears' oil, hickory-nut oil, snake root and medicinal barks,' which 1740 he shipped to England. He often went himself into to these nations, fearlessly trading in the immediate 1775 vicinity of the French Fort Toulouse, upon the Coosa. Commercial policy and an amorous disposition led him to form connections with several females, who were called his wives, and from whom descended many intelligent and influ- ential persons, now inhabiting Georgia, Alabama and the Ar- kansas Territory. Among the passengers who came out with Oglethorpe, upon his return to America, were the celebrated Methodists, John and Charles Wesley, who eat at the table of the philanthropist, and who received from him much kindness and courtesy, during a stormy and dangerous voyage. Their object was to make reli- gious impressions upon the minds of the Indians. Among the colonists, with whom they resided many years, they became not only unpopular, but very obnoxious. They finally returned to England much mortified and much disappointed. Stevens thus THE ENGLISH IN GEORGIA. 265 speaks of these talented and pious men : " The proceedings of the Wesleys in Georgia have, indeed, been violently assailed ; and even writers, who can offer no excuse for their ignorance, accuse them of immorality and blame. But it was not so. They were men delicately brought up, of fine sensibilities, of cultivated minds, of deep learning and of ardent devotion. * * Accom- plished, though reserved in their manners — associating from childhood with refined and learned society — they could not con- form at once to the tastes and habits of communities like those of Savannah and Frederica, but were rather repelled by the gross immoralities and offensive manners of the early colonists. Their error was, especially in John, of holding too high ideas of eccle- siastical authority, and the being too rigid and repulsive in their pastoral duties. They stood firmly on little things, as well as on great, and held the reins of church discipline with a tightness unsuitable to an infant colony. But no other blame can attach to them."* The colony of Georgia had prospered under the wise guidance of Oglethorpe. Five principal towns had been surveyed and set- tled — Augusta, Ebenezer, Savannah, New Inverness and Fred- erica — besides forts and villages. More than one thousand persons had been sent to Georgia, on the account of the trustees alone, while hundreds of other emigrants came at their own expense. The colonists being from different nations, were various in their characters and religious creeds. Vaudois, Swiss, Piedmontese, Germans, Moravians, Jews from Portugal, High- landers, English and Italians were thrown together in this fine climate, new world and new home. With all these people, in their various costumes, were often intermingled different tribes of Indians. What a field for a painter the colony presented ! What materials for a scribbling tourist! Having thus colonized the northern, southern and eastern borders, Oglethorpe returned to England, and presented to ♦Stevens' History of Georgia, vol. 1, pp. 339-349. 266 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. his majesty and the Parliament an account of the affairs of Georgia. He asked, at their hands, a sufficient supply of military stores and men to defend the province from an invasion contemplated by the Spaniards of the Floridas. The colonization of Georgia had given great offence to Spain. That power claimed the whole of Georgia, but made no serious opposition so long as the English settlements were confined to Savannah river, but when Oglethorpe planted his Highlanders upon the Altamaha, the Spaniards resolved upon their expulsion. A long succession of border wars and difficulties ensued, which, having but little connection with the history of Alabama, are omitted. It should be observed, however, that Oglethorpe succeeded in his applica- tions to the Court, and was appointed General of the forces in South Carolina and Georgia. In September he was made Colonel of a regiment to be employed in defence of the colony r 1738 which he had so successfully established. He returned Sept. 19 to Georgia with his army, and disembarked his artillery at St. Simond's Island. No sooner had Gen. Oglethorpe placed his feet upon Georgia soil than he saw the necessity of renewing his treaty with the Creeks, and of cultivating their alliance, for fear that they might form a dangerous connection with the Spaniards. He went im- mediately to Savannah, where he had an interview with the Chiefs of four towns, and succeeded in strengthening their fidelity to the English. But in order to accomplish a complete alliance with the brave Creeks he resolved to attend the great council of that nation, which was to assemble at Coweta in July and Au- gust following. It was a long and perilous journey. Coweta lay upon the west bank of the Chattahoochie river, three miles below the falls, at which the city of Columbus is now situated, and within the limits of the present Russell county, Alabama. The distance from Savannah to that point was not only considerable, but lay over extensive pine forests, dismal swamps and rapid and dangerous rivers, while the solitary trail was not infrequently THE ENGLISH IN GEORGIA. 267 beset by Indian banditti. However, when the time arrived he, who had so courageously fought under Prince Eugene upon the frontiers of Hungary, was not to be dismayed by obstacles like these. With only a few attendants, and some pack-horses laden with goods, designed as presents for the Indians, Oglethorpe set off on his journey. He crossed the Ogechee, Oconee, Ockmulgee and the Flint, carrying over his effects in canoes, and sometimes upon rafts. Finally he halted upon the banks of the Chattahoo- chie. He had camped out every night in the woods, exposed by day to the heat of the sun, and often to pelting showers of rain. Crossing the Chattahoochie, and ascending its western bank, the great and good Oglethorpe soon arrived in the town of Coweta, upon Alabama soil. Forty miles in advance the 1739 Indians had met him, and at various points upon the Aug. 1 route had deposited provisions for his subsistence. They now received him in their capital with every demonstration of joy. Making Coweta his headquarters, Oglethorpe occasionally rode to some of the towns in the vicinity, the most prominent of which were Uchee, Cusseta and Ositche, conversing with these people through his interpreters, and engaging their affections by his liberality and irresistible address. He drank with them the black drink — smoked with them the pipe of peace — and lounged with them upon the cool cane sofas with which their ample public houses were furnished. In the meantime, the Chiefs and warriors from the towns of Coweta, Cusseta, Ufaula, Hitchitee, Ositche, Chehaw, Oconee, and Swagles, assembled in the great square. After many ceremonious prelimina- ries, they made a treaty of Alliance with Oglethorpe. It 1739 was declared that all the lands between the Savannah Aug. 21 and the St. John's, and from the latter to the Apalache bay, and thence to the mountains, by ancient right, did belong to the Creek nation. That neither the Spaniards nor any other people, excepting the trustees of the colony of Georgia, should settle them. That the grant on the Savannah river, as far as the 268 HISTORY OF ALABAMA. river Ogeechee, ani those along the seacoast, as far as the St. John's river, and as high as the tide flowed, with the islands pre- viously granted to the English at Savannah, should now be con- firmed. The Chiefs again reserved all the lands from Pipe Maker's Bluff to the Savannah, with the Islands of St. Catherine, Osabow and Sapelo. After signing the treaty, Oglethorpe left with the Chiefs, for their protection against English encroachments, the following singular paper : By James, Oglethorpe, Esquire, General and Commander -in- Chief of all His Majesty'* s forces in South Carolina and Georgia, etc.: To all His Majesty' 's subjects to whom these presents shall come, greeting — Know ye, That you are not to take up or settle any land be- yond the above limit, settled by me with the Creek nation, at their estates held on Saturday, the eleventh day of August, Anno Domini, 1739, as you shall, through me, at your peril, answer. Given under my hand and seal, at the Coweta town, this, the 21st day of August, Anno Domini, 1739. James Oglethorpe. We desire it to be borne in mind, by the reader, that none of the Upper Creek Indians, who lived upon the Alabama, Coosa, and Tallapoosa rivers, were present at this treaty. They never recognized any of the treaties made in the Lower Creek nation with the Georgians. At this time, they were under the 1735 influence of the French ; afterwards, they placed them- selves under the wing of the Spaniards. Although the English built a fort and occupied it for many years, with a gar- rison, in the town of Ocfuske, on the east side of the Tallapoosa, river, within forty miles of the French fortress, Toulouse, and partially succeeded in alienating some of the Upper Creeks from the French, yet the great body of these people forever remained the implacable enemies of the Georgians. THE ENGLISH IN GEORGIA. 269 Oglethorpe departed from Coweta, and after a dis- agreeable journey, reached Savannah. He there as- 1739 sisted in the funeral ceremonies of his friend, Tomochi- Sept. 22 chi, who died at Yamacraw Bluff. The body, brought down the river in a canoe, was received by Oglethorpe, Oct. 5 and was interred in Percival Square, amid the sound of minute guns from the battery.* * Stevens' History of Georgia, vol. 1, pp. h:)-158. McCall's History of Georgia, vol. 1, pp. 32-142. Georgia Historical Collections, vol. 1, pp. 18-22-2C2-182. CHAPTER XIII. Jesuit Priests or Missionaries. Since the revolt of the French garrison at Foit Toulouse, upon the Coosa, things at that place had remained in rather an undisturbed condition. It is true that the English had given them much uneasiness, and had occasionally cut off some of the couriers de bois. In order to cultivate a better understanding with the Lower Creeks, a Jesuit priest, Father de Guyenne, went to Coweta, upon the Chattahoochie, and succeeded in building two cabins, one at that place, and the other at Cusseta. His ob- ject was to learn the language of the Indians, and to in- 1735 struct them in the Christian religion; but the English of the province of Georgia prevailed upon the Indians to burn up these houses. The zealous father was therefore forced to retreat to Fort Toulouse. Father Moran had been stationed, some years, at Fort Toulouse, and used to live occasionally at Coosawda. " The impossibility, however, of exercising his ministry there, for the benefit of either the Indians or the French, has in- duced the superior to recall him, that he might be entrusted with the direction of the nuns, and of the royal hospital, which is now under our charge. The English trade, as well as the French, among the Alabama Indians. You can easily imagine what an obstacle this presents to the progress of religion, for the English are always ready to excite controversy."* Among the Choctaws there were several missionaries, besides those stationed at Mo- bile. " The reverend Father Baudouin, the actual superior- * Letter of Father Vivier, of the company of Jesus, to a father of the same company. 270 JESUIT PRIESTS OR MISSIONARIES. 271 general of the mission, resided eighteen years among the Choc- taws. When he was on the point of reaping some fruits from his labors, the troubles which the English excited in that nation, and the peril to which he was evidently exposed, obliged Father Vitri, then superior-general, in concert with the governor, to re- call him to New Orleans."* While the English of Carolina and Georgia engaged in various schemes to rid the territory of the present States of Alabama and Mississippi of its French population, by unscrupulous intrigues with the natives, the French were but little behind them in similar enterprises. The Jesuits were adventurous and brave, and men of captivating address, and obtained much influence over the leading Chiefs, wherever they appeared. An account of the artful intrigues of a German Jesuit, named Christian Priber, as related, in his singular style, by James Adair, an old British trader, who lived forty years among the Cherokees and Chicka- saws, will now be introduced. "In the year 1736, the French sent into South Carolina one Priber, a gentleman of a curious and speculative temper. He was to transmit them a full account of that country, and proceed to the Cherokee nation, in order to seduce them from the British to the French interest. He went, and although he was adorned with every qualification that constitutes the gentleman, soon after he arrived at the upper towns of this moun- 1736 tainous country, he changed his clothes and everything he brought with him, and by that means made friends with the head warriors of the Big Tellico River. More effectually to an- swer the design of his commission, he ate, drank, slept, danced, dressed and painted himself with the Indians, so that it was not easy to distinguish him from the natives ; he married, also, with them. Being endowed with a strong understanding and reten- tive memory, he soon learned their dialect, and by gradual ad- vances, impressed them with a very ill opinion of the English, * Letter of Father Vivier, of the company of Jesus, to a father of the same company. '27'J HISTORY OF ALAI'.AIMA, representing thetn as a fraudulent, avaricious and encroaching people. He, at the same time, Inflated the artless savages with a prodigious high opinion of their own Importance In the American scale of power, on aocount of the situation of their country, their martial disposition and the great number of their warriors, which would baffle all the efforts of the ambitious and Ill-designing British colonists. « Having thus Infected them i>.y iiis smooth, deluding art, be easily Formed them Into a nominal republican government. He orowned their old Archi-Magus, emperor, after a pleasing new savage form, and Invented a variety of high sounding i it les for all the members of his imperial majesty's red court and the I7.'!!> great offloers of state. M<- himself received the honora- ble title of bis Imperial majesty's principal seoretary of State, and as such ho subscribed himself, in ail the loiters be wrote to our government, and Lived In open defiance of them. Tins seemed to be of 80 dangerous a, tendency as to induce South Carolina to send up a commissioner, Colonel Fox, to demand bim as an enemy to public repose, lie took him into custody in the great square of their stale house. When be had almost, concluded his oration on the oooasion, one of the warriors rose up and bade him forbear, as the man he intended to enslave \v;is made a great beloved man, and had become one of their people. Though it was reckoned our Agent's strength was far greater in his arms than In his head, he readily desisted, for, as it is too hard to Struggle With the Tope in Rome, a stranger could not miss to lind it equally difficult to enter abruptly Into a new emperor's court, ami there seize his prime miniBter by a, foreign authority, especially u hen be could not support any charge of guilt against him. The WarriOl told him that the vr(\ people well knew the honesty of the secretary's heart would never allow him t<> tell a lie, ami the seoretary urged that he was a, foreigner, without, owing any allegiance to Great Britain. That he only travelled through sonic places ol their country, in a peaceable manner, paying JESUIT PRIESTS OR MISSIONARIES. 273 for everything he had of them. That in compliance with the request of the kind French, as well as from his own tender feelings for the poverty and insecure state of the Cherokees, he came a great way, and lived with them as a brother, only to preserve their liberties, by opening a water com- munication between them and New Orleans. That the distance of the two places from each other proved his motive to be the love of doing good, especially as he was to go there and bring up a sufficient number of Frenchmen, of proper skill, to instruct them in the art of making gunpowder, the materials of which, he affirmed, their lands abounded with. He concluded his artful speech by urging that the tyrannical design of the English com- missioner towards him appeared plainly to be levelled against them, because, as he was not accused of having done any ill to the English, hefore he came to the Cherokees, his crime must consist in loving the Cherokees. * * * An old war-leader repeated to the commissioner the essential part of the speech, and added more of his own similar thereto. * * * The Eng- lish beloved man had the honor of receiving his leave of absence and a sufficient passport of safe conduct, from the imperial red court, by a verbal order of the secretary of state, who was so polite as to wish him well home, and ordered a convoy of his own life-guards, who conducted him a consider- 1741 able way, and he got home in safety. "From the above, it is evident that the monopolizing spirit of the French had planned their dangerous line of circumvalla- tion, respecting our envied colonies, as early as the before men- tioned period. The choice of the man, also, bespoke their judg- ment. Though the philosophic secretary was an utter stranger to the wild and mountainous Cherokee nation, yet his sagacity readily directed him to choose a proper place, an old favorite religious man, for the new red empire, which he formed by slow and sure degree, to the great danger of our Southern colonies. But the empire received a very great shock, in an acci- 18 •< I 111 I'OII I OK AI.AMAMA i / 1 1 ii< mi i ii.it i.i i. ii tin • . m i .11 y. -in ii 1 1 wnn on 'in point ..i 1 1 him mi-. .. i.u ;. i < .id i i .ih i.i [Mil it! 1 1 « by I I" .!■ <| ii i ill'- it <.l lln M •< ( h'.-l.i • ..ml III. Wi I' in MimhIm I).).! Indian •In II. i Dllli y « 1 1 ..I Hi. 1 1 nil imij.iii.iI . n. i vif'.ii.i' |.. ,ii <.i ih . 'i .iii. i|..... . i rlvii mid Arriving ..I I ()()] .1, ,1. Ill, |.,.|,M ,1 I I,. 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