C> immediate Emancipation a War Measure! 
 
 S P EECH 
 
 OF 
 
 HON, CHARLES SUMNER, 
 
 OF MASSACHUSETTS, 
 
 THE BILL PEOVIDING FOE EMANCIPATION IN 
 
 MISSOUEI. 
 
 IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, FEBRUARY 12Tn, 18G3. 
 
 Mr. SUMNER. Mr. President, if I speak 
 
 tardilj- in tliio <lcLate I liope for the indul- 
 gence of the Senate. Had I Leen able to 
 speak earlier I should have spoken ; but, 
 though present in the Chamber, and voting 
 when this subject was under consideration 
 formerlj, I was at the time too much of an 
 invalid to take an active part in the pi'o 
 ceedings. In justice to myself and to the 
 great question under consideration I can- 
 not be silent. 
 
 I have already voted to give $20, 000, 000 
 to Missouri, in order to secure freedom at 
 once to her slaves and to make her at once 
 a free State. I am ready to vote more, if 
 more be needed for this purpose ; but I 
 will not vote money to be sunk and lost in 
 an uncertain scheme of prospective eman- 
 cipation, where freedom is a jack-o'-lan- 
 tern, and the only certainty is to be found 
 in the congressional appropriation. For 
 money paid down, freedom, too, must be 
 paid down. 
 
 Notwithstanding all differences of opin- 
 ion on this important question, there is 
 much occasion for congratulation in the 
 progress that has been made. 
 
 There is one point on which the Senate 
 is substantially united. A large majority 
 will vote for emancipation. This is much, 
 both as a sign of the present and a proph- 
 ecy for the future. A large majority, in the 
 name of Congress, will offer pecuniary aid 
 to this object. This is a further sign and 
 prophecy. Such a vote, and such an ap- 
 propriation, will constitute an epoch. Only 
 a few short years ago the very mention of 
 slavery in Congress was forbidden, and all 
 discussion of it was stifled. Now, emanci- 
 pation is an accepted watchword, while 
 slavery is openly denounced as a guilty 
 thing worthy of death. 
 
 It is admitted that now, under the exi- 
 gency of war, tlie United States' ought to 
 co-operate with any State in the abolition ,, 
 of slavery, giving to it pecuniary aid ; and ['[ 
 
 it is proposed to apply this principle prac- 
 tically in Missouri. It was fit that eman- 
 cipation, destined to end the rebellion, 
 should first begin in South Carolina, where 
 the rebellion first began. It is also fit that 
 the action of Congress in behalf of emanci- 
 
 which, through the faint-hearted remiss- 
 ness of Congress, as late as 1820, was 
 opened to slavery. Had Congress at that 
 time firmly insisted that Missouri, on en- 
 tering the Union, should be a free State, 
 the vast appropriation now proposed would 
 have been saved ; and, better still, this 
 vaster civil war would have been preven- 
 ted. The whole country is now paying 
 with treasure and blood for that fatal sur- 
 render. Alas ! that men should forget that 
 G-od is bound by no compromise, and that, 
 sooner or later. He will insist that justice 
 shall be done. There is not a dollar spent, 
 and not a life sacrificed, in this calamitous 
 war, which does not plead against any rep- 
 etition of that wicked folly. Blasted Ix- 
 the tongue which sj)eaks of compromise 
 with slavery ! 
 
 But, though happily compromise is no 
 longer openly proposed, yet it insinuat(i.s 
 itself in this debate. In former times it 
 took the form of bare-faced concession to 
 slavery, as in the admission of Missouri as 
 a slave State ; the annexation of Texas as 
 a slave State ; the waiver of the })rohib:- 
 tion of slavery in the Territories ; the atro- 
 cious bill for the re-enslaveineet of fugi- 
 tives ; and the opening of Kansas to sla- 
 j very, first by tlie Kansas bill, and then by 
 ; the Lecompton constitution. In each of 
 these cases there was a concession to sla- 
 very which history now records with shame. 
 ; but it was by this that your wicked slave- 
 . holding conspiracy waxed confident and 
 I strong, till at last it was ripe for war. 
 j And now it is proposed, as an agency iii 
 the suppression of the rebellion, to put an 
 end to slavery, By proclamation of the 
 
President all the slaves in certain States, 
 and deeignated parts of States, are declared 
 to be free. Of course this i3roclamation is 
 a war measure, rendered just and neces- 
 sary by the exigencies of war. As such it 
 is summary and instant in its operation ; 
 not prospective or procrastinating. A 
 proclamation of prospective emancipation 
 would have been an absurdity ; like a 
 proclamation of prospective battle, where 
 not a blow was to be struck, or a cannon 
 pointed, before 187(3, unless, meanwhile, 
 the enemy desired it. What is done in 
 war must be done promptly, except, per- 
 haps, under the policy of defense. Gradu- 
 alism is delay ; and delay is the betrayal 
 of victory. If you would be triumphant, 
 strike quickly. Let your blows be felt at 
 once, without notice or premonition ; and 
 especially without time for resistance or 
 debate. ' Time always deserts those who do 
 not appreciate its value. Strike promptly, 
 and time becomes your invaluable ally. 
 Strike slowly, gradually, prospectively, 
 and time goes over to the enemy. 
 
 But every argument for the instant ope- 
 ration of the proclamation ; every consid- 
 eration in favor of dispatch in war, is esi3e- 
 cially applicable to all that is done by Con- 
 gress as a war measure. In a period of 
 peace, Congress might fitly consider 
 whether emancipation should be immedi- 
 ate or prospective, and we might listen 
 with patience to the instances adduced by 
 the Senator from Wisconsin [Mr. Doolit- 
 tle] in favor of delay ; to the case of 
 Pennsylvania and to the case of New York, 
 where slaves were tardily admitted to 
 their l)irthright. Such arguments, though 
 to my judgment of little value at anytime, 
 would then be legitimate. But now, when 
 we are considering how to put down the 
 rebellion, they are not even legitimate. 
 There is but one way to put down the re- 
 bellion, and that is instant action ; and all 
 that is done, Avhethei in the field, in the 
 Cabinet, or in Conress, must partake of 
 this character. Whatever is postponed 
 for twenty years, or ten years, may seem 
 to be abstractly politic or wise ; but it is 
 in no sense a war measure, nor can it con- 
 tribute essentially to the suppression of 
 the rebellion. 
 
 Now, I think that I may assume, with- 
 out contradiction, that the proposed tender 
 of money to Missouri for the sake of eman- 
 cipation is a war measure, to be vindicated 
 as such under the Constitution of the 
 United States. It is also an act of justice 
 to an oppressed race ; but it is not in this 
 uncjuestionable character that it is now 
 commended to Congress. If it were urged 
 on no other ground, even if every consid- 
 eration of philanthropy and of religion 
 pleaded for it with rarest eloquence, I fear 
 
 that it would stand but little chance in 
 either House of Congress. Let us not dis- 
 guise the truth. Except as a war meas- 
 ure, in order to aid in putting down the 
 rebellion, this proposition would find little 
 hospitality here. Senators are ready to 
 vote money — as the British Parliament 
 voted subsidies — in order to supply the 
 place of soldiers, or to remove a strong- 
 hold of the rebellion ; all of which is done 
 by emancipation. I do not overstate the 
 case. Slavery is a stronghold of the re- 
 bellion, which, through emancipation, will 
 be removed, while every slave and every 
 slave-master will become an ally of the 
 Government. Therefore emancipation is a 
 war measure, as constitutional as the rais- 
 ing of armies or the occupation of a hostile 
 territory. 
 
 \But in vindicating emancipation as a 
 war measure, we must sue Lliat U is made 
 under such conditions as to exercise a 
 present, instant iufiuence against the re- 
 bellion. It must be immediate, not pros- 
 pective. In prox:)Osing prospective eman- 
 cipation you propose a measure which can 
 have little or no infiuence on the war. — 
 Senators abstractly may prefer that eman- 
 cipation should be prospective rather than 
 immediate ; but this is not the time for the 
 exercise of any such abstract preference. 
 Whatever is done as a war measure must 
 be immediate, or it will cease to have this 
 character. If made prospective, it will 
 not be a war measure, whatever you may 
 call it. 
 
 If I am correct in this statement — and I 
 do not see how it can be questioned — then 
 is the appropriation for immediate emanci- 
 pation just and proper under the Consti- 
 tution, while that for prospective eman- 
 cipation is without any sanction, except 
 what it may find in the sentiments of jus- 
 tice and humanity. 
 
 It is proposed to vote $10,000,000 of 
 money to promote emancipation ten years 
 from now. Perhaps I am sanguine, but I 
 cannot doubt that before the expiration of 
 that period slavery will die in Missouri 
 under the awakened judgment of the peo- 
 ple, even without the action of Congress. 
 If our resources were infinite, we might 
 tender this large sum by way of experi- 
 ment ; but with a Treasury drained to the 
 bottom, and with a debt accumulating in 
 fabulous proportions, I do not understand 
 how we can vote millions, whicli, in the 
 first place, will be of little or no service in 
 the suppression of the rebellion, and, in 
 the second place, which will be simply a 
 largess in no way essential to the sub- 
 version of slavery. 
 
 Whatever is given for immediate eman- 
 cipation is given for the national defense, 
 and for the safety and glory of the Repub- 
 
lie. It will be a blow at the rebellion.— 
 Whatever is given for prospective emanci- 
 pation will be a gratuity to slaveholders 
 and a tribute to slavery. Pardon me if I 
 repeat what I have already said in this de- 
 bate, "millions for defense, but not a cent 
 for tribute:" millions for defense against 
 peril from whatever quarter it may come ; 
 but not a cent for tribute in any quarter, 
 especially not a cent for tribute to the 
 loathsome tyranny of slavery. 
 
 I know it is sometimes said that even 
 prospective emancipation will help to 
 weaken the rebellion. That it will impair 
 the confidence in slavery and also its value, 
 I cannot doubt ; but it is equally clear that 
 it will leave slavery still alive and on its 
 legs, and just so long as this is the case 
 there must be controversy and debate with 
 attending weakness; while reaction will 
 l^erpetn ally lift its crest. Instead of tran- 
 quility, which we all seek for Missouri, we 
 shall have contention. Instead of peace 
 we shall have prolonged war. Every year's 
 delay, ay, sir, every week's delay in deal- 
 ing death to slavery leaves just so much 
 of opportunity to the rebellion; for so 
 long as slavery is allowed to exist in Mis- 
 souri the rebellion will still struggle, not 
 without hope for its ancient mastery. But 
 let slavery cease at once and all this will 
 be changed. There Avill be no room for 
 controversy or debate with its attending 
 weakness, nor can reaction lift its crest. — 
 There will be no opportunity to the re- 
 bellion, which must cease all efforts there, 
 when Missouri can no longer be a slave 
 State. Freedom will become our watchful, 
 generous, and invincible ally, while the 
 well-being, the happiness, the repose, and 
 the renown of Missouri will be established 
 forever. 
 
 Thus far, sir, I have presented the argu- 
 ment on grounds peculiar to this case ; 
 and here I might stop. Having shown 
 that, as a military necessity, and for the 
 sake of that economy which it is our duty 
 to cultivate, emancipation must be imme- 
 diate, I need not go further ; but I do not 
 content myself here. The whole question 
 is open V)Gtwef>.n immediate emancipation 
 and prosx^ective emancipation ; or, in other 
 woi'ds, between doing right at once and 
 doing it at some distant future day. Pro- 
 crastination is the thief not only of time, 
 but of virtue itself. But such is the na- 
 ture of man that he is disposed always to 
 delay, so that he does nothing to-day 
 which he can put off till to-morrow. Per- 
 haps in no single matter has this disposi- 
 tion been more apparent than with regard 
 to slavery. Every consideration of hu- 
 manity, justice, religion, reason, common 
 sense, and histor}^, all demanded the in- 
 stant cessation of an intolerable wrong, 
 without procrastination or delay. But hu- 
 
 man nature would not yield ; nnd we have 
 been driven to argue the queestion whether 
 an outrage, asserting property in man, de- 
 nying the conjugal relation, annulling the 
 parental relation, shutting out human im- 
 provement, and robbing its victim of all 
 the fruits of his industry— the whole, 
 in order to compel work without wages — 
 should be stopped instantly or gradually. 
 It is only when we regard slavery in its 
 essential elements, and look at its unut- 
 terabh^ and unquestionable atrocity, that 
 we can full}' comprehend the mingled folly 
 and wickedness of this question. If it 
 were merely a question of economy, or a 
 question of policy, then the Senate might 
 properly debate whether the change should 
 be instant or gradual; but considerations 
 of economy and policy are all absorbed in 
 the higher claims of justice and humanity. 
 There is no question whether justice and 
 humanity shall be immediate or gradual. 
 Men are to cease at once from wrong do- 
 ing ; they are to obey the Ten Command- 
 ments instantly and not gradually. 
 
 Senators who argue for prospective 
 emancipation, show themselves insensible 
 to the true character of slavery, or insen- 
 sible to the requirements of reason. One 
 or the other of these alternatives must be 
 accepted. 
 
 Shall property in man be disowned im- 
 mediately or only prospectively ? Reason 
 i answers immediately. 
 j Shall the conj ugal relation be maintained 
 j immdiately or only prospectively ? Rea- 
 j son recoils from the wicked absurdity of 
 the inquiry. 
 
 Shall the parental relation be recognized 
 immediately or only prospectively ? Rea- 
 son is indignant at the question. 
 
 Shall the opportunities of knowledge, 
 including the right to read the Book of 
 Life, be opened immediately or prospec- 
 tively ? Reason brands the idea of delay 
 as impious. 
 
 Shall the fruits of his own industry be 
 given to a man immediately or prospec- 
 tively ? Reason insists that every man 
 shall have his own without postpone- 
 ment. 
 
 And history, thank God! speaking by 
 examples, testifies in conformity with rea- 
 son. The conclusion is irresistible. If 
 you would contribute to the strength and 
 glory of the United States ; if you would 
 bless Missouri ; if you would benefit the 
 slave-master ; if you would elevate the 
 slave ; and still further, if you would af- 
 ford an example which shall fortify and 
 sanctify the Republic, making it at once 
 citadel and temple, do not put off the day 
 of freedom. In this case, more than in 
 any other, he gives twice who quickly 
 gives. 
 
 HEXKT POLKmHORN, PKINTBE, D STEEBT, BBTWEBW 6tH AFD 7tH. 
 
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