^E op .r»_ 'm ENJAMiN Harrison Levi P. Morton ■km ' d. L.Harney • E.CPiEf^E • Class Book COPYRIGHT DEPOSl f een elected, had he not withdrawn in favor of John Hancock, of Massachusetts, in the interest of harmony between the Northern and Southern colonies. He himself secured the unanimous election of Hancock, who, on account of British proscription for his faithfulness to the colonial cause, rather feared to assume so lofty ami dangerous a post. But Ben Harrison — almost a giant in physical proportions and strength — lifted the BENJAMIN HARRISON. 23 hesitating president-elect from the floor, carried him to the official chair, and placed him in it, giving utterance to these characteristic words, which showed both the temper of the Congress and the rugged and unfaltering nature of Harrison's devotion to his country : " We will show Mother Britain how little we care for her by making a Massachusetts man our president, wliom she has excluded from pardon by public proclamation." Harrison was chairman of the Committee of the Whole that considered the Declaration of Independence, and on the loth of June, 1776, he reported the resolution for Independence to the Congress. On the 4th of July he voted for it ; and one month afterwards it received his signature, between those of Thomas Jefferson and Lewis Morris. While that noble host of patriots was engaged in that act which meant liberty or death to them, and perhaps to all who were dear to them, not the least confident of the success of the liberty side was " Bluft' Ben Harrison." He turned to Elbridge Gerry, and in a jovial taunt, that expressed his utter fearlessness of any chance of defeat, he said : " Gerry, when we shall be hung for high treason, I shall die quicker, because I am heavier." When he resigned his seat in Congress, in 1777, he was again elected to the House of Burgesses in Virginia, and served there as speaker until near 17S2. His subsequent career is already given ; but in 1791, after he had been elected governor of Virginia the third time, he died before the inauguration took place. William Henry Harrison was born at Berkeley, Charles Citv County, Virginia, February 9, 1773, just one year before the 24 THE LIFE OF first meeting of the Continental Congress. He was therefore three years and a half old when his father signed the Declara- tion of Independence. Z' He grew up on the plantation at Berkele3^ ^^ ^'^^^^ the best instruction a good mother and com- petent tutors could give him until he 'entered college. But meanwhile he was receiving a training in a different sort of school. The War of the Revolution raged all around him, if it did not at first come within range of his vision. In 1775 Nor- folk was burned, and from that time the patriots who lived at Berkeley and in the vicinity, had only the themes of patriotism on their tongues. In January, 1781, the traitor, Benedict Arnold, landed with his marauding forces at Westover, but a short distance from Berkeley. Then British and Hessians con- tinued to arrive, a fleet was in the James, and the forces of Cornwallis began to march from Carolina up toward York- town, to the nordieast of Berkeley. But it was not long until the danger to the plantations was over, and Cornwallis had sur- rendered to Washington. Then, in i "jSt,, the war was declared at an end. The father of \\'illiam Henry Harrison, while not rich, yet possessed enough means b}' which to manifest great liber- ality. But tlie Berkeley homestead could not, in monev, be valued at half what it is to-day — for it yet stands on the bank of the James, a typical old Virginia home. When William Henry had been sometime in his " teens," he was permitted to enter Hampton-Sidney College, for which, by application under his tutors, he was thoroughly prepared. From the time of the peace of 1783, hostilities were carried on by the Indians in the Northwest Territory, who were urged BENJAMIN HARRISON. 25 on by British agents and traders. There were yet British posts within the United States, and these exercised great influence upon the red men. Matters grew worse as the years went on. It is said that from 1783 to 1791 fifteen hundred men, women, and children were killed or captured by the Indians. Washington, from the first of his administration, strove to put an end to these hostilities, and to protect the frontier. It was the influence of these depredations, and of the spirit of Washington, his father's friend, in endeavoring to marshall forces for the defense of the frontier, and of the hostility still manifested by British power through the Indians, that led William Henry Harrison to give up his studies for the medical profession, which he had been pursuing, and determine to enter the army. It was, in the minds of most of his friends, a most extraordinary and hazardous decision. He had always been a "book-worm." His appearance was effeminate. He was mild in manner, and unobtrusive. The resolution was taken about the time of his father's death, and the great banker, Robert Morris, was his guai'dian — for he was but eighteen. Mr. Morris was so opposed to the plan that he consulted Washington about it. But Washington approved, and the result was that, in April, 1791, William Henry Harrison received a commission as ensign in the First Regi- ment of the United States Artillery, which was then stationed at Fort Washington, near the present site of Cincinnati. The event proved Washington's estimate of the lad to be correct. His garrison life was a good military discipline for young Harrison, and he soon so won the confidence of his 26 THE LIFE OF superior officers, that he was intrusted with dangerous and important duties. Then came the disastrous defeat of the army of St. Chiir, the commander-in-chief. More than five hun(h"ed officers and privates perished, and the rest fled to Fort Washington, arriving one by one at the fort. "Mad Anthony" Wayne superseded St. Clair in' command, and being a man of great shrewdness, and having the young ensign under his vigilant eye, it was not long until he demanded his promotion. vSo, in 1792, Harrison became a lieutenant. He had been present at the council with the chiefs of the Six Nations, which Wayne held at Fort Wash- ington, in March, of that year; he had escorted a train of pack horses to Fort Hamilton, thirty miles up the Miami, through a most dangerous wilderness ; he had closely studied the training and instruction under which General Wayne had been placing the troops since he had assumed commanil ; he had been a close observer of the whole method of Indian war- fare, and of the Indian (juestions which then agitated the country — the relation of the 15ritish to them, and so on — and of all this General Wayne was aware ; and hence the promo- tion of tlie youth. Young Harrison went, on December 23, 1794, with the detachment sent to occupy the ground of St. Clair's defeat; and assisted in burving the bones of the slain, in recovering the caimon, and in building Fort Recovery. In the thanks officially given for that important W(jrk he was mentioned by name. He took part in the great battle of the Mi:imi, fought August 20, 1794, in which the Indians were routed and the BENJAMIN HARRISON. 27 British influence over them for awhile broken. He was at this time both lieutenant and aide-de-camp. One of the results of this victory was the Treaty of Greenville, January i, 1795, by which the Indians released much of the Northwest Territory forever. Another result was that young Lieutenant Harrison was promoted to a captaincy, and placed in command of Fort Washington. With this trust were also given others of great importance. During the year 1795, while in command at the fort, Captain Harrison met and married Miss Anna Tuthill Symmes, daugh- ter of John Cleves Symmes. Her father had been one of the prominent patriots of the Revolution. He had moved from his birthplace, Riverhead, Long Island, to Flat Brook, New Jersey, in 1770, was made a colonel of a regiment in 1775, and did good service until the close of the war. He had been lieuten- ant-governor of New Jersey ; six years a member of the coun- cil ; associate judge of the Supreme Court of New Jersey ; a member of Congress, and one of the supreme judges of the "territory northwest of the Ohio." In 17S7 he bought of Congress 1,000,000 acres of land between the two Miamis, which became known on the maps as "Symmes' Purchase." He founded the town of North Bend, Ohio ; and it was while on a visit to that place, fifteen miles from Fort Washington, that William Henry Harrison first met the judge's daughter. Mr. Symmes gave his consent to the marriage, but withdrew it on hearing slanderous reports against young Captain Har- rison. But he managed to be from home on the day for which the wedding was set — November 39th — as if in igno- rance of the event, and on returning home was not hard to pacify. 28 THE LIFE OF In 1798 the young captain resigned his place in the army, and accepted the position of secretary of the Northwest Ter- ritory, under Governor St. Clair. In 1799, the territorial legislature elected him a delegate to Congress. In May, 1800, the Territory of Indiana was created by act of Congress, and Mr. Harrison was appointed its first governor. He had been in Congress when the separation of what is now the State of Ohio had been made from the Northwest Territory, and all that remained had been christened the Territory of Indiana. It included all the land west of the western boundary of Ohio, south of Lake Superior, north of the Ohio River, and east of the farthest western limits of Louisiana. Mr. Harrison's commission was autocratic. "He was Indian commissioner, land commissioner, sole legislator, and law-giver." He was commander of the militia. He appointed all civil officers. He was to divide the lands into counties and townships. He sat in judgment upon land grant titles, and his decision was final. He was general Indian agent, made all treaties and negotiated all payments in connec- tions therewith. If there had been any doubt as to his in- tegrity, he would not have been appointed. If he had in any wise ever failed to conscientiously fill his trusts, he would not have been kept in the position. He was strictly honorable in all his transactions. He held this post until 181 2, being reappointed by Jeflerson and Madison. He sought to improve the condition of the Indians by preventing traffic in intoxicants, introducing inocu- lation for small-pox, and by other means. He held many coun- cils with them, frequently at tlic risk of his life. On the 30th BENJAMIN HARRISON. 2^ of September, 1809, he concluded a treaty with several tribes, by which 3,000,000 acres of land were sold to the United States. This treaty was opposed by Tecumseh, a powerful chief, and his brother Ellskwatawa, the "prophet." These two brothers were Shavvnees, ambitious, the uncompromising enemies of all white men, and noted, even when young, for savage and bloody exploits among other tribes, or among the settlements of the white people. They were no doubt flattered by British agents, and urged on by promises of help. They fancied they could form a confederation that would drive the pale faces from the country. The union was to include all the tribes of the North, and the Cherokees, Choctaws, Red Stick Creeks, and Seminoles, of the South. The treaty of Septem- ber was their pretext. They claimed that it was unlawful, on the ground that the consent of all the tribes was necessary to a sale. The governor pursued a conciliatory course. He invited the two to a council at Vincennes, the seat of his territorial govern- ment, requesting them to bring not more than thirty others with them. They came August 12, 1810, with 400 armed warriors. Two days were spent with no result — they wanted back the land. On the 14th Harrison visited the Indian camp with only an interpreter, but with no success. The next spring, on his threatening to punish them for depredations, they professed friendship and granted a council, to which they brought 300 followers. The presence of 750 militia prevented any out- break, and secured renewed pledges. The general government had no faith in Tecumseh's prom- 30 THE LIFE OF iscs, and ailvised that he be seized. Harrison had no faith in him, but proposed a military station at Tippecanoe, the "prophet's town," on the river b\- tliat name, \vhere, it was reported, the Indians were collecting in great numbers. Har- rison's counsel prevailed, and over one thousand regulars and volunteers set out with him from Vincennes on September 26, iSii. Tliey rendezvoused sixty miles north, established Fort Harrison near where Terre Haute now stands, and leaving a garrison there, proceeded on their way October 28th. They arrived within a mile and a half of the village November 6th. Here they were met by messengers from tlie " prophet," de- manding a parley. It was granted for the next day, and Har- rison, having first led his men to an eminence commanding a view of the town a mile away on a hill, went into camp for the night. The camp w\as arranged with special caution. Harrison knew the treachery of his foes too well to depend upon their professions of desire for treaty. Every soldier was commanded to keep his accoutrements on him and his arms near bv. Sentries were posted with most vigilant orders — orders hardly necessary, for they knew their lives depended on their watch- fulness. And all night the soldiers slept lightly and were ready for a moment's warning. Shortly before 4 o'clock on the morning of the 7th, Harrison was sitting by his camp fire. The sentries were on duty, careful for their own lives and those of their comrades. Sud- denly, one of them saw the form of a red man in the darkness near him in the grass, and fired. The report rang over the camp. Harrison sprang from his tent, the soldiers were on BENJAMIN HARRISON. 31 BIRTHPLACE OF GENERAL HARRISON, NORTH BEND. OHIO. their feet, their commander was in the lead, and the fight was now going on. The roar of musketry, the yells of savages, the groans of wounded and dying, and the voice of the com- mander were all mingled together. It was difficult, however, to fight a foe who fought in irregular ranks, in the dark. Many of the brave men fell, but those who remained fought on until daylight. Then a cavalry charge drove the Indians from the field, completely routed. Thus ended the famous battle of Tippecanoe, which gained for Mr. Harrison that stirring sobriquet. It virtually ended the Indian hostility until the breaking out of the war with England. Harrison was thanked in the President's message, and bv the legislatures of Kentucky and Indiana. 32 THE LIFE OF At the beginning of the War of 1812, Mr. Harrison was appointed brigadier-general, and assigned to the command of the Northwest frontier. The letter from the Secretary of War appointing him, said : " You will exercise your own discretion, and act in all cases according to your own judgment." On March 2, 1S13, he was commissioned major-general. October 5th, he fouglit and won the famous battle of the Thames against Colonel Proctor, in Canada, in which Tecumseh, who had led his warriors as British allies, was killed, the warriors scattered to their tribes, and the Indian power and presumptuous claims broken and silenced forever, and in which the British army was completely routed. Not long after this, the Secretary of War, Armstrong, who through jealously had hindered Plarrison's movements in every way possible, issued an order to one of the inferior officers of the western army, ignoring the commander entirely. Mr. Harrison could do nothing but resign, and Armstrong, in the absence of President Madison, accepted the resignation. Har- rison then went back to his home at North Bend, Ohio. In 1816 he was elected to Congress from the Cincinnati dis- trict, and was in Congress three years. In 18 19, he was elected to the Ohio State Senate, and remained there two years. He was United States Senator from 1824 to 1828. Then he was appointed minister plenipotentiary to Colombia, under John Quincy Adams, where he remained until recalled by Jackson, and he then returned to his old home at North Bend. He soon after became clerk of the court of common pleas of his county, and filled that position twelve years. In 1S36, he was candidate for President of the United States, receiving seventy- BENJAMIN HARRISON. 33 three electoral votes. In 1S40, he was again the Whig candi- date, and received 234 electoral votes against sixty for Martin Van Buren. But long before that wonderful campaign, whose memor}' stirs the old Whig blood to enthusiasm yet, the birth of a son, and then of a grandson, made possible the carrying forward of tlie stern and true Harrison principles and patriotism into the midst of another generation, to stir it up to enthusiastic and patriotic achievements, such as characterized the campaign of 1840. While William Henry Harrison lived at Vincennes, as governor of the Indiana Territory, his son, John Scott Har- rison, was born. The house where he was born still stands, at Vincennes ; and near it stand the trees under which the governor held the famous conference with the Indian chief, Tecumseh. In the same house was planned the civil govern- ment of Indiana ; and many of her laws and customs to-day reflect those first influences. John Scott Harrison grew up no less patriotic than his father, but with somewhat less inclination toward public life. Never- theless, the records place him in the list of those who have served their country in a public way. But a more important record than that comes before it ; and others, also, full as inter- estingf. John Scott Harrison was first married to Miss Johnson, of Kentucky. By this union, there were two daughters and one son, William Henry Harrison. The son died ; one daughter lives at Ottumwa, Iowa, and the other lives yet at North Bend, on the site where stood the home of her grandfather. Soon the mother followed her son to her last resting place. 3 34 BENJAMIN HARRISON. The next marriage was with Miss EUzabeth Irwin, daughter of Captain Archibald Irwin, of Pennsylvania. Her father was also a farmer, and owned a large farm near Mercersburg, Franklin County, Pennsylvania. Of this marriage were ten children, four of whom are now living : A son, Carter Bassett Harrison, lives in Murfreesboro', Tennessee ; another son, John Scott Harrison, lives in Kansas City, Missouri ; a daughter, Mrs. Anna Morris, lives in Indianapolis ; and the remaining child living is Benjamin Harrison. . While William Henry Harrison was at Colombia, his son, John Scott, was left in charge of the estate at North Bend. The house was then but a log cabin, for though quite a large tract of land belonged to the estate, it was not as valuable then as land farther from the cities and towns in Indiana and Ohio is now ; besides, the elder Harrison was so simple in his tastes, and such a man of the people, that he wouUl not dream of making an effort to place himself socially above them ; nor was he, in any sense, rich, though he had had ample oppor- tunities for becoming so, had not his great liberality, and sensi- tive conscientiousness in the matter of taking pay for services, prevented. Here lived the family of John Scott Harrison for several years, and thus it came about that Benjamin Harri- son was born in his grandfather's house, at North Bend, Ohio. Chapter II. BOYHOOD OF HARRISON. A TYPICAL AMERICAN BOY — TYPICAL AMERICAN PEOPLE — THE BOY AT HOME — CHARACTERISTICS — HIS SURROUNDINGS — THE FAMILY — HIS TUTORS — HIS MANNER OF STUDY AND APPLICATION — THE LOG CABIN UNDERGOES CHANGES — THE CAMPAIGN OF 184O — FIRST WHIG VICTORY — HISTORY OF A MOVEMENT — A PEOPLE'S CAMPAIGN — SONGS, BANNERS, AND BADGES — A GREAT DAY AT THE HARRI- SONS* DEATH OF THE PRESIDENT IMPRESSIONS ON THE BOY. Benjamin Harrison was a typical American boy, and des- tined to be a typical American man. This was true, not only in respect to his education, but in respect to his inheritance ; not only in respect to his inherited way of thinking, but in respect to the blood that flowed in his veins. He was born and brought up in a region where those of such blood were found. The North Ohio Valley was settled, to a large extent, by those who came froni Kentucky, Virginia, and other Southern and Southeastern States. Many of these settlers w^ere of the best blood which those regions aflbrded. Many of them were young men, unmarried, and having yet to make choice of life companions. Others brought wives and children from the South ; but these children grew up to look out for helps meet for themselves. Thus was formed the sub- strata of North Ohio Valley society. These people brought the conservative customs and ways ot 36 THE LIFE OF thinking that had belonged to established society. They were American in their ideas, and many of them Whigs. Many of them who afterwards became inveterate Democrats were influ- enced, not by the fundamental principles of the two parties, but by the immediate issues between the new Republican party and the Democrats; for, in the days w'hen they had lived in the South, slavery was not a party issue. Its right to exist had not, in that manner, been called in question. Then they had come from cleared lands and hospitable homes and friends and loved ones in the South, to the inhospitable forests of the North, to toil in loneliness often, to suffer inconvenience and hardship, and live in rough log cabins. They were human, and remembered fondly all that they had left behind. When the new issue was sprung, it seemed as if their old homes and dear ones, and institutions dear by association, were menaced. They might have trusted the dear old Whig party, had it lived, and had it, in its wisdom, concluded to lay its hand, in the name of the government, upon that institution ; but this nexv party — what did tired toilers know* about its principles, in the confusion of the time? They only knew it had attacked what they had never thought was wrong, and what was dear to them. They only knew the issue. Had they known it, the issue, on the Republican side, was based on piinciples they ar- dently believed in — Whig principles : liberty, the kingship of every American ; protection to Americans in home, society, and labor. They saw not the inevitable logic of these principles which was working out, else they would have followed it — would have been willing to sacrifice the dear idol of the South for them. In principle they were Whigs ; in issue they were BENJAMIN HARRISON. 37 Democrats. Nevertheless, there were many others who saw the point, and entered the Republican party, where the Whig principles were safely conserved. The general manner of thinking among all these people was the same. But there was an immigration from the East : people true as steel, but of a different type of mind from the first-comers, not coming as they had from the shadow of a great curse, nor holding it in sacred remembrance, but with an independence and enterprise impossible under conditions of slavery. They spread over the valley and plains. Then there w^ere mar- riages ; and many a young man from the South found a wife from the North and East, as did William Henry Harrison. The subsequent generations are typical Americans. With the blood of the South, they mingle the independent manhood of the North ; with the fine, serious temper of the South, they join the irrepressible spirit of the North that will scarcely pause in the pursuit to resent even an insult ; with the conservative and thoughtful habit of the South, they unite the enterprising and habit-breaking manners of the North. The Northern dis- position drives them over the face of the land, bends everything to their service, gives them the best the earth affords, in goods and knowledge : the Southern compels a conscientious pause before every undertaking, a seriou^ and sacred consideration of every issue involved. And Benjamin Harrison was a boy with such blood in him — a typical American boy. The first year or two of this American boy was spent at his grandfather's house ; for they still lived there after his grand- father had returned from South America. But his father had 38 TPIE LIFE OF been so faithful in caring for the estate, and his grandfather was so well pleased, that the latter gave the former a warranty deed for quite a large farm about five miles from North Bend ; and thither little Benjamin was taken, and there he was brought up. The house was a square brick house, of the style of the best houses of those days. It was somewhat of the stvle of a Ken- tucky or Virginia mansion. Its ample rooms and cheerful portico, and spacious porch, gave a delightful, home-like echo to the tread of childish feet. The boy was not sent to school. In the first place, the com- mon schools were not then the progressive educational sj^stems of to-day. In the second place, the Southern custom of havino- governors and governesses in the plantation home was not only held in reverence for its association, but for its wisdom. So tutors were employed at the new homestead near North Bend. The first of these was Miss Harriet Root, a niece of the Rev, Horace Bushnell, of Cincinnati. She was employed as gov- erness in the family of John Scott Harrison, perhaps even before the removal to their own new home in the country. She was very young for the position, but was earnest, competent, and thorough. The children learned to love her, and her interest and devotion to them was not without its eflects on their after lives. Thus the little l)oy, Benjamin, was fortunate in his first teacher — a most important fact to record. He was a chubby little fellow, square-shouldered even then, and he had a head of almost white hair. He was studious and thoughtful, but BENJAMIN HARRISON. 39 fond of play. He was always bright, and advanced rapidly from the day he began his A B C's. The next teacher was a Mr. Joseph Porter, from Massachu- setts, and a graduate of an Eastern college. This gentleman also won the hearts of the children, and he remained in the family for a long time. After Mr. Porter came Mr. Skinner, a graduate of Marshall College, Pennsylvania. But the home-school was not wholly unlike the early com- mon schools of the West, as to its methods and appointments. Nephews and nieces of Mr. and Mrs. Harrison also came to receive instruction ; and it was necessary to have a school- room apart from the residence. This was a cabin, with rough floor and benches. At playtime the children were full of sport, and Ben was often the leader. Then, and at other times, he delighted in hunting and fishing. This, however, did not make up the boy's life. In those days farmers, for many reasons, could not let their children be idle, and some of them were compelled to require of them more hard toil than their paternal hearts would have led them to require had it not been for "stern necessity." Ben had his share of carrying water and wood, of feeding the horses, cattle, hogs, and sheep, and not infrequently, when night came, his limbs were tired and sore. But he was always ready, when morning came, for whatever duties awaited him. He never complained of his lot, nor filled his mind with dreams that made his life and its duties distasteful to him. So the boy Ben never, in earliest years, had demoralizing influences such as are sometimes thrown around children on the school-house play-grounds. He had constantly the influences 40 THE LIFE OF of a pure home, a devoted father and mother, and the associa- tion of brotliers and sisters. His mother was a faitliful and devoted Christian woman, and always kept alive the influence of religious devotion in the home. Nor was she uninterested in general themes, nor unacquainted with the progress her children were making in their daily studies. She sought to provide good books, and she loved to hear her children read and talk about their studies, as she sat with them before the wide fire-place of an evening. From his mother young Har- rison learned his reverence for the Christian religion. Meanwhile, as the years went on, the log cabin at North Bend underwent a change. The logs were hid by planed and painted boards, and two wings were added, so that a stranger would never have known that it was a log cabin. It stood not far from the river, and the yard reached down to the water's edge. But it stood on ground too high to be in danger from the disastrous floods that sometimes, even yet, sweep down the valley, carrying low -ground houses with them. The cabin was rude in its construction — iialt'-hewn logs, rough floor, an outside wooden chimney, doors swung on wooden hinges, loose boards laid across rough joists for a loft (it coukl not be called an " up-slairs," for the " stairway" was a common lad- der), and all the accompaniments of such an humble log hut. But at the change, the roughness disappeared, and the cabin became a house with two stories and more pretentious appear- ance. Nevertheless, this change diil not prevent the glorification of tlie cabin in llie approaching great campaign, nor the enthusiasm it raised that spread over all tlic countrv. And BENJAMIN HARRISON. 41 the centre of this enthusiasm was at North Bend ; and those in the log cabin, and those who had lived in it, were in the midst of perhaps the greatest political excitement that ever shook the country during a campaign ; and while men, women, and children came about with songs of Harrison — of Tippecanoe — and with flags and banners and badges, the boy received impressions and a turn of thought that can never be effaced or changed. It was the first great Whig victory, and it was won purely on Whig principles. It was the culmination of the movement begun as far back as the close of the war of 181 2 — the deflec- tion, as far as political opinion was concerned, from the ranks of the so-called united " one party" of its best elements, when the fundamental principles of our government were endan- gered. True, that growing "movement" had been unfortunate in carrying with it through the years, discontented foctions, having local interests to serve, and clinging to the slender but growing stem solely for the policy of defeating the party in power, with which, but for local schemes, they were in greater sympathy. But that early deflection was of an element that had always been true to American principles, and ready to rally for their defense. It had now grown to gigantic proportions, in spite of incumbrances. It had been christened " National Repub- lican" in 1S3S, and "Whig" in 1834. Whatever the political schemes of certain political leeches, called "leaders," in 1840, it was the people that elected William Henry Harrison, and elected him as their ideal leader and representative in pi'otec- tion to American liberties. There is no parallel to the campaign of 1840. It was pre- 42 THE LIFE OF eminently a people's campaign. It was the beginning of those great mass-meetings that have, in a less degree, characterized all campaigns since. There never was as much singing ; and all the watch-words of the songs and shouts were freighted with patriotic meaning. The old log cabin in which the little hero, who stood with wondering eyes and bre:ist heaving with early patriotic pride and feeling, and looked on the grand commotion around him, was born, was made the war-cry. The Democrats, strong in their old organization, feeling aris- tocratic security, had been foolish enough to ridicule the candi- date who lived in a log cabin, and who, instead of having fine, aristocratic wines on his board, had cider. The campaign was the yell of rage at the insult, and the people resolved to hurl a party that had no more sympathy with them from power. So it became known throughout the Union that the candidate for President on the Whig ticket had lived in a log cabin ; and the people, by the campaign and by their votes, showed that in American eyes, that was nothing against him — that the humblest might, in America, rise by effort and merit even to be President of the United States. The campaign became known in history as the " Log Cabin and Hard Cider Campaign." The banners, badges, and medals had always on them a log cabin, and by it a keg of cider. Something like "William H. Harrison, the People's Choice," or, " We Hold the Constitution and Laws Sacred," or, " Union of the Whigs for the Sake of the Union," or, " We will Take Him from the Plough," was printed on every one of them, and these mottoes indicate suf- ficiently wiial the people had in mind. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 43 One of the characteristic songs of the time was entitled "When My Old Hat Was New," and the two stanzas here given show the real feeling of the people on some points : " When my old hat was new, Van Buren was a Fed, An enemy to every man who labored for his bread ; And if the people of New York have kept their records true, He voted 'gainst the poor man's rights, when my old hat was new. "When my old hat was new, the friends of liberty Knew well the merits of old Tip while fighting at Maumee : Come now, huzza for Harrison, just as we used to do When first we heard of Proctor's fall, when my old hat was new." The following is the first verse of another song, and it is not difficult, as one reads it, to catch something of the honest, patriotic thrill of that great campaign : " The people are coming from plain and from mountain To join the brave band of the honest and free. Like the stream which flows down from the leaf-sheltered fountain, Grows broad and more broad till it reaches the sea, No force can restrain it; no strength can detain it, Whate'er may resist, it breaks gallantly through, And born by its motion, like a ship on the ocean, So speeds in his glory old Tippecanoe ! The iron-hearted soldier, the brave-hearted soldier, The gallant old soldier of Tippecanoe." The following breathes the same spirit : " Down in the West, the fair river beside, That waters North Bend in its beauty and pride. And shows in its mirror the summer sky blue, O, there dwells the hero of Tippecanoe. 44 THE LIFE OF Tlie honest old fiirmer of 'rippecanoe ! The gallant old soldier of Tippecanoe! With an arm that is strong and a heart that is true, O, there dwells the hero of Tippecanoe." It was no mere enthusiasm for a favorite that was mani- fested in these sonp^s. It was not hard to see that the favorite was to the people the representativeof principles dear to them ; that they considered those principles their salvation ; that, therefore, they felt themselves threatened with some disaster, or imder some heavy yoke which they determined to shake oft'. It was this that gave the sting to the insult of the sneer at the log cabin and hard cider. Bourbonism, proud, aristocratic, caring nothing for the people if only it could make them its servants, had shown the real meaning of state-sovereignty to be the lifting up of states into so many petty aristocracies, and the virtual recognition of the clan-system — the class-system — in the government of the Nation. When it had destroyed the United States Bank because it suggested a national idea, and caused the establishment of "wild-cat " state banks, that were so many unsecured and unlimited independent inflation-banks ; when it reduced the tarill by a method recognizing the same petty sovereign desires — as if it were only a "local issue"; when it left internal improvements, as well as protection, to the states ; and when this Bourbonism would not abate this policy of holding up its system of state-supremacy at the expense of the welfare of the people in these matters, then the people resolved that Bourbonism should rule no longer. This was the key-note of the enthusiasm of 1S40. From tliat day to this, Ben Harrison has never ceased to be BENJAMIN HARRISON. 45 the friend of the people. It is impossible to overestimate the influence of such times upon the mind of the boy. It was a great day for the Harrison households when the news of the victory came to them. It was a greater day when the inauguration came ; but that day was marred by one sad feature — Grandmother Harrison could not go to Washington with her husband, but remained in the cabin, sick. The posi- tion of mistress of the Presidential mansion was filled by her son's wife, the aunt of the boy Ben, and sister of his mother. John Scott and William Harrison had married sisters. The new President gathered around him such counsellors as Daniel Webster and Henry Clay, and began a policy that would have wrought out great things for our government had he not been cut ofl' in one month from the beginning of his administration. The news was brought to North Bend that he was sick with a fever ; and then the sad news came that he was dead. His body was placed in a vault at Washington, but was subsequently removed to North Bend and placed in a tomb overlooking the Ohio River. Carrying with him the ineffaceable impressions of the past year, the boy went on with his learning ; and when he had reached the age of fourteen, he was far in advance of most boys of his age, and ready to try new experiences for the sake of higher attainments. Chapter III. THE YOUNG STUDENT. THE BOY GOES FROM HOME — THE HOME HE LEFT — FARMER'S COL- LEGE — KEEPS UP HIS REPUTATION HIS TEACHERS RETURNS HOME — DEATH OF HIS MOTHER — GOES TO MIAMI UNIVERSITY — TWO YOUNG FRIENDS — JOINS THE PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH — PROFESSORS AND CLASSMATES — A SUCCESSFUL TWO YEARS — INCLINES TOWARD THE LAW — ANOTHER COLLEGE IN THE TOWN — A ROMANTIC EPISODE — HE GRADUATES WITH HONORS. When it was decided that young Harrison must go away to school, it was also decided that he must go to a school as near home as it was possible to find a good one ; and Farmer's Col- lege, at College Hill, Cincinnati, was the school chosen. He was perhaps the youngest and the smallest of his class, and had it not been for his quiet, grave demeanor, would have looked younger than he was. He had a tow head, but a large one, on small and frail, but square shoulders. He spent his vacations at home, and as far as his habits were concerned, they were but little like vacations. He was seldom satisfied unless he had a book in his hand. His delight was to lay his head in a favorite sister's lap, and while, at his demand, she kept rubbing his temples, he would be absorbed in a book. He loved to come back to his home. The brick walls, the echoing rooms, the porch and portico, the spacious yard with its trees, were all sacred to him, as were also the horses, cattle, sheep, and hogs, and the farm. He liked to go barefooted as when a child, and to assist his father on the farm in feeding 48 THE LIFE OF the stock at night, or in hauling hay with a chain in the day- time. He was domestic in liis tastes then, and his love for home and its environment lias ever continued. Farmer's College was not all its name might imply at that time, but it was a good school, and the young student found himself under excellent instructors. It had been founded by Dr. Freeman Carey, brother of Samuel Carey, the well-known temperance orator, and had been called Carey's Academy. But just before the advent of young Benjamin Harrison to College Hill, the institution was changed to the more dignified grade and title of a college. One of the professors was the celebrated Scotch educator. Dr. R. H. Bishop, and another was Dr. John Witherspoon Scott, who had been a professor in Miami University and other institutions of learning, and was an educator of refinement and rare experience. Ben Harrison was a studious boy, and kept up with the classes. Among his classmates were several who have since risen to jDrominence as lawyers, physicians, journalists, or ministers ; and the names of Murat Halstead and O. \V. Nixon do not detract from the dignity of the list. He kept up his re])utation, which he had won under his tutors at home, of a boy of thorough application and determination to master every subject that came before his mind, and to accomplish every duty. He studied hard and long at his tasks, if he could not perform them easily, not because he consideretl them as tasks, but because of his real interest in them. In two years he returned from the college with a better education than the majority of people obtain during their whole lives. He was now sixteen and ambitious for knowledsfe and BENJAMIN HARRISON. 49 success in life. He began at once to make preparation for college in the fall ; but a sad event meanwhile filled him with sorrow and beclouded his prospects for awhile and his im- mediate interests for them. This was the death of his mother. He felt that he had lost his dearest friend. He went about sorrowfully for weeks, and when he entered college in the fall, the cloud had not left his heart. His mother had been a faithful and devoted member of the Presbyterian Church, and by her piety had exercised no small influence on the minds of all her children ; and his mind, through his love for her and his love for her kind of life, was not the least susceptible to her influence. She had prayed regularly, and this habit, even when Ben was a child, had caught his wondering attention. Her presence was now missed by no one of the household more than by himself. Her death seemed for awhile to take from him a support on which his life depended. In the fall he went to Miami University, in Oxford, Ohio. In that day it was a long distance from home, but now it would be but comparatively a short ride on the train. Oxford was a beautiful town in the Miami Valle}-, and was the seat of two institutions of learning, Miami University and Oxford Female College. The Rev. W. C. Anderson was then president of the former, and the Rev. John W. Scott, the young student's former friend and professor in Farmer's College, was president of the latter. Doctor Scott had just entered on his duties at Oxford. Although the boy was but sixteen when he left College Hill, it may be that the fact that Doctor Scott had taken his family to Oxford had something to do with turning his steps thither, 1 50 THE LIFE OF for the doctor had a daui^hter, Carrie, who was not far from young Harrison's age ; and during the days at College Hill, a warm and earnest friendship had sprung up between the two young people. In the fall of 1S50, the first year of his life at the university, he was converted and joined the Presbyterian Church. He was as sincere in the step as was possible for his sincere nature to be. All his early life had had a tendency to give him a strong, uncompromising conscientiousness. Besides, the death of his mother increased in him his strong desire to live a Christian life, and to meet her again. He became an earnest and faithful worker in the church, though with his retiring disposition, inherited largely from his mother, he was not pre- sumptuous in his Christian service. Here is a trait that is well to be remembered in estimating his after life — his Christian conscientiousness, coupled with his natural disposition, and all his training. A young man of more impulsive temperament might, under extraordinary excitement, enter just as earnestly into the Christian life, but there would then be a chance of his falling away under great temptation. But a nature as steady, serious, and conscientious as Harrison's, when once it counts the cost and takes such a step, cannot be imagined to turn back. The meaning of this is, that he was conscious of the connection of honor, integrity, and every noble virtue with the profession of religion and could not make the mistake of joining unmindful of them, and that he deliberately accepted their obligation for life. This influ- ence and continuation of purpose may be safely counted on in pointing out what course he has taken in his subsequent career, even if tlie facts were not known. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 51 Among his college-mates at Miami were Oliver P. Morton, afterwards the renowned war governor of Indiana, W. P. Fish- back, a subsequent law partner, the Rev. James Brooks, and Professor David Swing. All these bear testimony to his ap- plication and proficiency in college. Professor Swing says that he was a studious scholar, and early manifested that he would succeed in whatever he might undertake. " He there acquired the habits of study and mental discipline which have charac- terized him through life, enabling him to grapple any subject on short notice, to concentrate his intellectual forces, and give his mental energies that sort of direct and effective operation that indicates the trained and disciplined mind." But his mind seemed to take naturally to this discipline. The truth is, that his past habits of study, his ambition and his zeal,- prepared him for it. As a student Harrison kept abreast of his class. Like all students he excelled in some studies, while his average in others was not so good. Hj§ liked history, and he took a special interest in any study whenever it led him into the considera- tion of questions of social life or of government. He liked political economy, and was one of the best students in that class. He was interested in languages and English literature, and, next to the studies before mentioned, he liked them best. But he was not a mathematician nor a scientist ; though in both these studies he did well. His mind was the mind of a lawyer ; and he had already made choice of that profession, not for its popularity, nor through the fancy that struck him when he came to " choose a profession," but because it suited the character of his mind. He had also the qualities of oratorv ; that is, he was such a 52 THE LIFE OF master of his thoughts that it was not hard to express them, and he had such interest in his themes that, even in college, he could sometimes rise above his embarrassment and modesty and control himself before an audience. This ability mani- fested itself in a greater degree in after years. But he was not bombastic ; he spoke calmly, thoughtfully, and generally with- out demonstration, though appropriate and even forcible gestures were not wanting, if in demand for emphasis. He chose his words well, and, even in the college literary society seldom made a speech that did not excel in diction, though his adjectives, as a student, were more numerous than perhaps was necessary — a fault in which he did not excel other students. His efforts were generally extemporaneous. He had also other occasions for using his gift while in college. He was resei"ved and modest to a degree that interfered with the devel- opment of his gift, but there were occasions on which he could not keep still. It is said that once, when a free-trade advo- cate had delivered an address in town, and had grossly mis- represented some facts. Student Harrison was not hard to per- suade to reply to him. He was a protectionist and a Wliig ; and from his fund of knowledge of the issues he met the argu- ments of the man and overthrew them. As has been said, there was another college in the town, over which, as president, was Carrie Scott's father, his own former professor. In attendance at that college were bright and intelligent 3'oung ladies, and it can be imagined that the social features of Oxford were not neglected in those days. The modesty of young Harrison did not prevent his full enjoy- ment of the social occasions, nor his participation in them. One of the brightest and most intelligent of the young lady students was Carrie Scott, and it has already been related that BENJAMIN HARRISON. 53 her friendship with Ben Harrison began while the latter was at Farmer's College. Thus the closer attachment and ultimate engagement came about by the most natural train of circum- stances. Novelists could find little in the facts for the "basis "of a sensational romance, and yet it was romantic. But the story writers who make interesting the realities of life because they are interesting, could find much in the beautiful town, the natural coincidences and circumstances to make a charming story and teach beautiful lessons. She was every way worthy of him, though her talents were not just the same. He cared more for forms and laws ; she for art and literature. She was cultivated, having passed her young life among the educated and students. Her features, of the brunette shade, were firm but pleasing, winning, and beau- tiful. She had dark brown hair and dark brown eyes. She had the faculty of making every one easy in her presence, and glad to be near her ; and so the pathway of the rather modest young student was not a rough one. And so they were engaged. Another two years were spent, and the graduating day in 1852 came around. There was a great concourse of friends, and there were speeches from the graduates, and bouquets without number falling in showers around them. Young Har- rison's speech was on the subject, " The Poor in England." What is unusual with students who choose such subjects for graduation display, but what was usual for him in any speeches he ever made, he showed that he thoroughly understood his subject. He showed also an acquaintance with the subject of protection, when he pointed out the remedy for poverty in England. He was one of the best- in standing and merit in an unusually good class, and with the blessings of professors and friends resting upon him, he returned home. Chapter IV. THE LAW STUDENT. A CHARACTERISTIC RESOLUTION — A NOTED LAW FIRM — FIRST CON- TACT WITH PUBLIC MEN — A REVIEW OF THE POLITICAL SITUA- TION — HIS HOME WHILE READING LAW — HEART TURNS TO- WARD OXFORD — THE ROMANCE ENDS PROPITIOUSLY — A HAPPY EVENT — LIVING WITH THE OLD FOLKS — AN UNEXPECTED IN- HERITANCE — ANOTHER CHARACTERISTIC RESOLUTION. When the young man returned home, it was not to indulge the boyish sense of security in his home that had characterized him up to the time of his leaving at the age of fourteen. His old reverence for the place and the scenes had, indeed, never left him, and never would. But the shadow of the future was now upon him. He was nearly nineteen, and was a graduate, apparently ready for life. He had, moreover, completed a contract that is always full of serious meaning, and lets down an invisible barrier between the past and present, and turns the thoughts with a feeling of inexorable responsibility to the future. His mother was not there. His sisters were grown older. His grandmother, always dear, had come to live with the family ; but still it was a change. The old place did not seem as it had in his earlier boyhood. His father had not made much headway against financial currents, and the young man felt that the time was at hand when he ought to depend no longer upon his father. True, he was aware that he had been a BENJAMIN HARRISON. 55 help on the farm, even when a small boy, and that he had also the right of inheritance and blood relationship to the care, and even anxiety, of those at home. But he did not believe in inherited honors ; and he felt that to claim, or to accept, his legal or family rights, under the circumstances, would be unmanly ; and he felt that honor must come upon merit. Per- haps he had caught the spirit of 1840, which rated every man a king who sought to rise by the merit of labor and character, and every man a slave who depended upon family and favorit- ism for position and honor. In obedience to these feelings, so characteristic of his subse- quent life, and no doubt to that other feeling described, that looked toward a new home, he determined to go right on and make his success in life sure. He had the foundation in a col- lege education ; he needed some training and study in the art of rearing a special structure. To this end he began at once the study of law in the office of Storer & Gwynne ; and his pre- ceptor was the head of the firm, the Honorable Belamy Storer. This was one of the best law firms in Cincinnati, and here, for the first time, young Harrison had the advantage of contact, in a business and professional way, with public men. He had sat under the teachings of excellent masters, who possessed trained and powerful intellects, but he had never dealt with them nor counselled with them as in the same profession, as in some degree he was called on to do now. A law student in a law office is more of an apprentice than a literary student in college. This was a great help to him. It gave him a practical view of his profession, and a practical grasp of his subjects. It gave 56 THE LIFE OF him that confidence in his own ability to master and present a subject that has characterized him, and to which his success has largely been due. AInny a young man has started in life with good talents and attainments, but with no courage nor tact before men. In practice they lose command of self and talents, and tlieir abilities are never known and never called for. There is perhaps no profession that enables a man to become so thoroughly accpiainted with society as it is, and with the business and professional methods of controlling it, as that of the law. Ben Harrison was, physically and mentally, vigorous and independent. In school and at home he had shown a tact in solving knotty problems, a skill in diving to the depths of his subjects. On taking hold of a problem, he had the confidence that he coidd master it. In the law office he learned not only to master for himself, but in the presence of others. He could not only present the slate with the " sum" worked out, or the essay or oration studied and written in his room, but he could work among thinkers and as one of them, and bring out the result while he talked witli them. While in this association, it was very natural that his interest should be awakened in politics; for of all men, lawyers are most apt to aspire to become political leaders ; and he could not be in the oflice long without licaring tliesc subjects dis- cussed. It is a tribute to his power of mind, his independ- ence of judgment, and to his patriotism, that he kept his head and heart in the midst of the political confusion and wrangling of that day. It was now twelve years since the first campaign he could BENJAMIN HARRISON. 57 remember — that of his grandfather. Affairs had not gone well with the Whigs as a party ; but their original principles were taking more and more a firm hold upon the popular mind. The first formal declai'ation of their principles in con- vention was in 1S44 ' ^^^^ ^^^'^^ ^^^ only the echo of the preach- ing and teaching, and popular demand of 1840. It is not necessary, in order for a party to be a party based on clearly defined principles, for a few men to come together and announce what they believe. When these few men have means of know- ing what the people want, having taught them from their own honest convictions, or having heard them in some definite demand and found themselves in honest sympathy with them, then they may construct a platform of the party of the ■people formally in convention. The campaign of 1840 had been definite enough, and the platform of 1844 was its echo. " A well-regulated currency; a tarift' for revenue to defray the necessary expenses of the government, and discriininatiiig with special reference to the protection of the domestic labor of the country ; the distribution of proceeds from the sale of" public lands ; a single term for the presidency ; a reform of executive usurpations ; and generally such an administration of the affairs of the country as shall impart to every branch of public service the greatest practical efficiency, controlled by well-regulated and wise economy." These were the issues of 1844, expressed in convention at Baltimore on May ist, of that year ; and underneath them is the recognition of a peo- ple's government^ protection of the people's interests, people's financial safety : in short, American principles. But the result was not the same as in 1840. An abolition 58 THE LIFE OF candidate, voted for in New York and Michigan, took the electoral votes of those States from Clay and gave them to Polk. These alone added to Clay's 105, and taken from Polk's 170, would have elected Clay. But that movement was honest; and, compared w^ith others, but for which Clay might have been elected anyhow, it was wise. The Democrats in some states advocated free trade, and in some protection — a characteristic policy, as the present generation knows. Again, there were 1,000 fraudulent votes cast in one parish in Louisiana, which gave Polk a majority in that State of only 699. Again, in New York, there was a large amount of fraudulent naturalizing for voting purposes on the part of the Democrats. And again, even while Calhoun had formerly been professing to be a Whig, he had been working to sometime spring the question of slavery by the question of the annexation of Texas. It was this that caused the abolition movement in the North ; it was this that appealed to South- ern prejudice rather than to Southern principle, and lost Clay the majority of the Southern votes. The majority of the people, North and South, liad really Whig convictions ; but the Machiavelian policy of springing an issue ivholly on sectional prejudice^ drew them away. Had the slave question come up in its own good time, by way of the natural growth of Amcricani'Sni away from the class- ideas of the old world, allowing a chance for its discussion while the fires of patriotism burned, there might have been a diflerent termination of that question, so far as the enormity of the struggle was concerned. The people of the South, and many of like opinions in the BENJAMIN HARRISON. 59 North, were more sincere on the slavery question than Calhoun and his associates, who seemed to raise the question for political effect. The Mexican War had as its real incentive among the leaders at first, the extension of slavery and the overshadowing by the slave power of free state influence by the addition of new territory. But among the people who enlisted, the declaration of Congress, secured by Democrats, that the war was already begun "by the act of the Republic of Mexico," had stirred a deeper patriotism. It was this patriotism among Southern Whigs, and the prejudice on the slavery question among them and many Northerners, stirred up by Calhoun and others, that put the Northern Whigs in Congress between two fires. The Mexican battles were fought and won, and new glory was added to the American arms. The bill in Congress, in 1S46, to make an appropriation to negotiate a peace with Mexico, had called out the famous amendment by David Wilmot, "that there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in any territory on the Continent of America, which shall hereafter be acquired by, or annexed to, the United States by virtue of this appropriation, or in any other manner whatever except for crime." The amendment had failed, but had produced its wonderful eftect, and had gone into history as the " Wilmot Proviso." The slavery question had been dividing both parties ; the note of secession had been sounded in the South, the note of hasty resistance in the North. Di- visions were made on the issues, not on the principles of the pai'ties. Whigs at heart had rallied to Democratic ranks ; and Whigs at heart, impatient of delay, had formed the Free Soil 6o THE LIFE OF party. Seceders also from the Democratic ranks had joined the Free Soil movement, and the Buffalo Convention of 1848 had been held by the new party. Notwithstanding the dis- ruptions, Taylor had led the hosts in 1848, and had been made President of the United States. He had died in office, and Fillmore, the milder Whig, had guided the administration through a period of apparent calm. But the mutterings of the storm were in the South and in Kansas. Another campaign was on. The Free Soilers had nominated Hale and Julian ; the Whigs, General Scott and William A. Graham ; and the Democrats, Pierce and King. Such was the political situation when Ben Harrison began to study law. He could not help being interested in the outcome of the canvass. He was a Whig, believing the time not yet for the settling of the slave question; believing that the extension of slavery should indeed be prohibited (as, not believing in slavery at all as a moral institution, he with others believed it to be constitutional to prevent its extension, but that its over- throw where it did exist would be violence uncalled for while opinions of great and good men on the constitutional right diflered) ; and believing that strict American principles should be always at the front as issues, while other important issues should rise in their natural order and be discussed from the stand-point of those principles. He had had his convictions from his boyhood. His natural indignation in 1S44, when unlaxvful naturalization in New York had carried that State to the Democrats, was expressed emphatically then and afterwards, although he was at that time but eleven vears old ; but he never opposed, even then, BENJAMIN HARRISON. 6i lawful naturalization. More than other boys, he had the spirit of 1840, that allowed every citizen a right to express his opinion in a vote, w^hether natural or foreign born. And this belief characterized him all his youth and manhood. Up to 1852, he w^as a Whig in every sense of the w^ord. And now, naturally, being in the midst of politicians in the office, he was more interested than ever — and more of a Whig. The result of the campaign of 1852, as might have been fore- seen, was that Pierce was elected by a large majority, and "fire eaters" and other foes to the country came again to the front. While he studied law, he walked back and forth between his sister's house, in North Bend, and the office. This was to save the expense of board, for meanwhile the family purse grew no heavier. The heart of the young law student had never for a moment ceased its loyalty to its queen at Oxford, and in October, 1853, he went to fulfil the marriage contract. This, to the young couple was far more than a legal transaction. It was the leav- ing parents for each other, and becoming, in heart and mind and life, as well as in legal relation, " one flesh" ; it was the founding on a holy and sanctified and divine basis, a home, a family. Both of them believed implicitly in the sacredness of the marriage tie. Both of them, as soon as the engagement had been made, had felt a change of attitude, as it were, of their affections. They loved the old homes and dear ones no less, but they loved each other more, and felt they were soon to enter a society 62 THE LIFE OF established and hallowed by Jehovah — a society with bonds irrevocable. Miss Carrie L. Scott was just the woman to glorify a rela- tionship like that, and to make ready her heart, and purpose, and life, beforehand, to carry out sacredly the solemn pledge. Reared in a family of rich cultivation and of conscience, she was ready with such instincts to make such a home. Her father had long been a professor, and had made his house the the welcome place for the refined and educated. In his own life he always, at home and abroad, manifested the traits of a well-educated gentleman. His cultivation was not mere culti- vation, but was the development of rare natural powers and their training by a long experience. He was as gentle as a child, and as graceful. And Carrie's mother was no less of the noble and refined type. Carrie's was a religious home, full of the graces and sweet influences that religion can bring around the hearthstone. Her sparkling and half-roguish and captivating brown eyes were not those of the careless-hearted maiden, and betrayed no feeling or instinct of the coquette, but spoke rather the deeper and more earnest joy of a deeper nature. She was every way charming : her shapely form, her shapely hands with neat, tapering fingers, her regular features, all making her a beaut}' ; and above all, the intelligent and captivating expres- sions of her countenance were winning qualities. She was the charm of her circle, and her grace and manner made her the idol of her lady acquaintances. Withal, she was sericus and intensely religious. During the winter of 1S53-4, the happy couple lived at the home near North Bend, preparing meanwhile to begin life's BENJAMIN HARRISON. 63 battle alone in the spring. When spring came, it was all arranged that the young lawyer should take his bride and settle in Indianapolis. He was also the better enabled to run this risk by receiving a bequest about that time of $800. An aunt, Mrs. Findly, died and left him that amount. Nevertheless, it required no small courage to face the uncertainties of an en- tirely strange locality with but eight hundred dollars and an untried profession, and a wife depending upon him. But the resolution was characteristic of him : he wanted to be inde- pendent, to go where he would be compelled to work ; above all, he wanted to rise by his own merits, and not by the name of his gfi'andfather. ^-iSff, '^ MRS. BENJAMIN HARRISON, WIFE OF GENERAL HARRISON. Chapter V. THE YOUNG LAWYER. JOURNEY TO LAWRENXEBURG THENCE TO INDIANAPOLIS THE CITY AT THAT TIME — A HUMBLE COTTAGE HE PUTS OUT HIS " SHIN- GLE" — POOR PROMISE OF SUCCESS — DAYS SPENT IN ABSTRACT OFFICE — OFFICE OF JOHN H. REA, CLERK OF DISTRICT COURT OF UNITED STATES A PROVIDENTIAL OPPORTUNITY POINT LOOK- OUT BURGLARY CASE — PARTNERSHIP WITH WILLIAM WALLACE ANOTHER CASE BRINGS HONOR — PARTNERSHIP WITH W. P. FISH- BACK. The journey of the young couple to Lawrenceburg must be made in wagons. It was about fourteen miles distant, and there was no railroad to that point. They carried with them boxes of provisions, some bedding, and a few other necessities of home life. From Lawrenceburg they sent the wagon back, and took the train to Indianapolis. They had no express trains and steel rails on the road then. The road was rough, the seats were uncomfortable — at least modern travelers would consider them so. But at last they arrived in the capital of Indiana. Indianapolis gave no promise then of its present magnifi- cence, though it was a growing little town. Most of the houses were near the east bank of the White River ; but that quarter was not destined to become the centre of the cit}', for business soon left it, and it is to-day comparatively a deserted quarter. 5 66 THE LIFE OF The first thing necessary, on arriving at the new capital, was to find a phice to stay. So the young husband secured board for himself and wife, at what was known as the Roll House, until they could find a home. Meanwhile he "kept a look-out" for a house with rent within his probable ability to pay. This was the usual way of expressing it ; but, in truth, Benjamin Harrison never had a doubt as to his success, although he really under-rated his own abilities when he sat in judgment on them. He knew that he should not fail, because he knew he was going to work, and he had confidence in perseverance ; while he knew that, however few talents he might have, others who had fewer had succeeded. At last a small house was found, on the corner of North and Alabama streets — in the eastern suburbs of the city as it was then, but in the heart of the present city of Indianapolis. The house had a gable front in which was a windov/ and a door. It was a low, one-story building ; but it had an air of cosiness and home-likeness, in spite of its humbleness. A large shade- tree stood just by the walk before the door, adding its attractive- ness to the scene. On entering, they found thut the house contained but three rooms ; but that was quite sufiicient for their wants and comfort, and it was hired at $6.00 a month : and this was their first Indianapolis home. Here was the first realization of home — the dream of their young lives. So happy were they in it that it mattered not to them that the cottage was humble, and that there were but three rooms. Here gathered the associations of early married life. The house stands yet, as it used to stand ; and the pres- ent General Benjamin Harrison and his estimable wife cannot BENJAMIN HARRISON. 6>j look upon it without a throng of delicious memories rising before them. Here they began life in humblest manner ; but somehow there is even a halo about that as it is recalled by them. The sickness, the trial, and the suffering are either forgotten, or hallowed by association with the good that arose out of them. Here the first child was born ; and the wife was no longer so lonely w^hile her husband was absent about the task of finding paying cases. He was fair-haired and boyish — appearing younger than he was. There was not that maturity in his looks and expres- sion that won, at a glance, the confidence of those seeking lawyers to befriend them in court. He had not that self- assertion that is a positive necessity in getting along with some classes. His slender form, and stature below the average, were not apt to impress one. Hence, his first year at Indianapolis was not one of brilliant success. He spent, during that time, many hours in abstract offices, hunting up titles, and getting small pay for his pains — his highest fee being five dollars. He secured, through John L. Robinson, the position of court-crier, at $3.50 a day, but court was not in session long enough in the year to add much to his slender purse. Before he had received a fee in this or any other man- ner, he was standing one day on the sidewalk just before his door, and under the tree. It was the first Sunday after they had gone to house-keeping. He was looking up at the cottage and thinking with some pride of it, as his home ; there is no purer or more comforting pride a man has in life than in the contemplation of his first home after marriage. While he was 68 THE LIFE OF thus contentedly engaged, a horseman came dashing up the street, and stopped before the door. Mr. Harrison turned to know the errand of this breaker of his reverie. The man liad come from Clermont, a small village eight miles west of there, to find a lawyer to prosecute, before a justice of the peace, a man who had been arrested on a charge of obtaining money under false pretenses. Would Mr. Har- rison go down and prosecute? Mr. Harrison agreed that he would go. Then the man dropped a five-dollar gold-piece into the young lawyer's hand, gave directions about reaching Clermont and the hour for trial, and left. Five dollars I That was a god-send, indeed ! But part of that must be paid for some means of going, for he could not walk. It would not do to hire a horse and buggy — that would take too much from the welcome fee. So the next morning, he hired a pony at a stable, and when the hour for starting came, set off to win his first laurels in legal contest. And he won them. He demonstrated, in that successful suit, as he subsequenth did in every case with which he had to do, that, in spite of disadvantages of poverty and youth, he was cut out for a law- yer. However, as it generally requires a lawyer of some greatness and established fame to recognize the abilities of the rising young lawyer, and as men of that class were not apt to be pleading cases before a country justice, Benjamin Harrison must wait for recognition until some fiiture day. He entered the office of John H. Rea, Clerk of the District Court of the United States. He had little success until a rather fortunate incident occurred. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 69 The famous " Point Lookout" burglary case was before the court, with Governor David Wallace on one side, and Major Jonathan W. Gordon, the prosecuting attorney, on the other. Major Gordon was a man of great ability, and had formed a high estimate of the real abilities of young Harrison. Governor Wallace was assisted in the defense by Sims Colley. The closing appeal to the jury, it was found, would not come until the evening of the closing day, and Major Gordon found himself confronted by duties in two places at the same hour. He desired to attend a lecture by Horace Mann in the evening, and it was necessary to find some one to fill his place before the jury. The choice fell on Mr. Harrison, whom he knew was careful, earnest, capable, and would spare no pains to make his speech a success. Governor Wallace, for the defense, was one of the leading Indiana lawyers. He was an old and experienced lawyer, skilled in making all out of the testimony possible in its pres- entation to the jury. He was, moreover, an old friend of Mr. Harrison's grandfather. The records of 1840 show that John Scott Harrison desired to be appointed by his father to a West Point cadetship, and that the father preferred the son of his friend. Governor Wallace, for the place, rather than his own son ; and so Wallace was appointed. It is perhaps worthy of remembrance that it is not an easy thing for a young man, with that degree of modesty that had always characterized Benjamin Harrison, to enter the lists with a man whom he had always been wont to look up to with some reverence as his grandfather's friend. Those associated with our fathers when we are very young we learn 7o THE LIFE OF to reverence almost as much as we do our fathers themselves. To face duty in such a case is worthy of more honor, because it is the manifestation of real courage, than to egotistically and with brazen eflVontery seek to contend with great men. The evening session met at "candle lighting," and the candles cast very shadowy light over the old low, dingy court- room, crowded with people. The room was full of smoke, from candles and stove, and the fumes of tobacco made the air nauseating. The prospect was not encouraging. At the time for his speech, Mr. Harrison took from his pocket his notes that he had written during the da^', and began to scan them. To his disgust he could see nothing in the dim light but very uncertain tracings with a hard pencil — not a word could he make out in that light. He began his speecli, but soon found, from the almost breathless audience, that lie was winning more sympathy for his youth, or his misfortune, than for the wisdom of his utterances. His voice was heard at the farthest corner. He tried again to scan the apparently almost blank leaves. He could tell nothing, and after discovering that he must fail if he depended on those notes, he threw them aside, and boldly launched forth into the argument without them. He remembered the essential parts of the testimony, and was not hindered by details; so perhaps it was best. At any rate he canvassed the ground so thor- oughly and so clearly that he called down the praises of audi- ence and old lawyers on his head. When Governor Wallace rose to reply he took occasion first to gracefully and earnestly compliment the young lawyer on his speech. And this, Mr. Harrison's first jury case, was BENJAMIN HARRISON. 71 the beginning of a warm friendship that rose between himself and Governor Wallace, which was not hindered in the least by the young lawyer's triumph in that case. This circum- stance had also, no doubt, something to do with linking the fortunes of Mr. Harrison and of Governor Wallace's son, Wil- liam Wallace, together for a time. This was the same son who had obtained the West Point cadetship when it was desired by Mr. Harrison's father. The partnership came about in this way : Young Wallace, who had already won some success in his practice, received, in 1855, the nomination for county clerk. As the canvass required a good deal of time, he desired some one to assist him in his practice. He met his young friend, Ben Harrison, on the street one day, and told him that he had some clients, and that if he would go into the office and take them, he would share the profits with him. This is all the contract that was ever made, and the young firm began its existence with little experience, but with the energy of young blood and brains to carry to success. Mr. Wallace, since that time, has borne testimony in favor of the admirable qualities of young Benjamin Harrison, as he then knew him. He has ascribed to the young lawyer from North Bend, quickness of apprehension, clearness, method and logic in analysis and statement of cases, natural ability to draw truth from witnesses, successfulness in winning from courts and juries their closest attention. Said Mr. Wal- lace : "He was poor. The truth is, it was a struggle for bread and meat with both of us. He had a noble young wife, who cheerfully shared with him the plainest and simplest style 72 THE LIFE OF of living. He did the work about his home for a long time himself, and thus made his professional income, not large, keep him independent and free from debt." Among those of the Indijinapolis bar, with whom Mr. Harrison came in contact in those days, were Oliver H. Smith, John L. Ketchum, Simon Yandes, Hugh O'Neal, and David Wallace. These were all men of note as lawyers, and they all, then and afterwards, bore testimony to the rare abilities of the young lawyer. This, to him was a larger school than that of the office of Storer & Gwynne at Cincinnati, for here he was not an apprentice ; yet he always made use of his sur- roundings, of whatever nature, to draw from them information and experience. Not long after the burglary trial, another case gave Ben Harrison a chance of manifesting the metal that was in him. A negro cook at the Ray House, Indianapolis, was accused of put- ting poison into the coffee of some of the boarders with a view to murder. The case was attracting wide attention. Harrison was called to the prosecution, and had but one night to pre- pare. He went to the office of young Dr. T. Parvin, who afterwards became noted as one of the professors of Jefferson Medical College, of Philadelphia, and the two spent the whole night experimenting, Harrison studying thoroughly the effect of poisons, and thus gaining a knowledge of the subject superior to that of his opponents in the case. The next day the defense met more than its match in the thoroughly pre- pared young lawyer. He applied himself so vigorouslv that he won the case, and secured conviction for the prisoner. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 73 He won also additional praise for himself from noted lawyers and from all who were acquainted with the case. The two young men, William Wallace and Benjamin Har- rison, continued as partners in law for some years. In the West, especially among the older class of citizens, there is a prejudice against young men in profession, as to their ability. A young lawyer, however brilliantly he may have succeeded in a few cases, "will not be employed half so readily as an old lawyer who fails to win more than half his cases. In spite of the lack of prestige the Harrison & Wallace firm grew in favor and success. In iS6o Wallace had retired from the partnership, and Harrison formed another with W. P. Fishback. But in that same year another chance offered itself, and he was not slow to seize the opportunity. CHAPTER VI. THE YOUNG POLITICIAN. THE CAMPAIGN OF 1S56 THE NEW TARTY AND ITS PRINCIPLES — A SUCCESSFUL CANDIDACY — A MEMORABLE DEI5ATE AT ROCKVILLE — THE LINCOLN CAMPAIGN — A RETROSPECTIVE VIEW OF THE PO- LITICAL PARTIES — THE SITUATION IN 1S60 — WHIG PRINCIPLES AND FREE SOIL ISSUES — THE SUCCESSFUL CAMPAIGN — THE REPORTER IN OFFICE — THE GUNS OF SUMTER — BOUND AT HOME — A PATRIOT. The enthusiasm awakened in the breast of the boy of 1S40 was still in tlie breast of the 3'oung man of 1S56. But he was not a demonstrative young man ; and was never found on the street corners, in groceries, in offices, or in bar-rooms, count- ing off" arguments on his fingers. He was rather chary of his opinions ; not through any haughtiness, nor yet because he had no confidence in them, but because rather of a native diffi- dence, and no doubt also of a sense of the " fitness of things " — rather the unfitness of the assumption of a mere youth. Nevertheless, he could express his opinions clearly and tersely when pressed, or at a time when in doing so he could accomplish any good object. His political views were not unknown in Indianapolis, and when the campaign of 1856 came on, he was positively pressed into the service of speech- making. Many remember that campaign. It had not, perhaps, the BENJAMIN HARRISON. 75 enthusiasm of 1840; but it had, at least on one side, that enthusiasm born of deep conviction, fei-vent patriotism, and indomitable purpose. As the Whigs, in the memorable Harri- son campaign, had for the first time crystallized into a party with definite principles and aims, so far as the people were concerned, so in the Fremont campaign, the Republican party was standing at the threshold of its active life. The party had not sprung into existence on a mere issue, however important, which being successful, would leave no reason for the party's longer existence. It came into being for the con- servation of principles born with the Republic and that will last while the Republic lasts. So long as these principles are opposed by men or parties there will be a necessity of organ- ized society for their defense. When the Republican party shall prove untrue to this trust, on the springing of issues that involve the principles, that element in the Nation which has rallied around and defended them from the days before the Revolution, will combine for their defense under more favorable conditions for success, and more patriotic leadership. " The Union must and shall be preserved." It is a significant fact that men who, as boys, caught the spirit of 1840, are chosen and trusted, as men, as standard bearers to-day. Hope need not " close her bright eyes, nor curb her high career," so far as the party is concerned, while men like Benjamin Harrison are leaders. The nominations had just been made. " Fremont and Dayton" was a signal of safety in the approaching storm. Though they might not hope for success at the polls that year, they knew that the elements of patriotism predominated in the 76 THE LIFE OF Nation, and as time would make known their intentions, a mighty majority would come up in the future. Of this pres- cient confidence, young Benjamin Harrison had liis full share ; and this fact was known. A ratification meeting was called in Indianapolis. Some- body must speak ; and a good many thought of Mr. Harrison. He w'as at work in his ofiice, which was in Temperance Hall, a building that stood on Washington Street, between Illinois and Meridian streets. He heard a stamping of many feet up the stairway, and he heard many loud voices. Then he saw an excited crowd of men rush in, and the leader seize him by the arm. He must go and make the ratification speech ; the crowd had gathered and was waiting, and there was no speaker. He protested. He was interested, of course — they knew that ; but he was a law-yer, not a politician. Besides, he was not prepared. Let older men speak ; they could do more good ; they had experience and study which he did not have. But no excuse would be taken — he must speak. When he pro- tested again, the men lifted liim up onto their shoulders and carried him to the assembled throng, made him stand upon a goods box, and required of him a speech. He was introduced as the grandson of William Henry Har- rison. " I want it understood," said he, on fiicing the peo- ple, " that I am the grandson of nobody. I believe every man should stand on his own merits." He was not without pride, of course, that he was the grandson of an illustrious man ; and that relationship — that blood — he knew helped to make him the man that needed not to be ashamed ; and the consciousness BENJAMIN HARRISON. 77 of it was fuel to the fire of courage within him. But it was ■ a cardinal doctrine with him that honor and success should follow the honest effort of personal and inherent virtues, as effect follows cause ; that they should not be hindered by any arbi- trary rules or favoritism in society ; and that honor, and even prestige, claimed or assumed on account of blood, or any- thing acquired by nature or accident, defrauds merit of its rightful and lawfully acquired possession. But under the circumstances it became his duty to speak ; and speak he did. And the effect followed the cause — he was honored for his worth and ability. He was in demand from that time for the stump, and right loyally he did his part. In Franklin County, not long after, he was called on again, and some enthusiastic friend, to capture the crowd for him before he had shown whether he was worthy of it, intro- duced him again as the grandson of the renowned President. Again he protested against that method of introduction, saying that he preferred to speak for himself, not for his grandfather. These incidents taught his friends that they had in him a thorough American ; and he has done nothing since to shake that confidence. He took part, not only in the campaign to its close, but in every state or local campaign from that time until i860. Meanwhile, whatever was good in the old Whig party had adjusted itself to a new setting in the Republican party ; and the old settings — organization, name, watch-words and tokens of successful issues, and successful issues themselves — were cast aside. It may not be uninteresting to record, that even the old log cabin, of the campaign of 1S40, was totally de- 78 THE LIFE OF stroyed by fire, on the 25th of February, 1858 — the malicious work of a discharj^ed servant. This may serve as a token, or an ilhistration of the fact that the malicious servants of the old Whig party, whom it had refused to glorify in office and spoils, were really the destroyers of the party. And as the sacred influences of the old cabin at North Bend had now cen- tered in the newer brick house on the form, — for even Grand- mother Harrison, on whose birthday the cabin was burnejl, was living with her son, and knew not of the burning for sev- eral years, — so all the sacred principles and memorials of the Whigs had been safely conserved in the new and safe Republi- can structure before the Whig organization was swept away. In 1S60 Ben Harrison's circumstances and his Pfrowinsr con- fidence in his own ability made him feel justified in having his name presented for the suffi-ages of his fellow-citizens, and he became the candidate for the office of reporter of the Supreme Court of Indiana. Throughout the memorable campaign of that year his voice was heard, almost from one end of the State to the other, pleading for the principles of the American Union. An incident illustrating his grasp of those principles, his power in debate, and the thorough mastery he always had of his subjects before he undertook to speak, occurred during this campaign. He had an appointment to speak in the Court House at Rockville, in Park County. When he arrived, he learned that Thomas A. Hendricks, one of the most noted Democratic leaders of the State, and in that campaign can- didate for governor of Indiana, and already near to the con- spicuous position he afterwards held in national fame, was also BENJAMIN HARRISON. 79 to speak in the town. Park was a strong Democratic county, but the Republicans were anxious to gain further ground, and to counteract the influence of Hendricks on that day. In a forlorn hope they asked Harrison if he would undertake a Joint discussion with Hendricks. The Democrats also, fear- ing nothing from the boyish-looking Harrison, were anxious for the debate ; but Hendricks would not condescend to enter into a formal debate with so youthful an opponent. He would speak two hours, he said, and the young man might talk two hours longer, if he wanted to, and Hendricks would listen. The issues were local, as well as national. The Democrats were in power in the State, and under their administration of affairs huge swindles had been carried on, notably what was known as the swamp-land frauds. Mr. Harrison had made himself thoroughly acquainted with this subject, as well as with the general questions. While Mr. Hendricks was speaking, it seemed to Democrats and Republicans that the victory was already his. The crowded Court House rang with cheer after cheer, as the speech proceeded. On the platform sat Daniel Voorhees, who was already rising to fame, and other local Democratic leaders ; while the youthful Harrison, not having either the courtesy of a chair, or a condescending notice of his presence by Mr. Hendricks or his colleagues, sat on a desk and let his feet hang toward the floor. And thus Mr. Hendricks' speech went on until it was twice two hours in length — at least young Harrison felt it so. At last the " great speech " ended, and Mr. Hendricks, suddenly remembering a forgotten 8o THE LIFE OF duty, quietly and politely let the people know that they ought to remain. When Mr. Harrison rose before the tired audience, there was not a cheer, nor a motion of any kind that gave him to understand that his friends were with him. He felt that his friends were wishing for some greater man to answer that speech. When he began, his voice was heard throughout the large room, and for a inoment one might have been reminded of his first utterances when he appeared the first time before a jury. But only for a moment. His first statement was a proposition which he then said the Democrats had once be- lieved. Here Mr. Voorhees arose with great dignit}' and denied that the Democrats had ever believed the proposition. " Fellow-citizens," rang out the clear voice of the young candidate, before Mr. Voorhees had time to regain his seat, " the denial of the gentleman induces me to amend my state- ment. I now assert that every Democrat believed the propo- sition, except Mr. Voorhees — he was then a Whig." The applause that followed sho\ved the appreciation of the retort by the audience ; while the sharpness of the thrust made Mr. Voorhees conclude to keep his seat thereafter. So the young speaker went on, and before he had filled out half his time, the tide hat! turned in his favor, as the cheering and applause and eager attention of the audience plainly indicated. His sarcasm went to the heart of the arguments that had been set up in the belief that he knew nothing of the matters. When he closed, cheers rose up as if to rend the roof of the large auditorium. Mr. Hendricks told him, when the meeting had BENJAMIN HARRISON. 8i adjourned, that he would never again consent to give him a two- hours closing speech. In speaking of the affair afterwards, the chairman of the meeting said: "I have heard a good many political debates in my day, but I never heard a man skin an opponent as quickly as Ben Harrison did Hendricks that day." In that year there was a much larger rallying of forces to the Republican standard. Time was doing its work. When the election was over, it was apparent that Lincoln had received i8o electoral votes against 123 for all the other can- didates ; and then were fairly begun the trying times of the Republic — the times foreshadowed in 1854, ^''^^^ even earlier. Great men are seldom in haste. It is hard for good men to believe that bad men are so bad. It was hard for men like Webster and Clay to believe that the South coidd not be con- ciliated, earlier than 1854, when the mutterings of discontent and threats of disunion were heard throughout her borders. These men had labored all their lives to build up the Union, and it was hard for them to realize the idea of rebellion. They were not ready for Free Soil issues. They believed that the discontented portion of our country might be conciliated. But in 1854, ^^^ startling news ran over the country that Congress was about to repeal the Missouri Compromise Bill of 1820. By that bill it had been provided " that in all the territory ceded by France to the United States, under the name of Louisiana, which lies north of latitude 36"^, 30' N., except only such part thereof as is included within the limit of the State (Missouri) contemplated by this act, slavery and involuntary servitude, otherwise than in the punishment of 82 THE LIFE OF crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall be and is hereby forever prohibited." To repeal this would be a proclamation of irreconciliation, and a greater insult to those who had urged conciliation than to those who had not. It would be a plain profession, on the part of the South, that they did not intend to be conciliated with anything less than unqualified submission to their demands in all things. It would be slavery in all the territories, a designedly taking advantage of a majority in Congress to force an overbalanc- ing of slave power, that slaveiy might go wherever the South commanded it (and that w\as not uncertain, for the ex- pressed declaration of incautious leaders had already pointed to states not territories), and it would be bad faith. Genuine old Whigs declared that, while slavery might sta}' where it was, it should advance no further : the manner of these southern threats, and the proposed repeal, were any- thing but echoes of Union and liberty-loving hearts. Men who, while issues had been conflicting had been uncertain in their party moorings, began to rally to the standard of the grand old defenders of American faith. But these defenders — tired of intrigue, and grown at last impatient of the dallying of mere politicians with questions now grown so serious — had bound themselves together in a new party. It was the very best Whig element — the element that, first of all, could be touched and warned by any threatened danger to human liber- ties. For the bill had now been repealed — "declared inop- erative and void " — and that was warning enough. The Whigs brought into the new organization the elements of body and blood. From the beginning of its existence the BENJAMIN HARRISON. 83 Whig party had championed those principles which recognize the equal rights of all American citizens. ' ' Protection to home industries " — that means equal rights in living and getting a living. "Internal improvements " — that means equal facilities for trade to all sections, equal enjoyment of great advantages, and the example of employment at wages of Americans. " A just and dignified foreign policy " — that means that a govern- ment " by the people, for the people," should command the I'espect of all nations; for "foreign policy " in a monarchy means the welfare of the king, and "foreign policy" in a republic means the \^lfare and honor of the people. "The Union, one and inseparable" — that means the husbanding of the powers that sustain these principles, the balancing of equal elements, the possibility of the success of our government principles, which " states' rights," especially as then held by Democrats, made impossible. When an issue is made, involving the continued existence of equal rights as fundamental in our government, those be- lieving in it, and seeing its danger in the issue, rally together, and the party is formed. At such a trumpet call the Re- publican party was organized. The "Anti-Nebraska" movement in Ohio and other States heralded the gathering of the clans. Other movements came quickly. Then the first National Convention of the Republican party, in 1856, nominated Fremont and Dayton for President and Vice-Presi- dent, with the result already named. In Indiana, alone, Fre- mont received 94,375 votes against 22,386 for Fillmore, and 118,670 for Buchanan — no small showing for the first cam- paign of a party. The consolidation was not complete, however, even as late 84 THE LIFE OF as iS6o, for there were four tickets in the field that year. This, indeed, apparently, did not seriously affect the Republi- can party, and not at all as to the result. But one of the divisions, at least, shows that there were loyal men who still re- fused to believe the South capable of the high-handed wicked- ness of rebellion. These were, for the most part, men who had affiliated with the Democrats, who loved the name, and who, though they could not believe their brethren meditated crime so dire, would not go with them even to the declaration of principles so adverse to American government. These, wherever they might formerly have wandered when party lines were falsely pointed out along local and personal issues, and however the unnatural affiliation may have become sacred, were really Whigs in principle, for they would not go where Democratic opinions logically led them, and when the war came on, their declarations on behalf of union were as clear sounding as those of the old Whigs. Witness the speech of Mr. Douglas, in Chicago, at the outset of the Rebellion. It need not be said that Benjamin Harrison kept close watch of the march of events, as the years went on, and that he was alwaj-s in full sympathy with the new Republican party. The fires of indignation grew hotter in his breast from the days of the discussion of the repeal of the Missouri Com- promise liill, and of the Dred Scott Decision. It was the zeal of patriotism that gave power to his words in i860. As one of the results of this campaign, he was elected and soon entered upon the duties of his office of reporter of the Supreme Court. It will, perhaps, never be a matter of history just how much, or how little, he contributed to the success of the State ticket — to the election of Henry S. Lane as gov- BENJAMIN HARRISON. 85 ernor of Indiana — and of the National ticket in that State. But it is certain that, young as he was, his services were highly appreciated by his Republican colleagues, and that he won not a few votes to the Republican candidates. This office, coming to him at that time, was of great financial benefit. He had just negotiated for a house, for which he was to pay $2,900 — a large sum for the young law- yer. He had been fortunate enough to get the house " at a bar- gain," from the Honorable A. G. Porter, afterwards governor of Indiana. He was to pay for it by installments, and it was understood that Mr. Porter would not be "hard on him" in case of failure in promptness in some payments. But this did not lessen Mr. Harrison's sense of obligation, and he felt that the contract was just as binding as if his creditor had been unmerciful. He hoped to be able, in not many months, to pay the full amount, by the help of the income of his office added to that of his pi'ofession. He had only made one small payment, so far, and he realizec^ the struggle before him, in i spite of the aid of his office. The house stood on North New Jersey Street, near the corner of Vermont. It was larger and more commodious than the cottage in which they had made their home since coming to Indianapolis. In this house, which, so far as the terms were concerned, they could now call their own, their daughter was born, just a year before he be- came a candidate for the office of reporter — that is, in 1859. Thus, with a fair income from his office and profession combined, and in a fair way to pay for his home, with a loving wife and two beautiful and dear children, this husband and father could have been no happier. But he had scarcely " settled himself" in his office, when 86 BENJAMIN HARRISON. the guns of Sumter startled the country. The Southern leaders had dashed down the fond hopes of their Northern friends — they would not be conciliated. Calm judgment had decided this before, while the States were " formally " seced- ing, if not even earlier : but now all could know the situation. Then came the call for 75,000 three-months volunteers. That meant, on the other hand, a hope, even in the hearts of the most patriotic and those of the coolest judgment in the North, that the rebellion was not so formidable but that it could soon be put down. Benjamin Harrison wanted to go to the battle-field. He felt the spirit of patriotism rising in him, and the almost irrepressible desire to be in the nation's vanguard that characterized so many of the time. But it was only for three months ; the rebellion would be ended by that time, and the welfare of the country assured, and business not retarded ; and he was under a sol- emn contract w^hich he would return in three months to find practically violated and impossible to meet, as agreed. Moreover, his office claimed him ; and his canvass had been made with the understanding of fidelity on his part. And then his wife and children lived by what he earned, and the source of supplies for their sustenance would be cut oft' by his going. He felt that his duty was at home, at least until there was a more urgent demand for soldiers. But he was none the less interested in the success of those who went, and his voice continued to be heard in favor of the Union. There was no part of Benjamin Harrison's history — education, training, early influences, reading, natural disposi- tion, inlieritance — that did not tend to make him every inch a patriot. Chapter VII. THE PATRIOT SOLDIER. "THREE HUNDRED THOUSAND MORE" THE EFFECT ON THE YOUNG PATRIOT A VOLUNTEER RECRUITING AND ENLISTING SERVICE COLONEL OF THE SEVENTIETH INDIANA KENTUCKY AND TEN- NESSEE FIRST BRIGADE OF THE THIRD DIVISION OF THE TWEN- TIETH ARMY CORPS THE ATLANTA CAMPAIGN THE BATTLE OF RESACA "COME ON, BOYS ! " THE BATTLE OF PEACH TREE CREEK A LETTER FROM GENERAL HOOKER TO THE SECRE- TARY OF WAR ITS RESULT A PROMOTION — A PARTISAN IN- SULT AT HOME — THIRTY DAYS LEAVE OF ABSENCE REELEC- TION SHERMAN AT SAVANNAH AN OLD-FASHIONED BATTLE AT NARROWSBURG VICTORY JOINS SHERMAN — THE GENERAL RE- TURNS HOME. Mr. Harrison alw^ays possessed the qualities of leadei'ship, namely, the warmth of good-fellowship, and the spirit of disci- pline. As to the first, no boy or man who was ever with him long would fail to find it, and feel its glow and influence. But there was one quality he possessed, as grand and noble as any other, which, however, prevented the display of his warm- heartedness and friendship when there was no apparent occasion for them. This quality he inherited largely from his mother. It was what maybe called " singleness of mind in study." From both ancestral branches he inherited the power to think. From his mother came not only a quiet, thoughtful disposition. 88 THE LIFE OF but the power of concentration — of forgetting all else but his subject, and giving the whole force of his mind to that. A nat- ural and persistent student, this quality manifested itself more than any other. Hence to the more communicative he some- times seemed cold, until he woke from his meditations. Then the more communicative always made a discovery — of a warm heart, communicative power, a good nature, a genial spirit, an enthusiasm and a powe'r that won the lasting friend- ship of the man or boy. As to the spirit of discipline, it was first manifested in his own yielding to it. He who loves discipline, loves it in his own life and affairs. To apply himself, to be regular in his habits, to submit himself to rules, were all natiu\'d to him. Order was a law of his mind. Add to this the study and the practical discipline of years, and we have all the conditions but one of the thorough soldier ; for even courage is a nat- ural concomitant of these qualities. That one condition is the occasion ; and when the occa- sion came, the soldier, Benjamin Harrison, chafed until he was free to use his abilities for his country. His patriotism was unbounded. Indignation for the insults that had been heaped on his country was burning within him ; and the fact that he did not burst away from all restraint, and leave his wife and infant children to sutler alone, and involve himself in the complications of a broken contract, when he did not be- lieve the government was in such serious danger but that the rebellion could Ijc shortly put down by those who had gone, and were going, whose circumstances made it less of a sacri- fice, shows the control he had over himself. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 89 So the call of May 3d went by ; then those of July 2 2d and 25th. Hope had risen as battles one after another had been fought, though now and then the Confederates were success- ful. But such battles as those of Philippi and Carrick's seemed to indicate what the Union arms might do in a decis- ive engagement. The defeat in the battle of Carthage, in Missouri, seemed small in comparison with the indications that the Union soldiers were about to be victorious. So great was this confidence everywhere that the call for the " decisive battle " went over the land in the cry, " On to Richmond ! " Mr. Harrison shared this confidence, and was impatient ; but he knew enough to understand that decisive battles cannot be called at once. Still, as the armies took up the march from Washington and Alexandria, as premature as the movement was, even such men as Harrison were yet hopeful. Then came that dreadful disaster at Bull Run, which threw the country into gloom, and stopped the clamor of over-enthusi- asts and complainers in the North. Mr. Harrison had not been among the over-enthusiasts nor the complainers, but he felt the keen sorrow that came to every loyal heart, and the bitter disappointment at the result ; yet it did not shake his faith in what the Northern arms could do. When the call for 500,000 came, there was such a generous resjDonse that instead of 500,000 there were nearly 700,000 soldiers enlisted. The i^ebellion had grown to enormous pro- portions, but few could realize that it was so well organized. Surely 700,000 faithful soldiers would be sufficient, even if thi'ee years were consumed in planning and executing. So the summer and autumn went on, with varying success. 90 THE LIFE OF The engagements were generally between insignificant forces, as to numbers, and not comparatively important, though there were a few exceptions, notably the victory of Forts Hatteras and Clark, the defeat at Lexington, Missouri, and others. The winter and spring witnessed several more important battles. But the vastness of the rebel preparations began to be manifest, and also the measures necessary to overcome the rebel forces. The meaning of the intrigues of the preceding years began to be seen. A sense of the depth of the Southern purpose began to be felt. The embarrassments thrown in the way of the gov- ernment previous to the attack on Fort Siunter began to reflect the shadow of the planning that had had its origin years before, while the Southern leaders were professing love for the Union. The condition of affairs before Richmond was not flattering to the North. The Union was apparently in as much danger as ever. The desperation of the South would allow no yield- ing until their last hope was gone. But the indignation of the North, raised as the disclosures went on, had lulled for a time. A sort of apathy seemed to succeed its early outcry — the nat- ural reaction from the intense excitement of the first months of the war. Then came the call of the 2d of July, 1S62, for "300.000 more." In manv quarters there was awakening; but in Indi- ana there was apparently but little response. Governor Mor- ton had by no means given up hope of raising the share allotted to the State, but he was half discouraged — at least sad at the apathy. While he was one dav in his otiice, at this time, he was called on by Benjamin Harrison and William Wallace. A cousin of the latter desired a position of second lieutenant in BENJAMIN HARRISON. 91 one of the new regiments. The governor called them into a back room, and closed the door. " Gentlemen," said he, "• there is absolutely no response to Mr. Lincoln's last call for troops. The people do not appear to realize the necessities of the situation. Something must be done to break the spirit of apathy and indifference which now prevails. See here ! Look at those workmen across the street, toiling to put up a new building, as if such things could be possible when the country itself is in danger of destruction." Mr. Harrison was a man whose patriotism had never flagged. The interest of such a man does not depend upon popular excitement, and is not subject to the law of reaction. The strain upon his good reasons for staying at home had been heavy and constant. He now saw the real situation, and he knew that his duty to his country, in this extremity, outweighed his duty to his loved ones and his home. Before, this had not been the case, so far as the views commonly held were con- cerned. But when it came to the point that his country needed him at a special post for a special emergency, he could not feel that others ought to bear his burden. Besides, he could not now say that " the war will soon end, and there are more than enough to end it propitiously." That hope had fled. There was a call for troops, and the call was now for any who were willing to sacrifice ; and he was willing. He said to the governor that he would help to raise the quota for the State, and he was certain he could raise a regiment. "I feel certain you can," said Morton; " but I would not ask you to do more than that. I know your situation, and v^ould not think of asking you to go yourself." 92 THE LIFE OF This was the feeling of a heart as loyal as any in the North as to Mr. Harrison's situation and his duty with reference to going. " No," said Mr. Harrison. " If I make a recruiting speech, and ask any man to enlist, I propose to go with him, and stay with him as long as he stays, if I live so long." -'Well," said Air. Morton, ''you can command the regi- ment." " I don't know that I shall want to," replied Mr. Harrison. " I have no military experience. We can see about that." He wx'nt out with Mr. Wallace, and the two proceeded along the street. He went into a store and bought a military cap. He advertised a meeting at Masonic Hall. He hired a drummer and fifer, and stationed them before his law otfice. He hung out the American flag from his window. He con- verted his office into a recruiting station. The city woke from its lethargy. Military caps appeared here and there, as if by magic. Very soon Company A, of the Seventieth Indiana, was made up. The meeting at the Masonic Hall was successful, and so were all Mr. Harrison's efforts. In an exceedingl\ short time the whole Seventieth Regiment was made up, and Mr. Harrison was placed at the head as its c(jloncl. Within a month after he received his recruiting commission, on the 14th of July, he was with his regiment in Kentucky, ready for action. Thus it was that the man who, because he had not been of the demonstrative temperament at the first, and had felt it his duty to remain at home, was the first man who could be depended on when the gloomiest hour came. Upon him fell BENJAMIN HARRISON. 93 the task of bringing back the enthusiasm of the people. He did not hesitate a moment when his duty lay clear before him. He did not, at that time, even consult with his wife. He went straight from the governor's office to find his military cap, the fife and drum, the hand-bills for the meeting and to swing out the stars and stripes. His wife knew nothing of all this, until he went home at the regular hour, and told her. But she had never hindered him in any duty of his life ; she would not hinder him now. She gave him her blessing. And when he left her for the field the tears and words at parting showed what a sacrifice she had made. He left his business aftairs in good hands, and in as good shape as was possible. And when he was ordered to the front, he obeyed with as clear a conscience as he ever had in his life. The Seventieth Indiana was composed of men without train- ing or knowledge in military affairs. Colonel Harrison at once set about the task of drilling them. Every possible opportun- ity he put them under drill, and all his spare time was spent in studying military tactics. When they arrived in Louisville, whither they had been has- tened, they were scarcely able to load their Springfield and Enfield muzzle-loaders. It is said that Colonel Harrison or- dered them to load in the depot before boarding the train for Bowling Green. They began to show to the rebel sympathiz- ers standing about how awkward they were, and so received the sneers of the throng. Some of them attempting to drive down too much paper with their balls, found the balls wedged half-way down the barrels of their guns. They had recourse 94 THE LIFE OF to the walls of the depot, against which they hammered the ends of the steel ramrods to drive down the balls. But at last they were on the train ; and it was not many hours before they were in Bowling Green. Colonel Harrison's regiment was at once assigned to the First (Ward's) Brigade of the Third Division of the Twentieth Army Corps. He began drilling his men again, and getting them ready for whatever service might be required of them. And this practice he kept up at every opportunity during his entire service, so that no troops were better in discipline than his. He also sought to advance himself in the science and art of war, for he felt in this, as well as in everything else he was ever called to do, that his duty was not done if energy at the supreme moment was not accompanied with all the knowledge and skill it had been possible for him to acquire. He sat up late at night, when possible, studying tactics, and during the day, when he could, kept his men under constant drill, per- fecting them for more dangerous work. This was also par- ticularly fortunate, as it was all needed for their hard and bril- liant service afterwards. It fell to the lot of the Seventieth Indiana — the first in the field in response to the July call — to be sent for some months' skirmishing through Kentucky and Tennessee, as a part of the Army of the Cumberland. Why this was done may not be known. It has been attributed to lack of sagacity on the part of the brave general under whom Harrison and his men were placed. In any case, these marches and skirmishes were not unimportant, and the service was not light. It was also a school for the regiment. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 95 At last the Union armies of the West began to gather at Chattanooga. General Grant had been appointed lieutenant- general of all the armies, and had gone to the Potomac. Gen- eral Sherman had taken command of the consolidated Western armies. For a time Nashville, Tennessee, was his headquarters and the base of operations, but it was not to re- main so long. The rebel stronghold had been at Chattanooga, but the terrible battles of Chickamauga and Chattanooga had succeeded in dislodging them from it, and cooping up the Union forces there instead. Afterwards had come Sher- man's reinforcements, and the brilliant storming and captur- ing of Lookout Mountain and Missionary Ridge ; and thus Chattanooga had been made secure for occupancy by the Union troops, and important as the starting-point for a great cam- paign. Thence Sherman had gone down into Mississippi, cap- turing artillery and ammunition, destroying arsenals and rail- roads, and other things that had strengthened the rebel hands. But before that memorable march began, the sad news was carried to the soldier in the field that Grandmother Harrison was dead. On the 25th of February, at the residence of her son, John Scott Harrison, near North Bend, Ohio, she had quietly laid down the burdens of a long and useful earthly life, and found the rest that remains for the faithful. Thus passed away the consort of William Henry Harrison, the sharer of his labors, his studies, his faith, and his successes and joys of life. She was the last personal representative, in that family, of the early history of Indiana and Ohio, of the principles and is- sues based upon them that stirred the western heart and estab- 96 THE LIFE OF lished the earnest and honest patriotism that has since charac- terized that part of our country. To her influence had been due the conservation of Uie principles of 1840 in the Harrison home. To her influence had been due, not a little, the instill- ing into the heart of the boy Ben the American principles that had now given to our army tlie manly and brave soldier and colonel, Benjamin Harrison. She could now lie down to rest with the sweet consciousness that the grand American ([uali- ties of her husband flourished yet in the life of her grandson. The 7th of May, 1S64, came. The armies moved out 100,000 strong. The divisions were commanded by Generals Thomas, McPherson, and Schofield. The boys began " Marching through Georgia." General Thomas' division, to which the Twentieth Army Corps belonged, had been massed at Ringgold, but was now before the rocky cliffs of Rocky Face, upon which Johnston had strongly fortified himself to dispute the passage of our armies through Buzzard Roost Gap below. On the Sth of May occurred the assault upon Rocky Face Ridge, and the terrible carnage that followed. Then Johnston suddenly discovered thiit the wily general of the Union forces had been sending a division through Snake Creek Gap, some distance south, to the rear, and was threat- ening the railroad and Resaca. General Johnston withdrew from his works on Rocky Face, antl cjuickly intrenched liini- self at Resaca. Around Resaca, which was a small town on the Oostanula River, were hills, swamps, ravines, and the densest of thickets. All this ground was familiar to the enemv, while it was a BENJAMIN HARRISON. 97 strange land to the Union men. On the 15th of May the attack was made. Perched on the crest of a hill that commanded the approach to the town, were rebel batteries that poured incessant fire into the Union ranks. It became positively necessary to silence them, but it would require brave men and a desperate struggle to do it. The order came to General \VaiTl,of the First Bri- gade, and was repeated to Colonel Harrison. Between the brigade and the batteries was a dense pine thicket and then a quarter of a mile of open field, so that Colo- nel Harrison knew nothing of the .position of the enemy he was to charge. But he commanded his officers to dismount, and did so himself, as he knew it would be impossible to charge through that thicket on horseback. Then he said to the aide-de-camp who brought the order : " You are familiar with the ground outside. I am not. Will you go ahead with me alone and show me this battery? For if I were to charge out now, I would be as apt to charge flank on to it as any other way." The two had not proceeded far when a puft' of smoke from the hill-crest, and the report which followed, indicated the position of the battery, and the ball screaming by, emphasized the importance of the order. Colonel Harrison instantly waved his sword to his men, and called in a voice that caught the ear and heart of every man within its reach : " Come on, boys!" Instantly four regiments came pouring after him. They crashed into the thicket and tore along, shouting meanwhile, and crying " forward !" to each other, all in the wildest disor- 7 „ 98 THE LIFE OF der — for it was impossible to preserve the lines in that tangled underwood. All were full of the spirit of their leader. They soon emerged from the wood, and followed him on double-quick toward the hill, shouting in a way that meant death to the Confederates. It is seldom a command pro- duces such effect so instantaneously as did that call "Come on, boys ! " attended as it was by the flash of the sword and the ready attitude of the man. The Confederates saw it and felt it, and in desperation poured a murderous fire into the advancing columns. Shot and shell flew thick about the brave leader, and his men were falling fast. Still he went on, and had it not been for the spirit that seemed to go from him to his followers, one might have thought he was courting death, or shielding his brave men from it. They rushed on under the savage fire ; and only the roar of cannons and muskets, the cries of wounded and dying, the shouts of brave, determined men, and the dense smoke that hovered over and amidst them in clouds and hid the sight from heaven, might indicate that the battle was going on, until the outer Confederate lines were reached ; then they leaped over the breastworks, and, hand-to-hand, they grappled with the desper- ate defenders. The cold steel bayonets shone no longer in sun- light. Muskets were clubbed — only pistol reports were heard above the din. Then all the enemy that were left in the outer works were taken prisoners. But the work was apparently not half done, and that com- mander never left any work of his in that condition. The bat- tery was still at the crest, and there was an impassable line of brushwood and stakes below it. Night fell, and the men were BENJAMIN HARRISON. 99 still busy. They were digging into the hill-side, and up to- ward the enemy's guns. If the enemy were feeling secure for a time, behind the barrier, and at all satisfied at the havoc made in the Union ranks — for fully a third of those brave soldiers lay wounded, dying, and dead on the field — evidently, also, a counter feeling of uneasiness rested upon them, for the spirit with which the assault had been made, and the contest kept up, and the carrying of their outer lines, meant that the Union colo- nel and his soldiers did not intend to be thwarted. The tunnels broke through the hill behind the works. The guns were lowered into them. And when the morning came, and General Sherman looked to see the battle for the hill-top to be renewed, lo ! the work was done — the enemy had with- drawn. Thus did Colonel Harrison perform his duty at Resaca. He illustrated in his strict obedience how a man can be a free and independent man, untrammeled in his thoughts and resources, and still obey. His enthusiasm, his making the cause his own, his fertility of method in carrying out, all showed him the grand man that he was. Johnston withdrew his forces across the Oostanula, and the victorious Union soldiers marched into Resaca, with their pris- oners and captured guns. In a few days Johnston was fol- lowed by our armies, which began to concentrate about Adairs- ville and Cassville, while he took his stand down on the Etow River. After some skirmishing, however, he crossed that river and went on to Allatoona Pass and Pumpkinvine Creek. At both those points, and also at Dallas, his men were the greater sufferers. loo THE LIFE OF Thus the advance toward Atlanta went on until Shciman came to the mountains that sheltered Marietta. He soon had Pine and Lost Mountains for his trophies, and on the 27th of June made a vigorous assault on Kenesaw Mountain, where Johnston was now intrenched behind brushwood, fallen trees, natural barriers, and works that had taken six months to make almost impregnable. This was the "citadel" of Marietta. On July 2d, another assault was made and then Sherman began moving his forces south toward the Chattahoochie, when Johnston hastened from his now useless fortress to inter- cept the way to Atlanta. So our troops marched into Mari- etta. After some days, during which the two armies were camped, one on each side of the Chattahoochie, while, for a time, it was dangerous for a soldier to venture from behind the works on either side, our forces succeeded in crossing. But bloody days awaited them before the few miles to Atlanta could be compassed. In the hard lighting of the previous days. Colonel Harrison and his regiment had been conspicuous. He was in the corps commanded by General Joe Hooker, which led the '' march to the sea," and was therefore the first in the assaults. He was in the Third Division, commanded by General Thomas, and tliat division became famous for its bravery and successes, as it was always at the front. He was in the First Brigade, under Ward, which consisted of the One Hundred and Twenty-ninth Illinois, One Hundred and Fifth Illinois, Seventy-ninth Ohio, and the Seventieth Indiana, and which did most valiant ser- BENJAMIN HARRISON. loi vice in the van of our victorious Western armies in those days. His character, in those trying times, stood every test. On the field he was the same as at home, around his fireside, or in his church. No better testimony can be given to the char- acter of any soldier or commander than this, given by one of those who followed him in those dark days : " One scene has always lived in my memory. Our old chaplain, Allen, a man who was beloved by all the boys, and for whom almost every man in the regiment would have given his life, conducted service on Sunday with Colonel Harrison, as he was then, and Lieutenant-Colonel Sam Merrill assist- ing. I have often heard General Harrison offer up the prayer for the boys' welfare and protection down there on those South- ern fields, so far away from home, and many times have heard him address the boys in place of the chaplain. Never, to my knowledge, in all the trying times of war, did I ever see one thing from him unbecoming a Christian. I think the bat- tle-field and the camp bring out what there is in a man about as well as anything can, and I have seen General Harrison tested in every way. As a soldier, courageous, sympathetic, and enduring, the army had no better." His care and sympathy for the boys won all their hearts. He never took authority over them that did not belong to him. Many instances could be related of his generous and sympa- thetic help which he rendered to the sick, or wounded, or dying. One or two must suffice at this point. In the battle of Chickamauga, a captain in the Seventy-ninth Indiana Volunteers was seriously wounded. Colonel Harrison X02 THE LIFE OF informed the captain's brother, a sergeant, of it, and ordered him to report at headquarters. The colonel had his own horse saddled, and telling the sergeant to mount, he bade him hasten to his brother. In a short time Colonel Harrison followed, and going up to the wounded man, he greeted him sympa- thetically, and said : " Captain, you are badly wounded, and must get home. You have been at the front, and of course have no money. Here is a hundred dollars ; take it, and get home." At another time Colonel Harrison found a soldier — a total stranger — on the field, seriously wounded. He told him to goto the hospital, and then added : " You will need money — here is twenty dollars." A time was now coming when these rare qualities of the colonel were to be manifested again ; but before that time there was to be another terrible struggle. General Johnston had been removed from the command of the Southern army at Atlanta, and General Hood had been appointed in his place. The rebels now made every possible effort to save the city. They sallied out at unexpected moments ; they harassed our troops in almost every quarter ; they brought on many and serious skirmishes. From the time Sherman's men stepped upon the southern bank of the Chat- tahoochie until the fall of Atlanta, blood scarcely ceased to flow. On July 20th, during the hard-fought battle at Peach Tree Creek, the same signal courage, valor, and judgment that had shown themselves in Colonel Harrison at Resaca. were BENJAMIN HARRISON. 103 again displayed. While he was holding his forces in reserve, not thinking that immediate service would be demanded of them, and yet ready for any warning, he ordered them to stack their arms. A skirmish line was sent out, and the brigade was busy at dinner ; suddenly they heard firing, and looking up they saw upon a hill, some distance away, the men of the skirmish line waving their caps, and heard their shouts for assistance. A large detachment of Hood's forces was over beyond the hill. It would not do to let them come over and attack him at the foot of the hill. Not an instant was to be lost. The battle might depend upon him. General Hooker was already sorely pressed. Colonel Harrison did not wait for orders. He swung himself into line before his men, and cried : " Come on, boys ! We've never been licked yet, and we won't begin now. We haven't much ammunition, but if nec- essary we can give them the cold steel, and before we get licked we will club them down ; so come on." They charged up the hill after "Little Ben," getting ready as they ran. They were joined by the skirmish line, eager for the fray. Just over the hill, among the trees, and behind a rail fence, they saw the Confederates crouching like tigers. They charged on them, and for half an hour there was hot and terrible fighting. Finally the Confederate force was repulsed. But the gallant brigade lost 250 men in that short thirty minutes. This was the decisive stroke ; and the day was soon won. The next day the fiery General Hooker rode the lines, and I04 THE LIFE OF seeing Harrison, he called out with an oath that he would have him made a brigadier-general for yesterday's work. Later General Hooker was as good as his word. Before many months he sent the following letter to Washington : } HEADqUARTERS NORTHERN DEPARTMENT, Cincinnati, O., Oct. 31, 1864. Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War: I desire to call the attention of the Department to the claims of Col. Benjamin Harrison, of the Seventieth Indiana Volunteers, for promotion to the rank of brigadier-general volunteers. Colonel Harrison first joined me in command of a brigade of Ward's division in Lookout \'alley, preparatory to entering upon what is called the Campaign of Atlanta. My attention was first attracted to this young officer by the superior excellence of his brigade in discipline and instruction, the result of his labor, skill, and devotion. With more foresight than I have witnessed in any officer of his experience, he seemed to act upon the principle that success depended upon the thorough preparation in discipline and esprit of his command for con- flict more than on any influence that could be exerted in the field itself, and when collision came his command vindicated his wisdom as much as his valor. In all the achievements of the Twentieth Corps in that campaign, Colonel Harrison bore a conspicuous part. At Resaca and Peach Tree Creek, the conduct of himself and command were especi- ally distinguished. Colonel Harrison is an officer of superior abilities and of great professional and personal worth. It gives me great favor to commend him favorably to the Honorable Secretary, with the assur- ance that his preferment will be a just recognition of his services and martial accomplishments. Very respectfully, ^our obedient servant, Joseph Hooker, Major- General Commanding. The justness of this high praise was fully appreciated by BENJAMIN HARRISON. 105 the troops under Mr. Harrison, and by all his associate and superior officers. But it was not alone in the courageous charge at Peach Tree Creek that Colonel Harrison won glory there. He discovei-ed, when the fight was over that day that his surgeon and assis- tants had by some means become entangled with another bri- gade, and could not get back ; and his field hospital was full of men — wounded and dying. He could not wait to find sur- geons. He took oft' his coat, gathered his tent, tore the latter into strips, and began bandaging wounds. He had words of cheer for every despondent wounded soldier, sympathy for his pain, and tenderness for his wounds. He received dying mes- sages, and, in short, administered comfort wherever it was pos- sible. It is said that when the surgeons arrived, they found him, his bare arms covered with blood, still going about at- tending to these duties. This record is but in accordance with his record during his entire army service. He continued with the armv until the foil of iVtlanta, Sep- tember I St. His services were conspicuous for their bravery and valor. He never dishonored the record made at Resaca and Peach Tree Creek. Moreover, he was popular with offi- cers and privates. He knew " the boys," and never, except in the performance of official duty, assumed to be in any way above them. Up to the fall of Atlanta, Colonel Harrison had asked no leave of absence, but had remained at his post, ready for any orders. But about this time he heard from his friends in Indi- ana, that he had been nominated again for reporter of the io6 THE LIFE OF Suprcinc Court. Oidinaiilv perhaps, lie might not have con- sidered this a good reason for returning home. But during his absence, he had received a wanton insult from the Demo- cratic Supreme Court in Indiana, in their declaring the office of reporter vacant, and electing another to the position, solely because the rightful official was fighting the battles of his coun- try. It was natural that he should want to give a proper rebuke to that spirit, and assert himself by securing an election aga i n . So he obtained leave for thirty days' absence, and receiving orders from the War Department to report to Governor Mor- ton, he returned to Indianapolis. Glad indeed was he to see his wife and children, and they were rejoiced to see him again. After a short rest at home with them, he began a vigorous can- vass for the reporter's office. Nor did he forget the issue of the general campaign as he made his speeches. He forgot, rather, his special purpose in coming home. But that purpose was accomplished, nevertheless, he receiv- ing a handsome majority over his opponent. To his influence, also, was due, in no small degree, the large majority which Indiana gave to Lincoln in the succeeding November. After his election, he returned to the seat of war. Soon after the November election came the fall of Savannah. The expedition of Sherman was terminating gloriously. Hardee and his rebel troops evacuated the city on the night of the 2oth of November. Sherman brought with him into the city 1 ,000 prisoners, 150 cannons, 190 railroad cars, twelve locomotives, much ammunition, three steamers, 33,000 bales of cotton, and 15,000 slaves. These things had been gathered BENJAMIN HARRISON. 107 along the route from Chattanooga, and especially from Atlanta. But the hardest fighting and the most difficult marching had been done between these two places ; and Colonel Harrison, now General Harrison, had borne no small part, therefore, in making the expedition successful. Simultaneous with the fall of Savannah, General Hood, with his Confederate forces, turned backward and marched toward Pulaski, Tennessee. Here Generals Schofield and Smith were concentrating their Union forces in order to oppose him. Ten days after the evacuation of Savannah, the battle of Franklin was fought, in which the Confederates were de- feated with a loss, in killed, wounded, and prisoners, of more than five thousand. Then came the sharp conflict near Mur- freesboro', Tennessee, early in December ; and soon after the decisive battle of Nashville, on December 15th and i6tli. In this battle General Harrison and his brigades bore a most con- spicuous and important part. He led in the bloody conflicts, and Hood was driven from Tennessee. This put an end to the war in that State, and practically in the West. Hence- forth the field was the Southern Atlantic States. About this time. General Harrison heard of the sickness of his two children with scarlet fever. He hastened home, and soon had the satisfaction of witnessing their recovery. He then received orders to join Sherman, who was yet in Savan- nah. He started, this time with his wife and children, to go by way of New York. On the way he himself was stricken down with the scarlet fever. He left the train at Narrows- burg, and there during the coldest of the New York winter, he fought the disease in the old-fashioned manner. loS THE LIFE OF It was a small way station, and the conveniences were few. His physician was seventeen miles away, and could not be in constant attendance. His nurse was an orderly who had at- tended him, and who was experienced also in nursing. But soon the orderly was taken down with the disease, and nurs- ing devolved upon Mrs. Harrison. No wife was ever more faithful, and soon by her care he was able to be up. By spring he was able to travel ; and was soon on tlie way towards North Carolina. Meanwhile, Sherman had marched triumphantly from Sav- annah to Wilmington, North Carolina ; Columbia had sur- rendered ; Charleston had been evacuated by the rebel forces, and the American flag waved over the ruins of Sumter. Sher- man's army was coming up from tlie Soutli : part from the southeast, part from the victories of Nashville. Grant's army was pushing the enemy from the North. It was evident that the end was not far off. General Harrison was in time to take part in the closing and triumphant movements of Sherman's army, and the war. On the 9th of April occurred the surrender of General Lee's army to Grant at Appomattox. Then came the darkest — at least the saddest — day of the Rebellion — the 15th of April. The evening before was heard the shot at Washington that rang louder than the cannons of all the battles, and on the 15th Abraham Lincoln, to whom, more than to any other, was due the prosecution of the war to its glorious assurance o£ success, breathed out his life. On the 26th of April, 1865, at Durham's Station, North Carolina, General Johnston surrendered to General Sherman. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 109 General Harrison was present on that occasion, having taken a part in bringing about that welcome result. Thus finally triumphed the Northern armies. It was a grand review that was held in Washington soon after. Four of the darkest pages in the history of the world had been written since the review there at the beginning of the war. Now the banners were riddled and torn, the swords were broken and stained, the guns were battered and the uniforms were old, and torn, and tattered. But every thread of the old flags was more sacred than the brightest flag that had ever floated from the dome of the Capitol. The soldiers stepped more proudly than four years before ; and altogether, Washing- ton never saw a grander sight. Nor was there a prouder heart there that day than that of Benjamin Harrison. And no man stepped more gladly, for there was not a more patriotic soldier, nor one who had performed a more con- scientious and faithful service, than he. So the soldiers went home. ABRAHAM LINCOLN, THE FIRST REPUBLICAN PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. Chapter VIII, A LAWYER OF EXPERIENCE. TAKES UP ROUTINE OF OFFICE OF REPORTER A VIEW OF THE SITUATION GENERAL HARRISON RESUMES PRACTICE OF LAW SOME NOTED CASES THE CHARACTER OF THE MAN THE CITIZEN AND CHRISTIAN CONFIDENCE OF ASSOCIATES — FAMILY MR. FISH- BACK LEAVES THE FIRM — "PORTER, HARRISON & HIKES " — "HARRISON & HIKES " — "HARRISON, HINES & MILLER" — THE "clem" CASE. Immediately on returning home, General Harrison took up the routine of his office. He felt that his long absence made diligence more incumbent upon him — but it was only his keen sense of duty, and the remembrance of the situation in which he had left his affairs for the army. His sensitive conscience was thoroughly satisfied with the course he had taken. In iS6i and 1S62, he had kept pace with his work in the office. He had prepared volumes XV. and XVI. of reports, and had almost finished volume XVII. It was now like taking up the office for the first time, so far as the work on hand was concerned ; but his previous experience made it easier than before. Notwithstanding the stormy period of the reconstruction, which now began, the difficult questions of finance, and grumbling speeches of the Democratic party — always warning of failures that never came — people of all parties now felt more 112 THE LIFE OF secure in their homes and business than they had felt for years. The shadow of the vanishing war-cloud did not depress. Wh.cn that cloud had been looming up before the awful storm, no one knew what it portended. Doubt and fear were in every heart. Though the Northern Democrats sympathized with the Southern people, so far as the mere questions of the right of states to secede and the slavery extension were con- cerned, they dreaded the war and its results. Though they all blamed the Republican party for the war, and many of them sympathized outright with rebel feelings and threw the weight of their influence against the Northern arms, thcv did not want the war in the North, and dreaded the frequent menacing attitude of the Southern armies toward the Northern States. In spite of their ungrateful professions, they now rejoiced in the security of a country saved by the Union sol- diers ; and in their hearts they felt a gratitude their prejudice and partyism prevented their expressing. General Harrison's reputation, therefore, had not really suffered with the Demo- crats, and was greater than ever with the Republicans. The gratitude of the latter was ojDcnly and honestly shown. The soldiers of Indiana all received the most cordial ovation the grateful people could give them. There were also other brave Indiana officers — captains, colonels, generals — but none of them were more hcMiored than General Harrison. Immediately on his return he took up again the profession of law. A partnership was again formed with Mr. Fishback, this time including the Honorable A. G. Porter, and the name of the firm became Porter, Harrison & Fishback. There was not a bettor combination of talent in the state. Mr. HarrI- BENJAMIN HARRISON. 113 son bore his full share of responsibility, and did his full portion of the work, notwithstanding his official duties. He slighted neither the one nor the other. It would be impossible to sup- pose, from the habits long formed, that he could bring himself to face an uncompleted task at the hour for its completion. He sat up many a night until near morning ; he lost not a moment during the day in studying his work, and he never failed to be ready at the appointed time. Some of the most noted cases before the courts of Indiana during the years from 1865 to 1S70 had, on one side or the other, these lawyers ; and the best talent of the country was often arrayed against them. But Mr. Harrison and colleagues, if for the plaintiff, in most cases secured conviction ; if for the defendant, in most cases succeeded in clearing. There were clients that deserved conviction, and yet deserved a full chance, and the best talent on their side. In such cases all was done for them that honest lawyers could do — frequently the lighten- ing of the penalty. This firm did much in allaying the prejudice against lawyers as a class, that existed so generally in Indiana. The feeling prevailed, especially among the poorer class of people, that all lawyers were dishonest. Such firms as that of Porter, Harrison & Fishback proved that the honest law of demand and supply was as steady in the law- yer's trade as in any other. There are more men with honest cases than get justice. When a lawyer becomes noted for his faithfulness and honesty, he may refuse all dishonest clients, and still have more than he can attend to. This explains why Mr. Harrison did not become a brilliant meteor at the start of his profession in 1854. ^^ chose the 8 114 THE LIFE OF old-fashioned rough path of honesty, that led indeed more surely to success, but to success at a greater distance. He seemed to think this method the only one he could tolerate. As he avoided the path to fame that led through the heralding of his ancestry, so he avoided that which led through anything but effort and genuine merit. He had, indeed, a diflerent and more conscientious reason for avoiding the littleness and dis- honesty of pettifoggery, but it w^as repulsive to his sense of independence, nevertheless. The lavi^yer in the office now was not the same that was in the office before the war. Then the vmcertain term "rising young lawyer " might fitly be applied to him. Now he was older ; his army service had given him a rugged, but valuable experience with men ; he had broader views of law, of politics, of life ; he had his past experience as a lawyer firmly set in memory and character. He could now, with fitness, be called an experienced lawyer ; and that term conveys an impression that he was more than a mere lawyer : he was a citizen, a man among men, a master of liis profession. His character as a citizen was of the highest type. He loved his home, his wife, and children. He instilled into his children's hearts those principles of honor and integrity, without which no youth can grow up a benefit to others, a noble citizen. His home was a little republic ; and if he and his wife held the ruling power in their hands, they deemed that they held also the education, the training, and tlie welfare of their subjects in their hands. Thus educating, instilling, their commands became mere guides to the children's desires ; and in the highest sense they, in this way, represented them. There was BENJAMIN HARRISON. 115 none of that stern, rigid inforcement of rule, before the child was taught the meaning of the rule, or the faith and confidence that saw in their superior wisdom the highest reason why the rule should be followed. So, in his home, its organization, its government, its teachings, Mr. Harrison proved himself a true citizen of his country. But he did this, also, in the carrying out of his own immediate public duties. He was a faithful, trusty lawyer. He was faith- ful in his business affairs. He was a faithful friend to the poor. He was faithful to the needs of his town, of his county, of his State, ot his country. He considered himself a part of the city, and held himself ready to bear even more than his share m its service. In a like attitude he stood toward his country. In all his conduct toward others, he manifested no selfishness. But he was no fawning servant of men. He conformed to no unreasonable whims or demands of any class. He stood on his own plane, and reached down, or up, or out, toward others. He was himself, Benjamin Harrison, or no- body. He was never guilty of wearing old clothes, covered with dirt, having the legs of his trousers in his muddy boots, and hayseeds in his whiskers, on purpose to win the affec- tions and votes of farmers. If, for any reason, he had little money, and could not afford any but old clothes, and if tramping through mud had made it necessary to wear his trouser legs in his boots, and if by woi^king, or otherwise, hayseeds had been scattered over him, he would not have been ashamed before any man, or if compelled to face it, any audience — for that would have been a predicament for which he was not to blame, and in which there was no dishonor, and ii6 THE LIFE OF he would have been himself. But if he must violate his ovs^n tastes for cleanliness, and change his own customs, and be what he was not, in order to win the farmers, or any other class, then he did not want their affections nor their votes. His soul revolted from that species of hypocrisy, as well as from all other species. He was not ashamed to be himself. Whatever his tastes, or opinions, or faith, he was not ashamed to own them. He and his family were members of the First Presbyterian Church, of Indianapolis, and he was always to be found at his post. He was one of the most faithful leaders in the church. He belonged to the regular officers of the church, and taught the large Bible class in the Sunday School. His manner of teaching showed his great interest in that w^ork : he sought to interest every member of the class, by asking the questions personally, and by personal talk, and the class in general by illustration, and being constantly at work ; and he brought such thorough knowledge of the Scriptures, and especially of the subject of the day to his class, as showed that his interest extended beyond the class-room and the recitation hour. He was a Christian at home. He taught it to his chil- dren ; he practiced it in his conduct toward them, toward his wife, toward all guests, and in his personal life ; he never failed to give thanks at table, and kept up family prayers. He was a Christian abroad. He practiced it in his profession, and in all his relations to others. In other words, he was thoroughly unselfish in his conduct toward his God and his fellow-men — that was his Christianity. No man ever had the confidence of his associates in p«-ofes- BENJAMIN HARRISON. 117 sion and business, more than did Mr. Harrison. He had been tried in all his opinions, and in his integrity at every point, and had not failed. His magnetism was the magnetism of char- acter ; men were drawn to him always through the conscious- ness of his thorough reliability. It was like a safe shelter from a storm to be in his presence and feel that here was a man that could be depended on. Though one might not agree with his opinions, yet one felt that whatever his opinions were, they would be carried out, and that all his conduct would be consistent with them. What has been written of him may also be written of his family, as to character. His faithful wife was a companion in- deed in his thoughts, his opinions, his methods, his religion, his life. As a consequence of parental influence, and partly, also as an inheritance, the son and daughter were of the same con- victions, and sincerity, and character. It was one of those families in which the guest has impressions of the beauty and sacredness of the family and the home. His son was now approaching the age of sixteen, when boys begin to consider themselves young men, and feel the restraints of home. But in Russell Harrison there was little of such chafing. He loved his home, his father, mother, and sister, and the sacred place. The daughter was yet scarce fourteen, but was already some- what educated and accomplished, though in manner and char- acter she was far from the premature dreams of " society." In 1870 Mr. Fishback left the firm to take charge of the Indianapolis Journal. He afterwards resigned control of that paper to become editor of the St. Louis Globe- Democrat. He left his testimony in Indian-a as to the ability and honesty of ii8 THE LIFE OF General Harrison as a lawyer ; and has since, in a direct man- ner, testified to his high qualities. On his retirement, Judge Hines, a lawyer of no mean ability and reputation, entered the firm, which then became " Porter, Harrison & Hines." Sub- sequently Mr. Porter retired from the firm, which continued until 1874 as "Harrison & Hines." In that year Mr. Miller joined the firm, and it was " Harrison, Hines & Miller." Mr. Porter also bore testimony to the high character and worth, and to the great abilities as a lawyer, of his partner. General Harrison. The following words of Mr. Porter refer both to his early and his subsequent career as a lawyer : " Amplitude of preparation, large views of questions, the widest knowledge of his profession that could be acquired in such a time, dis- tinguished him, and he rose rapidly in his profession." The following testimony of Mr. Porter, applies to Mr. Harrison's ability as an orator in politics, as well as at the bar : " With all his eloquence as an orator, he never spoke for oratorical effect ; his words always went like a bullet to the mark. He reminds one of the saying of the great Irish orator and patriot, O'Con- nell, that a good speech is a good thing, but the verdict is the thing. He therefore always pierced the core of every ques- tion that he discussed, and in every contest in which he was engaged he fought to win." Again, said Mr. Porter of him: " He is in every respect a complete lawyer." Further testimony may be given. A gentleman of large legal attainments, and years of practical observation, once said of Mr. Harrison : "His power to go through a case beats any man's I ever saw. He will take the testimony of a case stretclv ing over days, or weeks, and \\ ill sift every particle of e\ itlcnce BENJAMIN HARRISON. 119 pertaining to the various heads to which it belongs, according to the points or plans of battle he has laid out. Everything pro and con^ by every witness, is thus grouped, and the whole marshaled in order — as one might say, by division, brigade, regiment, company, and all bearing down on the assault." Said another lawyer of ability and experience, concerning him : " I have not often seen Harrison equaled as a cross- examiner, and I have never seen but one instance in which I thought him surpassed." Another witness testifies: " He is regarded by his fellow-members of the Indiana bar, irrespect- ive of party, as a judicious counsellor, an able advocate, a keen ci'oss-examiner, and a man of indefatigable industry. He is full of resource. He never says anything imprudent himself, but he is quick as lightning to catch at the imprudence of an opponent. Yet, with all his skill, he has never been accused of unfairness." The testimony of his partner, Mr. Miller, will be sufficient to complete the list: "General Harrison is always cool and level-headed. He never loses his balance. He is always, under the most trying circumstances, self-pos- sessed and of unshaken poise. He is most thorough in his pre- paration, always making himself complete master of a case. He is a most searching and efficient cross-examiner, and yet he is always quiet and pleasant, as if in ordinary conversation. He never bull-dozes, and I have never heard of a witness who called him discourteous." His reputation as a cross-examiner is merited. It is said that on once being asked by a student to define the theory of cross-examination, he replied. " It is the application of logic to an illogical mind." His success in that line, therefore, was I20 • THE LIFE OF due, not to the entanglement of witnesses, but to his marking out the logical lines, and so hedging them about that witnesses would be compelled to follow them. Instances may be given, showing how others not lawyers regarded his ability. In a certain case, near the beginning of his practice, he was opposed by a number of old and able law- yers. An Irishman, who was keenly observing the trial, said : " I loike that little Harrison. He has so many ways. When they bate ' im wan way, he bates them anoother way ; and they can't cahner ' im at all, at all !" And the qualities he had when a young lawyer, he now manifested in a greater degree. A poor German laborer once brought a case to Mr. Harri- son, who undertook it for him, carried it through several trials, and on the appeal of the opposition to the Supreme Court, won it there ; all at great expense of time and money. The German paid the fee as agreed ; and Mr. Harrison was satis- fied. But the client, who was a cabinet-maker, built a very costly book-case and presented it to his lawyer, in testimony of his appreciation of his ability and his gratefulness for what had been done for him. One of the most prominent cases of the period now under considerattion, was what was known as the "Mulligan Case. " The plaintiff had been charged with treason, brought before a military commission, tried and acquitted. They then brought suit for damages in the United States Court. But they found opposed to them, conducting the defense for the State, General Harrison, who, by his manner of conducting it, and especially his great speech on May 22, 1871, cut down their " damages " to one cent and costs. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 121 But perhaps a more noted case was that of Nancy E. Clem, which began the same year. This woman had deliberately plotted and cairied out the murder of a man named Young, under circumstances of the most horrifying barbarity, but also of some mystery. vShe had accomplished this murder in 1868, at a lonely place called Cold Spring, not far from Indianapolis. On the second indictment, on which Mr. Harrison was called for the prosecution, the defense pleaded acquittal on the former indictment, but the State demurred, the demurrer was sustained, and the defendant pleaded not guilty, and filed an exception. As a result of this, and several subsequent trials, through the efforts of General Harrison, she was sentenced for life to the State prison. By a change of venue, the case was taken from Marion to Boone County, and tried at Lebanon before Judge Davidson. This circumstance, with others attending it, and the peculiar circumstances of the murder, and the plea of former acquittal, made this, perhaps, the most celebrated murder case Indiana ever had. An incident of the first trial shows what complete mastery Mr. Harrison always had of his subjects, how he took his cases thoroughly in hand, how he knew confidently from the first the winning course, and how, in this case, he manifested a tact and shrewdness far beyond those of one lawyer of much larger experience, and at that time of greater reputation — Daniel W. Voorhees. In stating the case. Lawyer Harrison boldly^outlined the whole theory of the prosecution. In this he manifested such apparent lack of policy, and so apparently 122 BENJAMIN HARRISON. put the case in the hands of the defense, that Mr. Voorhees was highly elated. " Harrison is a very able lawyer," said INIr. Voorhees, " but he is ovei--rated. He has laid himself open here — given his case away in the start." ^ "Don't be too sure," was the reply of a friend. "He knows what he is about." " You will see," said Mr. Voorhees. But the case went on, and Mr. Harrison listened carefully to the masterly speech of Mr. Voorhees, and took notes. When he arose for the closing argument, he took these points, one by one, and exposed them in the light of the theory of the prosecution which he had been so careful to state. This was another time in his life when Mr. Harrison taught Mr. Voor- hees, to that gentleman's cost, that Mr. Voorhees had far ujider-rated Mr. Harrison. There was at one time a noted and very important case before the United States Court at Chicago. Associated with Mr. Harrison in the case was George Hoadly, recently the governor of Ohio. On account of being compelled to leave, Mr. Harrison had the privilege of the first speech, which he delivered, and immediately after which he retired from the court-room. Mr, Hoadly then withdrew from the argument, signifying that Mr. Harrison had so thoroughly done the work that nothing more in that line was necessary. Chapter IX. VICTORY IN DEFEAT. THE CAMPAIGN OF 1S76 THE NATIONAL CANDIDATES BEFORE AND AFTER THE CRISIS OF 1S73 THE CAMPAIGN IN INDIANA THE CORRUPTION FUND — THE STATE TICKET A CHANGE — A POPULAR DEMAND — TASK NO OTHER COULD FILL AN ENERGETIC CANVASS INCIDENTS "COME ON, BOYS ! " THE RESULT A VICTORY IN DEFEAT — ACQUAINTANCE IN THE STATE — IN DEMAND FOR THE GENERAL CAMPAIGN. In 1875, the friends of General Harrison began to urge him to make the race for governor of Indiana the following year. In answer to a letter from the Honorable L. M. Campbell, insisting that the State had claims upon him, and asking that he permit his name to be used, he wrote the following reply, which shows not only the lack of office-seeking qualities in him, but his patriotism : Honorable L. M. Campbell, Danville, Ind. My Dear Sir: Your letter of the 25th ultimo has remained unanswered until now for want of earlier leisure. After a careful con- sideration of the matter in every view in which it has presented itself, I have arrived at this conclusion, viz. : To decline to allow mj name to go before the convention in connection with the nomination for governor. In announcing this conclusion, 1 have only one regret, and that is the temporary disappointment of some very warm personal friends, among the oldest and most partial of whom I reckon yourself. To these, and to the somewhat wider circle of political friends who 124 THE LIFE OF have with great kindness urged me to be a candidate, I feel under a very real obligation. Some of the reasons which have led me to this conclusion are already known to jou. I need only say here that my personal affairs are not in a situation to make it wise for me to abandon the pursuit of my profession to engage in such a canvass. You will not think that I am without a proper sense of public obligation, or devoid of interest in the success of the Republican party. If any should so think, the time I have given to the public service, and the humble part I have taken in every political campaign since i860, must witness for me. In everj' important campaign which our State convention will inaugurate, I hope to have some part; but you must allow me to follow, not to lead. It could hardly be possible that the party who has rejected the greatest idea of our immortal declaration — the equality of all men before the law — and has denied the right to preserve by force the national unity, will, in this year of great memories, be called to administer our national affairs. ' Please accept for yourself, and for all those who have united in your request, my thanks and good wishes. Very sincerely yours, Benjamin Harrison. Indianapolis, December i, 1875. The year of 1876 was, in many I'espects, a most remarkable political year. The candidates for the national offices were, on the Republican side, Rutherford B. Hayes and William A. Wheeler ; and on the Democratic side, Samuel J. Tilden and Thomas A. Hendricks. In addition, there was a Greenback ticket with General J. B. Weaver for President, and Samuel Carey for Vice-President. The Greenback movement in the West was very strong that year ; and it was drawing most of its voters from the Repub- lican ranks. There was great fear that the proposed resump- BENJAMIN HARRISON. 125 tion of specie payment would bring disaster upon the country. It was at a time of great financial depression — one of the closing years of gloom following the financial crash of 1873. The excitement in Indiana was especially great. It was also the year preceding the great strikes and the riots, that threatened destruction to railroad and other property, and even to the lives of peaceful citizens ; and already, the designing mob-leaders were fanning the flames of discontent, while unfortunate hot-headed men, more innocent than the leaders, were suffering themselves to be drawn into the vortex of law- lessness. Some special facts in connection with this state of things, deserve to be mentioned here, in order that certain influences of the campaign may be accounted for. The years immediately preceding the great panic were years of enormous speculation in Indiana. Hundreds, and even thousands, of men who had never before considered it a moral business, were drawn into the whirl of excitement, and began to speculate on a larger or smaller scale. Fortunes were made and lost in a day. Thousands and millions of dollars changed hands with great rapidity. Poor men entered the list " for homes," and being caught by excitement in the first blush of success, were carried into the life they had always condemned. Indianapolis was the centre of the craze — for a craze it was. Property rose to unheard-of values in an hour. Suburbs sprang up, as if in a night ; and one looked out in the morning, and where there had been desolate soil, or fine pastures where quiet farmers grazed their cattle, there were now fine mansions and fine villages, in successful imitation of the noted suburbs 126 THE LIFE OF of the oldest cities in the land. The population of Indian- apolis ran ujd from 48,000 to more than a hundred thousand. Workmen came in on every train, from every part of the State, and there vv^as always a demand for more of them, and all at high wages. Workmen of the city and elsewhere became independent, ceased to work, and began to speculate and imi- tate the social grandeeism of those who, from below, they had always condemned. All prices of real estate were fictitious, but few engaged in the speculations believed it, and those few promised warning friends that they would cease the business when this one more trade was consummated, for it was about to bring them into independence — then the crash might come ; they would be secure. But though the independence came, the fever for ventures would not allay, and they plunged in again. So it continued until 1S73, and even later. In that year the crisis came. One case will illustrate the situation then : A man with good sense and moral and Christian principles, and, withal, a good business man, having some money, invested in real estate, and sold and found himself rich. He thcn purchased a beautiful tract in a fine suburb. The tract consisted of several acres, in which were fruit trees, a grove of maples, and a large house of just the home-like style to suit him. It was all most beautiful, indeed. He paid for it $16,000, and determined to keep it always for a homestead, while he used other money for specu- lation. So he moved his family, and felt at home. Then he took the sum he had remaining, and invested in other real estate ; and being a shrewd man, he increased his wealth at every turn. At last, in one venture, he invested all he had. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 127 except his homestead ; and the investment was a large one, for the man was now independent. But then the crash came. He saw his danger and tried to avert it. With three thou- sand dollars he could make his " turn," and save his money, and "come out ahead." But the panic had struck everywhere, and he could not borrow anything. He had but one resource — to mortgage his homestead. This he did — for three thou- sand dollars — and he sank that. He came out with nothing, and worse, for he was in debt. He finally succeeded in bor- rowing seven hundred dollars from a friend, with which to set up in his old trade. And so he began life anew, when nearly fifty years of age. This was only one case in a thousand. This man became a Greenbacker ; for most of those who suffered at that time, either laid the blame at the door of the government, or felt that "fiat" money, to take the place of that w^hich, being with- drawn from them by the shrewder capitalists, lay in Eastern vaults, would relieve them. Those who had property could not sell it. Huge mansions were occupied rent free, for the taking care of them. Others that had cost many thousand dol- lars in building were rented at a few dollars a month. The great mass of workingmen who had moved into Indianapolis, were out of work. Many of them, having sold their farms and bought homes in the city, now found themselves with nothing to bring an income, and unable to get back what they had paid for city " homes." The discontent that followed may be imagined. Bread ! bread ! bread ! became the cry everywhere. Everything was in confusion. Men who had been respectable men in their 128 THE LIFE OF homes in other parts of the State, were now so excited and exasperated that they talked about burning and revenge ; and when the strike of 1S77 came on, they declared they did not blame the rioters, and would not if they burnt the city. It was easy for men in that condition of mind to say and do and believe what they would not in calmer moods. The crisis of 1S73 spread its baneful influence everywhere. Not only speculators, but honest business men and honest farmers, suffered. Hence, the Democrats who had been com- plainers and fault-finders since i860, found a good field in Indiana for sowing pernicious slander and accusation. They charged the condition of things upon Republican blundering, intriguing, and what not ; and they found many disposed to believe them. Through influences like this they carried the State by a large majority in 1874; and, notwithstanding they had accomplished nothing in two years, they still used the cry of corruption against the general government, and their prospects were as good as before. No great party ever started into a campaign with so few assurances of success as did the Republican party into the cam- paign of 1876. To add to their great embarrassment, they had alienated a large element by their passing a local option law in 1S73 — a measure they did not regret, by any means, but one for which they suffered. It was natural for them to turn, now, to a strong man, on desiring a candidate for governor of the State ; and as they knew Mr. Harrison's record and opinions and strength, and trusted him implicitly, they asked him to take the helm. But when he wrote the disappointing letter, already given, they turned to another. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 129 The choice now fell on Godlove S. Orth, who was very popular in the State, especially among the alienated Germans, — as he was himself a German. Mr. Orth had served several terms in Congress, and was at that time minister to Austria. His nomination was, therefore, well received, and the Repub- licans started out with enthusiasm, in spite of the odds against them. Yet, for a time, it looked as if they might gain back what they had lost. Their candidate for lieutenant-governor was the Honorable Robert Robertson. Mr. Harrison bore his share of the work, but, as he had told the committee, " his personal affairs were not in a situation to make it wise for him to abandon the pursuit of his profes- sion," and he was much of the time in the court-room. He had always been a hard worker, and free from doubtful methods of earning his living. He was yet comparatively poor, and it became him still to work. The campaign went on, and on the part of the Republicans everything was energy and enthusiasm. The Democrats, also, were exerting every power to hold their ground of two years before ; and, so far as human eye could see, they had everything on their side. In Thomas A. Hendricks, they had a far-seeing, shrewd, and able leader. They had unlimited supplies of money. Their candidate for governor was James D. Williams, a farmer, nominated with a shrewd political cal- culation that the farmers must play the most important part in that campaign. They were not slow in making the fight a personal one, and engaging in personal abuse. In this connection, the Democrats revived an old scandal against Mr. Orth, connecting him dishonorably with the I30 BENJAMIN HARRISON. Venezuela claims. They knew that the charges against him were false, and that a Democratic committee of Congress had so pronounced them. Nevertheless, they knew the power of the cry of " fraud" in Indiana, especially at that time. Soon every Democratic paper was teeming with the accusation, and the Democratic stump speakers repeated it again and again before the people. It would before long have produced the effect of surfeiting, as such scandals urged always do, had not the Republican managers done a very unfortunate thing — caused Mr. Orth to withdraw from the contest, thus at once producing that uncertain feeling that such an implied ackowl- edgment always does, showing injustice to Mr. Orth, and alienating the large German vote of the State as well as all the rest of Mr. Orth's friends. Mr. Harrison was at that time out of the State, and knew nothing of what was going on at the Republican headquar- ters in Indiana. While he was on his way home shortly after- wards, he saw an account of the affair in a Chicago paper, and with it the astounding statement that his own name had been placed at the head of the ticket in place of that of ]Mr. Orth. He returned home, and severely criticised the committee for its action, not only on account of the lack of good pol- icy in them, but also on account of the injustice to Mr. Orth and his friends. He predicted thorough defeat. He at first refused to accept the place at the head of the ticket ; but at last, at the earnest solicitation of his friends, and considering that his withdrawal would make the defeat of the party still surer, by precipitating confusion, and perhaps division, he consented to lead in the already crippled campaign. But it was a most RUSSELL B. HARRISON, OF MONTANA, SON OF GENERAL HARRISON. [From a Photograph by Sarony, S, y.] 132 THE LIFE OF thankless task, under the circumstances. It was only six weeks until the election ; the population of Indiana was largely agricultural ; farmers were busy on their farms ; the State was large ; there were ninety-two counties to thoroughly canvass ; and there was as much to undo as there was to do. The evidence of a corruption fund in the campaign of 1S76 on the part of the Democrats, is well-known. The chairman of their National Committee was W. H. Barnum. Their methods that year were what they have been since. But " cor- ruption funds " may be used in various ways, and often honest people are beguiled by promises and glittering hopes whose origin is under cover. There never was a greater field for this kind of work than Indiana was in 1876. Let " high living," "extravagance," " misuse of public funds," and such absurdities be charged upon the Republican administration, while the people feel the terri- ble depression of the times ; let it be stated that these things brought on the hard times ; let the Democratic stump speakers reiterate these statements at every cross-roads in the State ; let papers with these falsehoods in them be circulated everywhere ; — then let promises be held out of reform, of replenished pocket-books through better administration, and the Democrats will have formidable weapons to fight with at such a time. All this requires money. — money spent to circulate falsehoods — and that is corruption in itself. But that is by far the least unrighteous of methods of using " corruption funds" ; and Indiana was a ripe field for worse ones. The seed was well sown. Against Air. Harrison and Mr. Robertson were pitted James D. Williams and Isaac P. Gray. The former was a "farmers' BENJAMIN HARRISON. 133 candidate," put up for appealing to the very class who, through- out the State, felt the depression most, and were the most sus- picious on account of it. He prided himself on his " farmer- like " appearance, which meant more to the Indiana farmer in those times, perhaps, than in anytime since, or even before, subsequent to pioneer days. He wore a suit of blue jeans, even on public occasions ; and this fact was boasted of over the State. He became to the Democratic farmers, and perhaps, to some discontented ones not Democrats, a sort of personal token of easier times ; for the Republicans were believed to be spendthrifts, and the authors of the hard times. On account of this suit, and the use that could be made of it, Mr. Williams became known in the campaign as " Blue Jeans," and this be- came the Democratic watchword. It was unwisely given by Republicans, in disgust, at first, but it became a power to the Democrats, through the peculiar circumstances of the times. On the other hand, though Mr. Harrison pursued the more honest course of wearing clothes such as he had always worn in public, with no reference whatever to an influence in the campaign, and never thought to be anybody but Benjamin Harrison, the Democrats saw fit, in order to give " Blue Jeans" the weight of the full meaning they desired it to have before the people, to forge a contrast wholly misleading, by speaking of the Republican candidate as arrayed on the side of spend- thrifts, clothed in costly garb, a representative of " kid glove aristocracy." A falser accusation was never couched in two words than was implied and emphasized in the words " Kid Gloves," applied by the Democrats to Mr. Harrison. Wher- ever he went, the delusion was thoroughly dispelled from the minds of the thousands who came out to hear him speak, and 134 THE LIFE OF to see him. A plainer man they seldom found, and yet he impreesed every one as a thorough gentleman — not by birth, or wealth, or favoritism, but by cultivation and true character. Against all these odds he entered the contest ; but as in for- mer campaigns when his interests were at stake, he forgot his personal interests for those of his State and his country. He made no personal allusions, in his speeches or elsewhere, to his opponent that would be in the least derogatoiy, or that would show that he felt him to be a rival for honors. He set up no personal pleas. He discussed the issues of the cam- paign from the stand-point of Republican principles. His mind was wholly taken up with these. He seemed to feel the necessity of their defense in the emergency — the danger threatening his country in the event of Democratic success. The spirit of the days of the great crisis was upon him. He felt that Indiana was his division, and that he must lead the Resaca assault in October. He. identified himself with " the boys " wherever he went — at Fort Wayne, Richmond, Greens- burg, Lafayette, Lebanon, Danville, Greencastle, Terre Haute, everywhere — as in the days of 1862, '3, '4, and '5. In these places he met many of the old soldiers who had fought under him, and shared his glory at Resaca, Peach Tree Creek, Atlanta, and Nashville. At Lebanon, where he spoke, he had ah-eady friends who had heard him during the Clem trial ; but there was little said afterwards about "Kid Gloves "by those who listened to him for the first time on that day. The outline of his speech at Danville, August 18, was given by thelnd'ianapoVis Jour fza/ as follows : " Personal Matters — Democratic Party Should Die — Democracy and Rebellion — ' The Bloody Shirt' — Til- BENJAMIN HARRISON. 135 den a Secessionist — Mr. Tilden Predicts the Rebellion — Til- den in an Unenviable Light — No Influence for the Union Cause — Tilden Responsible for the Credit Mobilier." At Greens- burg, his patriotic and martial feelings seemed to take posses- sion of him, and he cried," Co?ne on^ boys!" And the old sol- diers felt like following him again to the rescue of their country. The result of this energetic canvass was a victory — such as Washington sometimes gained out of his defeats. Mr. Harri- son was not elected, but he gained what led to other victories. The enemy were crippled, and their ranks depleted ; their ma- jority of 1S74 reduced more than half. But his own county gave him a large majority, and that showed that from hence- forth he was their recognized leader. The Republican ticket was beaten by an average plurality of more than seven thou- sand votes ; but General Harrison was beaten by a plurality of only 5,084. The total vote of the State was 434,457 ; and there was a Greenback vote of 13,000. The following shows how he compared with his associate candidates, in the estimation of the people : Harrison, for Governor, . ...... 2o8,oSo Robertson, for Lieutenant-Governor, 206,641 Watts, for Secretary of State, 206,774 Harriott, for Treasurer, ....... 206,197 Hess, for Auditor, , ....... 207,774 Smith, for Superintendent of Public Instruction, . . 205,332 Mr. Harrison's vote, therefore, was i ,536 above the average vote of the other five. But when we consider that the com- bined vote of the thirteen congressmen voted for by Republi- cans was only 204,419, we find his lead of his ticket to be more than eighteen hundred, and that his vote was 3,664 ahead of that of the congressmen. 136 BENJAMIN HARRISON. But this personal popularity was the least of his victories. By his organization and energetic work the wliole Republican vote was made larger. No one can look at the situation as it was in Indiana that year, without wondering why the Repub- lican defeat was not greater than it was, unless Mr. Harrison's work be taken into account. The Greenback vote must cer- tainly have been larger than it was, had it not been for him. The Greenback candidate for governor withdrew, however, in favor of Mr. Harrison, which operated more against the Republicans than for them, for the cry of " bargain and sale " was raised by the Democrats, and thus ]Mr. Harrison's hard task was apparently increased. Nevertheless, the vote did not all go to the Democrats ; and more of it would have been against him had it not been for his diligence. But Mr, Har- rison's canvass also set the Republican party again on the up- ward grade toward success. It turned the sinking fortunes of the party. It restored it again — right in the midst of troublous times — to the confidence of the people. For Mr. Harrison himself, the State canvass brought in- creased popularity. It made Indiana aware that a giant was leading Republican hosts. It made him friends throughout the State — not among the old soldiers, for they were his friends before, but among farmers, who, in spite of the false impressions "Blue Jeans" and "Kid Gloves" had given them, knew an honest man when they saw and heard him. He also became acquainted with the people, their ways of thinking, their feelings, and their wants. He was now in greater demand for the general campaign, in spite of his apparent October defeat ; and right roj^ally did he lend his services until November. Chapter X. LAWYER AND POLITICIAN. A LEADER OF THE INDIANA BAR THE STRIKE OF 1S77 ON THE SIDE OF SYMPATHY THE CAMPAIGN OF 187S CONTEST WITH GREEN- BACKERS MEMBER OF THE MISSISSIPPI RIVER COMMISSION AN INDUSTRIAL PARADE THE CAMPAIGN OF 1880 THE UNITED STATES SENATE A VIEW OF THE LAWYER, THE POLITICIAN, THE MAN. After the campaign, Mr. Harrison quietly resumed the practice of his profession, just as if he had not won for himself additional fame during his absence. By this time he was one of the recognized leaders of the In- diana bar. Had he been as Avell known by the people in his law practice as he now was in his political life, he would have been considered by them the ablest lawyer in the State. Those, however, who came in contact with him knew his ability, and were not slow to pronounce judgment as to his superiority as a lawyer. The year of 1877 was scarcely ushered in, when the people in many of the states began to be uneasy on account of the mutterings of a threatening storm, the exact nature of which no one could tell. The feeling had existed a long time that things could not remain many months as they then were. For men must live, though manufacturers and other employers might give them nothing to do. 138 THE LIFE OF There were many who were now suffering that had brought their troubles upon their own heads in the manner already- described. But there were thousands of others who, during all tlie " flush times," had wrought for wages, and joined not in the speculative excitement of the times. They were responsible neither for gilded, fictitious prices, nor for the result that came. The wealthy were responsible for It all, and the poor were the greatest sufferers when the crash came. Their complaints were now well-founded, whether the methods that many of them proposed for obtaining justice were right or not. A simple, but terrible problem was before the worklngmen, and before the capitalists as well. The former had no bread In their houses, and no means of getting any ; they were will- ing to work, but no man hired them ; they must live, but how ? Employers might have apparent cause for reduction of wages, and for turning workmen away, in the financial depression. They certainly could not make large profits while demand was low and wages to worklngmen were high. Some of them might lose. But living was high — strangely — and what could the worklngmen do? To employers — Individuals or corporations — who had no Interests but their own, who made money by "salting down" the piofits, who dealt In margins manipulated by themselves, Init trusted nothing to human nature in society, casting no "bread upon the waters," the problem was impossible of solution, and perhaps without interest. But there were others who invested in the charity of letting their workmen live, even thougli they themselves apparently suffered, and the returns came in after the panic BENJAMIN HARRISON. 139 was over. There were others, such as General Harrison, who, though they were not rich, and not employers, saw the real situation, and advised for the suffering classes. But with threats of violence Mr. Harrison had no sympathy, although he appreciated the complaints. In the first place, the leaders in such outbreaks were seldom the honest work- men. The real sufferers were generally the last to engage in them, if they ever did. In the next place, there could be no relief by it. Again, it was morally and socially wrong. Every consideration decreed that men should suffer rather than resort to violence. The disturbance began, as usual, with the railroads. It broke out on the Baltimore and Ohio railroad in Maryland. It was not long until nearly all the roads in Pennsylvania were involved. Soon the trains on most of the roads in Ohio and Indiana were stopped. On the 2 2d of July, which was Sun- day, a riot broke out in Pittsbvu-g, and over $4,000,000 worth of property "was destroyed. On the 23d, the employes of the Vandalia, and the Indianapolis, Terre Haute, and St. Louis railroads ceased running trains. On the 24th, no trains of any kind were permitted to leave Indianapolis, except mail trains. The strikers took possession of the Union Depot. The people of the city were trembling lest the scenes of Pitts- burg should be repeated. The peculiar situation, already described, made such an outbreak especially to be dreaded. There were too many unemployed workingmen of all classes. In the extremity the following proclamation was issued by the mayor : 140 THE LIFE OF Indianapolis, July 24, 1877. To THE Lav-abiding Citizens of Indianapolis : You are requested to meet en masse in front of the new court house, on Washington Street, this evening at 7.30 P. M., to counsel as to measures for the public safety. Let your numbers be so large, and the addresses of such a character, that it will be demonstrated that the people of this city are on the side of law and order. Measures for organization for the protection of life and property will also be adopted. Mayor Cavin. The meeting was largely attended by all parties. Addresses were made by prominent Democrats and Republicans. A Committee of Public Safety was appointed. One of the leaders of this movement was Senator Joseph E. McDonald, and he was on the committee with many other Democrats and many Republicans. Political lines were forgotten in the com- mon peril. Another committee was appointed, consisting of " ten of the most prudent that could be selected, to confer with the committee of strikers in a friendly spirit, and ascertain just what their demands are, and what they propose to do, also to consult with officials of the various roads and see what their determination is." It was the purpose of this committee to see if concessions could not be made on both sides, and if measures could not be adopted to which both could agree, and the troubles be ended. To this committee belonged such men as Governor James D. Williams, Franklin Landers (afterwards Democratic candidate for governor), Benjamin Plarrison, Albert G. Porter, Mayor Cavin, and others. They met the followinsr afternoon at the council chamber. The committee BENJAMIN HARRISON. 141 sent by the strikers was W. H. Sayre, Grand Secretary of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers. One of the leading dailies, the Indianapolis J^ourfzal, made, in reporting the meet- ing, the following statements : " General Harrison made an eloquent and logical speech of some length, replete with legal lore and sound good sense. He counselled obedience to the law, but at the same time strongly expressed the opinion that the wages as stated were too low, and desired very much that they should be raised. He was willing to use his influence with those in authority, in favor of this desired increase." On account of the disasters to travel and business that were following in the wake of the strike, as well as the danger to property and life, the continued anxiety and suspense, it was hard for such sentiments as these to find much favor at first with the citizens. Violence was already committed about the depots. On the 26th, another meeting of citizens was called. General John Coburn was made chairman. On taking the chair, he said that they must provide measures to protect themselves, their neighbors, and their rights. There was danger to property, peace, and personal safety. They could not wait longer for the settlement of the troubles by those who began them. They must prevent riots. Peace, good order, and life, must not, and should not be endangered there. Such was the temper of that meeting. The sentiments were echoed by such men as Major Gordon, Judge Newton, and Judge Gresham. Hence it was, that General Harrison's counsel of the day before could not prevail. Nevertheless, he was will- ing to do anything that was lawful and right to put a stop to 142 THE LIFE OF the difficulties and dangers that existed. He could be depended on for this, in any case. Judge Gresham made a motion that a committee be ap- pointed to confer with the committee appointed at the meeting at the court house. That conference met, and the result was the reorganization of the Committee of Public Safety, as follows : General Walter Q. Gresham, Joseph E. McDonald, General Benjamin Harrison, Honorable Conrad Baker, Gen- eral John Love, General T. A. Morris, and General Daniel McCauley. This committee was to act with the mayor, and many citizens enrolled their names for service vmder the com- mittee. This reorganization of the Committee of Safet}^ was due to the proclamation of Governor Williams, who, though during the campaign could make speeches against " moneyed classes," " capital," " manufacturers," and talk about the opj^rcssed wage-worker, was now thoroughly alarmed, and spoke out in no conciliating nor flattering terms. The following is the proclamation : iNT. j The State of Indiana, Executive Departme: A Proclainatioii by the Governor Relative to Certain Disturbances of the Peace by Striki?!^ Employes of the Raiload Companies. To THE People of Indiana : Many disaffected emplojds of raih-oad companies doing business in this State have renounced their employment because of alleged griev- ances, and have conspired to enforce their demands by detaining trains of their late employers, seizing and controlling their property, intimi- dating their managers, prohibiting by violence their attempts to con- BENJAMIN HARRISON. 143 duct their business, and driving away passengers and freight offered for transportation. The peace of all the community is seriously dis- turbed by those lawless acts. Every class of society is made to suffer. The comfort and happiness of many families, not parties to the griev- ance, are sacrificed. A controversy which belongs to our courts, or to the province of peaceful arbitration or negotiation, is made the excuse for an obstruction of trade and travel over the chartered commercial highways of our State. The commerce of the entire country is inter- fered with, and the reputation of our community is threatened with dishonor among our neighbors. This disregard of law and the rights and privileges of our citizens, and those of sister States, cannot be tolerated. The machinery provided by law for the adjustment of private grievances must be used as the only resort against debtors, individual or corporate. The process of civil remedies, as well as the penalties of the criminal code must be executed equally in each case. To the end that the existing combination be dissolved and destroyed in its lawless form, I invoke the aid of all the law-abiding citizens of our State. I ask that they denounce and condemn this infraction of public order, and endeavor to dissuade these offenders against the peace and dignity of our State from further acts of lawlessness. To the judiciary I appeal for the prompt and rigid administration of justice in proceedings of this nature. To the sheriffs of the several counties I commend a careful study of the duties imposed upon them by statute, which they have sworn to discharge. I admonish each to use the full power of his county in the preservation of order and the suppression of breaches of the peace, assuring them of my hearty cooperation, with the power of the State at my command when satisfied that occasion requires its exercise. To those who have arrayed themselves against the Government and are subverting law and order and the best interests of society by the waste and destruction of property, the derangement of trains, and the ruin of all classes of labor, I appeal for an immediate abandon- ment of their unwise and unlawful confederation. I convey to them 144 THE LIFE OF the voice of the law, which thej cannot afford to disregard. I trust that its admonition maybe so promptly heeded that a resort to extreme measures will be unnecessary, and that the authority of the law and the dignity of the State, against which they have so grievously offended, may be restored and duly respected hereafter. Given at Indianapolis, this twenty-sixth day of July, 1S77. Witness the seal of the State, and the signature of the Governor. James D. Williams. The citizen volunteer forces were organized under various leaders, not the least of whom were Generals Gresham and Harrison. General Gresham had his barracks at the district court room. General Harrison's company was detailed to the protection of the United States Armory, in which were 300,000 Springfield rifles, with ammunition. Here was one effectual method of preventing much blood- shed — to prevent the rioters from securing arms. General Harrison put the place in a condition of defense. Governor Williams had decided to appoint General Harri- son commander of the whole volunteer forces. This was at the instance of the committee. But General Harrison de- clined to accept, saying that he was already captain of one company. Some hot-headed friends wished him to march out against the rioters and give them a lesson of powder and ball. He answered: "I don't propose to go out and shoot down my neighbors, unless it is positively necessary to do so in order to uphold the law." He used his utmost endeavors to bring about a reconciliation, and a peaceful settling of the dispute. His whole course during tliose terrible days showed both the qualities of the accomplished general and BENJAMIN HARRISON. 145 the faithful citizen. It would not have been hard to have shot down hundreds of rioters, but there would have been no bravery in it. General Harrison had taken not a step, per- formed not an act, during the Rebellion that was not for the preservation of the Union ; he now chose to do nothing that was not necessary to defend his State and home. At last the strike was ended ; and apprehension as to danger ceased. Then came the trial of 200 of the unfortunate men, who, though having committed a great wrong, yet had struck for bread. These 200 had been arrested for hindering the operation of the Ohio and Mississippi railroad. vSentence. was passed upon them of ninety days' imprisonment. But General Harrison went to the judge and begged for their release. He showed that the object of prosecuting them had now been accomplished, that they had learned that it would not do to violate law and order. He thus succeeded in procuring their release, and thus he won the warm gratitude and friendship of those strikers. After that time, Mr. Harrison had frequent cases before the courts, wherein the railroads were defendants and his clients plaintiffs. He was seldom counsel for any road in such a case. About ten years before this, he had become the attorney for the Vandalia Railroad Company, and when that company became defendant in suit for damages, he made it his rule to inquire into the case and bring about an amicable settlement ; and in all such cases his advice was found to be just and satisfactory to both parties. There was no man in Indiana, or in the country, who sympathized more with the masses in their prosperity or their 10 146 BENJAMIN HARRISON. adversity tlinn General Harrison. Tliis fact is plainly seen in his attitude during the great strike, and in his being sought for the defense of those who had grievances against monopolies. There is a reason for this. He was thoroughly American in his principles. He had no sym]:)athy with that sentiment in the South w hich declared that a certain class had no^ rights which a certain other class was bound to respect. He had no svmpath\ with the idea that any class conditions should hinder indi^iduals in the free race for developed merit and for success, and that anything Imt real merit, possessed or de\eloped in the race, ought to entitle to prestige or any sort of honor. He sought to take away e\ery shackle that bound the poor man, and to place around him every favorable circumstance that any other man enjoyed. In 1878 there was another Indiana State campaign for counties and districts. Again Mr. Harrison's voice was heard in almost every part of the State. This, also, was almost a hopeless cam]:)aign, so far as the Republicans were concerned. The Greenl)ack movement was even growing, and in that year the Grecnbackers were making a vigorous canvass. The\- had ha THE LIFE OF Inside, the effects were all the same as those outside — cheerful, inviting, pleasing-, home-like. The reception-room, off the entrance-hall, impressed the caller or the visitor on the instant of entering, with the feeling that he was wel- come. The light that came through the curtained windows, and reflected from the light-colored finish, was not bright enough to invite Inspection, nor sombre enough to debar it. It the visitor were not given to admiring art, he would go away pleased with everything he saw^, Init could not recall the contents of the room ; evei^ything was so natural and cosy, to use the language of those not artists. But looking closely, he would find that the reception-room was full of beauty ; an*! the artistic e\e found nothing to odend it. The con- trasts were not bold nor harsh. The fin-niture was selected apparently more for comfort than effect; but the "har- mony " was perfect. On the walls, on the centre-table, on the stands, and on the marl)le mantel, there were pictures, statuarv and bric-a-biac — some that were costlv and somewhat rare, and s(jme that were of little cost, but all selected and arranged with artistic taste and skill. There were paintings and etch- ings and steel engravings and photographs. The other rooms were arranged with the same taste — giving an air of culture that could only belong to the home of the cultivated. The large library-room, up-stairs, was a paradise for those of literary inclination. There were fiction, travels, histories, essays, and heavy pliilosopliical and scientific works ; there were books on art, literature, science, government, and religion. It required education, thorougli knowledge, and well-disciplined judgment to select those books. Here, also, BENJAMIN HARRISON. 157 Avere pictures on tlic wall. Here were etchings, drapery, and panels. Here was a large steel engraving of William Henrv Harrison. Here was a picture of General Benjamin Harrison and his staff. Here was an old-fashioned rocking-chair. And here was the room that was sacred by reason of its linking with the past. Some of those books had been gathered while the boy was under tutors in his father's house ; some had been gathered while at Farmer's College ; some while at Miami University ; some had been bought while in their first Indian- apolis home ; and ever^ stage of the lives of parents and children was represented by books in the librar\ , as well as other objects in the same room. Mrs. Harrison, at this time, was as beautiful as when, in 1S54, she had become a bride. There were the same charms, with the added ones that had come through years of experience and culture. She was hospitable, charitable, cheerful, and had ahvays a pleasant word and smile ready for those in her presence. She had the hapj^y faculty of making other women her friends, and she had many of them. She loved her children, and was loved by them. She loved her husband, and was his companion in his life in everv sense, and in return she received from him the affection and devotion and care of a strong, manly heart. In manner and dress she manifested the same taste as in the appointments of her home. Her dresses fitted neatly and snugly, and she attracted only by her beauty, her loveliness and grace of manner. She had no affected airs ; she was frank and straightforw^ard in her kindliness, and was neither unpleasantly obtrusive in her friendships and attentions, nor unpleasant in her manner or conversation. 15S THE LIFE OF Her son, Russell, was at tlial time jy years old, a ruddy, agreeable, and cultixated vounji^ man. lie was alert and keen- eved. 1 Ic drc'sst'd nealh and heconiinj^ly. Like his father, he was alwa\s cool and sober of thought, evidently resolved never to let a storm of any kind turn him aside when once he had started on a train of thinking. Mrs. Harrison's daughter, Mary Scott Harrison, about Hve years younger than her brother, was beautiful, and not unlike her mother in form, features, and manner. She was one of the most attractive young ladies in the best Indianapolis circles. Her cultivation was what she would find in such a home, and with such school advantages as parents like hers would seek to aftbrd their children. There was then already a v/his- per afloat among her friends ; and a certain young man named James Robert McKee, of a respectable business firm in the cit\', was said to have that noble afiection for her that would lead him on to Washington many times before the senatorial days should be ended. This was the family that General Harrison took with him to Washington. He was not rich, and he could not aflbrd a rich home for them, even as a Senator of the United States. Nor was he close and covetous, and likely to subject his family to embarrassment and inconvenience on that account. This is seen from the description just given of his Indianapolis home ; and it is also seen, from that description, that his family was not likely to in\olve him in expenses he could not meet. However, their son was not destined to become a constant ele- ment in Washington society, on account of other callings, but was to make fiequent and long visits to the new home. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 159 They took a suite of rooms at the Riggs House, and lived for a time neither expensively nor closely, and here they began to manifest the social qualities that had always marked them, and drew around themselves such friends as the prestige of Sena- torship would bring, and as would be attracted by such refine- ment and accomplishments. Yet they had not the prestige of established social standing; but nevertheless, without this ad- vantage, considered so necessary to success in Washington so- cietv, they made an •' impression," they won themselves hosts of friends, and became the centre of such a circle as the proudest might long to enter. Mrs. Harrison's triumph here was a tribute to lier strong personality. She was always '' at home " on Thursday. Inviting a half-dozen lady friends to receive her guests with her, she succeeded in makirtg the occasion so full of good cheer and hospitality that Thursday became to all a day of happy remembrance and of eager anticipation. Thus went on six years of social victories. Sometime after their arrival, they moved from the Riggs House to a boarding- house near McPherson Square, and afterwards to the Wood- mont, an apartment house on Iowa Circle. But wherever they went, it was the same — their friends came to enjoy their hospitality. Among the special friends found in society at the capital were the wife and daughter of Senator Saunders, of Nebraska. The daughter. Miss Mamie Saunders, was a beautiful blonde, accomplished, true-hearted, and a thoroughly American young lady. In the winter of iSSi-82, she met Russell, Senator Harrison's son, for the first time, while he was on a visit to his i6o THE LIFE OF parents at the Riggs House. The acquaintance ripened into friendship and the friendship into love. Three years after- wards they were married ; and very soon they returned to the far West. Not long after this wedding, occurred another ; and the onlv remaining child of the household was taken. Whispered ])rophesies had been fulfilled. James Robert McKee had made his pilgrimages to Washington. The two had resolved to share each other's life, and enter the most sacred of compan- ionships. Thus the two children were gone ; and the season of depression and loneliness that follows the departure of the sunshine of a home, followed in this home. Mr. Harrison began his senatorial career March 4th, 1S81, at the' first special session of the Senate of the Forty-seventh Congress. The object of this special session was to enable the Senate to act upon the new appointments of President Gar- field, who was that day inaugiu'ated. On that da}' also Vice- President Arthur took the oatli of office and became President of the United States Senate. There were just thirt\--seven Republicans and thirty-seven Democrats ; but there seemed to be but one cloud that threatened the calm and peaceful sail- ing of that session. The nominations for Cabinet officers were sent in, and all were promptly confirmed. Soon afterwards the Senate adjourned to meet again in extra session in JNIav. It was during this second extra session that the serious trouldcs over the appointments for New York posts occurred. Mr. Harrison regretted all this ; and while he held positive opinions, he took so little part in the matter, and conducted BENJAMIN HARRISON. i6i himself so prudently, that he could not be considered an antag- onist by either faction. From that time vSenator Harrison was in his place dvn-lng sessions, whenever it was possible. From the first he was not forward to speak or to take any conspicuous part, and for a time he might have been called a " silent member." This was due, no doubt, to the same feeling that had always kept him from thrusting himself forward. This feeling has been referred to in relating the incidents of his protesting against taking the stump in 1S56. He thought there were those pres- ent who, by reason of age and experience, might do better. Nevertheless, he held himself ready to do his duty ; and he was ready now to speak, as he had been then, if it should be demanded. This apparent hesitancy was also a manifestation of another trait of his character — carefulness that looks cautiouslv around, studies all the situation, and gains full command of forces, before striking. Any new situation is in the nature of things apt to confuse, and detract from the full command of ourselves. But Mr. Harrison's ability was known, and it was not long- before his talents were in demand. Perhaps the first measure of great importance, in the dis- cussion of which Senator Harrison took a prominent part was that relating to the suspension of Chinese immigration. To understand this thoroughly, it will be necessary to go back and look at the treaties that were then in existence with China, and the manner and spirit of their negotiation. At the beginning of the year 1866, the hitherto half-unknown empires of China and Japan came into a closer relationship U i62 THE LIFE OF to the United States, by reason of a steamship line that was then estabhshed. A wide interest in those countries was ahnost immediately awakened. Moreover, the changed atti- tude of the two countries toward our own and other civilized nations w^as awakening sympathy, as well as interest. It was in that year that the new and more liberal-minded Tycoon came into power in Japan. It was at the beginning of the next year that the old Mikado died, and that the young Mikado, but sixteen years old, came into his place. In April following, the Tycoon issued an invitation to all the leading powers to a conference, to be held in Osaca, January i, 1868. The result of that conference was that Japan soon came into commercial and diplomatic communication with Belgium, Denmark, England, France, Holland, Italy, Portugal, Prussia, Switzerland, and the United States, and the ports of Yedo, Osaca, and Hiogo, and a port on the west coast of the Empire Island, were opened to our trade and travel. Every steamer that arrived brought us report of some new liberal movement. The interest deepened. Missionaries flocked thither, and the sympathy of the whole American Nation was stirred in behalf of the Japanese. This had much to do with increasing national interest in China, also ; and while that nation was making, at that time some advancement, the un-informed began to anticipate vast strides there, and premature sympathy was thus awakened. Pnit tlie Empire of Ki-Tsiang was not breaking its own shackles of ignorance and superstition, as v/as the case with its more eastern neighbor. Nor were the subjects of the Chinese Emperor so easily persuaded to seek enlightenment BENJAMIN HARRISON. 163 from other people. Yet the rulers, and many who belong to the upper castes, were willing to learn, and heartily wished the knowledge of the West would penetrate to the centre of the empire. This feeling among those classes had been man- ifesting itself for some years, and much of it, of late years, had been due to the influence of one American at Pekin. About the time of the extraordinary revolution in Japan, China began to make some further advance, largely through the influence of this same man, and hence, Americans were deceived, for it was not at all like the other nation. That man was Anson Burlingame. He was born in New Berlin, New York, in 1823. He graduated at Harvard in 1849. He was sent as Representative to Congress by the National party in 1855, but he soon became a Republican, and he was kept in his seat until 1S61. In that year he was appointed Minister to China, and there he remained until 1867. Burlingame won the confidence of the Emperor and officials, and was thus enabled to do much toward keeping up friendly relations between the two nations. He was also instrumental in setting forward certain improvements looking toward the advancement of the people in the Empire itself, and such bene- fits resulted from them tiiat his influence with the government became extraordinary. In 1S67 he resigned, against the earn- est protest of all the chief oflficials of the Empire, who, when they could not prevail upon him to remain, conceived the idea of honoring him in a way that no foreigner had ever been honored by them before. An imperial decree, of November 21, 1867, announced that Anson Burlingame had been selected as a special embassador of the Chinese Government to the Great Powers. 164 THE LIFE OF This was accepted by Jkirliiii^ame, and he prepared to leave upon his extraordinary mission. He stopped at Shanghai for some weeks, and while there the officials of the Empire crowded around and showed him marked reverence and awe, some of them falling down before him. They had never seen one with so great honors bestowed upon him. On tiie 25th of February, 1868, he sailed by way of Europe for the United States, with those Chinese ofHcials sent with him to learn the art of being consul to a foreign country. It can now be seen how easy it would have been for Burling- game to win concessions from the Chinese Government favor- able to our own, and that, being an American, he would do nothing detrimental to his native country. It can also be seen that, having been six years in China, and interested in that government and people, he would do nothing against them. It can be seen, too, from the state of the American public mind regarding the Eastern emi)ires at that time, by reason of the ''awakenings" already described, a treaty most favorable to China would be acceptable to the people and our rulers. It was under these influences and circumstances that the famous Burlingame Treaty was made, which consisted only of " addi- tional articles " to the treaty of June 18, 186S. The Bur- lingame Treaty was signed at Washington, July 4, 186S, and ratified by the United States Senate on the i6th of that month. That part of it which afterwards came up while considering the question of the restriction of Chinese immigration, it is only necessary here to explain. It stipulated that the Chinese laborers and other Chinese immigrants might have the full enjoyment of the rights of labor and travel in the United BENJAMIN HARRISON. 165 States, and that citizens of the United States might have the same rights in China ; also, prohibited the naturalization of the Chinese. There was not a line in this part of the treaty that was not thought to be an echo of the principles set forth in the Declaration of Independence and in the Constitution of the United States, regarding the rights of people of any nation coming to our shores. It would be hard for a genuine Ameri- can not to indorse it with genuine heartiness, not knowing the results that were to follow ; and even knowing these, to desire to prevent them by any means that would destroy the Ameri- can principles echoed in the treaty. But the Mongolians were not the people to come purely for enlightenment by our institutions, nor to adopt our methods of living and labor, a^ those are expected to do who move to a foreign country for any purpose that involves living among the people. The late Chinese advancement was very insignificant, compared with that of Japan. We were deceived as to that, but had less reason to be deceived as to the hordes that would come. In 1866, China had a population of 450,000,000, and counting her dependencies, there were 477,500,000. This incredible number of people was within an area of 4,412,000 square miles, or one thousand and eight persons to the square mile. It was to be expected that if an *•' emigration fever " set in toward the United States, as was likely to be the case under circumstances so new to the people of China as Bur- lingame brought about, those vast half-living hordes would precipitate themselves on our shores. And so it came about ; — a degenerate race flooded our western coasts, overran them, and threatened to predominate. 1 66 THE LIFE OF Naturally the people of those coasts saw the evil first. It was a long time before the matter could be imderstood by others, and before any steps were taken that looked toward relief of the Americans of the Pacific Coast. American lal)orers there sutlered for lack of a degenerate and filthy style of living; that is, they could not live crowded together in hovels and pens, and so could not compete with the Chinese, who could so live. Then, it was not long until other questions of the financial, moral, and social influence of the " heathen Chinee" arose. Louder and louder came the demand that the evil be abated. In iS8o, the Burlingame Treaty was some- what modified — evidently the proper direction in which to work — but not sufficiently to eradicate the evil, or prevent its constant growing l)y the constant immigration of Chinese. Then came the long discussions in Congress upon the matter. A bill was introduced during the Forty-seventh Congress " to enforce treaty stipulation relating to the Chinese." A substitute was proposed, and considered, whose important point was to limit Chinese immigration. Section i was as follows: "That from and after the expiration of sixty days next after the pas- sage of this act, anrl until the expiration of twenty years next after tlie passage of this act, the coming of Chinese laliorers to the United States be, and the same is hereby, suspended." Subsequently it was amended so as to read ninety days, instead of sixty. On this (|uesti()ii. Senator Ilarrrison iield with .Senator Hoar, of Massachusetts, that the bill was contrary to treaty obliga- tions. He saw, perhaps more clearly than many other .Sena- tors, that there was, incieetl, an unfortunate e\ il thrust upon our BENJAMIN HARRISON. 167 country by the treaty of 1868, but he considered that the delib- erate abrogation of that treaty by Congress would be unfair, unjust, and contrary to the solemn obligation of our govern- ment toward China. Again, he agreed with Senator Hoar in the following sentiment expressed by that gentleman in reply to statements made by Senator Edmunds: "The American doctrine afHrms, as the Declaration of Independence affirms, and as the New Testament affirms, as I read it (two author- ities which lie at the very foundation of all law — domestic, in- ternational, individual — which governs mankind), that the hu- man being has a right, conforming to law, conforming to proper regulations of the place to which he goes, to go and seek his fortune, and to earn his living, by honest labor." It could not be expected that a man who was so thoroughly an American as was Senator Harrison, from birth, training, and principle, could take any other view than this. It is not surprising that his noble American heart had been stirred in sympathy with the waking of the eastern nations in i866-'j, and that it had fully indorsed the sentiment of the treaty. It is not to be wondei^ed at that such a man should inquire now, what had become of the treaty and the honor of our Nation, and the principles on which it was founded. That bill passed both Senate and House. Mr. Harrison did not vote, being absent, but would no doubt have voted against it had he been present. It was sent for the approval of Pres- ident Arthur, who returned it in four days with a long state- ment of the reasons why he could not appnne it. Thus it did not become a law. But on April i/tli, a l)ili ''tu execute certain treaty stipula- i6S THE LIFE OF tions with thr Chinese" was reported tVom the Committee on Education in the House. It was before the Senate April 27th. Mr. Harrison made two brief speeches on tliat bill. He said that wliile the treaty used the word " laborers " in one sense, Conji^ress could not change tlie meaning it had there h\ legis- lation. He said that in any law Congress might pass (referring to the subject of the treaty) the word must be used in the same sense as in the treaty. This position was sustained by the Senate. It has since been held by eyery President and Secre- tary of State down to the present time. The Honorable Mr. Morrow , present Representative to Congress from California, has said : " Mr. Harrison's \ iews on the question are entirely satisfactory to us in California." That bill prohibited Chinese immigration for ten years, instead of twenty ; and there were some other slight modifica- tions. It passed both houses, Mr. Harrison opposing it r)n purel\- American principles, and on the piinciple of our treaty obligations. It was signed by President Arthur, and became a law. It has been thought necessar\' to giye a detailetl account of the Chinese treat\' and legislation, that Mr. Harrison's short speeclies and his xote ma\- be interpreted in the light of his- tor\ . He savy the e\ il and felt it ; but he was an American, and did not belieye in the uiupialified right of exclusion or retaining. Yet he knew that something ought to be done ; but \yas not willing to do what he considered e\il that good might come. After all, it will sooner or later ])e tbund that it is always better to adhere strictly to the t'undamental princi- ples of our government in nil cases, and that the true defense o BENJAMIN HARRISON. 169 t against cheap foreign labor must be found in definite and effective social organization, and contract labor laws. In subsequent Chinese legislation Mr. Harrison took active part. He was made a member of the Foreign Relations Com- mittee ; and when the restriction bill offered by vSenator Fair, of Nevada, was referred to that committee, he assisted in amending it, and in reporting it to the Senate, which it passed without division. It was declared to be one of the best bills ever reported by any committee on that subject. vSenator Harrison took a prominent part in the discussion on the admission of Dakota into the Union. The following are extracts from some of his speeches on that subject : Congress and New States. '' I always felt that if there was to be a fight there ought not to be a fence between the people who wanted to engage in it ; and yet the Senator from Missouri, finding no advocate here of the doctrine that Dakota is a state, or can become a state until Congress has passed some law recognizing her as a state, has gone out of the Senate to find one. "It is well enough to bear in mint! in this connection that Congress cannot make a state. I should like to see the Sena- tor from South Carolina or the Senator from Missouri set about making a state by a law. We can frame no state con- stitution. We can set up no state government. Congress may, either in advance oi" by an act of ratification, approve what the people have done, but Congress cannot make a state any more than I can unmade one. The authority of a state constitution and organization rests upon the sure foundation of lyo THE LIFE OF the popular will. Mr. President, what is the use of all this vain discussion? Here are two concurrent things that must be (lone. First, the state constitution must be formed. Who can do it? The people who are to live under it ; and no otlier hand can intermeddle in the work. Congress cannot do it. What is the other efficient act to constitute a state of the American Union? It is recognition by Congress of the exist- ence of the state. These two things must occur before a state can exist, and the simple question here is, is the initiative in that movement necessarily with Congress? I sa\- it is not. Two bodies are necessary to act. Congress and the people, and all I contend for here to-dav is that it is competent for either to take the initiative, and tliat the act is not consum- mated until both have concurred. Who will controvert that? " Is this limitation upon the power of the people to come from the Democratic party, the partv that lias boasted through its historv that it lay upon the breast of tlic people and was responsive to their impulses? Is it from Senators on that side of the chamber that the argument is to come that the people may not originate a movement to set itp a state government and bring to Congress for ratification? It will be turning back the whole history of the party on this question if we divide lierc upon this bill on that proposition." The Prayer of the People of Dakota. " Enough, then, for this part of the case. Here are a people asking for admission, against whose fitness no .Senator has ventured in tliis debate to :dlege ;i word. Tliev are liere pur- suing metliods that have been recognized in nearly one-half of BENJAMIN HARRISON. 171 the cases of the admission of states since the original thir- teen, at least nearly one-half of those that passed through a territorial organization to statehood. They are here, not asserting themselves to be a state, not resisting the authority of the government, but respectfully, and yet in a manly way, asking those rights guaranteed by treaty and ordinance, guaran- teed by tradition and precedent, guaranteed by the very organi- zation of the government under which we live, a government of the people, a government that treats it as an anomaly that any- where under her flag there should be a people who do not choose their own rulers and regulate their own local and domestic artairs. Yet I am to expect here that Senators on the other side of the chamber who so strenuousl}^ in debate, and e\'en in open war, asserted this right of local control, are to resist the appeal of nearly three hundred thousand American citizens who ask hereto share with you the immunities and privileges of Ameri- can citizenship. I do not know what the party stress maybe ; I have not been disposed to discuss that question ; but if I were at all to take the part of adviser to my Democratic friends, I should ask them to consider for a moment whether thev can thus safely turn back upon the traditions of their own partv, whether a momentary advantage ma\ not be more than lost in thus antagonizing the just rights of this people, for it cannot be made a local wrong. Wrong is never local ; it is univer- sal. The relationships of the people who dwell there stretch out into every neighborhood in all the states. Every manly man who values his own rights as a citizen will be regardful of the rights of others," 172 THE LIFE OF Partisanship and Statemanship. "■ The movement for the admission of a new member into the sisterhood of States should originate with the people to be af- fected by it. Such movement should not have its initiative or its impetus outside of people of the state to be constituted. I do not need to say that this discussion, if it is kept up on the plane to which it belongs, cannot degenerate into a partisan discussion ; that we cannot divide upon it on partv lines, be- cause to consider the application of this people for admission to the Union in its relations to the successes or reverses of a political party is to consider it from a level altogether below that of statesmanship." On the Contract Labor bill, Senator Harrison spoke in op- position to the wholesale immigration of foreigners for cheap labor. He was in favor of opening wide the doors for volun- tarv immigration on the part of those desiring to become American citizens. He also spoke, at one time, against for- eign ownership of American soil. He strongly condemned the practice of foreigners securing large bodies of land in the West, excluding actual settlers. He faxored the Hlair Iiill, which provided for aid to common schools on the basis of illiteracy. He proposed amendments to the bill which were adopted, lie voted for the bill. He voted for the Civil Ser- vice Reform bill. He voted for the TariH' Commission. In short Mr, Harrison's record while in the United States Senate was that of an honest, able, laborious, faithful Republican Senator. He made no speech, cast no vote, oflered no bills, amendments, or suggestions, in committee or Senate, that were BENJAMIN HARRISON. 173 not in strict harmony with the principles of American liberty, so rooted and grounded in him from a boy. His term expired March 4, 1887. The legislature that was to choose his successor was elected in 1SS6. It was a close contest, dining which the Republicans were more dis- couraged than hopeful. But Mr. Harrison was never dis- couraged in any fight. He was cheerful and hopeful, and led whei'e others almost feared to follow. The result Justified his efforts. The Republicans carried the state by an average majority of 4,530 ; while the legislative majority was 9,580. But the Democratic legislature of 1884-5 ^^^'^ ^^ gerryman- dei-ed the state that the result of the election of 1886 was that the Democrats had a majority on joint ballot of two. This was obtained bv the unseating of one Republican Senator. The following, taken from the Political Ha7td-Book of Itidi- ana for 1888^ indicates the balloting for United States Sena- tor : "1887, February 2. — Hon. David Turpie (Democrat) was declared by one of the two presiding officers of the Conven- tion, chosen for six years from March 3, 18S7, to succeed Hon. Benjamin Harrison as a Senator of the United States from Indiana. The other presiding officer declared that no one had received a majority of the legal votes cast and no person was elected on the sixteenth ballot. Governor Gray, how- ever, gave Mr. Turpie a certificate of election. "The first vote in each house, January 18, was: Senate — Benjamin Harrison, 18; Turpie, 32. House — Harrison, 53 ; Turpie, 43 ; Jason H. Allen (Labor), 4. 174 BENJAMIN HARRISON, " The votes in joint convention were NAMES. *j ■e ■a J3 i i i 4 1 «3 ■£ X S Benjamin Harrison... 7' 71 71 7' 7' 70 70 7« 71 : 70 70 68 10 70 Uavid Turpie 75 7S 75 75 75 74 74 75 75 74 74 72 37 '4 74 74 Jason H. Allen 4 4 1 4 j 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 3 4 4 76 1 1 ' — " — . — - — — Total 'SO 150 1501 150 150 148 148 ■50 '5° 148 148 '44 40 28 148 'SO Necessary to choice. 76 76 76 76 76 75 75 76 76 75 75 73 75 76 So the will of the majority of Indiana voters was lost. Mr. Harrison and family returned to the old home at In- dianapolis ; and they found more friends to welcome them, than had bidden them adieu six years before. His fame had preceded him home, and every one in the city, who took pride in the city's honor, was glad to have back the illustrious citizen, though they were sorry to know tliat bis honor, and theirs, had not been magnified by his return to the L'nited States Senate. Chapter XII. CITIZEN AND CANDIDATE. RESUMES THE PRACTICE OF LAW CASES A VIEW OF THE MAN AS A CITIZEN WHOM THE INDIANIANS WANTED FOR PRESIDENT — WORK OF THE INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL OTHER CANDIDATES HISTORY OF THE MOVEMENT — THE GREAT CONVENTION — ITS HIS- TORY — THE NOMINATION GENERAL SATISFACTION AMONG DELE- GATES ENTHUSIASM THROUGHOUT THE COUNTRY ENTHUSIASM AT HOME ' ' COME ON, BOYS ! " When Mr. Harrison had made a canvass and been defeated, neither his judgment, temper, nor daily conduct was in tlie least affected by it. He went about his work as cheerful and happy, and apparently as on unconscious of what had occurred, as if he had never been in a canvass during his life. He had a pleasant word for all his friends, an open pocket- book for charity, a listening ear for stories of distress, a ready heart for every call for help, a hearty laugh for every innocent jest, an alert eye for eveiy important item of political, govern- mental, or general news, a thorough and constant devotion to religious duties, a vigilant care for the welfare of his family, and a thorough enjoyment of their presence and company. Not long after their return from Washington, the home was brightened again by the presence of the daughter, Mrs. McKee, who, with her husband, came to live with her parents. Only the absent son was now wanted to complete the old home- i^C, THE LIFE OF ciiclc. l^iit, besides lier Inisband, the daughter brought with her another, who was like a flood of light to the home. This was none other than Benjamin Harrison McKee, then only a few weeks old. A king never received a more royal welcome to any court or country, than did this young king of the household receive from his subjects there ; for he began to lule the very day of his advent to the old home on Delaware Street. He had a grandfather, who, though an American, rentlcred him royal homage, as did also all the house. As he grew up he demanded this homage more than evei- ; and it was gladly given. Mr. Harrison quietly resmned the practice of law. But such a man never ceases to improve the Ikhu's of his life ; and the lawyer that returned from Washington, after six years of successful work in the Senate of the United States, was supe- rior to the lawyer who had taken his seat there six years before. He had prcjfited by his experience at every step. His ability and tact as a lawyer had been thoroughly tested in the Senate, and had come brighter from every trial. His knowledge of national and international law was greatly increased, as was also his knowledge of nations and men. But while he had sought for wisdom ami not fame, it was given to him also to become more popular. He had won more and more the confidence of the people at home, as the six years went on ; and wlien lie returned, the hearty good-\\ ill and enthusiasm lliat weic manifested were a constant ovation. He had had no trouble in finding cases since his early expe- rience in law ; they hail always come to him. tie found them now in greater number than ever. But it must not be sup- THE HOUSE IN WHICH GENERAL AND MRS. HARRISON COMMENCED HOUSE-KEEPING IN INDIANAPOLIS. i2 lyS THE LIFE OF posed that he hnd been idle diirincr tlie Congressional vaca- tions of the six years. lie was freciucntlv, at those times, engaged in important suits. His client in one of these cases, in iSS6, was I. xV. \\'hite- head, a marble-cutter of Incbanapolis, who \\as plaintitf in a suit for damages, in which the Indiana, Bloomington and Western Railroad was defendant. In an accident in Ilendiicks Count\-, which had occurred on account of a defective track, Mr. Whitehead had been terriblv broken and shattered in liod\ . His claims for damages were refused by the railroad, and suit was begun, Mr. Harrison appearing for the plaintifl'. The best counsel possible to obtain was upon the other side, and a bitter and stuliborn tight \vent on for three weeks. But Mr. Harrison won a verdict for $17,000 damages. .\t another time, a poor woman, living in the suburbs of Indianapolis, was coming into the city to market, and while crossing the " Bee Line" tracks was run down by an engine. In that case, Mr. Harrison secured a \erdict for $i(X()00, after a hotly-contested suit. In another case, he won a verdict of $10,000 damages against the Belt Railroad Company for injuring a man, while running at a high rate of speed, and without signalling. An engineer on the Cincinnati, Hamilton and Dayton road lost a leg in a wreck, and Mr. Harrison obtained for him $10,000. In the same wreck a brakeman was injured, but in a less degree, and Mr. Harrison won for him $3,000. He often had clients with claims against railroads, or other corporations, and won their cases. But he took these clients because he believed them to be right, and not for the mere fee, BENJAMIN HARRISON. 179 nor for the fame of fighting corporations which some lawyers seem to seek after for political ends. If he believed a corpora- tion was right, in any case, he did not hesitate to say so, and champion its cause. Yet Mr. Harrison was opposed to the monopolizing tenden- cies of corporations from principle. He did not believe in any sort of monopoly. It was wholly opposed to the liberty taught by the Declaration of Independence and the Constitu- tion of the United States. In November, 18S7, he made a speech in Danville, Indiana, upon the tariff question, in which he uttered words that have no uncertain meaning, as to his position with regard to " trusts," " combines," and all monopo- lies. They may well be rememliered in connection also witli the tariff' issue he was discussing. He said : " There are one or two things that, in some respects, are working against it, and one is this abominable and un-American system which is recently developed, called trusts. This thing is running too far. It is un-American ; it is unpatriotic, in my judgment ; and you will notice that those who are attacking our tarifl system, take their position behind these facts, and use them as the ground of their assault. We must find some way to stop such combinations." Such was this American man — always an American, never harboring a contrary principle. The following testimony, by a friend of General Harrison wlio had been constantly associ- ated with him in his office, though written a year later than the time now referred to, sums up his character in just, if enthusiastic, words : ''I have been with him (General Harri- son) since October, 1S67, and have been in his house often. I So THE LIFE OF aiul cn)o)C(l a ver\- intimate accjiiaintancc witli him ; and in all that time I nc\cr heard him utter an indecent word, an uath. or do, act, or suggest a thing that was not honorable. lie is a perfect man of great intellectual powers — a religious man. and yet active in all business matters. He is the best host I ever saw. Indeed there is no defect in him anywhere." That General Harrison committed faults is saying no more than may be said of any noble man : but that these faults or mistakes sprang from inherent defects of character cannot be l)elieved by those who ha\e known him, or who know the story of his life. He was conscientious in all his life ; at home, in his manner of study, in his profession, in social life, on the stump, in the Senate — everywhere. No man ever felt a greater responsibility to any trust, than did he to his home, his wife and children, his religion, to his profession, to those for whom he wrought under any circumstances. It is not strange that this man was thought of as a candidate for the Presidency of the United States, when, in i8S8, the ({uestion came up of who could serve his country best. There were man)' others, grand and noble men, considered ; for the Republican party has never lacked for efficient material for that great office. But those who were Mr. Harrison's friends, who knew he was every way qualified for the great office, joyfully recognized the fact that he was surrounded by a num- ber of providential circumstances that filled up every condi- tion of availability. They were not slow to announce that fact to the country. The Indianapolis yournal took up the work, and kept the State and country constantly aw^are of the circumstances. The admirable and efficient Republican or- BENJAMIN HARRISON. i8i gaiiization in Indiana, represented l>y the ^ournal^ scattered tlie intelligence broad-cast. There were other men, older in their country's service be- cause older in years, whose friends were urging for the candi- dacy, and whose statesmanship and personal worth were of the highest quality ; of whose special fitness, also, everything could be truthfully in-ged. One of these was Mr. Sherman, of Ohio, whose political life could not be written without writing the history of the Republican party, giving an account of every important measure since its birth. There was not a part of the country that had not been afiected and benefited by measures that John vSherman had originated, or had been mainly instrumental in making statute laws of our government. The simple knowledge concerning the man and his work tliat prevailed everywhere made him strong before the people ; and there were many arguments of great weight fiivoring his nom- ination. Another was the Honorable William B. Allison, of Iowa, a man of great ability and experience, who had proved himself a man fully capable of wielding the executive power of the great- est nation in the world. Another was Walter Q_. Gresham, of Indiana. Others were Chauncey M. Depew, of New York, General Alger, of Michigan, Governor Rusk, of Wisconsin, and Senator Hawley, of Connecticut. Besides these, were many others, all men of ability sufficient for the position. And besides all these, was Mr. James G. Blaine, of Maine, whose infiuence in the country was apparently so strengthening every day, that, spite of his own protestations, he was likelv to be nominated. i82 THE LIFE OF This \vas the situation when the great convention of iS88 met in Chicago, on the 19th of June. It was a day of great excitement, and great expectations among the Republicans throughout the Nation. Delegates began arriving the pre- ceding week, and it was already evident that the contest among the friends of the candidates was to l:)e close. Dele- gations of the diflerent states established their headquarters at the great hotels, and advertised the same by placards and flags ; and flags and bunting were seen everywhere in the city, and all gave evidence of some remarkable event to take place. The 19th came, and, at the appointed hour, the vast hall was crowded with more than eight thousand people. It was several davs before the real work of the convention began, l^'inally, the permanent organization was complete. The per- manent chairman was judge M. M. Estee, of California. Al)out his table were his advisers and the secretaries. (Grouped in an.outei- circle were distinguished men, one of the most noticeable of whom was John C. Fremont, the first camlidate for President of tlie I'nited States nominated by tlie Kepubli- can party, who was introduced to the convention, and matle a brief address the first day. Arranged on either side, behiiul long tables, was the large corps of reporters with their paper and i)eucils. Ik-hintl this large platform, on which so many were seated, beginning two or thiee steps above it, and halt- circling it, was a tier of seats tlie width of the hall, and run- ning upward and l)ackwar(l, until a large number of seats were tilled with people. Abow tliat, and extending farther back and fartlier toward the front, was a gallery — larger than the one below. Before the ihaiinian was the -'parquet," BENJAMIN HARRISON. 183 where more than eight hundred delegates sat, the delegates of each State sitting together. Behind the parquet was a vast tier of seats, and all were full of people. There were three large galleries above that ; there were three on each side of the hall. And all the seats were full. And so the great conven- tion began its work. On Thursday morning, Mr. McKinley, of Ohio, read the platform which had been prepared by the Committee on Reso- lutions. The platform was prepared by men whose hearts were full of Republican history and principles. Mr. McKinley himself was there as one of the champions of the claims of the Honorable John Sherman, wdio expected to win, if he won at all, by virtue of his embodiment of Republican princi- ples, and not through aiiy personal eulogies that might be passed upon him. His supporters, as well as those of Mr. Harrison, were charged more with the magnetism of patriotic feelings than that of blind devotion to their choice, but based on those feelings was that enthusiasm for their choice that rose to more sublime heights than the enthusiasm of mere hero- worshipers can attain. Such men prepared the platform, and as word by word it fell from the lips of Mr. McKinley, it was to all hearts like the echo of the days of '56 and '60 ; and to the older men, the stirring days of '40. Whenever reference was made to American liberty, and its defense ; to American principles, and their defense ; to American labor and homes, and their defense and protection, the mighty shout of all the people rose up "like the swelling sea," marking out the line along which the subsequent choice was to be made, and pre- saging defeat to all contemners of those principles. i84 THE LIFE OF One noticeable feature of the convention was the manner of its cheering. There were two spirits abroad in the hirge audience. One manifested itself by arrangement and method whenever favorite names were mentioned for the nomination. It was sincere and enthusiastic, ])ut not spontaneous ; it was loud, but not deep and magnetic. Its tendency was to division and bitterness, and had the Republicans of that convention been less patriotic than they were, a sadder ending might ha\e been its fate. The other spirit manifested itself at unexpected moments, and always on patriotic calls. No word nor act could call it fortli. until that word or act was American, in a distinctive sense, ai d then the slightest word or act was like a spark to powder. Once while the people were, impatiently or patiently, waiting for something to be done, the band played some lively airs, as if to entertain and keep the clamor down imtil business should begin, but not the slightest attention was paid to it, until th(,' moment the notes of " America " were struck, then the people ceased their confusion ami cheered heartily and enthusiastically. There was no arrangement, no method, in this spirit's manifestations. It seemetl to lie dor- mant while the people were wholly absorbed in mere matters and mo\ements of policy, that sometinies went on before their eyes. At last it was announced that presentation of candidates was in order. Tiie roll-call of states began, and those states having names to present, responded as called. Coimecticut was called, and through Mr. Warner, of that delegation, presented the name of Joseph R. Hawley, as candidate for nomination for President of the United States. The next State that responded BENJAMIN HARRISON. * 185 was Illinois, who through the Honorable Leonard Swett, pre- sented the name of Walter Q. Gresham ; for, though Judge Gresham then had his home nominally in his native state, his duties had compelled his residence for some time to be in Chicago. Mr. Swett was the same who presented the name of Abraham Lincoln in i860, and many memories were stirred up by the incident. Next came Indiana. When that State was called, Colonel Thompson rose and announced that ex-Governor Albert G. Porter would present the choice of Indiana. So Governor Porter, the former law-partner of Benjamin Harrison, went to the platform, and in the following eloquent words, presented the name of Benja- min Harrison for nomination : " J/r. CJiairJuan and Gentlemen of the Convention: When in 1S80 Roscoe Conkling visited Indiana to take part in the memorable canvass of that year, he was asked on every hand, ' How will New York go at the Presidential election?' ' Tell me,' he replied, • how Indiana will go in October, and I will tell vou how New York will go in November.' In October, Indiana's majority of 7,000 for the Republican candidate for governor informed the country how she woukl go, and New York and the Nation echoed her October voice. As in 1880, Indiana held the key of the position, so, although not an October State now, she seems to hold the key of the position as before. Indiana is always called a doubtful state, but when the Republican party lias thoroughly organized, when its preparatory work has been done well, and when the spirit of the Republican masses is kindled into a flame, he seldom fails to elect Republican candidates. There never i86 THE LIFE OF was a time in the history of the Republican party in Indiana when it was more thoroughly organized. There never was a time when the preparatory work of the campaign had been better done. There never was a time w'hen the Re- l)ul)lican masses were more thoroughly alive and intent upon victory ; and give us General Benjamin Harrison, give him your commission to be a candidate, and the Republicans will fall into line and move forward steadily to victory. The Democracy of Indiana have been disappointed by the failure of the St. Louis Convention to put in nomination an Indiana candidate on their National ticket. There is a tide in the aHairs of parties as well as of men, that, taken at the flood, leads on to fortune. Indiana's present condition is the Republican party's opportunity, if we have an Indiana candi- date, the choice of her delegated people. I speak the unani- mous voice of the delegation from Indiana when I announce that he is Indiana's candidate. "Benjamin Harrison came to Indiana in 1S54, at the age ot twenty-one. He came poor in purse, but rich in resolution. No one ever heard him make reference to the names of his ances- tors. South of the line he mounted the back of prosperity with- out the aid of stirrup. The hospitality of his ancestors had given their property to those whom they had .served, and the core had gone to the people, the rind to themselves and families. On his arrival in the State he immediately entered upon the practice of law, and at once achieved success. Amplitude ot preparation, large views of questions, the widest knowledge ot his profession that could be accpiired in such a time, distin- guished him, and he rose rapidl}' in his profession. He leaned BENJAMIN HARRISON. 1S7 upon no man's arm for aid. Modest and self-confident, he seemed to say, 'I am an honest tub that stands on its own bottom.' Everybody perceived that in web and woof he was of heroic stutl'. While practicing his profession, the great rebellion raised its hand to strike down the LTnion. Relin- quishing his profession, he took his sword, went into the army, and received his commission from Oliver P. Morton as the colonel of a regiment. He marched with Sherman to the sea ; he was in the thick of the fight at Resaca and Atlanta. He was not unknown to the people of Indiana before he entered the army. Though so young, he had been chosen at a State election b}- the people as reporter of the decisions of the Supreme Court. While he was in the field as a soldier, his Democratic opponents took the oftice from him, but while he was still in the field the people of Indiana elected him ; and at the disbandment of Sherman's forces, returning home, he received his commission. "On account of his eloquence as a speaker and his power as a debater, he was called upon at an uncommonly early age to take part in the discussion of the mighty questions that then began to agitate the country, and was matched against some of the most eminent Democratic speakers. No man that ever felt the touch of his blade desired to be matched with him again. With all his eloquence as an orator, he never spoke for oratorical effect ; his words always went like a bullet to the mark. He reminds one of the saying of the great Irish orator and patriot, O'Connell, that a good speech is a good thing, but the verdict is the thing. He therefore always pierced the 1 88 THE LIFE OF core of every question that he discussed, and in every contest in which he was engaged he fought to win. In iSSi, on account of his services in the ardent and prolonged struggles of the Republican party for the rights of man and the integrity and preservation of the l^^nion, the Repul^lican members of the legislature, by a unanimous vote, elected him as Senator of the United States. I need not enter into any detailed account of his services as Senator. It is sufficient to say that he always stood in the front rank. The delegates from Dakota can bear witness to the unremitting energy of his efforts to procure the admission of that Territory into the Union, when, on account of the fidelity of Dakota to Republican principles, the Democratic party resolved to keep it out. We all remember his exposure of the civil-service-reform sham of the present administration in Indiana. He possesses wliateveryou could desire in a Pres- ident — soundness in Republican doctrine, comprehensiveness of mind, calm judgment, firm purpose, unquailing courage, and a pure character. The gentleman from Illinois has referred to another citizen of Indiana. A state's place in civilization is always determined by the manner in which she treats tliose who have served her faithfully. I honor old historic Massa- chusetts for the manner in which she cherishes the fame of those who, in whatever department of service, have reflected honor upon the Commonwealth. How she calls the rolls of their names with pride ! How impatient she becomes if any one is luijustly aspersed or disparaged ! If (General Harrison were present to-day, he would bid me th.at I should say nothing against the honorable gentleman, the brave and just judge, and heroic soldier, who has been presented before him. In BENJAMIN HARRISON. 189 standing here, I should have said in reference to the soldier, that, if the roll of the soldiers of Indiana were to be called here to-day, she would bid me call them all. There is no need that I should endeavor to dwarf any other man, in order that Benjamin Harrison may appear conspicuous. He stands breast to breast with the foremost of Indiana's soldiers. Distinguished also in civic trusts, heroically faithful to every public duty, skillful in marshaling men, — to the sound of whose bugle they quickly rally and fall into ranks, — and who has never failed in Indiana's fiercest conflicts to come out of the charge crowned with victory. " Standing here to-day on behalf of the man who, disdaining adventitious advantages, has risen merely by the force of his own merit, I would deem myself unchivalric did I not refer to some of the useful deeds of his ancestors. We stand here to-day in the imperial city of the great Northwest. The name of no family is more intimately associated with the Northwest than his. It is identified with the history of the Northwestern people. I shall give but a passing notice to the sturdy Ben Harrison from whom he is named, one of the signers of the Declaration of Indepedence. He was the first governor of Virginia, when the possessions of Virginia embraced the whole Northwest. When the Northwest was formed into a Territory by Congress, William Henry Harrison was appointed secretary of the Territory, and afterwards the delegate of the Territory in Congress. When the Indiana Territory was formed, embracing all of the North-west but Ohio and a part of Michigan, William Henry Harrison was appointed its gov- ernor. He was a man of deeds. Wliile he was a delegate in I90 THE LIFE OF Congress — the youngest, pcrh;ips, on that floor — he procured the passage of a measure by which it was required that the public lands should be sold in smaller subtlivisions than they had ever been before, and for the first time a man of humble means might purchase a liome from the government. The historian, McMasters, in his admirable history of the people , of the United States, has said of this measure that it was pro- ductive of far more good to the country than even his victory over the prophet at the battle of Tippecanoe, or his defeat of the British at the battle of the Thames. While he was gov- ernor of the Indiana Territory he obtained from the Indians the relinquishment of their title to 70,000,000 acres of land in a single treaty, and procured their relinquishment of lands that embraced one-third of Illinois and a large part of the southern portion of Wisconsin. He fought the battle of Tippecanoe, and by defeating the schemes of that great statesman and war- rior, Tecumseh, he kept open the portals of the West to the entrance of the emigrant. The tongue of the farm was his native tongue. Benjamin Harrison's ancestors from the earliest generation had been farmers, and when old Tippecanoe parted from a regiment at Vincennes, he said to them : ' You will always find a plate and knife and fork on my table and the door will never be shut nor the latch-string be pulled in.' In 1813 he left the Indiana Territory to enter upon a larger field of activity, but the memory of his services was such, and the affection borne for him was such, that, twenty-seven years af- terwards, when he was a c^ididate for President of the United States, the State of Indiana, although a Democratic State, gave him 14,000 majority. He died in one month after he had BENJAMIN HARRISON. 191 entered upon his great ofHce. The people of Indiana had always associated his name with success and victory and they could not understand the providence which had cut him ofl' at the beginning of what they thought would be a most useful career. And now, in the cabins and plain farm-houses of Indiana, the people who remember the old hero regard him as not yet dead. His spirit walks abroad among them, and they expect that, in the person of his heroic descendant, old Tippe- canoe will yet HU out his term. And so to-day, the people of Indiana hold in high esteem the name of Benjamin Harrison, and holding in deep affection the memory of old Tippecanoe, have their latch-strings hospitably out to you, and their door ready to fly out at your touch to let in the grateful air that shall bear upon its wing the message that Benjamin Harrison, their soldier statesman, has been nominated for President of the United States." It would not be surprising to discover that the applause that rang through the hall from time to time, during Governor Por- ter's speech, and that burst into a storm when he was done, was of that spirit, partly, which wrought by some arrange- ment ; nor was it to the discredit of General Harrison's imme- diate friends that it was so. It was natural that their interest should be personal as well as national. Their anxiety was for their personal friend — that//e should succeed. His patriotism, his Americanism, his great ability, his thorough qualification, they had settled long before in their minds. Their country honored, benefited, saved from un-American spirit, party ism and intrigue, by him, was a picture vivid to them months be- fore, and it was to them but a long-settled matter, if he should 192 THE LIFE OF but win the race in the convention. But the applause was not all of that spirit. He was to them an embodiment of their country's principles. Their personal devotion to him rested largely on their own patriotism. And, withal, the very name of Harrison had a significance in that convention. It stirred up old memories. And when it was known that in him dwelt the spirit of Tippecanoe, a confidence and enthusiasm was raised that increased steadily and flagged not until the con- summation of his friends' hopes was reached. Mr. Terrill, of Texas, seconded the nomination of Mr. Harrison. Among other things, he paid him this glowing, yet merited tribute : "A full term in the United States Senate has given him a grasp of public issues and fitted him for the high duties of statesmanship. On the great political and economic questions now under discussion, his views are clear and comprehensive, and in full accord with the principles which have been enunci- ated by this convention. Strong in debate, forcible in expres- sion, incisive in logic, fearless in his convictions, his voice has been heard in every political contest for thirty years. Time and again has he demonstrated the highest qualities of leader- ship ; and the firm regard in which he is held by the people of Indiana, the great State that gave Garfield a plurality of 6,000, will cause that State to honor her own illustrious citizen with a majority twice as large. In the prime and vigor of man- hood, free from the entanglements of faction, he voted for the interests and principles of his party. Of unquestioned ability, untiring industry, and inflexible moral courage, he stands the peer of any man mentioned for the high office of President. He BENJAMIN HARRISON. 193 will receive the enthusiastic support of his party in every state of the Union. Mr. President and gentlemen of the convention, General Benjamin Harrison is a man that any delegation in this hall may feel proud to support. Bearing a name that has been honorably identified with the civil and military history of the government from its very first, conspicuous in his own gallant record as a soldier, combining intellectual force with moral integrity, eminent at the bar, experienced in construct- ive statesmanship and accomplished in the art of government, harmonious in his relations with the elements of the party, and moreover possessing exceptional popular strength in the State whose support is absolutely essential to success, it seems to me, fellow Republicans, that the hand of destiny has pointed him out as the man to lead us on to victory." The nomination was also seconded by Mr. Gallinger, of New Hampshire. The following extracts are given as indi- cating the spirit that led those outside of Indiana to adhere to Mr. Harrison, and finally led the whole convention to con- clude that it made no compromise whatever of Republicanism, in giving him the standard to bear : " Projecting myself into the future, I see in November next the battle of the ballots in this country. As silently as the snovvflakes fall in New England on a winter's day, so silently will you find the ballots deposited for us in the ballot-box in a few months, if you give us that grand man that Indiana has presented ; if you give to us that grand leader on the field of battle, that man who has done credit to himself and his State and his country, in the halls of the United States Senate, that 13 194 BENJAMIN HARRISON. iiKin whose public -And private life is unspotted and without blemish — General Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana. " I say this is a contest unparalleled, in my judgment, in the history of this country. We are face to face with our ancient foe, the Democratic party. We have to fight corruption, we have to fight every possible species of bad politics at the bal- lot-box in November next, and I say to you that if we are true to the principles of our party, if we are true to the spirit that animated the Republican party when it nominated Fremont in 1856 and Lincoln in i860, we will not fail to achieve a mag- nificent triumph in November next. Why, look at this grand party of ours. Look at its magnificent leaders. Look at the men who have carried it to victory in the past — the party of Fremont, of Lincoln, of Grant, of Sherman, of Sheritlan ; the party of Sumner, of Phillips, of Garfield, and of Blaine ; the party of equality, of justice, of protection, of liberty, and of law ; the party that rescued our government from bank- ruptcy in 1S60; theparty that beat l)ack that gigantic rebellion ; the party that lifted up its strong arms and placed them under 4,000,000 slaves, and lifted them up to the plane of manhood and citizenship. Tell me that that party can be defeated in the coming contest! I answer you ' No,' and when the ver- dict is rendered at the polls in November, it will be found that my prophecy has not been without truth. I say to you here to-day, give to us that grand man that Indiana presents; give to us General Benjamin Harrison as our standard-bearer, and the Republican hosts, who never have fiinched in battle before, will go forward with a determination, with an energy, with a zeal, that will carry everything before them, restore to the right- ful hands of the Republican party the sceptre of power, that RUTHERFORD B. HAYES, THE THIRD REPUBLICAN PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 196 THE LIFE OF fur ft)ur vears has been usurped !>} the hypercritical and mock civil-service-reform Democratic party that has been masquerad- ing before the people of this country under false pretenses." Afterwards, Mr. Hepburn, of Iowa, placed in nomination the Honorable William B. Allison, of that State. Next. General Russell A. Alger was nominated In Mr. Robert E. Frazer. Then Senator Hiscock presented for nomination, as Republi- can candidate tor President of the United States, Chauncey M. Depew. And then came the nomination of John Sherman by General Hastings, of Pennsylvania, and the second by Gov- ernor Foraker, of Ohio. Here the chords of patriotism were swept l)y skillful hanils. The response was quick and tremendous. It came like the bursting forth of a cataract in the hollows of a great cave. Thousands of voices rose up in the prolonged shouting. Thousands of men and women stood upon their feet, and waved their hands and hats and banners ; and the great mass of human beings was like the sea in commotion. In spite of ditlering interests, the vast assemblage liad found the senti- ment of harmony. Hearts were in the shouts ; and thus heart answered to heart, until the shouts rolled into cadences, and came and went like the healthful tones of many bells ringing the triumphs of a great cause. Then, as one listened, there were words in the harmonious and measured tones, and the song, " Marching through Georgia," swelled grandly up. And thus the enthusiasm went on, and many minutes passed, freighted with the burden of patriotic demonstration. At last the tumult and singing died away, and left that BENJAMIN HARRISON. 197 body ot delegates, and that mighty concourse of men and women, fully awake to the facts that this was a Republi- can convention, and that their interests were all one. While it had been impossible to present the man, telling the truth about him, without sweeping those chords, and while the response came forth as in his honor, yet the character of the response demonstrated that no man could be nominated by that convention who did not, by his life and deeds, repre- sent the principles of the Republican party and our Nation. Afterwards, Mr. Fitler, of Philadelphia, and Governor Rusk, of Wisconsin, were placed before the convention as candi- dates for nomination, and at length the time for balloting came. But there was one man who had not been formally named, James G. Blaine, of Maine, who yet came in for a large share of delegate votes. And there were others, worthy men, and some of them of national reputation, loved for their loyalty to their country and great abilities, wdio also won some share of the homage of voting. But including Mr. Blaine, the confident prophesies were made on seven men, and as the balloting went on each of the seven men might have assured himself that the tide was really in his fa\-or. Then that number fell to six, then to five, four, and three. Balloting continued Friday, Saturday, and Monday. At the begitming, judging solely by the principle of favor- itism, General Harrison's chances were small. But one know- ing the real patriotic character of that convention would know that mere favoritism must ultimately succumb to the nobler principle, and, knowing the character and history of General Harrison, would know that he stood side by side with the 19S THE LIFE OF strongest. On Saturday evening his cause, so tar as the promise of politics was concerned, was waning. Hut on Monday, it required but three liallots to decide the contest. The following are tlie ballots of the three days : NAMES. Harrison . Sliennan . , Alger Greshain . Allison. . . . Dfptw Rusk Blaine . . . Ingalls . . I'helps llawley. . Filler.... McKinlcy. Lincoln . . Miller Forakcr. . . Douglas. . . Grant Ilayniond. Total Necessary for choice. FRIDAY. So 229 84 S30 416 2d. 91 249 116 108 830 416 SATURDAY. 3d. 94 344 122 123 88 9' 16 830 416 4th. 2i5 ■35 98 88 VS ;th. 213 224 142 87 99 48 827 414 MONDAY. ^31 244 "37 9" 73 40 830 416 7th. 8th. 273 23' 120 9> 76 83 416 544 iiS 100 59 830 416 * Withiirawn. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 199 The hearts of the Indiana delegation were somewhat lighter on Monday morning, when it was known that the tide had turned toward their friend. On the first ballot of the morning, a thrill of enthusiasm stirred their hearts, and a feeling crept over the assembly that the contest was nearly ended, and that it was ending well. On the announcing of the seventh ballot, a flutter went through the audience, cheers, but cheers that were soon checked, as if the indication was of something too good to be trusted ; murmurs of approval, even by the friends of other candidates; murmurs of concession, and perhaps mur- murs of disappointment on the part of some who had been too strict partisans in sustaining their favorites, and some shaking of the head with warnings, " Wait and see ; it is not decided yet." The eighth ballot began. Almost every state now an- nounced accessions to the Harrison vote. When Pennsylvania threw her large vote for Harrison, a cheer went up, but was checked, as if those who cheered could not trust their senses, or were determined to wait the vote that might decide beyond chance for doubt. Tennessee gave that vote ; and even then it seemed too much to believe. Nevertheless, while some of Mr. Harrison's friends sat as if dazed, or rose and cheered mechan- ically, enough of them and of the people, delegates and others, realized the situation to make the great hall echo again and again with enthusiastic cheering. But order was required, and the balloting went on to the close, and it was ascertained that Mr, Harrison's vote was 544. Then for many minutes the great audience manifested that it had found its voice and tongue. Since the balloting had begun, the contest had been between men all patriots, and the Republican issue or principle was 200 THE LIFE OF not involved, except in the consideration of choosing a man who could and would lead the hosts to victory. Wlien the balloting was ended, there was no rejoicing of friend over friend. Hut more and more as the day wore on, and a realiza- tion of the fact that Harrison was chosen asserted itself, there were heard words of satisfaction. In the evening of that day, the great convention met tor nominating the Vice-President, and to the entire satisfaction of all present, and of the Republican party, they chose the Honor- able Levi P. Morton ; and so the names Harrison and Morton were linked together as leaders in one of the most important campaigns for American principles that has l)een the lot of this generation to engage in. General Harrison was at home, and so was Mr. Morton, but their friends made the canvass for them — the organization for the nomination was not their own, except in so far as tlie regular Republican organization in their respective states, wliicli they had borne their part in arranging, leacHng, or assisting, had contributed to that end. General Harrison sat in his office on Market Street, in Indianapolis, surrounded by his friends. Now and then news from the convention was received and connnented on — his friends showing more trepidation than himself. While they waited for news, they told stories or jested. At the report of the seventh ballot, the excitement rose in the office and on the street. At the beginning of the ciglitb ballot, a nervous eager- ness was manifest in the office. "■California votes for Har- rison!" "•Pennsylvania votes for Harrison!" The first on flie seventh ballot brought cheers. The next, on the eighth, brouirht a tumult. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 201 " What do you think?" asked a friend, of Mr. Harrison. '' I feel much more disturbed now than I did when I thought it would be defeat ; there is too much seriousness about such a position," he answered. His friends were crowding around him. A great crowd of people were on the street below, and flags and banners were flying, and bands were playing. When Tennessee was reached, the tumult broke into a roar. They crowded up stairs, and into the office. They took him by the hand. The streets were full of excited and rejoicing men and women. Indianapolis had started a many days' jubilee — the grandest and longest it had ever known. Thousands took trains for the city from every part of the State, as soon as the news was known. When the delegations arrived next day, they were greeted with a demonstration that made them feel that the days of 1840 were here again, in such esteem was General Harrison held in Indiana. He is leading the charge out of the tangles of the defeat of '84, across the valley and open field of an honest campaign, and the regiments follow him ; and he calls them : " Come on, boys ! " Chapter XIII. A CHARACTERISTIC SPEECH. THE REPUBLICAN PARTY A YOUNG PARTY — A " BOOK OF MARTHYRS " — CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY IN 1861 — WAR, FINANCE, DIPLO- MACY; GRANT, CHACE, SEWARD — ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE REPUB- LICAN PARTY — WORK YET TO BE DONE — EqLIALITY IN ALL THE STATES — PROTECTION TO AMERICAN INDUSTRIES AND AMERICAN LABOR. On the 20th of Marcli, 188S, the Marquette Club, of Chicago, held its secoud annual banquet at the Grand Pacific Hotel in that city. On that occasion, General Harrison, by invitation, delivered the follovs^ing speech, in response to the toast, " The Republican Party " : "il/r. Preside fii aftd Gentlemen of the Mar(jnettc Club : I am under an obligation that I shall not soon forget, in having lieen permitted by your courtes\- to sit at your table to-night, and to listen to the eloquent words which have fallen from the lips of those speakers who have preceded me. I count it a privilege to spend an evening with so man}- young Republicans. There seems to be a fitness in the association of young men with the Republican party. The Republican party is a voung party. I have not yet begun to call myself an old man, and yet there is no older Republican in the United States than I am. My first presidential \ote was given for the first presi- dential candidate of the Republican party, and I have sup- BENJAMIN HARRISON. 203 ported with enthusiasm every successor of Fremont, inchiding that matchless statesman who claimed our suffrages in 1SS4. We cannot match ages with the Democratic party, any more than that party can match achievements with us. It has lived longer, but to less purpose. ' Mossbacked ' cannot be pred- icated of a Republican. Our Democratic friends have a monopoly of that distinction, and it is one of the few distin- guished monopolies that they enjoy ; and yet, when I hear a Democrat boasting himself of the age of his party, I feel like reminding him that there are other organized evils in the world older than the Democratic party. ' The Republican Party,' the toast w'hich you have assigned to me to-night, seems to have a past, a present, and a future tense to it. It suggests history, and yet history so recent that it is to many here to-night, a story of current events in which they have been participants. The Republican party — the influences which called it together were eclectic in their character. The men who formed it, and organized it, w^ere picked men. The first assembly call that sounded in its camp was a call to sacrifice, and not to spoils. It assembled about an altar to sacrifice, and in a temple beset with enemies. It is the only political party organized in America that has its ' Book of Martyrs.' On the bloody fields of Kansas Republicans died for their creed, and since then we liave put in that book the sacred memory of our immortal leader, who has been mentioned here to-night — Abraham Lincoln — who died for his faith and devotion to the principles of human liberty and constitutional union. And there have followed it a great army of men, who have died by reason of the fact that they atlhered to the political creed that 204 THE LIFE OF we loved. It is the only party in this land which, in the past, has been proscribed and persecuted to death for its allegiance to the principles of human liberty. After Lincoln had triumphed in that great forum of debate, in his contest with Douglas, the Republican party carried that debate from the hustings to the battle-field, and forever established the doctrine that human liberty is of natural right, and universal. It clinched the matchless logic of Webster in his celebrated debate against the right of secession, by a demonstration of its inability. " No party ever entered upon its administration of the affairs of this Nation under circumstances so beset with danger and difficulty, as those which surrounded the Republican party when it took up the reins of executive control. In all other political contests those who had resisted the victorious partv yielded acquiescence at the polls, but the Repul)Iican partv in its success was confronted by armed resistance to national authority. The first acts of Republican administration were to assemble armies to maintain the authority of the Nation throughout the rebellious states. It organized armies, it fed them, and it brought them through those years of war, with an undying and persistent faith that refused to be appalled bv anv dangers, or discouraged l)y any difiiculties. In the darkest days of the rebellion, the Republican party by faith saw Appomattox through the smoke of Bull Run, and Raleigh through the mists of Chickamauga. And not only did it con- duct this great civil war to a victorious end, not onl}- did it restore the national authority, and set up tlie flag on all those places which had been overthrown and that Hag torn down. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 205 but in doing these things, antl :is an incident in the restoration of national authority, it accomplished that act which, if no other liad been recorded in its history, would have given it immortality. The emancipation of a race, brought about as an incident of war, under the proclamation of the first Repub- lican President, has forever immortalized the party that accom- plished it. " But not only were there these dangers, and difficulties, and besetments, and discouragements of this long strife at home, but there was also a call for the highest statesmanship in deal- ing with the foreign aftairs of the government during that period of war. England and France not only gave to the Confederacy belligerent rights, but threatened to extend recognition and even armed intervention. 1'here was scarcely a higher achievement in the long history of brilliant statesman- ship which stands to the credit of our party, than the matchless management of our diplomatic relations during the period of our war — dignified, yet reserved; masterfid, yet patient. Those enemies of republican liberty were held at bay until we had accomplished perpetual peace at Appomattox. The grasp- ing avarice which has attempted to coin commercial advantages out of the distress of other nations, which has so often char- acterized English diplomacy, naturally made the government of England the ally of the confederacy that had prohibited protective duties in its constitution ; and yet Geneva followed Appomattox. A trinity of eflbrt was necessary to that consum- mation — war, finance, and diplomacy ; Grant, Chase, .Seward, and Lincoln over all, and each a victor in his own sphere. When 500,000 veterans found themselves without any pressing 2o6 THE LIFE OF engagement, and Phil Sheridan sauntered down towards the borders of Mexico, French evacuation was expedited ; and when General Grant advised the English government that our claims for the depredations committed by those rebel cruisers that were sent out from British ports to prey upon our commerce must be paid, but that we were not in a hurry about it — we could wait, but in the meantime interest would accumulate — the Geneva arbitration was accepted and compensation made ior these unfriendl}' invasions of our rights. It became fashion- able again at the tables of the English nobility to speak of our common ancestry and our common tongue. Then, again, France began to remind us of Lafayette and De Grasse. Five hundred tliousand veteran troops and an unemployed navy did more for us than a common tongue and ancient friendships would do in the time of our distress. And we must not for- get that it is often easier to assemble armies than it is to assemble army revenues. Though no financial secretary ever had laid upon him a heavier burden than was placed upon Salmon P. Chase, to provide the enormous expenditures which the maintenance of oiu" army required, this ceaseless, daily, gigantic drain upon the National Treasury called for the high- est statesmanshi[). And it was tbimd : and our credit was nt)t only maintained through the war, but the debt that was accu- mulated, which our Democratic friends said never could be paid, we at once began to discharge when the army was dis- banded. " And so it is that in this timely effort — consisting first in this appeal to the courage and patriotism of the people of this country, w ho responded to the call of Lincoln and filled our BENJAMIN HARRISON. 207 armies with brave men that, inuler the leadership of Grant, and Sherman, and Thomas, suppressed the rebellion, and, under the wise, magnificent system of our revenue, enabled us to defray our expenses, — we, under the sagacious administra- tion of our State Department, held Europe at bay while we were attending to the business at home. In these departments of administration the Republican party has shown itself con- spicuously able to deal with the greatest questions that have ever been presented to American statesmanship for solution. We must not forget that in dealing with these questions we were met continually by the protest and opposition of the Democratic party : The war against the States was unconsti- tutional ; there was no right to coerce sovereign states ; the war was a failure, and a dishonorable peace was de- manded ; the legal tenders were illegal ; the constitutional amendments were void. And so, through this whole brilliant ^history of achievement in this administration, we were fol- lowed by the Democratic statesmen protesting against evei'y step and throwing every impediment in the way of national success, until it seemed to be true of many of their leaders that in their estimation nothing was lawful, nothing was lovely, that did not conduce to the success of the rebellion. " Now, what conclusion shall we draw.^* Is there anything in the story, so briefly and imperfectly told, to suggest any con- clusion as to the inadequacy or incompetency of the Republi- can party to deal with any question that is now presented for solution, or that we may meet in the progress of this people's history.? Why, countrymen, these problems in government were new. We took the ship of State, when there was treach- 2o8 THE LIFE OF cry at the liclm, when there was imitiii}- on the deck, wlien the ship was among the roeks, and put loyalty at the helm ; we brought the deck into order and subjection. We have brought the ship into the wide and open sea of prosperity, and is it to be suggested that the party that has accomplisiied these magnificent achievements cannot sail and manage the good ship in the frequented roadways of ordinary commerce? " What is there now before us that presents itself for solu- tion ? What (juestions are we to giapple with? What unfin- ished work remains to be done ? It seems to me that the work that is unfinished is to make that constitutional grant of citi- zenship — the franchise to the colored men of the South — a practical and living reality. The condition of things is such in this country — a government by constitutional majority — that whenever the people become convinced that an administration or a law does not represent the will of the majority of our qual- ified electors, then that administration ceases to challenge the respect of our people, and that law ceases to command their willing obedience. This is a Republican government, a gov- ernment by majority, the majorities to be ascertained by a fair coiuit, and each elector expressing his will at the ballot-box. I know of no reason why any law sliould bind m\ conscience that does not have this sanction behind it. 1 know of no reason why I shoidd yield respect to any executive ollicer whose title is not based upon a majority vote of the (jualilied electors of this country. What is the condition of things in the Southern States to-day ? " The Republican \ote is absolutely suppressed. Elections in many of those States have become a farce. In the last BENJAMIN HARRISON. 209 congressional election in the State of Alabama, there were sev- eral congressional districts where the entire vote for members of Congress did not reach two thonsand ; whereas, in most of the districts of the North, the vote cast at our congressional elections goes from thirty thousand to fifty thousand. I had occasion to say a day or two ago that, in a single congressional district in the State of Nebraska, there were more votes cast to elect one congressman than were cast in the State of Ala- bama at the same election to elect their whole delegation. Out of what does this come.? The suppression of the Repub- lican vote ; the understanding among our Democratic friends that it is not necessary that tliey should vote, because their opponents are not allowed to vote. ••' But some one will suggest, ' Is there a remedy for this.?' I do not know, my fellow-citizens, how far there is a legal remedy under our Constitution, but it does not seem to me to be an adequate answer, it does not seem to me to be conclusive against the agitation of this question, even if we should be compelled to respond to the arrogant question that is asked us : ' What are you going to do about it.?' even if we should be compelled to answer : 'We can do nothing but protest.' Is it not worth while here, and in relation to this American ques- tion, that we should at least lift up our protest ; that we should at least denounce the wrong ; that we should at least deprive the perpetrators of it of what we used to call the usufructs of the crime.? If you cannot prevent a burglar from breaking into your house, you will do a good deal toward discouraging bur- glary if you prevent him from carrying off anything ; and so it seems to me that if we can, upon this question, arouse the 14 2IO BENJAMIN HARRISON. indignant protest of the North, and unite our efforts in a deter- mination that those who perpetrate those wrongs against pop- ular suffrage shall not, by means of these wrongs, seat a Pres- ident at Washington, to secure the federal patronage in a state, we shall have done much to bring this wrong to an end. But at least, while we are protesting by representatives from our vState Department at Washington, against wrongs perpetrated in Russia against the Jew, and in our popular assemblies here against the wrongs which England has inflicted upon Ireland, shall we not, in reference to this gigantic and intolerable wrong in oiu" own country, as a party, lift up a stalwart and deter- mined protest against it? "But some of these independent journalists, about which our friend MacMillan talked, call this the ' bloody -shirt.' They say we are trying to revive the strife of the war, to rake over the extinct embers, to kindle tlie fire again. I want it under- stood that, for one, I have no quarrel with the South for what took place between 1861 and 1865. I am willing to forget that they were rebels ; at least, as soon as they are willing to forget it themselves, and tliat time does not seem to have come yet to them. But our complaint is against what was done in 1884, not against what was done during the war. Our com- plaint is against what will be done this year, not what was (lone l)ctwccn 1S61 and 1865. No bloody sliirt — tiiough that cry never had any terrors for me. I believe we greatly under- estimate the importance of l)ringing the issue to the front, and, with that oft-time Republican courage and outspoken fidelity to truth, denouncing it the land over. If we cannot do anv- thing else, we can either make these people ashamed of this 212 THE LIFE OF outrage against tlic Inillot, or make the wcjilcl ashamed of them. " There is another question to which the Republican party has committed itself, and on the line of which it has accom- plished, as I believe, much for the prosperity of this ccnmtry. I believe the Republican party is pledged, and ought to be pledged, to the doctrine of the protection of American indus- tries and American labor. I believe that in so far as our native inventive genius, which seems to have no limit in our pro- ductive forces, can supply the American market, we ought to keep it for ourselves. And yet this new captain on the bridge seems to congratulate himself on the fact that the voyage is still prosperous, notwithstanding the change of commanders ; who seems to forget tliat the reason that the voyage is still prosperous is because the course of the ship was marked out and the rudder tied down before he went on the bridge. He has attempted to take a new direction since he has been in command, with a \ iew of changing the sailing course of the (jjd craft, but it has seemed to me that he has made the mistake of mistaking the flashlight of some British light-house for the light of day. I do not intend here to-night in this presence to tliscuss this tarifl' (jucstion in an\ detail. I only \vant to say that in the passage of what is now so llippantlv called tlie war lariil", to raise revenue to carry on the war out of the protect- i\c duties wliich were then lexied, there lias come to this coun- Irv a prospcrit\- and (le\cloi)nicnt which would ha\e l)een im- possible witliout il, and that a re\ersal of this policy now, at the suggestion of Mr. Cleveland, according to the line of the blind statesman from Texas (Mr. Mills), would be to stay and BENJAMIN HARRISON. 213 interrupt this march of prosperity on which we have entered. I am one of those uninstructed political economists that have an impression that some things may be too cheap ; that I can- not find myself in full sympatliy with this demand for cheaper coats, which seems to me necessarily to involve a cheaper man, or woman, under the coat. I belle\e it is true to-day that we have many things in this countr}- that are too cheap ; because, whenever it is proved that the man, or woman, who produces an\ article cannot get a decent living out of it, then it is too cheap. "But I have not intended to discuss in detail any of these questions with which we have grappled, upon wdiich we have proclaimed a policy, or which we must meet in the near future. I am only here to-night briefly to sketch to you the magnificent career of this party to which we give allegiance — a union of the states, restored, cemented, regenerated : a Constitution cleansed of its compromises with slavery, and brought into harmony with the immortal Declaration ; a race emancipated, given citizenship and the ballot ; a national credit preserved and elevated, until it stands unequaled among the nations of the world ; a currency more prized than the coin for which it may be exchanged ; a story of prosperity more marvelous than was ever written by the historian before. This is, in brief, an outline of the magnificent way in which the Republican party has wrought. It stands to-day for a jDure, equal, honest ballot the country over. It stands to-day, without prejudice or malice, the well-wisher of every state in this Union ; disposed to fill all the streams of the South with prosperity, and demand- ing only that tlie terms of the surrender at Appomattox shall 214 THE LIFE OF be complied with. When that magnificent act of clemency was witnessed, when those sublime and gracious words were uttered by General Grant at Appomattox, the country ap- plauded. We said to these misguided men, 'Go home' — in the language of the parole — 'and you shall l)e unmolested while you obey the laws in force at the place where you reside.' We ask nothing more ; but we cannot quietly submit to the fact that, while it is true everywhere in the United States, that the man who fought four years against his country is allowed the full, free, unrestricted exercise of his new citizenship, it shall not also be true everywhere that every man who followed Lincoln in his political views, and every soldier who fought to upliold the flag, shall in the same full, ample manner he secure in his political rights. " This disfranchisement question is hardly a Southern ques- tion, in all strictness. It has gone into Dakota, and the intelli- gent and loyal pcjpulation of tliat Territory is deprived — was at the last electicMi, and will be again — of any paiticipation in the decision of national questions, solely because the prevail- ing sentiment of Dakota is Republican. Not only that, but this disregard of purity and iioncsty in our elections in\aded Ohio in an attempt to seize tlie United States Senate, by cheating Joiui Sherman, that gallant statesman, out of liis seat in the Senate. And it came here to Illinois in an attempt also to defeat that man whom I loved so much, John A. Logan, out of his seat in the United Slates Senate. And it has come into our own State (Indiana) b}' tally-sheet frauds, counnitted by iudi\iduals. it Is true, but justified and defended by the Democratic party of the State, in an attempt to cheat us all out BENJAMIN HARRISON. 31^ of our fair election majorities. It was, and it is, a question that lies over every other question, for every other question must be submitted to this tribunal for decision ; and if the tribunal is corrupt, why shall we debate questions at all ? Who can doubt whether, in defeat or victory, in the future, as in the past, taking high ground upon all these questions, the same stirring cause that assembled our party in the beginning will yet be found drawing like a great magnet the young and intelligent moral elements of our country into the Republican organiza- tion? Defeated once, we are ready for this campaign which is impending, and I believe that the great party of i860 is gath- ering together for the coming election, with a force and a zeal and a resolution that will inevitably carry it — under that standard bearer who may be chosen here, in June — to victory in November." Chapter XIV. RECORD !N SPEECHES. THE PRINCIPLE OF CONTROL BY THE MAJORITY THE CORNER-STONE OF AMERICAN GOVERNMENT — DEMOCRATIC SLANDERS — TARIFF UT- TERANCES — A CRUEL PAGE IN OUR HISTORY — PRINCIPLE OF THE DEPENDENT PENSION BILL — THE ADMISSION OF DAKOTA TO THE UNION — DISCOURAGED REPUBLICANS IN SOUTH CAROLINA — TENURE-OF-OFFICE ACT, AND THE DEMOCRATIC STAR CHAMBER — CIVIL SERVICE COMMISSION — SEA-COAST DEFENSE PLACES FOR THE SURPLUS A PLEA FOR THE UNION OF TEMPERANCE FORCES — HOME RULE IN IRELAND — WHY A CHANGE OF ADMINISTRATION IS DESIRABLE. The following is from a speech delivered at Detroit, Feb- ruary 23, 1 888 : "The bottom principle — sometimes it Is calletl the corner- stone, sometimes the foundation of our structure of govern- ment — is the principle of control by the majority. It is more than the corner-stone or foundation. The structure is a mono- lith, one from foundation to apex, and that monolith stands for and is this principle of government by majorities, legally ascertained by constitutional methods. Everything else about our government is appendage, is ornamentation " The ec[uality of the ballot demands that our apportionments in the states for legislative and congressional purposes, shall be so adjusted that there shall be equalitv in the influence and the power of every elector, so that it will not be true anywhere BENJAMIN HARRISON. 217 that one man counts two or one-and-a-half, and some other man counts only one-half. ...... "The question of a free and equal ballot is the dominant question. It lies at the foundation of our government, embrac- ing all others, because it involves the question of a free and fair tribunal, to which every question shall be submitted for arbitrament and final determination. .... " Why is it to-day that we have legislation threatening the industries of this country? Why is it that the paralyzing shadow of free trade falls upon the manufacturers and upon the homes of our laboring classes.^ It is because the laboring vote in the Southern States is suppressed." " But our Democratic friends, in 1884, supplem^ted their complaint that we had too much money in the Treasury, with the further suggestion, apparently a little paradoxical, that there was not enough — that some of it had been made away with. Slanderous and vague imputations upon the integrity of those who were disbursing public money, as a class, were freely indulged ; they did not know who, but somebody — they did not know where, but somewhere. They professed their inability to give a bill of particulars until the books were turned over to them. Well, the books have been turned over, and the cash has been counted. The balances have been veri- fied, and the result has been an unwilling but magnificent tribute to the integrity and intelligence with which the public artairs have been managed. The malicious charges against the integrity of Republican officials have been disproved. The instances of defalcations have been rare, and the per cent, of 2i8 THE LIFE OF loss exceedingly small — smaller than under anv Deniocratic administration. An attempt has been made, in a recent pub- lication issued by the Democratic Congressional Committee, to support the slanders of the last campaign. It is only propping up one lie against another." "•It is not my purpose at this time to discuss the particular tarill' measures proposed by Mr. Morrison and Mr. Randall, 01-, indeed, the general ciucstion of tiic taritf. I l)cHeve tliat the taritr duties should have regard, not onlv to n-venue to be raised, but to the interest of our American producers, and especially of our American workmen. It is clear to my mind that free trade, or a taritl" for revenue, or for revenue onl\- — and these lastwire essentially the same thing — involves necessarily a sudden and severe cut in the wages of workingmen and women in this country. I know it is said that his diminished wages will have an enlarged purchasing power, that after he has sub- mitted to a cut of from lltteen to tiiirt\' per cent, in liis wages, what lie has left will still buy as much as before. But all this is speculation ; the workman has no indemnifying bond, onl\ a philosopher's forecast. The question must be settled by the intelligent workingmen of this country. If the\- do not want protective duties, then they will go. If they think that it is good policy for them that an increased amount of work, neces- sary to supply the American markets, should be done by foreign sliops, by foreign workingmen, then it will come to a pass." Tlie following is an extract from a letter written by Mr. Harrison in 1S85 : BENJAMIN HARRISON. 219 '' I have never believed that cheap money, in the sense of depreciated money, was desirable. I have always thought and said that the interest of the laboring and farming classes especially, was in the line of staple, par currency. The silver question may be presented in diverse forms. I am a bimetal- list by my strong convictions. I think silver should be pre- served as a coin metal, but it is very apparent that the present ratio between silver and gold is out of joint, and that something ought to be done to correct this inequality." The following are extracts from a speech delivered at Dan- ville, Indiana, November 26, 1887 : " There is not a man fit to transact the duties of the simplest vocation from day to day, that does not know that the Repub- lican majorities in three or four of the Southern States are suppressed, are not allowed to find expression at the ballot- box. I do not accept the explanation recently given by a badly reconstructed Southern statesman in his speeches in Ohio. It has not been received with confidence by the people of the North. He tried to make the Ohio people believe that the reason the colored vote did not appear at their elections for members of Congress, and for President, was on account of the fact that the colored man did not take any interest in national elections, but, he said, whenever the ' fence question ' comes up, then you have .a full colored vote. The colored people are interested in the fence question and they turn out ! My fellow-citizens, that was a very grim joke. If there is any class of voters in this country who do take an interest in national elections, who do take an interest in the question of 220 THE LIFE OF who shall be President, it is the freedmen of the South and those colored men who have sought kindlier homes under more hopeful auspices here in our own and other Northern States. There has not been written in the history of anv civil- ized nation a more abominable, cruel, bloody page than that which describes the treatment of the poor blacks in the South, since those states passed imder Democratic control. Why are they not allowed to vote? Because they want to vote the Re- pu])lican ticket. In the last presidential election, and this one to come, our Democratic opponents count with absolute cer- tainty upon one hundred and fifty-three electoral votes from the South, when there is no man, not a fool, who does not know that if every qualified elector in those States was allowed to express himself, they would give their electoral vote for the Republican nominee." "Up here in the Northwest is a fair territory, enormous in extent, the one-half of it apph ing for admission to the I'liion as a Stale more tlian twice as large as the vState of Intliana, ha\ing a population of nearU a half million of souls at this time, kept out of the Union of States ; was kept out in 1884, will be kept out and not allowed to cast an electoral vote in 1888. Why? .Simply because a majority of the people in that territory are Republicans. That, and nothing more. For the whole period of my term in the Senate, as a member of the Committee on Territories, I fought with such ability as I could, 1 pleaded with sucli power as 1 coukl, with these Demociatic SouIIktu Senators ;iiul incinlieis to allow these free peopk' of Dakota the coinnioii rights ol' American citizen- BENJAMIN HARRISON. 221 ship. In 1SS4, to placate, if I could, their opposition to the admission of that State, I put a clause in the liill that the con- stitutional convention should not assemble until after the presi- dential election of that year. But now, four years more have gone around ; again a President is to be elected, and still that young State, peopled with the best blood of all the States, full of the vetei-ans of the late war, loyal to the government and the Constitution, ready to share the perils and Inndens of our national life, is being, will be, kept out of the Union, will be denied any right to cast any electoral vote for President by the Democratic House of Representatives at Washington, solely because a majority of her people hold the political sentiments which we hold. " Some national questions of interest turn upon the coming election. Soldiers, I believe that the question whether your fame and honor shall be exalted above the fame of those who fought against the flag, wdiether the rewards of your services shall be just and liberal and the care of your disabled com- rades ungrudging and ample, depends upon the election of a Republican President in iSSS. For the first time in the history of the American Nation, we have had a President, who, in dealing with the veto power, has used it not only to deny relief, but to impeach the reputations of the men who made it possible for him to be a President of the United States. The veto messages of Mr. Cle^'eland, sent in during the last Con- gress, were, many of them, tipped with poisonous arrows. He vetoed what is called the dependent pension bill. What is the principle of it? I believe that the first bill introduced 222 THE LIFE OF in Congress embodying tlic principles of that bill was intro- duced by me. It was prepared in view of the fact that Con- gress was being ovcrwhehiied with pri\atc pension bills for men now disaliled and unable to maintain themselves, who could not. by proof, comiect their disability with their armv service. I said let us make the limitations of the })ension law wider, and instead of taking in these men one at a time, let us take the whole class in at once — -and hence this bill. Some men sneered at it ; said I was simply trying a buncombe game with the soldiers. But, gentlemen, the general principles of that bill liave come to stay. It has, with slight modifications, received now the vote, almost unanimous, of the Grand Armv of the Republic. That will be laid before Congress at its approaching session. What is the principle of it.^ Whv, it is something like the old rule we had in the armv : as long as a man was able he maiched and carried his own gim and knap- sack, l)ut when he got hurt or sick, and fell out, we had an ambulance to ])ut him in ; and that is tlie principle cml)odied in this bill — that we, the sur\ ivors of the late war, as long as God gives us strength and healtii, will march in this colunm of civil life, making our own li\ing ami carr\ing our own bur- den ; but here is a comrade falling by the way : sickness, casualty — not his own fault — -and he has to fall out ; we want the great national ambulance to take him in. That was the idea of this l)ill. Is it not just.-^ Is it not as much as the soldiers can now hope to secure.'' Why, my countrymen, somebody must care for these veterans who stood up amid shot and shell and sabre stroke, but cannot now trace their infirmities to the army by any satisfactory proof. They have BENJAMIN HARRISON. 223 fought the battle of life manfully since. They are dependent on their work for a living, and they cannot work. Somebody must take care of them ; the expense cannot be avoided unless you kick the old veterans out and let them die on the roadside. Somebody must care for them, and the simple question is, shall they be cared for as paupers in the county poorhouse, or shall the great Nation they served and saved care for them as soldiers? I prefer the latter. I want the generations coming on to know that it is safe to abandon civil pursuits, throw wealth behind you and yourself into the bloody conflict for the Nation's life ; that republics are grateful, and that its soldiers will be taken care of." From speeches in the Senate on the question of the admis- sion of Dakota : "Mr. President, I have never anywhere, or at any time, here or on the hustings, had but one voice upon this subject, and that was, that the man who in tlie hour of his country's need had bravely gone to the rescue, had exposed himself to shot and shell and sabre stroke in defense of the flag, was entitled to choose his own politics, and, while I might object to his taste, I had no criticisms for him. "Sir, who introduced all these personalities? Where has this tide of abuse, which has been heaped upon citizens of Da- kota, had its strength ? Not on this side of the chamber. But Senators on that side of the chamber, from the very beginning of this debate, have felt warranted in calling the men who had been conspicuous in this movement for the formation of a new state conspii-ators, ambitious and scheming politicians ; and 224 THE LIFE OF that course of vituperation lias run through the whole debate, on the part of gentlemen on the other side of the chamber. What is the distinction between an ambitious politician and a statesman? Do all my friends on the other side of the cham- ber fall into the list of statesmen? "Have they no ambition ? I appeal to the Senators who have heard every word I have spoken in this debate, from first to last, whether I have not avoided, against strenuous temptation, the bringing into this debate of the private characters of men whose names have been drawn in here by the Senator from South Carolina, whose opposition to this bill has been so intense that I never regarded him as within the reach of reason or logic. It has seemed to me that nothing but Pasteur's new treatment would do in his case. ''But, I was saying, another objection we met with, was that the people of South Dakota did not want it ; and my friend from Missouri (Mr. Vest) — whose absence to-day I much regret, not only because he is himself a sutlerer, but because it puts some limitation upon what I should otherwise say — the Senator from Missouri at the last session had been so foitunate as to get two or three letters from people li\ing in .South Dakota — two, I think, was the limit — one from a gentleman by tlie name of Richmond, and another from a lady named Marietta Bones, and in order to satisfy the Senate that the people of South Da- kota did not want to lie admitted as a .Stale lie read those two formidable letters. "He pursues the same policy in the debate this session : gath- ering up a few letters and pouring them in upon the .Senate in order to give .Senators a correct idea of I'le popular senti- BENJAMIN HARRISON. 225 inent in the Territory. Every one of these people from whom the Senator reads letters has been counted once. I must suppose that when the vote was taken, they voted against the constitution ; and if they did so, they are part of that number of 6,000 that is recorded against it. Do Senators think that it strengthened tlieir case to parade these individual expressions again before the Senate? " I once heard a celebrated theatrical manager say that there was one thing in the way of stage deception that the gallery gods would not stand, and that was to have an army of supes come around the second time. When they recognized the face of a fellow who had been on the stage once before, that busi- ness had to be stopped. And yet, just that stage deception these gentlemen are attempting to practice upon the Senate and the country. The persons in South Dakota who op- pose this constitution have been counted once, and that is enough. We do not want this army of supes marched around atrain." " So it is, Mr. President. The Senator from Alabama, who last season talked so blandly and kindly about the admission of Dakota that he absolutely persuaded me that I could count, if not upon his vote, at least upon his candid and kind consid- eration of this bill, goes about looking up some question of personal disqualification in some member of the convention, and that, as I think, upon insufiicient informati(jn. Then the Senator does not like to adopt this constitution, because he says w^e have to take with it the Senators who have been elected by the legislature which was convened under it. ' We have to 15 226 THE LIFE OF take,' Mr. Picsident ! What lias the Senator, or any other Senator here, to do with the (luestion as to \\]\o shall he the Senators from any state ? We have to take the Senator and his colleague, and we do it agreeably and without protestation ; we have to take the Senator from Missouri and his C(jlleague, and why? Because they have been chosen by the legisla- tures of their respective states. I caiuiot understantl why we shoidd not deal in the same way with Dakota, when she shall be admitted. If these proceedings of Dakota ha\e been such that we can approNC them, then I sulnnit it is for no Senator to sav here that he objects to her demand because he lias to take Senators whom her people have chosen. " "The Senator from South Carolina says that we did not encourage the Republicans down there to come out and vote ; that thev needed encouragement, and that the Senator from Illinois, and other leaders of the Republican part\ , failed to go down and encourage them. Well, Mr. President, they are a tliscouraged set, those Republicans in South Carolina. The\ have ne\er had any encouragement since 1S76, and the onh- efficient encouragement, according to their judgment, was the presence of some of the troops of the United States. We cannot do that any more, and perhaps it never ought to have been done. But this is aside from the question, altogether. The election in South Carolina may be fair ; everybody who wants to vote may have a chance to vote ; all the talk ot intim- iilation may be absolutely false ; all the stories of bloodshed and violence and red-shirted cavalry may all be imagination ; all the stories of tissue ballots may be vain and fraudulent. For BENJAMIN HARRISON. 227 the purposes of this argument, I assume that they are, that there is nothing in them in the world ; and yet I ask the Sen- ator from South Carolina, if in a presidential election, if in the election of a legislature that is to choose Senators for this body, forty-four per cent, of the total vote in South Carolina is sufhciently expressive of the popular will there to choose these officers, may it not be that upon the mere question of voting on a constitution in Dakota, fifty-eight per cent, is enough } " From a speech in the Senate : Tenure-of-Office Act and the Democratic Star Chamber. "In the President's recent message, speaking of the law of 1867, which required the President to transmit his reasons for a suspension, he says in substance : ' If that law were in force I would obey it,' showing that he submits himself to the pro- visions of the tenure-of-office law, and does not challenge its constitutionality. Under that law, I do not see how any man can doubt that, in the case of a suspended officer, nominated in place of another whose removal is proposed, the concurrence of the Senate is an essential, necessary, and eftective part of the act of removal. The officer is not removed until the Senate acts in either case. He is an officer until, by the confirmation of his successor, we change the office and place it in other hands, and that quite as strictly in law, while he is suspended from the exercise of its functions, as while he is in their actual discharge. The question is clearly one with which we have to do. We are asked b}' the President to do an act which 228 THE LIFE OF removes a man from office, and will any one insist that we are not entitled to all needful information ; tliat we may not rightly consider that which is the constitutional and legal result of our act; that we must shut our eyes to the (juestion whether there has heen cause for suspicion, whether the office has been mis- managed, whether the man who previously held it has been recreant to official trust — that we must close our eyes to all these questions, when his removal from office is that which we are asked to consummate in the one case, the direct conse- quence of what we are asked to do? It has been said that the tenuie-of-office act has been out of use. I shall not attempt to repeat the high-sounding terms in which the President con- veyed to us this information. I have been in tiiis body ti\e years, and I affirm that the civil tenure-of-office law has never been out of use. T affirm, thougli nn colleague (Mr. \^o<)r- hees) declared tiie contrary yesterda}-, that a Republican Sen- ate under a Republican President put it to tiie \er\' use to which we are putting it now. I affirm that not once, but many times, (and if he will spur his recollection, many of the instances will come to his own mind), has this same retjuest for papers been made and complied with, and the Senate has considereil upon tlie papers the tjuesti(jn of whether there was cause for removal. I can call cases to mind when just such information, demanded by a Republican Senate of a Republican President, intiucnced my action and vote upon nt)minations that were proposed to us. " It is not true, Mr. President. The fact is that the tenure-of- office law has been enforced ; it has been continually in mind in the administration of that part of our duty connected with the confirmation of officers nominated by the President. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 229 " Many of them, as the Senator from Connecticut suggests, were affidavits containing sworn charges that have been filed in the departments. Is there a Democratic Senator here who will get up and confess that he filed any.? Is there one.'' Is it not true, my friends, that whenever this is suggested to )ou you are prompt to say : ' I never went into the business ; I would not be guilty of filing such charges.'' ' Is not that true.'' " Is this the great issue upon which the Democracy is to be united.'' I affirm that there is not a Democrat who hears me — a member of this body — who will confess that he has become, or agree that he is willing to become, a party to this method of getting Democrats into office. '•It may be — though I would not impute such a motive to any Democratic Senator — I have thought sometimes that there might be gentlemen, connected with Congress possibly, or outside Democrats of influence, who had an interest in help- ing to hold down the lid of the box in which these secrets are buried, because if it were opened it would show that they had participated in this work. "• I think there must be in these files a great deal of matter of which the President is ignorant, a great many confidential papers wnich he withholds from us that he has never seen him- self. I am bound to believe that is true, horn the knowledge I have of the contents of some of them, or I am compelled to believe that he is utterly insincere in his public utterances as to his methods of administering the appointments to office. "■ And now to turn from the grave to the gay. This non-par- tisan civil service administration has turned Republicans out because they were on committees, or published newspapers, or 230 THE LIFE OF took some active part in campaigns. A friend of mine sent me the other day this post-office heading : it is a little post- otHce in Greene County, Indiana. "Mr. Edmunds. — A Democratic post-office at the present time .' " Mr. Harrison. — I suppose so. He was appointed on July 20, 1SS5, and I believe no Republican has been appointed since that date. The printing is as follows : '''James H. Quinlax, P.M. " ' Post-office at Lyons, Greene County, Indiana.' " On this side (exhibiting) is a picture of Cleveland and Hendricks, with the words under it, ' Our benefactors.' I suppose the possessive pronoun refers to the postmasters, and not to the public generally. Some Republican postmasters were, I understand, convicted of offiensive partisanship, and turned out because, (.luring the last campaign, the\- had a picture of the late Honorable John A. Logan, our candidate for the Vice-Presidency, displayed in the office. That was thought to evince offensive partisanship, and without being allowed to prove whether it was a likeness or not, they were turned out. There were some of those campaign pictures of General Logan that I think a man might have raised an issue on. But here a Democratic postmaster is not guilty of otlensive partisanship when he puts on a post-office letter-head the name of the Democratic President and Vice-President with the legend, ' Our benefactors.' The Postmaster-General's head ought to have been on there, because that is a fourth-class post-office." BENJAMIN HARRISON. 231 Civil Service Commission. " J/r. President : My colleague (Mr. Voorhees) mistakes the issue. The issue is not whether it is an ajjpropriate thing that there should be Democrats in office or not. It is not whether, in the al^sence of law, it would be a just subject of criticism if the Secretery of the Interior, or any other head of a department here, appointed Democrats, or Democrats exclu- sively, if you please. The question here is one of the admin- istration of the law, and a law that had a distinguished Democratic origin ; though I am sorry to say it has never had much Democratic support, and the fact of originating it has been very creditable to its originator. "The question here raised is as to the faithfulness of the administration of the law ; and upon the facts I have before me, I do not intend to say that, on the part of the commissioners who are here appealing to Congress for some additional cleri- cal force, there has been a maladministration or a corrupt administration of it. The investigation to which reference has been made is not yet concluded, and I am not one of those who rush into the discussion of a case until the evidence is closed. It does not appear, however, according to the facts as stated by the Senator from Kansas (Mr. Ingalls), that some- how or other, under the operations of this civil service law and the rules which have been made for its enforcement, which have in most cases required that only the three or four leading persons, the three or four highest upon the list, should be certified, — by some process or other, this has been accom- plished in the Pension Office, namely, that seventy-two out of seventy-seven men, who have been selected under the law from 232 THE LIFE OF lists furnished by the Civil Service Commission, have been Democrats, and that the other tive are tbiuul without any politics at all. "That is true. That may be consistent with an impartial, non-partisan administration of the Civil Service bureau. It may be so. We shall know more about it when we get through witli the investigation which has been inaugurated on that subject. It is true, undoubtedly true, that prior to the passage of the civil service law, both on the part of the Re- publicans and the Democrats, when they were in power, the great bulk of the appointments were made of the political faith of the person having the appointing power. '"• I know nothing about that. I did not rise to enter any complaint, and should not have said anything on such a sub- ject, except for references that have been matle bv other Senators. "If the Civil Service Commission need these clerks, as the chairman of the committee having that subject in charge assures us, 1 am willing to give them to them ; and if it shall be found that the office is in some way administered so as to give a par- tisan turn, so that while things are put promiscuously and fairly into the mill, nothing but Democratic results come out — when we liave ascertained that fact, then it will be time enough, so far as I am concerned, to arraign the commission, and to hold them to that just responsibility to which the countrv will hold them, if it is found to be the result of any maladministra- tion or fraudulent administration of the law. " I desire simpl\- to sa\' that it seems to me this commission BENJAMIN HARRISON. . 233 should not be composed of men who are supposed to repre- sent interests. The words which I move to strike out, would imply that there was to be a railroad man on the commission, perhaps a railroad president or officer, and that there was to be some one representing the agriculturists, some one I'epre senting the manufacturing interests, and so on. If this com- mission is to accomplish the good which is expected of it, it should not be made up of men who represent particular inter- ests. We should not have there some one who understands that he is the representative of the railroad companies, and some one else that he is there as the representative of shippers who desire lower rates. We shall have no wise consideration of this question, and no useful recommendations, in my judg- ment, from such a commission. I believe the President should be left free to choose men who will represent the general interests of the whole country, rather than to choose men who will stand for special interests. Therefore I move to strike out these words." vSeacoast Defense. " There is another thing we want done. We want our sea- coast ports put in a position of defense, so that it will no longer be possible for some third-rate power of South America to run an ironclad in and put our cities under contribution. For the brutal treatment that was meted out to us by England, when our hands were full by reason of the great civil conflict, we have accepted a recompense in money ; but no nation must repeat that experiment with our patience. We must also save enough revenue to put on the sea a navy worthy of this great 234 THE LIFE OF Nation, aiul capable of maintaining our old-time prestige on the ocean. We will no longer have our shame-faced naval officers creeping into foreign ports in wooden hulks, the laughing stock of all who see them. Republicans have been trying to do this for a good while, but while the Democrats had control of the House of Representatives they refused to make the neces- sary appropriations, because they said they could not trust a Republican secretary to spend them. Well, when they got a secretary of their own the Republicans were more magnani- mous. We said he was not a whit better or a whit honester than our man was, but we are American citizens ; and we walked grandly forward and gave them, to be expended in the construction of ships, all the money that a parsimonious Democratic House would let us give them." Speech at Indianapolis, December 20, 18S7. " In connection with this surplus of about one hundred mil- lions a year, there is danger; there are dangers of profligacy, of expenditure, and others that require us to address ourselves promptly and intelligently to the question of a reduction of our revenue. I liavc said before I would like to have that work done by the Republicans, because I would like to have it done with reference to some great questions connected with the use of the revenue, about which I cannot trust my Democratic friends. I would like to have our coast defenses made secure ; I would like to have our na\y made respectable, so that an American naval officer, as he trod the deck of the ship bearing the starry banner at its head in any port throughout the world, and looked about upon her equipment and armament, might eel that she wa s a match for the proudest ship that walked the BENJAMIN HARRISON. 235 sea under any other flag. I would like to feel that no third- rate power, aye, no first-rate power, could sail into our defense- less harbors and lay our great cities under tribute. I would like to feel that the just claims of the survivors of the Union Army of the war were made secure and safe. Therefore, I have a strong preference that this work of the reduction of our revenue, internal and external, shall be conducted by Republi- cans." A plea for the union of Temperance forces : " But to those more practical Temperance men who do not demand the unattainable, the Republican party appeals in this campaign. If some of us will not engage to accept the goal you have in view, need we part company till we reach the forks of the road ? It would not have been good military tac- tics for Grant's army before Petersburg to have refused to unite in an assault until his soldiers could agree upon the precise terms of reconstruction. The first duty in hand was to whip Lee. The Liquor League is entrenched in this State behind the Deinocratic party and the legislative gerrymander. It has levied its assessments to create campaign funds for Democratic uses, and to corrupt legislatures. The Republican party has boldly declared that its repression must be shaken ofi', and its corrupt influence in politics destroyed. Is not that a work in which all men who favor temperance reform can unite .^ Can such aftbrd to divide when that issue is presented.?" . On the evening of October 5, 1887, a meeting was held in Indianapolis, in honor of Messrs. O'Connor and Osmond. 236 THE LIFE OF During the evening, Mr. Harrison was loudly called for, and spoke, in substance, as follows : " The hour is already so late that I shall detain the audi- ence hut a moment. I aiu glad to have had the opportunity to iiear the distinguished guests of the evening — men who in the British Parliament stand for Home Rule in Ireland. They have given me much fuller information than I had before of the oppressive character of the coercion acts. I was glad, also, to know that the Irish people have shown such a steady and self-contained adherence to their rights, and such steadfastness in the assertion of them l)y lawful methods. We know that Irishmen liave many a time, in the struggle of their native land, and in oui" figiit in America for free government, thrown themselves upon the bayonet of the enemies of liberty with reckless courage. It is gratifying to know that they can also make a tjuict i^ut unyielding resistance to oppression by Par- liamentary methods. I would rather be William O'Brien in Tullamore jail, a mart\i of free speech, than the Lord Lieu- tenant of Ireland, in Dublin Castle." Why another ciiange of administration is desirable : "Our Democratic friends are now inclined to withdraw the suggestion that a change is a good thing, but I believe the peo- ple, in view of broken pledges and disajjpointed hopes, are willing to make one more. But if the hopes of indiyidual bene- fit from the election of Mr. Cleveland have been disai)pointed, has any gain come to the Nation? Has its honor or its credit been lifted up.' Ha\e we any more reason to be proud that we are Americans ? Has our diplomacy gained us increased BENJAMIN HARRISON. 237 respect? Has patriotism and l()\altv been recrowned ? No, my countrymen. The flag has dropped to half-mast in honor of a man who was not only disgracefully unfeithful to a civil trust before the war, and a rebel during the war, but who, from a safe haven in Canada, sought by his hired emissaries to give our peaceful cities to the flames. An unrestored rebel was named to represent this country at the court of St. Peters- burg, unminilful of the fact that the Czar was on our side dur- ing the Rebellion. The courts of Europe were canvassed to find a place for a man who had declared the government he was to represent a " bloody usurpation." Our fishermen are badgered in Canadian \vaters, while the peacefid retaliatorv powers confined by law to the President are unused. So gan- eial has been the condemnation of our diplomatic dealings \\ ith Mexico, that our distinguished Secretary of State is said to believe that the whole countr\- has entered into a conspiracv against him, while the jockey club in Mexico has debaucheil his special envoy. The dying appeal of Mr. Tilden was not enough to arouse the patriotism of a Democratic majority in the House to make an appropriation for our coast defenses. The modest bill for new war ships — carrying $6,500,000 — was, by decree of the Democratic steering committee, reduced to $3,500,000, under a threat that it should not otherwise have consideration. Wounded and deserving soldiers have been expelled from public offices upon a secret charge, and their appeals to know the character of the charges have been treated by an arrogant head of department with contemptuous silence." L< PART II. LEVI PARSONS MORTON. Part Second. LIFE OF LEVI PARSONS MORTON Chapter I. ANCESTRY. A PASSENGER ON THE SHIP ANN A SETTLER IN MIDDLEBORO', MAS- SACHUSETTS — LATER GENERATIONS A BIRTH IN MAINE RE- MOVAL TO VERMONT SCHOOL AT MIDDLEBURY, VERMONT STUDIES FOR THE MINISTRY REMOVAL TO SHOREHAM — ANOTHER FAMILY OF MASSACHUSETTS REMOVAL TO ADDISON COUNTY, VER- MONT — THE FIRST AMERICAN MISSIONARY TO THE HOLY LAND — MARRIAGE THE FOURTH CHILD HIS NAME. In 1623 the good ship Afiu cast anchor just off the Massa- chusetts shore Among her passengers was a young man of sterling piety, who sought the freedom to be found in the New World, and whose name was George Morton. This man set- tled at Plymouth. But his son,. John Morton, liecame one of the famous "twenty-six men " who bought the lands at Nemasket, and settled the town of Middleboro'. He was the first deputy to the General Court of Plymouth, in 1670, and was chosen again in 1672. 16 242 THE LIFE OF According to accounts which seem accurate,' the house he built before King Philip's War was saved from the conflagra- tion, when the town was burned during tliat war, on account of friendly acts done to the Indians, and remained standing until but a few years ago. According to other accounts, that first house was burned in the war, and another was built imme- diately afterwards, which was not destroyed until about 1870. This man's son, the second Jolm Morton, bought extensive tracts of land, and enlarged the house which became famous as the " old Morton House." A Mrs. Morton was living in the house al)out 1750. She was a member of the First Congregational Church, of Middle- boro', and distinguished for her piety and social influence. vShe was a woman of great hospitality. Her home was the home of the clergj'men who visited the church. On one occa- sion, when a couple of ministers called near the diimcr-hour, she placed before them what she had, remarking that she had not time to prepare more. " But, gentlemen," said she, " if you are good Christians you will be thankful for this; if vou are not, it is too good for you." vSo the ^lortons and their descendants lived for generations, — one of the noble, patriot families of the Commonwealth on whose shores " American liberty raised her first voice." Two characteristics marked the people of Massachusetts, Itoth in the earlier and later days : an intense piety and an in- tense patriotism. It has been said that they abused the former by linking it with the spirit of persecution. However that may be, the spirit of libertv was not wanting in anv part of their natures, even in their religion. They only asked that the LEVI P. MORTON. 243 society which they liad established enjoy its liberty without molestation by doctrines from other societies. The shores of the New World were long, and the fields were wide, and they had no objection to the presence of others near them, Init in separate communities ; they would even unite with others in the common defense of civil and religious liberty. This sort of persecution — which rose in self-defense, in the belief that doctrines were essential, and that foreign teachings would demoralize and ruin them and their children — was far difier- ent from that which had been carried on against them in En- gland, to compel them to conform to other teaching. This peculiarity was manifested in civil, as well as in relig- ious afiairs. The Puritans were aggressive in matters of hu- man liberty ; but not in matters of doctrine or philosophy, civil, social, or religious. In those things they merely desired lib- erty. English persecution, on the other hand, has always been the manifestation of the assumption of authority of class over the conscience and liberty of class. Daniel Webster, in later years, taught, with the Declaration of Independence, and according to the assumption of the Constitution of the United States, that men are already free and equal, and that govern- ment should be for the defense of this liberty, not to compel men to conform to anything civil or otherwise. And it may be noted, in the history of the Federalist, National Republican, Whig, and Republican parties, that their greatest rally ings of their forces, and their greatest uprisings, have been when the principles of liberty were in danger, and not when they sought to enforce conformity of any sort. The latter char- acteristic belongs strictly and solely to the Democratic party, 244 THE LIFE OF and its greatest illustration is the War of the Rebellion. Every Whig sought conciliation until 1S54, and many of them until Sumter was fired on. Then, the danger arising, they arose in defense of liberty. Such was the spirit of the people, among whom George Morton and his descendants have not been insignificant. One of the later Mortons moved to Maine, and there a son, Daniel O. Morton, was born to him. He removed, while this son was young, to Middlebury, Vermont, and there he brought him up strictly, and in the later Puritan faith. He gave him a good education, sending him until he graduated, to Middle- bury College. Daniel O. Morton thus became a strong, self-reliant, sturdy man, ready for any kind of life that Providence seemed to poirit out to him. Pie became a Congregational minister. When he had graduated, and was ready to enter on the life of a min- ister, he settled in Shoreham, Vermont, in 1S1.J, and there he remained as pastor for many years. He afterwards became pastor of the church at SiDringfield, Vermont, and afterwards at Winchendon, Massachusetts. He became a powerfid preacher, but noted more for his earnest, indefatigable pastoral work, and faithful and learned teachings, than for great elo- (|ucnce. He seems to have gone quietly along, content to teach the lunnble in his parish, and utterly without that restless am- l)iti()n that often characterizes those in iniblic life, to acquire more notoriety. There is extant a pamphlet written by him, in which is described the great revival at Springfield about the year 183S, andfit is, perhaps, his only published work. There was another Massachusetts familv — that of Rev. LEVI P. MORTON. 245 Justyn Parsons. He moved from Western Massachusetts and settled in Addison County, Vermont, not far from Middle- bury. He had a son named Levi, who also became a minister — educated, and a man of talent and culture and piety. Levi Parsons was associated with the Rev. Mr. Fisk, and the two were the first American missionaries to the Holy Land. Mr. Parsons died in 1824, and was buried in Alexandria, Egypt. A daughter of the Rev. Justyn Parsons, sister to Levi, as pious and accomplished as her brother, was a light and comfort to the household when they moved to Vermont. But she there met the young student, Daniel O. Morton ; they became en- gaged, and about the time he was to enter on his duties in Shoreham, they were married. The young minister took his bride to the rough and small village, and together they began the task of making out of it a typical New England village. The New England villages have a characteristic quietness and steadiness and culture, due, more than to anything else, to the long pastorates of faithful ministers. A young man en- tered upon his pastorate when the village was young ; he won the confidence of the quiet people ; the young at last all came more or less under his influence ; he officiated at all weddings, and all funerals ; he patronized the public school ; he encour- aged every kind of knowledge ; he set the example of beautify- ing his home by adornments of quiet art ; and so ten, twenty, thirty, forty, and fifty years passed, and there was a quiet vil- lage nestled among the shade-trees, having a cleanly appear- ance, and somehow an air of culture ; and the minister himself could scarcely tell how the touches of modern art and taste became mingled with the earlier adornments until he could 246 THE LIFE OF not perceive where one ended and the other began, so imper- ceptibly and gradually had the changes come by the influence of the spirit he had given them years before. This is the typical New England \illage, with its cottages, and even with its mills. .Such, with the diflbrences required by local circumstances, was Shoreham. The village was not in the centre of the stern Puritan society, but, with a few others in that region which were established by such influences, was isolated from it by the Green Mountains. It was situated on the shore of Lake Champlain, midway north and south between Ticonderoga and Crown Point, which were on the opposite side of the river. Here it was more accessible to the influences from the mouth of the Hudson, than to those from Massachusetts Bay. Never- theless, the little village quietly grew under the care and vigil- ance of the village pastor and his faithful associates, and their influence was greater tlian any from oilier sources. To the young couple were born, as man\- cjuiet vears went by, six cliildren — four daughters and two sons. Four of these are living to-day, and a daughter and a son are dead. This son, Daniel (). Alorton, died at his home in Toledo, Ohio, December 51)1, 1S59, at the age of fortv-four. He was a graduate of Aliddleburv College, anil had achieved consider- able fame in Ohio as an able law \er. He was appointed b\- Picsi(knt Pierce I'nited States Distiict Attornev for ()liio. Some )eai"s before his death, he manitested that independence and patriotism that belonged to the people from whom he descended in a characteristic manner. lie had been a mem- ber of the I )em<)Ciatic parts, and one of its conscientious sup- porters. At tlu' mutteriugs of icbellion aiul arrogance on the LEVI P. MORTON. 247 part of the South, and the disloyal apologies for it on the part of Democrats of the North, he deliberately separated himself from the party, and announced his purpose to stand by the government and the Union, at a time when the act involved the bitterest persecution from old friends. Levi Parsons Morton, the fourtli child, was born at Shoreham, May 16, 1824. Th's, it will be seen, was in the same year in which the missionary died at his lonely post and was buried in Alexandria, and it may be that that fact had something to do with naming the boy. Chapter II, THP: liOYHOOD OF MORTON. THE preacher's SALARY — A FAMILY OF EIGHT — HOW TO EDUCATE THE CHILDREN THE COMMON SCHOOL AT SHOREHAM THE IN- FLUENCE OF HOME — COUNTRY STORE IN ENFIELD A TWO YEARS' PRACTICAL SCHOOLING — APTITUDE FOR BUSINESS — HABITS — MIND — ANOTHER COUNTRY STORE — A MARK OF EMPLOYER'S CON- FIDENCE — BRANCH STORE IN HANOVER — DARTMOUTH COLLEGE — FOUNDATION FOR FUTURE SUCCESS — FIRST VOTE AND POLITICAL VIEWS — ANOTHER ADVANCE IN 1849. Levi's father was poor ; and he modestly chose a humble station, even for a minister. His salary was but six hundred dollars a year; a small amount, indeed, for the li\ino- of a fam- ily of eight, and the education of six children. Levi was born at a time when his father's cares and expenses had increased, and were still increasing, by reason, not only of the added number to llic household, but of the accumulat- ing demands of living, benevolence, and enterprise as the vil- lage grew older. He was scarcely able to attend the country school when the sixth child was born ; and the expenses of the education of his cider l)r()tiier at Middlebury began to drain liis tatlici's purse. He was just nine \ears old when his brother graduated at the age of eighteen ; but his father was not able to let Daniel's mantle of fortune fall upon Levi's slioulders, for he must not only pay the graduate's expenses in the otHce of Pavue cSl Wilson, Cleveland, Ohio, v\ here he LEVI P. MORTON. 249 pursued legal studies, until after his removal to Toledo, and the beginning of his practice in 1837, but must bear the increased burdens of a* family of growing children, and of a larger parish. With his small income, it was impossible for Mr. Morton to give his other children the advantages he had given the first. It became, indeed, a serious problem how to provide for them and educate them at all. True, he and his wife were edu- cated and could teach ; and in this home-school the children would always be under the best of influences. But the poor have little time or opportunity for giving their children direct courses of instruction ; and the poor minister and his wite especially, are not spared such time and opportunity from the varied home and parish duties. Yet what training could be given in that way, was given, and at least the moral and relig- ious influences should not be lacking. It thus came about that the boy, Levi, did not receive a col- lege education, and that he did receive good home-training instead. But he was also enabled to attend the common school in Shoreham, and this was all the school-training he ever received. That he made use of his talents, was a faith- ful pupil, and applied himself well, can easily be believed from his subsequent career. His teachers had no more promising pupil, and he justified their expectations. Levi Morton furnishes in his life an illustration of the effi- ciency of the American home — the homes built by those ruled by conscience alone, and having broad, independent ideas and spirit to impart to their children. Meanwhile, as the boy grew up, he had to assist in bearing 250 THE LIFE OF the common burdens. He could not attend school at Sprnig- field, nor at Winchendon, for this reason. Soon after arriving at the latter village, it became necessary that he should earn wages ; and to this end, he resolved to pursue a course that would lead iiim, by way of study, discipline, and experience, to those heights of culture that had been denied him through the schools. He was not of that cool and calculating business temper that has no ends in view but wealth, at any cost. His }()uthful eye looked longingly upon that culture, and no doubt on that fame, from which he had been debarred by lack of wealth, and wealth he determined to have as a means to the coveted end ; and judging from his subsequent career, he determined, also, that when he should become rich, he would not deny to others what the rich had practically denied to him. At the age of fifteen, he went to Enfield, Massachusetts, on the Swift River, and entered as a clerk, a countr\ variet\' store, kept by Mr. Ezra Cary. Here were sold dry-goods, groceries, crockery ware, tin ware, and everything that people might want, for the village was not large enough for stores doing special kinds of trade. Here he remained two years. He had a natural aptitude for the business, and he was faithful and trusty. His em- |iloyer could leave him in charge for days, when he wished, and matters would go on and prosper. Young Morton found the two years were to him the same as two years of schooling. He brought not only what he had learned at home and in tlie country school into practical use, but he gained both training and knowletlge. He became a ready calculator, and began also to learn the larger principles of trade, looking out for the inter- LEVI P. MORTON. 251 ests of his employer in many ways. With Levi Morton the proprietor's business was as his own. He had come there to help, to clerk, to take oversight frequently, and he conscien- tiously strove to do his work well. Besides this consideration, he had business habits that served him here in good need. True, no good habit can be so well formed but that it be improved. He might have learned merely to follow his business t;istes by hal)it, but then he would have become a mere machine, and his tastes but part of the machine. The habit of always bringing original inventive business faculties to bear on one's business life makes the mechanical in one's life impossible; and, in his line, Levi Morton had inventive faculties. He had a fertility of resource that gave promise of his future success. He carried his home principles into everything he did ; a stern integrity, a consci- entiousness, a tirm confidence in the machinery that produces results. when set in motion by wisdom and prudence. This was his apparent coolness ; but it was rather, in fact, the steady control of giant forces. At the end of two years, he closed his work with Mr. Gary, and went into a store at Concord, New Hampshire, owned by Mr. W. W. Esterbrook. Here was a largerstore, a largertrade, and here he received larger wages. The same fidelity that marked his course in Enfield, he manifested in Concord, and he also proved himself fully equal to his additional tasks. The confidence his new employer had in him was soon to be shown in a marked manner. They had not been together many months, before Mr. Esterbrook sent him to establish a branch store in Hanover, New Hampshire, and conduct it him- 252 THE LIFE OF self. It was no ordinary good fortune, and no ordinary show of appreciation for a young man. Hanover was on the Connecticut River, and was the seat of Dartmouth College. Its glory over ordinary villages, there- fore, was no assumption ; while its society, if not fiistidious, was yet not satisfied with lack of culture and intelligence among those with whom it dealt, or whom it admitted to its circles. It is no small thing, therefore, to say that it opened its heart to the young merchant. Professors and students be- came his friends, and they, and the rest of the elite of Han- over, were glad to have his presence on occasions of intellectual or social assembling ; for he had a natural grace and refinement that made him welcome in the homes of the rich, and made the poor his friends. Thus young Morton foimd himself under the best influences that Dartmouth and Hanover could aflord ; for his associations were not of that class that detract from steadiness of life. He attended strictly to his business ; he never lost sight of the fact that others' interests were bound up in his own : and, besides, he had no tastes for that companionship which did not in spirit harmonize with the seriousness of his aims in life. He sought rather the society of the cultivated, the thoughtful, and the con- scientious. It can also be understood, from his birth and bringing-up, that he had a natural taste for that stern devotion that marked the lives of cultivated church-people in that day. \'et, withal, he was genial, companionable, and broad of mind and heart. He was not narrow nor bigoted in any sense. In Hano\er, Mr. Morton gained his first practical insight into the details of the connnission business ; and here he no LEVI P. MORTON. 253 doubt laid the foundations of his broad plans of life that brought him great returns of wealth. He dealt fairly and honestly. He managed the business with skill and enterprise. He attracted, by his gentlemanly manners and enterprising meth- ods of conducting his store, the trade of professors, students, and all other classes. His goods were of the best quality. He also thoroughly satisfied those whose goods he was handling ; and he won for himself a reputation for business integrity and capability that was to be of no little service to him in time to come. So he remained in Hanover, giving entire satisfaction to all with whom he dealt, until he was twenty-five. Before this time, Mr. Morton had cast his first vote, in 1848. He had always had his convictions on the public questions of the day ; and though he was so far removed from the great centres of conflict, yet he lived right in the midst of the peo- ple who had descended from those who had taken, at first, the deepest interest in American principles, and where that interest had never waned. He had always been a Whig, and his first vote was cast for Zachary Taylor. He was among those that w^ere always serious in political matters ; and he never could understand how men, claiming to have the interest of the country at heart, could toy recklessly with the rights of the people. Hence he deplored the clinging to the Whig cause of politicians for personal or local interests, as had been the case since the days of Jackson. He believed the Whig cause would prosper better without them, in work and in numbers. There were many honest and true patriots in the United States wdiose minds were confused by these parasites. They knew the professions of the Whig party ; but 254 LEVI P. MORTON. when these so-called friends manifested more trickery than principle, some of them having made speeches in behalf of better principles than they afterwards regarded while in office, these genuine patriots revolted from the idea of Whio- purity. When there was evident conniving at corruption for the sake of gaining \otcs, these men could not believe in Whig sincerity. These things in that day, as in this, were called " politics," and condoned because they were '' politics," and "■ politics " was right. But Mr. Morton did not believe in that kind of politics. He believed that manipulations might always be made on honest basis; and that a party with such principles as the Whig party professed, need not be ashamed of them anywhere, and that honest and open avowal of them, and open work for their success, would at last call the better elements of the government to rally around the Whig standard. He believed that people with American principles predomin- ated in America. Believing as he did, he was of just the right material to put into the foundation of the new partv that should afterwards rise, composed largely, perhaps almost alto- gether at first, of the very best of American patriots. In 1S49, there was another change in his personal affairs. 'He gave up the store at Hanover, and went to Boston to enter the large business house of Messrs. Beebe & Company, as clerk. So far, his march from boyhood was attended with success. Nor was his star destined to srrow dim. Chapter III. BUSINESS AND FINANCIAL RECORD. 'BEEBE & company" JOINED BY MR. MORGAN MR. MORTON A RESIDENT PARTNER IN NEW YORK DEATH OF HIS FATHER — "MORTON & GRINNELL" — FIRST MARRIAGE — A FINANCIAL FAILURE A NEW FIRM AN HONORABLE DEED — MR. BLISS ENTERS THE FIRM "MORTON, ROSE A COMPANY," LONDON — DEATH OF HIS WIFE — YEARS OF BRAVERY UNDER AFFLICTION — ^ ANOTHER HAPPY MARRIAGE "HALIFAX AWARD" STORY OF THE RESUMPTION OF SPECIE PAYMENT. The real business life of Levi P. Morton began in 1849, when he received an invitation to become clerk in the large dry-goods commission house of James M. Beebe & Company, Boston, \\hich was, at that time, one of the largest and most reliable firms in New England. He continued as clerk for the firm two years ; and that he gave perfect satisfaction is witnessed by the confidence mani- fested in him in various ways, on the part of his employers, and especially by a promotion that came to him at the end of the two years. On the 1st of January, 1S51, Mr. Junius S. Morgan, who had been a member of the firm of Howe, Mather & Company, of Hartford, Connecticut, entered the firm of Beebe & Com- pany, which then became Beebe, Morgan & Company. About the same time, young Morton's first two years with the house ended, and he was now made a member of the firm. 256 THE LIFE OF One year after, in January, 1852, the firm opened a branch package house in New York City, and Mr. Morton was tletailed as resident partner and manager. It was in that year tliat his father, Daniel O. Morton, died in Bristol, New Hampshire, whither he had removed from Winchendon in 1S42, and where he had done eBective work as pastor of the Congregational Church. Thus passed away one of the strong pillars of the later Puritan faith ; a defender of civil and religious liberty in its broadest, truest sense, and a conservator, in his life and teaching, of much that was good in past systems of social and religious doctrine. Subsequently a memorial tablet was erected in the church at Bristol. It was of the finest, and most highly polished Italian marble. It was three feet four inches wide, by six feet high. On the top were molded scroll cornices and a (jothic cross. The whole was upheld by sculptured l)rackets. The following was the inscription : " In memory of the Rev. Daniel Oliver Morton, Pastor of the Congregational Churches in .Shoreham and Springfield, N^ermont, and Winchendon, Massachusetts, from 1S12 to 1S41, and of this church from June S, 1842, to the day of his death, March 22, 1S52. ' They that turn many to righteousness shall shine as the stars forever and ever.' Erected by his son, Levi Parsons Morton." The tablet stands to-day, one of the monuments to tlie devotion of the son to the memory of his father and his principles. Mr. Morton served as New York partner of the Boston house until January i, 1854. On that date both he and Mr. Morgan withdrew from the firm. Mr. Morgan became a part- ner in the American banking iiouse of George Peabody & Com- LEVI P. MORTON. 257 pany, London. When, in 1866, Mr. Peabody retired, the firm became J. S. Morgan & Company, and remains under that name. Mr. Morton, on the day of his withdrawing from the firm of Beebe, Morgan & Company, estabHshed the dry-goods commission house of Morton & Grinnell, on lower Broadway^ New York, succeeding to the business of J. C. Bird & Com- pany. Here, as senior partner, Mr. Morton widened his sphere of business experience, and of knowledge of finance and men. He manifested the same tact and shrewdness that had hitherto characterized him ; and the habits of faithfulness and watchful- ness, acquired in caring for others' interests, now came to him as a reward in caring for his own. Two years after entering into partnership with Mr. Grin- nell, Mr. Morton was married. He was just thirty-two years old ; but he had not before considered himself ready for the sacred alliance. He had now been but two years really inde- pendent in business. His mind had not, indeed, been so entirely engrossed with business that he was not before sus- ceptible to the influences of love ; but his thoughts had evi- dently formed an ideal home and companionship incompatible with his circumstances, while he felt liimself in any wise dependent upon others in his business affairs. He now felt that the time of realization of a well-appointed home had come. The young lady was Miss Lucy Kimball, daughter of Elijah H. Kimball, of Flatlands, Long Island. She belonged to one of the best families of Kings County. She was very beautiful, 17 258 THE LIFE OF gifted, and accomplishetl. She was a leader in society. Withal, she was noble-minded, tender-hearted, and benevo- lent. Wherever there was suH'ering to be relieved, Lucy Kim- ball was found, if it was pcjssible for her to be there. So true a woman was well fitted for the companionship of T^e\i P. Morton, who had set his heart on finding a wife for liis ideal home and the sharing of his life. She became a faithful wite, and greatly assisted in making his life a still greater success. Morton & Grinnell did a good business until 1S61. In that trying year, with many other houses, they failed. Mr. Morton desired to pay every cent, but it was simply impossible, and a settlement had to he efiected at fifty cents on the dollar. The settlement was open, and all that could be asked at that time. Meanwhile, in 1S59, his mother had died. The famih liad been broken up on the death of his father in 1852, and his mother had l)een dependent upon her children. She had received no little support from her honored and successful son, whose love for his parents, and whose liberality had been man- ifested in many ways. She had now been living in Philadel- phia for sometime, and was there at the time of her death. In this same year, also, his brother, Daniel O. Morton, of \\ bom mention has been made, died in Toledo. lie left a son and a daughter, now in some measure dependent upon their uncle, into whose family they were adopted. Mr. Morton provided for them as if they w^ere his (nvn children, secur- ing for the daughter the best instruction, and placing the son in business as soon as it was possible for him to do su. He made him cleik in tlie firm of Morton & (jrinnell until the failure. The daughter grew up one of the brightest ornaments LEVI P. MORTON. 359 of the social circles in which she moved, and one of the com- forts of her uncle's home. She was subsequently married, at Newport, Rhode Island, to Ernest Chaplin, of England, whose brother was a member of Parliament. After the failure, Mr. Morton, though not discouraged, was nominally out of business until 1S63. In that year he estab- lished a banking-house in New York City, which was known as that of L. P. Morton & Company As was to be expected, in view of his experience and financial ability, he made money rapidly, and it was not long until he had retrieved all he had lost. He became prominent in the financial circles of New York City and the whole country. Large transactions, that foreshadowed those of greater fame and national good that came afterwards, brought him into notice as a financier. It is to be said for him that he never engaged in any transactions of a doubtful nature, or that l)rought suspicion upon his house. He was where he had every temptation to make himself rich faster and by doubtful methods ; but he went straight on through lawful channels, and kept his opportunities always in view. One day he issued invitations to the creditors of the late firm of Morton & Grinnell, to attend a banquet provided by him for them. They came, and when they sat down to din- ner, each creditor found under his plate a check for his full claim, with interest, signed by Mr. Morton. It is needless to say that, while his chai'acter for strict honesty was well known to them, and while the act was one that might have been looked for from such a man as they knew him to be, they were greater friends to him than ever, from that time. 26o THE LIFE OF He was not Ir^ally bound to pay tliose claims. There had l)ecn no calls upon him to do so. Failure to pay, in such a case, was so common that men had ceased to look for it, and society had learned (to its own discredit) to still regard it as moral, merely because it was legal, and to consider men who refused to pay their debts when they became able to do so, as respectable. But Mr, Morton had no mere legal definition of morality, and would not screen himself with one. lie had been brought up in a school of integrity, and had not forgot- ten his early lessons. In January, i86y, Mr, Morton was joined by Mr, George Bliss, anil tlie firm l)ecame Morton, Bliss & Company. It may be remarked that, in this case, as well as in others, Mr. Morton was both shrewd and fortunate in the choice of a l)artner. Mr. Bliss had been for many years engaged in the dry-goods trade. He was first in the firm of Phelps, Chitten- den & Bliss, afterwards in that of Chittenden, Bliss & Com- pany, then Phelps, Bliss & Company, and then George Bliss & Company. His capital sliare, when he entered into part- nersliip w ith Mr. Morton, is said to have been $J,:;oo,ooo. The same year, Mr, Morton founded the banking house of Morton, Rose & Company, London, His principal partner was Sir John Rose, who, at onetime, had been Finance Minis- ter of Canada, The transactions of this house, in connection with the New York house, were large from the first, antl it immediately won a wide reputation. I'^rnest Chaplin subse- quently became a member of this firm. About the year 1S70, Mr, Morton bought tiie splentlid "cot- tage" at Newport, known as " Fair Lawn." It was situated LEVI P. MORTON. 261 upon Bellevue Avenue, wliich, though not so attractive then vs^ith costly villas as now, was the most beautiful residence street in that beautiful resort. Here he hoped for the better health of his wife, but was doomed to a most sorrowful disap- pointment. In 1871, while at Newport, his wife died. How deeply he felt the loss of the one dearest on earth to him, can only be understood liy rememliering how deep and strong ran the cm- rents of his social and domestic nature, and his sensibilities. He returned to New York, and after a time, continued in business at the bank. It was not necessary in order to keep alive his affection, that he should give way to grief at every return of the thought of the loved one gone. Lucy Morton had been a faithful Christian, full of good works ; and her husband ''sorrowed not as those who had no hope." It was but natural that he sought society and companionship ; that his affections led him, whenever consistent, into the presence of his friends, and that these affections grew stronger as months went on. Nor is it any wonder that this man of society and sense should have among his friends noble representatives of the fairer sex, and that his broad heart, never forgetting, but always fondly cherishing, the love of former years, found yet room for one who, in many ways, reminded him of one departed. In Poughkeepsie lived the family of William I. Street, one of the famous and most respected families of the Hudson Valley. In that family was a daughter, accomplished, refined, versatile, of broad and noble thought and feeling, and full of 262 THE LIFE OF tact and grace. She was very beautiful, and a leader in her circle. She was a blonde, with fascinating smile and features, and winning ways. She had gray-blue eyes, full of thought and of transfixing, but gentle, qualities. But, notwithstand- ing all her accomplishments, talents, and natural charms, she was tempted into no devoteeism of fashionable society, wherein the mind was lost in the study of the art of appear- ance, or into no girlish reliance upon a pretty face and pretty eyes and pretty ways, to give her a "place in society." She had no spirit that fawned at the feet of " society," praying for recognition, nor did she feel that her "recognition" already secured rested upon insecure favoritism on account of wealth, family prestige, or any other mere circumstance of life, so that she must be always watchful of these interests alone, lest she should lose her position. Nor did her reputation for accom- plishments rest upon a diploma. She was not, in the popular sense, a "sweet-girl graduate," and had not come with a bound from the boarding-school hall into the arms of society, with an implied demand of favors. She did not belong to that class of society that honors for any mere circumstance, but she belonged to that class that delights in the companionship of culture, because it is cultivated itself, and is exclusive only in the sense of recognizing, through a feeling of kinship, those who are cultured, without taking the trouble or thought to exclude those who are not, as society, on the basis of merit and no barriers, adjusts itself. vShe could, therefore, appreciate merit in the lowest, and liked to have it near her; but she could appreciate those most, who had most merit. If she was invited by devotees of fashion to a banquet, she went, if the moti\e for LEVI P. MORTON. 263 the invitation she did not know to be dishonoring ; and what- ever was of merit in that company she thoroughly enjoyed, and whatever was not, she revoked from. Whatever refine- ment they had, she had, and more. She loved society and its banquets for the sake of the merit and kinship found in it, not because it was " society." Without knowing it, she was equal to every social task or emergency, and she never had a dream of remaining " out of society," or ''in society," because she could not, or could, " appear well." There was no fear of blundering if she went too far, and so there was no need of that newspaper palliation, " she does not go much into society." And thus she found entrance through every door, not because the footman was convinced that she was one of the elite, but because she could lay her hand upon every latch, and open and enter and command glad welcome. It was genuine culture and refinement, downright ability and tact. Miss Street was beyond twenty-five — mature in native powers, and in accomplishments of mind and heart. She met Mr. Morton at Poughkeepsie, and found in his great abil- ities and trained powers of mind, heart, and spirit, a kinship closer than she had ever found before. In 1S73 they were married. She began to prove herself a help in life meet for such a man. She became the sunshine of his home, a faithful wife, affectionate and painstaking in ordering the home. From that time Mr. Morton's life was even more of a finan- cial success ; for all the world knows the power of the social circle, even in trade ; and none appreciates the importance of that element more than his wnfe appreciated it, as she strove to use every honest influence for his success. Mrs. Morton is 264 THE LIFE OF the highest type of what an American lady and wife may become. In 1S76, Mr. Morton entered more actively into political life than he had e\er done before. He had never, indeed, failed to have a keen interest in the affairs of his country, and his counsel and advice had been sought and given in the political concerns of the Republican party, especially of New York. The benefit of his counsel and labor was very great. His political life, as begun in the year mentioned, will be more fully given hereafter, but that year he rendered some business service to the country that deserves to be recorded. This was in the matter of the " Halifax Award," which was the claim of Great Britain against the United States, and its acceptance — under protest — by our government, as a result of the treaty of Halifax on the fisheries question. The demands of England were not believed to be just ; but to avoid (juarreling, and perhaps something more serious, the United States decided to pay the claim, at the same time explaining through our envoy that it was done for peace and friendship, and not in the belief of its justice. The following shows Mr. Morton's part in the transaction. It is a copy of the draft, and shows how large had become his business in that year. Mr. Morton hung the copy in his pri- vate office at No. 28 Nassau vStreet, New York, merely as a copy of a large draft. Legation of U. S., London,"! November 2, 187S. J Dollars 5,500,000. Pay to tiie order of the most honorable, tiie Marquis ot" Salisburv, her Majesty's principal Secretary of State Cov I'oreign Affairs, five mil- LEVI P. MORTON. 265 lions, five hundred thousand dollars in gold coin, and charge the same to State Department special account. John* Welsh, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary for the United States to Great Britain. To Messrs. Morton, Rose l\: Co., Bankers, Bartholomew Lane, London. Endorsed across the face: £1,12^,847, 4-9, accepted payable at the Bank of England, 25 November, 1S78. Morton, Rose & Co. This is the draft to pay it : London, November 21, 1878. Messrs. Glynn, Mills, Cukrie & Co. : Pav to Halifax fishery award or bearer, one million, one hundred and twenty-seven thousand eight hundred and forty-seven pounds, 4-9. Morton, Rose & Co. Endorsed : Pay to the Government & Co. of the Bank of England. Salisbury, for the Government & Co. of the Bank of England, F. May, Chief Cashier. When the story of the war and the decade and a half that followed is correctly written, it will be seen that there were men of great faith and patriotism who were not upon the bloody battle-fields. There were those in public life, and those in private life, who stood by the soldiers, and without whose powerful aid the war for the Union would have been a failure. Too much honor cannot, indeed, be given to the brave men who risked their lives facing the enemy's guns. But too much honor cannot be bestowed on those who, standing at the helm, 266 THE LIFE OF kept the ship afloat and bearing between the breakers until the storm was over and the clear sea was reached ; even though they stood where the w'aves of battle did not dash over them. Had the ship gone down, it would have carried them with it into the gidf of ruin — of conscription and death. For every one knows that there w^as no indication, in treatment of pris- oners or in any other manner, that our enemies would have been so lenient with us, had they been the victors, as we have been with them. And had these men at the helm left their posts, as some did, they would have saved themselves from every danger. But Chase and Sherman, and such men as Mr. Morton, w^ere not men to leave their posts. Mr. Morton was not in a position, during the war, to render that assistance to our government which he was afterwards able to render. But, with the exception of the months pre- ceding, and those immediately following the beginning of the war, those were not the dark financial times. Our darkest financial period was that which succeeded the panic of 1873. It was through that period that Mr. Morton assisted in piloting our ship through dangerous waters. The suspension of specie payment in 1S62 was the indication of financial disaster, but the successful issue and putting on the market, in that year, of the United States notes, tided the government over that diffi- culty ; however it portended future ruin in case tlie master hands should be taken away. The Democrats, during tiie administrations immediately pre- ceding the war, had systematically drained the National Treasury, so tliat the task of furnishing supplies to carry on the war was apparently hopeless. It became necessary, early LEVI P. MORTON. 267 in January, to issue some kind of paper money as the basis of the operations of the government. The debate on tlie legal- tender clause of the bill providing for this issue follovv^ed ; the clause, through the efforts of Secretary Chase and Senator Sherman, was retained; the bill passed, February 25, 1862, authorizing the issue of $150,000,000 of notes not bearing in- terest, payable at the Treasury of the United States. There were other issues ; and thus provision was made for carrying on the war. But after the war, the questions of refunding the national debt and of resuming specie payment arose. The latter was not believed either possible or expedient by the majority of the members of Congress, or by the majority of the people of the United States. But there were men who saw that only in this way could the country be brought out of the danger of periodical financial disaster, and perhaps of ruin. In 1874, a committee of nine, having John Sherman as chairman, was appointed by the Republican caucus in Con- gress, to "secure concurrence of action" on the part of Republican members. They agreed on a bill fixing the time for resumption January i, 1S79, and the bill was passed Jan- uary 14, 1S75. This but served to increase the panic in the country, and people believed that the hard times were caused by the measure. They were encouraged in that faith by political managers of other parties, and every possible eflort was made to induce the relinquishing of the purpose of resumption. But brave legislators and otiicers, like John Sherman, in con- 268 THE LIFE OF stant counsel with brave husiness men, like Levi P. Morton, said that resumption would l)e successfully accomplished. In April, 1877, Secretary Sherman wrote to banking houses in New York City, and announced his purpose to sell bonds to secure coin with which to meet the redemptions required, pro- vided the surplus revenue proved insufficient to enable him to redeem the notes as required by law. This but increased the storm of opposition. But they went on. In October of that year, during the special session of Congress, thirteen bills were introduced in one day, to repeal the resumption act. One such bill, in November, passed the House, but the House would not agree to the amendment subsequently made to it by the Senate. On April 5, 1 878, negotiations were begun in New York with certain bankers, for the sale of four-and-a-half per cent, bonds. Tliose bankers would not venture ; but on that day a syndicate proposed to take $50,000,000 at 100 1-2. This syndicate was headed by Morton, Bliss & Company, and fol- lowed by Drexel, Morgan & Company, Baring Brothers & Company, J. S. Morgan & Company, N. M. Rothschild & Sons, and Jay Cooke, McCulloch & Company. These firms oeing known, inspired conlidcnce, autl resump- tion was assured. The payment was promj^tlv met. Treas- urer Sherman reserved of the proceeds of tlie sales of four per cent, bonds now being made, an additional amount of $5,500,000 in gold coin, for the payment of that amount on account of the Halifax tisheries award. It is enough to state that instructions were given to the LEVI P. MORTON. 269 officers of the Treasury of the United States, to close up, in their accounts, all distinction between coin and currency, and after January to recognize that the government had resumed specie payment, and that no difference in values existed between the several kinds of money in circulation. On the ist of January, so little coin was demanded in payment from the Treasury, and so much coin was brought in, that the gov- ernment held more coin in the evening than in the morning. Thus, by the assistance of financial friends of the country, we were able to see the dawn of an era of prosperity that four years of a political blundering policy has not been able to materially darken. It is thus illustrated how a man, apparently obscure, because he never thrust himself upon public attention, but went quietly about the duties of his life, became a potent influence in the life of every man in the nation. f MRS. LEVI PARSONS MORTON, WIFE OF THE HON. L, P. MORTON. Chapter IV. CONGRESSIONAL EXPERIENCE. A SURPRISE TO MR. MORTON — NOMINATED FOR CONGRESS A REDUC- TION OF DEMOCRATIC VOTES NOMINATED AGAIN AN OVER- WHELMING MAJORITY A PROMINENT POSITION IN CONGRESS SOME BILLS HE INTRODUCED SPEECH ON THE UNLIMITED SILVER COINAGE BILL — SPEECH ON THE BILL FOR EXCHANGE OF TRADE DOLLARS WITH LEGAL-TENDER DOLLARS SPEECH ON APPRO- PRIATION FOR INTERNATIONAL FISHERY EXHIBITION — CHARAC- TERISTICS OF THE MAN IN HIS SPEECHES A SOCIAL SUCCESS. In 1876, while the Tilden tide was rising in New York, Mr, Morton, living in practically a Democratic district, received quite a surprise. It was rather late in the season, and it was to be supposed that the man to be nominated for Congress would have had some intimation of the intention on the part of his friends. But without warning, he was nominated for Congress in the Eleventh District ; and was expected to make a canvass for congressional honors. Moreover, Mr. Morton did not profess to be a speaker. He could talk at the fireside, or in the council room ; and his counsel was always good, and when his suggestions were carried out, effective work was done. But he had had little experience in stump speaking. Nevertheless, he would not disappoint his friends ; and so he resolved to do what he could to stem the extraordinary Democratic tide. He made as thorough a canvass as was pos- sible in the short time. His voice was heard, even from the 272 THE LIFE OF stump, as well as on all private occasions, when consistent, in favor of the Republican partv and principles. His influence was felt in the organization of the district and in the counsels of the party. The result was that he took 400 votes from the usual Democratic majority. It was really a victory, and was the beginning of greater success to come afterwards. In 1878, Mr. Morton was appointed Honorary Commis- sioner to the Paris Exposition. There were some positions that he felt himself especially adapted for, and this was one of them, although it was but honorary, and did not call out his full talents which lay in that direction. That was reserved for the future. Yet to be, in any sense, a representative of Amer- ica to France, requires more than a mathematical or system- atic business talent. It requires an address and tact that are the result only of a geniality of spirit and broad personality. Frenchmen may have French ways of thinking and conform to French customs without these qualities, l)ut Americans can- not do so without them. In the fall of 187S, encouraged by what was reall}- a suc- cess before, Mr. Morton consented to make the race again for Congress. Having now^ more time, and the cause, if possible, more than ever at heart, he made such a vigorous canvass that he received a larger majority than the number of all the votes of his opponent. He moved to Washington, and took his seat March iS, 1879, in the Forty-sixth Congress. The houses were convened by President Hayes, " in anticipation of the day fixed by law for tiieir next meeting," because the Forty-fifth Congress had adjourned "without making the usual and necessary appropri- LEVI P. MORTON. 273 ations for the legislative, executive and I'udicial expenses of the Government for the fiscal year ending June 30, 18S0, and without making the usual and necessary appropriations for the support of the Army for the same fiscal year." Mr. Morton immediately took a high position in the legisla- tive counsels and work, and came to be relied on, especially in questions of finance. He introduced, during that term, sev- eral bills, some by special request. Among them were the following : By request of the Chamber of Commerce of New York City, a bill for correction of certain errors, and amendment of customs-revenue laws. By request of the American Geographical Society, a bill authorizing the Secretary of War to detail an officer of the Army to take command of the expedition fitted out by Messrs. Morrison and Brown, citizens of New York, to search for the records of Sir John Franklin's expedition, and to issue to such officer army equipments. A bill to amend a certain section of an act approved June 20, 1S7S, entitled '-An act making appropriations for sundry civil expenses of the Government for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1S79, and for other purposes." Mr. Morton, April 21, 1879, was appointed on the Com- mittee on Foreign Afiairs. and served acceptably and with distinction on that committee until his return home. It w^ill be remembered that his taking his place in Congress was but a few weeks after the resumption of specie payment, and that his part in that successful and triumphant measure was not unknown liy his colleagues. To this fact may be 18 274 THE LIFE OF attributed, in part, at least, the high esteem in which he was considered by them, and the confidence had in him especially on financial and foreign questions. To return, his successful canvass in the fall, for his seat, may have been due, largely, to his prominent and successful transactions in behalf of the government, that were at that time going on. Mr. Morton reported, from the Committee on Foreign Afiairs, and took great interest in, a bill relating to treaty nego- tiations with Russia, as to American Israelites holding land in Russia. A certain Israelite had established a large trade in sewing machines in Russia, had bought a large establishment for carrying on the manufacture and sale of the machines, and then found that he could get no title of his property. The bill was introduced with a view to remedy that evil. It was changed so as to include all American citizens, and was passed. Mr. Morton took an active part against the bill introduced by Mr. Warner, of Ohio, providing for the unlimited coinage of silver. The following speech by him, will not only explain the bill itself, but show Mr. Morton's general position on the financial questions that agitated the country at that time, and his regard for the rights of the people as against great private interests and monopolies : "Mr. .Speaker: In behalf of the district I have the honor to represent on this floor, a district second to none in the United States in the magnitude of its business and property interests, I desire to protest against the passage of the bill now before the House, which provides for the unlimited and free coinage of silver and the unlimited issue of certificates against silver bullion. LEVI P. MORTON. 275 *" I believe, sir, and my constituents believe, tbat this bill means to-day the repudiation — pure and simple — of one-sixth part of all indebtedness, public and private. What the meas- ure of repudiation in the future may prove to be, will be deter- mined alone by the value of silver bullion. " Are the interests of the people to be advanced by adding to the colossal wealth of the owners of silver mines, or dis- criminating in favor of this class of property owners ? Will the dollar stamp of the United States upon eighty-four cents' worth of silver, belonging to private individuals, add to the wealth of the nation, or to the private individual, the owner of the bullion ? Has the late coinage of silver in excess of the amount which has been used as a circulating medium, now stored in the vaults of the Treasury, added to the prosperity of the country ? Every one will answer no ! "If this bill is to become a law, it is inevitable that the country will be drained, sooner or later, of its gold and coin bullion, and that silver will become the sole unit of value, and that, instead of a double standard, we shall have a single stand- ard, and that of silver. "If this bill is to become a law, the German Government and all who have silver bullion, the world over, will pour it into our mints to receive for every eighty-four cents a legal-ten- der silver dollar ; they will make, by this simple process, nearly twenty per cent., and our own people, who will be obliged to receive the coins as legal-tenders, will be the losers. "Coinage by the government is propeidy only an official attestation of the weight and fineness of the metal stamped or coined. A silver dollar thus attested to-day should_contain 276 THE LIFE OF 484.45 grains as the equivalent ot a gold dollar. The present values of silver bullion, in London, is about fifty pence per ounce ; until it is worth Hfty-nine or sixty pence, the govern- ment should have the prolit, if the fraud of stamping eighty- four cents as worth a hundrctl is to continue. " If this bill is to become a law of the land, its title should be changed to read, ' An act for the relief of the owners of silver mines^' and an appropriation made for the purpose of erecting ele\ators and warehouses for the storage of silver coin and bulHon. If the owners of silver bullion can have their propcrt\- carried by the government, as this bill proposes, and can have certificates of its tleposit made a legal-tender for all dues to the United States, including custom-house duties, why not clothe bonded-warehouse receipts and all other representa- tives of property with the same functions of money.'' " My constituents are not the owners of silver mines, but they are largel\- interested in cotton, wheat, corn, flour, iron and coppei-. \\'h\ should not the government receive all these and other pioducts of the earth on storage, issue certifi- cates, and make them also a legal-tender.? And if the supply of mone\- should be still iiisuflicient to satisfy the honorable gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Warner), receive also titles of real estate, issue money certificates, and so continue until every species of property becomes a part of the currency of the coun- tv\? 'i'hen w f can issue for general distribution, pledging whatever may remain of the faith and honor of the Nation, the billion of greenbacks asked for by the reverend and distin- guished gentleman who occupies a seat on this floor (Rev. Dc La Matyr, of Indiana). LEVI P. MORTON. 277 "No, Mr. Speaker," renewed and continued prosperity can- not be secured in this manner. " The only safe way, in my opinion, is to stop the coinage of silver altogether, and to say to the leading commercial nations of the world, ' We will not attempt to help you out of your troubles until you agree with us to use silver as a measure of value. We are ready to enter into such a mutual compact with vou as will have the eflect of restoring silver to its old steadiness of value, so that it may again be a measure of other values.' " Let us not attempt to force the issue of silver beyond the amount which can be used as a circulating medium, until European nations will join with us in making silver currency equivalent in value to gold. Let us rather maintain the honor and good faith of the nation at home and abroad ; retain and maintain a gold standard, the commercial standard of value throughout the world, and, in my opinion, the day is not far distant when the city of New York will be the clearing-house for the commercial exchanges of the world." Mr. Morton took part in the discussion of the bill " to pre- vent the exportation of diseased cattle, and the spread of con- tagious and infectious diseases among domestic animals." He submitted a letter from gentlemen in New York, setting forth the inefficiency of the laws on that subject then in force, and praying for a law that would protect honest men in exporta- tions, and their honor as well as that of the country. He also made a speech against the 1)111 introduced by Mr. Fort, of Illinois, providing for the exchange of trade dollars 278 THE LIFE OF for legal-tcMulcr dollars. The following is his speech upon that question : " Mr. Speaker : — A few weeks since, the honorable gen- tleman from Ohio introduced a bill for the relief of the owners of silver mines and silver ])ullion in the United States and Europe, and now the distinguished gentleman from Georgia (A. H. Stephens, who had reported back the bill from the Committee on Coinage, Weights and Measures) presents a bill for the relief of the subjects of the Emperor of China. " In February, 1873, when the act was passed authorizing the coinage of the trade dollar, it was worth a fraction over $i.O-| in gold. They were not coined as money, or for circulation at home, but for export, and as a measure of value in trade, as their title indicates. They were, however, made a legal-ten- der for $i^.oo in any one payment ; but the people of the Pacific States objected to their circulation, and on the 8th of May, 1876, the distinguished gentleman, now Speaker of the House, introduced a bill repealing the legal-tender ([uality of these coins. "On the loth of June, 1876, my tlistinguished colleague from New York (Mr. Cox) reported the measure, and it passed both Houses of Congress without an opposing vote or voice. All of these coins held at home were put in circulation months after they had, by the action of the present Speaker and the gentleman from New York, ceased to be a legal-tender for any amount. " While I should favor an exchange of legal-tender silver for the trade dollar which speculators have palmed off upon our citizens, if that alone could be done, 1 am opposed to the pas- LEVI P. MORTON. 279 sage of this bill, which discriminates against our people and in favor of the owners of silver in China, and for other reasons. The Director of the Mint, in his last annual report, estimated that not less than six millions of trade dollars, all of which were coined for exportation, were held in the United States, and about thirty millions in China, where they circulate as money, and are, I believe, a legal-tender at their bullion value. The trade dollar is worth to-day about ninety cents, which would make the value of the thirty millions held in China, worth $37,000,000. Now, if this bill becomes a law, we shall, so long as the government can maintain legal-tender silver dollars at par in gold, be paying to the holders of trade dollars in China $30,000,000 in gold for twenty-seven millions' worth of silver, or $3,000,000 more than we can buy the same quantity of silver for of our own citizens. " The first silver bill which the honorable gentleman from Ohio presented, proposed a discrimination in favor of silver mine and bullion owners in the United States and Europe, of nearly twenty per cent., and now the gentleman from Geor- gia proposes a discrimination of eleven per cent, in favor of Chinese subjects. I shall be glad to know how the gentleman proposes to provide the thirty millions in gold necessary to carry out the provisions of this bill, if it becomes a law. The gentleman certainly cannot expect to exchange dollars of 41 2 1-2 grains with the trade dollars of 420 grains. " Since the demonetization of silver in 1878, the government has coined 33,485,950 of the ' dollars of the fathers,' which it was claimed would be eagerly sought for, and how many of these tlollars does the gentleman suppose was in circulation on 28o THE LIFE OF the 1st of June? One dollar for every family or party of six in the United States, a total of 7,304,915 in a country with a population of 45,000,000, leaving 26,181,045 stored in the vaults of the Treasury, and carried by the government. " At the end of the next fiscal year, without any new legis- lation, we shall have 59,485,950 silver dollars, and if the peo- ple have no more anxiety to secure them than heretofore, the government will then be warehousing and carrying al)out forty-seven millions. "If the 36,000,000 of trade dollars are to be added, the appalling total on the 30th of June, iSSo, will be over ninety- five millions. " Do the gentlemen who favor this measure wish to donate $3,000,000 to the holders of trade dollars in China? Do they wish, in view of the sale for gold coins, since the demonetiza- tion of silver in 1S73, of $1,299,000,000 of United States bonds, and the reduction since 1S65 of nearly six hundred mil- lions of principal and sixty-seven millions in the annual inter- est charge, to press the increased coinage of silver, and hazard the credit of the government by adding a sum to the amount of silver coin in the vaults of the Treasury, wliich may force the government to pay these bonds in depreciated silver, or coin of less value than that which the government demanded and received when the bonds were sold ? "Mr. Speaker, I think our only safe way is, instead of increasing the coinage of silver, to stop it altogether, and wait the result of negotiations with European nations, for which we have made an appropriation. Let us secure such joint action \yith otlu-r nations as will restore siKer to its old steadi- LEVI P. MORTON. 281 ness of value, and thus provide a market throughout the world for our silver product. I am in favor of a bimetallic currency, whenever such joint action can be secured, and a dollar's worth of silver is coined in a silver dollar. The dis- tinguished gentleman from Georgia, and those who act with him, on the contrary, aim to make this country a monometallic country ; to drive all our gold to Europe, and to confine the silver market to the United States, thus limiting the demand, lowering the value of our silver product, and compelling us to be monometallists. We cannot maintain a double standard, except upon a basis of absolute equality, for the cheaper, poorer money will always drive the best out of circulation. " The German Government has, within a few weeks, with- drawn its silver from the market ; the question of the demone- tization of silver in Germany and England has been under discussion, and now the bullion value of the standard dollar, which was recently at eighty-four cents, is about eighty-eight- and-a-half cents. "We can, in my opinion, only maintain a double standard by joint action with European nations, and any attempt to do it single-handed, or to largely increase the coinage of silver legal-tender dollars, will, in my judgment, bring great disaster upon the business interests of the whole country. " I hope the gentleman will be willing to withdraw the bill, or to defer its further consideration, until joint action with European nations can be secured." On the 4th of February, 18S0, during the second session of that Congress, Mr. Morton made a speech upon the bill 283 THE LIFE OF favoring an appropriation of $20,000 for tlie representing of the United States in the International Fishery Exhibition, at Berlin. The question discussed was not one with which the people generally were acquainted; perhaps because politicians had not kept it before them. But it was one of much impor- tance to the country, nevertheless, as will appear from the following outline of Mr. Morton's speech : "At first glance," he said, "the proposition to expend money in an International Fishery Exhibition, at Berlin, is apt to be viewed with indifterence. This indifference has existed for years, and was never more manifest than at this time. " The production of fish is a source of national wealth. In the early history of the world, it was a preventative of famine and distress. Experience has shown that, while fish is a luxury of the rich, it is preeminently the poor man's food. This is under- stood thoroughly in countries where food-production and cheap living are carried to the greatest perfection. " If properly developed, the price offish would be so much lowered, that the man w'ho could not buy would be rare indeed ; and so little capital is needed for the business that there would be sufficient profit left to those who carry it on. "One of these exhibitions was held in Norway, in 1865, at wliich the fish of all the great countries, and many of the lesser ones, were well represented ; l)ut our country sent only a few contributions. ....... " The French Government has given so much material aid to this business of fish culture, that nearly all her waste waters have been turned into nests for the propogation offish. LEVI P. MORTON. 383 "It is only necessary to call the attention of the public to this subject for it to appear that there is not a state which is not interested in the matter. " Mr. Chairman, not many years ago the vast internal im- provements of this country — the erection of mills, dams, and factories — threatened the extinction of the most valuable species of fish in our rivers. This calamity was prevented by the timely discovery of the art of propagating fish by artificial means ; and at the same time the demand was greatly increased through the aid of railroads, which have made transportation in a brief time easy between lemote points. "In 1840-50, salmon cost twenty times the price it com- manded when we ceased to be Colonies of Great Britain. The Connecticut River, which had been one of the most fertile fish streams in the world, became almost depleted. "This result is due to a discovery made in Germany, and afterwards in France, that fish can be propogated to almost any extent by artificial means. This simple discovery has led to the creation of one of the most important industries of modern times. The nations of the world have derived incal- culable benefit from this discovery, and we are now invited to join in an international comparison of the character of our fish and the methods of our fish culture. It is to this science to which I have referred, and which this resolution is designed to encourage and extend, that we owe the restocking of our waters — to this we owe the fact that millions of young shad were hatched at Holyoke, Massachusetts, and turned into the Connecticut River. "In view of the possibilities ot our shores, our measureless 284 THE LIFE OF streams, and our inland seas, we should lead all the nations in the world in availing ourselves of every item of information on a subject of such importance to our people and their industries. The annual value of salmon alone, in Ireland, is now about $2,500,000, while in this country it averages from thirty to forty cents a pound. The oyster beds in Virginia alone, cover about 1,700,000 acres, containing 800.000,000 bushels, '{'he following are a few figures, showing the comparative pro- duction and consumption of tish by the leading nations of the world : Norway, . Fiance, . United Slates, Great Britain, Russia, . Annual Prodict. $13,600,000 i2,8«7.ooo 8,898 000 7,803,800 5,745,000 Annual Consumption. $1,000,000 9,845.786 8,777,000 9,429,000 8,659,000 "The United States exported, in iS7_(, about $2,200,000 worth. ''It appears from this statement that, in 1874, Norway anil France, each smaller than some of our states, produced re- specti\el\' one-third more hsii than tlie Uniteti .States. In 1S62 the tonnage of American ships engaged in the sea fisheries amotmted to 204,197 ; in 1874, it had fallen to 78,290 tons. " In the flsli trade in 1S65, Norwa)- liad a balance ot" tiade in her favor of $12,588,975. Why was this.' Because she LEVI P. MORTON. 285 resorted to fish production, as it is proposed the United States should do. "In 1867, we imported about as much fish as we exported. If we devoted sufficient energy to the business, we could ex- port one hundred times as much, and need import none at all. "■ Fish culture is in its infancy. Its resources are immeas- ureable. It may approximate, and even rival, agriculture in importance. Its development will give employment to large numbers of men, and bring food within the means of the poor as well as the rich. The propriety and utility of international exhibitions, where the representatives of our nation can learn the nature of the products of others, as well as show its own in universal market, can no longer be questioned. " The naturalization in our waters of European fish is a sub- ject that should receive careful attention, and by a comparison of views in this body of scientific men much may be learned as to the nature and kinds of foreign fish which thrive in our waters. ......... "This international exhibition is conducted, directly under the patronage of the German Government, by the German Fisheries Association, a body consisting of prominent persons most eminent in fish culture and fisheries. Almost every nation in the world, having diplomatic relations with Germany, has accepted the invitation — exceptionally complete exhibi- tions being promised by China, Japan, and Siam. The United States alone has given no response, nor made arrange- ments to participate. As a matter of international comity, it would be eminently proper for the United States to take part." 286 THE LIFE OF It will be seen, from the extracts given of this speech, that Mr. Morton, while in Congress, took interest in other subjects besides those connected immediately with questions of finance. And it will be seen, not only from these extracts, but from the other speeches given, that he was always on that side which favored the interests of the people. No man was ever in a better position for influencing legislation in behalf of the moneyed classes alone, and hence in his own personal interest, than Mr. Morton. He had means at his hand, and could have been in league with rich lobbyists. But he was found always on the side of the people, and interested in legislation in their behalf. Another fact appears from the speeches and extracts given. Mr. Morton was thoroughly informed on all the leading ques- tions before Congress. He did not sufler himself to open his mouth nor to vote, unless he knew what he w^as doing. He had not only entered the Congress hall, a well-read, well- informed and broadly cultured man, Init sought to more thoroughly inform himself upon those questions that came before him for his conscieutious consideration, in behalf of his constituents and of the people of the United States. Mr. Morton's social career, while in Wasliington, was most brilliant. Of great social spiritand tact, hesoughtto surround himself with circumstances and influences of that nature. He realized also that a man may do more efl'ective work, if his talents appear in their own peculiar setting. No man can work so well when his environments make it awkward for him, as when he lives in that atmosphere to which he has become accustomed. LEVI P. MORTON. 287 Mr. Morton bought the house of Mr. Samuel Hooper, fitted it up elegantly but not gaudily — he and his wife were both of too pure taste to endure that which was merely for display in any of their surroundings — and here he entertained his friends in state, and Mrs. Morton reigned socially. The rep- utation of the latter for presiding at social entertainments and leading in the social circle, had preceded her to Washington, and her home became the centre of attraction for all who were so fortunate as to be included in the long list of her friends. She led in society at Washington, as well as she had led in society at New York, and her great social qualities, enabling her to be equal to every emergency, conduced no little to her husband's successful congressional career. Chapter V. MINISTER TO FRANCE. THE CAMPAIGN OF 1880 — MR. MORTON DECLINES THE OFFER OF VICE- PRESIDENCY DECLINES THE SECRETARYSHIP OF THE NAVY ACCEPTS THE OFFER OF MINISTER TO FRANCE — WELL FITTED FOR THE POST REMOVAL OF AMERICAN LEGATION OFFICE — A POLITICAL GATHERING PLACE — THE MORTON ENTERTAINMENTS IN FRANCE — MRS. MORTON'S SOCIAL TACT AND SKILL — THE DISABILITY REMOVED FROM AMERICAN CORPORATIONS THE AMERICAN HOG — A SERIES OF IMPORTANT ACTS — TARIFF OX FRENCH ART — BIRTHPLACE OF LAFAYETTE — MINISTER MORTON's SPEECH — PRESENTATION AND RECEPTION OF BARTHOLDl's STA- TUE OF" LIBERTY ENLIGHTENING THE WORLD" TWO SPEECHES. One of the most brilliant periods of Mr. Morton's career was now at hand. When the Republican Convention of iSSo had nominated James A. Garfield, of Ohio, for President of the United States, it then turned to New York to find a candidate for Vice-Pres- ident. The Ohio delegation especially sought out Mr. Mor- ton, and urged him to permit his name to be used for that nomination. He declined the honor, and the choice then fell on Chester A. Arthur. During that campaign, which led to such successful issue, Mr. Morton, in his characteristic manner, gave the weight of his influence to the election of Garfield and Arthur. He did this by his frank social manner and skill, by speaking always, on public and private occasions, just when there was a demand LEVI P. MORTON. 289 tor it, and stating clearly and urging his convictions, and cast- ing his whole social, business, and public influence upon that side. When the ticket was triumphant. President Garfield, in tes- timony of the confidence he had always had in Mr. Morton's abilities, oflered him the port-folio of Secretary of the Navy. But Mr. Morton could not be persuaded to accept an oflice if he thought that other men might better fill it, and he therefore declined to take the oflered position. But when the position of minister to France was proposed to him, he accepted it. He was not unacquainted with the French capital, nor the important work at that time to be done there by the American minister, whomever he might be. He knew the tact and di- plomacy then necessary to do w^hat ought to be done. Yet he knew his own power among people preeminently social, and it is to his credit that he desired to lift the American standard higher, and to advance American commeixial and social in- terests, in the sister republic, and also to promote the har- mony and friendship of the two nations. Nor is it to his dis- credit that he deemed it desirable, with his family, to spend a time in France, as there w^as a culture to be given to his chil- dren by means of it, and there w^ere benefits and pleasures to be derived from it by his wife and himself. So, early in the summer of 1881, Mr. Morton and his fam- ily embarked for the gay French capital. Arriving there, he received a cordial welcome, both by French officials and the American colony. He at once proved his fitness for the high position, by his social and diplomatic tact. His advent into France was in the days of M. Gambetta, and he soon won that 19 290 THE LIFE OF renowned President's friendship and esteem. This friendship continued until Gambetta's death, and was not only a source of pleasure to Mr. Morton, but was of great help to him as minister of the United States. ^ Again, Mr. Morton was already well and favorably known by the leading men of France. His vast commercial transac- tions alone would have been sufficient to bring this about. But he had also, in 1878, been Honorary Commissioner to the Paris Exposition. Also, his public services in the United States, not only in Congress, but in commercial services, had been matters of world-wide knowledge. Add to these Mr. Morton's perfect manners, his suavity, his great financial ability, his diplomatic shrewdness and tact, his knowledge of men, and it is seen at once that no man could have been selected, of greater fitness for the French post. It will be seen, in the outcome, that President Garfield mani- fested great judgment in sending such a man, and if all the appointments of all the Presidents were as fitting as this one, the reform of the civil service would soon be accomplished. Mr. Morton was able and faithful, and too conscientious, to use any office he might have for political influence. Moreover, it was characteristic of him that his office became such a part of his life that it assumed to him the interest of a social oppor- tunity ; and the more he so considered it, the more faithful he was in his office. Mr. Morton's duties as minister became liis chief interest, and his first act on arriving, indicated his methods. General Noyes, Mr. Morton's predecessor in office, though he received a salary of $17,000 per annum, kept the headquar- LEVI P. MORTON. 291 ters of the American Legation in dingy apartments in an unsavory locality. It was situated over a laundry and a gro- cery store on Rue de Chaillot. Among people like the French, this was not to be tolerated as respectable. It became a mat- ter of ridicule and jest, and during all the time it was there, for that and other reasons, American aftairs were not highly respected ; and many laws and customs existed that worked decidedly to the disadvantage of the United States. Mr. Morton determined at once on i^emoving the Legation. He had no taste for a business whose environments were beneath its own dignity, and he had the pride of his own country too much at heart to allow, if possible to prevent it, even the shadow of excuse for its disparagement by the people of other nations. He felt himself under obligations to do all in his power to accomplish his mission in the best manner, and with most credit to the United States. Fronting a park known as Place de la Biche, was a magnifi- cent mansion, built seven years before by a prince. This was secured by Mr. Morton, and furnished in royal style ; for the drawing-room he furnished with expensive furniture which had been ordered by a queen, but who was unable to pay for it. This was done largely at Mr. Morton's own expense. To this superb building was moved the otHce of the Legation. Thus, almost simultaneously with the presentation of his cre- dentials as " Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipoten- tiary of the United States in France," the American Legation assumed the attitude and proportions that accorded with the dignity and importance of the government it represented. It won a quick response from the French, and Mr. Morton com- 21)2 THE LIFE OF maiuled unbounded respect ; and of these facts the French gave immediate evidence by changing the name of the park to that of Place des Etats Unis — a rich though merited compli- ment to Mr. Morton. He began at once to exert a marked personal influence upon the French Government. The Legation headquarters became the gathering-place, not only of Americans, but of French officials and dignitaries. He thus brought together, in social relations, Royalists, Radicals, and Republicans, and the diplo- matic. corps; and he was thus enabled to smooth the vv^ay for his diplomatic success. Mr. Morton showed great tact by this arrangement. He knew that an envoy's success depended much, especially in France, upon personal friendship and social conduct. But he was not a hypocrite, and did not cul- tivate any friendship for policy ; he was, rather, a friend by nature to people of refinement and culture, and had naturally a keen appreciation of art, artistic elegance, and all the accom- paniments of the social life of the refined and cultivated. Yet, in the midst of his keen enjoyment of such a life, he not only did not forget, but i\' this law the duties were placed lower than they had been at any time since the War of 1S12. The act was well received by the people, and was, indeed, concurred in by a considerable proportion of the Republican party." It is instructive to note that the seductive appeals to New England men made by the free traders in 1S57 on the subject of free raw materials had far greater influence upon those to whom they were addressed than similar appeals to-day have upon the puplic opinion of New England. A majority of New England representatives voted for the low tariff' of 1857. " It was an extraordinary political combination that brought the Senators from Massachusetts and the Senators from South Carolina, the Representatives of New England, and the Rep- resentatives from the cotton states to support the same taritV bill — a combination which had not before occurred since the administration of Monroe. The singular coalition portended one of two results : either an entire and permanent acquiesc- ence in the rule of free-trade, or an entire abrogation of that system, and the revival w^ith renewed strength of the doctrine of protection. Which it should be was determined by the un- folding of events not then foreseen, and the force of which it required years to measure. " The one excuse given for urging the passage of the act of 1857 was that under the tariff of 1846 the revenues had be- come excessive and the income of the government must be reduced. But it was soon found to be a most expensive mode of reaching that end. The first and most important re- sult flowing from the new act was a large increase of imj^or- tations, and a very heavy drain in consequence upon the re- THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 357 served specie of the country, to pay the balance which the reduced shipments of agricultural products failed to meet. In the autumn of 1857, half a year after the passage of the tarifl' act, a disastrous financial panic swept over the country, pros- trating for the time all departments of business in about the same degree. The agricultural, commercial, and manufacturing ' interests were alike and equally involved. The distress for a time was severe and wide-spread. The stagnation which en- sued was discouraging and long continued, making the years from 1857 to 1S60 extremely dull and dispiriting in business circles throughout the Union. The country was not exhausted and depleted as it was after the panic of iS37,but the business connnunity had no courage, energy was paralyzed, and new enterprises were at a stand still. It soon became evident that this conditions of affairs would carry the tariff question once more into the political arena as an active issue between par- ties." . . . " The convention which nominated Mr. Lin- coln met when the feeling against free trade was growing, and in many states already deep-rooted. A majority of those who composed that convention had inherited their political creed from the Whig party, and were profourid believers in the pro- tective teachings of Mr. Clay. But a strong minority came from the radical school of Democrats, and, in joining the Re- publican party on the anti-slavery issue, had retained their ancient creed on financial and industrial questions. Care was for that reason necessary in the introduction of new issues and the imposition of new tests of party fellowship. The conven- tion therefore avoided the use of the word ' protection,' and was contented with the moderate declaration that ' sound policy 358 THE RECORD OF requires such an adjustment of imposts as will encourage the development of the industrial interests of the whole country.' A more enijjhatic declaration might have provoked resistance from a minority of the convention, and the friends of protec- tion acted wisely in accepting what was offered with una- nimity, rather than continue the struggle for a stronger creed which would have been morally weakened by party division. They saw also that the mere form of expression was not im- portant so long as the- convention was unanimous on what theologians term the ' substance of doctrine.' It was noted that the vast crowd which attended the convention cheered the tariff resolution as lustily as that which opposed the spread of slavery into free territory. From that hour the Republican party gravitated steadily and rapidly into the position of avowed advocacy of the doctrine of protection." Mr. Blaine in closing the tariff chapter contained in Vol. I of Txventy Tears of Congi-ess uses the following language : "In the foregoing summary of legislation upon the tarifl', the terms free trade and protection are used in their ordi- nary acceptation in this country ; — not as accurately defining the difference in revenue theories, but as indicating the rival policies which have so long divided political parties. Strictly speaking, there has never been a proposition by any party in the L'nited States for the adoption of free trade. To be en- tirely free, trade must encounter no obstruction in the wa}' ot tax, either upon export or import. In that sense no nation has ever enjoyed free trade. As contradistinguished from the theory of protection, England has realized freedom of trade by taxing only that class of imports which meet no competition THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 359 in home production, thus excluding all pretense of favor or advantage to any of her domestic industries. England came to this policy after liaving clogged and embarrassed trade for a long period by the most unreasonable and tyrannical restrictions ruthlessly enforced, without regard to the interests or even the rights of others. She had more than four hundred acts of Parliament regulating the tax on imports, under the old designations of ' tonnage and poundage,' adjusted, as the phrase indicates, to heavy and light commodities. Beyond these, she had a cumbersome system of laws regulating and in many cases prohibiting the exportation of articles which might teach to other nations the skill by which she had herself so marvel- ously prospered. " When by long experiment and persistent effort England had carried her fabrics to perfection ; when by the large accu- mulation of wealth and the force of reserved capital she could command facilities which poorer nations could not rival ; when by the talent of her inventors, developed under the stimulus of large reward, she had surpassed all other countries in the magnitude and effectiveness of her machinery, she proclaimed free trade, and persuasively ui-ged it upon all lands with which she had commercial intercourse. Maintaining the most arbi- trary and most complicated system of protection so long as her statesmen considered that policy advantageous, she resorted to free-trade, only when she felt able to invade domestic markets of other countries and undersell the fabrics produced by strug- gling artisans who were sustained by weaker capital and by less advanced skill. So long as there was danger that her own marts might be invaded, and the products of her looms and 360 THE RECORD OF forges undersold at home, she rigidly excluded the competing fabric and held her own market for her own wares. " The essential question which has grown up between polit- ical parties in the United States respecting our foreign trade is whether a duty should be laid upon any import for the direct object of protecting and encouraging the manufacture of the same article at home. The party opposed to this theory does not advocate the admission of the article free, but insists upon such rate of duty as will produce the largest revenue and at the same time afford what is termed 'incidental protection.' The advocates of actual free trade according to the policy of England — taxing only those articles which are not produced at home — are few in number, and are principally confined to docti-hiaires. The instincts of the masses of both parties are against them. But the nominal free trader finds it very difficult to unite the largest revenue from any article with ' incidental protection ' to the competing product at home. If the duty be so arranged as to produce the greatest amount of revenue, it must be placed at that point where the foreign article is able to undersell the domestic article and thus command the market to the exclusion of competition. This result goes beyond what the so-called American fi*ee trader intends in practice, l)ut not beyond what he implies in theory. " The American protectionist does not seek to evade the legit- imate results of his theory. He starts with the proposition that whatever is manufactured at home gives work and wages to our own people, and that if the duty is even put so Ingh as to prohibit the import of the foreign article, the competition of home producers will, according the doctrine of Mr. Hamilton, THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 361 rapidly reduce the price to tiie consumer. He gives numerous illustrations of articles which, under the influence of home competition, have fallen in price below the point at which th^ foreign article was furnished when there was no protection. The free trader replies that the fall in price has been still greater in the foreign market, and the protectionist rejoins that the reduction was made to compete with the American product, and that the former price would probably have been maintained so long as the importer had the monopoly of our market. Thus our protective tarift' reduced the price in both countries. This has notably been the result with respect to steel rails, the production of which in America has reached a magnitude surpassing that of England. Meanwhile rails have largely fallen in price to the consumer. The home manufoct- ure has disbursed countless millions of money among Ameri- can laborers, and has added largely to our industrial independ- ence and to the wealth of the country. While many fabrics have fallen to as low a price in the United States as elsewhere, it is not to be denied that articles of clothing and household use, metals and machinery, are, on an average, higher than in Europe. The difference is due in large degree to the wao-es paid to labor, and thus the question of reducing the tariff' cra- ries with it the very serious problem of a reduction in the pay of the artisan and the operative. This involves so many grave considerations that no party is prepared to advocate it openly. Free traders do not, and apparently dare not, face the plain truth — which is that the lowest priced fabric means the lowest priced labor. " On this point protectionists are more frank than their 362 THE RECORD OF opponents ; they realize that it constitutes indeed the most impregnable defense of their school. Free traders have at times attempted to deny the truth of the statement ; but every impartial investigation thus tar has conclusively pro\ ed that labor is better paid, and the average condition of the laboring man more comfortable in the United States than in any Euro- pean country. " An adjustment of the protective duty to the point which represents the average difference between wages of labor in Europe and in America, will, in the judgment of protectionists, always prove impracticable. The diflerence cannot be regu- lated by a scale of averages, because it is constantl\- subject to arbitrary changes. If the duty be adjusted on that basis for any given date, a reduction of wages would at once be en- forced abroad, and the American manufacturer would in con- sequence be driven to the desperate choice of surrendering the home market or reducing the pay of workmen. The theory of protection is not answered ; nor can its realization be at- tained by any such device. Protection in the perfection of its design, as descril)ed In' I\Ir. Hamilton, docs not invite compe- tition from abroad, but is based on the controlling piinciple that competition at home will always prevent monopol}' on the part of the capitalist, assure good wages to the laborer, and defend the consumer against the evils of extortion. " The assailants of protection apparently overlook the fact that excessive production is due, both in England and in America, to causes beyond the operation of duties either liigh or low. No cause is more potent than the prodigious capacity of machinery set in motion by the agency of steam. It is as- THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 363 serted by an intelligent economist that, if performed by hand, the work done bv machinery in Great Britain would require 700- 000,000 of men, — a far larger number of adults than inhabit the globe. It is not strange that, with this vast enginery, the power to produce has a constant tendency to outrun the power to consume. Protectionists find in this a conclusive argument against surrendering the domestic market of the United States to the control of the British capitalists, whose power of produc- tion has no apparent limit. When the harmonious adjustment of international trade shall ultimately be established by * the parliament of man ' in ' the federation of the world,' the power of production and the power of consumption will properly balance each other ; but in traversing the long road and endur- ing the painful process by which that end shall be reached, the protectionist claims that his theory of revenue preserves the newer nations from being devoured by the older, and offers to human labor a shield against the exactions of capital." The tariff question has been slowly returning to its old prominence in political discussion ever since the war closed in 1S65. There have been several complete or partial revisions of the tariff' since the war. We are not under the war tariff" now. In 1882 a tariff" commission appointed by President Arthur, in accordance with an act of Congress, made an ex- haustive inquiry into the relation of the industries of the country to the tariff', and in 1883, following the report of the tariff" commission, a general revision of the tariff' was made by which the duties upon nearly all the imports were consider- ably reduced. The wisdom of this reduction was disputed by the strong protectionists in Congress, and the result has justified 364 THE RECORD OF their opposition. Excessive importations have affected un- favorably certain industries and the revenue of the government has correspondingly increased. Mr. Blaine well knowing that the tariff would inevitably come before the country during the administration of the government from 1SS5 to 1889, when the nominee of the Republican party for President in 1884, both by his letter of acceptance and afterwards in public addresses, discussed the tariff question in the frankest manner, presenting honestly and clearly the doctrine of protection to American in- dustry, in which he and his party believed. Grover Cleveland, on the other hand, in his letter of acceptance made no reference whatever to the tariff, and he implied by the words, " It should be remembered that the office of President is essentially execu- tive in its nature," that he should have no personal policy on the subject. Had he avowed in the campaign the opinions he has since declared, had it been understood by all that the leading feature of his administration would be the enforcement, by the influ- ence and patronage of the presidential office, upon the Demo- cratic party of the policy of a tariff for revenue only, with merely incidental protection, and that in a small degree — Mr. Cleveland would have been overwhelmingly defeated. From the beginning of the present administration efforts have been making with the approval and under the lead of the President to bring- about a general reduction of tlie tariff'. Unmindful of the rebuke administered by the people in the congressional elections of 1SS6, when the Democratic majority in the House of Representatives was so nearly wiped out, and Morrison and other free traders defeated, Mr. Cleveland in his message to THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 365 Congress in December, 1887, startled the Nation and attracted the attention of Europe by a vigorous attack upon the protect- ive system. Ambitious for a reelection to the presidency, Mr. Cleveland deliberately determined to force upon the Dem- ocratic party its ancient creed upon the tariff. It was, indeed, impossible to avoid meeting this issue. Mr. Blaine, in the campaign for Governor Beaver's election in Pennsylvania in 1886, pointed out that as it would be some years before the government would have the option of making further pay- ments upon the public debt, there would soon be a dangerous accumulation of surplus money in the national treasury, that reduction of revenue would be absolutely necessary, and that we should be brought face to face with the sharpest tariff" crisis in our history. Another general reduction of the tariff upon protected articles, if such reduction were only moderate, would doubtless have the effect of so stimulating importations as to still further increase the surplus. President Cleveland in his message thus speaks of the surplus and its dangers: "The public treasury, which should only exist as a conduit, convey- ing the people's tribute to its legitimate objects of expenditure, becomes a hoarding place for money needlessly withdrawn from ti'ade and the people's use, thus crippling our national energies, suspending our country's development, preventing investment in productive enterprises, threatening financial dis- turbance, and inviting schemes of public plunder." The President anticipated that by the 30th of June, 1888, the accumulation of surplus in the Treasury would reach $140,000,000. This surplus would not have been so alarm- ingly great had Mr. Cleveland and the Democratic party in 3^)6 • . THE RECORD OF Congress been willing to consent that certain just and judicious expenditures should have been made — for pensions for needy soldiers of the Republic ; for public buildings in many towns where they are needed ; for coast fortifications, and for the edu- cation of the children in the vSouthern States. Condemning all proposals for the expenditure of the surplus the President proceeded to discuss the means by which the public revenues could be reduced. The internal revenue taxes levied upon the comsumption of tobacco and spirituous and malt liquors, he considered to be not burdensome to the people. The President then proceeded to recommend that reduction in revenue be accomplished by reducing the duties levied upon imported articles, including especially those coming into direct competition with the products of our own labor. We quote from the message : " But our present tarifl" laws — the vicious, inequitable, and illogical source of unnecessary taxation — ought to be at once revised and amended. These laws, as their primary and plain ertect, raise the price to consumers of all articles imported and subject to duty, by precisely the sum paid for such duties. '' Thus the amount of the duty measures the tax paid by those who purchase for use these imported articles. Many of these things, however, are raised or manufactincd in our own coun- try, and the duties now levied upon foreign goods and products are called protection to these home manufactures, because they render it possible for those of our people who are manufacturers, to m.ake these taxed articles, and sell them for a price equal to that demanded for the imported goods that have paid customs duty. So it happens that while compara- THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 367 tively a tew use the imported articles, millions of our people, who never use and never saw any of these foreign products, purchase and use things of the same kind made in this coim- try, and pay therefore nearly or quite the same enhanced price which the duty adds to the imported articles. Those who buy imports pay the duty charged thereon into the public Treasury, but the great majority of our citizens who buy domestic ar- ticles of the same class, pay a sum at least approximately equal to this duty to the home manufacturer." The message contains many such paragraphs as that quoted, the intention evidently being to represent the protective system in an odious light, and convince the people that it is a burden, Mr. Cleveland indeed disclaims being a free trader, but his message is filled from beginning to end with the stock argu- ments of the free traders, the fallacy of which the common sense of the people easily detects. The gross blunder into which Mr. Cleveland falls when he says that the price of an article of domestic production is enhanced by precisely the same amount as the duty levied upon the same article when imported, exposes him to the ridicule of all intelligent persons. Mr. Cleveland holds up before the protected industries the threat that if they do not now consent to a reduction of pro- tective duties they will in the end fare worse. His language of warning is : " Opportunity for safe, careful, and deliberate re- form is now^ ottered, and none of us should be unmindful of a time when an aroused and irritated people, heedless of those who have resisted timely and reasonable relief, may insist upon a radical and sweeping rectification of their wrongs." Mr. Cleveland especially recommended the " radical reduc- 368 TJIK RF.CORD OF tionof the duties imposed upon raw material used in manufact- ures, or its free importation." Especially he suggested the removal of the duty upon wool. The only "aroused and irritated people" heard from since the message are the people of the wool manufacturing state of Rhode Island, and the people of the wool growing state of Oregon, condemning by Republican majorities the tariff' pro- posals of the President. The position of the Republicans on the raw material ques- tion is well stated in a speech by Congressman McKinley, of Ohio, in the House of Representatives, April 30, 1S84 : ' ' Free raw material has nothing to commend it to legisla- tive favor which is not common to every other American product. The same necessity for protection, within reasona- ble limits, applies to what are commonly called raw materials as to the finished or more advanced manufactures. There is; no such thing as raw^ materials distinguished from other prod- ucts of labor. Labor enters into all productions, the common- est as well as the highest forms. The ore costs something to mine it ; the coal, to take it from the ground ; the stone, to cjuarry it ; much labor enters into the production of wool ; leather costs something to tan ; and to the extent that labor enters into their preparation, what are usually termed raw mate- rials should have ratable protection with the completed product. Pig-iron is the raw material for bar-iron, and yet no one has been heard to advocate free pig-iron. Cloth is the raw material for the tailor, the finest steel is the crude material of the watchmaker, and so on interminably. There can be no just line drawn, and no reason exists for such a discrimina- THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 369 tion. When the country is read}- for free trade let us have it in all thi^igs without exception or restriction." Considering that the wool growing states ha\'e much more political power in the Union than the wool manufacturing states, the proposal to abolish all protection on wool while re- taining protection, although insufficient, on cloth, is a most extraordinary one. Free wool means free cloth, and either or both mean the prostration of the American people. The claim of the Democratic party is that the agricultural sections of the country are oppressed by the tariff^, and that the American farmer can rely upon a foreign market for his food products. This claim is answered by Mr. McKinley in the speech already quoted from : " It has always seemed to me that it was infinitely better that the farmer should have a market at home, a market at his very door, than to be compelled to seek a market in distant countries and among distant populations. As long as there is a demand at home it is a self-evident proposition that it is bet- ter than to seek consumers abroad, and that the home demand is safer, more reliable, and more profitable than any foreign market can possibly be. American buyers are the best in the world." He did not tell the committee what is the fact, that ninety per cent, of the food products of the United States is consumed at home, and that only about ten per cent, has to find a market abroad. It is not competition with Evn-o|5e only which tariff reduc- tion invites, but in the near future with India and China. A prominent American in a public speech in the year 1885 de- clared : Zk 370 THE RECORD OF " India and China are learning more than the lessons of war from Europe. They are learning the uses of machinery ; both have coal and iron ; both can produce wool and cotton, and India o-rows wheat. China has just now contracted with an American firm to work its coal mines — rich, but undeveloped. India already has ten thousand miles of railway, with cotton factories and iron mills. India with 250,000,000 and China with 400,000,000 of population, with their workers often living on a shilling a day or less, and with their cheap labor, will become not only competitors of England but all other nations. It would be poor statesmanship if, by a blind adher- ence to a phantom policy, American labor should ever, for any reason, be brought into competition with that of India and China. Foreign markets may afford temporary relief for com- mercial depression and low wages, but they cannot settle the principle upon which wealth may be better distributed and wages kept above the cost of living. It will not do to depend upon any external agency. The disease is within ; the fault grows out of the existing industrial system." The Repul:)lican protectionists maintain these propositions : I . Diversity in national industry is essential to the develop- ment of a high civilization. 3. Local centres, wliich manufactures widely spread build up, are essential to the prosperity and the liappiness of the people. 1. The power of association is developed among men by diversity of industry and local centres, and this power is what gives to man command over the forces of nature. THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 371 4. Domestic manufactures cheapen prices. " Dear bouglit and far fetched," is an old and true maxim. 5. The home market is the best market. Under the pre- sent tariff we do not control entirely our home market, we ought to obtain control of that before thinking of the conquest of foreign markets. 6. The reduction of the tariff' means a reduction of wages of American woikmen greater than any possible increase in the purchasing power of their wages ; and a fall in prices in this country resulting from tariff' and wage reduction, means the ruin of the debtor class of the country. 7. The tariff' shoiffd be revised by those who understand and believe in the protective system. Chapter III. THE MILLS BILL, AND THE SURPLUS AND WHISKEY TAX QUESTIONS. ASCENDANCY OF THE FREE TRADE DEMOCRATS — THE MILLS BILL — ITS PASSAGE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES — THE WOOL qUESTION — THREATENED PROSTRATION OF INDUSTRIES — UN- WISE POLICY OF THE COTTON INTEREST MINNESOTA AND THE TARIFF — THE MILLS BILL NOT A MEASURE FOR THE REDUCTION OF THE SURPLUS — SUGAR TARIFF — TRUSTS — THE REPUBLICAN PLAN FOR REDUCING THE SURPLUS — THE WHISKEY TAX. From the day of Grover Cleveland's election, the influence in the Democratic party of Mr. Randall and other Democratic protectionists has been waning, and the ascendancy of Mr. Carlisle, Mr. Morrison, and other free traders has been grow- ing. Speaker Carlisle organized the Ways and Means Com- mittee of the first Congress in Mr. Cleveland's administration in the interest of free trade, and ISIr. Morrison, die chairman, pushed to a vote a bill making a horizontal reduction of twenty per centum in most of the tariff' schedules. The Con- gressional elections of i8S6 showed some reaction against the Democratic part>', and Mr. Morrison himself was defeated for reelection on the tariff' issue. But the Ways and Means Com- mittee of the second Congress of this administration which met in December, 1SS7, was organized by Mr. Carlisle, re- elected speaker, in the same interest, and Roger C^. Mills, of Texas, a radical free trader, was made chairman. The abso- THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 373 lute control of the committee was given to the cotton planting interest. The committee proceeded in the preparation of a tariti* bill in the most arbitrary and unprecedented manner, Mr. McKinley, in presenting the minority report of the committee to the House, says : "If any consultations were held the minority was excluded. Thus originating, after three months of the session had gone, it was submitted to the committee. Since, there has been no consideration of it. Every eftbrt upon the part of the minority to obtain from the majority the facts and information upon which they constructed the bill proved unavailing. " The industries of the country, located in every section of the Union, representing vast interests closely related to the pros- perity of the country, touching practically every home and fire- side in the land, and which were to be affected by the bill, were denied a hearing." The majority of the committee reported a bill reducing the duties upon nearly all classes of manufactures, and placing upon the free list wool, salt, lumber, and certain other prod- ucts of the country, commonly called by Free Traders " raw materials." The greatest tariff' debate in our history has been had in the House upon this bill. Some amendments were made by the Democrats increasing the duties fixed by the bill in cases where Democratic influences were brought to bear in favor of protected industries located in states whose vote in the presidential election was doubtful. Finally, on July 21, 1 888, the Mills Tariff' Bill passed the House by a majority of thirteen votes. Only two Representatives, elected as Republi- 374 THE RECORD OF cans, voted for the bill — Mr. Fitch, of New York, who has already entered the Democratic party, and the Honorable Knute Nelson, of Minnesota. Four Democrats only voted against the bill, but Samuel J. Randall would have voted against it had he not been prevented by illness from being present in the House. The corner- stone of the bill is free wool. The opponents of the protect- ive system, despairing of successful direct attack upon the pro- tective system as a whole, have undertaken to turn the flank of the tariff' by assailing the protection long aftbrded to sheep husbandry. The wool growers, although numbering more than one million voters, are not as a class possessed of the wealth or influence of manufacturers, and are mainly located in Republican states. The design of the Democrats is to secure by the ofler of free wool, the support of the manufact- uring states of New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, Rliode Island, Massachusetts, and New Hampshire, and having thus planted the seeds of discord between the East and the West, to afterwards, with the aid of the West, accomplish the destruction of the protective system. Indeed, the free-listing of wool involves the abandonment of the principle of protec- tion. Since Mr. Cleveland and his party have chosen to wage the battle on wool, let us examine somewhat the subject of the wool tar ill'. I. The present tarifl'divides wool into three classes : cloth- ing wools, combing wools, and carpet wools. Upon clothing and combing wf)ols a duty is le\ic(l ; if the value at the place THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 375 whence exported to the United States shall be 30 cents or less per pound, of 10 cents per pound ; if such value shall exceed 30 cents per pound, the duty is 12 cents per pound. Upon car- pet wools is levied a duty of 3 1-2 or 5 cents per pound, accord- ing to the value. The duties on all classes of wool were con- siderably reduced in 1SS3, when the tariff' was last revised, greatly to the dissatisfaction of the wool growers, who have ever since striven to secure a restoration of the former rates of duty. A large reduction in the number of sheep and the wool clip has resulted from the reduction in the wool tariff', showing how vain is the hope that with wool on the free list wool growing could survive in the United States. The present tariff' imposes a specific duty upon woolen manufactures of from 10 to 35 cents per pound, and in addition thereto an ad valorem duty of either 35 or 40 per centum, varying with the kind and value of the goods. The duties upon woolen manu- factures were slightly reduced by the revision of 1883. Increased importation of woolens has resulted. The importa- tions of wool in 1882 were 63,016,769 pounds ; in 18S7, 114,- 404,174 pounds. The duty collected in 1SS3 was $3,854,- 653. iS; that in 1SS7, $5,899,816.63. 2. The Mills Bill abolishes all specific duties (the only duties that cannot be evaded by under-valuations) on woolens and fixes a duty of forty per cent, ad valorem. This is on most classes and on the largest quantitv an increase of five per cent, upon the present ad valorem duty, which is in most cases thirty-five per cent. When the specific and ad valorem duties upon wool and woolens were established by the tariff' of 1S67, after full consultation and ag^reement between the wool growers 37^ THE RECORD OF and the manufacturers, and again when these duties were readjusted in 18S3, it was upon the distinctly avowed phm that the specific cUitles on woolens were intended as compensatory merely to the manufacturer for the duty levied on foreign wools, and the specific rates were nicely adjusted to this end, while the ad valorem duty of thirty-five per cent, (in a few cases forty per cent.) was intended as favoring or strictly protective to the manufiicturer. So that the Mills Bill by increasing the ad valorem duty from thirty-five to forty per cent., professes to give an additional favor to the' manufacturer, the duties on wool and specific duties on cloth being abolished together. It is openly claimed by the organs of the free-wool manufacturers that the Mills Bill is in their favor. 3. It is claimed by the Democrats and by the free-wool New England manufacturers that the effect of free wool will be to cheapen woolens to the consumer, to maintain wages of workers in woolen mills while increasing their purchasing power, and that no harm will result to the American wool grower. 4. It is claimed by the tariff' reducers that trusts or combi- nations of manufacturers are formed for the purpose of extort- ing from the people monopoly prices, and that these trusts are protected in their extortion because so largely given a monopoly of the home market by the tariff, that the only way to get fair prices is to admit foreign competition more freely. It is hard to see, if this claim be true, how prices are to be reduced to consumers of woolens, for the claim is that the protection of manufacturers of woolens has been fully preseryed, and even increased by the Mills Bill. Whether the price of wool fell or THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 377 not, the manufacturers could still take advantage of the tariff of forty per cent, and plunder the consumers by combination. However, the wool growers are distinctly and loudly told by the Democrats and free-wool manufacturers that the price of wool will not fall, that the protective duties have already lowered the price of wool, and that by permitting the free im- portation of foreign wools of the finest grade needed to mix with American wools, manufacturing will be so stimulated as to create a better and more remunerative market for American wool. If this claim is true, the fact, in connection with the forty per cent, duty, will certainly prevent the cost of pro- duction of all woolens, except, possibly, a few classes of the finest and highest-priced goods worn by the rich, from being lessened. So the Mills Bill, according to the theory of its friends, will not give to the wage-earners and the farmers the promised boon of cheaper clothing. 5. The real effect of free-listing wool upon the wool growers, will be to destroy as if by magic the business of wool growing in the United States. Under the present reduced tariff', the number of our sheep fell off' from 50,620,626 in 1S84, to 44,759,344 in 1887, with a corresponding reduction in the wool clip from 308,000,000 pounds in 1884, to 265,000,000 in 1887, a shrinkage of 43,000,000 pounds, while importations increased. 6. The first effect of free wool upon the price of wool will be to reduce it considerably in price but not to the level of present European prices, for increased importations into this country will somewhat raise the price of wool in European 378 THE RECORD OF markets. The increase of price of wool in Europe by slightly raising the cost of European manufacture will assist the Amer- ican manufacturer in maintaining prices. There is good reason to believe that free wool manufacturers believe their profits will be increased. The secondary effect of free wool upon the price of wool will be to place American manufacturers at the mercy of European combinations controlling the Australian and vSouth American wool clip, and to increase the price in a very few years to a figure above that paid at present. As soon as the American Congress abandons the wool-growing interest, which should be cherished as the apple of our eye, European policy grasping for our market will be devoted to cornering against lis the wool grown under the flags of our rivals, and compelling us to import our wool in the form of clotli, thus giving the profit of the fabric to Europe. The money that woolen man- ufacturers in the United States make, because of free wool, they must make quickly, for the foreign monopolist will avenge the wrongs of the American wool grower. We already produce the greater part of tlie clothing wool consumed by our people, and with adequate protection to wool and woolens can easily produce all that is now or ever can be consumed ; and our American wools are as durable as any in the world and among the finest. 7. Free wool will soon be followed by a sharp reduction of the duty upon foreign woolens. The Western farmers sacri- ficed in the matter of their wpol upon the altar of selfishness, and experiencing no reduction in the price of woolens, will swiftly unite with the deadly foes of American manufactures, THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 379 the Democratic cotton planters of the South, and strike a fatal blow at the woolen industry of New England and the East, and the striking of this blow would not be long delayed. Mr. Mills, in his report to the House, says of his bill : " The bill herewith reported to the House is not offered as a perfect bill. Many articles are left subject to duty which might well be transferred to the free list. Many articles are left subject to rates of duty which might well be lessened." The country has fair warning from our Bourbon masters that the Mills Bill is only the entering wedge of free trade. The object of the Southern tariff' reducers in touching the tariff'is to obtain for the South cheaper clothing and supplies. They do not expect the free listing of wool to reduce the price of cloth, but they do expect to strip the manufacturer of his political defenses, so that he can shortly be immolated on the altar of sacrifice he has helped to build. 8. The final result of free wool will be, unless a political revolution not so ea^ly accomplished takes place, that wool growing and wool manufacturing will become lost arts in the United States. 9. If the Mills Bill contained no other changes than those in the wool and woolen duties, a few woolen manufacturers might, perhaps, rapidly amass fortunes, and their operatives might for a very few years maintain their present wages, although all attempts to increase wages or to shorten hours, would be defeated in advance ; but the bill aims deadly blows at flax and hemp, earthenware, glass, plate-glass, metal, steel, steel rail, and other industries. Hundreds of now ffour- 3So THE RECORD OF ishing industries would be undermined, and an atmosphere of gloom and despondency would spread over the land. Wages would be generally reduced, and in the " sorrowful degrada- tion of labor would be planted the seeds of public danger." A general fall in prices is the end sought by the tariff reduc- ers ; if their end was realized, debts would not shrink with the price of property, and the mortgaged farms and home- steads of the Nation would be sold under the hammer of the sheriff to the money-holders of America and Europe. And as the prostration of business would be general, the woolen industries would share in the general depression, and free-wool manufacturers would drink with the rest the waters of affliction. lo. To New England the consequences of her folly if she listens to the siren song of the tempter would be sad indeed. In the constellation of the Union these " once jubilant stars of the morning would be silent and dim." Our Bourbon masters of the South, skilled in the cunning of the politician, tireless in the pursuit of the ends they seek, are now seeking with fair sounding words and beguiling measures to separate the East- ern Republicans from the Western Republicans in sympathy and in interest. It will be an evil hour for labor in the North when it consents to accept either political econoni}', politics, or social or industrial ideas from the Bourbon Democrats of Texas, Arkansas, or Mississippi. It will bear reiteration that the Nation is now witnessing a renewal of tlie old fight of the cotton planter in alliance with the foreign importing interest to impose by successive steps the jjolicy of free trade upon the Republic. The logic of THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 381 the situation is plain. Ninety per cent, and more of all the products of the agriculture of the United States finds a mar- ket at home ; less than 10 per cent, is exported ; but of our cotton crop almost tsvo-thirds is exported, so that the cotton planter to-day, as of old, is tempted to say that in the markets of Europe his cotton is king. If Speaker Carlisle is to be believed, the cotton planter holds the home market, present or prospective, in small esteem. This is the whole secret of the movement for free trade in the United States. If it were not for the cotton interest, the advocacy of tariff' reduction would be confined to a few theorists having small acquaintance with the real facts, and whose influence would count for nothing. The true policy for the South is to develop her mines of iron and coal and other natural resources, to foster sheep raising, to build towns, educate her children, protect the colored race in their rights, and accept with enthusiasm the principles of Republicanism . The Democratic partv, on the tariff", as on questions of human rights, is the representative of Southern sectionalism and of a reactionary policy unfavorable to the moral and mate- rial well being of the continent. II. The only real Republican vote in the House for the Mills Bill was that of Knute Nelson, of Minnesota. Mr. Nel- son is a Norwegian by birth and a sterling representative of the Scandinavian settlers of the Northwest. The Scandinavi- ans, conspicuous ever for their intelligence and loyalt}^ to human freedom, constitute very largely the Republican party 382 THE RECORD OF of Minnesota. Faithful to established connections, loving lib- erty and education, they are Republicans by conviction. Mr. Nelson himself, although differing somev.'hat from his party associates on the tariff, indignantly spurns the suggestion that he could go over to the Democratic party because of a difference of opinion on an economic issue. He believes that the farmers of his state are unfavorably affected by high duties. He, and such as he, deserve high praise for recognizing that above all questions of tariff' or finance are the supreme issues of liberty, education, and progress. It is natural that the idea should suggest itself to the mind of a citizen of Minnesota, because that State has been largely dependent upon the hard- wheat crop, which commands a ready sale in England, and is less suscej^tible to the competition of Indian or Russian wheat, because the best in the world. But fuller consideration of the question will incline Minnesota strongly to the side of the protective system. The price of even Minnesota wheat would be loweretl in European markets, did not the home market absorb so large a proportion of the crop. And the European market for Ameri- can wheat will take less rather than more in the future. The true market for the ^Minnesota and Dakota of the future is at their very doors. Montana, not a wheat region, is destined to a mining and manufacturing future, and will call for wheat. In Mr. Nelson's own district the new-found wealth of iron ore, the best in the world for steel, will bring home to the people a realization of the benefits of a diversified industry. The increasing butter product of Minnesota has no market except in the United States. Southwestern Minnesota is the THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 3S3 natural home of the sheep, whose hoof is shod with gold. Even in the production of sugar, Minnesota has a future. And, besides all this, her interests are in many ways so bound up in the prosperity of her fellow-countrymen that ISlinnesota will in the end be as soundly protective as Wisconsin, Kansas, or California. 12. As a measure for the reduction of the surplus the Mills Bill is a failure. The duties on braid, plaits, laces, and trim- mings were reduced by the act of 1S83 from thirty to twenty per cent, ad valorem, and the sum paid in duties in 1887 was $114,482.76 more than in 1883. The reduction on tin plate, under the act of 1883, was one-tenth of a cent per pound, while the duty collected in 1SS7 was $715,468.57 greater than in 1883. Bronze — in powder — was reduced by the law of 1883 from twenty to fifteen per cent., yet the sum received by the government for duty in 1887 was $14,000 more than was received from the same source in 18S3. The duty on writing paper was reduced from thirty-five to twenty-five per cent, ad valorem. The receipts in 1883 under the higher duty were $19,406.87 ; under the reduced duty in 18S7 the receipts were $242,216.27, showing an excess of duties of $222,000 in 1887 over 1883. And, as before shown, the same result has been attained in wool and woolens. Mr. Cleveland warns the country that the continuance of the surplus will bring a commercial crisis. He is right, but his policy of tarift' reduction will increase the surplus and precipi- tate the disaster. 13. The way to reduce the surplus is to abolish the internal tax on tobacco, and revise the tariff' by imposing such 384 THE RECORD OF higher rates of duties upon imports coming into competition with articles produced in this country, in proper cases, as to check such imports and diminish the receipts at the custom house, while reducing duties upon articles, other than luxuries, not produced in the country. Such is the Republican plan. In dealing with sugar a difference of opinion has always existed among protectionists. Some Republicans favor remov- ing in whole, or in part, the duty upon sugar, on the ground that only about one-tenth of the domestic demand is supplied by American producers. The abolition of the tobacco tax and a protectionist revision of the tariff upon other articles, will so reduce the revenues as to render it necessary to retain for revenue purposes, at least half the sugar duties. The Mills bill, in accordance with the declared opinion of Mr. Mills that "upon correct principles of taxation there should be a higher duty upon sugar than upon any (^ther article in the dutiable list," fixes a high, although somewhat reduced, duty ujDon sugar. There is nothing surer than the rapid increase of sugar production in the United States, and it ought to l)e fostered l)y protective duties. If combinations of domestic producers oppress consumers. relief can easily be secured, either by authorizing the Presi- dent in his discretion to temporarily free-list sugar, or by more direct legislative remedies. The same remark applies to all combinations or trusts. The advantages of C()ml)inati()ns are within oiu" reach, without our being compelled to suffer their eviljj. THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 3S5 The Surplus and Whiskey Tax Questions. ~ The Republican platform of iSSS has the following plank : " The Republican joarty would effect all needed reduction of the national revenue by repealing the taxes upon tobacco, which are an annoyance and burden to agriculture, and the tax upon spirits used in the arts and for mechanical purposes, and by such revision of the tariff' laws as will tend to check imports of such articles as are produced by our people, the production of which gives employment to oiu" labor, and release from import duties those articles of foreign production (except luxuries) the like of which cannot be produced at home. If there shall still remain a larger revenue than is requisite for the wants of the government, we favor the entire repeal of internal taxes rather tlian the surrender of an}- part of our protective system, at the joint behests of the whiskey trusts and the agents of foreign manufacturers." Taken in connection with the explicit declarations in favor of the protective system and against free wool, the declaration here quoted is the strongest and soundest protection platform ever adopted by a national convention of any political party. The firm adhesion of the Nation to the principles of the Chi- cago platform would give us a basis for a national prosperity grander than any yet attained. The Republican party is practically united in support of the foregoing declaration, except that as to the concluding sen- tence, which implies the possible repeal of the whiskey tax, some apparent divergence of opinion exists ; but this diver- gence is more apparent than real. The platform does not 386 THE RECORD OF declare for the abolition of the whiskey tax ; it only declares that if, after repealing the tobacco tax and revising the tariff' in a judicious manner, a surplus income should remain, all inter- nal taxation should be abolished rather than any part of the protective system be sacrificed. That is to say the Republi- can party prefers to tax imports from foreign countries rather than the productions or business of our own country. As an economic doctrine this is sound, and no intelligent protection- ist will dissent from the proposition. At the same time it ought to be well understood that no necessity for considering the question of the repeal of the whiskey tax can arise during the next administration. The repeal of the tobacco tax and the revision of the tariff' in accordance with the principle of protection will effect a sufficient reduction in the revenues of the government. At a more distant day the question of whether the whiskey tax is to be permanently retained or abolished will come up for dis- cussion. When it does. Congress may have to choose between the proposition of Mr. Blaine, that the tax on whiskey be retained as long as there is any whiskey to tax, and the pro- ceeds of the tax be turned over to the state governments to assist in defraying their expenses, and the abolition of the tax altogether. The public mind is not at present fully prepared for the decision of tliis eventual question ; nor is it necessary that it should be considered at all in deciding the paramount tariff" issue now to be met. The Republican party in Congress has given no sujDport to tlie repeal of the whiskey tax, and the general drift of sentiment among the leaders of the party has been all along averse to such repeal. There is a moral side to THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 387 be considered in connection with the whiskey tax. The Pro- hibition party is, however, in no position to attack the Repub- lican party as a free whiskey party, for the Prohibition plat- form upon which Clinton B. Fisk was nominated, declares " For the immediate abolition of the Internal Revenue Sys- tem, whereby our National Government is deriving support from our greatest national vice." If the party which founds itself upon the single idea of National prohibition demands the immediate abolition of the whiskey tax, and claims to be thereby promoting the true interests of temperance, judicious and candid temperance men will think twice before they too hastily condemn the Republi- can party because of the declaration on that subject made at Chicago. The framers of the Republican resolution evidently had in mind and gave some weight to the theory advanced by temperance men that a tax on the manufacture of liquors tends to protect and foster the liquor traffic, when they alluded to the desire of the " whiskey trusts " that the tax be maintained. But the opinion of Mr. Blaine and most other sagacious men is that the abolition of the tax would lead to the increase of distillation and the increase of consumption. The moral and financial questions connected with the whis- key tax will come up hereafter for deliberate examination. No issue is now presented on that subject, and voters will wisely direct their votes to the issue now to be decided between pro- tection and free trade. General Harrison expresses the practical truth about this matter when he says in his letter of acceptance that the ques- tion of the whiskey tax is too remote for present consideration. CHESTER ALLAN ARTHUR, THE FIFTH REPUBLICAN PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. Chapter IV. THE LABOR QUESTION. LABOR qUESTION RELATED TO POLITICS — SPEECH OF S. B. ELKINS — THE REPUBLICAN PARTY THE LABOR PARTY OF THE COUNTRY — THE HOMESTEAD ACT — PROTECTION — FAIR ELECTIONS AND NATIONAL AID TO EDUCATION ESSENTIAL LABOR MEASURES. Although it is generally felt that a labor party, so called, representing exclusively the interests of wage earners, has no held of usefulness in the United States, it is nevertheless recog- nized by all thoughtful persons that the labor question, or the relations of labor to capital has come to be a subject of deep concern with vast mumbers of people. With the develop- ment of republican institutions the aspiration for approximate social equality has become a master passion dominating the age. It ought not to be an unregulated nor a wholly selfish passion, and in America it will not be. The labor movement is essentially a generous one and attracts the sympathy of all generous men, who, deploring the mistakes, follies, and ex- cesses which may temporarily and in certain instances attend it, hope and confidently believe that its general course will be constructive rather than destructive. The social and labor questions are inevitably in the field of politics. The policy, the tendency of the Republican and Democratic parties have a direct relation to labor questions. An address delivered by Hon. Stephen B. Elkins one of the 390 THE RECORD OF most prominent Republicans of the country, at Columbia, Missouri, June 3, 1885, on the labor question, contains many l^assages which ought to be reproduced in connection with a discussion of the great industrial issues which are pending in the election of 1888 : " The world was never so rich in accumulated wealth, com- forts of civilization, culture, intelligence, and charity. The average condition of the people is better than in any former period. Civilization has reached a higher point and light is breaking all around the globe. . . . The material progress made during the nineteenth century, especially in the last fifty years, surpasses that of all other periods of history. In Europe and the United States wealth has increased since 1850 three times faster than population. Machinery has multiplied until its productive power in the United States and England alone is equal to the power of a thousand million men. Huxley says the 7,500,000 workers in England can produce as much in six months as would have required, one hundred years ago, the entire working force of the world one year to equal. In the United States wealth has increased from 1850 to 1SS4 forty- two thousand two hundred and forty millions of dollars. Ac- cording to Mulhall, since 1830 Great Britain has almost trebled her wealth ; France has quadrupled hers, and the United States has muUii)lic(l in wealth six fold, and at present we are growing nearly four millions richer at sunset than sunrise each day. // is estimated that it requires less than one-half of the manual labor that tvas required in 186 j to produce an equal amount of subsistence. During this period great progress has been made in political and intellectual develop- THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 391 ment. The schools, colleges, asylums, hospitals, churches, and benevolent institutions found everywhere are the monuments of increasing charity and philanthropy. The nineteenth cen- tury will be set down in the world's history as the centuiy of material progress. May we not believe that it will furnish the foundation for a moral progress not less wonderful in the twentieth century, in the shadow of whose portals we now stand, in which the moral forces will grow and be strength- ened, and man will be made gentler, wiser and purer, so that in the stately procession of centuries the twentieth will take its place as the century of moral progress. The signs point in this direction and encourage this belief. " In this great march of progress the United States takes the lead. In this rich world this nation stands the richest. The valuation of property in 1SS4 was $51,670,000,000 in round numbers ; that of Great Britain, mother and rival, being more than six thousand millions less. Gladstone, in his article on 'Kin Beyond the Sea,' declared 'that the census of 1880 would exhibit the American Republic as certainly the wealthiest of all nations,' and he did not err. . . . While we recount with pride and pleasure the progress made by the nations of Europe, and particularly by the United States, we cannot forget that an undertone of discontent reaches us, which gives us pause. In the very nations where this advance has been so great, there is wide-spread depression in trade and commerce, and dissatisfaction among the people. While making all these splendid triumphs and material progress in works of charity and benevolence, conditions necessary to the highest social progress have been neglected. In Europe this discontent is due to two 392 THE RECORD OF causes. One, the unfinished struggle on the part of the people for political freedom. . . . These nations have also to deal with another cause — the industrial (juestion, involving the relations between labor and capital, employer and em- ployed, the rate of wages, and the proper distribution of wealth, which is the recurring question of all civilization, the problem of all the ages. . . . The settlement of one of these problems has made this nation great and its people happy. . . . Having secured a government by the people and for the people, which has stood the test of foreign and civil war, shown its ability in dealing with the most compli- cated questions, and is about completing the first century of its existence, the nation now has to deal with the industrial prob- lem. The great increase in population, large immigration from Europe — amounting in four years to over twenty-four hundred thousand people — overcrowding of cities, rapid absorption of public lands, consideration of wealth, importation of contract labor, and other causes, are reproducing in New England, and in many of the Middle and Western States, many of the eco- nomic and social conditions of Ein'ope. In the midst of great wealth, with powers of production unsurpassed, with material success unparalleled, there is, nevertheless, depression in trade and commerce. " In this land of plenty, there is, in places, the l)eginning ol want ; 350,000 woikcrs are without employment, ui)on whose labor more than a million women and children depend for food, shelter, and clothing. How many are working on half-time, fighting hunger, and in this wav supporting their own existence and the existence of those dependent upon them, THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 393 cannot be estimated. Many who have employment are forced, by competition, to accept a rate of wages that yields a bare subsistence. ... In the cities workers are forced into packed and crowded tenement houses, where foul air breeds disease and certain death. Tlie tenement house population of New York City, amounting to 500,000, live in 20,000 houses. . . These evils have grown with our growth. They are largely the outcome here, as in Europe, of the existing indus- trial system. It would be folly to condemn, as a whole, a sys- tem which, with all its faults, has merits, and has brought us thus far on our onward march. But in a century the United States will have a population of two hundred millions. It be- hooves us, therefore, to seriously consider whether we should take the riskof going on under a system that permits such evils as now exist, and encourages industrial war between employer and employed. . . . The question is both industrial and so- cial, and concerns, not the capitalist nor the wage receiver ex- clusively, nor the one more than the other, but the whole body of society and the state itself. No question more serious or of graver moment ever came before the American people, and upon its right settlement may not only depend the future of society, but ultimately the fate of the great RejDublic. . . . In this great Republic ; in its fresh morning life, before wrong, error, and injustice have had time to crystallize ; with no in- herited disposition to classes or caste ; with all power in a people advancing in intelligence ; with sixty centuries of re- corded example and experience behind us ; the underbrush of the tyrannies, errors, and prejudices of centuries cut away ; the situation clearly in view, and the question pressing for solu- 394 THE RECORD OF tion, tliis would seem the time to begin and our country the place to solve the problem of ages. To prevefit industrial ivai'^ to regulate the forces of competition^ to secure to labor a larger share of the prodiicts it helps to create^ shorter hours for work^ longer hours for leisure and improvement^ and to lesseft the cares and distresses of poverty^ is an atnhi- tion worthy of Ajnerican ma?ihood. If we shrink from the duty so plainly laid upon us, or fail in the great undertaking, hope will be well-nigh extinguished. "Struggling humanity awaits theaction of the grej\t Republic, to see if, after giving man government on a Christian basis, it will give him industry on a Christian basis, and thus take the next great step in civilization. Sparse population in most of the states ; the general diffusion of property, real and personal ; the accumulation of savings ; the restraint of passions ; the slumber of pride and envy, and the comparative freedom from want, are all guarantees of peace and order for the present, and permit us to hope that danger is remote, and that no revo- lution threatens the form and substance of society and govern- ment. We can, therefore, calmly approach the consideration of the question, gather information, study causes, avoid the errors of other ages, and seriously consider in a spirit of fair- ness, relying upon no fancied advantage or security, what as individuals and as a nation we ouglit to do. Let us feel that we are on the threshold of a revolution, having for its end and aim the bettering of the condition of our fellow-man, to be wrought out through peaceable methods, with sublime thoughts ' that pierce the night like stars,' and noble ideas and deeds for weapons. ... In the United States it is true that wages THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 395 have advanced during the last twenty-five years. But the wants to be satisfied, in order to support life on the same rela- tive plane as before, have also increased. And this is right; it would be a violence to human nature if it were not so. As the world grows in powxr of production, man ought to grow in taste and needs. His desire for a larger and higher state of existence does grow, and ought to grow as fast as the means of satisfving that desire. Hefzce, at all ti?}ies the true question is, not -whether workers receive more than before, but ■whether they produce more and get a larger proportion of what is produced than before. ..... " It is plain that some adjustment must be reached by which the war now raging between employer and employed in the industrial world must come to an end, and be superseded by a system that will unite the interests of the employer and those of the employed. . . . . . . ' ' Nature has made provision for all her sons. The industrial system which does not permit the worthy to get enorcgh is at fault. One of the greatest statesmen and orators of our times has said ' wages are unjustly reduced when an industrious ??ian is not able by his earnings to live in comfort, edticate his children, and lay by a szifficient afnount for the necessi- ties of age.' [Mr. Blaine.]" Mr. Elkins proceeds to express his dissent from the ^^lais- sezfaire" doctrine, to advocate national aid to education, re- striction in the amount, and reform in the methods of local tax- ation " wdiich falls heaviest on the worker, and often robs him of the ability to save from his earnings." " Legal restraints are needed against the holding of lands 39^ THE RECORD OF for speculative purposes, dependinii^ upon increased population and settlement to make them valuable." "All public lands suitable for agriculture should be reserved as homes for the people, and hereafter sold only to American citizens, or those who in good faith declare their intention of becoming actual settlers. Grants of land not earned should be forfeited to the government." " There should be a better supervision of state and inter-state commerce, wiser supervision of banks, trust companies, and life insurance companies, and adequate meas- ures for the establishment of popular savings banks in all parts of the country. Pi-otection of American industry and Ameri- can labor should be more wisely fostered and more efficient. Pauper immigration and importation of contract labor should be more effectively prevented. Laws should be passed to re- strict child labor, to provide for the health of those employed in factories. "Over capitalizationof corporations, watering of stocks, the people should take care to check by stringent legislation." Mr. Elkins proceeds in the same address to advocate : I . Arbitration and conciliation, 3. Cooperation, and 3. Profit sharing. We have cjuotcd thus at length from tliis elocjuent and thouglitful address of Mr. Elkins because, first, of its intrinsic merits, and second, because it is the utterance of a representa- tive Republican. The Democratic politicians have artfully endeavored to create an impression that the Republican party has not been THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 397 as friendly to the interests of the poorer citizens as the Demo- cratic. A more monstrous perversion of the truth could not be made. The truth is that the Democratic party cannot point to a single achievement, during the last fifty years, of that party in the interest of labor. The Democratic party has ever been the party of mere negation, the party of obstruction, the do-nothing party. The Republican party has been the great labor party of the country. The homestead policy, the pres- ervation of the Western territories as free soil, the restoration of the protective system, the abolition of slavery, the enfran- chisement of the colored race, were all Republican measures, , all great labor measures, and were all bitterly resisted by the Democrats. The Homestead Act was carried through Con- gress by the Republicans with little help from Democrats in the year i860 when the presidential election was pending. The bill was vetoed by President Buchanan, the last Demo- cratic President elected before Mr. Cleveland, on the ground that it was unconstitutional, unjust to the old states, and be- cause it was a measure which "will go far to demoralize the people." The bill failed to pass the Senate over the veto of Buchanan, the Democrats voting eighteen against the bill and nine in favor. The Republican platform in i860 contained a strong declaration in favor of free homesteads, and the poor man's homestead triumphed in Republican success. In 1863 a homestead bill, granting 160 acres to every actual settler on the public lands, twenty-one years or more of age, who is or has declared his intention to become a citizen, was enacted. The vote in the Senate on the bill was yeas 33, nays 7. Of the yeas, 30 were Republicans and 3 Democrats ; of the nays, 6 398 THE RECORD OF were Democrats and i Rcjxiblican. In the House the vote stood yeas 114, nays iS. Of the yeas, 92 were Republicans and 22 Democrats; of the nays, 15 were Democrats and 3 were Republicans. Abraham Lincoln signed the Homestead Act. The Republican party is now striving to bring about three things tliat are in tlie interest of labor in every part of the United States. One of tliese things is the maintenance and the perfection of the system of protection to American labor b)' the tarilVon foreign imports. This is indispensable to the progress of labor in this country. No intelligent protectionist claims that the higher wages in this country than in Europe or China are due entirely to the tariff protection, nor that protection is all that labor needs. But every intelligent man knows that without protection wages and the standard of living would foil ; and that if into our own field of labor, of study, and of experiment in the solution of labor and social questions, the American mechanic and labor&r permits to come the competition of the industries of foreign countries, over whose policy and whose customs we have no control and no inHuence save that which is indirect, the end of progress and hope for labor and social reform in America will have been reached. Stripped of all disguise, Mr. Cleveland's reelection will be a decision in favor of giving up the control of the markets of the United States to those who can come and take them. Such a verdict the intelligent workingmen of the United States will never render. Labor has a great stake in the restoration of the colored race THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 399 to political activity, in the restoration of that race to a large measure of political power. If that race, destined to be multi- plied to many millions, shall sink down into insignificance and ignoble content with poor and lowly conditions, a ball and chain will be thereby hung about the limbs of labor in the North. No party demanding to be led in the path of popular progress, no party mindful of justice to the poor and to labor, is possible in such states as South Carolina and Mississippi except a party founded in large part upon the basis of the col- ored vote. If the negro fails to regain the ballot, his wages will remain very low, and his practical slavery will constantly depress the condition of labor in the North. The position of the Republican party upon the subject of national aid to education gives the Republicans title to every labor vote in America. Chapter V, FREE AND FAIR ELECTIONS. THE SUPPRESION OF SUFFRAGE IN THE SOUTH — GROVER CLEVKLAND NOT FAIRLY ELECTED — MR. BAYARD'S PROPHECY — IMPARTIAL TESTIMONY AS TO DEMOCRATIC FRAUD — THE SILENT SOUTH — REPUBLICANS PLEDGED TO RESTORE THE BALLOT TO THE COLORED RACE — MR. BLAINe'S AUGUSTA SPEECH — A FREE BALLOT THE GROUND OF REPUBLICAN UNITY — THE SOUTH DAKOTA qUES- TION. The Republican Platform adopted at Chicag-o, in Jiuie, iSSS, contains this declaration : "We reaffirm our unswerving devotion to the National Constitution, and to the indisoluble union of the states ; to the autonomy reserved to the states under tlie Constitution ; to the personal rights and liberties of citizens in all the states and territories in the Union, and especially to the supreme and sovereign right of every lawful citizen, rich or poor, native or foreign Ijorn, wliite or black, to cast one free ballot in pubHc elections, and to have that ballot duly counted. We hold the free and honest popular ballot, and the just and equal repre- sentation of all the people to be the foundation of our republi- can government, and demand etlcctive legislation to secure the integrity and purity of elections, which are the fountains of all public authority. We charge that the present administration and the Democratic majority in Congress, owe their existence to the suppression of the ballot by a criminal nullification of the Constitution and Laws of the United States." THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 401 Every intelligent man in the country knows, or may know, that Grover Cleveland would not now be the President of the United States, if a fair election could have been had in the States of South Carolina, Mississippi, Louisiana, Florida, Arkansas, and Alabama. These six states cast forty-seven electoral votes for President. In a fair election they are all Republican. Especially certain for the Republicans are South Carolina, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Florida. These last four states cast thirty electoral votes. Any three of these four states would have elected James G. Blaine. The leaders of the Democratic party have, ever since the war, been plan- ning for the restoration of their power by the thrusting out of the negro as a factor in determining political results. In the Forty-second Congress, Senator Bayard attached his name to a minority report of a committee which had investigated South- ern elections, in which these words occur : " But whenever the Republican party shall go down, as go down it will at some time not long in the future, that will be the end of the political power of the negro among white men on this continent." The resistance of the Southern Democrats to the constitu- tional rights of the colored race has been continued so lonsf and so successfully, that a large part of the Northern people have become wearied with the subject, and are inclined either to doubt whether the Republican allegation that suffrage has been suppressed in Southern States is true, or to a belief that nothing can be done by political action to remedy the wrongs complained of. 26 403 THE RECORD OF It is not the part of hoiicjr or of wisdom for the people to grow careless as to whether the colored race is stripped of the rights which the Nation conferred. The Republican party has resolutely refused to become blind or indiflerent to this long continued stifling of the popu- lar will by Democratic fraud and violence, and not only pro- tests against the wrong, but expresses its purpose of correcting these evils as soon as it recovers power. ' A vast amount of proof of Democratic crime in elections in the South has been accumulated and brought to the attention of the people through Congressional investigations, but we have thought it w'ell to addvice here some evidence of a con- vincing and conclusive character. In 1S79 there was published in New York a book entitled White and Black ; the Out- come of a Visit to the United States. The author was Sir George Campbell, a Scottish member of the British Parlia- ment, a gentleman of intelligence and character who had occu- ]3ied a responsible post in the administration of the govern- ment of India. Mr. Campbell made an extensive tour throughout the South in the year 187S, and was an attentive observer of the condition of the colored race in the states he visited. He was present in South Carolina at the time of the Congressional election in 1S7S, when the famous tissue liallot frauds were perpetrated, and his testimony is of great \alue because it is tliat of an intelligent \\ itness, entirely disinter- ested and impartial, ^vho had full opportunity to learn the truth of the case. It will be remembered that the Republican party was first overthrown in South Carolina in 1876 through the agency of the rifle clubs organized l)y the Democractic party. THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 403 Actual violence carried to the extreme of murder having ac- complished a political revolution in 1S76, it was now resolved by the Democrats, in 187S, to complete this ascendancy by equally criminal but less brutal methods. Fraud took the place of force. Mr. Campbell thus narrates what he witnessed in South Carolina in 1S78 : • " To return to the history of South Carolina. After the withdrawal of the United States troops the carpet-baggers were entirely routed and put to flight, and Wade Hampton assumed the undisputed government. He has certainly had much success. His party claims (I believe with justice) that he has done much to restore the finances, promote education, and protect blacks and whites in the exercise of peaceful call- ings. As regards political matters, his policy amounts, I think, to this — it is in effect said to the blacks : ' If you will accept the present regifne^ follow us, and vote Democratic, we will receive you, cherish you, and give you a reasonable share of representation, local office, etc. ; but there shall be nothing for those who persist in voting Republican.' Some of them accept these terms, but to vote Democratic is the one thing which the great majority will not do. They may be on excellent terms with white men with whom they have rela- tions, will follow them and be guided by them in everything else, but thev have sufficient independence to hold out on that point of voting, even when they have lost their white leaders and are quite left to themselves. They know that they owe their freedom to the Republicans, and it is to them a sort of 404 THE RECORD OF religion to vote Republican. In South Carolina that is the view of the great body of the blacks, as the Democrats fully admit. Stories are told of personal dependents of the present governor who owe everything to him, and would do anything else in the world for him, but who will yet openly vote against him. Such, then, was the state of things when the elections of November, 187S, came on. It seemed to be well known beforehand that the Democrats were determined to win every- thing in the South. '• It was said to be a necessity finally to emancipate all the states from the scandal of black and carpet-bag rule, and so far one could not but sympathize with the feeling ; but so much had already been achieved, and there was not the least risk of a reaction. On the contrary, the power of the native whites was thoroughly reestablished. In South Carolina Wade Hampton's reelection was not opposed, and there was no question vV-hatever that by moderate means the Democrats could retain a very decided majority in the state legislature. But they were not content with this ; they aimed at an abso- lute possession of everything, leaving no representation to their opponents at all, and especially at a' Solid South ' in the United States Congress. 'They are determine*! to win,' I was told. 'They will get the votes by fair means if they can, and if not, I am sorry to say, they will steal 'em.' And that is just what was done in South Carolina. . . . There is a remarkable frankness and openness in speaking of the way in which things were managed, and I believe I violate no confidences, because there was no whispering or confidence about it. There was not a very great amount of violence or intimidation. Some THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 405 Republican meetings were violently interfered with before the election, and on the day of the election there was at some places a certain amount of galloping about, firing guns, and such-like demonstration by men in red shirts ; but any intimi- dation used was rather moral than physical. In all districts where the parties in any degree approach equality, perhaps there would be no very strong grounds for disputing the vic- tory of the Democrats. It is in the lower districts, where the Republicans are admittedly in an immense majority, that great Democratic majorities were obtained by the simple process of what is called ' stuffing the ballot-boxes.' For this purpose the Democrats used ballot-papers of the thinnest possible tis- sue paper, such that a number of them can be packed inside of one larger paper and shaken out as they are dropped into the box. These papers were freely handed about ; they were shown to me, and I brought away specimens of them. " I never heard a suggestion that these extraordinary little gossamer-web things were designed for any other purpose than fraud. Of course, the result of such a system was that there were many more ballot-papers in the box than voters. At one place in the Charleston district, where not above one thou- sand persons voted, there were found, I believe, three thousand ^ve hundred papers in the box. "In such a case, the practice (whether justified by law or not, I know not,) is that the election managers blindfold a man, who draws out and destroys the number of papers in excess of the voters. Of course, he takes care to draw out the thick papers of the opposite party, and to leave in the thin papers of his own party ; and so when the process is completed the Demo- 4o6 THE RECORD OF crats arc found to be in a threat majority, and the return is so made 1)\- the returning board. There are some other grounds of comphiint. In some of the black districts the number of polling-phices has been so reduced that it is impossible for all who wish to poll to do so in the time allowed. At one or two places the ballot-boxes were stolen and carried off. At one place of which I have personal knowledge, the appointed election managers simply kept out of the way, and had no poll at all. Hundreds of blacks who came to vote were told that they must go elsewliere, wlien it was too late to do so. " In short, I have no hesitation in saying, as matter within my ow^n knowledge, that, if these elections had taken place in England, there were irregularities which must have vitiated them before an election judge a hundred times over. " " The result of these elections was that, except in the single county of Beaufort, not one Republican or Independent w^as returned to the state legislature ; nor, I believe, was a single office-bearer of those persuasions elected. The dominant party took everything, and the Republican members of Con- gress were all ejected. South Carolina returns a solid Demo- cratic representation to the next Congress." Having thus obtained full control of atlairs by crimes of force and fraud, the South Carolina Democrats desired to pci^ petuate their power without the necessity of resorting at each recurring election to tlie same methods. Accordingly, in 1SS2 the Democratic legislature enacted a new law regulating the registration of voters and the conduct of elections. The provisions of this law are ingeniously con- THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 407 trived to accomplish the disfranchisement of voters. One extraordinary requirement is that each voter shall present at the polls where he offers to vote, a certificate of registration, vs^hich he receives when he registers. As a result of the violence and fraud employed in the past to carry elections, and finally of the outrageous election legislation, the vote of the people in South Carolina has been almost entirely svippressed. Very similar results have been effected by similar causes in other Southern States. The following tables show to what extent the suppression of suffrage has proceeded in South Carolina, Mississippi, and Georgia. Comparison is made between the vote in years when suffrage was free and the Congressional election of 1SS6, under a Democratic President when the nullification of the constitu- tion had been accomplished : SOUTH CAROLINA. VOTE IN CONG. DISTRICTS, i8S6. VOTE IN CONG. DISTRICTS, 1870. DiST. Rep. Dem. Total Vote. Rep. Dem. Total Vote. I 2 3 4 S 6 7 No opp. S.961 3.315 5,212 4,402 4-47° 4.696 4,411 6.493 3.317 S.23S 4.409 4.470 4,701 4.^69 12.476 20,221 ■S.70O 20,564 16,746 ii,63S 1 6,686 13.997 >3.442 31.S49 34.561 30. I 88 Total Vote, 1886, . . 39.077 Voters, iSSo. Total Vote, 1S84, • • . 90,689 White, . 86,900 Total Vote, 1SS2, . ■ '21.399 Colored, 118,889 4o8 THE RECORD OF MISSISSIPPI. VOTE IN CONG. DISTRICTS, i8S6. VOTE IN CONG. DISTRICTS, 187a. DiST. Rep. Dem. Total Vote. Rep. Dem. Total Vote. I 2 3 4 S 6 7 No. opp. 4.4>7 2,382 No. opp. 3.82s No. opp. 3140 6.837 4.5'S 2,964 42S9 8,284 4.508 3.167 ".254 6.900 3,086 4.316 12,117 4.S14 4.954 >4.S3' 15.047 15,795 14.S17 15,161 9.670 S,2i6 6,440 6,879 8,073 8,509 i4,'=24 23047 21,487 22,674 22,990 23,610 GEORGIA. Voters, iSSo. '^^Ti'te 177,967 Colored 143,471 Total, 321,^38 Total vote in Congressional Districts, 18S6, .... 27,520 Ten members of Congress were chosen by 27,520 votes, more than that number being usually required to choose a single congressman in the North. It has been said that as the Republican party during its con- tinuance in power failed to protect the colored voters of the South in tlic exercise of their rights, there is no reason to believe that a restoration of Republican rule would correct these evils, and it is further alleged that there is under our system of government no remedy for such wrongs. To these objections there is an easy answer. The Republicans lost control of the House of Representatives in 1874, and have but once since elected a majority of the house ; and that once was in 18S0, when General Garfield was elected President, THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 409 whose unhappy death and the resulting political disturbances prevented the accomplishment of Republican policy, until in 1882 the Democrats again carried the House. The Democrats have been able to hold the Republicans in check on all ques- tions, by means of the representation at Washington secured by the criminal methods of the Southern Democracy. With the return of the Republicans to power in both Houses of Congress and in the Presidency, the restoration of fair elections in the South will not be found difficult. Mem- bers of Congress elected by fraud will then be unseated, and laws adequate to protect the purity of the ballot can then be passed and enforced. Little, however, of coercion will be needed. The moral effect of a popular condemnation of Democratic election crimes will be sufficient to break up the political solidity of the South, already beginning to dissolve. A leading Ohio editor states the issue for 1888 in these woi'ds : " The question whether we shall have a government of nul- lifiers, is that upon which we, the people of the United States who ordained and established the Constitution, shall enter judgment in the election of 1888." When the result of tlie presidential election of 1884 was fully known, Mr. Blaine in his famous Augusta speech thus spoke of the suppression of suffi-age in the South, which at last had given to the Democratic party the Presidency : " This subject is of deep interest to the laboring men of the North. With the Southern Democracy triumphant in the states and in the Nation, the negro will be compelled to work for just such wages as the whites may decree ; wages which will amount, as did the supplies of the slave, to a bare sub- 4IO THE RECORD OF sistence, equatetl in cash perhaps at thirty-five cents per day, if averaged over the entire South. The wliite laborer in the North will soon feel the destructive efiect of this upon his own wages. The Republican party has clearly seen from the earliest days of reconstruction that wages in the South must be raised to a just recompense of the laborer, or wages in the North ruinously lowered, and it has steadily worked for the former result. The reverse influence will now be set in motion, and that condition of afi'airs reproduced which years ago Mr. Lincoln warned the free laboring men of the North will prove hostile to their independence, and will inev- itably lead to a ruinous reduction of wages." When Mr. Bayard, speaking the sentiment of the Demo- cratic leaders, declares that the political power of the negro on this continent has come to an end, the Republican party takes issue ; and standing u[)()n the Constitution of the Repub- lic, upon the law of the land, upon the immortal declaration that all men are created equal, upon the rights of human nature, it flings back to the Southern Democracy the disloval sentiment, and declares thai the political })ower of no Ameri- can citizen, and of no class of American citizens shall come to an end in this ficc republic. The Republicans welcome the issue. Strong as they are on the tarifl", deserving as they are of the confidence of tlie Inisi- ness interests, stronger tliev are by far when tliev proclaim that the fraudulent lule of a usurping class shall come to an end, and that the fuuntain of ])olitical power shall flow pure and free. Kepultlicaiis not entiieh in accoid \\ itli the i)art\ policv o THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 411 the tariff' will be united in favor of the restoration of Republi- can rule on the paramount issue of a free ballot. The Exclusion of South Dakota. Not only has the Democratic party seized control of the government by the fraudulent suppression of the suffrage of the colored race in the Southern States, but it has now for years refused to admit South Dakota to the Union, although the people have formed a state constitution and urgently demanded admission. A great wrong has been done to the people of South Dakota, and the disfranchisement of 400,000 people is a great wrong to the whole Union. No state admitted since the organization of the government has been so well prepared for admission as South Dakota. The Republi- cans of the Senate have twice passed a bill to admit the new state, but the Democratic House refuses to act on the measure. South Dakota is denied admission, because she will be a Republican State. Union veterans from older West- ern States constitute an important part of the population of the new state, while the foreign immigrants are chiefly Swedes, Norwegians, and Germans, whose political affiliation is with the Republicans. A Democratic Senator objected in debate in the Senate to the admission of South Dakota because there were so many foreigners in the State. General Harrison while in the Senate was the especial champion of the rights of South Dakota to statehood. The triumph of the Republican party will be followed by the admission of South Dakota and other Northwestern States, thus strengthening in the Union the forces of education, of popular progress, and true national development. Chapter VI PENSIONS. DEPENDENT PENSION BILL OF 1887 — VETO OF PRESIDENT CLEVELAND — DEPENDENT PENSION BILL OF 1888 — MR. CLEVELAND AND THE DEMOCRATS UNWILLING TO DO JUSTICE TO THE SOLDIERS OF THE UNION — WASHINGTON AND CLEVELAND IN CONTRAST — VETOES OF SPECIAL PENSION BILLS. A CLEARLY defined issue has arisen between President Cleve- land, supported by the Democrats in Congress, on the one side, and the Republicans in Congress on the other. January 27, 1887, a bill passed the Senate, in concurrence w^ith the House of Representatives, entitled a "Bill for the relief of dependent parents and lionorably discharged soldiers and sailors, who are now disabled and dependent upon their own labors for support." This bill provided, first : "That in considering the pen- sion claims of dependent parents, the fact and cause of death, and the fact that the soldier left no widow or minor children, having been shown as required by law, it shall be necessary only to show by competent and sufficient evidence that such parent, or parents, are without other present means of support than their own manual labor, ov the contributions of others not legally bound for their support ; " and second, "that all persons who served three months or more in the military or naval service of the United States in any war in which the United States has been engaged, and who have been honorably THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 413 discharged therefrom, and who are now, or who may hereafter be suffering from mental or physical disability, not the result ot their vicious habits or gross carelessness, which incapacitates them for the performance of labor in such a degree as to ren- der them unable to earn a support, and who are dependent upon their daily labor for support, shall, upon making due proof of the fact according to such rules and regulations as the Secretary of the Interior may provide in pursuance of this act, be placed on the list of invalid pensioners of the United States, and be entitled to receive, for such total inability to procure their subsistence by daily labor, twelve dollars per month." This bill was passed to meet the cases of parents who were not actually dependent upon their sons for support at the time the sons enlisted, but who have since been deprived of other means of support than their own labor. All such parents are now aged persons, and very many are in extreme poverty, who would be dependent upon their sons who gave their lives to the country, if such sons were now living. The other and more numerous class of cases which this bill was passed to relieve, is that of soldiers and sailors \#io are without property and so disabled or infirm that they cannot earn their subsistence by labor, but who are unable to prove that their present disability is the result of injury received, or disease contracted in the service. The relief extended to this class of soldiers and sailors by the bill, proceeds upon the ground that the nature of the service was such that constitu- tions were impaired and premature disability caused in numer- ous cases where the same cannot be directly traced by evidence, 414 THE RECORD OF as now required In' law. It is also maintained by the Repub- licans in Congress that aside from the presimiption that present disability is really due in many cases to the etiects of the service, a furtlier reward is due to the soldiers who saved the Nation, and that tlie Nation is bound in gratitude and honor to provide for all its defenders, when through advancing years and natural decay they become unable to support themselves. The passage of this bill was demanded by the general voice of the veterans of the War of the Rebellion. President Cleveland vetoed tliis bill on February ii, 1SS7. The President argued in his veto message that the bill was substantially a service pension bill, and suggested that our sol- diery, " in their pay and bounty, received such compensation f(jr military service as has ne\er been received by soldiers before, since mankind first went to war." He also advised Congress to " meditate somewhat " upon the probable cost, and expressed the opinion that it would prevent a reduction of the tariff which he claimed the people demaiuled. The Committee on Invalid Pensions of the House of Rep- resentatives to whom was referred the President's veto mes- sage, unanimously recommended that the bill be passed, not- withstanding the olijections of the President ; and a large majority of the House voted to pass the bill over the veto, but as most of the Southern DemiKrats, including many who served in tlic rebel arnn', \<)te(l to sustain the veto, the bill failed to receive the recjuired two-tliirds vote. The Rejjublicans voted to pass the bill over the veto. At the first session of the Fiftieth Congress, which opened on the first Monday in December, 1887, the Republican Senate THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 415 passed anotherbill, granting pensions to ex-soldiers and sailors who are incapacitated for the performance of manual labor, and providing for pensions to dependent relatives of deceased soldiers and sailors. The bill was essentially like the one vetoed, except that the incapacity for manual labor was re- quired to be " total." The rate of pension to a disabled soldier or sailor was $12 per month, as in the vetoed bill. This bill came down from the Senate to the House March 10, 1888, and on the 14th of April, 1888, was reported to the House by the Committee on Invalid Pensions with certain amendments, which the Democratic majority of the committee had agreed to. The principal of these amendments was one changing the rate of pensions from $12 per month to one cent per month for each day's service in the military or naval ser- vice of the United States. Another amendment gives every soldier and sailor who has attained the age of sixty-two years a pension at the rate aforesaid. This last pension has not been asked for by the Grand Army of the Republic, which has peti- tioned for the pensioning of those incapacitated for labor, and the Republican minority of the committee dissent from this mere sei'vice pension as compromising the interests of the dis- abled and suffering veterans. The Republican minority also dissent strongly from the proposal of the Democrats, to pay a less pension than $12 per month to any disabled soldier or sailor. Under the Democratic amendment a soldier who had served three months would get ninety cents a month ; if six months, $i.So; if nine months, $2.70; if twelve months, $3.60; if twenty-four months, $7.20; if three years, $10. So. Such a provision would be inadequate and contemptible. 4i6 THE RECORD OF but it is the offering of the Democrats of the House commit- tee to the disabled soldiers of the Republic. The Republican minority say in their report : " It is variously estimated that there are in almshouses from ten to twenty thousand of the men who patriotically responded to the call of the government, and bravely fought for the pres- ervation of the Union. Had it not been for these men and others like them, the Union would have been destroyed and the government overthrown. That a single one of these men should be the object of public charity, unless perchance the destitution which has overtaken him is the result of his own misconduct, is a reproach and shame to this great government, the treasury of which is groaning under a rapidly accumulating surplus." Unless President Cleveland is defeated for reelection, and the Republicans restored to power in Congress, there is small hope that justice will be done to the soldiers of the Union. An instructive contrast is presented by the attitude of Gen- eral Washington and that of Mr. Cleveland. A committee of our army in 177S called upon Washington and made known their demands and sufferings. In his address to them he replied : " It is not indeed consistent with reason or justice to expect that one set of men should make a sacrifice of property, domestic ease, and happiness, encounter the rigors of the field, the perils and vicissitudes of war, to obtain those blessings which every citizen will enjoy in common with them without some adequate compensation. It must also be a comfortless reflection to any man that after he may have contributed to securing the rights of his country, at the risk of life and the THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 417 ruin of his fortune, there would be no provision made to pre- vent himself and family from sinking into indigence and wretchedness." — Jotirnalof Congress^ volume IV. , page 211. President Cleveland has also vetoed a very large number of special pension bills, passed by Congress for the relief of dis- abled soldiers or their needy dependents. These vetoes in nearlv every instance have been based upon frivolous and heartless reasons, and have aroused throughout the country the intense indignation of all well-informed and right-minded per- sons. Attempt has been made to claim for the President special credit for courage and a disposition to protect the treasury against reckless pension legislation by Congress. The record will not sustain this theory. Wherever the merits of these pension bills and the cruel vetoes have been discussed, the sober judgment of the people condemns the course of the President. It is a petty and unprecedented use of the veto power, to nullify the act of Congress in granting a pension to a needy soldier or his dependents. These pensions are never granted without careful consideration, by the committees of Congress, of sworn evidence in support of the claim, and the bill in each case originates with a representative of the people, who has the best opportunity for knowing what the real merits of the case are. Mr. Cleveland's vetoes have been based upon a hasty and unadvised reading of the evidence, and the vetoes themselves exhibit a narrow and ungenerous spirit. Mr. Cleveland v^-as not a soldier, nor were his sympathies with the great cause for which the soldiers fought. 27 Chapter VII. CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. The President's Promises. A DELUSION AND A SHAM UNDER PRESIDENT CLEVELAND'S ADMINIS- TRATION THE president's PROMISES THE PRESIDENT'S PER- FORMANCE. Both the Republican and Democratic platforms of 1SS4 recognized the growing demand among the people for civil service reform. The Democratic declaration was : "We favor honest civil service reform." The Repulilican declaration was mucli more explicit, and was in these words : " Reform of the civil service, auspiciously begun imder Republican administration, should be completed by the further extension of the reform system, already establislied by law, to all the grades of the service to which it is applicable. The spirit and purpose of the reform should be observed in all executive appointments, and all laws at variance with the objects of existing reform legislation should be repealed to the end that the dangers to free institutions which lurk in the power of official patronage may be wisely and eiTcctively avoided." THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 419 An especial effort was made by Mr. Cleveland, when a can- didate for the Presidency, to secure the support of the ardent friends of civil service reform. His letter of acceptance con- tained these words : "When we consider the patronage of this great office, the allurements of power, the temptation to retain public places once gained, and, more than all, the availability a party finds in an incumbent when a horde of office-holders with a zeal born of benefits received, and fostered by the hope of favors yet to come, stand ready to aid with money and trained politi- cal service, we recognize in the eligibility of the President for reelection a most serious danger to that calm, deliberate, and intelligent political action which must characterize a govern- ment by the people. " The people pay the wages of the public employes, and they are entitled to the fair and honest work which the money thus paid should command. It is the duty of those intrusted with the management of these affairs to see that such public service is forthcoming. The selection and retention of sub- ordinates in government employment should depend upon their ascertained fitness and the value of their work, and they should be neither expected nor allowed to do questionable party sei'vice. The interests of the people will be better pro- tected ; the estimate of public labor and duty will be immensely improved ; public employment will be open to all who can demonstrate their fitness to enter it. The unseemly scramble for place vnider the government, with the consequent impor- 420 THE RECORD OF tunity which embitters official life, will cease, and the public departments will not be filled with those who conceive it to be their first duty to aid the party to which they owe their places, instead of rendering patient and honest return to the people." Subsequent to the election, and before his inauguration, on December 25, 1884, Mr. Cleveland, in a letter to Mr. George William Curtis, used the following language to assure him of his good intentions respecting the civil sen-ice. His letter was called forth by a letter of Mr. Curtis' inquir- ing as to the policy the President-elect intended to pursue in the matter of removals from office. "I am not unmindful of the fact to which you refer, that many of our citizens fear that the recent party change in the national Executive may demonstrate that the abuses which have grown up in the civil service are ineradicable. I know that they are deeply rooted, and that the spoils system has been supposed to be intimately related to success in the maintenance of party organization, and I am not sure that all those who profess to be the friends of this reform will stand firmly among its advocates when they find it obstructing their way to patron- age and place. But fully appreciating the trust committed to my charge, no such consideration shall cause a relaxation on my part of an earnest efibrt to enforce this law. " If I were addressing none but party friends, I should deem it entirely proper to remind them that, though the coming ad- ministration is to be Democratic, a due regard for the people's interest does not permit faithful party work to be always THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 421 rewai-ded by appointment to office ; and to say to them that while Democrats may expect all proper consideration, selec- tions for office, not embraced within the civil-service rules, will be based upon sufficient inquiry as to fitness, instituted by those charged with that duty, rather than upon persistent im- portunity or self-solicited recommendations on behalf of can- didates for appointment." In his inaugural address delivered March 4, 1S85, the Presi- dent makes the following declarations of his views as to reform : " The people demand reform in the administration of the government and the application of business principles to pub- lic afiairs. As a means to this end, civil-service reform should be in good faith indorsed. Our citizens have the right to pro- tection from the incompetency of public employes who hold their places solely as the reward of partisan service, and from the corrupting influence of those who promise, and the vicious methods of those who expect, such rewards ; and those who worthily seek employment have the right to insist that merit and competency shall be recognized instead of party subservi- ency or the surrender of honest political belief." The President's first annual message to Congress, of Decem- ber 8, 1885, further discussed the subject as follows : "lam inclined to think that there is no sentiment more general in the minds of the people of our country than a con- viction of the correctness of the principle upon which the law enforcing civil service reform is based. "Experience in its administration will probably suggest amendment of the methods of its execution, but I venture to 422 THE RECORD OF hope that we shall never again be remitted to the system which distributes public positions purely as rewards for partisan ser- vice. Doubts may well be entertained whether our govern- ment could survive the strain of a continuation of this system, which upon every change of administration inspires an im- mense army of claimants for office to lay siege to the patron- age of the government, engrossing the time of public officers with their importunities, spreading abroad the contagion of their disappointment, and filling the air with the tumult of their discontent. " The allurements of an immense number of offices and places exhibited to the voters of the land, and the promise of their bestowal in recognition of partisan activity, debauch the suffi-age and rob political action of its thoughtful and delibera- tive character. The evil would increase with the multiplica- tion of offices consequent upon our extension, and the mania for office-holding, growing from its indulgence, would pervade our population so generally that patriotic purpose, the support of principle, the desire for the public good, and solicitude for the nation's welfare would l)e nearly banished from the activ- ity of our party contests and cause tliem to degenerate into ignoble, selfish, and disgraceful struggles for the possession of office and public place. "Civil-service reform enforced by law came none too soon to check the progress of demoralization. " One of its efiects, not enough regarded, is the freedom it brings to the political action of those conservative and sober men who, in fear of the confusion and risk attending an arbi- bitrary and sudden change in all the public offices with a change of parly rule, cast their ballots against such a change." THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. The President's Performance. 423 Senator Hale, of Maine, in a speech delivered in the Senate, January 11, 1888, presented the following table, which he de- clared " was carefully made up to June 11, 1887, from figures furnished by the departments." It shows that at that time the President had nearly effected a " clean sweep " of the offices : OFFICES. Places filled by Cleveland. Whole num- ber of places. Presidential postmasters, (estimated)... Fourth-class, (estimated) Foreign ministers Secretaries of Legation Consuls Collectors of customs Surveyors of customs Naval officers of customs Appraisers, all grades Superintendents of mints and assayers. Assistant treasurers at sub-treasuries. . . Col lectors of internal reven ue Inspectors of steam vessels District attorneys Marshals Territorial judges Territorial governors Pension agents Surveyors-general Local land officers Indian inspectors and special agents. . . Indian agents Special agents. General Land Office. . . Total 3,000 40,000 32 16 138 100 33 6 34 II 9 84 S 6S 64 22 9 16 16 190 9 S' 79 42,992 2 359 52,609 33 21 219 III 33 6 36 13 9 S.S II 70 70 30 9 iS 16 224 59 S3 56,134 424 THE RECORD OF And ever since June, 18S7, Mr. Cleveland has been steadily appointing Democrats to fill places in the civil service still held by Republicans, so that when nominated for reelection at St. Louis, very few Republicans remained in office. From Senator Hale's speech we extract the following pas- sages, still further illustrating the infidelity of Mr. Cleveland to the pledges which he gave as candidate and as President : " The difierence between word and deed is clearly shown in the case of Secretary Lamar, who took occasion in April last to commend John C. Calhoun for his opposition to the spoils system, and to congratulate himself upon belonging to an Administration that was engaged in carrying out the policy that Calhoun advocated. "The stern facts are that in the service over which Mr. Lamar has presided every territorial governor has been removed ; sixteen out of eighteen pension agents ; every single surveyor-general; four-fifths of the local land officers; niiie- tenths of the inspectors and special agents of the Indian ser- vice ; fifty-one out of Jlfty-nine Indian agents; seventy-nine out of eighty-three special agents of the General Land Office, and more than two-thirds of the special examiners of the Pen- sion Office. But Secretary Lamar to-day stands on record as against the spoils system and takes high rank as a reformer. " If I were not consuming too much time, Mr. President, I could select from the figures which are before me other depart- ments of the government, not covered by the table which I have presented, showing this conquering march of the Demo- cratic party in pursuit of the offices. THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 425 "In all the departments in Washington- are found able and honest men, who have given their lives to the service of the government. They have begun as clerks in the lower grades and have been steadily promoted until they have at last reached the highest places to which they may reasonably aspire. They were found, when the reform Democratic administration came into power, as chief clerks and chiefs of divisions. They made the eyes and ears of the departments, and, one would suppose, should be considered as almost indispensable. In the Treasury Department there are seventy-nine chief clerks and chiefs of divisions, and up to June, 1SS7, sixty-six of these seventy-nine had been changed. In not more than a half a dozen cases the person appointed was a promoted clerk. The introduction into this force was almost entirely from the out- side. Every deputy auditor, deputy comptroller, and deputy commissioner of internal revenue has been changed. In many cases chiefs of divisions have been reduced in grade, and new men, from the outside world, of the Democratic party, have been appointed. In more than one case the head of a division has been reduced to a lower clerkship and the Democratic pol- itician has been appointed in his place, and the old incumbent, in his reduced grade and at his reduced pay, is performing all his old work, and the new incumbent does practically nothing. But this is civil service reform. " Let us now^, Mr. President, turn to the other side of this subject of reform in the civil service, that which relates to the offensive participation of office-holders in politics. That this should not be permitted in any well-regulated civil service goes without saying. The President saw this clearly,. ^rid his 426 THE RECORD OF utterances in relation to it are as clear and distinct as they were upon appointments and removals. '* I have already quoted from his letter of acceptance, in which he deprecated the existence of 'a horde of ofHce-hold- ers, with a zeal born of benefit received, and fostered by the hope of favors yet to come, who stand ready to aid with money and trained political services' the party to which they belong. And we have seen further his declarations, after assuming his high office, of the things which he believed to constitute a true civil service reform, namely : " The separation of the offices from politics, the non-participation of office-holders in elections and conventions. " During the first year of the President's administration, and as the time approached for the campaign which preceded the State and Congressional elections in iSS6, it was discovered that things were going on in the Democratic party very much after its old fashion. The men in office were ' manipulating conventions,' ' fixing nominations,' and taking upon themselves the conduct of the campaign generally. So apparent was this in Maryland, in Indiana, in Kentucky, in New York, in Penn- sylvania, and in other contested states, that a voice of com- plaint was heard, not from the Democrats, who desired this condition of things, nor from the Republicans, who expected it, but from the ' Independents,' who had contributed to the President's election, and who now were fain to admit that matters were not going to suit them. "The President was ready, as usual, with letters of assur- ances, and with proclamations tending to appease the discon- tent of his ' Independent ' allies. THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 427 " The statute which I have recited in the resolution upon which I am speaking is definitive and explicit in its terms, and its passage by a Republican Congress, and ppproval by a Re- publican President, as I have said, was folio ved by a complete change in the organization of tlie party, all men holding Fed- eral office disappearing from its committees and staff of polit- ical workers. " On the fourteenth day of July, 1S86, the President issued his famous order from the Executive Mansion in Washington, ' To the heads of the departments in the service of the gen- eral government.' As this whole proclamation has been read from the desk of the Secretary, I will not here take up the time of the Senate by repeating it. In it the President declares that his purpose is ' to warn all subordinates in the several departments and all office-holders under the general govern- ment, against the use of their official positions in attempts to control political movements in their localities.' In it he declares that ' office-holders are the agents of the people — not their masters.' In it he warns Federal officials against ' offending, by a display of obtrusive partisanship, their neigh- bors who have relations with them as public officials.' In it he declares that ' they have no right as office-holders to dictate the political action of their party associates.' In it he declares that the duty of the office-holder to his party is ' not increased to pernicious activity by office-holding.' " These plain declarations of the President form a policy under which, if properly followed, the civil service of the country would indeed be divorced from politics. The Inde- pendents felt this and, taking new courage from the Presi- 428 THE RECORD OF dent's declarations, and forgetting how far the performance had fallen short of his promises in appointments and removals, still clung, in many cases, to the Democratic organization. " The Civil Service Commissioners, or at least two of them, interpreted the statute in accordance with the President's instruction, and this added weight to the executive direction. But the leaders and the masses of the Democratic party felt by this time that they clearly understood the situation, and at this point begins to be clearly marked the change of tone among these leaders in their comments upon the President. They realized fully that in view of coming elections the party must ride two horses ; that the President was to steadily maintain in all his public declarations the cause of civil-service reform, with the view of retaining the support of the Independents ; but that, as in the case of appointments and removals, no real obstruction was to be placed in the way of any and every office-holder participating, whenever he chose, in caucuses and conventions and in the elections which followed. " In the Indiana election, in November, iSS6, the participa- tion of Federal office-holders in the primaries, and subsequently in the election, raised a scandal of which papers in that State, at the time and afterw'ards, were full. In the closely-con- tested districts these men left their business and their homes, and devoted themselves to secin'ing the nomination and election of the members to whom they had owed their appointments. In the Matson district, in the Ilolman district, and especially in the Fort Wayne district, the intrusion of Federal office-holders into every stage of the canvass previous to the nominating con- ventions and elections was so oH'ensive that honest people THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 429 revolted and defeated the Democratic candidate. Whoever will read the testimony offered in the Lowry -White contested- election case will find ample proof of this statement. "When 1S87 came round the President's declarations and proclamations were treated as waste-paper, and the President himself seems by this time to have fallen into such harmony with the spirit of his party that he not only acquiesced in this wholesale disregard of his previously expressed sentiments and directions, but himself joined in the movement. His most intimate friends, both in and out of office, took charge of the conduct of conventions and elections in the year which was considered as having so close a bearing in its results upon the great coming battle of 1S8S. "At the Saratoga meeting of the Democratic state com- mittee of New York, when the preliminaries of what then looked like the dawning contest between the national adminis- tration and the state administration were to be settled, Deputy Collector John A. Mason and Second Auditor William F. Creed, of the New York Custom-house, were most prominent and active. "At the Pennsylvania State convention more than forty of the Federal officials of that State appeared to marshal the forces of the administration. The names of some of these have been furnished me as taken from a Democratic news- paper : E. J. Bigler, collector of internal revenue; D. O. Barr, sui-veyor of the port of Pittsburgh ; McVey and Ryan, special treasury agents ; Fletcher, chief clerk in a bureau of the Navy Department ; Glozier, hull inspector ; Guss, oleo- margarine inspector ; Chester, Warren, and Bancroft, from the 430 THE RECORD OF Philadelphia mint, and many others. In Baltimore the naval officer, the appointment clerk, Higgins, and Indian Inspector Thomas, Customs Agent Mahon, Postmaster Brown and his assistant. United States marshal and deputies, dejiuty collector of internal revenue, and a host of clerks, inspectors, and janitors monopolized the direction of the entire campaign. " I might go on and give like instances in other states, but I leave that to be more fully brought out by the committee which I hope will take this matter in charge. "Mr. Ilawley. — May I make an inquiry.'' "Mr. Hale. — Certainly. "Mr. Hawley. — Is the Senator certain that these men have not been indignantly and virtuously removed.^ " Mr. Hale. — Not only have I yet to learn of a removal for such action, but I have yet to learn of any censure being visited upon one of these men. I do not know of a case where the President has put his strong hand upon these men and made it seen that he meant to perform what he had promised. In fact, so gross was the violation of every principle of reform and of the President's directions and pledges that even the Eve7ii)ig Post declared that ' this playing fast and loose with orders and promises, which the President is now permitting among those around him, will be used in the campaign with terrible eftect.' But the President has not hesitated to ileal deadly blows at re- form with his own hand. A remarkable manifestation of the desire of the people for a practical reform in the selection of important officers was shown in the city of New York previous to the last election. Public suspicion had for a long time rested upon officials in the nnuiicipal government, and had at THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 431 last demanded and secured an investigation, which disclosed the most corrupt and shocking practices on the part of munici- pal officials, implicating them and well-known parties outside in extensive schemes involving corruption and bribery. "Public indignation, expressed through almost the entire press of New York, was aroused, the intervention of the courts was sought, and from time to time trials of the accused had pro- ceeded in some cases to conviction of the criminals. The work was by no means completed, and as the time for the election of a district attorney who should represent the State and the public in the conduct of these trials came near, a pro- nounced and general movement grew up in favor of the selec- tion of Mr. Delancy Nicoll, an able and brilliant young Dem- ocratic lawyer, who had found thrown upon him, as an assist- ant in the district attorney's office, the burden of largely man- aging and conducting the hitherto successful prosecution of these cases. " Nobody claimed that the movement for Mr, Nicoll had its origin in any party preference. It came from the people, and the demand was taken up by the newspapers. With few exceptions the Republican, Democratic, and Independent press demanded the nomination and election of Mr. Nicoll in the interest of reform and good government. He was nominated by different independent organizations, indorsed by all of the civil-service-reform associations and newspapers, and, although a Democrat, accepted generally by the Republicans. " Here was a plain, spontaneous, earnest, honest movement on the part of the people in the direction of reform. It would seem to have been political wit on the part of the Democratic 433 THE RECORD OF managers in New York City to have accepted this movement and to have joined in the election of a man who had always been a Democrat, but whose character and senices were so high that good men demanded generally that he should be retained in the public service. But, as I have said, long before this the Democratic leaders had found that in the practical management of politics they were in the saddle, and the nom- inating conventions of the two branches of the New York Democracy joined in rejecting ]Mr. Nicoll and in setting up as his opponent an old-fashioned, worn, bruised, and battered New York City politician, whose personal character w^as not high, and who had been a crony of and a beneficiary at the hands of Tweed in the worst days of New York City's cor- ruptions. " The business men of New York, the Independents, the Reformers, and Republicans generally accepted the issue, and a contest almost unequaled in intensity and bitterness ensued. Here, Senators, was the opportunity for the President not only to say but to do something for reform. If, in accordance with his declarations in favor of non-interference of Federal office- holders in elections, he had, including himself as the head of all Federal official life, determined to keep aloof from the con- test, he still might in many ways have breathed expressions giving aid and comfort to the men in New York City who were fighting against thieves and robbers and bribe-takers and bribe-givers in the interest of good government. All of the so-called reform element in New York City that had hitherto adhered to the President looked to him for some such expres- THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 433 sion. How bitterly were they disappointed ! The President was now completely in the hands of the party-leaders in New York, whose stern rule had always been to support regular nominations, and to shoot down bolters and deserters. " While the contest was at its thickest, and men everywhere throughout the country turned their eyes expectantly upon the result, and when the battle had become one of national im- portance, and when the issues were, seemingly, well nigh evenly balanced, a great Tammany Hall ratification meeting was held in the interest of Mr. Fellows, the Tammany Hall and county Democratic candidate for district attorney in oppo- sition to Mr. Nicoll. I have before me a full report of the proceedings of this meeting and of the parties who partici- pated therein. Their names have not been found upon the lists of any civil-service-reform association heretofore made known to the public. General John Cochrane called the meeting to order. Congressman S. S. Cox presided. State Senator Raines, of Monroe, was followed by the candidate. Colonel Fellows, and Honorable Charles A. Dana, editor of the Sun. Speeches were also made by George Blair and Congressman William McAdoo, of New Jersey. The follow- ing letter was read : " It will be impossible for me to comply with jour courteous invita- tion to meet with those who propose to ratify to-morrow evening the nomination of the united Democracy. With a hearty wish that every candidate on your excellent ticket m,ay be triumphantly elected, " I am yours very truly, " Grover Cleveland. 28 434 THE RECORD OF " Of this attitude of the President Mr, Carl Schurz said, only a few days later : "'What malignant enemy of President Cleveland was it that induced Mr. Cooper to extort from him that most unfortu- nate letter, intermeddling in New York City politics on the side of the typical " dead-beat" ' ? "' I shall say nothing in extenuation of the fact that the President permitted himself to be so misused. But certain it is that the bitterest enemies of the President and of the Demo- cratic party could not have dealt them a more vicious blow. For more than thirty years I have been an attentive observer of political events, and never, never have I witnessed more wan- ton recklessness of party leaders, sacrificing the interests and good name of a great municipality, the character of a national administration, as well as the interests of their party and cause, to their blundering folly or small selfishness.' "Mr. Schurz, and Mr. Curtis, and Mr. Dorman B. Eaton, and the select body of Independents, who are ranked with them in sentiment upon this subject do not enjoy this. Not one of these men who possesses ordinary discernment can fail to see that the whole course of this administration on this sub- ject has been a delusion and a sham. With them the search- ing question that each man must put to himself will now be, ' How long shall I be constrained to minister to and uphold this delusion, this sham.'" " The President himself, who, I am bound to believe, is not THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 435 a born hypocrite, does not enjoy this condition. His only sat- isfaction must be that he is getting more clearly in line with his party and its leaders and the sentiments of its masses, and that in the time to come he will be called on to make no more professions." No administration in the history of the government has been more distinctly a "spoils" administration than that of Grover Cleveland. The statesmen of the Republican party recognize the need of removing as far as possible the evils of patronage, and the Chicago Convention renewed Republican pledges of fidelity to the cause of reform in explicit terms. Chapter VIII. THE FISHERIES QJJESTION. THE HONOR OF THE REPUBLIC INVOLVED IN THE PROTECTION OF THE RIGHTS OF ITS CITIZENS — NATIONAL VALUE OF THE FISHING INTEREST — TREATY OF 1818 — CANADA COVETS OUR MARKET — CANADIAN OUTRAGES — TREATY OF 185^ — TREATY OF WASHING- TON THE FISHERIES AWARD MORE OUTRAGES THE DISGRACE- FUL SURRENDER OF CLEVELAND AND BAYARD TO ENGLAND. The Republican National Convention at Chicago declared in its platform : '"We arraign the present Democratic administration for its weak and unpatriotic treatment of the fisheries question, and its pusillanimous surrender of the essential privileges to which our fishing vessels are entitled in Canadian ports under the treaty of 1818, the reciprocal maritime legislation of 1S30, and the comity of nations, and which Canadian fishing vessels receive in the ports of the United States. We condemn the policy of the present administration and the Democratic major- ity in Congress toward our fisheries as unfriendly and conspic- uously unpatriotic, and as tending to destroy a valuable national industry and an indispensable resource of defence against a foreign enemy." The fisheries question is perhaps but little understood, except In the hardy fishermen of New England whose inter- ests are directly involved. But the honor of the Republic is THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 437 involved when the rights of any of its citizens are in peril or in dispute ; and the preservation of our fishing interests is vitally connected with the defense of the country in time ot war. Senator Frye, of Maine, declares : "If we have another war, it will be on the ocean. Who will man our ships? Eighty- five per cent, of the sailors on ships in the foreign trade are foreigners, owing the Republic no allegiance, willing to render her no service. These fisher- men are eighty per cent. American citizens, sixty-five per cent. American birth ; inured to hardship, constantly exposed to the perils of the sea, brave, skillful, patriotic, they would respond to a man to the bugle-call of the country. Why should not the Republic stand by them when they are in peril, when they are suffering wrong at the hands of a foreign power ? " England spares no effort, counts no cost, when the liberty or the rights of her subjects are in danger, but her military and naval power is instantly put forth to its utmost to protect the humblest man who may rightfully claim the protection of her flag. If an American administration has been neglectful of the honor of our flag and the rights of our citizens, it is cause for the popular condemnation of that administration. What is the fisheries question ? It concerns the right of fishermen of the United States to fish in the waters of the ocean, and near the shore of the northeastern part of the Dominion of Canada, and the right of American fishermen to resort for shelter, to repair damages, to purchase wood and take water, nd for other commercial privileges, to the bays, harbors, and 438 THE RECORD OF l^orts of Canada. The New England colonies, under the flag of England, wrested from France the possession of the Cana- dian provinces, and our people before the Revolution had equal rights and equal enjoyment with Canadians in the fish- eries along the shores of the maritime provinces ; and after the Revolution we continued in the enjoyment of the fisheries in the Northeastern waters down to i8iS. In iSiS a treatv was made between the United States and England, which some- what restricted our fishery rights. Article I. of the treaty of i8iS contained this provision : • " And the United States hereby renounce forever any liberty heretofore enjoyed or claimed by the inhabitants thereof, to take, dry, or cure fish on or within three marine miles of any of the coasts, bays, creeks, or harbors of His Britannic Majesty's dominions in America, not included within the above mentioned limits." And there was a proviso that our fishermen might enter these bays, etc., for shelter or to repair damages, to purchase wood and take water, but for no other piu-pose whatever. It has ever been a source of regret in the United States tliat our government consented to any restriction of our right in these fisheries, which were acquired bv the blood of our fathers. We sliould at least be disposed on every occasion to insist upon a liberal construction of the treaty of iSiS, and especially should we resist any attempt by means of forced and inireasonable interpretations to deprive us of any of the rights preserved to us bv the terms (jf tlie treaty. As time wore on and the market of the I'nited States be- THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 439 came valuable, Canada desired above all things to enter our market, and in order to drive us to admit her into our market, she permitted her people to commit many outrages upon our fishermen. " She drove our vessels to sea in storms, when they had sought shelter, seized and searched them on the high seas, even ; placed armed men on board, practically making captives of their captains and crews in their own vessels, the American flag flying over them ; tried them in the colonial courts on the testimony of colonial witnesses, and confiscated one after another ; and this went on until, indeed, the perils of the sea on these Grand Banks were no greater than the dangers of the law on the shore." Presidents Van Buren and Pierce sent fleets to protect our fishermen, but as soon as our war vessels were withdrawn the outrages were resumed. Finally England sent a fleet, and extorted from a Democratic administration in 1854 a treaty known as the Reciprocity Treaty, under which we were per- mitted to fish within these Northeastern waters, Canadian fishermen in our waters, and free entry to our market for Canadian fish was granted. Canada had obtained alljshe wanted. At the end of twelve years the United States abro- gated the treaty of 1854, the sentiment in this country being strongly against the treaty. Canada then imposed heavy taxes upon our vessels, for the privilege of fishing in her waters. In 1 87 1 the treaty of Washington was made between Eng- land and the United States. This treaty, made primarily for the purpose of settling the " Alabama Claims," included, also, the question of the fisheries. The Canadians were committing 440 THE RECORD OF outrages again. The treaty provided for the free entry of fish into our market, and gave to us the privilege of the Canadian fisheries, and an arbitration was provided to determine whether any sum of money should be paid by the United States for the enjoyment of the fisheries during the term of twelve years fixed by the treaty, in addition to the consideration given in admitting Canadian fish to our market free of duty. England over-reached us in the selection of the umpire, and secured a prejudiced tribunal, and an award of $5,500,000 was made against the United States. The award was grossly unfair, the fact being that the duties remitted amounted to more than the value of the fisheries. We paid the award, but not without plain speaking in Congress. James G. Blaine, then in the Senate, exposed on the floor of the Senate the chicane by which we had been beaten in the arbitration. As soon as the terms of the treaty permitted, the United States abrogated it, and on July i, 1SS5, we again had no treaty for the fisheries, except that of 181S. Republican statesmen maintain that the honorable and pru- dent course for us to have then adopted was to negotiate no more treaties, unless one to abrogate the treaty of 1818, but to stand upon our rights under the treaty of 181S, and to main- tain those rights with all the power of the Republic, insisting at the same time that general commercial privileges, including the right to purchase supplies at any time and to tranship cargoes in Canadian ports should be granted to our fishermen ; and that if such privileges were denied us, we should retaliate bv denying similar privileges to Canadian vessels of all sorts in our ports, whicli privileges we have always lield ourselves bound to grant by the comity of nations. THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 441 But President Cleveland, at the solicitation of the British Minister, sent a message to Congress recommending that it provide for a commission to settle the fishery rights. The Senate passed a resolution declaring that such a commission ought not to be provided for by Congress. The suggestion of the President w^as an extraordinary one, in view of the fact that the treaty-making power is vested in the President and Senate alone. The Canadians now recommenced their outrages upon our fishermen. Senator Frye, in a speech before the Senate on the 29th of May, 1888, thus describes some of these outrages : " Now, in this open session, addressing the people as well as the Senate, I feel it necessary to reproduce a few of the out- rages committed by Canada on our fishermen. I am not cer- tain that if Senators on this side of the Chamber listen to the recitals once more they will feel conscience-stricken and vote to reject the treaty. They would have done it then. Now, see what Canada was doing to us in 1886. In the month of July, as the American schooners Shiloh a.nd Julia Ellen were entering the harbor of Liverpool, Nova Scotia, the Canadian cruiser Terror, Captain Qiiigley, fired a gun across her bows, to hasten their coming to, and placed an armed guard onboard each vessel, which remained there until the vessels left the har- bor ; and that was when they were more than four miles from the shore, and under no pretense whatever of fishing. Seventy- five years ago, if that had not been apologized for, there would have been a declaration of war. 442 THE RECORD OF "More than four miles from shore an armed guard put on board, our captain and our sailors made prisoners of war on an American vessel with the American flag at the masthead. " The schooner Rattler^ of Boston, fully laden and on the voyage home, sought shelter from stress of weather in Shel- burne Harbor, Nova Scotia, was compelled to report at the custom house and have a guard of armed men kept on board, there being no suspicion that she was intending to fish within the three-mile shore-line. Sixty million people, a great, mag- nificent Republic, and a little country of 5,000,000 people putting an armed guard on board under the American flag without any suspicion of any violation of the law ! "In August the MoUie Adams, of Gloucester, on the home- ward voyage, full laden with fish from the fishing banks, was compelled to put into Port Mulgrave for water, and duly made report and entry at the custom house. The water tank had bursted on the voyage by reason of heavy weather. The captain asked leave to purchase two or three barrels to hold a supply of water for the crew on their homeward voyage of about three hundred miles. The application was refused and his vessel threatened with seizure if barrels were purchased. In consequence the vessel was compelled to put to sea with an insufficient supply of water, and in trying to make some other port to obtain a supply, encountered a severe gale, which swept a\va\- a deck-load of fish and destroyed two seine boats. " Is any comment necessary.^ If that vessel under the same circumstances had penetrated any part of the waters of the Fiji Islands, would they have refused her a tank of water? " Again, in July the schooner A. R. Criticfiden, of Glou- THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 443 cester, on the homeward voyage from the open-sea fishing- ground, while passing through the Strait of Canso, stopped at Steep Creek for water. The customs officer at that place boarded the vessel and notified the captain that if he took in water his vessel would be seized. He was compelled to sail without obtaining the needed supply, and to put his crew on short allowance during the homeward voyage, notwithstanding the treaty of iSiS gave him a clear right to take water, and notwithstanding the dear Lord has given us all the right to take water — 'a cup of cold water.' Driven to sea because the poor fellow wanted water ! " In October the collector at Shelburne, Nova Scotia, re- fused to allow Captain Rose, of the steamer Laura Sayxvard^ to buy sufficient food for himself and crew to take them home, and retained his papers unnecessarily, thus compelling him to put to sea with an inadequate supply of provisions. The crew was put on half rations. Why, you may go to one of the islands off the coast of China and say to those half-civilized people, ' I am out of food, give me something to appease my hunger,' and you would not expect to find men barbarous enough there, or anywhere else in the wide world, to refuse. Yet these men were compelled to put to sea on short allow- ance. "In October Captain Tupper, of the schooner Jennie Sea- vernSf of Gloucester, was prevented by Captain Quigley, of the Canadian cutter Terror, from landing to visit his relatives in Liv- erpool, Nova Scotia. His relatives were forbidden to go on board his vessel by Captain Quigley, and an armed guard was placed on board to insure that he should not see his relatives, nor they 444 THE RECORD OF him, making him piactically a prisoner on his own vessel with the American flag floating at its masthead. No charge that he was fishing, no charge that he was viohiting the law. "Now take the N^oveltv. vShe is a fishing steamer I should say of about two-hundred tons burden. She had been out to the Banks fishing. She came into Canadian waters, not to fish there. Her coal fell short ; she went in to purchase ; the officer refused to allow her to do so ; the captain appealed to the terms of the treaty; the reply was, 'the treaty said "wood," not " coal."' And they would not let him have any coal. He ap- pealed to the authorities in Ottawa, to whom a right of appeal is reserved in this wonderful treaty now under consideration, and the authorities at Ottawa replied that the treaty said ' wood,' and ' you cannot have coal.' They threatened seizure, and the captain went home, giving up his trip entirely. Wood, not coal ! There was not a vessel sailed the sea in iSiS that did not use wood, and hardly a vessel sails to-day that does. Fishermen do not use wood ; they all use coal ; and yet be- cause the treaty of iSiS said 'wood' they could not buy any other kind of fuel ; and in this treaty which the President has sent here to the Senate, and heralded as generous anil equitable, our commissioners have left ' wood ' to stand, and to-day, not- withstanding everybody uses coal, no one can get any in the Dominion of Canada for his fishing vessel. They might have obtained that concession for fuel, one would have supposed. "Take the case of the Caroline Vought. She was a fish- ing schooner from Boothbay, Maine. In August, being on mackerel grounds, short of water, she ran into the port of Paspebiac, New Brunswick. A government steamer or cruiser THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 445 was there. Captain Reid, ordered on board, stated his neces- sities, was directed to leave at once on penalty of seizure. Fortunately a storm came on and he caught sufficient rain- water to save his crew from death. He carried the American flag. " Now, take another case, and this is a very remarkable one, that of the Mollie Adams, commanded by Captain Solomon Jacobs. When oft' Mai Peque, Prince Edward's Island, in a heavy blow she fell in with the Canadian schooner Neskelita in distress. The Mollie Ada^ns had her full load of fish. She stopped as humanity demanded ; she rescued seventeen men from the British schooner, took them, on board, placed what material on the schooner that she could save for them, what clothing they could, and sailed for a Canadian port. She was three days about this humane work, feeding seventeen men, British, besides her own. Captain Jacobs then ran into the harbor of Mai Peque. The captain of the Canadian cruiser Critic, which was lying there, boarded the Adams, and was informed of the facts of the wreck and the condition of the crew. He refused to lend any assistance whatever. " Captain Jacobs asked permission to land some of the wrecked material he had onboard, but was refused by the cap- tain of the cruiser, who told him if he did so he would seize him. None of the people on the shore would take the wrecked crew. They were still on Captain Jacobs' hands. Captain Jacobs finally took from his own pocket sixty dollars and gave it to the crew to get home with. "But there is a bar in Mai Peque where a vessel drawing over fourteen feet of water cannot pass. Captain Jacob's 446 THE RECORD OF vessel drew fourteen feet, and he was compelled to lay there some eight or ten days, until a tide would come that should be sufficient to float his vessel over. Tlie result was that when the opportunity came for Captain Jacobs to sail, he had not a pound of flour on his vessel. These British sailors had eaten it all up. He put into Port Medway, and asked permission of the collector to purchase half a barrel of flour, or enough pro- visions to take his vessel and crew hom?. This was absolutely refused, and the collector threatened to seize his vessel if he pur- chased anything whatever. Captain Jacobs left without obtaining anything, went home a distance of 300 miles, on short rations, and the last day he had not a single thing on his vessel for his crew to eat. " In the nineteenth century, nineteen hundred years, almost, after our dear Lord was born, by a country that claims to be civilized and Christianized, this terrible act of inhumanity was committed, and committed for but a single purpose, to get our markets and free fish ; and the Senator from Alabama may wish to give it to them under stress like that. " One more case. I am not citing these cases because I think the Senators on the other side have never heard of them. I am citing them because I wish the American people to weigh your treaty with the threats and the outrageous acts which pro- duced it. Take the Mariori Gritnes. In October the Ameri- can vessel Alar ion Gritnes^ of Gloucester, Massachusetts, Captain Landry, put into Port Shelburne in a terrible gale, anchored in the outer port; anchored in the first place she had safety in, six or eight miles from the custom-house port, with- out the slightest intention of going into that. She laid there THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 447 nearly the whole night. The storm abated. She hoisted her sails and started out for sea, when Captain Quigley of the cruiser Terror^ fired a shot across her bows, brought her to, went on board, took possession of her, and told her that she must go to port, make entry, and report. He took her six miles out of her way, when she had not been within three miles of the shore, and Captain Qiiigley knew that she was in there to escape the storm, and for no other purpose whatever. He told them that if she did not go in and report and enter, she would be fined four hundred dollars. She was fined four hundred dollars as it was, and the money was deposited to pay the fine. " Mr. Payne. — It was remitted afterwards by the court in Canada. "Mr. Frye. — I doubt it. I do not know. "Mr. Gray. — Yes, it was. "Mr. Payne. — Most of them have been remitted. "Mr. Frye. — No, sir; most of them have not been re- mitted. "Mr. Payne. — I hope the Senator will be fair when he states these cases. He omits to state that the several acts were not committed by the direct authority of the Government of Canada, and that when they were brought before the Council of Canada, in every instance, they were either apologized for or remitted, so that the government was not responsible for any act of outrage, except under the general custom laws. " Mr. Frye. — There is not a case that I have here that the Government of Canada is not responsible for, and there i« only one that she has ever apologized for. 448 THE RECORD OF "Mr. Payne. — We shall see. "Mr. Frye. — We shall see about it. I know the facts about as well as the Senator from Ohio. I am pretty familiar with them. "The Marion Grimes was fined four hundred dollars. This fine was imposed by the urgency of Captain Q.uigley, of the 1 error ^ and Captain Landry was informed that he vvould be detained at the port of Shelburne imtil a deposit to meet it was made. " While the vessel was in the custody of Captain Qiiigley, Captain Landry hoisted the American 'flag, hoisted it on an American vessel, — on his own — as he had a right to do, and Captain Quigley ordered this American citizen to haul it down. "Mr. Payne. — Please follow it up. "Mr. Frye. — Do not interrupt me now. I decline to be interrupted. Mr. Payne. — That is not fair. Mr. Frye. — Captain Qiiigley ordered the American flag hauled down, and it was hauled down. Then, shortly after- wards, when Captain Landry was ready to sail, he hoisted the American flag once more on that American ship, as he had a right to do, and Captain Quigley came on board and with an oath took the halyards in his own hand, hauled down your flag, and you to-day, sir, are apologizing for him in tlie United States Senate. Mr. Payne. — That is not true. Mr. Frye. — The Senator wants me to say that an apology was made for that. A weak apology, readily accepted by a w«ak Administration, was made, but Captain Quigley kept his THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 449 office as captain of the ship. He sailed afterwards through those waters and seized vessels as he met them bearing the American flag. Seventy-five years ago, if Captain Quigley had not been been immediately displaced by his government, there would have been a declaration of war. We made the the declaration of war in 181 3 for no offense that was any greater than that. They seized our vessels, I admit ; they searched them and took our sailors : but they seized this ves- sel without right of law, and they tore down with their own hands the emblem of the sovereignty of a republic of sixty million people." Congress passed a law authorizing the President to retaliate by forbidding Canadian vessels to come into our ports, and if necessary, by terminating all commercial relations with Can- ada. Instead of employing the powers given him by Con- gress, or in any way protecting the rights of our fishermen, President Cleveland appointed plenipotentiaries to negotiate another treaty upon the fisheries. These representatives of the United States met the representatives of England and pro- ceeded to agree to a treaty which completely surrenders the rights and interests of our fishermen. Senator Frye denounced this treaty in the Senate as "the most disgraceful, humiliating, and cowardly surrender the American Republic has ever been called upon to submit to, not excepting the treaty of 1S18." This treaty deals first with the question of defining the right of our fishermen to fish in the waters along the Canadian coast, under the treaty of 181 8. The treaty of 1818 preserves to us the right to fish, but not " within three marine miles of any of the coasts, bays," etc. 29 450 THE RECORD OF The English have in the past advanced a theory that the three miles was to be measured from " headland to headland " of the bays. But England never strenuously insisted upon this theory, and the United States always refused to tolerate any such construction. But strangely enough, this treaty which Mr. Bayard entered into and Mr. Cleveland sent to the Senate provides that the three marine miles mentioned in arti- cle I. of the convention of October 20, iSiS, shall be meas- ured seaward from low-water mark ; but at every bay, creek, or harbor, not otherwise specially provided for in this treaty, such three marine miles shall be measured seaward from a straight line drawn across the bay, creek, or harbor, in the part nearest the entrance at the first point where the width does not exceed ten marine miles. The treaty further provides that if the market of the United States is thrown open to Canadian fish duty free, commercial privileges shall be granted to our fishermen in Canadian ports. The treaty simply enlarges the danger of our fishermen being subjected to seizure and confiscation unless all that is asked for by Canada, namely, the market of the United States, be con- ceded. England and Canada virtually dictated terms to the Cleveland administration. After a long and acrimonious discussion, the Senate, in August of the present year, rejected the treaty. The Repub- licans voted unanimously against it, while the Democrats voted as solidly in its favor. The whole tone of the Democratic debate and of the voice of the Democratic press was to the efiect that the Nation ought not to permit itself to be embroiled for the sake of the interests of a few fishermen in New England. THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 451 But no sooner was the treaty rejected than President Cleve- land gave evidence that he recognized the weakness of his position and the discredit which was likely to attach to his administration. He immediately sent to Congress a special message in which he seemingly sought to " out-Herod Herod " in the vigor with which he denounced the Canadian outrages. Professing, how- ever, to consider that he ought to have from Congress more definite instructions as to what particular measure of retalia- tion to adopt, he recommended that authority be given to retal- iate by stopping the transport in bond over the railroads of the United States of merchandise in transit to Canada from Europe. This method of retaliation, while calculated to inflict injury upon Canada, is one sure, also, to severely damage our own railroad interests. Congress had already pointed out the true method of retali- ation, namelv : the denial of commercial privileges to Canadian vessels in our ports. Such moderate application of the prin- ciples of retributive justice, together with the vigorous pre- sentment of our claims for damages would probably be sufii- cient to secure from the British Government reparation for the past and security for the future. The bellicose message of President Cleveland appears, even to many of the supporters of the President, as designed merely as a move on the chess board of politics ; and is one of the most extraordinary acts of an administration destined to take rank as one of the least honorable or successful in the his- torv of the government. Chapter IX. THE TEMPERANCE QTJESTION. ONE GREAT ISSUE AT A TIME — PROHIBITION NOT THE ISSUE — THE REPUBLICAN PARTY THE TRUE REFORM PARTY — THE DEMOCRAT- IC PARTY HOSTILE TO TEMPERANCE MEASURES THE PROHIBI- TION PARTY A HINDRANCE TO REFORM. When tlie authority of tlic constitution shall have been vin- dicated, and the suppression of suflrage ended in the southern section of the Republic ; when the industrial future of the Nation shall have been settled upon the sure foundation of the protective system in its complete development, the Ameri- can people will enter upon an epoch when the public problems considered will be chiefly social in their character. Among the social questions already long pondered and made the sub- ject of legislation, but still unsettled, is the (juestion how most wisely to deal with the traihc in intoxicating licjuors. This question is coming into larger prominence. The im- petuous zeal of earnest men and women decplv interested in the temperance (juestion has sought to thrust it forward as a {political issue, prematurely, and so as to put in pci il the dear- est rights of man and tlic most impoitant of material interests. Appeal ought to be made to the patriotism and the foresight of these citizens, whose public spirit and whose devotion to duty no one can question, to forbear hurrying forward this new political issue until the public mind, released from prior occu- THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 453 pation, turns insti actively and naturally to the discussion and settlement of this leading social question. A great party, em- bodying the majority of the progressive forces of the Nation. and charged with the duty of leading in the advance move- ment, cannot permit itself to be diverted from great tasks first undertaken and not yet discharged — the army which comprises at once thj forces of both conservatism and of reform shoultl not divide to its death. A little later and nothing will remain for discussion in the forum of politics save social questions, and the temperance question will be well to the front. A century crow. lei with material progress draws to its close. The twentieth century — promising to be one of moral grandeur hitherto unequaled — is soon to open. It may safely be pre- dicted that before that century opens this long-vexed problem of how best to regulate and restrain the sale of intoxicating liquors will have been finally solved by the American people and solved in such manner that there will be a great decrease in the consumption of intoxicating liquors by our people, with a corresponding diminution of the evils and burdens of intem- perance. The evils and burdens resulting from the general use and abuse of intoxicating liquors are in truth enormous. If the expenditure for alcoholic drinks in the United States amounts, as has been estimated, to more than nine hundred millions of dollars annually — a sum greater than that of the combined annual earnings of all the railroads in the country — the burdens directly and indirectly resulting must be very great. Now it cannot be too strongly emphasized that the too general and excessive use of intoxicating liquors can most effectually and satisfactorily be done away with through the moral eleva- 454 THE RECORD OF tion of the masses, to be chiefly accomplished by the regener- ating and strengthening influences of religion and education. The church and school and home are now, as in the early days, the props of the Nation's power. Everything, too, that gives heart and hope and prosperity to labor will powerfully aid in stimulating the manlier virtues into life and strength. There has of late been too great a reliance upon law and too little upon educational and religious work. Saying this and em- phasizing it, we ought not to understate the importance of a sound legal method for dealing with the common sale of in- toxicating liquors. This is properly a political question, as well as a moral one. In our time most moral questions are political ones. The state should have a fixed policy on this subject, and that policy should strongly favor the interests of the home rather than those of the saloon. Public sentiment is deeply moved on this question. In the face of the adoption of constitutional prohibition in Maine by an enormous jjopular majority after trial of statutory prohibition for a generation ; the adoption of the same policy in Kansas and in Iowa by popular majorities ; the three-fifths vote in Rhode Island for the prohibitory amendment of the constitution, and the adoption of a prohibition constitution by the coming new State of South Dakota, it is impossible to deny the great strength of the movement for constitutional prohibition ; and in the states of Michigan, Ohio, Oregon, and Tennessee, prohibition, although defeated, was supported at the polls by a minority so strong numerically, and embodying so large a proportion of the prop- erty and intelligence of those states, as to give signal proof ot the coming power of the temperance sentiment of the Nation. THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 455 In Ohio, however, this sentiment has since the defeat of consti- tutional prohibition, found legislative expression in a system of taxation and regulation which seems to be the best presently attainable system for that state. Illinois, Nebraska, Missouri, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Pennsylvania, and New Jersey have passed high license laws which contain many restrictive pro- visions calculated to lessen the number of saloons and bring this dangerous business under control. The Republican party in all these states has adopted the policy of favoring the home against the saloon, and has sought to enact as strong temper- ance measures as there was reason to believe public sentiment would sustain. In doing so it has bravely run the risk of de- feat at the hands of the liquor interest. It has not been behind public sentiment, but somewhat in advance, or, to speak more correctly, it has enacted temperance measures which public sentiment sustains, but which endanger Republican ascendency because Temperance Democrats continue voting with their party, while some Republicans are alienated. It is to temper- ance legislation rather than to free trade that Republican loss in Minnesota and Michigan is to be ascribed. In Ohio moder- ate temperance legislation for a season threw the Republicans out of power, but the tide turned soon in their favor and brought them back into control more firmly resolved than ever to persist in a temperance policy. The best hope for temper- ance legislation in the future is that Temperance Democrats will finally come to the Republicans and join them in maintaining such a policy as befits a Christian American commonwealth. The Democratic party in every state in the North has con- stantly opposed every measure looking either to the submission 456 THE RECORD OF of constitutional amendments or the enactment of temperance legislation. A national prohibition party is a worse than use- less organization of forces that are needed where they would be most eftectual. Whether a uniform policy in all the states to be imposed by national authority is essential to the success of the movement against the saloon, is a question which only a small portion of the people are ready even to consider. An amendment of the constitution is required before national pro- hibition can be enacted. Such an amendment can only be submitted by the concur- rence of two-thirds of each house of Congress, and can only be ratified by the consent of three-fourths of the states. National prohibition or restraint of the liquor traffic, except through taxation, involves a more radical application of national ideas than any yet made in the legislation of the Republic. Without enteiing, prematurely, upon a discussion of the wisdom of the policy of national prohibition, this is to be said : that advocates of that policy ought to see the necessity of aiding by their votes the restoration of the power and prestige of the great historic party which is the exponent of the national idea, to the final ascendency of which they must look for the fulfill- ment of their hopes. The National Prohibition party has succeeded already in putting the national government under the control of the extreme advocates of state rights, and unless bet- ter counsels prevail, may be destined to give perpetual control to the reactionary party which is hostile to all legislation in restraint of the liquor traffic. The particular amendment of the national constitution sought by the Prohibition party is not the measure most easy of attaimnent. A more practical prop- THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 457 osition would be one that merely proposed extending the juris- diction of Congress to the subject of the liquor traffic, thus placing that subject on the same footing as bankruptcy and the conduct of congressional elections. Under such an amended constitution Congress would be free to deal with this question when and in such manner as public opinion, finally crystal- lizing, might dictate. The demand now urged that the states put prohibition in the fundamental law of the Republic, is impractical in the last degree. In the course of the famous debate between Abraham Lincoln and Stephen A. Douglas in 1858, Mr. Douglas deprecated " uniformity in all things local and domestic, by the authority of the federal government," saying: " But when you attain that uniformity you will have converted these sovereign, independent states into one consoli- dated empire with the uniformity of despotism reigning tri- umphant throughout the length and breadth of the land." Mr, Lincoln in reply said : "I do not believe in the right of Illinois to interfere with the cranberry laws of Indiana, the oyster laws of Virginia, or the liquor laws of Maine." So that the opinion of the sagacious Lincoln — Whig, Republican, and Nationalist as he was — at that time concurred with that of the greatest and most patriotic leader of the Democratic party since Andrew Jackson, that any attempt, by means of national authority, by one state to dictate the liquor laws of another is alien to the spirit of our government. Mr. Lincoln held views almost as conservative upon the question of slavery, but he lived to proclaim emancipation. Since 1858 the Repub- lican party has advanced very far in its appreciation of the demands of our national life, and when the reactionary tide 458 . THE RECORD OF which has rolled in recedes, new applications of the national idea will be made. Whether the liquor traffic will be brought within the field of national politics, and whether, if it is, the public mind will advance to the radical plan of prohibition, the future will imfold. But the Prohibition Republicans, once as radical as any in their devotion to the equal suffrage of the colored race, should realize that until the authority of the Nation has proved itself equal to the duty of protecting the freedom of elections against open violence, it is unwise to urge the under- taking of the task of enforcing a prohibitory liquor law upon unwilling states. In the course of his debate with Douglas, Mr. Lincoln enun- ciated and emphasized one idea which should take possession of the people on the temperance issue. Denying that he was an abolitionist, Mr. Lincoln said: "I think the opponents of slavery will resist the further spread of it and place it where the public mind shall rest with the belief that it is in course of ultimate extinction." The extreme abolitionists of tliat day were not satisfied with the position of Mr. Lincoln or the Republican partv on the slavery question, and with scorn and bitterness refused their cooperation to the Republican organization. But the good sense of practical men recognized in the Republican party an agency that was sure to place slavery in a position where it would be in course of ultimate extinction. The extreme abolitionists of 1S56 and 1S60 find their parallel to-day in the Prohibitionists. The third-party Prohibitionists are to-day doing greater injury to the cause of temperance than to the liquor traffic. THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 459 They insist that the prohibition issue shall have immediate consideration to the exclusion of the tariff question. This demand is impracticable, and cannot be heeded. The tariff question comes before the people inevitably for settlement. It there had been no St. John vote in New York in 18S4, Mr. Blaine would have been elected, the tariff' revised in accordance with the protective principle, the interests of education in the South provided for, and by 18S8 the temperance question would have been a leading issue in politics. A vote for the Prohibition ticket in 1888 is a vote to delay the real considera- tion of the temperance question. Instead of the feeble Abolition party (which, by diverting Whig votes from Clay to Birney in 1844, gave the country to the Democrats,) waxing stronger until it finally ascended to power, the truth of history is that the Abolition organization died out and its unconstitutional and impracticable proposi- tions were abandoned, while it was reserved for the Republi- can party rising up, not to abolish, but to restrict the spread of slavery, to give universal freedom to the Nation. The Prohibition party of St. John and of Fisk is analagous to the Abolition party of Birney, while the Republican party is. tending rapidly in the same path of practical reform on the liquor question that brought it into power on the slavery issue. Chapter X. THE REPUBLICx\N PLATFORM FOR i The Republicans of the United States, assembled by their delegates in National Convention, pause on the threshold of their proceedings to honor the memory of their first great leader, the immortal champion of liberty and the rights of the people — Abraham Lincoln; and to cover also with wreaths of imperishable remembrance and gratitude the heroic names of our late leaders who have more recently been called away from our councils — Grant, Garfield, Arthur, Logan, Conkling. May their memories be faithfully cherished ! We also recall with our greetings, and with prayer for his recovery, the name of one of our living heroes, whose memory will be treasured in tlic history both of Republicans and of tlie Republic — the name of that noble soldier and favorite child of victory, Philip IL Sheridan. In tlie spirit of those great leaders, and of our own devotion to human liberty, and with that hostility to all forms of despot- ism and oppression which is tlie t'lmdamcntal idea of the Re- publican Party, we send fraternal congratulation to our fellow- Americans of Brazil upon their great act of emancipation, which completes the abolition of slavery throughout the two American continents. We earnestly hope that we may soon congratulate our fellow- THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 461 citizens of Irish liirtli upon the peaceful recovery of Home Rule for Ireland. We reaffirm our unswerving devotion to the National Con- stitution, and the indissoluble union of the States ; to the au- tonomy reserved to the States under the Constitution ; to the personal rights and liberties of citizens in all the states and territories in the Union, and especially to the supreme and sovereign right of every lawful citizen, lich or poor, native or foreign born, white or black, to cast one free ballot in public elections, and to have that ballot duly counted. We hold the free and honest popular ballot, and the just and equal repre- sentation of all the people, to be the foundation of our repub- lican government, and demand effective legislation to secure the integrity and purity of elections, which are the fountains of public authority. We charge that the present Administra- tion and the Democratic majority in Congress owe their exist- ence to the suppression of the ballot by a criminal nullification of the Constitution and laws of the United States. We are vmcompromisingly in favor of the American system of protection ; we protest against its destruction as proposed by the President and his party. They serve the interests of Europe ; we will support the interests of America. We accept the issue, and confidently appeal to the people for their judg- ment. The protective system must be maintained. Its aban- donment has always been followed by general disaster to all interests, except those of the usurer and the sheriff'. We de- nounce the Mills Bill as destructive to the general business, the labor t^nd the farming interests of the country, and we 462 THE RECORD OF heartily indorse the consistent and patriotic action of the Re- publican representatives in Congress in opposing its passage. We condemn the proposition of the Democratic party to place wool on the free list, and we insist that the duties thereon shall be adjusted and maintained so as to furnish full and ade- quate protection to that industry throughout the United States. The Republican party would cflect all needed reduction of the national revenue, by repealing the taxes upon tobacco, which are an annoyance and burden to agriculture, and the tax upon sj^irits used in the arts and for mechanical purposes ; and by such revision of the tariff' laws as will tend to check imports of such articles as are produced by our people, the production of which gives employment to our labor, and release from import duties those articles of foreign production (except luxuries), the like of which cannot be produced at home. If there shall still remain a larger revenue than is requisite for the wants of the government, we favor the entire repeal of internal taxes rather than the surrender of any part of our protective S3-stem at the joint behests of the whiskev trusts and the agents of foreign manufacturers. We declare our hostility to the introduction into this country of foreign contract labor and of Chinese labor, alien to our civ- ilization and Constitution, and we demaiul the rigid enforce- ment of the existing laws against it. and favor such immediate legislation as will exclude such labor from our shores. We declare our opposition to all combinations of capital or- ganized in trusts or otlicrwisc to control arbitrariK the condi- tion of trade among our citizens,