E440 p6nmali(^« E 440 .fl64 Copy 1 AN APPE — TO THE— <^^^^^5^ i.uiN^ji.RYATIVE MEN OF ALL PARTIES, THE PRESIDENTIAL QUESTION. AN IMPOTJTANT QUESTION- SflALL THE SUBJECT OF SLA- YEKY FOiiEVEK PREVENT ALL USEFUL LEGL^LATION OR SHALL n BE SE'lTLED BY THE DO(;TRINE ' OF NONINTERVENTION?— THE QUES- TION FAIRLY STATED. THE ST^TJE DEBT. PROFLIGATE LEGISLATION— SQUANDERING OF THE PEOPLE'S MOxXEY — INOUEASED TAXATION— THE GUILTY PARTIES EXPOSED— EVERY TAX-PAYER SllOULD examine the FACTS. • The Presidential Campaign of 1860, is one of for more importance thau any which has preced- ed it. Our Qio-t conservative statesmen believe that our glorious l/uion, aud all our civil, educa- tional ariU religious iustitu ions, that -have been Warmed into lite aud vigorous prosperty, under our federative system are in iuimiueut danger of distruction, caused by the unhap,iy .lud determin- ed diliereiiceiof UViuiou ou the subject' of slavery. It is believed that there i.saa honor ible and prac- ticable solution of the impending ditliculty. Let ns briefly state the positions of parties and the proposed remedy. The Republican party (Jforthern Sectional) demand as their ultimatum on the subject of slavery that Congress shall (intervene) pass laws to prohibit slavery in the territories, without re- gard to the wishes of the people thereof. The BKECKBNEiDaii. paity (^Souti.ern "Sectional) demand as their ultimatum ou tbe subject, that.. Congress sball (iutervi-nej pass a code of slave' ' laws protet'tiug slivery iu the lerntoiies, " and wherever el-e the general goverutmiut has the «owei," iu defiance ot the wishes of the people tc be aHec»ed thereby. .Both ol the section tl parties appear to be quite willing to dissolve the Union, it nect-ssary, to ac- complish their object. Tne principles for which they are both contending are •' mere abstractions" ior the reason that the peopleofitteiritory will not permit ,8l»Tery to exist within its borders if they do not want it, and they will have it, if they want it, in defiance of any lawsthat Congress may pass. The way to avoid all this difficulty aud dauaer is to return to first priuciples. Let those who are immediately interested decide the question for themselves. Non-intervention or Popular Sovereignty, is the oily practical way of avoiding our piesent complications The experience of tbe last ten years proves that our annual Congressional Ses- sions are, and will continue to be, scenes of vio- lence and disorder, preventing all useful Legisla- tiiin as long as the distracting subject of slavery remains iu i:s present condition. If the Ameri- can people decide in favor of the doctrine of Don-iutervention at the appro'iching election, by electing Douglas and, Jou.vson, the abstract question of slavery in the terriioiies will at once be abandoned, and then Congress will attend t« the nei'cssary and important Legislation of the country. But if they should decide for intervention either for or against slavery, at the next session of Congress will commence the fierce, un\ lelding and bitter fight, v.hich will only terminate with the destruction of our prosperous and happy confederation. Iu order that the reader may fully understand the issues- both State and National — t* be deci- ded at the approarhiniir e ection, we invite hit carelal attention to tbe following facte :J EXTRACTS FROM GOV. CHURCH'S SPEEIH, at Albany, in June last. This, fellow citizen;^, is an extraordinary time. Tho history of the country furnishes no parralel for its events. Tliere never has been arythini' like it; raid probably never again will re. I wish to say of tiio nomina- tion of Sephen A Douglas, tbiitit was made with entire re^^ularity and accordin.s; to the Btrict usnpes ot the party. More than two- thirds of ill) the delegate?, nod repl-esenting twenty^nine State?, ren:ainpd in the Convene tion after all the scceders had gone' out. and from these Stephen A Douj^las received, af- ter a call of the Stati-'.-ia nnanimousnomiua- tioD. I say thereli ro in the first place, that every good Demoorar if, bound by the alle- giance he owe.'j his party, to support the uoniination ; and he wlio does not is a bolter without CXCU89 or palliiition.. [Long euu- tinued a[> lausp.] I 6a>, in the next place Stephei! A. Douglas at its head,' occupies, a better and prouder position than it ever did before. [Enthusiastic applause.] We have on one side a party deraaudingj Cngrcssional intervention to prohibit slavery in the Tenitcriea. We have on the other side, a party dtmanding congressional inter- vention to protect sKwery id the Territorie-!. Both dtP-re to continue the diecnssinn of this irritatina: questiiui i<\ (Jon^'res-'s. " Both are labcrint^ to kerp the coyntry embroiled and embittered, seeuoii against section. Both are seemingly detcimined to bring about a stste of feeling that must end in disruption of the government J3etw een these antagonistic factions stands the great Democratic party demanding peace! (Loud applause.) With arms not raited in hcotility D either section, but entwined ia fraternal love around each, it asks that these exciting questions shall be no longer an element of discord and hate. — (Ohe'ixs.) It says to each section, stand off —keep av^j — let the people of the Territo- riesj-v^ap arc most intej-ested, and equally in- .teUigcnt with oursclvc?, eettb this qnestron of slaviiry as- they aaitle all other domestic questio.'d within their, own limit?, for them- ftclves. (LxJcg* and loud ap|'la,iis2,) This furnishes a solaiion Ot the, whole slavery question, and I ask, ypu,* ielluw-citizeag, if every fair and patriotic m^an cannot ado;)!; it. North ai ensa o for the niftbrttmate embarraEsraents that attend- ed its dehbcrations, was thb fact that a large body of true ;tnd jvitriotic men from tiie South, camo two thousand miles to tell us that thtao soceders, ditunionista at heart, do not represent ft majority of tho Southern peo- ple, hut that in tho ^outli, c.^ in the North, th» honest masses will stanti by tho Unior, and that they, tho rcpre^ntative men of thv South, .stand ready to niiike. war upon tho Disunionists, ^nd to vindicate tho action and uphold the principles of the national Democ- racy. Ought we not, lellow-citizeiy?, in the spirit of fraternal love, to meet these patriot- ic advance^^ and stand by the -Uinou men of the South? (Cheers) I believe that we ought to do so, and that the people of the North will do so, I am in fator of opening wide the doofs of the Democratic Church— of adniitting all who are willinji to corne in and pit beneath the droppings of the Demo- cratic Sanctuary. (Cheers,) I dcire that all patriotic men shall join us and partici- pate in this great battle for the Union, We will have no back seats and no front seats, • All shal! be equal, and shall participate on equal terms in f.he honors of the triumph. — And if this spirit annimatos u?, I care not for the hostility of rival p;>liticians— 1 care ' not for the frowns of official powers. — (Cheers.) I tell you that the great heart of the country is right; and when We present a position so just and so patriotic, tlie people will rally in their might, and according to their ov/n sovereio;n pleasure, will bear us onward to vict -ry. (Applause.) One word, fellow-citizens, in relation to the position of your delegates oa the question of candidates While we supported M'-. Doug- las with earnestness and sincerity, because, we knew^ he was the choice of nino-tenths of the Democracy of tiie State ; yer, had the secedevs reraained .in tho Gonvei'.tion, and had it becoiiio evident !hat Mr. Douglas could cot secure the nomination by the reg- nhir, lejiitimate rale of the Democratic par- ly, we s oald have been ready to vote for any other caiulidate who stood upon the de- mocratic platform, ond who would have re'- . ceived the fair nomination of the Conven- tion ; and in this p( sition. I may add, we bad the hearty concurrence of Mr. Douglas him- self. (Applfiase.) Bat tlie seoeders l«ft be- fore a vote on, candi'hites was readied, and nothing then was left to do, except u. put our favored* leader intj the field. Indeed, for my own part, I thank God tiiat circi-im- atances so transpired as to insure the nomi- nation of Stephen A. DouA;las, bac'ause in my soul I earuestls' bi.diove he is the only rran thar can lead cs on to certain victory. I say it with reverence, but I believe that the hand of an overruling Providenoe can be seen in nil this, eo shaping* events as to bring forwi'jd Stephen A. Donglas as the pacifica- tor and prcpervcr of the Union. (Load ap- plause.) No man in this co.unlry, ezcej)?. .lackson, ever fiicountewed so much personal hcstility, and so many powerful euciui-s, as has Mr. Donighis. Pertoniil iiv.iiry, and all the vast power of the general government, have com- bined lo'ornshhim down, but like Jackson, he has t'iumphed over all. and.like that old hero, T glory in .saying he has ever been ready to retui n to . his enemies eflective and sturdy bl6w.«. (Loud api)lause.) Stephen / A. Douglas is tho man for the times. Ho '' possob^es nii-.urpiissed ability, indomitable ' couroge and enerj/y, and unswerving integ- rity, which eminently fit him as the leader, of the great Democratic party. REMARKS OF SENATOR DOUGLAS. We cannot better preseut Lhc existing is- sues upon the Presidential question than by giving a portion of Judge Douglas' remarke at Troy, to wliich Ave invite your attention :. It was true, as was said by your ilayof in the course of hia remarks, that my first speech in the Couucil Halls of this nation was made in vindication of the old hero of New Orleans, for the performance of that noble act by which he aaved his country from the approach of the invader. 1 felt it my duty, as well as my pleaeure, to defend that old hero from the assaults v/hich had been heaped upon him in consequence of that act; and to do what I could to procure him relief from the ponaltics of ;i sentence pronounced on account of its •performance. And I will say now, that r,o act of my life has given me mor^ pleasure,, or left behind it a sincerer gralilication. Aly only regret now is, in these days of turmoil and danger, when the elements of ruin threaten the happeness of our own beioved cou.]try, there is not another " Oid Hickory" to pat down, not only Abolitiuaism at tlie North, but nullifi- cation and disunion at the South ; to repress the elements ef discord and evil wherever they exist, 'and give peace t" our loved coun- try ; to pour oil upon the troubled waters, and bid the soaring, swaying waves, " peace, be still." For, my friends, it is vain and criminal to attempt to coueaal the fact that the institutions and the happiness of this country are now in greater dangei' — ia more absolute peril — than they have been at any other period in its history. .Whenever our institutions have been put in danger from civil commotions in the past, it; hag always been from the same disturbing cause ; it has always been becauoe the federal govern- ment sought to arrogate to itself some pow- ers thai; were not delegated to it by the Con- stitution. We should ever bear in mind, my friends, under our complex system of gov- ernment, our Federal Administration was intrusted with no powers but such as were purely Federal, and appertain to the com trol of national interests, and not those which are conii'.ied in their operation to pe- culiarlocahtic'; that affect the domestic in- stitutions of the people in issolated commu- nities. The Federal Government has no powers but such as are delegated to it uader . the Constitution, and is especially inhibited from exercising any but these. i; Thus, whatever questions are domestic in thsir character, and do not have a national application— for instance, such as appertain to the relations of husband and wife, parent x and child, or master and servant, do not be- long to the Federal Government, but are by the terms of the great fundamental instru- ment removed from it, and left for regulatioa and settlement to the people in their aover- eign capacity. AH the turmoil, dissension and .confusion which now prevail in this country— all the dangere th;^ threaten the very fabric of our Union— arose from the attempt of the Fed- eral Government to ignore those great prin- ciples ; to arrogate to itself powers that were not vested in it by the Constitution • to as- sume control over the domestic relations in the Territories of the country, where thev should be left to the undisturbed control of the people. We find to-day a Northern sectional party— sectional in its organiaation sectional in its adherents, i^ectional in its candidat.-s, and sectional in its platform and principles, which assumes one side of thi3 question, and says that the Federal Govern- ment should keep Slavery out of all the Ter- ritories of the United States, whether the people want it there or not. And we find ■ on the other hand a Southern Sacti.nii! party —sectional >n its platform and sectional in Its principles— which takes the other branch of the issue, and contends that all the power of the Federal Administration, and both Houses of Congres?, shall be used to force Slavery into the Territories of the nation whether the people want it there or not.— ^ The Republican party claini that thev should be put in possession of the Fefleral Govern- ment, foB the purpose of wielding its whole power and bringino to bear all its machinery against the institution of Slavery in the Ter- ritories. They claim that by positive enact- ment the Federal Government shall nrohibit Slavery where the people desire to have it. The sectional party at the. South o-emands that all the power and patronage of the Gov- ernment shall be put into their hands, to enable them to force the institution upon the people of the Territoriea who do not want it. Neither propose ihat the principle shall be determined with any reference to the people, bat each is against leaving it to their interpretation. The Kepublieans tell you that Slavery must be prevented forever and everywhere in the Territories. And the nul- lifieation party toll you that Slavery mast be maintained forever and everywhere ia the Territories. Both would settle the matter without any reference whatever to the wishes of the people. For if the people do not want Slavery they would prevent its ex- istence by- means of unfr.jidly legislation; they need not have ifr, and intervention to keep them from having it is entirely unneces- sary. Oa tJia other hand, the" Southern party proposes to crowd Slavery where the people will not have it-*for if they do want it, assuredly no (yongressional legislation is required to force fc upon them. So both are seeking to fasten upon the peo- ple of the Territories a system of laws which 19 unnecessary, and which tney do not want. There is no difference, in this respect, between the Nortberu Abolitionist Party iind the S< nthcMi Sectiors.'J Party. Tlicy hoth 8Uind in frtvor ot'j.'iviiig to the Federal (iovernment a power whicli i.-< foreifra to the object of its cr'aioa; and in lli'a regnrd tlie principles of lH)th are hubvi rsive cf tlie Constitution. The one would l!lu^te^ ail ihu prejiidices and pas-sions of the Nonh to a whi of pririo ui)on the habits and tlio inaiitut.ione of ilie Scuth. The • ther would rr.Ily Southern pride and prt-judice under a Southern himner. and wield iho whole powi r of the Government against the North. On the otner hand the i8>ue preeenfed is that of a scciional coi:te3t. Th"S you find an *• irreprotisihle conflict" fiercely rap;in»4 bwiwer-n the two great; dis- Btinctivesect.onsof tliis country— a conflict that can only I'C hcttled in on»' of two ways, either by a di.x^ohi'ioii of the Union, or by the adoption of ihe principle of ncin-inier-» vention wi;h Slavtiy, or ariy oMier domestic JDSlinuion of the Federal Governni'-nt— non- inteiventiou now, anJ non i.Mervention everywhere — leaving the people uf the Tor» ritones perfeclly free to form i;nd regulate their domestic iLStituiioDs in thei.* own way, 3Dbject to no outtide eon rol or iotorfereficc, •whatever. The Doinocrjitic party stands pledged to thiH priociplo now. as it h .s ever B;o"d; and it wdl not der^ert it while the Uuion exists to be defended. It mctiutaius that the i-eojile ol t' e Territories are pers fectly able to turitrol their own internal affaire and it pr oposes to leave theui, .as it dots tho>e oi the StaieH, to do it. 1 say now and here, as I have alwnys said that the DeiKOcraiic Party is net entitled to the sol honor tor tl.e discovery of the pnn cipal of non intervenii.'n. In the pi eat con- te^t of 184§ and 1849, the noble Clay stood firndy and consistentiy upon this gMund; leaving the quiet shades of a coveted retire- mt-nt, and coining forth sigain in hisi rever- end old ago, to pour oil upon the troubled waters of bill eriiesu and strifb. Clay was the f ader of all Nati tnal Unioo men in ttiat grtat and heroic struggle, and tlie Eepresen- ti'tives of both the Whig and Deuu.ciatic Parlies rahed a'j. ut him and gave him tli.rir earnetft support. For eight or nine months we assenitded together iu the Coun- cil room at 11 o'clock ot each day, to cou- Bult on me'l^uIeB for healing the existing bit- ternes-j, and giving peace o the land. Tliore WiiB the f;0'i-like Cla , the lather and leader in the moveiiienis. And there wa« the noble Web^te^ upon his rifzht, the vanerube Cass upon his left, mid .-around tiieiu the men of all parties, uniting for a coinuiou purpose in the ihreuteuing cru-is- ail burying our party strife until wo Cnuld ilo wliat was first and n ortL important — until wc could save the countiy. You all know the rcfult of the groat strug- gle ; how at Icngih p iice wa- secured with the adnp ion of ihe Coinpruiuise inea>U;se8of 1850 — of that Loud ol agrteint-nl winch stipulated that there should be no Wilmot Provito on the one hand, and no slave code on the other ; no Congressional intervention against Slavery at the North, Hnd no Cod- grtssiotjal intervention tor it at the South; but which, in consonimce with the Jtfferso- nian theory of CTOverninent. re-legaiP'* the whole V'-xed subject to the people of the fu- ture States, in their sovi-reifin ei pacitv, to be determined by litem wiihoui inteilerenoe, ai-d subject only to the Constitution of the United Sates. That policy thus enui ciated in the Compromise measures, was ii^io joint work of the patriotic National men of both partie.s. Clay and VVt-bster, of the Whig Party, advocated it, and N'ir. Fillino'e, a Whig President. 8-gned the lull. In 1833 the Wliig P'trty, in their National Conven- tion at Baltimore reaffirmed the principles of the Coiiipronii.se n-easures as tl e true rule of action for all good VVhics n all fu'ore time. The same year the same piinciple was reMtfirin(iti by the Deniocra'io Pai-ty, -,) fur liie jiOvernuKnt of all gool Democrats in till future lime. 'Tiuis, while VVhigs and Democrats continued to differ upun other subjects, ad agretd in banishin-^ the Slaverj quenLiou from the arena of National poli- tics. I remember that in the Presidential cam- paign of 1852, the Whigs were in the habit of claiming ilv; jirineiple of non-interventioa as a Whig discovery, and clinginj; ta-t lo it as their peculiar ghiry. It w.is my {)rac;ioa to deny this Claim, and to ns-sert thut the pnnoipJe of non iuteiveTtion bad an or gia antecedent to the birth of lh^' Whig Party, " But," the Whigs told me "Our Cay was the author of the C'linpromisi-, and Web- ster advocated it, and our Fillmore 8 ;Miyd the bill. ' I was in ihe habit oi ai-knort-l- edgiug thesQ facts. " But,'' I ^aid, '-gentle- men, you must admit ihtit while you gave the generals who ennineired the movemeut, Democrats turnished the piivate soidit-rs, whose votes m noih U"U»tsof C«ngies>i car*, ried it thio^gli.'' I sny now, iherelore, a> I have aKv.i_\ 8 said, that ihe honor ii adopt- ing the great principle is to be eqna ly di- vided between both parties. It w«b the com- mon platform npoo which all Naliotial Union mei. oiood m hurinony There we stiUid to- night, and iheie we will cont nue lo stand so long as the [larty to which we belong main* tains its org mizatiou. 1 have tought for this principle ever since I wa.s in p .biio lite, aud 1 do not intend to de-en the oo.or,-, if I am oblititd to stand by theiu alone. Let mo a-k you old Whigei wheiboi- y>'U in end to abaiiiJOn the poncy thai Clav sanciioned and Webster dt^ funded. Let me as^ jou wl. ether you intend toabandon \oiir piatlorio, merely because you ti ml me standi ntc upon it. I do not inieiid lo abandou this plank, winch I have ti>ught for m\s..lt, it 1 hud every Whig in America standing upon it. In I85 oauM y(.Qtind m." doFonding it.? I'her« aro not Arni)''ic ns enuugli in Christendom to drive m<>, from it. James Biiohjinan .md John C. Breckiiirid£;o weie olcoted upon this prinoii»le. You have not forgotten that Mr. Buohiinati, in h s hitter of noceptance, di-'- titic'ly said thut tho phitform on wliioh he wan plaotid re -oi^iiized the right of the ].»'0^ pie of the Territ«rie.«, as well as thoso of the Srate-^, to regulate tiieir domestic inalittuiong, in(.ludiHtj; that of Slaver}-, their own way — tliat the p?oi)'e should declare for thcmsf.iveR what they wanted. Mr. Breckinridge pledg- ed himself to ttio same piinoipte iu U's Bpeech at Lpxiny;tnn, Ky., aooeprinir the cio;a- ination for Vice-Pn eid^enr. I .stdod b-'iside him on the same p'atiorm j^t Tippecanoe, and heard him maintain this dootrine, and John Breukincidge went as far in its de^ fenoti as any ^quattwr eoverei.l. — Neither Buoluiiian nor Breckinridg;^ wonld or could b.ave br-en t'lected on any o h^r doc- trine. Suf pofe 'hey had come tu you here at .lie North and told you that thc^ did not believe in this principle; that they wore in favor of f ircing Slavery upon the people who did not want it ; 1 ow tpany votes do you i^uppose thpy would have got ? [Voices — *• N«it any .'""I No, not any. But they have changed. I am as much opposed to inter- Tentinn now as I was then. Neither can I comprehend how any good friend of the Union cfia deliberately "go for Congressional intervention. When wa look back to the fonndation of our Guvernuient ; when we trace the principles of our F;a'i"ro in the Dec'jiration of Independence, we ficd that t; \s q'lestion existed in the^ earliest his- tory of om- country. Our fathers did not object to ih-i pass on of the British Govurn- ineut to make laws which were imperirJ ur gener:il iti their operation upon the Coloi.io^; as the rest of the kingdom. What ihey did protest, against was the attempt to iutt-rfbre wiih and control their doineecio institution?, and ariogate power over affairs which were local '0 theraselve?. Our fttthers did not de- sire independence of the Crown in the first inetaiice— they only demanded the right of local Self government. When Great Brit- ain denied them that right, then, and cot befo!e, they declared icdepeudence, as a necessity of acquiring what they Lad de- manded.. Here, you sec, that in the days or oar early history, the doctrine of noa-inteiven- tioD was the one upon which our fathers fought and triumphed in the bloody bat- tles of the Revolution. Andheiewe must etand if we wouhl enjoy the bless ng;? which our fathers transmitted to rs, aud prove oureelves worthy of thetu If you would Boainian 'he liberty they achieved you must preserve inviolate the principles on which it was founded. You must estab- lleh the principle that the people of evory prcjint and coming community shall ba free to PHlabiinh iheir owu laws, and re>{ula*e their instituci.ms in the manner that shall best promote their own interests, of which Ihoy are tho b^^t judg^< Pr-.servo that principle, and there '.viU be harmony thior.ghout the land. The fire< of section'^ al agitation will be quenched; the accnsa- tion.-* that are bandied from either section will ceHSH ; there will be a renewal of bar-, niony betWB'xi the North and tho South ; and the peonle will be broihois once more — hound to^rofher by a cunimoti fraternity and HSekintc ^ commnn interest, tiio same as in the glorious times of the Revolution. I pronouiict^to you that the D.-'ra'-cratic Party h.-H a grand an i l.>fty miss on toper- form. That mission is lo put down North- ern Abolitionism and S.cifhvrn seoeasiou by one aud the same act; t..* put down m- . gressional intervention; put down disunion tlireutenings; put down 'h': whidc disturb- ing suhi'ict, and ro.^tore tii. G >v«rnment to the bisis of peace and sef.iirity. Govern- ment will th^:;ii have tiir..? and iihiify for 'ho performance i,i its legiiiiuate duty. You ask yo:ir member of Ootigres.-. why the Hoasvi did not pass a bill to pay you f r per- vice hon8.-^tly retiderod ? He teds you be- cause there was no rime. You ask him why the Pos ofli'-e system wan not so matured as to bj a seltV-ustainiog instead of a panjier one? i>ei)a'>e there was no t'tne. You ask him why some revenue .siS'em is not de- vised, so that ti!0 Government would sup- poit it-sc-lf, instead of running i.ehind twenty millions a year? B^icaase the.'-e was no tiiiie. You ;isk him w!iat bi's bacjome of Ihe Pacifi; Railroad? F;oni;;i>t was [dedged toiv: Buchanan was pledged to ir ; FiU- morvWaB pledged to it. . E'-cvyboly and all patties were in favor fit? Why, then, ha.-^ it not been buih ? Beeauso there was no time. B'cau.-e tho S'avery qiieation ab- sorbed all other questions, and Oi.'^apied all the til 03. Thure Was time enough to make speeches for and againxt Slavery in t!ie Territories ; time eoongh to makecau. us lesulutionsand settl'3 tho mae.hic.ery of . a Presidential cam- paign ; time enough to fo.-ra and discuss a Congres-ional Jave code; time enouhg to fight and wraugle over the negro, but not a particle to appropriate to the interests of Vvbito men. Now, my friend-^, we maintain that this Government was made by white men, for the benefit of white men, and that it should he administered by white men to pi'omote th<^ in'ere.>t of white men. forever. And I woulil protect the interior races to the fuiltst extent in the enjoy men t of every natural tight to which they are enti'led. I would i.'inish the Slavery question at once arsd forever from tho field Mr. Seward, in his first Message as Governor, endorsed Mr. Ruggles' theory, and recom- mended it as the "policy of the Slate,'- in the following language: I respectfully refer you to a Report of a Com- mittee of the last Housp, in which this subject is discussed, with eminent ability, and which results in showing that the Canals are property substan- tially unencumbered ; that their productiveness would warrant the State in expending in internal improvements |4,000,000 annually, during the pe- riod of ten years ; and that the revenue ot the Ca- nals alone would reimburse this expenditure pre- vious to 1855. This sum exceeds any estimate of the expense required to completa the entire sys- tem, while it is not to be doubted that the parts yet to be constructed, will eventually be produc- tive. The conclusions of this Report, although of vast interest to the State and I trust decisive cfUs folioy, have not been questioned. Thus, was the plaa of increasing the in- debtedness of the State to $40,000,000, de- liberately inaugurated by Seward, Weed, <3f.sel3Y, and their supporters. We cannot more clearly jiresent the his«' tory of the debt creating policy of the oppo- nents of the Democratic party, than by pre- senting a tabular i-tatonicnt, showing the date of all Canal Loans; the amount paid thereon, and showing the amount of Canal debt at the close of each fiscal year, from 1825 forward. Showing, also, the party in power, and the piincipal eras of our Canal history. Canal debt 30th Sept. Borrowed. Paid, each year. 377,000 210,000 87,000 150,003 .240, 95,737 950,000 650,000 810,920 1825 1836, (Dem.) C. & S. canal built, 1827, do 1828, do Oswego. . 1829, do 1830, do 1831, do 1832, do 1833, do 1834, do Chemung.. 1835, do Grook'dLk. 1836, do 1837, do Chenango.. 1838, (Whigs) " New impulse". 1839, do 1840, do 1841, do broke down 1842, dem 1843, do 1844, do 1845, do 1846, do 1847, do N.Con.Sk'g Fd ; 1848, (Whigs) 1849, do 1850, do 1851, do stop'd pay't 1852,dem 1853, do 1854,Rep.Amend Con 2,250,000 3,493,001 1,445,000 3,478, 2,213,497 3,411,618 1,002,700 655,000 245,000 300,000 489,819 150,000 '192,585 1,000,000 700,000 270,000 94,616 ' 20,000 321,142 30,977 9,653 1,478,376 588,000 706,943 651,249 971,644 351,023 67,300 137,726 33,700 143,600 184,763 333,418 1,208,884 2,96!, 780 $7737770 7844770 7750155 7940155 7706013 7825035 8055645 8055645 6673006 7034999 6328056 632680G 6166082 9308120 10785820 14126647 16306374 19574392 20713902 19690020 17028240 284,490 519,919 358,304 482,786 573,609 340,265 1855, do 3,750,000 1856, do 6,750,000 1857, do stop'd pay't 2,750,000 1358, dem 2,200,000 From the foregoing table it appears that : — Democrats were ia power twenty vears, andborrowed, $4,240,000 And paid (mostly Whig debts,) 11,010,839 479,023 2,240,911 4,489,266 102,285 2,929,767 16743740 1C713649' 16.505342 16215144 16641534 17091269 17091269 18772244 20281333 22542066 25189781 ^4460614 Democrats paid more than they borow'd 6,470,83/ Whigs and Republicans were in office, thirteen years, and borrowed $36,576,834 Paid only 12,754,932 Whigs and Republicans borrowed more than they uaid $23821899 To which should be added the §2,500,000 borrowed last fall, to pay the '- floating debt." contracted by the Seward Republi- cans, which increases the canal debt to $26,- 960,614. The first important era presented by the above table, is that the canal debt in 1825, was $7,737; 770, at which time the Erie and the Cijyuga and Seneca canals had been built, and from that period to 1837, large sums ha8*been expended on the enlarge- ment of the Erie, 'and in building the Oswe- go and Chemung, Crooked Lake, and the Chenango canals, and at the close of the year 1837, it will be seen that the canal debt had been reduced to $6,166,082, The eecond noticeable era, which was developed under "now impulse" of Seward, Weed, GRKELEy, KrooLKr* & Co., w)>; jm inoreM»^e otcaiial !ohiih tn.m 1838 tolSil of $10, 40,25)2. Tlie enormous sum of over tetj uiiliioiis WfS .HnilH'iized by the Legisla- ture, hop'OAOi) imd in-ii ly sq'iand red by gEWARO, WkED GliF.ELEY, RbGGl.ES & Co., in Kur years in adt'ition to the surplus Revenues, awd the preniiuinm ohtiiincd for the first two yenrs upon 5 nid 6 per cent, loans, VV ben the Sewardiles took [msses- sion of the public work-, State stocks com- manded a hundfome preniium. Evtry thing of course went on s>*'iiim,ingly until the eumnier nnd tall of 18-11, when capitalists and t \ery ui.e else became alarmed at the rcckle^^ prodigality ot the Sewarditef, as it was known tl at ut least half of the ten ttilliorus bi/rrowed had been squandered on party favorites, instetid of applying the money to the pavmcnt of coniracts tor canal Work The war.ton spirit of profligacy which had cliaracteriZ' d the L"gis^ature and the 6iae ( tii,ci-s during the four yenrs, had so comjileiely destr<'>ed ihe sfcd creating a State tax ot one mill, and other measures were adopted, wliich biought the credit of the Stale up to par. it will alto be seen that it was necesi^ary to borrow if. 184-ii, $3,41 1,618, to pay up contractors and others — den ands that liad been contraced by the Sewapds ITES TLe talile also shows t.he condition of the State financ s from 1842 np^t) the close of the year 18-1-7, during which time the DemotratH ma rdy h id the control of the affairs of ihc S ate and tliea}steinoteco:;omy which they adopted reduced the Siaie in- dfcbtfcdness nearly turkb millions of dollars. It is proper to remark liore, that the new Constitution went intn effect in 1847, with itH stiing^Qi financiHl provisions which pro- hibited State Legislatures from borrowing money in the reckless m«nner whicli lia4 been adopted by the friends of the '' more speedy ddrt gement" policy. In the fall of 1846, J.ttr.v VooNG was elected Governor, and also a debt-crf'atinti Legislature, but the financial provisions of the New Consti'ution prevented any increase of indebtedness du- ring Gov. YoD.s'O and Hamilton Fish's ad- ministrations. Washington Hdnt took the gubernatorial chair in 1851, with a Legisla- ture strongly irnhued with the '' mor3 speedy ei largeme.it" policy, and v- rious efiorts were then made to get round the Constitutional provisions 'Hgainst en/argzng the State debt The Sewahdites, at this period had become seedy, and anxious to the last degree, f'>r 8poil«i and plunder. Tne governim nt offi- cials, aided by the "inevitable" liuggles, finally decided upon a scheme for raising $9,000,000, by the i^sue of Revenue Certifi-^ cates to complete the Canals, and for parti- zan plunder, without, as they facetiously claimed. incre«sing the debt oi the -State. — Therefore, on a mere pledge of the " Canal Revenues," the lender expressly reletmng the State from any liability resulting from a failure of the revenues, they borrowed $.1,- 500,000. The coiiHpii-Hiors against the hon- or and credit of the State, were at the same time cinpelled to pass a law, repe:ding the jicr, impo-^ing tolls upon the Railrt>ad8 ot the State h was claimed by ."^EWAKD, Weeb and RcGGLES, that th 8 transparent jnggle avoidtd the conslituiional prnhibilioii against inerens ng the State debi. Thus was the Legislature of 1851 deluded into the belief that they had seccecs ully defeated the wise provisions ul the Consituiiou, by the above nnconstituiional act. The spoilsmen, as above staled, raised SI. 500.000 by the issue of " revenue certificates." In the mt- anvvhi e, the Sewahd lobby, with the double purpose of plunder and the ele- vation of Mr. Seward to the Presidency in 1852, organized and controlled the distribu- tion of the $9 000,0 cf contracts by plac- ing them, as far as possible, in the riykt hands, and giving ihen) to \hif highest bidder. The grand scheme of debt and plunder was brought to a dead eland by .VIr. Newell, the able and tlfi.deni Dv mocraiic Canal Au- ditor, who refused to r< cognize the unconsti- tutional revenue act for raising money, or to recogu'ze the Canal Contrac s upon whioh the money was to bt- squandt-rod. TheL gislatun-, ihen in sess on, passed a law, of a s ngli) siciion, directing him to place ihe|9 000,000 comracts "on file'' in his < fBce. He refused to obey it, on the gromiil that they were not "contracts" ia the ineaiiing of an existing law which re- quired him to pay upon co 'tracts ''on file" in his (tffice. In the mefinwhile the manda- mus suit had been c tirnd to the Court of Appeals, where it was elaborately argued by the Aaditor'8oonn'JAl,Mpaars. Denio, Bkakds- LEY. and J. 0. Spkncbr, and the whole scheme. wir.f< all i a =i.tt,etulfint absnrdiries, its conflitus with the Oonfltitnti)n, and its 'well laid sc'ienii's" of jil'inder and speculation, •waaset asido as void. The decision of the Ooart was gratftfuliy received by an out- raged pei)|)lo who felt that the State had been ineaHurably shielded from dinhonor; and not a murtnur of much bcond the means of paymt-nt, that another and second collapse and stoppaiie of the public worka was the n-sult, wiiich ' ccossarily led to the increafto ot the Suite tix. nnder the first year of Gov. Sf.ymoprs administration, the most of which WHS paid on canal cimtrRcts. The amendmnnt of the Consritution, to borrow $9 000,000, to complete the Canals was? finally adopted as the only practicable means of ge'ting rid of thecon'racts entered int(f by the S^warditeg, nnder their '■ Canal revenue certificate^!," and other complications growing out of that wild financial soherne. — The peofle consented to t'ds amendment under the nms" positive ne.-uranoe that S9,^ 000,000 would be ample to complete all the public works. The annendment was there- fore adopied in 1854, and sab.seqaenfc facts show that if the amount • orrowed under the amendment <>f the Constitutico, had been honestly extc"!v yeaisof abstinence, the result of their reckless, yiartiisan management, may be seen in the sateraent of the following facts : In three years t!ie S9 000.000 was all borrowed and sp^^nt, though the borrowmg was limited by the amendment to $2,500,000 per year, which would take fur years. It was loaned at aa interest of 5/x per cent.,-wbea a premium could have b'^en had for it at five andlor t!ie snie purpose of getting a high premium on the stock, which amounted to about $1,500,000. The i/ioney being ail spent, and the power to borrow exhausted, there was, in the first year of Gov. King, another and a third Buspeusion of payment and stopppge ot work. But the cifcumstaucos of this stoppage, and the occasion of it, and the condition of the finances, are worthy of nntiee. The amend- ment provided for "$9 000.000, as an amnle Bum to complete all 'he works. Let us 'now Bee what is the present condition of the means and the works : Borrowed under amendment, ; $9,000,000 Premium on a fi per cent, stock, say I,o()0,(iu0 Taxes for the Cttaals iu the last 6 years, 8,600,000 Floating debt paid by loan in Dec. 1859, 2,500,000 Work to be done, any , . l.r.oo.OOO Cost of i/iw work, nearly Ihree timat tbo original cost of the Erie Oftnal 118,000,000 This is double th».estimiti, of fivo years ago. The sum of $16,500,000 has i^eon pro- cnred and si>ent, and it will prob'iblv require over $5,000 000 more 'to complete the pub- lic worl.s and discharge the onmerooa claims for Canal damage.'*. It will be .seen by the tabli giving the amount ot the Stnte debt at the close of each fisi^al year, that the $10,500,000, together with the State taxes, wa^ rai>idly expended under the Seward Republican Mile. [r« the ye ir 1856, under Gov. Clark's ac'irnnia'-ratiori, it will he seen that nearly $7,000,000 was borrowed. This system of reckless prnd-gdity was puraned until the Fall of 1857, when the third grand era in our Canal hi.r the completion uf the Ca- nals, made only five years ago, and the wore than doublinsc of the taxes for the suoportof the government, both during the five years of Governors Clark. King and Morgan, af- fori'8 matter for serious reflection. Both are evidences of a profligacy of expenditure of v/hich there is no similar esanip e in the history of the government. With the fact that there 's nosucce.ssful effort in any qunr- ter to look into Puch enormities — no voioeof deprecation or warning from press or people — they furnish proof of a stolid indifference on the part of the community, which is mm's.sioner8 proposed were Skwakd Republicans — Comptroller Denniston, and JohnT. Clark, a former State Engineer. . The present indebtedness of the State, may be stated as follows : General Fund debt, §«,.')0.5,6.'>4 37 Canal Stock debt 24,46y,ul4 48 Canal Stock to pay "floating debt,".. 2,i>00,000 06 Contingent debt — Stocks loaned to Corporations, worthless 770,000 Oft Estimated Canal claims for construc- tion and Canal damages, inclu- ding the balance due on "float- ing debt," 5,300,000 00 $40,C35,C68 75 Does any one doubt the correctness of the estimate of the la^ item in the above state- ment? If so, let them examine but two sin- ^e enactments of the Legislature of last Winter, out of over one hundred of Canal claims. The amount of the surplus water claims of Lockport is, in the aggregate, $646,000. In another act for the settlement of work done on the Erie Canal, over $100,- 000 is claimed. Over $00,000 is still duo on awards for diversion of the waters of the Black River. There 1^=, at least, one hun- dred other claims lor Canal damages, besides large unsettled chiims for construction. — We think $5,800,000, is below the actual amount the State will be compelled ultimate- ly to pay on the above claims. ]\Ir. Conk- ling, a Republican Member of the Legis- lature from the city of New York, and Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means of the Assembly, in a speech on the last day of the session, stated the items of the State debt, and proved that it tiien amounted to $40,000,000. DEBT AND TAXATION. Laege Amoukts of tbe People's Money have ~BEEN' Squandered — An Investigation into the Canal Frauds Refused by the Legislature OF 1859. In the foregoing statements, we have shown the condition and progress of the Public Works, the time and manner of contractiug the present State in debtedness, the circumstances connected with the three periods of State suspension and bank- ruptcy, and the causes which produced those three disaaterous results. We propose in this article, lo show that a. large amount of the peo- ple's money has been squandei-ed bv the servants of the people, and shall, so far as facts and cir- cumstances will permit, place the frauds that have been committed upon the guilty parties. We have shown that tbe present indebtedness of the State reaches the large sum of over $40,000,- 000, and that the present (stock) caual debt is $26,960,014. For the purpose oi showing that there has been a gross and wasteful expenditure of the public funda, we will give an ollicial statement of the amount of the surplus revenues of the canals, from 1S3G, to January iSo'J, and the amount ex- pended for the construction of the Public Works; "" Expeuoe of Gross tolls collection, su- "Nett pro- Years. in each fiscal per'tendence ceeds" each year. and ordinary year. » repairs. 1836.... $1,598,455 48 $ 467,599 33 §1,130,85015 1837.... 1,325,609 17 608,992 60 710,016 17 1838.... 1,655,275 16 622,027 29 843,249 87 1839 .... 1,655,788 5fi 504,757 53 1,151,026 03 1840 .... 1,606,827 28 575,020 58 1,031,800 70 1841 .... 1,989,666 71 514,517 55 1,475,16916 1842.... 1,797,163 80 642,584 30 1,154,879 50 184.'3 .... 1,953,329 08 531,145 50 1,422,683 52 1844.... 2,383,4.57 3-4 636,857 i2 1,751,699 62 1845 .... 2,375,533 43 738,100 32 1,637,427 11 184G.... 2,798,849 76 639,353 01 2,1.59,4y6V5 1847... 3,463,710 26 643,766 08 2,819,944 18 1848 .... 3,150,963 38 855,850 64 2,301,11774 1849 .... 3,378,920 18 685,803 91 2,093,117 27 1850 .... 3,393,081 37 .835,965 81 2,557,113 55 1851 .... 3,703,999 34 907,730 20 2.796,2H9 14 1852 .... 3,174,357 1,049,045 2,125,811 57 1853.... 3,162,190 1,098,476 2,003,713 22 1854 .... 2,982,114 1,237,806 1,744,248 77 1855.., 2,672,906 989,792 1,043,114 00 1850.... 2,721,740 786,633 1,935,107 23 1857 .... 2,529,806 970,453 1,501,350 92 1858 .... 2,072,204 1,078,878 '.(93,325 97 Add the sum which has been levied by taxation for canal purpo3e3,for the same period ■ !j39,709,043 14 ,147,n90 87 $42,856,237 01 in Senate document 7, page 149—1858. Deduct the amount actually paid on account of the canals, asstated in the Ooinptrollers Report ofl859. . 42,'J09,179 61 Surplus $;587,000 00 The above statement shows the amount of money received for .canal purposes, and the whole amount paid out on the various works of internal improvement. It also shows that there should have been a surplus in the State Treasury at the above date, of $587,060 00. In this view of the above facts, it is certainly import.vnt for the tax-payers to inquire what has become of the above surplus, and it is still more important to know what has become of the money received upon loans, and how it happens that the canal debt of the State at the same time, was §24,469,- 014 48, and what their public servants have done with that teri/ large sum of money, together with the premiums received on loans of several mil- lions. Another important inquiry would' be, as to how many of the forty-two millions actually expended, is the result of the reckless run-in- debt plan adopted by the visionary friends of the more speedy enlargement policy which has been pursued since the abandonment of the pru- ' dent system adopted in 1835 and 0?— how many millions are chargeable to extravagance and favoritism of party friends ; and how many to the frauds of Caual Commissioners, Engineers and Contractors ? The State Comptroller in Lis report of 1859, in speaking of the amount of money received from surplus canal revenues and taxes, page 27, says: "It is believed not to be au extravagant estimate to say, that a faithful application of the revenue 11 to the purposes designed would have accomplisli- ed all that has been done, and left a surplus which would have finished the works, nearly sa- tisfied all the contributions lo tke General Fund, and left us comparatively free from debt, and en- tirely free from taxation." The above facts show conclusively, that if the prudent policy which governed tho Democratic party, from 1S25, to the close of 1857, had been pursued, that all our Public Works would have now been fully completed, and the State entirely clear of debt, and ot course, free from taxation. It was, therefore, a great mistake that the people > made ia placing the State Government in th^ hands of Messrs. Si;w.\itD, Weed, RaGGLEs & Co., in 1333. It is worthy of notice, that every in- crease of indebtedness has been made by the op- ponents of the Democratic party, and that they have since 1838, three times been compelled to Stop payment, and abandon the Public Works, as follows: in 1841, in 1831, and in 1354. It is alt,o iTorthy of special notice, that the Democratic jrtarty have always adherred to the pay-as-you-go policy adopted in 1335, and that since 1837, when they have been in power, they have invariably annually decreased the State debt. A comparison between the two systems may ba stated as fol- lows ; The Democratic Policy, recommended by Gov. BotrcK, and his associatijs, would haj^ secured us ihe completion of the following Canals : The Erie Canal Enlargement; the Oswego Canal Enlargement ; the Genesee Yal!ey Canal ; the Black Siver Canal. There would now be a clear nett annufS surplus «fCaaal Tolls, of over One million of dollars, ap- plicable to the expenses of Government. The mill and one-eighth tax for the support of Government could be repealed. The tax of o":[ mills for this year would not have been levied. No tax to pay interest would be necessary. And to crown all, the State would be free from debt. The Seward-Rtjggles policy, on the contrary, has overwhelmed us with a debt of over Forty millions of dollars ; the payment of which will impose upon the people many years of grinding taxation, and in addition to this, and in aggrava- tion of it the canals are not yet completed. They refuse an investigation. A fruitless at- .tempt was made in 1858,by a Democratic member of the House, before calling on the people for more money, to have these expenditures investi- gated, and he gave notice of a bill for that pur- pose, the title, preamble.and first section of which was as follows : AN ACT to provide for an investigation into al- leged frauds on the Canals, The people of the State of New York, represented in Senate and Assembly, do enact as folloK» : — WHEREAS, an amendment of the Constitution of this State, was adopted by the people at an election held iu the month of February, 1S54, which authorized the borrowing of Nine millions of dollars to complete the Public Works ; and WHEREAS, it appears from the Reports of the public Offlcers, that the coet is to bs about Eigh- teen millions, or about double the estimates, on which the amendment was based ; and WHEREAS, it is alleged and universally be- lieved that extensive frauds have been committed in the expenditure of the money, and which have led to the enormous increase ot expense ; and WHEREAS, the people are to be again called on to furnish, in the shape of taxes or loans, ad- ditional means of about Five millions of dollars to complete the Canals; and WllEREAS, it is due to the people before call- ing on them for further contributions of money, that an earnest effort should be made to investi- gate the alleged frauds for the purpose of guard- ing against their repetition in the expenditure ot the additional means required. Sec. 1. Robert De.nniston-, of the county of Oran^re, Jonx T. Clauk, of the county of Oneida, and Dakius A. Ogde.\, of the county of Yates, are hereby appointed Commissioners, with power to inquire into and fully investigate the said alleg- ed frauds upon the Canals of this State, and all the acts of persons in any way connected with the expenditure of the monies raised for their con- struction, completion or maintenance. So -averse was the immaculate Republican ma- jority to have the investi'^iition prosecuted, that, though the majority of the Commission pro- posed was of their own men, Messrs. Dexnis- Tox, their candidate for Comptroller, and Mr. Clark, their former State Engineer, the bill could never be got before the House— the frequent efforts to that end being always-met by points of order, or other difficulties which forced the aban- donment of tlie attempt. The Republicans did not dare to permit a legal investigation into their canal management by honorable men of their own party. Does not their refusal show conclusively that they were the guilty parties, who have so. basely squandered the people's money and entailed many long years of grinding taxation upon the people of this State ? Will the tax-payers again trust this class of Sewakd and Wesd Republicans with the manage- ment of their Staie afi"airs? Cau they as good citizens do les.s than to oppose them by their votes in the approaching State Election '! OPPRESSIVE AXD P.UIKOCS TAXATIOX— THE STATE TAX FOR 1660— PROFLIGATE LEGISLATIOX. The Legislature of 1857, which was more than thre€ to one Republican, freely engaged in partizan Legislation of the most ruinous character to the State treasury, and to obtain the money to meet speculative and prodigal legislation, they levied a State tax of 2>|' mills, which>mounted to $3,221,- 775, and this large amount was not sufiicieat to pay all of the unnecessary appropriations they made. The increase was so large, and their legis- lation was proved to be so corrupt and shameful, that the tax-payers in the fall of 1857, Beversed the Repulican majority of 1856 of 80,000, and elected the Democratic State ticket, and in 1S5S the tax was reduced about half a million of dollars. At the election of 1859, the Republicans, by a fusion with the Americans in most of the Senate and As- sembly districts, had a very large majoiity in the last Legislature. The acts of the last Legislature are admitted on all hands to be the most profligate and corrupt of any legislative body that ever con- vened m. this or any other professedly free State. 12 The tax which tbev levied upon the different coun- ties of the State, we aive in full. The Stiite tax the present year is the largest ever know. From a careful compildtion of the Talue of proprtrtv, hs reported by State A.^sessors, in Assemly Docuineut N« 11 of 186), the follow- ing :ire the amcunt^ to be paid in by each county, to satisfy the 3 'i mill State tax, leried by the last legislature. Albanv Alle^Hnv...- f 11/. 1 '(• i» :V2 ISt^ 42 ""••i"" Onondiga... 99 136 23 Br.M.me. ... 27 SjO -ii Oiit..rio H ,304 80 Cattaraus;u3. . 27 ISS2^ Oruige . 96,3-1^ 95 Cayiiira 72 il;V. <'u Orleans . 35,t'8.S 64 Chautauqua. M.98-2 S^ Oswezo . .n.5,971 01 CheiDuiig. . 2r>t>'2<8|Ti..g>i 20 772 74 K-g^ Lewis 400 92'.) 73 Tompkins .. 2^,1.93 ,59 I'<.73iti0l Ulster 66 097 02 Linn ston.. ft3,:0H .56. VV in en »■ .. 9.35H 10 Midi>on.... 4.3.1 = 7 81 ! Washington. 59,4G'J 15 Monroe )o3f)22 37|WHyne 60,7ii2 90 Woiit^oiiiery ?2,7,f>8.h»'e-tche.>ter 174 ".28 77 New York.. 2,07l).o3-' 7s' Wyoming . . 31,326 90 Niagara 61,655 33, Yates 2S,981 80 Total #' 3ll,0-t() 64 Tiiis raises the enormous sum fif $,5,3 1 1,090 6? If a tax of FIVE MILLIONS THttBS HUNDRED AND ELEVliN xaCDSAND KINKTT DOLUKS AND SIXTV FOUE CaNTS, to be paitl the iire.senl fall and wii.ter, does not arouse llie tax ptvtrs to an examination of the causes which have produced such a large and op- pressive tax, it is certain that they are iud.ffe:ent to their most imporlaiit duties as citizens. The amount that Jeffeisou County Will have to pay is FIFTT-NISK TDOUSAND T«0 UlI.VDEtD DULL^nS AND BIGHTY-EIGHT CENTS, beside: their town and Coun- ty taxes 'The Legislature, in addition, jiroposed to donate ONE MILLION OF DOLLAii.s to the Alb.my and Susquehannati K. K. Co . and passed an act authoiizing the levy of a direct tax for that purpose; but th:t scheme of peculation and plunder was stopped by the Guvernoi's veto. Tut the New York 7'. ihine char>>es that the Gov- ernor's veto of thAl and the swindling " gi id iroa" Eailroad bill, *as a sh^im on the Governor's part, aait had been iufornned that the Governor hud used his inlluence to have the bills pas-ed by the Legislature, over his vetoes. To t-how that we have done no injustice to the last Republican Letiijlature, we give the following from a recent mmiberof the .\'ew Yoik li-ihune: «• It is iiii undeniable fact that th'p hist Legisla- ture ot ttiis Sl^ie WHS III p irt compo-sed ol as tcraco less a set of I'ohtical dem.igogues, public plun- dernrs. coniipl place seekers, and low-bred iiot- bii')>c po'iiiciaiis. us ever went unwhipped of jus- tice. And it niajiirity of those were the pliunt toi.ls ol Thurlow Weed." Yea, Thcelow Wkkd was the great broker of the session. The Tribune had the following complimeutary notice of their adjournment : " Tie Legislature— let us be reverently thankful for all mercies— h IS adjourned atlast! This is the ol of consolition which softens all earthly afflictions — they come to an end. And we do not believe it. possible that another body so reckless not inerelv of RIGHT but o! dbcbnct- not merely CORRUPT but sn\MKLKSS — wiil bf- assembled in our halls of legislation within the next ten years. Several other Republican jouraals have spoken in equally strong terms, ia regard to the base con- duct of the last Legislature. At the recent Republican: State Convention the efforts of the Tritium and other Republican journ.il.s were treated with contempt by Thurlow Weed, and his lobby friends, who had the contrchemes of plunder, is cow in Syracuse the warm and earnest advocate of Mr. Morgan's re nomination. The West Washington Market bill— the City Railroad bills, and all tlie other thievish measures of last winter were supported and lobbied for by Gov. Morgan's bod v-guard of office-holders, all of whom are here, casting up their caps for Morgan's nomination. The Senators, Assemblymen and Clerks who have been ass liled by Mr. Greeley, as the princi- pal legislative robbers, are to a man, the ailvocates of Gov .Morgan, whose vetoes, had they been honestly made, would have stamped them all as corrupt knaves. Glance for a moment at the disinterested char- acter of Morgan's loud mouthed applauders. I can give you but a minute portion of those who are on band diiviug through the Convention the Albany " slate." IJefore my window, gathered in groups, I see at this moment the following representatives of the several sums placed against their names, all drawn from the .State 'I reasury, under the kind patrtfnage of Gov. Morgan : Schultz, ilarbor Master, draws per an., $ 8,000 Annabic " " " .. 8,000 Coulter, " " " . . 8,000 Marston, '■ " " .. 8,000 VanValkenburgh " " " .. 8,000 Benedict, *' " " ., 8,000 Barber, " " " .. 8,000 Robert Murray, " " " . , 8,000 Lou Lounsbui-y, Port Warden, about. , , 5,(;00 Sam? Russell, " "... 6,000 William Riciiardson, Clerk of Assembly, " with perquisites, Ac, about.'. 25,000 Luther Caldwell, deputy Cl'k, " ".. 20,000 L. O. Brainard, grantee City R. Ii.(uncer- tain bat probably) . 500,000 Owen W. Breunaii, Tiiylor's paitntrin Washington Mdiket. pas^iedover Mor- gan's veto, worth probably 1,200,000 Connover, City Kail rod.is, probably IU0,(.i00 gcbullz, Helt Kailroads. probably 200,000 Dr. Thompson, Ex- Health officer Brook- lyn rail roads, probably 50,000 J. P. CnmreiiDgs, Com. of Eniigratiou. . . 20,0'i0 Jttmes Kelly, Tax Com., New Vork 10,000 Total of disinterested advocates of Mor- fan now beneath my window Sf'2, ?99,000 hen bef re my i yes at the same m, are, with their peculiar disinterestedness, patrinti^m and self- sacntice, pertinaciously urging the re-noujination of the excellent Morjian. Nor shonld Jem Nje, OiJcley Hnll, Dan. Conover and a troupe of our Albany Iriet^ds of the Third Bouse be omitted froui the categoi> ofMorganiies charmed, indeed, must they beat the " honesty" of tue Kxecutivu Veto ! Mr. Weed nas emphatically "got" this ccnven- tion. He is all-powerliil here andean wield the e^ement.^ as he will. As to poor, unsophi:Hicat9d Mr. Greeley, he is " nowhere." We think the above facts piove conclusively that Gov. Mol:GA^f and TnuRLOw Weed had a per- fect understanding in regard to his vetoes of some oi the corrupt laws of l^st winttr, and that they both used their influence, as stated by Mr. Greb- LET, ti) procure the passage over MokGan's vetoes. The ve'oes were nec' ssary to shield the Governor and the party proper from the charge ol corr upt and sc.tudaious legislaiion. If Morgan's vetoes were not a mei-e pretence, then certainly every corrupt lobby of last winter would not have been so anxious for his le-uominatioa. Governor Morg.\n was unanimously re- nominated, and not a word of condemnation 'washeaid against the extravagance of ihe last Legislature, or the remarkable conduct of Govern- 01 Morgan, in regard to his vetoes, but indirectly at least, the conducT.of Governor Mokgan and his corrupt Legislature of last winter, was endorsed^ It is, therefore, evident thatvVEED, Rdggles and the lobby i f last winter, will have the couli ol and manaj^emeut of the next Legisla ure, if the liepub licans carry the State. If Morgan should be re- elected, with a Republiian uiiijoiity 'n the next Legi.^latuie, '•« may look out fur grtoter- profli- gacy and corruption at the session, of liHl, than • was that of the last session. Itislorthe tax pa_\ ers in the State to decide ■whether they will prolong the syetem of Legisla- tive corrup'iiin, by electing Gov. Moroan and a Republican Le^islatur-e. If they wi.sh to continue the system, they will vote (or the Repuhlicun can- didates. It li.ey desire, however, pruleul Legis- lation, and an econuiuical a 'ministraiiou of the State Go^erriiijent, they will vote to defeat Mor- gan, Wekd. and the lobby jl last v\ inter. Any cbuuge will be an impiovemciu ceriiinly. The democi-aiic party, who have always oppos- ed the system of debt and taxation have iilaiid in nomiu'tate .Agricultural College. The nom- ination of W1LLIA.M b\ Allen, of Oswego, for Lieut. Guveroiir, is conceded to be a good nomi- nation. Toe ability, integrity and high sense of honor of both gentlemen is a sure guarantee to the tax payers ol the State, that there can be no more squandering of the people's money if they are elected. Their political opponents are com- pelled to speak in their praise. We annex the following: Tiie A:bany Slatesman (Republican,) with unusual camlor, ailmiLs: ' Hon. William Kelly, the nominee for Gover- nor, i.s the st.ou^est ni >n they have m th" State. He is one of the purest anil truest men the sun ever shone upon— one of the lew, the very few, that has never beira}ed an ambition for office, and who has alwujs" dischariitd the Iru&t.- the people ha\e imposed upon him, with a fidelity thai recognized the public good as suj.eriijr to the supiBtilacj of part} and the acvanccmeut of par tizaus. '• .ludge Allen, the candidate for Lieutenant Governor, has been moie in public life than Mr. Kelh, and alwa^^s Willi a credit to himself and honor lovei-nor, is Judge ol the Snpiem^ Court, who^e personal, prolessional and judicial character is ineproucu- able. The New York Times, says: " The Di'ugl,:8 Democrats have completed their Stale I'ickei, ard I heir selecfoii indicates a dis- position uot to give up the State without a trial. 'i ill ir iionii: ee for' (Jovernor, Wm. Kelly, is a geiitl. riiaii of estiniuble character and of wide iq- fliieiice be\o..d the ciicle of politics. He has Wealth, cultur-e, rur.il tus es and habits, and con- siderable acquaimauce wilii pulilical life and public affairs. He s rveo in the tale Senate in ]65.< and I8')4, and won universal coiifideme and esteeiiu The otier names OQ the ticket embody a good deal ol lu.al sliength. Tax-payepy, which rf the two State tickets do you think will be the most likely to promote the best interest of the State ? 14 Itisforjoii to determine whether the ruu-in- debt policy— the corrupt partizan I^egislation and annually increasing taxation shall continue? Let your votes in November decide whether yon pre- fer an ecouoaiical or an extravagant and corrupt State administration. REPUBLICAN CORRUPTION. The. irliameles.'i robbery of the last Legis- lature, imdor tbe lead uJ Gov, Morgan, THtfRLovr Weed, aad one of the most vcrij- cious lobbicji ever oongregated at the CApital of the State, WHS denouucod tis follows by the Eepublichn Journals: From the Evening Post, (Republican) April 18. " We must say for it, that, in our confident be- lief, 80 corrupt and shameless a body of men never came together in this State. The name of the Legislature of 1860, will be a term of scorn, a bye-word, and- a hissing, as long as it is remem- bered." From the Courier and Enquirer, (Repub* iican) siiQie d;iy. " The present Legislature; as a legislative bod}', has won for itself an undying fame. A worso one could hardly have been formed." From the Tribune, (Republican.) sama day. ■ " We do not believe it is possible that another body so reckless, not merely of right, but of de- cency—not merely corrupt, but shaoieless— will be assembled within our hai:3 for the next ten years." Will any tax-payei- doubt the charges of base and profligate corruption wliicb ha? been made against the whole body of Ke- publican Legislators and officc-lioldsr;;. after the admission made by the Republican journals as above set-forth? We think every tax -payer is convinced of the plunder- ing proclivities of nearly all of the Republi- can leaders. But notwithstanding the conceded ad- mission of the dishonesty of the last legis- lature and the Republican. State officers of THE Albany lobby, marshalled by Weed a.i;d hil ASSOC) ateb, have rc-uominated Gov, Morgan and Li. Gov. Campbell, at their recent State Canveation. The re-noniinatioi of Morgan by the lobby influence of last winter, shows such a pctfect contempt for tae interest and wishes of the people, and especially for a large portion of the Republican press and voters, that it would seem that the corrup- tionists rely uiion using a portion of their corrupt gans of last winter in purchasing votes enonj_'h to insaro the election of their State ticket and a majority of the members of the next Assembly. Will the tax-payers of the State endorse the scandalous legislative frauds of last winter, by voting for Morgan and Republican members of Assembly? Look at the tax of 3;^ mills levied by the last LegisKature, which will draw over riVE millions from the hard earnings cf the people the present year. Who tiae made more out of the Liegi-'ature thau Governor Morgan ? At a Republican caucus in Brooklyn, Hon. 6. D. Backus, Ex-member of Assembly, (Rep.) charged Gov. Morgan with being a Legislative speculator, as follows: Gov. Morgan's connection with tlie con>- solldation ot the Nesv York Central Rail- road, by whicli, while a State Senator in l8o3, he liad acquired his great wealth, of the many schiimes to increase his own pa- tronag?, was th5.t so presistently lobbied by his private Secretari', lor the sale of the Quarantine Ground at private sale, in one lot, instead of by the Commissioners in small lots. It is a notorious fact that xMoroa^ . i. State Senator, made more th:-.;-iTwo ..u-s- DRED THOUSAND DOLLARS OUt 01 his positlott during tlie two years. The proof against Morgan is now too strong for any one to doubt, that he used his influence indirectly, if not directly, to induce the Legislature lo pass many ot tho infamous bills, for plundering the people over his vote. Will Mr. Baoici's and the Brooklyn Republicans support G-sv. Mor- gan? They have repudiated and denoun- ced Dr. TuxyiLL tlieir Republican member, for voting for the same bills. We say im- phatically, that no good citizen will vote for Morgan, who is fully acquainted witli his political schemes for rains. DOUGLAS' KECEPTION & SPEECH AT NOREOLK, VIEGimA. NoitFOLK, Au^. 2(3, 1800, Ori landing, Judge Doiio;lai expressed iii- thanks for tho uaespected .varmth of his welcome, and for a coupk- of hours after- wards was occupied in j e'cciiviogliis friends at tho liotel. During the day lie vUited Portsmouth, by invitation, and was escorted to the Ocean Hoilse there, and underwent the inevitable and dreary ceremony of a reception. In tho evening an immense crowd gath- ered on the streets of Norfolk, bonfires were lighted, bands played,, and a queer time o f 15 it altogether was had, fermenting an enthu- siasm foreign to the Norfolkites, A commit- tee of nrrangeraents was formed, ;iud under their directions the whole body of people proceeded to tlie Court House yard. Judge Douglas soon appeared there also, and taxing his stand on the topmost step ol the btone. fligljt leading to the entrance of the building, he proceeded at once to ad- dress the the assemblage, computed at sis thousand people. He spoke for nearly two hours, and made one of the most forcible of his popular sovereignty speeches. This was the burden of his speech throughout, inter- spersed with occasional references to the men and topics attracting most attention a few years ago, and with which, from his late Bpeeches, the readers of the .. Union are fa- miliar. In the middle of his address a slip of pa- per was handed to him. It was cut from the Norfolk Daily Argiis^ and contained two po- lite questions for Judge Douglas. Having ascertained the question thus pro- pounded, he said thereon, I am not in the habit of answering questions thus propound- ed to me in the course of an address, but on this occasion I will comply with the request and respond very frankly and un^ equivocally to these two questions. The first question is \? Abraham Lincoln be elected President of -the United States will the Southern States be justified in seceding from the Union ? To this I emphatically answer no. (Great applause ) The election of a man to the Presidency by the American people, in con- formity with the eonsititution of the United States, would not justify any attempt at dis- solving this glorious confederacy. (Applause.) Now I will read yon the next question and thfen answer it. .Question — If they, the Southern States, secede from the Union upon the inauguration of Abraham Lincoln, before he commits an overt act against their constitutional rights, will you advise or vindicate resistence by force to their secession ? . Voices — "No, no! Bell men say no, Douglas." Mr. Douglas— 1 answer emphatically that it is the duty of the PiTesident of the Unis ted States and all others in authority under bin, to enforce the laws of the United States as passed by Congress and as the courts expound them. (Cheers.) And I, as in duly bound by "my oath of fidelity to the Constitution, would do all in my power to aid tlie government of the United States in maintaining the supremacy of the laws against all resistence to them, come from wliat quarter it might. (Good.) In other words, I think the President of the United States whoever he may be, should treat all attempts to beak up the Union, by resistence to its laws, .as Old Hickory treated the nu!- lifiers in 1832. (Applause.) The laws must be enforced, but at the same time, be it re- membered, it is the duty of every eitizen of overy State, and every public functionary, to preserve, maintain and vindicate the rights of every citizen and the rights of every '■State in the Union. I hold tliat the constitution has a remedy for every griev- ance that may aiiee within the limits of the Union. 1 am very frank in answering these questions. I am not in favor of any policy which would tend to give rise to complaints or murmurings, mucli less to sucii as would call for resistance from any (]uarter. I acknowledge the inherent ,ind inalien- able right to revolution whenever a griev- ance becomes too burdensome to be borne. I acknowledge the right of every man to re- bel and change the form of government un- der which he lives whenever it prove.? de- structive to the ends for which it was estab- lished. That is a right, however, never to be resorted to until the operations of the government become more grievous than the consequences of revolution. And thf-cf^ro I say that the mere inauguration of a Presi- dent of the United States whose political opinions were, in my judgment, hostile to the Constitution and safety of the Union, without an overt act on his part, 'withont striking a blow At our Constitution or our rights, is not such a grievance as would jus- tify revolution or secession. (Cheers.) — Hence, I say, whoever may be elected Presi- dent of the United States, he msst be sus- tained in the exercise of all his just consti^ tutional prerogatives and powers. If he transcends thera we will punish him with all the rigor of the law: (A storm of applause.) I, for one, will sustain with all my energy the President whenever he may be in the exer- cise ot all the powers conferred upon him by the constitution, but I would take just as ' much pleasure in hanging him if he tran- scended those powers, as I feel pleasure in knowing that you hanged John Brown when he was guilty of murder and treason against the State of Virginia. (Kenewal of storm.) I am a law-abiding man, a Union-loving man, and I believe the Union can be main- tained by a laithful- observance of the Cons stitution, but I insist in exacting the fulfil- ment in good faith of every provision of that constitution; I insist on a line of policy which will place all the people of all the States in an txact equality, and maintain and protect them in their just rights, but which will also compel obedieno to the con^ stitution and the constituted nuthorities of the country. *• Now, these question-^ nut to me the first day • I landed on Virgi. ia soil, having emanated from tho friends of the se- cessionist candidate, I ask that like questions may be also put to those candidates, and that you insist upon such frank and utrequiv-< icai answers as I have given. A Voice — '' They could not do it eqaare." Mr. Douglas — Remeber that Mr. Brecken- ridge was nominated on tho theory th'at the election of Lincoln was preferable to that of Douglas. Now, no man doubts thj Breckenridge's friends had not sec«c 16 Baltimore, bnt had aoquiesoe<] in the legili- ipate HCiion of LheCouvfcnti.D, I would have io this contest beat«n Lincoln by the popu- lar v«>te. A Voice — ''That's so." Mr. I)ot;;diis- Lets ilian one-tliird of tho CJonTeniion S'^ccdt-d from the two-tliirdi?, oa the {^nHiiid that Southern honor and Souih- cin r ghtH were not safe in ray hand-, and that hence it «aa necetStiy to divide the party in tvery State of tha Union so that Lincoln niii!,lit liave a chance of running in beiwien the Democratic foro«^6 of the Demo- cratic party and get elected by a majority vote. A Voice — "•riiht'sBO." Mr. D.tuglu?— The only ostensible and true object KMi^bt in making a Breckonridne ticket in 'he Northern Staiee was to divide the Pemocratio. p-irty so a« to f.'ive Lintolo every one « f those ^tii'CP, bo thai I tt-!l yoo if Liuc'ln be elected President, it will he the 8ectf^eioni^t3 whom yuu will have to biame for it. A Voice — "Tliat's so." Mr. Douglas— Lincoln has no hope of be- ing elfcCted except through the efforis of the Beccssioui'^ts, who have divi.led tie Demo- craiic party — e-uppoeing that Breckenridpe could carry every Southern Sr.ate — Iboufih it now beems he i» not gi'irig to carry a single one by the people. Sliil, by dividii g the Koi^h. he pivetj every one of the Staien to Lincjilu, thus allowing him, to be eiectcd by thi- popul.Hr "oto. Why, what was the true aspect of the routest before the eecessio'.i? — Lincoln ha^l no chow whatever for more than two S'ates till ihe Brcckenridf^e divi> sicm took place, and I would hive beaten bira in every Siaie but Verniout and MaH^a- ohusetts. Ad it is, I think I will beithiin in alnioet all oMhem \et (Cheeiv) But should Lincoln be e'ecied, the secessionists, ■who noruinated and now support Breckeu- ridge, will be entitled to the credit otir, and ni)00 them will ret*t the re&i)onsibility ot hav- ing a lopled the fatal policy, and dreading the re>ult of their own ra^h and unpatri..tio acU whic!'. iiive to i^incolo a eh ni'-e ot suv> Oetis, they come forward and ask mo it I will help tbem to dissolve the Union in the event ol Lincoln being rai.sed to the Preeidential chair. I tell them no — never on earth. — (Cheers and crifs of "Good.'') 1 am for pnitingdown N .rthern abolition^ iem, but am also for putiim? down tSoutliern eece-^sionis's, and that too, by the exercise of the same con.-titutional power. ("G>lora' le result; and without meaning ary disre^i^ect or per- sonal unkindne.s8, I helieue that, in the event of the success of either party, the success of Northern abolitionists or that of Southern eece.■