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V 
 
 HISTORICAL ADDRESS, 
 
 DELIVERED AT HAMPTON, NEW -HAMPSHIRE, 
 
 ON THE 35tli OF DECEMBER, 
 
 1S3S, 
 
 IN COMMEMORATION OF THE SETTLEMENT OF THAT TOWN 
 HAVING ELAPSED SINCE THAT EVENT. 
 
 BY 
 JOSEPH DOW, A. M. 
 
 PUBLISHED BY REQUEST. 
 
 (Koncortr : 
 
 PRINTED BY ASA McFARLAND, 
 
 ( Opposite the State House. ) 
 
 F E R R U A R Y, M D CCC XXXIX. 
 
 J3w 
 

ADDRESS. 
 
 As in the life of every individual, so likewise in the history of 
 every community, there are seasons of more than ordinary in- 
 terest. There are occasions, where not only individuals, but 
 whole communities, are forcibly reminded of the rapid flight of 
 time, and of the changes effected in a series of years. These 
 changes are not confined to any one class of objects. They 
 may be predicted of almost every thing around us. Many of 
 them are so gradual, that, when viewed in relation to two suc- 
 cessive days, they are wholly imperceptible ; but they are, on 
 this account, no less real. The countenance of a friend, whom 
 we see every day, appears to undergo but little alteration while 
 he is in health ; but let us meet him after an absence of several 
 years, and the change, though no greater than before, is very 
 apparent. 
 
 On one of those interesting occasions, when our thoughts are 
 busy with the past, and when they also run forward to scan the 
 events of futurity, we have this day assembled. Two hundred 
 years have passed away since the settlement of our town was 
 commenced, and the church that worships in this house, organ- 
 ized. Our thoughts revert to that period, and, in our imagina- 
 tions, we hear the forests of Winnicumet, echoing, for the first 
 time, with the sounds of civilized life. In the character and 
 the fortunes of the little band that then came hither, we feel a 
 deep interest, for they were our ancestors. 
 
 My object in the foil wing remarks, will be, to give a brief ac- 
 count of the settlement of the town ; to notice some of the 
 more important transactions of the people, in the infancy of the 
 settlement ; to exhibit, however imperfectly, their trials, dangers, 
 
and sufferings; and then to trace, in a cursory maimer, the his- 
 tory of the first cimrcli, through a period of two centuries. 
 
 The first permanent settlement in New-England was made 
 near the close of the year 1620. 
 
 On the lOth day of August, 1(522, a grant was made, by the 
 Council of Plymouth, to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and Captain 
 John Mason, jointly, of all tiie land lying between the rivers 
 Merrimack an Sagadehock, now the Androscoggin, — extending 
 back to the great lakes and the river of Canada. This tract 
 was called Laconia, and it was the first grant in which the ter- 
 ritory of Hampton was included. 
 
 The next year a settlement was commenced near the mouth 
 of the Piscataqua, and another further up the river, at the place 
 which subsequently received the name of Dover. 
 
 The principal object in the formation of these settlements, 
 both of which were commenced under the patronage of Gorges, 
 Mason, and several English merchants, styled the " Company 
 of Laconia," was to carry on the fishing business, which, it was 
 thought, would prove very lucrative. 
 
 May 17, 1(529, a Deed is said to have been given by certain 
 Indian chiefs, assembled at Swamscot falls, now Exeter, to Rev. 
 John Whelewright and others, conveying to them, for what was 
 deemed an equivalent, all the land along the coast, between the 
 Merrimack and the Piscataqua rivers, and extending back to a 
 considerable distance into the country. In this tract our own 
 territory was evidently embraced. 
 
 Recently, however, the authenticity of this Deed has been 
 denied, though it is admitted that Whelewright, several years 
 afterwards, purchased of the Indians all the land lying within 
 a considerable distance of Swamscot falls. A similar course 
 was probably pursued by those who formed the first settlement 
 in this place. 
 
 On the 7lh day of November, 1629, the Council of Ply- 
 mouth made a new grant to Captain Mason, of a tract of land 
 " from the middle of Piscataqua river, and up the same to the 
 ' farthest head thereof, and from thence north-westward, until 
 ' sixty miles from the mouth of the harbor were finished ; also 
 
' through Merrimack river, to the farthest head thereof, and so 
 ' forward up into the land westward, until sixty miles were fin- 
 ' ished; and from thence to cross over land to the end of the 
 ' sixty miles as counted fromPiscataqua river ; together with all 
 'islands within five leagues of the coast." This tract was call- 
 ed New-Hampshire, and it included the whole of Whelewright's 
 purchase, if such a purchase was ever made, and a part of the 
 land previously granted to Massachusetts, as by the charter of 
 that colony its territory extended three miles north of the Mer- 
 rimack. 
 
 By other arranirements, made in 16-50 and 1631, the settle- 
 ments on the Piscataqua were divided into two parts, called the 
 upper and the lower plantations. Captain Thomas Wiggen was 
 appointed agent for the former, and Captain Walter Neal for the 
 latter, which extended as far south as the stream called Little 
 river, in the eastern part of North-Hampton. 
 
 In 1G33 these two agents united in surveying their respective 
 patents, and in laying out the towns of Portsmouth, Northam, 
 afterwards called Dover — and Hampton ; though no settlement 
 had at that time been made at the place last mentioned. 
 
 Dr. Belknap says, that this survey was made by order of the 
 company of Laconia, and that these towns, together with Exeter, 
 were named by that company. Hampton was, however, incor- 
 porated by its present name at the request of the first pastor of 
 the church established here. Whether he chose the name in 
 conformity to the wishes of the company of Laconia, I cannot 
 tell. 
 
 I have been thus particular in noticing the different grants 
 that were made of the same territory, as they gave rise to much 
 subsequent litigation and expense, by which this town, as well 
 as others, was exceedingly harassed. 
 
 In 1G36 the General Court of Massachusetts authorized two 
 persons, Mr. Dummer and Mr. Spencer, to erect a house at Hamp- 
 ton, which was then called by its Indian name, Winnicumet. A 
 house was accordingly built by Nicholas Easton, under the di- 
 rection of the two persons just mentioned, and at the expense 
 of the Colony of Massachusetts. This house was called the 
 
Bound House, although, as Dr. Belknap observes, it was intend- 
 ed as a mark of possession rather than of limit. 
 
 There is no evidence that a settlement was actually made 
 here, till two years afterwards. For what purpose, then, was 
 the Bound House erected ? 
 
 The General Court had learned, that there were in this 
 vicinity extensive salt-marshes. These must, at that time, have 
 been very valuable, as the upland had not been brought to such 
 a state of cultivation as to afford a sufficient quantity of hay to 
 winter the stock which might be kept through the summer. 
 The court wished to secure these marshes, and, by causing a 
 house to be erected near them, at the expense of the Colony, 
 they virtually claimed jurisdiction over them. It was, perhaps, 
 for the purpose of asserting such a jurisdiction, that they adopt- 
 ed this measure. 
 
 On what grounds could the General Court claim jurisdiction 
 here ? The chartered limits of Massachusetts extended only 
 three miles north of the Merrimack ; but the Bound House was 
 probably much farther from that river. 
 
 That they did set up such a claim, is evident from the fact that 
 they soon after made a formal grant of the territory to the com- 
 pany that actually formed a settlement here. 
 
 By a plain, natural construction of the meaning of their char- 
 ter, this place was, undoubtedly, beyond their limits, while it 
 was evidently included in the grant made to Captain Mason. 
 The charters, however, that were given by the Council of Ply- 
 mouth, and also those granted by the Crown, were often worded 
 with too little care. Sometimes, unquestionably, this arose from 
 a want of sufficient geographical information concerning the 
 portions of country granted, and, at other times, from sheer 
 carelessness. 
 
 In this case, the grant to Massachusetts was of land reach- 
 nig to " three miles north of the Merrimack river, and of every 
 part of it." Now, though that river is more than three miles 
 south of this place, yet, if we trace it up to its source, we shall 
 find, that it rises much farther to the north than we are, and 
 Massachusetts claimed the land to our east and west line, pass- 
 
ing through a point three miles north of the most northerly pan 
 of the river. 
 
 Such a construction of their charter would give the people 
 of that Colony all the land granted to Mason, and a large part 
 of Maine, which had been granted to Gorges ; thus rendering 
 the claims of these two gentlemen null and void, as the grants 
 to them were made after that to Massachusetts. 
 
 The agent of Mason's estate made some objections to the 
 claims and the proceedings of Massachusetts, yet no legal 
 method was taken to controvert this extension of their claim ; 
 and, as the historian of New-Hampshire very justly observes, 
 " the way was prepared for one still greater, which many cir- 
 cumstances concurred to establish." 
 
 In 1638 a petition was presented to the General Court of 
 Massachusetts, by a number of people, chiefly from Norfolk in 
 England, praying for permission to settle at Winnicumet. On 
 the 7th of October their request was granted. Few privi- 
 leges, however, were allowed besides that of forming a settle- 
 ment. In the language of the early records of our town, " the 
 power of managing the affairs thereof was not then yielded to 
 them, but committed by the court to" three gentlemen, not be- 
 longing to the settlement, "so as nothing might be done with- 
 out the allowance of them, or two of them." * 
 
 It was not till the 7th of June, 1639, that the plantation was 
 allowed to be a town, and to choose a constable and other 
 officers, and, as our records state, " to make orders for the well 
 ordering of the town, and to send a deputy to the court." Even 
 then the power of laying out land was not granted to the town, 
 but was left to the three gentlemen to whom I have already al- 
 luded. 
 
 At that time three men belonging to the town, viz. Christo- 
 pher Hussey, William Palmer, and Richard Swaine,were appoint- 
 ed by the General Court, as commissioners, or justices, to have 
 jurisdiction over all causes of twenty shillings, or under. 
 
 * John Winthrop, Jr., and Mr. Rawson— probably Edward Rawson— 
 were two of this committee. The name of the other is gone from the 
 records of the town . 
 
On the 4th day of September, in the same year, at the re- 
 quest of Rev. Stephen Bachelor, the name of the town was 
 changed from Winnicumet to Hampton, and about the same 
 time, through the inHuence of their deputy, the right of dis- 
 posing of the land, and laying it out, was vested in the town. 
 
 The number of the original settlers was fifty-six. Rev. Dr. 
 Appleton, in his dedication sermon, preached in 1797, says, "of 
 the names of the first settlers of Hampton, only sixteen are 
 transmitted to us ; and but four of these names continue in the 
 place."* The same four names are still found among us, though 
 one of them will probably soon become extinct, as it is now 
 borne by only two individuals, botli of them aged females. 
 
 The names of the sixteen persons referred to by Dr. Apple- 
 ton are given in the first volume of Belknap's History of New- 
 Hampshire. In that list the name of only one female is found, 
 and it is probable that most of the other settlers were members 
 of the families of these sixteen. 
 
 Though the number of settlers was at first only fifty-six, yet 
 large additions were soon made. At the time when the settle- 
 ment became a town, the number of inhabitants had very much 
 increased. Indeed, a writer who lived and wrote about that 
 time, says that in 1639 there were about sixty families 
 here.t It has been supposed that this writer stated the num- 
 ber larger than it really was. There are, however, reasons for 
 believing that his statement is not far from the truth. In the 
 record of the proceedings at a town meeting, early in the fol- 
 lowing year, more than sixty individuals are mentioned ; and it 
 is probable, from the great diversity ol" their names, that they 
 belonged to nearly as many different fiunilies. 
 
 The historian of New-Hampshire says, that the people here 
 began the settlement by laying out the township into one hun- 
 dred and forty-seven shares. Others, relying upon him as author- 
 ity, have repeated the statement. Our records, however, fur- 
 nish an abundance of evidence that it is incorrect; and had Dr. 
 Belknap, in this instance, exercised his usual caution, he would 
 not have been led into such an error. The transaction which 
 
 'Soc Appendix. A. t See Appendix, B. 
 
9 
 
 probably gave rise to this remark, did not occur till more than 
 seven years after the settlement was commenced, and, even at 
 that time, there was a division of only a small portion of the 
 land within the limits of the township. 
 
 The course the people really pursued was far different from 
 that which has so often been imputed to them. Soon after they 
 were allowed the privileges of freemen, they began to exercise 
 them. The first town meeting, of which any record remains, 
 was held October 31, 1639. William Wakefield was chosen 
 town clerk. The freemen, instead of proceeding to lay out 
 the township into any definite number of shares, appointed a 
 committee, whose duty it should be, for the space of one year, 
 " to measure, lay forth, and bound all such lots as should be 
 granted by the freemen there." The compensation allowed this 
 committee, was twelve shillings for laying out a house lot, and, 
 in ordinary cases, one penny an acre for all other land they 
 might survey. 
 
 Only one other article was acted upon at this meeting. The 
 object of that was to secure the seasonable attendance of the 
 freemen at town meetings. A vote was passed, imposing a fine 
 of one shilling on each freeman, who, having had due notice of 
 the meeting, should not be at the place designated, within half 
 an hour of the time appointed. 
 
 On other occasions, similar votes were passed, and rules were 
 adopted to secure order and regularity, when the people were 
 assembled in town meeting. I will mention the substance of 
 several regulations made in 1041. 
 
 At the close of each meeting, a moderator was to be chosen, 
 to preside at the next meeting. 
 
 Every meeting was to be opened and closed with prayer by 
 the moderator, unless one of the ministers were present, upon 
 whom he might call to lead in that exercise. 
 
 After the prayer at the opening of the meeting, the names of 
 the freemen were to be called, and the absentees noted, by the 
 town clerk. 
 
 The moderator was then " to make way for propositions" to 
 
10 
 
 be considered at the meeting. In doing this, he might propose 
 any business himself, or he might call upon others to mention 
 subjects to be acted upon. 
 
 When any person wished to speak in the meeting, he was to 
 do it standing, and having his head uncovered. 
 
 When an individual was speaking in an orderly manner, no 
 other one was to be allowed to speak without permission ; and 
 no person was to be permitted to speak, at any meeting, more 
 than twice, or three times at most, on the same subject. 
 
 When any article of business had been proposed, it was to be 
 disposed of before any other business could be introduced. 
 
 Penalties were to be exacted for every violation of any of 
 these rules. 
 
 December 24, 1639, grants of land, to the amount of 2,160 
 acres, were made to 13 persons, in parcels, varying from eighty 
 acres to three hundred. These were merely grants of a cer- 
 tain number of acres, without determining where the different 
 lots should be located. The locations were fixed at subsequent 
 meetings. 
 
 It is worthy of notice, that the persons who were rewarded 
 as the principal men in the town, received grants of the laro-est 
 tracts of land, and so uniformly was this the case in reo-ard to 
 those individuals whose rank is known, that we may probably 
 judge, with a considerable degree of accuracy, concerning the 
 standing of others, by the grants made to them. In makino- 
 the grants just mentioned, the records inform us, that " respect 
 was had, partly to estates, partly to charges, and partly to other 
 things." 
 
 Town meetings were frequently holden, at which, in addition 
 to the election of the necessary town officers, the making of 
 regulations for the government of the people, the laying out of 
 highways, and the transaction of such business as ordinarily 
 comes before town meetings, at the present day, the people by 
 vote, admitted persons to enjoy the privileges of freemen, and, 
 from time to time, made such grants of land as they thought 
 proper. 
 
 We come now to the transaction, alleged to have been adivis- 
 
11 
 
 ion of the town into 147 shares. It took place on the 23d of 
 the r2th month, IG45 ; that is, according to the method of 
 reckoning time, afterwards adopted, in February, 1646. At 
 that time the town having previously disposed of a large portion 
 of the land that had been surveyed, agreed to reserve 200 acres 
 to be disposed of afterwards, and to divide the remaining part 
 of the commons into 147 shares, and to distribute it among 
 persons, most or all of whom had received previous grants. 
 
 There is some uncertainty as to the extent that was intended 
 to be given to this order. It is certain that it was not designed 
 to include all the land within the township, which had not already 
 been disposed of, as large tracts were afterwards ordered to be 
 laid out, and others were granted to individuals at different 
 times. The probability is, that it was intended to embrace only 
 such parts of the town as had been actually surveyed, but had 
 not been granted to individuals.* 
 
 Six years after this transaction, it was determined, at a public 
 town meeting, that the great Ox-Common, lying near the Great 
 Boar's Head, " should be shared to each man according as it 
 would hold out." It appears from the records, that in conform- 
 ity to this order the common was divided into about seventy- 
 five shares, and distributed among a portion of the people ; most 
 of those to whom any part was granted, received one share 
 each, though a few individuals received two, or even three shares 
 apiece. 
 
 Four years afterward, Sargent's Island was appropriated to 
 the use of fishermen, for the purpose of building stages and 
 other things necessary in curing fish. There was in the grant, 
 however, a promise, that, if the island should be deserted by 
 fishermen, it should still remain at the town's disposal. On the 
 9th of June, 1663, it was voted in town meeting, that the 
 land in the west part of the town should be laid out to the amount 
 of four thousand acres, extending through the whole breadth of 
 the town along its western boundary. Subsequently it was 
 
 '^ From a vote of the town pas.sed several years afterwards, it appears, 
 that the land divided at this time was only the Low Common, so called, 
 lying in the northeast part of the town. 
 
12 
 
 determined that this land shoukl be laid out, partly in shares of 
 80 acres each, and partly in shares of 100 acres each. 
 
 About a year afterwards, it was agreed, that each one of the 
 inhabitants of the town, who would assure the selectmen that 
 he would settle on these lands within twelve months, should be 
 entitled to twenty acres for a house lot. 
 
 This land was called the New Plantation, and it extended from 
 Salisbury to Exeter, and of course was a part of land now em- 
 braced in three or four towns. 
 
 I have mentioned these instances of grants and of laying out 
 land, merely as a specimen of the course which our forefathers 
 pursued.* 
 
 When the settlement was in its infancy, it would have been 
 very much exposed to injury if no precautions had been taken 
 in regard to receiving inhabitants. JVIischievous and disorderly 
 persons might have come in and harassed the settlers. This 
 was foreseen, and measures were taken to prevent it. The power 
 of admitting inhabitants and of granting them the privileges of 
 freemen, was strictly guarded. After the town was once organ- 
 ized, none were admitted from abroad without the permission 
 of the freemen. It was voted, " that no manner of person should 
 come into the town as an inhabitant, without the consent of the 
 town, under the penalty of twenty shillings per week, unless he 
 give satisfactory security to the town." 
 
 On different occasions, votes were passed to prohibit the 
 selectmen from admitting inhabitants. I will cite several of 
 these, nearly in the words of the Town Records, as they will 
 serve to show the course that was taken in regard to the subject. 
 The first vote of this kind, on record, is dated on the Cth of 
 the 10th month, IGoO, and is as follows : — 
 
 " Liberty is given to WUliam Fuller of Ipswich, upon request, 
 to come and sit down here as a planter and smith, in case he 
 bring a certificate of approbation from the elders." 
 
 " On the 25th of the 9th month, 1C54. — By an act of the 
 town, Thomas Downes, shoemaker, is admitted an inhabitant, 
 
 *Sf>e Appendix, C 
 
13 
 
 who is to make and mend shoes for the town, upon fair and 
 reasonable terms." 
 
 " May 22, 16G3. Thomas Parker, shoemaker, desiring lib- 
 erty to come into the town and follow his trade of shoemaking, 
 liberty accordingly is granted him by the town." Ten men, 
 however, dissented from this vote. 
 
 On the 8th of the 10th month, 1662, an order of the town 
 was passed determining who should be regarded as inhabitants. 
 It runs thus : — " Tt is acted and ordered, that henceforth no 
 ' man shall be judged an inhabitant in this town, nor have power 
 ' or liberty to act in town affairs, or have privilege of common- 
 ' acre, either sweepage or feedage, but he that hath one share of 
 ' commonage, at least, according to the first division, and land to 
 ' build upon." 
 
 The sources of some of the troubles and perplexities of the 
 early settlers, will next claim our attention. They were ha- 
 rassed by wild beasts, and by lawless men. No wonder, indeed, 
 that they were troubled by the former. Until the English set- 
 tlements were formed, the wild beasts had been free to range 
 the country, their right undisputed, and themselves unmolested, 
 except occasionally by the Indian hunter. It could hardly be 
 expected that they would tamely yield to the new settlers, and 
 acknowledge their right of jurisdiction over them. Though 
 they did not often attack the people, yet they showed less re- 
 spect for their herds and flocks. It then early became an object 
 with the people to destroy such beasts as were found to be 
 troublesome. Perhaps none annoyed them more than the 
 wolves; and bounties were offered by the town, as an induce- 
 ment for killing them. 
 
 In January, 1645, a bounty of ten shillings was offered for 
 each wolf that might be killed in the town.* Nine years after- 
 wards the bounty was increased to forty shillings. In 1658 it 
 was raised to five pounds. 
 
 In 1663 a bounty of twenty shillings was likewise offered for 
 each bear kUled within the limits of the town. 
 
 The settlers were also troubled by disorderly persons. Dep- 
 
 * See Appendix, D. 
 
14 
 
 redations were often made upon the common lands owned by 
 the town. The making of staves appears to have been a pro- 
 fitable employment, and some persons, who were engaged in this 
 business, were not very scrupulous in regard to tlie means em- 
 ployed to procure timber. Wherever they could find any, that 
 was suitable for staves, they took it, without incjuiring to whom 
 it belonged. The very best of the timber was thus, in many 
 instances, taken from the connnons. The town adopted various 
 expedients to prevent such acts, but still depredations continued 
 to be committed. 
 
 In some instances, persons, whom the town had never admit- 
 ted as inhabitants, settled on the public lands. In other cases, 
 difficulties occurred, and disputes arose, in consequence of the 
 boundaries of the town not being well defined. There were 
 disputes of this kind with Salisbury, and with Portsmouth. 
 
 The township extended so far north as to include a portion of 
 the present town of Rye, and near the northern limit several 
 persons settled without permission from the town. One of the 
 most resolute and stubborn of them was John Locke, who set- 
 tled at Jocelyn's, — now Locke's, — Neck. lie was ordered to 
 leave the town, but seems not to have regarded the order ; and 
 at length, a committee was chosen at a public town meeting, 
 to go and pull up Locke's fence, and give him notice not to 
 meddle further with the town's property. The difficulty with 
 him was not settled till he, having expressed a willingness to 
 demean himself peaceably as a citizen, was received as an in- 
 habitant, by a vote of the town. 
 
 In speaking of the trials of our forefathers, it would be inex- 
 cusable to pass over in silence the dangers and the sufferings 
 which resulted from the hostility of the Indians. It is uncer- 
 tain how soon after the first settlement of the town they began 
 to manifest their hostility. It is, however, evident that it was 
 at a very early period. 
 
 In the latter part of the year 1G40, the town passed a vote m 
 relation to a watch-house, appropriating the meeting-house porch 
 to this purpose, temporarily, till another could be procured. 
 The object of providing a watch-house is not, indeed, stated, 
 
15 
 
 but we can hardly conceive of any object, unless fears were 
 entertained from Indian hostility. That such was really the 
 case will appear probable, if we compare this vote of the town 
 with another passed several vears afterward, at a time when it 
 is well known that most of the settlements in this vicinity were 
 exceedingly harassed by the Indians. The selectmen were 
 then ordered " to build a convenient watch-house, according to 
 law, and to set it where the old watch-house stood, and to pro- 
 vide powder, balls, watches, flints, and what else the law 
 requires, for a town stock for the soldiers." 
 
 Trainings were also ordered at an early period. Our rec- 
 ords mention one that was appointed by the officers to be held 
 on the 18th of May, 1G4I. Whether military duty was required 
 by the town, or enjoined by the government of Massachusetts, 
 is not of consequence. In either case, it shows that dano-er 
 was apprehended from some source or other ; but whence, except 
 from the Indians, could the early settlers in this section of our 
 country anticipate danger, which might be repelled by force of 
 arms ? 
 
 On the 8th of July, 1G89, a vote was passed, very explicit, in 
 regard to the town's apprehension of danger from the Indians. 
 The vote is as follows : — " That all those who are willing to 
 ' make a fortification about the meeting-house, to secure them- 
 ' selves and their families from the violence of the heathen, shall 
 * have free liberty to do it." 
 
 A fortification was accordingly built around the meeting- 
 house, distinct traces of which remained till the academy was 
 removed, a few years ago, to the spot it now occupies, and the 
 land around it ploughed. I believe that, even now, a small por- 
 tion of the mound may be seen, just without the east side of the 
 academy yard. 
 
 May 17, 1692, it was voted to extend the line of this fortifi- 
 cation, so as to enclose more space, and liberty was given "to 
 build houses in it according to custom in other forts." 
 
 At the same time it was voted to build within the fort, at the 
 town's expense, a house 14 by IG feet, for the use of the minis- 
 ter, and that, when he made no use of it, it should be improved 
 as a school-house. 
 
16 
 
 About a year previous to the transaction just named, " it was 
 ' voted that a committee should be chosen to agree with, and to 
 ' send out two men as scouts, to see what they could discover of 
 ' the enemy, so long as they could go upon the snow, or so long 
 ' as the neighboring towns sent out." 
 
 A distinguished historian says of a period a little subsequent 
 to this, that " the state of the country at this time was truly 
 
 * distressed : a large quota of their best men were abroad, the 
 
 * rest harassed by the enemy at home, obliged to do continual 
 
 * duty in garrisons, and in scouts, and subject to severe discipline 
 ' for neglects. They earned their bread at the continual hazard 
 ' of their lives, never daring to stir abroad unarmed ; they could 
 ' till no lands but what were within call of the garrisoned houses, 
 ' into which their families were crowded ; their husbandry, lum- 
 ' ber trade and fishery, were declining, and their taxes increas- 
 
 * ing, yet these people resolutely kept their ground."* 
 
 But we need not confine our attention to a recital of their 
 fears and apprehensions, and to their preparations for self-de- 
 fence. We may look at the actual loss of lives among them. 
 How many of the early inhabitants of Hampton were slain by 
 the Indians, we cannot confidently tell. The following facts 
 rest on good authority. 
 
 On the 13th of June, 1677, four persons were killed in that 
 part of the town which is now North-Hampton. These men 
 were Edward Colcord, Jr., Abraham Perkins, Jr., Benjamin 
 Hilliard, and Caleb Towle. 
 
 August 4, 1G91, Capt. Samuel Sherburne and James Dolloff, 
 both of Hampton, were killed by the Indians, near Casco Bay, 
 in Maine. 
 
 August 20, 1690, John Locke was killed, while at work in 
 his field, in the northeast part of the town, at Locke's neck, 
 now in the town of Rye.t 
 
 August 17, 170'3, five persons were killed between this town and 
 Salisbury. One of them was a little boy, named Huckley. The 
 
 * Belknap. 
 
 t In Farmer and Moore's Gazetteer, it is stated that Locke was killed in 
 1G94. The date given here rests on the authority of Hampton Records. 
 
17 
 
 others were Jonathan Green, Nicholas Bond, Thomas Lancas- 
 ter and the widow Mussey. The last two were quakers. One 
 of them, Mrs. Mussey, was distinguished as a speaker among 
 the quakers, by whom her death was much lamented. 
 
 Dr. Belknap states that these persons were killed at Hampton 
 village by a party of Indians under Capt. Tom, and further, 
 that at the same time, the Indians plundered two houses, but 
 having alarmed the people, and being pursued by them, they tied. 
 August 1, 1706, Benjamin Fifield was killed in the pasture 
 near his house, and at the same time a boy was either killed or 
 taken. 
 
 Having mentioned these instances of murder, nearly all of 
 which were committed within the limits of Hampton, I will 
 merely subjoin a brief account of an expedition, which proved 
 fatal to Capt. Swett, one of the inhabitants of this town. He 
 was sent by the government to assist the eastern settlements 
 against the Indians. He was accompanied by forty English 
 soldiers, and 200 friendly Indians. With these forces he march- 
 ed to Ticonic falls, on the Kennebeck, where it is said the In- 
 dians had six forts, well furnished witii ammunition. Havino- 
 met the enemy, Swett and his men were repulsed, and he him- 
 self with about sixty others slain. Probably a part of this num- 
 ber, as well as their leader, belonged to this town. 
 
 We shall next glance at the civil and political history of the 
 town during the early period of its existence. In doino- this, it 
 may be proper, not only to consider the connection of the town 
 with the colonial governments of Massachusetts and of New- 
 Hampshire, but also the policy pursued by the people, consider- 
 ed simply as a town. 
 
 Very soon after the inhabitants acquired corporate powers, 
 we find tliem, as has already been remarked, assembled in town 
 meeting. The transactions at the first meeting of which any re- 
 cord remains, have already been noticed. A town clerk, and 
 three lot layers were chosen, the latter for the term of one year. 
 It appears from the records that some of the town ofiicers were 
 from the first elected annually. Others seem to have been chosen 
 3 
 
18 
 
 for an indefinite period, or till their places should be suppli- 
 ed by a new election. The first town clerk held his oflice more 
 than tour years, probably without being annually reelected. 
 His successor continued in office nearly three years before any 
 new election was made. There is no evidence from the records 
 that this became an annual oftice for more than sixty years after 
 the settlement was commenced. 
 
 Tt may be well here to notice the fact, that the people of this 
 place have not, during any period of their history, been disposed 
 to change their town clerks frequently, there having been less 
 than twenty during the two hundred years that the town has 
 existed. 
 
 The duties and the compensation of the lot-layers have been 
 already mentioned. 
 
 Another set of officers, chosen at a very early period, was 
 that of woodwards, an office which long ago became extinct 
 among this people. It would be very natural to suppose that 
 when almost the whole township was a wilderness, no objection 
 would have been made to cutting trees in any part of it ; but 
 such was not the case. 
 
 As early as 1089, three woodwards were elected, and no man 
 was to fell any trees except on his own lot, without permission 
 from these men, or at least two of them ; and at another meet- 
 ing during the same year, the town voted a similar prohibition, 
 and also a fine for its violation. The fine was ten shillings for 
 every tree felled without license from the woodwards. 
 
 It was further voted, that if any man had any trees assigned 
 to him, he should fell them within one month, and make use of 
 them within three months after felling, or the trees should be at 
 the disposal of any two of the woodwards. 
 
 In taking a brief notice of the town officers, during the early 
 part of our history, it will probably be expected that the board 
 of selectmen should hold a prominent place. It does not appear, 
 however, that such officers were elected till the settlement had 
 been begun several years. The practice of choosing selectmen 
 seems to have been of New-England origin, and to have grown 
 up from the circumstances in which the early inhabitants were 
 
19 
 
 placed. After they had established themselves in the wilderness, 
 far from their native land, and from the seat of that government 
 to which they acknowledged allegiance, they found themselves 
 under the necessity of managing their own affairs. At first these 
 seem to have been conducted in a purely democratic way, so 
 far at least as those who were regarded as freemen were con- 
 cerned. They held frequent town meetings, and delegated power 
 to committees from time to time, only for a specific purpose. 
 This method of proceeding being at length found inconvenient, 
 several persons were chosen to act for the town, as it is express- 
 ed in the records, " in managing the prudential affairs thereof" 
 This board of officers, to which at length the name of select- 
 men was given, at first, consisted in Hampton, of seven persons. 
 The first notice of such a board is in 1644. On the 4th of May 
 in that year, the following vote was passed — " These several 
 ' brethren, namely — William Fuller, Thomas Moulton, Robert 
 ' Page, Philemon Dalton, Thomas Ward, Walter Ropper, and 
 ' William Howard, are chosen to order the prudential affairs of 
 ' the town for a whole year, next following ; reserving only to the 
 ' freemen the giving out of commons and receiving of inhabit- 
 ' ants." 
 
 In about ten or twelve instances the number of selectmen has 
 been seven. Generally five were chosen, till the year 1823, and 
 from that time to the present only three have been elected an- 
 nually, except in the year 1829, when the board consisted of five 
 persons. 
 
 It is unnecessary to speak particularly of other town oflicers, 
 as they were generally the same, and possessed of similar pow- 
 ers, with those of more modern times. 
 
 To show that the town took cognizance of some matters 
 which at the present day are left to adjust themselves, I will 
 mention a regulation, made in 1641, in regard towages. From 
 September to March, workmen were to be allowed only Is. 
 4:d. per day, and from March to September, Is. 8f/. except for 
 mowing, for which 2s. should be allowed. For a day's work for 
 a man with four oxen and a cart, five or six shillings were to be 
 allowed, according to the season of the year. Soon after it was 
 
20 
 
 voted that the best workmen should not receive more tlian 25. a 
 day, and others not more than Is. 8r/. 
 
 It has already been noticed, that Hampton was settled by 
 the authority of Massachusetts, and it was for many years con- 
 sidered under the jurisdiction of that colony. In 1G39 the 
 town was authorized to send a deputy, or representative, to the 
 General Court at Boston. 
 
 This privilege was not long negected, fi)r about five months 
 afterwards the town assessed a tax to pay their deputy, John 
 Moulton, who had at that time been twice to the court, having 
 spent twenty-seven days in the service of the town. The com- 
 pensation allowed him was 2s. 6d. per day, besides his expenses. 
 
 In September, 1040, John Cross was elected a deputy to the 
 court to be holden on the 7th day of the next month. He was the 
 second representative chosen by the town. 
 
 Hampton was probably for a short time under the immediate 
 jurisdiction of the courts at Boston. On the 25th of July, 1640, 
 a " grand juryman" was chosen for the court to be holden at Bos- 
 ton in the following month. 
 
 The town was soon annexed to the jurisdiction of the county 
 of Essex, whose courts were held at Ipswich. 
 
 In 1643 a new county was formed, embr<acing all the towns 
 between the Merrimack and Piscataqua rivers. This was called 
 the county of Norfolk. The number of towns within its limits 
 was six. Salisbury was the shire town; Portsmouth and Dover, 
 however, had courts of their own, and in each of the towns there 
 was an inferior court, whose jurisdiction extended to causes of 
 twenty shillings and under. 
 
 The claim ofMassachusetts to jurisdiction over the whole terri- 
 tory embraced within the county of Norfolk, was not undisputed. 
 Mason, to whom a large part of it had been granted by charter, was 
 dead. His heii s made some opposition ,but there were at that time 
 almost insurmountable difficulties in the way ofobtaining redress 
 by a civil process. In England, Charles and his Parliament were 
 at variance, and civil war was raging among the people. When, 
 after the execution of the king, Cromwell was at the head of 
 the Cominonweath, Mason's heirs could not hope for success in 
 
21 
 
 bringing fin action against Massachusetts, for his family had al- 
 ways been adherents to the royal cause. 
 
 At the restoration in IGOO, an attempt was made to influence 
 the king to grant relief to the heirs, or rather to the heir, of 
 Mason. A petition for this purpose was presented to Charles 
 li., who referred it to lii^. Attorney General, and he reported that 
 the petitioner had a good and legal title to the Province of New- 
 Hampshire. 
 
 In 16G4 commissioners were appointed by the crown to set- 
 tle disputes in the New-England Colonies. These commission- 
 ers were not very favorably received, as their appointment, with 
 such powers as were conferred upon them, was considered by the 
 colonists an infringement of their chartered rights. 
 
 On their arrival in New-England, they made inquiries in re- 
 gard to the bounds of Mason's patent, and decided that the ju- 
 risdiction of Massachusetts should extend no farther north than 
 the Bound House. 
 
 The proceedings of the commissioners gave umbrage to a 
 large portion of the people. A party, however, had been pre- 
 viously disaffected towards the government of Massachusetts. 
 A person by the name of Corbett, who belonged to this party, 
 instigated, probably, by the commissioners, prepared a petition 
 to the king in the name of the towns of Portsmouth, Dover, 
 Exeter, and Hampton, complaining of the usurpation of Massa- 
 chusetts, and praying for a release from that government. A large 
 majority of the people, however, did not countenance these pro- 
 ceedings, and at their request the General Court of Massachu- 
 setts appointed a committee, before whom the people of the four 
 towns had an opportunity to show their disapprobation of Cor. 
 bett's proceedings. Corbett himself was apprehended by war- 
 rant from the secretary of Massachusetts, in the name of the 
 General Court, and tried and found guilty of sedition, and pun- 
 ished with severity. 
 
 Soon after this period the New-England colonies were involv- 
 ed in a general war with the Indians. Previous to that time, 
 the wars with them had been of limited extent. For many years 
 their minds had been full of suspicions and of jealousies. These 
 
22 
 
 were fanned and blown into aflame by Philip, a powerful sachem, 
 who resided at Mount Hope, in Rhode Island. He was resolv- 
 ed upon a war of extermination. He sent runners to most of 
 the tribes in New-England, and succeeded in engaging nearly 
 all of them in an enterprize so adriotly planned. 
 
 Open hostilities commenced in June, 1(375. The eastern 
 Indians, who resided in Maine, extended their incursions into 
 New-Hainpshirc. Houses were burned, and people slain, in 
 various places. One man was killed and another capkired, by a 
 small party that lay in ambush near the road, between this town 
 and Exeter. The one who was taken afterwards made his es- 
 cape. 
 
 I shall not proceed to narrate in detail the events of this war. 
 The dangers and the sufferings of the people of Hampton, at that 
 time, have been already noticed. It must suffice to add, that 
 the war terminated in the southern part of New-England, with 
 the death of Philip, in August, 1070. In New-Hampshire, it 
 raged two years longer, and for a time seemed to threaten the 
 extinction of the whole colony. 
 
 During this war, the heir of Mason made another attempt in 
 England to recover possession of New-Hampshire. Massachu- 
 setts was called upon by the crown to show cause why she exer- 
 cised jurisdiction over this province. The royal order was 
 brought to Boston by Edward Randolph, a kinsman of Mason. 
 He soon came to New-Hampshire, and published a letter from 
 Mason, in which he claimed the soil of the province as his own 
 property. The people here were alarmed, and called public 
 meetings, in which they protested against the claim, and 
 agreed to petition the king for protection. 
 
 They stated that they had purchased the land of the natives ; 
 that they had labored hard to bring it under cultivation, and they 
 thoucrht it very unjust that their hard earned property should 
 now be wrested from them. 
 
 Agents were sent over to England, after Randolph's return, 
 and a hearing was granted them before the highest judicial au- 
 thorities. After the hearing, the judges reported that Mason's 
 heir had no right of government in New-Hampshire ; and further. 
 
23 
 
 that the four towns of Portsmouth, Dover, Exeter, and 
 Hampton, were beyond the limits of Massachusetts. In regard 
 to Mason's right to the soil of New-Hampshire, they expressed 
 no opinion. 
 This report was accepted and confirmed by the king in council. 
 New-Hampshire was then separated from Massachusetts, with 
 which it had been for so long time so happily united. The com- 
 mission for the government of New-Hampshire passed the great 
 seal on the ISth of September, 1679. 
 
 Under the new order of things, a President and six Counsel- 
 lors were appointed by the crown, and these were authorized to 
 choose three other persons, to be added to their number. An 
 Assembly was also to be called. The powers of the respective 
 brandies of the government were tolerably well defined. 
 
 Among the counsellors named in the commission, was Chris- 
 topher Hussey, of this town, and one of the three afterwards 
 chosen also belonged to Hampton, viz — Samuel Dalton. 
 
 This change of government was very far from being satis- 
 factory to the people generally, and even those appointed to of- 
 fice entered upon their duties with great reluctance. 
 
 In the writs issued for calling a General Assembly, the per- 
 sons in each town, who were considered as qualified to vote, 
 were expressly named. The whole number in the four towns 
 was 209, fifty-seven of whom belonged to Hampton The oath 
 of allegiance was administered to each voter. A public fast was 
 observed, to ask the divine blessing on the assembly that was 
 soon to convene, and to pray for " the continuance of their pre- 
 cious and pleasant things." 
 
 The assembly consisted of eleven members, three from each 
 of the four towns, except Exeter, which sent only two, that 
 town having but twenty voters. The members from Hampton 
 were Anthony Stanyan, Thomas Marston, and Edward Gove. 
 The assembly met at Portsmouth, on the 16th of March, 1680. 
 Rev. Joshua Moody, of that town, preached the election sermon. 
 Under the new government, the President and Council, with 
 the Assembly, were a Supreme court of Judicature, a jury be- 
 ing allowed when desired by the parties. Inferior Courts were 
 established at Dover, Portsmouth, and Hampton. 
 
24 
 
 In 1082, another change was introduced into the government. 
 Edward Cranfield was appointed Lieutenant Governor and Com- 
 mander-in-chief of New-IIainpsliire. This change was effect- 
 ed through the influence of Mason's grandson and heir. Cran- 
 field's commission was dated May 9, 1G8'2. 
 
 Within a few days after publishing his commission, he began 
 to exhibit his arbitrary disposition, by suspending two of the 
 counsellors. The next year he dismissed the Assembly, be- 
 cause they would not comply with all his requests. 
 
 This act of Cranfield's very much increased the discontent of 
 the people, In this town particularly, and in Exeter, it created 
 a great excitement. Edward Gove, of this town, a member of 
 the Assembly that had been dismissed, was urgent for a revolu- 
 tion. He went from town to town, crying out for " liberty and 
 reform," and endeavoring to induce the leading men m the 
 Province to join him in a confederacy to overturn the govern- 
 ernment. But they were less rash than he was. However they 
 might feel towards the government, they disapproved of Gove's 
 measures, and informed against him ; upon which he collected 
 his followers and appeared in arms ; but was at length induced 
 to surrender. He was soon after tried for high treason, was 
 convicted, and received sentence of death. His property was 
 confiscated. He was sent to England, and after remaining 
 imprisoned .in the Tower three years, was pardoned, and re- 
 turned home, and his estate was restored to him. 
 
 Several other persons were also tried for treason, two of whom 
 belonged to Hampton. These were convicted of being accom- 
 plices with Gove, but were reprieved, and at length pardoned 
 without being sent to England. 
 
 Not long after, when the courts had all been organized in a 
 way highly favorable to Mason, he commenced suits against sev- 
 eral persons for liolding lauds and felling timber which he claim- 
 ed. These suits were decided in his favor ; the persons prose- 
 cuted, generally, indeed, making no defences. Some of the 
 people of this town gave in writing their reasons for not offer- 
 ing a defence. The jury, however, gave their verdicts without 
 hesitation. A large number of cases were despatched in a sin- 
 gle day, and the costs were made very great. 
 
25 
 
 Still, those who were prosecuted, and against whom execu- 
 tions v/ere obtained, had one consolation. When their estates 
 were exposed to sale, no purchaser could be found, so that they 
 still retained possession of them. 
 
 At length the grievances of the people were past endurance, 
 and they resolved to complain directly to the king. Nathaniel 
 Weare, of this town, was accordingly chosen their agent, and 
 despatched to England. 
 
 In 16S4, Cranfield wishing to raise money to relieve himself 
 from embarrassment, under false pretences induced the Assem- 
 bly to pass an act for raising the money by taxation. The con- 
 stables either negected or refused to collect the tax, and a spe- 
 cial officer was appointed for the purpose. When this officer 
 came to Hampton, he was beaten, deprived of his sword, seated 
 on a horse and conveyed out of the Province, to Salisbury, with 
 a rope about his neck, and his feet tied together beneath the 
 horse's body. 
 
 At the time of this transaction, Weare, the agent of the peo- 
 ple, was in England. In consequence of his representations, 
 censures were passed on some of Cranfield's proceedings, and 
 he soon after left New-England and sailed to the Wesl-Indies. 
 
 When the revolution occurred, which placed Wdliam, Prince 
 of Orange, on the throne of England, the people of New-Hamp- 
 shire were left in an unsettled state. A convention of deputies 
 was holden, to resolve upon some method of government. Dr. 
 Belknap says that " it does not appear from Hampton records 
 whether they joined in this Convention." This statement is in- 
 correct. The town determined to unite with the other towns in 
 the Convention, and for this purpose they chose and instructed 
 six delegates. The persons chosen were Henry Green, Henry 
 Dow, Nathaniel Weare, Samuel Sherburne, Morris Hobbs, and 
 Edward Gove.* 
 
 At the first meeting, the Convention came to no conclusion. 
 Afterward they thought it best to become united with Massachu- 
 
 " See Appendix, E. 
 4 
 
26 
 
 setts afrain. Massachusetts very readily agreed to receive them 
 till the king's pleasure should be known. In 1692, the king 
 havinc refused to allow this union, sent over John Usher as 
 lieutenant governor of New-Hampshire. 
 
 The people in general were so well satisfied with the govern- 
 ment of Massachusetts, that they were very reluctant to be again 
 separated from it. They, however, submitted to the king's order, 
 as a case of necessity. 
 
 We have now arrived at a period upon which we cannot look 
 back without astonishment and regret, at the infatuation which 
 prevailed in regard to witchcraft. I cannot relate, in detail, the 
 proceedings of courts, and of churches, too, in relation to 
 this subject. The chief seat of the infatuation was in and near 
 Salem. Many persons were accused of being witches, were tried 
 and condemned. Several were executed, while others were 
 pardoned. The delusion was not confined to the vicinity of 
 Salem. It extended to this town, and persons here fell under 
 suspicion, and were tried for the crime of witchcraft. " In 
 fine," to use the language of an old writer, " the country was in 
 a dreadful ferment, and wise men foresaw a long train of bloody 
 and dismal consequences." 
 
 We may wonder that the people of that period could be so 
 deluded ; but in New-England a belief in witchcraft was then 
 almost universal. The same belief also prevailed in Eng- 
 land, and even took strong hold of some powerful minds. It is 
 said that several persons were tried and condemned by Sir Mat- 
 thew Hale, a gentleman of noble intellectual endowments, and 
 great moral worth, and one of the most distinguished judges 
 that ever sat upon the English bench. 
 
 The author of the " Magnalia," after relating several wonder- 
 ful feats, said to have been performed by those who were reported 
 to be witches, gravely adds: "Flashy people may burlesque 
 ' these things, but when hundreds of people, in a country where 
 * they have as much mother wit certainly as the rest of mankind, 
 ' know them to be trap, nothing but the absurd and froward 
 ' spirit of Sadducism can question them." 
 
 But this feeling has passed away, and few people now fear 
 
27 
 
 that they shall be called Sadducees, or infidels, for|rnahitaining 
 the opinion that witchcraft is all a delusion. 
 
 It would be interesting to go back to our earliest history, and 
 trace the progress of education in the town ; to inquire|what 
 methods were adopted by our fathers, to instruct the youno-, and 
 to notice the self-denials and the expenses to which the people 
 subjected themselves, to afford the means of instruction'to their 
 children. A subject so important and so interesting, must, how- 
 ever, be passed over with a very i'ew remarks. 
 
 It is probable that the ministers of the gospel, who were, from 
 the first settlement of the town, stationed here as religious teach- 
 ers, improved the opportunities which were afforded them, to 
 inform the minds of those to whom they ministered, particularly 
 the minds of the young. To judge otherwise would be derog- 
 atory to the good sense, the intelligence, and the discretion of 
 the ministers themselves. 
 
 But straitened as were the circumstances of the people, they 
 as a town were not unmindful of their duties to the youno-. 
 Provision was early made for furnishing them with the means of 
 acquiring knowledge. It is, indeed, uncertain at how early a 
 period schools were established among them ; probably soon 
 after the formation of the settlement. 
 
 There is on record an agreement of the selectmen with a 
 school-master, made in 1649, employing him, for a stipulated 
 sum, to instruct the children of the town daily, for a whole vear, 
 when the weather would permit them to come together.* It is 
 hardly probable that a contract would have been made with an 
 instructer for so long a term, unless schools, or a school, had 
 been previously established. It is not unreasonable to suppose 
 that the origin of schools here is nearly coeval with the settle- 
 ment of the town. While the town was under the jurisdiction 
 of Massachusetts, the people were required by law to maintain 
 a free school during a considerable portion of the time. Still, 
 it is not certain that this law went into operation here till after 
 the date of the agreement already mentioned. Since that time, 
 
 * See Appendi.x, F. 
 
28 
 
 there can be but little doubt that free schools have been main- 
 tained during a part at least of every year, where opportunities 
 have been furnished for acquiring the rudiments of an education. 
 
 The next thing I shall notice, is the Ecclesiastical History of 
 the town. 
 
 The object of the first settlers near the Piscataqua, as already 
 mentioned, was to prosecute the fishing business. That business 
 has undoubtedly been carried on here from a very early period ; 
 but this seems not to have been the prime object in forming the 
 settlement. Our fathers came hither for the enjoyment of religious 
 freedom. One of their first movements was to secure a minis- 
 ter, who should be to them a spiritual guide. They came hither 
 united in church covenant, and at the very commencement of 
 the settlement they were supplied with a pastor. It has been 
 handed down to us by tradition, that the church was formed, 
 and a pastor procured, before the settlement of the town was 
 actually commenced ; and the language of our early records 
 seems to give countenance to this tradition. The records state 
 that, " It was granted unto Mr. Stephen Bachelor and his com- 
 ' pany, who were some of them united together by church gov- 
 ' vernment, that they should have a plantation at Winnicumet, 
 * and accordingly they were shortly after to enter upon and begin 
 'the same." This purports to have been taken from the Massa- 
 chusetts court records. 
 
 A fair inference from this language is that the formation of 
 the plantation was subsequent to that of the church. 
 
 Tl has .^oiijetimcs been said that this was the second church 
 formed in New-Hampshire, — a church having been previou.sly 
 gathered at Exeter. Both churches were formed in the year 
 1638; but I have been unable satisfactorily to determine which 
 may justly claim priority of date ; nor is it of much consequence. 
 This church is acknowledged to be the oldest now existing in 
 New-Hampshire, as the first church formed in Exeter became 
 extinct a few years after its formation, when that town came 
 under the jurisdiction of Massachusetts. The pastor of the 
 church was under sentence of banishment from that Province, 
 
29 
 
 and he retired to Wells, in the Province of Maine, whither he 
 was followed by a considerable portion of his church. 
 
 In an old book, entitled " Wonder-Working Providence of 
 Zion's Saviour," the church at Hampton is said to have been 
 the seventeenth formed in the colony of Massachusetts. 
 
 The first pastor of the church was Rev. Stephen Bachelor. 
 He was, at the time he came hither, advanced in life, being 77 
 years of age. He had been a minister in England for many 
 years. In 1632, he removed to this country, and became the 
 first pastor of the church at Lynn. In 163S he came to Hamp- 
 ton with the little band that settled here. He was pastor of this 
 church about three years, and was removed in 1641, at the age 
 of 80.* He lived to a very advanced age, and is said to have 
 died in England, in 1661, having completed a whole century. 
 
 Mr. Bachelor's descendants are very numerous in Hampton, 
 and in several other towns in New-Hampshire. 
 
 When the settlement was in its infancy, a log-house afforded 
 the people a temporary place of worship. That house was lo- 
 cated nigh the spot where three of the subsequent meeting- 
 houses stood ; very near the present site of the academy. 
 
 At the early period of which we are speaking, the people 
 were called together for worship by the ringing of a bell, as ap- 
 pears from a vote of the town, Nov. 22, 1639, when one of the 
 inhabitants was appointed " to ring the bell before the meetings 
 on the Lord's days and on other days," for which he was to have 
 a specified sum. How interesting to the settlers must have been 
 the sound of that bell, as its peals echoed through the forest 
 and broke the stillness of the Sabbath morning, inviting them 
 to assemble for the worship of Jehovah ; and how strange to the 
 untutored sons of the forest, to see the settlers laying aside 
 their implements of husbandry, and all the tools which they 
 were accustomed to use, resting from their labors, and wending 
 their way, along difterent paths, to the log-house whence the 
 sound of the bell proceeded. 
 
 * The Massachusetts Colony Records say that he was removed from the 
 pastoral office for " contempt of authority." 
 
30 
 
 In 1639, the year after the formation of the church, Rev. 
 Timothy Dalton was associated with the former minister, in the 
 pastoral office.* Mr. Bachelor was indeed generally designated 
 as the Pastor, and liis associate as the Teacher of the church. 
 
 Mr. Dalton came to Hampton very soon after the formation of 
 the settlement, and it is said a considerable company of settlers 
 came with him. 
 
 After the removal of Mr. Bachelor, in 1641, Mr. Dalton was 
 sole pastor of tlie church about six years, when Rev. John 
 Whelewright, who had previously been settled at Exeter, was 
 associated with him. How long they were thus connected does 
 not appear from any records which I have consulted. Mr. 
 Whelewright was at length dismissed, when Mr. Dalton was again 
 left sole pastor of the church. He continued in the ministry 
 till his death. 
 
 Our records do not show what compensation was made to Mr. 
 Bachelor, nor to Mr. Dalton, in the early part of his ministry. 
 Large tracts of land were granted to them both. At one town 
 meeting in 1639, 300 acres were granted to each, Mr. Bachelor 
 having a house lot before. Grants of land were also made to them, 
 or to one of them, at other times. It is pretty evident that at first 
 they received no stated salary. This appears from an agreement 
 with Mr. Dalton, in 1651, when, on certain conditions, he 
 released the town from all " debts and dues" to him, from his first 
 coming until he had " a set pay" given him by the town. After 
 he had been here several years, he seems to have had about =£'40 
 per annum. Mr. Dalton is called by an old writer, " the rever- 
 end, grave and gracious Mr. Dalton." He died on the 2Sth of 
 December, 1661, at an advanced age, probably about 84 years, 
 having been here 22 years in the ministry. Our records 
 state that he was " a faithful and painful laborer in God's vine- 
 yard." 
 
 Mr. Dalton, it is well known, was the minister who gave by 
 deed to the church and town of Hampton the property from 
 which the ministerial funds of this town, Hampton Falls, and 
 North Hampton, have been derived. 
 
 * See Appendix, G. 
 
31 
 
 Soon after his ministry commenced, the town adopted meas- 
 ures for building a new meeting-house, of framed work, to take 
 the place of the log-house which had served temporarily as a 
 place of worship. By vote of the town, the new house was to 
 be forty feet in length, twenty-two in width, and thirteen in 
 height, between joints, with a place for the bell, which was 
 given by the pastor. 
 
 The agreement with the contractor for building this house 
 was mutually subscribed by the parties on the 14th of Septem- 
 ber, 1640. Soon afterwards it was determined to defray the 
 expense by voluntary contribution. The house was not wholly 
 finished for several years. In July, 1644, persons were appointed 
 to ask and receive the sums which were to be given towards 
 building it, and, in case any should refuse to pay voluntarily, 
 this committee was required to use all lawful means to compel 
 them. The committee was farther instructed to lay out upon the 
 meeting-house, to the best advantage, the money they might 
 raise. When this house was first occupied as a place of wor- 
 ship, is not known. 
 
 In 1()49, liberty was given to certain persons to build a gal- 
 lery at the west end of the meeting-house, and these persons, 
 on their part, agreed to build the gallery, provided that the 
 " foremost seat " should be appropriated to them, for their own 
 use, and as their own property. 
 
 The meeting-houses first built in this town were without pews. 
 They were constructed simply with seats ; and for the purpose 
 of preventing any disorder that might otherwise be occasioned, 
 committees were from time to time appointed, to direct the peo- 
 ple what seat each one might occupy. 
 
 Early in the year 1647, the church and town gave a call to 
 Rev. John Whelewright to settle as colleague with Mr. Dalton. 
 They stated that Mr. Dalton had labored faithfully among them 
 in the ministry, "even beyond his ability and strength of nature." 
 
 Mr. Whelewright accepted the invitation extended to him. 
 The agreement made with him is dated the 12th of the 2nd 
 month, 1647. By this agreement, he was to have a house lot, 
 and the farm which had once belonged to Mr. Bachelor, but 
 
32 
 
 which had heen purchased by the town. This was to be given 
 to him, his iieirs and assigns, unless he should remove himself 
 from them without liberty from the church. The church and 
 town were also to pay some charges and give Mr. Whclewright 
 as a salary £^0 per annum. The farm was afterward conveyed 
 to him by deed. 
 
 How long Mr. Whelewright retained his connection with this 
 church, is uncertain. He was here in 165G, and probably left 
 about the year 1(558. 
 
 He was a person of considerable notoriety. Hutchinson, in 
 his History of Massachusetts, calls him '\a zealous minister, of 
 character both for learning and piety." When residing in Mas- 
 sachusetts, he was accused of Antinomianism, and one of his 
 sermons was said to savor of heresy and sedition ; and refusing 
 to make any acknowledgment, when called to an account, he 
 was banished from the province. He then came into this vicin- 
 ity, and laid the foundation of the town and church at Exeter. 
 When Exeter came under the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, as 
 has already been stated, he retired into Maine and resided at 
 Wells. He remained at that place till he received a call to come 
 to Hampton, and settle as colleague with Mr. Dalton. This took 
 place in the year 1(147. Previous to this, his sentence of ban. 
 ishraent seems to have been removed. After his dismission 
 from this church, he went to England, where he was in favor 
 with Cromwell, with whom he had in early life been associated 
 at the University of Cambridge, in England. After Charles H. 
 came to the throne, Mr. Whelewright returned to New-England, 
 and took up his residence at Salisbury, Massachusetts, where 
 he died November 15, 1679, aged, probably, about 85 years. 
 
 It is worthy of notice that the first three pastors of this 
 church all lived to an advanced age — one of them dying at the 
 age of 100, and each of the others at the age of 84 or 85 years, 
 so that the average age of the three was not far from 90 years. 
 
 Soon after Mr. Whelewright was removed from the church, 
 and before the death of Mr. Dalton, Rev. Seaborn Cotton was 
 settled as colleague with the latter. His settlement took place 
 in 1660, and Mr. Dalton died the year after. 
 
33 
 
 The father of Mr. Cotton was Rev. John Cotton, one of the 
 most distinguished of the early New England divines. He was 
 many years settled as pastor of a church at Boston, in England. 
 Being driven thence by persecution, he sought an asylum in this 
 country, and soon became pastor of a church at Boston, Massa- 
 chusetts. Seaborn was his eldest son, and was born in 1633, 
 during the passage of his parents across the Atlantic, from which 
 circumstance he received his name. 
 
 He graduated at Harvard college, Aug. 12, 1651. Dr. Cot- 
 ton Mather says of him, that he was "esteemed a thorough 
 scholar and an able preacher." 
 
 Of Mr. Cotton's records, only a few fragments remain, so 
 that we know but little of the state of the church while he was 
 pastor of it. He continued in the ministry 16 years, and died 
 April 19, 1686, at the age of 53 years. 
 
 During Mr. Cotton's ministry, a new meeting-house was 
 erected, it being the third built in the town for the use of this 
 church. It was built in the summer of 1675, and was placed 
 near the old house then standing. By an order of the town, 
 all the inhabitants of more than twenty years of age were 
 required to attend and assist in the raising of this house, under a 
 specified penalty for neglecting to do it. The house erected at 
 that time was the one around which a fortification was made as 
 a defence against the Indians. It is uncertain when the house 
 was finished and began to be occupied. The old meeting- 
 house was taken down in 1680, having stood about 40 years. 
 
 After the death of Mr. Cotton, the church was destitute of a 
 pastor more than ten years ; a period far longer than all the other 
 periods during which it has been without a settled minister. 
 It must not, however, be inferred that the people had nopreach- 
 intr during this long destitution of a pastor. The fact proba- 
 bly is that they were favored with preaching nearly every sabbath 
 during that time, and, for a considerable portion of it, by the 
 son of the deceased pastor, the gentleman who at length suc- 
 ceeded his father in the pastoral office. 
 
 Nov. 28, 1687, a committee was chosen to treat with Mr. 
 John Cotton, to ascertain whether he would be willing to be 
 5 
 
34 
 
 settled in the work of the ministry and to be ordained, agree- 
 ably to the desire of the town. 
 
 Mr. Cotton probably complied with this request, so far as to 
 preach, but not to be ordained as pastor of the church. During 
 the ten years immediately succeeding the death of his father, 
 he received several urgent requests from the town to be ordained. 
 For some reason or other, he declined ordination, though he 
 continued his preaching. For some months, however, in the 
 years 1690 and 1691, Mr. Cotton was absent from Hampton, 
 residing in the vicinity of Boston. He also preached three 
 months at Portsmouth, where he was invited to settle. During 
 a portion of the time that he was absent. Rev. John Pike, min- 
 ister of Dover, supplied the pulpit here, and received an invita- 
 tion to become pastor of the church. He gave some encour- 
 agement that he would accept the invitation ; but probably he 
 was unable to procure a dismission from the church at Dover, 
 as he retained his pastoral connection with that church till his 
 death, which occurred in 1710. 
 
 The invitation to Mr. Cotton was renewed, and after much 
 solicitation he consented to be ordained. His ordination took 
 place Nov. 19, 1696. He continued in the ministry till his 
 death, March 27, 1710. At the time of his decease he was 
 fifty-two years of age. When he was ordained there were only 
 ten male and fifteen female members, in full communion with 
 the church. Mr. Cotton appears to have been a very worthy 
 man, and an acceptable and a successful preacher. During the 
 fourteen years of his ministry, two hundred and twenty persons 
 were admitted into full communion with the church. 
 
 After his death, the people were not long destitute of a stated 
 minister. Rev. Nathaniel Gookin was ordained pastor, on the 
 I5th of November, in the same year. 
 
 About one year after his ordination, a new church was formed 
 in the south part of the town, and forty-nine persons, nineteen 
 males and thirty females, were dismissed from the first church 
 for the purpose of being organized into the new one. 
 
 The vote, dismissing these members, passed Dec. 9, 1711, 
 and the church was organized soon after, and Rev. Theophilus 
 
35 
 
 Cotton settled over it as pastor. Several years afterward, that 
 part of the town was formed into a new town, and called Hamp- 
 ton-Falls. 
 
 During Mr. Gookin's ministry, the last meeting-house was 
 erected, which stood at the meeting-house green, near where 
 the academy now stands. The house was sixty feet in length, 
 forty in breadth, and twenty-eight in height, between joints. It 
 was finished with two galleries, one above the other, as many 
 now present will recollect ; for this was the same house that was 
 taken down in 1808, having been built eighty-nine years. The 
 frame was erected on the 13th and I4th of May, 1719, and the 
 house was completed, so that it was occupied for the first time 
 as a place of worship, sabbath day, October 18th, of the same 
 year. This house at first was finished with only one pew, and 
 that was for the use of the minister's family. Other pews were 
 added at a subsequent period. 
 
 In 1725 nine persons were dismissed from this church, in 
 order to be, probably with others, formed into a church at Kings- 
 ton. 
 
 It may be proper to remark, in this connection, that the char- 
 ter of Kingston was granted Aug. 16, 1G94, to James Prescott, 
 Ebenezer Webster, and several other persons, belonging to 
 Hampton. The grant embraced not only the territory of Kings- 
 ton, as it now is, but also that of East-Kingston, Sandown and 
 Danville. The first settlers there had many difficulties to en- 
 counter and hardships to endure, on account of Indian hostili- 
 ties. No church was formed at Kingston till 1725. 
 
 The church at Hampton also furnished twenty of the original 
 members of the church at Rye. They were dismissed from 
 this church, July 10, 172G, and the church at Rye was formed 
 ten days after. Most of these persons, however, resided within 
 the limits of that town, which was made up of portions of Ports- 
 mouth, New-Castle, Greenland and Hampton, and was incorpo- 
 rated in 1719. 
 
 An event occurred during the ministry of Rev. Mr. Gookin, 
 worthy to be noticed on this occasion, not only on its own 
 account, but more particularly on account of circumstances con- 
 
36 
 
 nected with it. I refer to tlie great earthqufike, October 29, 
 1727. This phenomenon is here associated with the name of 
 Mr, Gookia, from his being led, in the providence of God, to 
 preach to his people on the very day preceding the night on 
 which the eartlKiuake happened, a solemn discourse, from Eze- 
 kiel vii: 7. "The day of trouble is near." 
 
 In the course of his sermon lie remarked thus : — " I do not 
 'pretend to a gift of foretelling future things, but the impression 
 
 * that these words have made upon my mind in the week past, 
 ' so that I could not bend my thoughts to prepare a discourse on 
 ' any other subject, saving that on which I discoursed in the 
 
 * forenoon, which was something of the same nature; I say, it 
 ' being thus, I know not but there may be a particular warning 
 ' designed by God of some day of trouble near, perhaps to me, 
 'perhaps to you, perhaps to all of us." 
 
 How forcibly must these solemn words have been impressed 
 on the minds of those who heard them, when, after only a few 
 hours had elapsed, and while the words still seemed ringing in 
 their ears, a low, rumbling sound was heard, which soon in- 
 creased to the loudness of thunder, while the houses shook from 
 their very foundations, and the tops of some of the chimnies 
 were broken olf and fell to the ground, the sea in the mean time 
 roaring in a very unusual manner. 
 
 Mr. Gookin labored to improve this event of Providence for 
 the spiritual benefit of his people, and his labors were richly 
 blessed. Within a few months after it occurred, large addi- 
 tions were made to the church. 
 
 On the 19th of June, 1734, Rev. Ward Cotton was associated 
 with Rev. Mr. Gookin, as a colleague in the pastoral office. 
 Mr. Gookin was then in feeble health, and he lived only about 
 two months afterwards. He died of a slow fever, August 25, 
 1734, aged 48 years, having been in the ministry here about 
 twenty-four years. During this time three hundred and twenty 
 persons were admitted to the full communion of the church. 
 
 Mr. Gookin was much esteemed by his people, who, after his 
 death, often spoke in high terms of his worth. lie was regarded 
 as a man of good learning, great prudence, and ardent piety. 
 
37 
 
 He ranked high as a preacher, and his opinions in ecclesiastical 
 affairs were very much respected by contemporary divines. 
 
 Here T shall do injustice to this people, if I neglect to men- 
 tion their generous provision for the maintenance of Mr. Gook- 
 in's widow. Soon after his death the town agreed to give her 
 ■£80 a year ; to furnish her with the keeping of three cows and 
 a horse, sunnner and winter, and to give her fifteen cords of 
 wood per annum. They also built, for her use, a house and a 
 barn. All this they performed as a memento of their love to 
 Mr. Gookin, and their high regard to the worth of his widow. 
 Mrs, Gookin was a daughter of Rev. John Cotton, her hus- 
 band's immediate predecessor in the pastoral office. 
 
 The notice I shall take of the succeeding pastors of the church 
 will be extremely brief 
 
 The ordination of Rev. Ward Cotton has been already allud- 
 ed to. He was pastor of the church more than 31 years. He 
 was dismissed November 12, 1765, in accordance with the ad- 
 vice of a mutual council. He died at Plymouth, Mass., No- 
 vember 27, 1768, aged 57 years. 
 
 Seven persons were dismissed from this church, September 
 25, 1737, in order to be formed into a church in the third parish, 
 now the town of Kensington. The same number was dismiss- 
 ed, one week afterwards, to be united with them. Among these 
 was Mr. Jeremiah Fogg, who was ordained pastor of that church 
 November 23d, of the same year. 
 
 The fourth society was formed soon after, in that part of the 
 town then called North Hill, but which was incorporated as a 
 town November 26, 1742, and received the name of North- 
 Hampton. The first meeting-house was erected there in 1738, 
 and about the same time those members of the church residing 
 in that part of the town requested a dismission, for the purpose 
 of being organized into a new church. Their request was not 
 granted. The town also refused to liberate the people there 
 from aiding in the support of Rev. Mr, Cotton. The reason is 
 not known. It is, however, probable that the church and town 
 considered the formation of a new church at that time unne- 
 cessary. A council was called, that, after due deliberation, pro- 
 
38 
 
 ceeded to organize the church, over which Rev. Nathaniel 
 Gookin, son of the l;ite pastor of the first church, was ordain- 
 ed, October 31, 1739. 
 
 Rev. Ebenezer Thayer became pastor of the okl church, 
 September IT, 17G0, and continued in that office till his death. 
 He died November 6, 1792, aged 58 years. 
 
 A few months after Mr. Thayer's death, the church and town 
 invited his son, Nathaniel, to become their minister. He did 
 not accept the invitation. About a year afterwards they gave 
 a call to Rev. Daniel Dana. He also declined. 
 
 After this a division arose in the town and church, which re- 
 sulted in leading a majority of the town and a part of the church 
 to declare themselves Presbyterians. They invited Rev. William 
 Pidgin to become their pastor ; and he, having accepted the in- 
 vitation, was ordained January 27, 1790. Mr. Pidgin was pas- 
 tor of that church a little more than eleven years. He was dis- 
 missed in July, 1807. 
 
 A minority of the town formed themselves into a society, and 
 united with the congregational church for the maintenance of 
 public worship, and Rev. Jesse Appleton became their pastor, 
 March 22, 1797. As the old meeting-house was occupied by 
 the Presbyterians, the Congregationalists made arrangements 
 for building a new house. Accordingly, the one where we are 
 now assembled was erected, on the 24th of May, 1797, and ded- 
 icated on the 14th of November following. 
 
 In the year 1807, Mr. Appleton was elected President ofBow- 
 doin College ; and, having accepted the appointment, was dis- 
 missed from this church on the IGth of November, in the same 
 year. He died at Brunswick, Me., Nov. 12, 1819, aged 47 years. 
 After Mr. Appleton's dismission both churches were without 
 pastors, and it was proposed that they should be united. Arti- 
 cles of union having been agreed upon, the Presbyterian church 
 was merged in the Congregational, from which it had sprung 
 about thirteen years before, and Rev. Josiah Webster was in- 
 stalled pastor, June 8th, 1808, and sustained that office till his 
 death, March 27, 1837 — almost twenty-nine years. At thetime 
 of his death Mr. Webster was about 05 years old. 
 
39 
 
 The present pastor of the church, Rev. Erasmus D. Eldredge, 
 was ordained April 4, 18:38. 
 
 From these remarks it appears that this church has been or- 
 ganized two hundred years. During that time it has had eleven 
 pastors. Of the first ten, six died in office, and four were dis- 
 missed. The average length of the ministry of these ten was 
 about twenty years ; for although the church, since its formation, 
 has been destitute of a pastor about fourteen years, yet it has 
 enjoyed the labors of two associate pastors for about the same 
 length of time. 
 
 What important and wonderful changes have taken place dur- 
 ing the period which we have been contemplating. If we com- 
 pare our condition with that of our ancestors at the commence- 
 ment of this period, in almost every circumstance we shall per- 
 ceive a great alteration. The same sky is indeed spread out 
 over us, which covered them. The same sun enlightens us by 
 day, and the same moon by night. The same stars still beautify 
 the heavens, and the same ocean, too, extends along the east- 
 ern border of the town ; but even that is viewed with very dif- 
 ferent emotions from those felt by our ancestors, when they 
 looked upon its broad bosom. Now, many of the little eminences 
 within our borders afford picturesque and delightful views of 
 the ocean and the scenery near it. Pleasant roads lead to its 
 shore ; and as we stand upon this shore, and observe the waves 
 rolling forward and dashing upon the sand, and then look abroad 
 upon the ocean itself, our minds are filled with agreeable sen- 
 sations. We see vessels moving in various directions, and oc- 
 casionally a steam-boat passing rapidly along, almost in defiance 
 of winds and currents, having its source of motion within it- 
 self But let us go back, in our imaginations, two hundred years, 
 and how unlike the present ! Seldom was a vessel seen off our 
 coast; but rarely was the shore itself visited by the early set- 
 tlers, as between that and their settlement were fens, creeks 
 and marshes, rendering the way almost impassable. When they 
 did stand by the ocean and look abroad upon its mighty mass of 
 waters, their emotions must have been very different from ours. 
 
40 
 
 They were undoutedly reminded of a place beyond the ocean ; of 
 the land of their nativity. They would naturally call to mind the 
 scenes of their infancy and childhood — the loved scenes, the 
 kind and affectionate friends, they had left behind, and that were 
 separated from them by the world of waters upon which they 
 were gazing. With their other feelings, then, must have been 
 blended those of sadness. 
 
 But suppose we go and stand upon the sea-shore during the 
 raging of a storm, when the water is lashed into tremendous 
 commotion by the violence of the tempest; our feelings are 
 indeed indescribable, but those of sublimity or grandeur are 
 predominant. With our ancestors, other feelings must have 
 been most povVerful. When they, from their log cabins, heard 
 the noise of the tempest; when they saw the violent agitation 
 of the forest, as the wind moaned among its branches ; and 
 when, in addition, they heard the roar of the ocean, they must 
 have been reminded, even more forcibly than on other occasions, 
 of the separation to which they had been called. They then felt 
 that an almost impassable barrier was between them and their 
 native land. 
 
 Besides these great natural objects, how few things there are 
 in which there has not been an almost entire change. Two 
 centuries ago nearly the whole township, except the land bor- 
 dering upon the ocean, and the marshes which skirted the river, 
 was a thick forest, the growth of ages. From the original set- 
 tlement, formed around yonder common, which was early called 
 the meeting-house green, there might indeed have been an open- 
 ing in one direction, where the marshes stretch away to the 
 south, as far as the eye can reach. With this exception, the 
 infant settlement was hemmed in with thick woods. No path 
 lay through them, except such as the wild beasts had formed, or 
 the lone foot-path, made by the Indian hunter in pursuit of 
 game, or as he bent his course to the river in search of shell- 
 fish from its banks. Where are the forests now ? Almost all 
 have been prostrated by the woodman's axe, and in their place 
 we find meadows, orchards, and cultivated fields. Instead of the 
 winding footpath, and the Indian trail, we have good and con- 
 
41 
 
 venient roads, in almost every part of the town. How differ- 
 ent, too, is the mode of conveyance. Our fathers seldom rode ; 
 never,except on horseback. When the second minister of the 
 town was called to Dover ,to advise with other gentlemen in regard 
 to ecclesiastical affairs, history informs us that he went on foot. 
 How is it now ? Station yourselves near one of our principal 
 roads in a fair summer day, and let the scenes you witness, an- 
 swer. 
 
 Another change we may notice. When our fathers came 
 hither, the only dwellings they found were Indian wigwams, 
 the smoke of which was seen here and there curling up in the 
 very midst of the forests ; their own dwellings, at first, were log- 
 houses, rudely constructed, and few in number. Now, as we 
 pass along our roads, we observe on either side, and, in some 
 places, compactly situated, dwelling-houses of various forms 
 and sizes, some new, and others exhibiting signs of age ; scarce- 
 ly any of them, indeed, elegant ; but nearly all betokening com- 
 fort. In regard to neatness of appearance and taste in their 
 construction and position, there is room for much improvement. 
 Still most of our dwellings are abodes of comfort. In many of 
 them are individuals who are by no means strangers to rural 
 felicity. They do not, indeed, dwell in splendid domes, nor 
 are they vexed with the cares and anxieties of those who usual- 
 ly inhabit such structures. Of many an individual here, may 
 we says in the words of the poet : 
 
 " Sure peace is his ; a solid life, estrang'd 
 
 To disappointment and fallacious liope ; 
 
 Rich in content ; in nature's bounty rich, 
 
 In herbs and fruits." 
 
 Within two centuries, a great change has also taken place in 
 the inhabitants themselves. When our fathers came hither, they 
 found no inhabitants but Indians. These have all passed away. 
 Not one of them remains. The smoke long since ceased to as- 
 cend from their wigwams, and their wigwams themselves have 
 entirely disappeared. Their hunting grounds have been brok- 
 en up and transformed into cultivated fields, and even their graves 
 are now unknown. 
 
 But " our fathers, where are they?" They, too, are gone, 
 6 
 
42 
 
 Death has been busy among them, and has swept them away. 
 About six generations have gone down to the grave since the set- 
 tlement of the town was commenced. We pass by yonder grave 
 yards, and the stones which affection has erected in memory of 
 departed friends, remind us of the ravages of mortality. But 
 upon the stones themselves the hand of time has not been inac- 
 tive. Many of them are fallen ; some have crumbled with the 
 dust they were intended to commemorate ; from others the in- 
 scriptions are worn away, so that only the position of the stones 
 indicates that a grave is beneath them. The graves of those 
 who died during the first half century from the settlement of the 
 town, are now unknown. Their inmates have mouldered to 
 dust, and will continue mingled with other dust, and undistin- 
 guished from it, until the morning of the resurrection, when 
 their dust, though for ages scattered abroad, shall be collected 
 again, and the bodies, which mouldered so long ago, will be re- 
 animated, never more to decay. 
 
 If time permitted, it would be interesting to notice the changes 
 in regard to the means of mental and of moral improvement ; to 
 point out our superior advantages, arising from the multiplica- 
 tion of books ; from the improved character of our common 
 schools ; from the academy in our midst ; and from the estab- 
 lishment of Sabbath schools, furnished with libraries, adapted to 
 expand the intellect and improve the heart. 
 
 The period we have been considering forms an important 
 portion of the history of the world. I cannot, however, even 
 glance at the mighty political and moral revolutions which have 
 occurred since its commencement, in different parts of the 
 earth. To illustrate its importance, I will merely observe, that, 
 if we go back through a little more than nine such periods since 
 our town was settled, we shall find our Saviour on earth, " going 
 about doing good." And we need not go back through quite 
 thirty such periods, to arrive at the time when " the earth was 
 without form and void ;" when God said, " Let there be light and 
 there was light;" when " the morning stars sang together, and 
 all the sons of God shouted for joy." 
 
 But ou this interesting occasion, it is not necessary to con- 
 fine our attention to the past. Our thoughts naturally and una- 
 
43 
 
 voidabJy run forward into futurity. Let us allow them to range 
 freely. Let us pass onward, in our imaginations, through another 
 century. At its close, we may suppose the people here will 
 assemble, as we have this day done, to review the occurrences 
 of the past. And it is probable that the third century of our 
 history will exhibit as great and as interesting changes as either 
 of those already past ? Let us, in imagination, take our stand 
 in the assembly that will then be convened. All will be stran- 
 gers to us; — not one countenance with which we are familiar. 
 Where then will be the people with whom we are now associa- 
 ted ? Death will have swept them all away. Yes, every indi- 
 vidual of this assembly will then be sleeping in the dust, as our 
 ancestors now are. Not one of us will participate in the exer- 
 cises of that occasion. What other changes will take place 
 within one hundred years, we know not. We cannot doubt that 
 they will be great and important. Their character will, un- 
 questionably, depend in some measure on the course pursued by 
 the present generation. Let us, then, consider well what duties 
 we have to perform, and pursue such a course, that " future 
 generations shall rise up and call us blessed." 
 
 iiip^is^iDa^a 
 
 NOTE A. SEE PAGE 8. 
 
 The names of some of the first settlers of Hampton are found in the Massachusetts 
 Colony Records. Dr. Belknap has given them in his history. The following is his 
 
 Stephen Bachelor, Thomas Molton, 
 
 Christopher Hussey, William Estow, 
 
 Widow Mary Hussey, William Palmer, 
 
 Thomas Cromwell, William Sergeant, 
 
 Samuel Skullard, Richard Swayne, 
 
 John Osgood, William Sanders, 
 
 Samuel Greenfield, Robert Tucke, 
 
 John Molton, John Cross. 
 
 The four names still found in the town, are Bachelor, Molton, Palmer, and Tucke. 
 1 hree of these names are now spelled in a different manner. 
 
 NOTE B. SEE PAGE 8. 
 
 xi,7^^,^ writer referred to, is Edward Johnson, author of a work entitled " Wonder- 
 <?».' "i . ^"^^""''f Zion's Saviour." The following is an extract from this work : 
 "Much about this time [1639,] began the Town of Hampton, in the County of North- 
 lolK, to have her foundation stone laid, scituate near the Sea-coast, not farre from the 
 
44 
 
 ' famous River of Merimeck, the great store of salt marsh did iiitice this people to set 
 * downe their habitations there, for as yet Cowes and Cattell of that kinde were not 
 ' come to the preat downfall in their price, of which they have 450 head ; and for the 
 ' form of this Towne, it is like a Flower-de-luce, two streets of houses wheeling oft" 
 ' from the maine body thereof, the land is fertile, but filled with swamps, and some 
 ' store of rocks, the people are about 60 Families ; I eing gathered together into Church 
 ' covenant, they called to oflice the reverend, grave, and gracious Mr. Doulton, having 
 ' also for some little space of time the more ancient ftlr. Bachelor to preach unto them 
 ' also." 
 
 NOTE C. SEE PAGE 12. 
 
 I have made no attempts to give a full history of the town. It is desirable, however, 
 that some person , iiualified for the undertaking, should prepare and publish such a 
 work. Abundant materials, at present, exist ; but they are every year diminishing. 
 Hampton being one of the first settled towns in New-Hampshire, it for many years 
 formed an important part of the Province. Its history must, therefore, be interesting 
 and useful. Well written histories of the several towns settled at an early period, 
 would be invaluable documents to any person preparing a history of the State. 
 
 NOTE D. SEE PAGE 13. 
 
 The record of the first vote mentioned, ofl'ering a bounty for killing a wolf, is in the 
 following words : 
 
 " The HI : 11 mo ; 44. It is hereby declercd that every townsman which shall kill 
 ' a Wolfe & bring the head thereof & nayle the same to a little red oake at the north- 
 'east end of the meeting-house — They shall have lO.*. a woolfe for therpaynes out of 
 ' the towne-fines ; or otherwise, if noe fines be in hand." 
 
 NOTE E. SEE PAGE 25. 
 
 The meeting, at which these delegates, or commissioners, were chosen, was held 
 January 20, 1689 — 90. After a preamble, mentioning that commissioners had been 
 chosen by the people of Portsmouth and of Dover, and that the people of Hampton 
 had been invited to pursue a similar course, the determination of the town is express- 
 ed, as follows : 
 
 " We therefore ye Inhabitants of the Towne of Hampton in answer to their request 
 ' have agreed to send thes sixe persons as oui comishoners to joyne with ye comishon- 
 ' ers of ye other Towns in ye province to confer about and resolve upon a method of 
 ' Government within this province — And what ye sayd comishoners of the whole prov- 
 ' ince or the majerpart of them shall conclude and agree upon as to ye setelment of 
 ' Government amongst us — If thes own sayd comishoners (viz) Henry Green Esqre 
 ' Ensign Henry Dow, Mr. Nathaniel Wire, Capt. Samuel t?herrborne, Morris Hobs 
 ' Senifir, and Mr. Edward Gove, in discorsing and agreeing about ye same, if they or 
 ' ye majer part of them shall se just cause to comply and agree with the other comish- 
 ' oners as to ye way and method of Government that shall be settled amongst us And 
 ' shall subscribe thereto — We the Inhabitants of ye Towne of Hampton reposing es- 
 ' peaciall Trust and confidence in our sayd comishoners, what they shall agree to, or 
 ' the majer part of them We shall hould as good and valued to all intents and pur- 
 ' poses i Hereby obleidging our Selves to yield all ready obeadience thereto, untill 
 ' Their Majesties Order shall arive for ye Setelment of Government over us." 
 
 NOTE F. SEE PAGE 27. 
 
 " On the 2 of the 2 mo ; 1649 :" 
 
 " The selectmen of this Towne of Hampton have agreed w ith John Legat for this 
 ' present yeare insueing — To teach and instruct all the children of or belonging to our 
 ' Towne, both mayle and femaile (wch are capialile of learning) to write and read and 
 ' cast accountes, (if it be desired^ as dilegenlly and as carefully as he is able to teach 
 ' and instruct them ; And so dilegently to follow the said imployment att all such time 
 ' and times this yeare insueing, as the wether shall be fiitinc for the youth to com to- 
 ' gether to one place to be instructed : And allso to teach and instruct them once in a 
 ' week, or more, in some Arthodox cliatechise provided for them by their parents or 
 ' masters. 
 
 " And in consideration hereof we have agreed to pay, or cause to be payd unto the 
 ' said John Legat the som of Twenty pounds, in corne and cattle and butter, att price 
 ' currant, as payments are made of such goods in this Towne, and this to be payd by us 
 ' quarterly, paying 5/. every quarter of the yenre after he has begun to keep school. 
 
 " John Legat entered upon scholeing, the 31 day of the 3 month, 1G49." 
 
 Town Records. 
 
 NOTE G. SEE PAGE 30. 
 
 Rev. Timothy Dalton was once a minister in the church of England. Being a non- 
 conformist, he was obliged to relinquish his office, and leaving his native land he came 
 to New-England. About the year 1637. or 1633, he was admitted as a freeman at 
 ^edhiynJ_^lass. Soon after he came to this town, where he was settled in the minis- 
 try if^ 
 
 lhaml^lass. Soon after he ca 
 
 f D 17 1 
 
ERRATA. 
 
 Pace 3, line 3, for where, read when. 
 
 " " 7, for predicted, reail predicated. 
 
 4, " 8, for an, read and. 
 
 6, at llie bottom, for oar, ri;ad a». 
 11, line G from the bottom, for promise, read proviso. 
 
 " in the note, for Low Common, read Cow Common. 
 15, line 9, for watches, read matches. 
 Ifi, at the bottom, for Huckley, read Huchhij. 
 
 42, line 9 from the bottom, after the word periods, insert the 
 words, as that, which has elapsed. 
 
 43, line 5, for it is, read is it. 
 
 " 41, Note E, line 11, for own, road our. 
 
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