> V9- 'bV" r . ->" "^o o -o , ••-,''- '•^>n%^' KT » » • • A r^ ■^*' '/% ^-^p.^ ^^^'^ ^:''^^^^r -j;^' -^ 0* • -' 'OK ;'''^, O^ *o«o ^0' ^V)f%«^-; ^,<^ ^V^_,,_ V ^ _.v|^^., ^ . V-^ vr> c,- S ^'^ v:^^f.- j^-. '^^ ' * * '■, o :.s^* !^ill#;: -^^ "o V -0^ '^^ ^ ^_ <^ ■*<^/^ o .^^ <^. **^y7?!;5^/. 0^ D u ° !• T ri E RHODE-ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY VOL. II. PROVIDENCE: MARSHALL, BROWN AND COMPANY, MDCCCXXXV OFFICERS OF THE RHODE-ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY, ELECTED JULY 19, 1834. JOHN ROWLAND, President; WILLIAM HUNTER, First Vice-President; JOHN BROWN FRANCIS, Second Vice-President; THOMAS H. WEBB, Secretary; JOHN R. BARTLETT, Treastirer; ALBERT G. GREENE, Cabinet Keeper of the J^orlhern District; BENJAMIN B. HOWLAND, Cabinet Keeper of the Southarn District. TRUSTEES. WILLIAM R. STAPLES, DAVID BENEDICT, JOSEPH L. TILLINGHAST, STEPHEN BRANCH, THOMAS F. CARPENTER, WILLIAM E. RICHMOND, ALBERT G. GREENE, GEORGE BAKER, JOHN CARTER BROWN, ROMEO ELTON, USHER PARSONS, STEPHEN GOULD. PUBLISHING COMMITTEE, Elected bij the Trustees, Juhj 19, 1833. ALBERT G. GREENE, ROMEO ELTON, THOMAS F. CARPENTER f CIRCULAR The Society would call the attention of members and correspondents, Xo the following subjects : 1. Topographical Sketches of towns and villages, including an account of their soil, agriculture, manufactures, commerce, natural curiosities and stat- istics. 2. Sketches of the history of the settlement and rise of such towns and villages; and of the introduction and progress of commerce, manufactures, and the arts, in them. 3. Biographical Notices of original settlers, revolutionary patriots, and other distinguished men who have resided in this State. 4. Original letters and documents, and papers illustrating any of these subjects; particularly those which shew the private habits, manners or pur- suits of our ancestors, or arc connected with the general history of this State. 5. Sermons, orations, occasional discourses and addresses, books, pam- phlets, almanacs and newspapers, printed in this State; and manuscripts, especially those written by persons born or residing in this State. 6. Accounts of the Indian tribes which formerly inhabited any part of this State, their numbers and condition when first visited by the whites, then- treneral character and peculiar customs and manners, their wars and trea- ties, and their original grants to our ancestors. 7. The Indian names of the towns, rivers, islands, bays, and other re- markable places within this State, and the traditional import of those names. 8. Besides these, the Society will receive donations of any other books, pamphlets, manuscripts and printed documents. PREFACE. On presenting the public with the second volume of the Collections of the Rhode-Island Historical Society, the Committee of Publication deem it proper, very briefly to state the reasons which have induced them to select the present work, for that purpose. It has been the wish of the Society, to publish, in chronological order, all those works of the early settlers in Rhode-Island, which contain mate- rials relating to the history of the State, or which would furnish means for a just estimate of the characters and conduct of those who were most distin- guished during its early periods. That course would have been adopted and steadily pursued, had the resources of the Society been sufficiently ample, or had a sufficient degree of interest in its general objects, been manifested by the public, to warrant such an undertaking. In the prosecution of that design, all the writings of Roger Williams which could answer either of the above purposes, would have been first republished, and have been followed in regular order, by those of his cotemporaries and successors. But with the limited degree of encouragement and assistance which the Society has as yet received, the course which it was so desirable to have pursued, and which would have added so materially to the value of the Collections as a whole, is known to be entirely impracticable. Such being the case, the Committee felt it to be their duty, to select from tlie mate- rials at their command, some work, not only valuable in a historical point of view, but which, from its own peculiar character, would prob- ably excite the most general interest. They were, therefore, happy to avail themselves of the labors of Mr. Staples, who had been for some time preparing for the press, an edition of Simplicity's Defence; and who, as the Committee were well aware, had been indefatigable in his researches for such materials as might, in the form of Notes and Appendixes, enhance the value of the work, by explaining the references and allusions which it con- tains, or which could throw any light upon the biography, the characters or motives of the individuals who are mentioned in the Narrative. This task, Mr. Staples has performed, fully and inipartially. He has given every au- thentic means of hiformation in his power, on both sides of the (piestion. 6 and in embodying this work, witli his additions, in the present Collections, the Committee have full confidence, that ^neither liimself, nor the Society, can be obnoxious to the slightest imputation of any other motive than a desire to furnish the means by which a true judgment may be formed re- specting facts which are of much importance in the history of this State. With regard to the eventual republication of this work by the Society, even in its original form, the Committee presume there can be but one opinion; and they are gratified by the opportunity of presenting it, with ad- ditions so interesting and extensive as those by which it is now accompanied. ALBERT G. GREENE, ) Committee ROMEO ELTON, > of THOMAS F. CARPENTER, ) Publication, Pkovidejice, April, 1835. SIMPLICITY'S DEFENCE AGAINST SEVEN-HEADED POLICY. BY SAMUEL GORTON, ONE OF THE FIRST SETTLERS OF WARAVICK, R. I. WITH NOTES EXPLANATORY OF THE TEXT: AND APPENDIXES CONTAINING ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS REFERRED TO IN THE WORK. BY WILLIAM R. STAPLES, Member of the R. I. Historical Society. PROVIDENCE: MARSHALL, BROWN AND COMPANY. MDCCCXXXV. Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year .1835, by RIar- sHALL, Brown & Co. m the Clerk's Oflice of the District Court of the United States, within and for the Rhode-Island District. WILLIAM MARSHALL & CO. Primer?, Provirlcnrr. 1 N T 11 O D U C T ION. No task is more difficult than tliat of arriving at a just estimate of the character of any individual wlio has been tiie head of a party, either in pohtics or religion. Taia-, as true, the statements of the friends and followers of such an individual, and he is deserving of unmingled applause — turn to liis ene- mies and opponents, and every act of his life is a subject of censure and re- proach. If the individual were the head of a religious sect, the task is more difficult, than though he were only the leader of a political party. Polemi- cal and controversial writers are very rarely to be credited, when the charac- ters or opinionsof friends or enemies, are the subject of their works. If such an individual and all his followers are gathered to the tomb, the sect be- come extinct, and a long lapse of years rolled over, since their existence, then, is the task onerous and difficult, in the extreme. Such will be the task of the biographer of Samuel Gorton, lie was the founder of a religious sect. In an age and among a people where uniformi- ty to an established religion was enforced by the civil power, Gorton dared to think for himself, and to avow his thoughts. And such were the powers of his mind, or the truth of his positions, that he soon gathered a company who adopted and avowed his peculiar principles, notwithstanding the re- proaches and penalties to which such avowal subjected them. Though his followers cannot be called illiterate, still such were the circumstances with which they were surrounded, that they left but scanty written memorials, either of their leader or themselves. Gorton probably wrote more than all of them; but his writings are chiefly of a polemic or religious character, and contain but few allusions to himself The records of his times are ex- ceedingly barren of historical details; and the traditions in relation to Gor- ton, are few, and of but little account. His future biographer, therefore, must glean the greater part of his scanty materials from the cotemporary historians, Winthrop, ftlorton and Johnston, who were his opponents in religion, and leading men against him. To facilitate the labors of such bi- ographer, and to enable the readers of the following Narrative, more fully to understand the position in which affairs stood at the commencement of it, than they could do from the short introduction that Gorton prefixed to it, are the solo olijerts harl in view in this introductory sketch. II 10 • Samuel Gorton, came to this country, from London. In one of bis print- ed works, he adds to his name the appellation " Gentleman:" in one con- veyance, he styles himself "a Citizen of London, clothier,'.' and in another, " Professor of the Mysteries of Christ." lie landed first in Boston, in the year 1636; and from that place, removed, in a short time, to Plymouth. Here it seems his heterodoxy in religion was first discovered. Morton, in " New-England's Memorial," page 203, Davis's edition, says of Gorton, that falling into some dispute with Mr. Ralph Smith, who was elder of the church there, he was summoned before the Court on the 4th of December, 1638, to answer said Smith's complaint. He there " carried so mutinously and seditiously as that he was for the same, and for his turbulent carriages toward both magistrates and ministers in the presence of the Court, sentenaed to find sureties for his good behavior during the time he should stay in that jurisdiction, which was limited to fourteen days; and also amerced to pay a considerable fine." I think this must have been in 1637, and not in 1638; as Gorton was received an inhabitant at Aquednet or Rhode-Island, on the 20th of June, 1638. From a remark in the commencement of the following Narrative, it is probable, that this fine was levied from his goods; and it is equally probable that the original complaint was for his heterodoxy. From Plymouth, Gorton removed to Rhode-Island. There he was never received as a purchaser, or admitted a freeman. The time of his removal cannot be ascertained. Morton says, that he "was sentenced to sufi"ev corporal punishment, by whipping," while at Rhode-Island: and Letchford adds, that the punishment was actually inflicted. It is a sufficient reply to this, that nothing of the kind appears on the records, nor even any accusa- tion of any crime, against him. That some of Gorton's subsequent company at Shawomet were banished the island, is stated in the records; and that may have laid the foundation for this report against Gorton himself. From Rhode-Island, Gorton removed to Providence; but at what time, cannot be ascertained, though it was before Nov. 17, 1641. He never was received even as an inhabitant there. Perfect freedom in religious matters was the distinguishing characteristic of the colony at Providence, from its first estab- lishment. It had no charter from the English Government, till 1644; and the articles of voluntary association which bound its inhabitants together, were A'ague and uncertain. These circumstances, together with an un- fortunate dispute among themselves, about the extent and divisions of their lands, had, before Gorton's arrival among them, divided them into parties, which continued to exist until a long time after Gorton's removal to Shawomet. Such a situation of things, well accorded with Gorton's views and feelings; and with his peculiar disposition, it was impossible that 11 lie sliould kei'p liiiiisulf aloof I'roiii boll) parlies, or be other ihan an active j>:irtizan, whatever party he might join. This, taken in connection with the facts, that he had never been received an inhabitant, or admitted a free- man, subjected him to great censure from his opponents. Morton in the page last referred to, says, he and his accomplices " carried so in outrage and riotously, as they were in danger to have caused bloodshed; so as the inhabitants, some of them, viz: Mr. Roger Williams and others, were eon- strained to solicit the Governor of the Massachusetts for aid, to help them against their insolencies." The petition here referred to, may be found in Appendix, No. I. It is dated Nov. 17, 1641, and is signed by only a small part of the colonists at Providence; and not by Williams, as stated by IMorten. It contains a complaint against " Samuel Gorton and his com- pany," who the petitioners designate as "sojourners among them;" and certain others, "six or seven of our townsmen, which were in peaceable covenants with us." Probably these "six or seven" were the leaders of the opposite party. The Governor of Massachusetts very properly refused to interfere in this quarrel, unless the petitioners would subject themselves to the Government either of Massachusetts or Plymouth. In October following, (1642) four of Providence colony having subjec- ted themselves and their lands to the government of Massachusetts, renew- ed their complaints against Gorton. Here commences the Narrative; and the subsequent proceedings of Massachusetts towards him and his company, are therein minutely detailed. After the return of Gorton from his confinement in Massachusetts, he sailed from the Dutch Plantation at New York, for England, in company with Randall Holden and John Greene, two of his fellow sufferers. This was in 1644, probably in the summer. They carried with them the Act of Submission of the Narragansett Indians to the English Government. On their arrival in England, they presented to the Commissioners of Foreign Plantations, appointed by Parliament, a memorial against the Colony of Massachusetts, for the violent and injurious expulsion of themselves and companions from Shawomet, as set forth in this Nanative. This memo- rial I have not been able to find. A copy of it was inclosed in the order passed by the Commissioners on the 15th of May 1646, and sent to Massa- chusetts. This order may he found in Appendix, No. II. On the receipt of it, the Colony of Massachusetts appointed IMr. Edward Winslow, one of the leading men in Plymouth Colony, their agent, to proceed to England. His commission may be found in Appendix No. Ill, and the answer of Massachusetts to Gorton's Memorial, 'in Appendix, No. IV. The result of Winslow's negotiation in this business, as given by Got. Winthrop, (Sav. Wint. Vol. 2. p. 317) is al&o given, in Appendix, No. V. 12 This Niirrative was: published while Gorton was in Englunii; and is, -m stated in the dedication prefixed to it, "d more particular and full relation" than had been embodied in the previous Memorial to the Commissioners. It is dated January 14, 1645—6; and was licensed to be printed, on the third of August following. One edition was printed in that year, and anoth- er in the next; a copy of each of which is now before me. The only dif- ferencen betwee them is in the title pages, both of which are prefixed to this edition. Except in the orthography of the body of the work, no alteration has been made. This narrative was answered by Winslow, in a work entitled 'Hypoc- risy Unmasked." I have taken unwearied pains to find this answer, with a view of annexing it to the present edition; but have been unsuccessful. Gorton remained in England, till 164S, when he returned to this country, and arrived in Boston, May 10. The General Court of Massachusetts, be- in" then in session, passed an order, that he should be apprehended. On his producing a letter from the Earl of Warwick, that order was recalled by the casting vote of the Governor, and he was allowed a week, in which to prepare for his departure. His company had returned to Shawomet before his arrival, probably on receipt of the first order of the Commissioners. Shawomet, under the name of Warwick, which it assumed in honor of the Earl of Warwick, was considered within the Providence Plantations, and croverned by the charter of 1644, though not named in it. The question of iursidiction was not, however, by any means, settled. Massachusetts per- sisted in her claim, till after 1651 ; when she dismissed from her jurisdiction, upon their own petition, the men of Providence, who by subjecting them- selves and lands to her Government, afforded a pretence for her interfer- ence. As the proceedings in relation to their dismissal, are curious, I have inserted them in Appendix, No. VI; and as it was pretended that all the acts of Massachusetts in relation to Gorton were authorized and ap- proved by the Commissioners of the United Colonies of iMassacliusetts, Ply- mouth, Connecticut and New-Haven, I have inserted in Appendix, No. VIT, all their '"conclusions" on the subject. In August 1661, the inhabitants of Warwick, addressed a letter to the General Court of Massachusetts, reiterating their former complaints; and wiving them notice that they should prosecute before the King in Council, unless sotne arrangement was made, satisfactory to them. This letter is in Appendix, No. VIII. It does not appear that the General Court took any order on the receipt of this letter, or that the writers of it prosecuted the matter, as they threatened. On the 26th of April, 1664, Charles the Sec- ond appointed Col. Riciiard Nichols; Sir Robert Carr, Knight; Georg« 13 CiUlwiiglit, Esq. ; ;iiicl Sfaniuol RlavericU, Ksci., Couiinis.sioueiri to xi.'-il lliu Colonies in New-England, and " to cxauiine and deteiiniiie all oonijilainls and appeals, in all causes and mailers as well niilitar) as criminal." In ]\Iarcli, 166'), the inliabilanls of Warwick presented a petiiioa to tlieur wliicli may be found in Appendix, No. IX. Notice of this was iirobably immediately given to IMassachusetts. Difliculties arose between the Com- missioners and the General Court of that colony, which effectually hinilcr- od them from discharging their duties within that jurisdiction. Their right to hear and determine causes, was denied by the General Court. Instead, therefore, of answering the petition before the Commissioners, they put fortii wiiat they call " An Apologetical Reply" to it, which may be found in Appendix, No. X. Before leaving Boston, Cartwright addressed a letter to Gorton on the subject, which is also in the same Appendix. I have found a reference to a subsequent order made by all the Commissioners, on this subject, in August, 1665; and another to an address from Gorton to the King, in 1676; neither of which papers have I been able to procure. Chal- mers says, page 197, that Ilolden presented a petition to Charles the Sec- ond, which prayed " that His Majesty would please to command the Mag- istrates" (of Massachusetts) "to repeal the order of banishment." "That prince," says Chalmers, " in compassion to his aggrieved subjects, and for their future security from the like outrages, granted the desire of the peti- tion. He transmitted an order, in December, 1678, requiring the magis- trates of his said colony, to repeal the ordinance complained of; that the said persons may enjoy such liberty of free intercourse within Massachu- setts, as unto His Majesty's good subjects, of right, appertaineth." I pre- sume this order ended the troubles of the Warwick colonists. After (Norton's return from England, lie continued to reside at Warwick, until his death, which was between the 27th of November, and the K th of December, 1677. He had three sons, Samuel, John, and Benjamin^ and at least sLx daughters — Maher, who married Daniel Coles — Mary, who married John Sanford — Sarah, who married William Mace — Anna, who married John Warner, son of the John Warnerreferred to in the following narrative — Elizabeth, who married John Crandall, and Susannah, who mar- ried Benjamin Barton. Peter Greene, son of John Greene, also married a daughter of Gorton; yet as he died very soon after he was married, I pre- sume one of those just named, was his wife;; and that she subsequently married again. Gorton appears always to have had the confidence of his fellow-towns- men. Immediately after his return from England, he was elected one of their town magistrates; and during the remainder of his life, he was almost con- II iSlanlly employed iu public business, eitlier of town or colony. Against his moral character, nothing has ever been alleged, even by his most inveterate enemies. Nor would it seem, that it was in any respect impeachable; had it been, he never wanted enemies to blazon it abroad. The uniform confi- dence which was reposed in him by his fellow citizens, affords the strongest reason to believe, that it was so; while his frequent acceptance of public offices, indubitably disproves the idle charge made against him, that he was opposed to all magistracy. His opinions on religion were peculiar. It is impossible, perhaps, for any one at this day, fully to comprehend them. During his life, they were the subject of much speculation. His opponents imputed to him, religious tenets, which he repudiated; and in many instances, what they insist- ed were necessary inferences from his opinions, though denied by him to be such, were, without any circumlocution, set down among his heresies. Morton, in New-England's IMemorial, page 203, Davis's edi- tion, gives a summary of what he called Gorton's opinions. The first edition of that work was published during Gorton's life; and this summa- ry drew from him a reply, which may be found in Appendix, No. XI. Those persons who wish to exercise their talents, in unravelling the mysti- cism of his religious opinions, are referred to his " Incorruptible Key, com- posed of the 110th Psalm," printed in London, 1647; his " Saltmarsh re- turned from the Dead," printed in 1655; bis " Antidote against the Com- mon Plague of the World," printed in 1656; and his "Antidote against Pharisaical Teachers." These are believed to be all the works he pub- lished, eKcept the Narrative now re-printed. He prepared for the press, a Commentary on the Lord's Prayer, a manuscript consisting of several hun- dred pages, which is now in the possession of the Rhode-Island Historical Society. Allen, in his Biographical Dictionary, (article "Gorton,") says, that he was the author of another work, entitled, " A Glass for the people of New-England," printed in 1676. In Bishop's "New-England Judged," this is said to be the production of Samuel Grove, or Grover. That he oc- casionally preached at Warwick, both before and after his return from Eng- land, is highly probable. That he frequently preached while in England, ap- pears from his letter to Morton, before referred to. The persecution which he suflTsred for his religious opinions, did not lead him to be intolerant towards those who differed from him. There are but few who have passed through that ordeal of their faith, who have not been ready, as soon as they attained the power, to impose it upon others. That he was an enthusiast in his opinions, there can be no doubt; so were his opponents, in theirs. Each defended his own opinions, and attacked those 15 of his antagonists, witii a bitterness vvhicli would not now be tolerated; and each sliould be judged' not by what we ahould now deem proper, but by what was considered so in their times. According to the "enius and temper of those times, Gorton mingled nmch gall with the ink lie be- stowed on his adversaries; yet, when he had attained the power, it seemed he wanted the will to compel them to conform to him, either in faiih or practice. His sentiments on this subject, and also on the necessity and pow- er of Magistrates, may be gathered from the following extracts from the in- troduction to his " Incorruptible Key." " Observe," says he, " diligently in this treatise, that it gives all power and dominion unto the Son of God, both in heaven and in earth : so it also gives (notwithstanding) due author- ity to all civil magistrates; without which, their right cannot be given unto them, if their place and ollice, be not bounded within the compass and lists of civil things. For Christ's power and authority is spiritual; so tliat if once the magistrate be engaged, by virtue of that his office, to deal in the things of God, and to intermeddle between God and the consciences of men; he is then also bound over in conscience, to subdue to the uttermost of his power, all other civil States unto himself; and to engage them to serve and worship the same God he serves, whatever idol he hath set up unto himself, or his Levitical priests have framed and fashioned for him; and so must of necessi- ty, greed and endeavor after the subjecting of all civil States unto himself; else doth he not deal faithfully with his God. * * But keep the office of the magistracy, (according to sobriety) within the compass of civil things; that is, to have relation to whatever concerns the relation between creature and creature, simply as they stand in reference one unto another in that re- spect; and then in that way only, it is the preservation and honor of all States, in their several ways of rule and government. * * So that by how much the civil magistrate interests his office into the Gospel, as an or- der thereof, by so much he doth arrogate unto himself the glory of God, if tilings succeed well : for unto Christ it cannot be given, but as a general hand of Providence, which reacheth to all creatures: for his kingdom, rule and authority is not of this world; but is spiritual, as he himself is spiritual." Nor does it appear, that differences of opinion on religion, excluded any from his benevolence and charity. In 1656, four of the early Quakers arrived in Boston. Before they landed, officers were dispatched by the Governor, to bring them on shore. After being examined, they were committed to prison, there to remain till the return of the ship that brouo-ht them; and then, to be carried back to England; "lest," says Gorton, " the purity of the religion, professed in the Churches of New-England, should he defiled with error." There is conclu.sive evidence that Gorton IG was not a duakcr. Though ngrccing, with that sect, in the rejection of church ordinances, and perhaps in sonic few other points, he dilFered from them in many more, and in some of those deemed most essential. With ilie individuals imprisoned at Boston, he had no personal acquaintance. No sectarian views or private friendship, therefore, could have induced him to correspond with them. Yet on the ICth of September, 1656, he addressed to them the following letter: " Christian Friends, — The report of your demeanor, with some others of the same mind with you, formerly put in possession of the place of your present abode, as is reported to us, as also the errand you profess you come with, into these parts, hath much taken my heart; so that I cannot withhold my hand from expressing its desires after you; which present habitation of yours, ourselves have had a proof of, from like grounds and reasons, that have possessed you thereof, under which in some measure we still remain in point of banishment, under pain of death, out of these parts; a prohibition from that liberty which no Christian ought te be infringed of. And though we have a larger room, in bodily respects, than for present yourselves have; yet wc desire to see the prison doors open, before we attempt to go out, ei- ther by force or stealth, or by entreaty; which we doubt not but the bolts will fly back in the best season, both in regard of yourselves and us : but we apprize more of the appearance of an evident hand of God, e.xalting himself in his own way, than we do of our bodily livelihood : for we fear not the face of man, for God hath shewed us what all flesh is; otherwise we would visit you in the place where you remain, though we came unto you on our bare feet; or any that professeth the Lord Jesus, opposing his author- ity against all the powers of darkness. If God have brought you into these parts, as instruments to open the excellencies of the tabernacle, wherever the cloud causeth you to abide, no doubt but this your imprisonment shall be an efiectual preface to your work, to bring the gainsayers to nought; which my soul waits for, not with respect to any particular man's person, but with respect unto that universal spirit of wickedness gone out into the world, to deceive and tyrannize; and in that respect my soul saith, O Lord, I have waited for thy salvation: the bringing to nought of which spirit, i^ ever made manifest in the blessing of the tribes; for the sceptre of Israel is never erected but in bringing to nought the crown of pride, which Dan or true judgment, ever brings to nought, by our spiritual Sampson. " I may not presume to use a word of exhortation unto you, being 1 had rather (as having more need) to be admonished by you, not doubting but you are plentifully enabled to admonish one another: let me make bold to say thus much to myself. Stand stilK and behold the salvation of the Lord : 17 we are persona who lie here as buried unto tlie sons of men, in a corner of the earth; grudged at, that we have this present burying place : But our God jnay please to send some of his saints unto us, to speak words, which the dead healing them, shall live. I may not trouble you further at this time, only if we knew that you had a mind to stay in these parts after your en- largement, (for we hear you are to be sent back for England) and what time the ship would set sail, or could have hope the master would deliver you, we would endeavor to have a vessel in readiness, when the ship goeth out of harbor, to take you in, and set you where you may enjoy your lib- erty. " I marvel what manner of God your adversaries trust in, who is so fearful of being infected with error; or how they think they shall escape the wiles and power of the Devil, when the arm of flesh fails them, whereby they seek to defend themselves for the present; sure, they think their God will be grown to more power and care over them, in and after death; or else they will be loth to pass through it; but 1 leave them, and in spirit cleave unto him, (as being in you) who is ever the same, all-sufficient: " In whom I am yours, SAMUEL GORTON." On the 24lh of the same month, they returned an answer; from which the following is an extract : " Friend: the Lord hath drawn forth our hearts, to this place in much love, knowing in the light, that he hath a great seed among you, though scattered up and down; and are as sheep without a shepherd, and you are travelling from mountain to hill, in your wisdom and imaginations, the rest- ing place being not yet known, nor cannot be known by the highest wis- dom of the world, but in the denial of it; for there is something underneath, which is not, nor cannot be satisfied with all the divings into the mystery of the things declared in the Scriptures of Truth, which is the man of God's portion, and was given to that, to profit withal, that it might be thorough- ly furnished to every good word and work; but this is too low a thing for those which are high in their wisdom and knowledge, which they can hardly stoop unto, that is, to become fools that they may be wise, that the pure wisdom may dwell with them forevermore. " But the Lord is come, and coming, to level the mountains, and to rend the rocks of wisdom and knowledge, and to exalt that which is low and fool- ish to the wisdom of the world; and blessed shall thou, and all those be who meet him in this his work, which he is doing in the earth, and in this place, wherein thou now dwellest, in setting up the King, the Lord of Hosts, to reign in righteousness; for his tabernacle shall be among men, and ho will dwell in them, and walk in them, and he will be their God, and m 18 they shall be his people, from henceforth even forever. Now to that whiih thou writes to us, to know our minds to stay in these parts, we are unwil- ling to go out of these parts, if here we could be suffered to stay; but we are willing to mind the Lord, what way he will take for our slaying, and if he in wisdom shall raise thee up, and others for that end, we shall be wil- ling to accept of it: but what the master of the ship will do in the thing, we know not: they endeavoring to force him to enter into bond of £500, to set us ashore in England, which he did at first refuse, for whicli they sent him to prison without bail and mainprize, as wo are informed; but since, he doth proffer his own bond, but they will not at present accept it without securi- ty besides, to be bound with him; for they are afraid that we should be set ashore in these parts again ; therefore they make their bond as strong as they can, but the Lord knows a way to break their bonds asunder. The master hath been writ unto and warned that he should not enter into bond, which if he did not, it would be as a crown of honor upon his head, but if he doth, the Lord knows how to defeat them and him too : Now what he doth is out of a slavish fear, because he would not lie in prison, and hinder his voyage; but if the bond hinder him not, he would have been willing to have delivered us, and we should have been willing to have satisfied him, which we did proffer him; and if he be not hindered, the ship will be ready to set sail, about fourteen days hence; but at present, the master doth not know what to do; their demands being so unjust, to force him to carry us, and they not to pay him for it, nor we shall not, and yet will not take his own bond, but will have security besides; so that he and they are troubled with a burthensome stone, the ark of God doth afflict them; send it away they would, but yet they are not agreed what to do with it; so we shall leave thee to be guided by that Wisdom which governs all men and things, ac- cording to the counsel of hb own will, and bringeth his purposes to pass, by whom and in whom he pleaseth. " From the servants and messengers of the Lord, whom he hath sent and brought by the arm of his power into these parts of the world, for which we suffer bonds and close imprisonment, none suffered to speak or confer with us, nor scarce to see us, being locked up in the inward prison, as the jailer pretends, because we do not deliver our ink-horns, although he hath taken away three from us already, and will not suffer us] to burn our own caudles, but takes them away from us, because we shall not write in the night; though we arc strangers to thee, and others in this place, yet seen and known in the light, yet known in the world by these names. WILLTAftl BREND, THOMAS THUKSTON, CHRISTOP. HOLPEK- JOHN COPELAND. From the Common Jail ' in Boston, this 28 of .seventh, 16.')6. VJ p. S. We, luui all llic rest of riieiids willi us, leineiiiber tlieir love to thee, and il'tliou hast freedom, let us licar from thee. Oil the 6lli of October, Gorton .sent lliem another letter, directed, " To the strangers, sufl'ering imprisonment, in Boston, for the name of Christ;" from which the following ^rlvct?, lor dissenting from llicni in some points abont their church government, and that in the ex- minister at Salem. On account of some dilTicuUies with the Government oi" Maasachusetts, he removed to Plymouth. He there preached as an assis- tant of Mr Smith, about two years and eight months, when he took his di:*- inission and returned to Salem, lie continued with the church there, as assistant of .Mr. Skelton, until the decease of Mr. S. in 1634, after which ho was their sole minister until his banishment in November, 163-5. The oc- casion of his banishment was, his insisting that the King's Patent gave the Colonists no right to the lands they occupied, as against the natives — and his contending for a rigid and entire separation from the Church of England; but more than all, his denying the right of civil government to interfere in matters of religion. After his banishment he removed to Seekonk, where ho remained till the next spring or summer. Being then informed by Governor Winslow of Plymouth, that ho was within Plymouth jurisdiction, he crossed the river with some of his friends who had joined him from Salem, and com- menced the settlement of Providence, purchasing land of Conanicus and Miautonomi, chief Sachems of the Narragansetts. During a long life he w.is much engaged in the public affairs of the colony. Twice he visited England on their account, the first time in 1643, to obtain a charter for the colony, and the second time in 16.'51, with John Clark, as agents of the col- ony, to procure the revocation of " Coddington's Obstruction;" both of which objects were accomplished. He died in 1683, leaving six children; Mary, Freeborn, Providence, Mercy, who was married to Richard Water- man son of Richard, Daniel who married Rebecca Power, widow of Nich- olas Power and daughter of Zachary Rhodes, and Joseph who married Lydia, daughter of Thomas Olney. He published " A Key to the Language of America," since reprinted by the Rhode-Island Historical Society, an answer to fllr. Cotton's letter con- cerning the power of the magistrate in matters of religion; "The Bloody Ten- et of Persecution for the cause of Conscience;" " The Bloody Tenet made more bloody by Master Cotton's endeavor to wash it white;" '• The Hire- ling Ministry none of Christ's;" " Experiments of Spiritual Life and Health and their Preservatives," and " George Fox digged out of hia Burroughs," the last being his account of his dispute with the Quakers. During his life he possessed the confidence of the natives by whom he was surrounded. The other colonies wore indebted to him for timely notice of the Indian conspiracy in 1636, which threatened their existence. Hi* '.vr: 44 tremity of winter, forcing liiin to betake himself into the vast wilderness, to sit down amongst the Indians in a place by their own confessions out^of all their jurisdictions: and at that time of our arrival at Boston they were proceeding against one Master John Wheelwright,' a man of like life and con- versation, whom they also banished for differing with them tings prove him a man of superior talents and acquirements, and his conduct towards his persecutors breathed the true spirit of christian benevo- lence. His favorite principle of unlimited freedom of conscience took deep root in the colony he planted, and was its distinguishing characteristic for many years. — S. ' The banishment of Williams from Massachusetts, did not secure that uniformity in faith and practice which was deemed by the government of that colony, so essential to the well being of a community. The exertion of the civil power in that case, as in most others of a like nature, increased not only the number of heretical persons, but also the number of heretical opinions. The Synod called in 1637, condemned eighty-two erroneous opin- ions then extant' in that colony. Among 'those most deeply infected with heresy, was the Rev. Jolin Wheelwright. He came to New-England in 1G36, from Lincolnshire, where he had been admitted to holy orders in the Established Church. He was brother to the famous Mrs. Ann Hutchinson, the leader of the Antino- mians of Massachusetts in 1636. At a fast appointed that year on account of the spread of such principles, he preached a sermon at Boston, calculated rather to increase than allay the excitement, in which he indulged in invec- tives against some of the magistrates and ministers, for their opinions. For this he was adjudged by a court of magistrates to be guilty of sedition, and also of contempt, " for that the Court had appointed the fast as a means of reconciliation of difterences, &.c. and he purposely set himself to kindle and increase them." Sentence of banishment was accordingly passed against him. This was in November 1637. From Boston he removed to Exeter, N. H. and commenced a settlement there. In 1642, he removed from Ex- eter to Wells, and subsequently to Hampton and Salisbury. His sentence of banishment was reversed in 1644, upon his making an acknowledgment. In 1658 he was in England, in favor with Cromwell. He died Nov. 15tb, 1679, at an advanced age, leaving behind him a good leport for leaniinf and piety. — S. 15 in point of doctrine, thu suui whcrcur cunsislcd in this, tiiat sanctification is not the first evidence unto a christian of his salvation; and many others inanilesting their thoughts about such points, then controverted amongst them, were also imprisoned, fined, banished, disarmed,' and cast out from amongst them. 'The following extract fiom the Massachusetts Records is copied fioiu Savage's Winthrop, vol. 1, page 2-18. " Whereas the opinions and revelations of Mr. Wheelwright and .^Irs. Hutchinson, have seduced and Jed into dangerous errors, many of the peo- ple here in New-England, insomuch that there is just cause of suspicion that they, as others iu Germany in former times, may upon some revelation make some sudden irruption upon those that diller from them in judgment; for prevention whereof it is ordered, that all those whose names are under- written, shall upon warning given or left at their dwelling houses, before the 30th day of this month of November, deliver in at Mr. Cane's house in Bos- ton, all such guns, pistols, swords, powder, shot and match as they shall be owner of, or have in their custody, upon pain often pounds for every de- fault to be made thereof; which arms are to be kept by Mr. Cane till this court shall take further order therein. Also it is ordered, upon like penalty often pounds, that no man who is to render his arms by this order, shall buy or borrow any guns, pistols, powder, shot or match until this court shall take further order therein." " The names of Boston to be disarmed" are fifty-eight, among them are, William Hutchinson, William Aspinwall, William Dyre, Edward Hutchin- son, Henry Bull, John Clark, John Coggeshall, Samuel Wilbore, John Por- ter, Thomas Savage, William Freeborn, AVilliam Baulston, John Sandford, Richard Carder and John Walker, who removed to Rhode-Island and signed the first articles of association there. Philip Sherman of Roxbury, anoth- er of the first settlers of Rhode-Island, was also disarmed. A part ot these subsequently returned to Massachusetts. Aspinwall was the first Secretary of the Rhode-Island colony. After his first return to Massachusetts he held the same ot?ce there, as will appear in the course of this narrative. Cogge- shall and Aspinwall were at the time, deputies from Boston. They were disfranchised, and Coggeshall afterwards banished. The preamble of these orders, recites the only reason then given by the Government of i\Iassachu- setts for these remarkable proceedings. Gov. Winthrop vol. 1, i)age 245 gives another. He savs, " The Genera! Court bcin;; assembled on the sec- 46 And wc [)lainly perceiving, thai the scope of their doc- trine was bent only to maintain that outward form of wor- ship which they had erected to themselves, tending only to the outward carriage of one man toward another ; leaving those principles of divinity, wherein we had been instructed in our native country, tending to faith toward God in Christ; and we finding no ground or warrant for such an order in the Church, to bind men's consciences unto as they had es- tablished amongst them, our consciences could not close with them in such practices; which they perceivmg, denied us the common benefit of the country, even so much as a place to reside in and plant upon, for the maintenance and preservation of ourselves, our wives and little ones, as also, proceeded against us, as they had done to others, yea with more severity, unto confinements, imprisonments, chains, fines, whippings, and banishment out of all their jurisdic- tinos,^ to wander in the wilderness in extremity of winter, ondoftlie 9th month," November, and " finding upon consultation that two so opposite parties could not continue in the same body, without appa- rent hazard of ruin to the whole, agreed to send away some of the princi- pal, and for this a fair opportunity was offered by the remonstrance or pe- tition which they preferred to the Court the 9th of the first month," March. This petition can be found in the appendix to the first volume of Wmthrop. It aflbrds another instance of the facility with which excuses or reasons may be found for acts once resolved on. That a petition from the people to their representatives should be construed into a criminal act, worthy of ban- ishment or disfranchisement, strikes the mind with surprise. It will be rec- ollected too, that this petition was preferred the first month, and no order made against the petitioners till the ninth month following. Mad it afford- ed any just grounds for the apprehensions set forth in the preamble of the orders, it is strange that the authors and signers of it were not proceeded against at once. — S. ' It is not probable that this remark was intended to apply, in all its par- ticulars, to every individual of the Shawomet purchasers. >Such informa- tion as has been collccled in relation lo each, will be given in subsequent notes. — S. 47 yea, when the snow was up to the knee, and rivers to waii\- tlioicof, do apply tb.o thing to their >piiitunl cour*" llipy wal!< in. C* G6 fes-livily and solemnization of th<> consohilions of God, is not yet come: witness your prorogation tliereof, if not to the descention of Christ from heaven to the earth, to reign certain years: yet to the calling of tie Jews, whom ye your- selves are according to the flesh, and to the destruction of that man of sin, whom you so stoutly maintain. What is this l)ut to proclaim to all the world that audacious spirit of whoredom, professing conception and bringing forth before the nuptial day, in that you conclude your clients' right to arise out of four years' possession. We have no such or- der, if you mean the right of conquest only held in that ten- ure; the true owners were never yet subdued; for that is the right they expect to enjoy by you. For some of them coniinitted part of their supposed right unto us, professing it was, that, they might have help to enjoy the rest;* but v.hen they saw that we would not be abettors unto them without, much less, contrary unto covenant, then they fly unto you for help,"]" their possession being a mere intrusion, as all the natives know, and ever exclaimed against them for the same; and so may our countrymen also, whose eyes fire not dazzled with envy, and ears operi unto lies, as wc know yours are; else, you had heard both sides speak, Ijefore you had judged. But we profess right, held in no BLich interest, but according to the ground of covenant, only knou-n in its nature in the parties twixt whom it is plight, in the possessor and the possessed, with the nature of all fruit arising from their accord and concurrency, together v.ilh their distinct, harmonical, reciprocal and joint proper- tics and operations of them botii. Such is the tenure that we hold, and maintain it before men and angels, und oppose it against men and devils; not in taking up unto ourselves * As Kobeit Cole did, tlieir subject now, since that tiji.e ?o ir.ade. t The Indians denying at liiat liuic, a pcift-ct and full purdiase of ihat phw'e. where lh;';e thei: sulijoci^ liiul built h.ou-rs. o.-illcd Pawtiixet. (»7 eciUuii mUUcs and olliccrri, wliicli wc ciiu (each cluldicii to be anU to perlbrm, aiul Iroin thence presently to concludu the possession ol' the kingdom, crying out, our peace ofter- ings are upon us, this day we have paid our vows.* But that dark cloud that descended on the Tabernacle, becomes the light and glory of all Israel, there being nothing aeknowl- cd"-ed amongst them, but whiit ariieth out thence; then, and tlieuoiily, are tlic orders, as, also the men of Israel, dc^ rived from their true fountain, which no tongue can confess, but is salvation, and then, not else, is the heritage of our Lord in possession; yea, even the wayless wilderness knows how to aflbrd them a habitation, which had its being before the hills and mountains were born, which men begin to fly unto, for refuge to hide themselves from the presence of the Lamb.j This is a possession which no man can intrude himself into. It is only covenanted with him through an enlightened eye and bored ear, which man performeth not; neither can it be received from him; for we know that cloud of thick darkness, that hides and covers the wliole frame and fabric of the work of God,;J: to be the clearing and evi- dencing of every point and particular thereof, i ea, to us it is even that cloud of witness, which testifies to us the like work to appear, whenever the world hath occasion to make use of us- Never doth it shine but in the night; nev- er is it dark to Israel, but in the day; but in the one and the other, the only glory and safety of all the tril)cs; but how, you know not, neither can you, w-ith all your libraries, give * Alluding to the harlot spoken of in the Proverbs, whose practice is such in spiritual things, as well as there is a literal sense of it. Prov. vii. 13 to 23. t llev. vi. 16. For there was nothing done to these men that seemed to shelter themselves under the Massachusetts, but only opening the word ol" (ioD amongst them, which is the revelation of the face or presence of tlm Lamb of God, Jesus Christ. t Alluding to tlin 'I'abcrnaclr, wliicli il cov^ictl, and -u Mjjplicd <=iiiritual!_v- ill liic wav of" 'hrist. 03 the interpretation thercot^, but have lost it in the wilder- ness, and accordingly have made the whole way and will of our Lord, the oldness of the letter, both to yourselves and all that have an ear to listen unto you. Thence it is that the day of the Lord is a day of darkness and gloominess un- to you, but of joy and gladness unto us; yea, it lifts up our head only,* and then is our salvation near; for we knov/ the worthies of David doubled about the bed of Solomon, which expels all the fear in the night, handling the sword with success, making the adversaries nothing but meat to feed upon,! so that the time of your fear, is the time of our courage and conquest; for when ye fear error, schism, rents and confusions in Church and State, then do we know the messenger of the covenant, the Lord Whom we seek, is speeding his passage into his holy temple; for who (under the terrors of your spirit) may abide his coming, he being like a refiner's tire and fuller's soap. In that you invite us into your Courts, to fetch your equal balanced justice upon this ground, that you are become one with our adversaries, and that, both in what they have and what they are; and we knov/ them to be such as profess the day of the Lord, an unhallowed thing. Now if we have our opponent to prefer his action against us, and not so only, but to be our counsel, our jury and our judge, (for so it must be, if you are one with them, as you affirm,) we know, before hand, how our cause will be ended, and see the scale of your equal justice turned already, before we have laid our cause therein; and cannot but admire to see you carried so con- trary to your own received principles; for ye know not how to find Christ as a ruling and teaching elder, both in one person; therefore he is not complete among you, by (your own law,) except in several persons; and you may thank * Meaning ChiUt and not ourselves, to set up the flesh. Luke xxi. 28. t That h, all Kinds of incuiiibrances, they meet with in this life. Isa. xli. 2. 69 tradition, else, you know no more liow lo find a king and a priest in Him; and yet, in your way ofmaking tender of your justice unto us, you know how to become one with our ad- versaries, so as if we deal with them, v.c deal with you; and if we have to do with you, we have to do with them al- so; yea, further, we know that the chief amongst you have professed we arc not worthy to live, and if some of us vvere amongst you, we should hardly see the place of our abode any more. Now, they that have brooded upon their law, to take away life, they must much more bring it forth in taking away all means of life; witness your prohibition, that no powder should be sold unto us for our money, and that in a time when you could not think yourselves safe in all your own self- provision and vvorldly furniture, except you disarmed a com- pany of poor Indians, whom Aaron, your Levitical sacrificer hath made naked;* as he doth all those which triumph in a calf, though the most costly and beautiful that the jewels and ear-rings of learning, either in language or art, can pos- sibly bring forth. Your ovvn amazements upon mere ru- mors, may testify the truth thereof. So then, we are judg- ed by your law, before our cause be heard, or ourselves brought forth under the liberties of it, which thing is well pleasing to us,1o have our condition conformed to Moses, the man of God, who was dead, in Pharoah's account, before he was brought forth. | And so it was with Christ our Lord, in the days of Herod also, who is our life; at which you strike, and make all things, yea, death itself, lively and advanta- *By alluding to that bodily nakedness of tlie Indians, whom tliey disarm- ed, shewing that spiritual nakedness which the works of the law or Leviti- cal priesthood brings men under, whoever they be, that are exorcised in such ways. t For in Pharoah's edict and Herod's also, they were slain before they were born. 70 f'eou;, unto us. W c caimot but wonder that you should read tlie Scriptures and not find them fuliilled in and amongst yourselves, when us they appear so apparently, that he that r.ins may read them. What think you of Herod, when the Lord had delivered Peter out of prison, and released him of those bonds, and brought him from that thraldom which he had so cruelly imposed upon him, to gain the favor of the Jews, and that by a power supereminently transcending the bounds of his authority,* and by a wisdom surpassing the depth of his counsel and policy to find out, together with the soldiers and champions, he presently goes down to Cses- area, and Herod is angry with them of Tyrus and Sydon , (Themomathon) a heavy friend or hath a secret grudge or perturbation of mind manifested in an outreaching and cir- cumventing policy to subdue them unto himself, that he might rule over them, finding himself iall short of power and policy to subject the word of God in the messenger of it, to satisfy his ovvn lust in his lordship over it, he pursues with all eagerness to make himself a God, by reigning over the bodies and estates of men; yea, though they be but such as Tyrus and Sydon can afford unto him to make sub- jects of; and when they are come to him with one accord to make ofler of themselves in yielding to his affectionate and political project, he sitting on the judgment-seat in his royal apparel, making his oration of what power he hath to protect them, what wisdom and counsel to minister justice and righteousness unto them, which oliice belongs only un- to the Lord, the people, with a shout, crying out, the voice of God and not of man; the truth and substance of which cry is, this is the ordinance of God and not of man. Immediately the angel of the Lord smites him, and he that ever acknowledged himself to be a worm, and no man upon * Tint is, til- authority of that wicked llciod. Acts, .\ii chapter, tin ouijli- out. 71 IIkj oartli, consumes and cats up all his ptinp and olory ; even as those whom you account the shame and contempt of the people, shall, ihrough tliat angel of the covenant, waste and bring to nought all those rhetorical, though earthly, orations that are made amongst you, by your so learned, studious and experienced clerks. Take for illustration of your estate as above, the speech of your Alderman Oliver, in case of committing Francis Hutchinson to prison; one of your church members, wondering that Brother VVinthrop would do it before the Church had dealt with him; Brother, saith he, why, he is thy God, man. Send your eye yet fur- ther, to parallel your practise personated in Pilate and the people. When Pilate offers Jesus to the people to be judg- ed, they profess they have su<;li a law that puts no man to death; they are all for mercy and forgiveness, when they are out of the judgment-hall; but let Pilate enter in thith- er, then nothing but, crucify him, crucify him, be their ac- cusation and witnesses never so false; even so in your deal- ings with men in way of your Jewish brotherhood, your law- is all for mercy, to redress, to reform, and for the preserva- tion both of soul and body; do but enter into the common hall, then as Pilate asked, am I a Jew, so do ye; do I sit or speak here as a brother, I trow not, I am now in a higher sphere, than that (thongh they be acknowledged co- heirs with Christ) can attain unto; therefore if witness be brought in and oath taken, though never so untrue, your consciences are purged by law, and your power must have tribute paid unto it; so far as mens' names to be branded with infamy, (estates,) depriving women and children of things necessary, and the precious lives of men can extend themselves to contribute any thing thereunto, so that thev professed mercy and clemency of your law to exercise cen- sures only for amendment of life, and recovery, comes unto this issue, to send both soul and body down to Shcoll forev- er, without redres? aiid nil Iiopc of roeovr-rv. liut \ our ?•'>. huur and the puwcr ul" darkness, is kiiuwii wlitit it is; cither to have men's persons in admiration, because of advantage, or else to seek all occasions against them, to brand them with all manner of reproach and ignominy ; but for the truth taught daily in the temple, you know not how to stretch out your hand or exercise your ministry against it, lest it be- come leprous, and you take it back again with loss, when it appears dry and withered. And wherefore reason ye amongst yourselves, saying, we exercise the power of min- istration against none but such as are delinquents; where- by we clear the innocent, and establish peace in our bor- ders; we demand, what think you of those two witnesses, prophesying in sackcloth a thousand two hundred and three- score days, those two olive trees and candlesticks standing before the God of the earth? Are these guilty and vile per- sons, out of whose hands by the power of your ministry, you are delivering and releasing the world? Then, indeed, are your ways justifiable. But if these be the just, chosen and peculiar friends of God, such as without which, his truth and righteousness are not justified, his wisdom and holiness maintained and upheld in the world, in point of sal- vation by Christ; then, are your ways wicked, and to be abhorred; for in your professed course, you are they by whom they are slain and put to death, and all your glory is to keep their corpses unburied in your streets; and yet you know not what you are doing, no more than you know what these witnesses are v.liom you are altogether ignorant of; for your libraries never saw them, and you see not but by their eyes,* for these are two and never more; nor yet less, yea, ever the same. They are olive trees, else no witness- es, and also candlesticks, else both the former fail; yea, are not at all. We must tell you what these are, else we cannot declare how yc kill them; for it is not our interest *'i'h;it is, by ■vvh;it liirht ihrv find in other motiH' works. 73 to open unto you the house of the treasures, the silver and the gold, the spices and the precious ointment, nor the house of our armor; because ye take us all as execrable, and put all to a profane use that cometh from us. But these two witnesses are the life and death of our Lord Je- sus Christ,* or (in the true language of heaven also) the strength and weakness of Christ; for he was crucified through weakness, but liveth by the power of God. This is the word of the Lord in Zorobabel, not by an army nor by power, (and so deprives him of all strength,) but by a spirit that the greatest mountain or loftiest hill in tlie world cannot stand before, but becomes a plain, which with facil- ity and ease he passethupon; thence, it is that he doth not only lay the top or head-stone of all, but also the lowest in the foundation, and then only, is the voice of shouting heard, Grace, — Grace, in the house forever; and then doth the day of small things become the day of joy and triumph, yea, of parting the rich spoils and prey of all the world; for then, he that doth but turn and lift up his eyes, he cannot look besides that great flying book of the curse, that is gone forth over the whole earth, without these two witnesses jointly uttering themselves in every particular scripture un- dertaken to be divulged by any; no evidence nor testimony of God is given, or brought in at all, but a mere refuge of lies for the souls of men to betake themselves unto, without these two pipes of the olive trees emptying into the bowls of the candlesticks, no unction nor oil at all is found in them; and that being wanting, the light of the sanctuary is gone out; so that the light appearing amongst you, is only the light of Balaam, whose eye was open, which you may read either Shethum, or Sethum;! for that opening is nothing * Which comprehend hij kingdom and priesthood set forth unto us in Josh- ua the High Priest,and Zorobabel, in their return out of Babylon tore-edify the temple; as in Zecliary, the third and fourth chapters. t Which signifies either opened or shut, as in Numb. xxiv. 3, 4. D 74 else but the shutting up of the holy things of God, so that in seeing, ye see not; but communicate only in the light of that beast who puts the witnesses to death; as Balaam did in the sight of that dumb beast of his, whose eyes were so opened as to see the Angel before him.* So that while you think it is our wisdom to stoop unto you for light, we never come amongst you, but see ourselves in a regiment of gross and palpable darkness, and discern you very plainly how you scrabble upon the wall, to find the door of Lot's house, and cannot; as also, how you toil yourselves to climb up in- to thesheepfold another way, yea, so many other ways; and have no sight nor discerning of the door at all, by the which whosoever entereth, becomes a true feeder of the flock; yea, none entereth in thereat but the true shepherd himself. Most impious it is to put to death two such noble Avitnesses, that have power to shut heaven, that it rain not in the days of their prophesying, to turn waters into blood, and to smite the earth with all manner of plagues as oft as they will; whom, that spirit that is amongst you, kills on this wise. The life and power of the Son of God as above, t which is in- finite, not admitting of circumscription or contenent, for the heaven of heavens cannot contain him; yet, have ye not dared to grasp and environ that power in the heavens; and therefore, have resolved and concluded that he only rules upon the earth in these days, by his deputies, lieutenants, and vicegerents, whereby you limit, and so destroy the Ho- ly One of Israel; for, give him that in one time or place, which afterwards, or elsewhere, ye deny unto him, and you make a nullity of him unto yourselves; and in so doing you kill the other witness, the death or weakness of the Lord Je- *Numb. xxii. 25,. 27. That is, before Balaam, so that the beast and- Balaain have the same light and look. t Being one of the two witnesses before noted, or his power and kingly authority. 75 sus;* for you must have man to be honorable, learned, wise, experienced and of good report, else they may not rule amongst you; yea, and these things are of man, and by riian, as peers, in that they only ofliciate so as man may dis- annul and take it away again; witness your change of offi- cers, constantly speaking to us herein. Thus have you slain also, the death or the weakness of Christ, who pro- fesseth himself to be a worm, and no man, the shame and contempt of the people; and to these faithful and true wit- nesses thus slain, you must, of necessity, deny burial, and keep them both in your streets in open view; otherwise all your pomp and glory fails to the dust'j" whence it came, and on which it feeds; nor can you send your presents one to another, of your acts of justice, power to protect, wealth, honor and friends, wherewith you gratify one another. And where these are thus slain, and their corpses lie in open view, none of the Gentiles, peoples, tongues and kindreds, suff'ering their corpses to be put in the grave, there is that great city, which spiritually is called Sodom, and Egypt, where our Lord is crucified. But after three days and an half, the spirit of life, from God, shall enter into them, and they shall stand up, upon their feet, to the terror of you all. Nor do you think that we only inveigh against the great ones of the world, for thus doing; for we know, that the greatest of the princes of this world, hath the very same spirit, wherewith the basest peasant, hath laid himself open in the view of all .the world; and the basest peasant, hath the same spirit with the greatest of the princes of this world. These, we say, are the two witnesses, if you can receive it; * Which is his priesthood, wherein he deprives himself of all power of man, or strength of the arm of flesh. t That is, if the power of God and the weakness and frailty of man should not be so slain, as to be still kept as dead in sight of all, then could not the power and glory of the creature (as vicegerent unto the power and glory of God, in his absence) be seen, set np and made known. 76 and what dishonor is it to trade so much by means of wit- nesses, and yet, know not what a true witness is; which, if you did, you durst not attempt the things ye do, whereby you cast a reproach upon all the world, in that you profess yourselves, a choice people picked out of it; and yet, you go on with such practices as you do, maintaining fhem as your only glory. Our Lord gives you in charge, not to swear at all; but it is your dignity to bring men to your seats of justice, with nothing but oaths in their mouth. Why do you not balance the Scriptures in this point? It hath been said of old. Thou shalt not commit adultery; but, I say unto you, he that looketh on a w^oman to lust after her, hath committed adultery with her in his heart, already. So, also, it hath been said of old, Thou shalt not forswear thyself; but, I say unto you, swear not at all; so that if it be adultery to look, to lust — it is also forswearing of a man's self, to swear at all; if one be adultery, the other is perjury; if one be admitted in some cases, the other also ; so that in preach- ing the toleration, nay the duty of an oath, you preach the toleration, yea, the duty of adultery itself. So that our Lord plainly evinceth unto all mens' consciences, not only the guilt, but the folly and madness of the oath of man, to shew how far it is from investing into place or demonstrating causes. So that he that concludeth upon honor and power received from the oath of man, or upon knowledge and boldness to judge in a cause, from that testimony, with- out the which he could not have it, is as vain in his thoughts, as if he should hereupon conclude, I have now altered the frame of Heaven, which is no less stable than the throne of the great God; or demolished the earth, which is as firm as his footstool forever; or made a fraction in the orders of Jerusalem, that choice and peculiar city of the great King, whose institutions no mortal breath can intrench upon; or to profess his authority and skill to be such, whereby he can make a hair of his head black or white, viz. cause his age 77 to wax old us a gaiiueut, or to renew il, with the eagle, at hid pleasure. Hereby doth man in this point of swearing, pro- fess his folly to be such, that he is become not only vain in his imaginations, but to that pride and usurpation there- in, as*to intrude himself into the prerogative royal of his Maker; so that howsoever ye boast of the ordinances of God, yet he tells you, there is no more than yea, yea, and nay, nay, in them; for that which is once nay, is ever nay, in the ordination of Christ; and what is once yea, is ever yea. With him, and according to his account, (howsoever man reckoneth, whoso accounts shall be called over again) what is once the curse, is ever the curse, and that which is once the principality and power of Christ, is ever the prin- cipality and power of Christ; as that which is once the prin- cipality and power of darkness is ever the same, what hands soever it cometh into: for manifestation, measure your kingdom whether it be eternal, and your jurisdiction wlieth- er it be unlimited; for he hath given him the heathen for his inheritance, and the utmost parts of the earth for his pos- session, and a kingdom of less extent he professeth not ; nor can he approve or acknowledge any that do, no more than light can approve of darkness, or the Lord Jehovah of the lord Baal. Be wise, therefore, and bethink yourselves, while it is called to-day ; harden not your hearts, as though you would make yourselves Meribah, nothing but strife and contention against the Lord; rather, kiss the Son, if it be possible, lest his wrath kindle, and you perish from the way forever. Oh, blessed only they that hope in him, so that he who professeth on this wise, it is yea, I am a pastor; but it was nay, at such a time I was none at all. He renounceth that spirit of the true pastor, yea, the only feeder of Israel; but professeth that spirit only, that pusheth the weak with the horn, and puddleth with his feet the waters where the flock of God should drink. He with whom it is yea, I am a ruler, but it wa?, nay, when I was none; renounceth that 78 spirit of Wun tluit rules in righteousness, professing the spirit of him that rules according to the god of this world, the prince of the power of the air, who is now working so ef- fectually in the children of disobedience: so also, he with whom it is yea, I am a captain or chief slaughter-man;* but it was, nay, time was, I was none at all, — renounceth that victory and slaughter made by the captain and high priest of our profession, who, as he is a Lamb slain from the be- ginning, his victory and slaughter must be of the same an- tiquity, professing himself to be a chief slaughter-man or superfluous giant, made in the hosts of the Philistines, standing in readiness to come out to defy the hosts of the living God; yea, it is evident, whatsoever is more than yea, yea, and nay, nay, not setting each upon his base, whereon it standeth forever without control, but can remove, create, or make void offices and officers at their pleasure, is of that evil one, not of Jesus the salvation of his people, but of Shedim,t that waster and destroyer of mankind forever. J Know, therefore, that it is the oath of God, which confirms and makes good his covenant and promise to a thousand generations; and it is the oath of man, that is the bond and obligation of that league and agreement made with hell and death forever. Be ye assured, it is not the tabernacle * As the word signifies. t As the word signifies, given iu the Chaldean tongue, for Devil. i Understand these things according to the true intent, that is, any offi- cer that lays claim to the things of the kingdom of God, by virtueof that his office, iu that sense the truth of these things stand firm and good, and doth not deny or disallow any human ordinance of man in this world, so, it be kept in its bounds and proper place; for he that is a captain of the temple, that is, exerciseth force of arms for the help of the house of God, will ever, with the priests and soldiers, lay hands on Peter and John, to put them in the hold, at the least, if they preach Christ. But, Cornelius is no captain of that kind or kindred; for ho is a Gentile of Ccrsarea, and of the band called the Italian Band. 79 witness, which you, have amongst you brought in by Jesus, into the possession of the Gentiles; but it is Sic- cuth, your King, or the tabernacle of Moloch, the star of your god Remphan, — figures that you have made to your- selves, which you have taken up, and are bearing so stoutly upon your shoulders. Now, to tell you what an oath, ac- cording to God, is, that the Scriptures arc delivered upon no otiier ground or terms of certainty, wherever they are divulged, is a thing out of your jurisdiction, you cannot dis- cern or judge of it; therefore, according to your word above, we leave it as a parable to you, as all the holy word of our God is, as your conversation in all points, as in this, daily declareth. In a word, when we have to do in your jurisdiction, we know what it is to submit to the wise dis- pensations of our God. When you have to do amongst us, in the liberties he hath given us, we doubt not, but you shall find him judge amongst us, beyond and above any cause or thing you can propose unto us; and let that suffice you, and know, that you cannot maintain a jurisdiction, but you must reject all inroads into other mens' privileges; and so do we. In the mean time, we shall, as we think good, be cal- ling over again some matters you have had up and had the handling of amongst you, to see what justice or equity we find hath been exercised in them, and redress them accord- ingly; for we profess right unto all men, and do no violence at all, as your prescripts threaten to do to us; for we have learned how to discipline our children or servants without offering violence unto them; even so, do we know how to deal with our deboist, rude, yea, inhuman neighbors, (or, if you will, Nabals) without doing violence, but rather ren- dering unto them that which is their due. Nor shall we de- prive a witness of his modest testimony, for the outcries and clamors of such an one, as ill-bred, apostatized' Arnold, ' Why these epithets were applied to either of the Arnolds. William or 80 that felonious hog-killer being the party to be testified against, or for the oath of any interested iu the cause*; nor shall we be forward to come so far to find you workj upon your request, till we know you to bear another mind, than others of your neighbors do, with whom we have had to do in this country ; whose pretended and devised laws we have stooped under to the robbing and spoiling of our goods, the livelihood of our wives and children; thinking they had la- bored, though groping in gross darkness, to bring forth the truth in the right and equity of things. But finding them to be a company of gross and dissembling hypocrites, that, under the pretence of law and religion, have done nothing else, but gone about to establish themselves in ways to maintain their own vicious lusts, we renounce their diaboli- cal practice, being such as have denied in their public courts that the laws of our native country should be named amongst them; yea, those ancient statute laws, casting us into most base, nasty and insufi^rable places of imprison- ment, for speaking according to the language of them; in the meanwhile, breaking open our houses in a violent way of hostility, abusing our wives and our little ones, to take from us the volumes wherein they are preserved; Benedict, I have not been able to ascertain. From what immediately fol- lows, I presume, one of them was a witness in that famous hog case which engaged the attention of the magistrates and ministers of Massachusetts in 1636. The particulars of the case may be found in Sav. Wint. vol. 2, p. 69, 8tc. &c.— S. *As they in the Massachusetts had lately done, to condemn the innocent, and justify such who otherwise had been proved guilty of felonious acts; even these their new made subjects, whose shame they would not permit to appear; but rather deprive sufficient witness of their testimony, at the guil- ty person's request. t That is, to their Courts in the Massachusetts, to employ them about any matters of ours, living peaceably together, and far remote from them, out of all their jurisdictions. 81 thinking tlierehy to keep us ignorant of the courses they are resolved to run, thut so the vitiosity of their own wills might be a law unto thein; yea, they have endeavored, and that in public expressions, that a man being accused by them, should not have liberty to answer for himself, in open court. Dealings of like nature we find in the place whereof you style us your neighbors, on whose unbridled malice, we find a higher than you, putting a curb; and yet in your ac- count and reckoning, we are the parties that are still doing the wrong, and must bear the guilt in your most mature sentence, in whomsoever the spot ariseth and ahideth. But the God of vengeance, unto whom our cause is referred, never having our protector and judge to seek, will shew himself in our deliverance out of the hands of you all; yea, all the house of that Ishbosheth* and Meribbosheth,"f nor will he fail us to utter and make known his strength wherein we stand, to serve in our age and to minister in our course, to- day, and to-morrovv; and on the third day, can none de- prive us of perfection; for he hath taught us to know what it is to walk to-day, and to-morrovv, and the day following; also, when a perishing estate cannot arise out of Jerusalem, though she be the only one, yea, none but she, that kills the prophets, and stones them that are sent unto her. Behold ye that are looking after and foretelling so much of the coming of Christ, driving the day before you still for certain years, which some, you say, shall attain unto, and unto the day of death for the rest; ye blind guides, as your fathers have ever done, so do ye. Behold, we say, when he ap- peareth, your house which you so glory in, shall be left un- to you desolate; it shall be turned into nothing but desola- tion and confusion, for B-ibel is its name; J nor shall you *That is; man ofsbanio. t Mouth of shame. $ That H, as tl>e word signifies, ronfusion. D* 82 see him to your comfort, in the glory of his kingdom until you can say, — Blessed is he that cometh in the name of the Lord; Avhen the authority and power of man appeareth to be the building of Babel unto you and the name and authority of God only, to be that wherein the blessing consists, and that in such wise also, as is nothing but a way of re[)roach in the eyes of all the world; that a king should ride into his chief city, so strangely furnished, upon an ass, borrowed, her furniture, old, overworn garments, and accompanied with none, but poor, mean, excommunicate persons, such as your Elders, Scribes, Pharisees, Lawyers and all your credible persons among you make full account that they are not only accursed by, but also destitute and void of, all law; when you can find Hosanna in the highest, arising out of such contempt and shame; then and then only shall you sing unto him with comfort. In the mean time, acknowl- edge your portion, which is to trust and stay yourselves on the name of man, and in his beauty to delight and glory, which shall fade as a leaf, and like the grass shall wither, when it is fitting itself for the oven. Such is man, whose breath is in his nostrils, and the son of sorry man, in whom you have delight to trust. His power and policy brings forth nothing else, but as you shall see and hear in the country from whence we are brought. We are not igno- rant of those shameful lies, and falsities gone out against us, and the daily wresting of your word?;, to cast contempt upon us, thinking to bow down our backs under ignominy and reproach; neither, of the straits and difliculties, they have cast upon us in the things that concern this present life, to the taking away of the lives of many, if our God had not been seen beyond and above what their thoughts could reach unto, (as their own confession had witnessed) doing it in such a way, of painted hypocrisy and false gloss, unto the eye of the world, that we might seem unto it, self-exe- cutioners. We resolve, therefore, to follow our emplay- 83 meats, and to carry and behave ourselves as formerly wc have done, and no otherwise; for we have wrontrcd no man unless with hard labor, to provide for our families, and suf- fering of gross, idle and idol drones, to take our labors out of the mouths, and from off the backs of our little ones to lordane it over us; so that if any shall go about to disturb or annoy us henceforth in our employments and liberties which God hath or shall put into our hands, that can claim no interest in us but by these courses;* what their business is, we know by proof sufficient, to be nothing else but that ancient errand of Nimrod, that rebellious hunter after the precious life; which errand of his shall be no more deliver- ed unto us in that covert cruelty and dissembling way of hy- pocrisy, but in direct and open terms of tyranny. We will not be dealt with as before; we speak in the name of our God, we will not; for, if any shall disturb us as above, secret hypocrites shall become open tyrants, and their laws appear to be nothing else but mere lusts, in the eyes of all the world. And wherefore do you murmur among yourselves at this saying, thinking it is not a Christian expression? It is because you are ignorant of the cross of our Lord Jesus, not knowing what it is; therefore it is, while you inveio-h against such as set up a statue of wood and stone, to bow down unto it, and are so vain as to cross the air, to use your own expression, upon the faces of infants when they sprinkle them with water to as great purpose, and in the mean time you preach and set up Seighnirim, for your cross, whom you fall down unto so willingly; and lest you let the word pass without expression of it unto all; it signifies hor- ror and fear, which is the cross you hold and teach, and by and through which you think to be saved, which name is * Knowing ourselves to be free subjects to the laws and Government of our native country, and not unto any government extended out of its bounds and jurisdiction. 81 given by our Loid to ihe Devil hiiiisolf, as our English translate it, and the Lord never gives a name as an empty title, but acco'-ding to the nature of the thing named, so that if he speak, 1 have said ye are gods, of any besides himself, it is to declare, that they have not only the name but the very nature of the god of this world; and therefore he saith, they shall die even as Adam, who aspired and usurped the place of God, and fall also as one of the princes, even as one of those princes of JMidian, whose carcases be- came dung for the earth ; and he that gives that title unto any but the true God, that made heaven and earth, in any other sense, but as it declareth a flat opposition against God, is reacting that ancient spirit of the serpent, If you eat you shall be as gods,* to judge of good and evil, for which all men are set up in that kind; even so while you tell the people, that by sorrow, compunction and anxiety of spirit, and trouble of mind they communicate in the sufferings of Christ, out of which condition their comfort is to flow; it is nothing else but to conclude, the Son of God to be Belial; yea, to aflirm him to be Seighnirim himself. This doth he receive at your hands in your ministers, for all your fawn- ing upon him with a kiss; so that if you will know how far you are from communicating in the death cf Christ, take it in this parable, verily as far as the weakness of God is stronger than man. Countrymen, for mc cannot but call you so, though we find your carriage to be so far worse than these Indians, we advise you to take things together, and what God hath joined, let none dare to put asunder; so that if you be ashamed of the cross in baptism, be ashamed of the baptism also; for such as the cross is, such is the * For he that assiimeth a title unto himself, without respect unto Christ, in whom the whole g'ory thereof consists, such mind and disposition prose- cuted and followed to its height according to the rise thereof, sets itself in di- rect terms of opposition against Christ, and halh that spirit of the god of this world. 85 baptism. Therefore, your ancestors go beyond you, in tliut they join crossing of tlie air, and sprinkling with the ele- ment of water, together. But, wherever baptism, according to the word of Christ, is, there is the cross of Christ also; they can no more be separated than his sceptre and kinf- dom can, for where the one is, there is the other also; for as they are coincident, so are they co-apparent. So that if ever you sec the baptism of Christ, truly in use and exer- cised upon any, you do as truly see that party partaking and communicating with the cross and sufferings of the Lord Jesus Christ; and to see persons in such estate, and conclude afterward they are worthy of censure, yea, possi- bly to Anathema Maranatha, is nothing else, but to conclude a total and final falling away from the grace of God, as your fathers have done before you; for no grace greater than the cross of our Lord Jesus. Behold, therefore, you des- pisers, the vanity and abomination of all your baptisms; how prejudicial they are to the cross of Christ. Be asham- ed, and return in time, or he shall be a swift witness against you forever, when your repentance shall come too late. But you think the cross of Christ is not but in bowing the back under every burden, and cringing and crouching to the lust of every man, otherwise his Shebet* is not fit, nor suiteth it with your regimen at all, unless so servile, that ev- ery one may serve their lusts of him, to wealth and honor, friends and allies, by setting bounds and limits to the holy word of God, some in the way of one devise, some in the way of another, and he that will not walk as a dumb beast, worse than Balaam's Ass, and say nothing, or else give a sense of the holy writings to maintain that devised platform, if mercy must be used not to hang and burn, yet banishment is ready waiting for them. Therefore shall you know by the rod of his power that comes out of Sion, that he will be ruler, even in the midst of his enemies. * That is, his sceptic, rod, staffer tribe. 86 By us, whom you style your neighbors of Providence; you have said it, Providence is our hold; the neigh- borhood of the Samaritan we profess, and for the lookings on, and turnings aside of your Priests and Levites, without either unction or compassion, all your slain and wounded in soul, finding no remedy, do plainly testify the nature of your travels and neighborhood, what it is. Your speech to us in gen- eral, not using our names, when as we know it is particulars you aim at, gives us plainly to see the word Aelem,* revived and living in you, as it stands with its coherence, in Psalm Iviii. verse 1 , &.c. JOHN WICKES, RANDALL HOULDEN, JOHN WARNER, ROBERT POTTER, RICHARD WATERMAN, WILLIAM WADDLE, SAMUEL GORTON, RICHARD CARDER, JOHN GREENE, NICHOLAS POWER, FRANCIS WESTON, SAMPSON SHOTTON.f * The word Aelem signifies dumbness, so that the phrase is, do ye indeed do dumb justice, O Congregation, and so describe such persons, what they are that speak not a word of righteousness, in their acts and executions; which Psalm showed into us the spirit, practice, and success of our adver- saries. t These being the purchasers of Shawomet, the Sachem Myantonomi, as he sold it to twelve men, so his price was that every man should pay twelve fathom of Wampumpeage, that is, one hundred and forty-four fath- oms, as our deed which he made unto us, being extant, witncsseth to be paid unto him. ' John WJckcs or Weeks, as it is sometimes written, was in Plymouth a? 87 This writing, sent to the Mass.ichuscttP, we have rehatod verbatim, only what is in the margin is added for cxplana- early as 1637. He and his wife became proselytes of Gorton while there, and probably left that place and went to llliode-Island with him. lie was received as an inhabitant of Khode-Isiand on the 20th June, 1639. When, he left the island is uncertain. After the settlement of Shawomet, he was one of the leading men in the plantation, and held the oflices of Town Dep- uty, Assistant, &.c. He was slain by the Indians in 1675, being, as Callen- dor says, " a very ancient man.'' The Town Council of Warwick made a will for hitii, as was the custom in those days, when the deceased left no- will. He had a son John. IMany of his descendants are now living in Warwick. Randall Ilolden came originally from Salisbury in England. When he first arrived in this country, is not certain. lie probably left IMassachusetts with the first settlers of Rhode-Island, and perhaps before. He and Roger W^illiams were the witnesses to Conanicus and Miantonomi's deed to the purchasers of the island, on 24th ]\Iarch, 1638. He also signed the first aTeenient or covenant entered into between them for their government on the 7tli of April in the same year. March 16, 1642, he was disfranchised. The complaint against him is not recorded. The whole record of tlse transac- tion is this: — " It is ordered, that Richard Carder, Randall Holden, Samp- son Shotton and Robert Potter, be disfranchised of the privileges and pre- rogatives belonging to the body of this State, and that their names be can- celled out of the record." On the following day, this further order was passed by the colony of Rhode-Island. " It is ordered, that if John A\'ickcs, Randall ITolden, Richard Carder, Sampson Shotton, or Robert Potter, shall come upon this island, armed, they shall be by the constable, calling to himself sufficient aid, disarmed and carried before the magistrate, and there find sureties for their good behavior; and further be it established, that if that course shall not regulate them or any of them, then a further due and lawful course by the magistrates shall be taken in their Sessions; provided that this order, hinder not the course of law already begun with John Wickes." Holden was elected Marshal of the colony, at their first election. His children were Randall, who married Betty Waterman; Cliarles, who mar- ried Catharine, Greene; Mary, who married John, son of Richard Carder; Elizabeth, who married John Rice; Sarah, who man led Joseph Stafford; 83 ation, and more ease to the reader to understand our mean- invhich we at the present were Ignorant of, when certain days were expired, the messenger sent by the Commissioners in- to the Massachusetts to acquaint them with our proposi- tions returned; which we perceived by their shooting off of guns at his coming; and the first thing we discerned in them, they sent out and gathered all our cattle together, and took them into their own custody, sending two soldiers unto us to give us notice, that the time of truce was expir- ed; and that our propositions could in no case be accepted or embraced by the Massachusetts. We then desiring to speak with the Captain and the officers, they utterly denied to have any speech with us; but immediately entrenched themselves, and the same day gave fire upon us; where- upon to shew our allegiance to the State of Old England, we hung out the English colours, which they perceiving, shot the more violently against us, shooting the colours many times through and through. Now when the messenger from the Massachusetts returned, coming through the town of Providence, two of the men of Providence came along to Shawomet, to see how things vvere carried, and what the news was at his return; and however the Commissioners would not speak with us, yet the men of Providence went unto them and had speech with them, whom they warned to come no more unto us, upon their peril, for they were re- solved of their course; therefore whoever came near unto us, they would take them for their enemies. For when the Governor and Assistants of the Massachusetts, perceived that the Commissioners had declared their errand unto us in plainer terms than they intended it should have been, they thought, to make the house we were in our grave, was the best way to vindicate the moderation of their equal justice towards us, as plainly appeared by their practice, and course held concerning us. Here follovveth a true copy of the testimony of the two men of Providence, who came to Shawomet at the return 113 ol'tlie mesriougcr out of the Massachusetts, verbatim, ex- taut under their own hands: We testify, that upon the return of the answer, from the Bay, the Captain refused the former ofl'or of appeal to Eng- land, or arbitration in the country, with the said Samuel Gorton and his company; but inmiediately dissolved the truce, and the same day proceeded to give fire upon them. RICHARD SCOTT, WILLIAM HARRIS.' And so continued for divers days together, in their fierce assault. The Sabbafh approaching, we imagining they ' Richard Scott was admitted a member of the Boston Church, August 28, 1634. lie married a sister of the famous Mrs. Hutchinson, and re- 'moved with her from Massachusetts. Winthrop says, his wife "was infected with Anabaptistry," and tliat Williams " was taken or rather emboldened by her to make open profession thereof." Scott afterwards became a Qua- ker, and Gov. Hopkins says, the first of that sect in New-England. He was one of liie early settlers of Providence. The tradition is, that his wife and daughter, in 1C57, were whipped ten lashes in Boston, for visiting a Quaker prisoner there. William Harris arrived at Salem in 1635. He removed to Providence with Williams, and is the seventh named in William's first deed. On the 24th of Jariua.iy, 1679, he sailed /or England on board of the ship Unity of Boston, William Condy, master, as agent of the Pawtuxet purchasers. In the course of this voyage he was taken by a Barbary corsair and carried to Al- giers, wliere he remained in captivity more than a year. He was redeem- ed at the cost of about ^'1200, travelled through Spain and France, and ar- rived in London in 16S0, and died the third day after his arrival, at the house of his friend John Stokes. He executed his will at Newport before he sail- ed for England. That is dated Dec. 4, 1678. The witnesses to it were examined relative to its execution the same da)', before John Whipple, As- sistant. It was afterwards proved at I'rovidence, Feb. 20, 1682. His children were Andrew, who married I\Iary Tew of Newport; Toleration, who was killed by the Indians about 1675; Mary, who married Thomas Borden; and Howlong, who married Arthur Fenner. >».j.i i, , In the divisions which pervaded the colony at Providence, Harris and \V'illiams wore generally liic leaders of opposite parties. — S. 114 would not have continued theiv assault upon that day, anji were very confidant that they would go about no such work upon the night before the Sabbath; being we knew well that they held the Sabbath begins in the evening going be- fore, and that they had no less ground for it than Master Cotton's judgment; as also that it was one of their laws that the breach of the Sabbath is to be punished with death. ^ Now what they may judge the killing of their countrymen causelessly upon that day is, whether to keep or break the Sabbath, we leave to all men to judge. But contrary to our expectations, early in the morning having prepared their fire-works, they attempted to burn the house wherein we were, seconding their fire with the discharge of above four hundred shot against us, according to the soldiers' account, who afterwards told us how many shots they had made that morning, according to the empty- ing of their bandaliers; all which time, they told us, Captain Cooke stood behind such a great white oak tree, whom we heard encouraging his soldiers to come on with courage, thinking himself in safety; and so he was, for we discharg- ed not a gun that morning, nor of all the time of their siege ; but only two in the night-time fit random, to scare them from working their trenches near unto us; for we had con- cluded to take away the lives of none of our countrymen, unless they off'ered to enter violently upon us, which we on- ly fitted ourselves to prevent such assaults, or else that we were forced out upon them by the firing of our house; only we perceived our words to be shot good enough to keep them aloof. For we called cheerfully upon the Captain to come on and bring up his men; for he should find us very cheerful spirits to deal with; and that we would make him as • In the body of laws drawn up by the Rev. iMr. Cotton, and printed in London in 1642, is the following: " Profaning the Lord's day in a careless and scornful neglect or contempt thereof, to be punished with death." — S. 115 good a Sabbuth-day'ri breakfast, a3 he ever had in his life; our eare was only to quench the fire which they had laid to the wall before we were aware; but we saw the wind take the flame so from the wall, that it kindled not upon the iiouse. ^Vhenthc day began to break. Captain Cooke called to the soldi<3rs, to go on with a fresh assault; but we heard some of bis soldiers, deny to come on again, being the fire took not; and the day beginning to be light, they thought we might shoot from the house at some certainty; we called on the Captain to animate his soldiers, for we understood (we told him) his chariot wheels began to drive very heavy, and were in danger to fall off", and that was all the violence we offered to our countrymen, in this their so eager an assault, though we heard the Captain in the beginning of it, give strict charge to the soldiers, that they should not let one es- cape alive, but to put all to the sword, thinking the fire would have taken, and so we have been a prey for them: But however, we discharged not a piece against them, be- iao- loth to spill the blood of our countrymen, though to the hazard of our own lives; yet were we well provided and could easily have done them much hurt; only stood upon our de- fence, so as they durst not make entry upon us. After which assaults, they sent back into the Massachusetts for more aid; but in the meantime, another parley was pro- cured, wherein we consented to go down into the Massa- chusetts upon composition, to prevent the spilling cf blood, which we could no longer refrain in the defence of our- selves, they having approached so near unto us; the condi- tion whereof was this, that we should go along with them as free men and neighbors, as though such passages had never been betwixt us; which the Captain and his company consenting unto, beat up the drum and gathered his soldiers together, seeming joyful that things were so concluded; whereupon the Captain desired to see our house; which request we lovingly embraced, thinking he intended 118 to refresh himself and his soldiers with such provisioas as we had, before we set out upon our journey towards the Massachusetts; but no sooner was he come into the house, but contrary to the articles of our agreement, he seized upon our arms, using us as captives, and presently carried us away, not suffering us to dispose of any of our goods, that were in or about our houses, having not so much as a ser- vant left behind, and so left them all as pillage to the In- dians;* the Captain giving charge unto the soldiers that if any of us spake a word in our journey to give any of them discontent, that they should presently knock us down; and if they saw any of us step aside, out of the place designed unto us, that they should run us through, and he would bear them out, in that their action. And withal they drove away our cattle into the Massachusetts, dividing and dis- posing of them amongst themselves; only some of them they had disposed of to such of their subjects, as lived near unto us, who had been instruments and assistants unto them, to bring about and effect this work. The number of cattle which they took from us, was four-score head, or therea- bouts, besides swine and goats which they and the Indians lived upon during the time of their siege, also breaking vi- olently into our houses, taking away our corn, with other provisions provided for our families to live upon. Here followeth another testimony, of divers of the men of Providence, given under their hands, set dov.nhere, ver- batim, for the clearing of these matters; which writing is extant: Providence, this present January the SOth, 1644. We, whose names are here underwritten, inhabitants of the town of Providence, in the Narragansett Bay, in New- * Which they had promised to do as they came on the way towards us, to encourage the Indians to come with them against us; in the healing of some of our friends. 117 England, being rc»iuc.stccl hy Siunucl Gorton, lliinduU Hol- dcn, John Wickca and Jolin Warner, with divers others of our countrymen, to testify what wo know concerning their late suiTerings from the Bay of the Massachusetts, we take ourselves bound in conscience, to answer their request, and in a word of trutii impartially to witness. First. That our countrymen aforesaid, were peaceably possessed of a plantation, at Shawomet, amongst the na- tives, some ten or a dozen miles beyond this town of Prov- idence. Secondly. Tiiat the Bay of Massachusetts sent up through this town of Providence, one Captain Cooke and his company, in warlike manner ; who actually assaulted and besieged our foresaid countrymen, who stood upon their own defence. Thirdly. That the wives and children of our foresaid countrymen, upon these hostile courses, were affrighted, and scattered in great extremities, and divers since are dead. Fourthly. The said Captain Cooke and his company car- ried captive our foresaid countrymen through this town of Providence, to the Bay of Massachusetts. Fifthly. Their goods, cattle, houses and plantations were seized upon by the foresaid Captain, and his company; the cattle were part killed by the soldiers, and the rest by agents from the Bay, disposed of, and driven away to the said Bay of Massachusetts. RICHARD SCOTT, WILLIAM BURROWS, WILLIAM HARRIS, JOSHUA WINSOR, WILLIAM FIELD, JOHN FIELD, STUKELY WESTCOTT, THOMAS ANGELL, HUGH BE WITT, WILLIAM REYNOLDS, THOMAS HARRIS, ADAM GOODWIN.' ' Stukely Westcott removed to Providence, in April, 1638, and was tlie first named in Williams's first deed. His daughter Damaris, married Bene- 118 Now, as we passed along on the way to the Massachu- setts, which was about three score or three score and ten miles, in the common account of men, from our plantations diet Arnold. His sons were Jeremiah, William, Samuel, Josiah, Benjamin and Slukely. He held to entire and rigid separation from the Church of England, and denied the Churches of Massachusetts to be true Churches; for which the Church at Salem passed " the great censure" on hmi, as early as the first of July, 1639. Before this he and his wife, had been rebaptized by Williams. Hugh Bewitt, in Dec. 1640, was banished from Massachusetts. He was found '-guilty of heresy, and that his person and errors are dangerous for the infection of others." He was ordered for this '• to be gone out of our jurisdiction by the 24th inst. upon pain of death, and not to return upon pain of being hanged." He removed to Providence, where he was received a purchaser. On his second removal, which was shortly after, he sold his purchase right to some persons residing in Boston. Thomas Harris was received a purchaser of Providence previous to Au- gust 20, 1637. He was brother to William Harris. He left a will, which was proved July 20, 1686. He had children, Thomas, who married Phe- be Brown, Richard, Nicholas, William, Henry, Elethan, who married Na- thaniel Brown, Joab, Amity, who married a Morse, Mary, who married a Bernon, and Job. William Burrows. The time of his settlement in Providence, I have not been able to ascertain. He was alive in 1663, when a subscription was opened for his relief. Joshua Winsor was received a purchaser at Providence, before Aug. 20, 1637. He came from the borough of Windsor, England. He had one son Samuel, and three daughters, Sarah, Susan and Mary. Samuel married Mercy Waterman, widow of Resolved Waterman, and daughter of Roger Williams. Five of the descendants of Samuel, all of the name of Winsor, were settled Baptist ministers within the State of Rhode-Island. John Field removed from Bridgewater to Providence, soon after its set- tlement. Thomas Angell came originally from London. According to one tradi- tion, he crossed the Seekonk river in the first canoe with Williams, whose apprentice or servant he then was. Another tradition makes him the ap- prentice of Richard Waterman. He died before Sept. 18, 1694; ash's 119 at Shawomct, after they were come into the towns within their own jurisdictions, in some towns their minister which the sohlicrs hrought along with thcin aj;ainst us, gathered the people together, in tiic open streets, went to prayers, t!iat the people might take notice, what they had done, was done in a holy manner, and in the name of the Lord; and when they came to Dorchester, there being many people o-athered together, with divers of their ministers, as Master Cotton and Master Mather, ' &c. there they placed us at their pleasure, as they thought fit to have us stand, and made voUies of shot, over our heads in sign of victory;* and when we were come to Boston, and brought before the Governor's door, the sohlicrs placing themselves and us as they thought fit and orderly, the Governor coming forth, walking throughout all the compjiny of soldiers, blessed -them; the word which he used as he still passed along, was this; God bless you, and prosper you — God bless and pros- per you.t Vv'hen this was done, we were brought into the will was proved on that day. His children were John, James, Amphyllis, Mary, Deborah, Alice and Margery. William Reynolds was received a purchaser of Providence, before Au- gust 20, 1637. Of Adam Goodwin I can find no traces whatever, except that ho was one of the early settlers of Providence. — S. 1 Probably Ilichard Mather, third minister of Dorchester, lie came to New-England in 1635, and was settled over that f'hnrch, Ang. 23, 1C3(». He died Apri^ 22, 1669, aged 73 years.— S. * A great triumph for a whole country, to carry away eleven n.en (and that upon fair composition also, if they had kept touch with us; for one of us, that is, Sampson Shotton, was dead before by hardship, which some of their spirit had put upon him;) and but ten of us that handled arms. t We thought ha did it to imitate IMelchisedek, coming out to bless Abra- ham, when he came from the slaughter of the Kings, in the rescue of I ol, he did it so gravely and solemnly, only the Captain wanted the spirit of Abraham for all his good success, yet we thought he was not incapable to communicate in that prayer or blessing of the Covcrnor, for his errand (o 120 Governor's hall, before the Governor, Mr John Winthrop, unto whom we complained, how the Captain had used us, contrary to our articles: but he told us whatever the Cap- tain might express unto us, his intent was to have us as captives, and their captives now we were; and unto the common jail we must go, without either bail or mainprize; where we continued until the Court sat, and the country com- ing in on every side to understand the cause why they had so proceeded against us; and they laboring to give the coun- try satisfaction, rehearsed in the ears of the people, divers gross opinions, which they had compiled together, out of our writing, which we abhorred; as that, we should deny the human nature of Christ, which they gathered from this, that we professed his death to be effectual to the fathers, before tlie time of his incarnation in the womb of the Virgin; also, that we denied all the Churches of Jesus Christ, because w'e could not join with them in that way of church order, which they had established amongst them; again, that we denied all the holy ordinances of Christ, because we could not join with them in their way of administration ; as also, that we denied all civil magistracy, because we could not yi(^ld to their authority, to be exercised in those parts where we lived, (that place being above four and twenty miles out of their bounds) which we should not once have questioned, if we had been within the compass of their ju- risdiction; as it well appeared by our carriage, all the time v/e were amongst them; as also by our sundry appeals unto this State, which have been denied unto us; yea, and since that gi'eat favor granted, and given unto that people of Providence Plantations, in a late charter of civil govern- ment ' from this State, our humble respects unto all such us, was to utter and exercise the ppirit of the Government, in his commis- sion made manifest. 'A copy ofthisclirnter may bo found in Appendix, No. 17. — S. 121 authority hath Ijccii made manifest to all men; not only in our unanimous andjoylul embracing of it, but also some of us by the general vote of the whole colony, have been chosen into the place of judicature for the orderly execution of the authority of the charter; yea, some of us that are now here present at the publication hereof. Now when we desired liberty to speak in the Court, to answer to such things as were alleged and read in the ears of the people, such as is above, with divers more to the number of about six and twenty, all drawn from our writing formerly mentioned in this treatise, we denied that we either held, or had written any such thing; and desired our writing might be read in open Court, that it might appear what was in it; which was denied unto us, only their charges must appear, by the af- firmation of the Bench; for no other man or woman appear- ed to testify a word against us, and when we continued to deny the constructions they had given of our writings, and abstracted from them, denying them to be ours, we were commanded silence; Master Thomas Dudley, one of the Bench, standing up, charging us to be silent; and told us if we were not, they would lay irons upon our legs and upon our hands and also upon our necks; whereupon the Court for that time was dissolved, no man objecting against us in the least, in any wrong or injury betwixt man and man; nei- ther at that time, nor in any time of all our trial amongst them. After which, they brought us forth, divers times, be- fore their Court, which then sat more privately in a cham- ber, the door being kept very carefully, that none should enter, but only whom they thought fit to permit; their Court then consisting of about a dozen magistrates, and about for- ty deputies, chosen out of several towns as were thought fit, and many of their ministers usually present with them to assist in the work; they then questioned and examined us apart, to the uttermost they could, to get some matter against us from our own mouths, and also usually sending G 122 their agents, as elders* and members of (heir Churches,! un- to us in prison, frequently putting questions unto us to get * Old Mr. Ward, ' once lecturer at St. Michael's, in Cornhill, London, came to the prison window, and called to him, one of our society, namely Richard Carder, who had once lived near together in Essex. Mr. Ward seemed to be much affected, being a man knows how to put himself into passion, desired the said Richard, that if he had done or said anything that he could with good conscience renounce, he desired him to recant it, and he hoped the Court would be very merciful; and saith he, it shall be no dis- paragement unto you; for here is our reverend elder, Mr. Cotton, 2 who ordinarily preacheth that publicly one year, that the next year he publicly repents of, and shews himself very sorrowful for it to the congregation; so that (saith he) it will be no disgrace for you to recant in such a case. t Usually coming to us into the prison, many of them together. As also when we were put apart in the time of our examination, one of the mem- bers of the Church of Boston, telling some of us in his own house, that he was persuaded that he did not worship the true God, for, saith he, then he not have permitted you to be brought down from your own plantations amongst us; for, saith he, I am persuaded that our Churches shall not be overcome by any people that should come out against them; his wife standing by, be- ing an ingenious woman, made answer to our content before we could speak; Husband, (saith she) pray do not boast before the victory be known, it may be the battle is not yet ended. ' Probably Rev. Nathaniel Ward, first minister of Ipswich, well known as the author of" The Simple Cobbler of Agawam." He was born at Ha- verhill, England, 1570, and was educated at Cambridge. He came to this country in June, 1634. In 1647 he returned to England, and died therein 1653— S. ~ John Cotton was second minister of the Church at Boston, and col- league with Wilson. He arrived in this country in Sept. 1633, and died in 1652, aged 67. His influence was by no means confined to his Church, nor to the religious concerns of the colony. His advice was sought on eve- ry great occasion, even by the General Court, and in these days, it will perhaps be thought, he was too eager to give it, and too anxious to have it followed. It is not unlikely we are in part indebted to the imagination of the Simple Cobbler of .Agawam for this anecdote. If he had reference to Cotton's conduct in the Antinomian controversy, there was some color, at least, for the remark. — S. 123 occasion against us, thus continuing lur the space of two or three weeks together, during which time Master Willson' ordinarily in his sermons, pressed the magistrates and the people to take away our lives, from that text of the King of Israel, letting Benhadcd,go; applying it unto them; that if they let us escape with life, their life should then go for our life, and their people for our people, urging them from that of Samuel and Agag, to hew and cut us in pieces. Master Cotton, also in his sermons, encouraged the people in the lawfulness of their dealings with us, from that in the Reve- lations, where it is said, The kingdoms of this world are the kingdoms of the Lord and his Christ's; whence he observ- ed, that they being the kingdom of Christ, they were bound to go out against all people, to subdue all such unto them- selves as are weaker than they, otherwise they might stay at home within themselves, and serve God with all their hearts; but they could not serve him with all their might, unless they went out to subdue others, and so would be guilty of the breach of that command, viz. Thou shalt serve the Lord thy God, with all thy strength. Now after our many consultations, and debating of matters with the mag- istrates and ministers, not only in the Court, sometimes one of us answering and declaring of his mind, only in matters of religion, a whole day together, yea, part by candle light, besides all their more private conferences in the prison, and at other houses where we were put apart, in custody one from another, in the time of our examination; at the last the Court sent for S. Gorton out of prison, to appear before them; and when he came before them, the Governor told him he heard there was exception taken, that there ' Jolm Wilson was the first minister of the Church at Boston. He was born in Windsor, 1588. He came to New-England with Governor Win- throp, in 1680, from Sudbury, England, where he had been settled. He «!ied August 7, 1667— S. 124 should be a rumor that it was for some civil things Ihey had so proceeded against us, and yet no man appeared to ob- ject the least against us, in any civil respect; unto which the Governor himself gave answer (not expecting an answer from Gorton) that they had set their subjects, the Indians, in their own land, and that was all they looked after in that respect, but they never questioned in public, whether it was right or wrong to take it from us, only had privately called one of us, which was one of the interpreters, at the buying of it, and the Indians their subjects together, to see what could be said in it, and found the Indians, by their own con- fession, to make things so clear on our behalf, that they thought it not fit to bring it into public scanning of the mat- ter. The Governor then told Gorton, he was now to an- swer some things that should be propounded unto him, upon his life, for it was upon his life that now he was to answer; unto which Gorton made answer, that he was to shew unto them all dutiful subjection that might be, being under the Government of their jurisdiction, as he had done since his coming amongst them; to give them their due honour and respect to the utmost, which he could not do, but as he looked upon them with relation unto the State of Old Eng- land; by virtue of which power, they sat here as execution- ers of justice, unless he looked at them, and carried him- self towards them as they had respect unto that State (from whom what power they had was derived) else he could not give them their due honor and respect; for it could no way appear to be such, but as it was derived from that noble State of Old England; and therefore, however he had ac- cording to what they had demanded, for the clearing of any thing, been free, to answer unto them: So now if it was his life that they would now put him upon, he did as freely, and in the presence of them all, appeal to the State of Old England for his trial in that point, by virtue of which State only he conceived they sat there as ministers of jus- 125 ticc, and therefore niiglit not deny unto liim his just appeal, (understanding that the denial of an appeal must either pre- suppose a superiority in them that deny it, or an ecjuality at the least, with the State appealed unto;) unto which ihc Governor made answer, as also INIaster John Endicott, Deputy Governor,* and bade Gorton never dream or think o^ any such thing; for no appeal should be granted unto him. Now the ministers and magistrates, having weighed bet- ter our writings, our examinations in Court, answers to questions more privately, with anything spoken in the prison amongst ourselves, which daily ear was lent unto, or our carriage and demeanor in any respect; they had now summed up, and drawn all into four questions, which were novv to be answered, in case of life and death. The questions were these that here follow, not a word varying in any one of them: 1. Whether the Fathers, who died before Christ was born of the Virgin Mary, were justified and saved only by the blood which he shed, and the death which he sutFered after his incarnation! 2. Whether the only price of our redemption, were not 1 Governor Endicott came to New-England in 162S, from Dorchester, England. He bore the otHces of Colonel, Assistant, Deputy Governor and Governor of Massachusetts, with honor to himself and fidelit}' to the colo- ny, for a great number of years. His zeal against Popery led him in 1635| to deface the cross in tiie colors of the military company in Salem. For this he was disabled from holding any public office for one year. Yet, when it is considered that in the very next year, after solemn consultation, only two of the Council, would consent to spread the King's colors even at the fort, on account of the cross in them, it may be questioned, whether Gov. Endi- cott's assent to Roger Williams's heretical opinions had not some influence in subjecting him to that censure. It is proper to state, that according to WintljTOp, Governor Endicott afterwards " gave place to the truth," in re- spect to Williams's opinions. He died in 16G5, aged 76. — S. 126 tiio death of Christ upon the cross, with the rest of his suf- ferings and obediences in the time of his life here, after he was born of the Virgin Mary! 3. Who is that God whom he thinks we serve? 4. What he means, when he saith, We worship the star of our god Remphan, Chion, Moloch? To these four questions the Court told Gorton he must answer speedily, upon life and death, and that under his hand-writing; he told them he was not willing to answer in anything, but as before he had done; they told him he must o-ive in speedy answer, under his hand-writing; he asked what time he must have for the answer of them; they told him a quarter of an hour; he told them he could answer them in so short a time, but he knew not whether it could give them satisfaction; for it was as much as for a man to describe Jesus Christ what he is, and the way of Anti-christ also, which might be done in few words, but not to be clear to every man; for a man may describe the whole world in these words; In the beginning God created heaven and earth, and the earth was without form and void and darkness was upon the face of the deep, and the spirit of God moved upon the face of the waters; all the whole work of creation is in this mass or heap; but to set out the glory and beauty that comes out of this, needs many phrases to express it; ever so it is in the description of the Son of God, Jesus Christ, born of the Virgin, it may be done in few words; but to lay out the nature, benefits and glory of it, no small speech or time can serve to express; and therefore desired in word (as before he had manifested his mind unto them) so he might give that present answer which God gave unto him in this point also; but they told him, it must be done in writing, and so commanded the jailor to convey him to another room, to despatch the same; but as he was going out from them, they called unto him, and told him he should have the liberty of half an hour's time to perform it in; 127 when he was come into another room, pen, ink, and paper being brought unto him; as he was going to write, word was sent from the Court, that if it was brought in, on the second day in the morning, it should suffice; for the Court considering of it, that many of them had far home, and it beino- the day of preparation for the Sabbath, (for it was w Saturday in the afternoon) and they thought not fit to sit any longer; so Gorton was conveyed again into the pris- on, to the rest of his friends; who continued cheerfully to- gether, all the Sabbath-day, as they had done before in the prison; only some part of those days, they brought us forth unto their congregations, to hear their sermons, of occido and occidio; which was meat not to be digested, but only by the heart or stomach of an ostrich: but upon the Monday morning, Gorton took pen and ink, and wrote in answer to every one of the four questions given unto him, as here fol- loweth: This is a true copy of answei'S, given to the Court of the. Mas- sachusetts, to the four queslioiis, which they required to be un- sivered in writing, upon life and death, in case of blasphemy, which ive were charged u^ith, and sentence so far passed, as to take away our lives by the sword, in case of not disclaim- ing of our religion, or erroneous opinions, as they were pleas- ed to call them; the answers are truly set down, verbatim. To the first question we answer affimatively, (only as- suminor the liberty of our explanation) namely: The Fath- ers who died before Christ was born of the Virgin Mary, were justified and saved, only by the blood which he shed and the death which he suffered,* in and after his Tncarna- * That ia this answer there is a word added to their question which was done of purpose (knowing how they lookcJ) to regulate them, if it were possible, as it was declared unto them, in the first reading of the answer, how they fell short in it, which they yielded unlo; they say the death which he suffered (after) hi.^ incarnation, the answer >;iilli, (in) and after his In- 128 tion, (that is on this wise; that the guilt and .stain of man is not, but Avith respect unto the Holy word of God, the carnation. For to speak of the sufleringa of Christ, after his incarnation, without respect unto that which was before, we may as well speak of his sulTerings before his incarnation, without respect to that which is after; for the cross of Christ is not, but with respect both to human nature and divine, and we cannot know the two natures in Christ, what they are distinctly in themselves, to give each its proper due, and what they are jointly united in one, no otherwise, but as they are considered in the very act of incarnation, in which appears the sufferer, and ihat which is suffered, the sufferer is the Son of God, made man; the Creator '—comes a creature; the thing suffered is to be made a curse; that is to be maue such a thing as is in itself by nature accursed, and so Christ was made a curse; the sufferings of Christ then, and the shedding of his blood (as he is known after the spirit) are properly in that one act of his incarnation, which is the proper act of the humiliation of the Son of God ; so that to speak of his sufferings after his incarnation, you may as well speak of his sufferings before his incarnation, for it is no suffer- ing of Christ, but with respect both to the one, and the other, and only in the act of incarnation they are made one; and to speak of the sufferings of Christ visibly in his human nature, in the days of Herod, to be the proper suf- ferings of the Son of God, any furlher, but as a true doctrine, as in all other holy writ, to teach us that that suffering is in the act of his incarnation, you may as well speak of sufferings of Christ invisibly before that act of his incar- nation, for the cross, of Christ is not but with respect both to divine and human nature; nor can it be said to be in time, no more than it may be said to be before all time; for the humiliation of the Son of God, admits not of any bounds or limits, for then were it not of infinite value; and if not of in- finite value and virtue, then not the humiliation of the Son of God, nor could it be said to be the blood of God, as the Apostle calls it; so that as he himself is not, but as the first and the last become one, even so his suf- ferings are not, but in that one act, of the curse and blessing being made one. This being premised, which was signified unto them by word of mouth, the answer runs clear, to understand Christ according to the Spirit; otherwise a man may carnalize the answer unto himself, as he knows Christ after the flesh, as the world doth the whole word of God, so also the seed of Abraham, is to be understood as Abraham himself is; Abraham is the father of Christ, as in the genealogy it appears; so saith David in the person of Christ, our father trusted in thee, meaning Abraham for one, and 129 disobedience whereof, by eating the forbidden fruit, breeds an infinite distance between Gon and bis own work, without the least defect or blame to be found or imputed unto the word of God, but the sole defect and blame is in the crea- ture, even in man himself, yet could he in no case be so miserable, but with respect unto the holy word; even so the justification and salvation of the Fathers, was by the holy word of God, not but with respect and relation unto the seed of Abraham, and the son of David, (conceived and born of the Virgin Mary) in whom they were justified and saved, and yet no virtue nor power arising out of any thing that is human; man therefore is a sinner of infinite guilt, with respect unto that word, which was before all time, and no fault to be found in the word at all; the word of God is a Saviour of infinite value, with respect unto the seed of the Virgin Mary, born, suffering, dying, and rising again in the fulness of time; and yet no virtue in that seed at all unto whom all the prophets bear witness, having an eye un- to him in all their holy writings, and the faith of the Fathers comprehending Christ, both in the one, and in the other respect, were justified and saved by him alone, his death Christ also is the flither of Abraham, therefore he is called the Everlasting Father; and Christ himself saith, Before Abraham was, I am; such also is the seed of Abraham, it produces and brings forth the Son of God, and the Son of God produceth and brings forth it; so it is with the Virgin, she is the mother that gives form and being to Jesus Christ; he also gives form and being unto her; therefore she calls him her Lord and Saviour; the woman brings forth the man, a Virgin conceives and bears a Son; tlie man brings forth the woman, made of a rib, out of his innocent side; so that the man is not without the woman, nor the woman without the man, in the Lord; these two being separated, the contract is broken, the divorce is made, and not being rightly united, the word is adulterated, we are in our sin. The mystery of this answer then lies in this, (which Pharisees understand not) if Christ be the Virgin .Mary's son, conceived in her womb, and born of her, how doth the Virgin l\Iary, in spirit, call him her Lord, God and Sa- viour? Q* 130 being real and actual unto faith, God having the same co- existence with the creature in all ages, though the creature cannot have the same with him in but time. To the second question, depending upon, or rather in- volved in the former, we answer, Man's rejection of the word of God, being his sin and separation from God, is the only forfeiture of himself, which could not be, but with re- spect unto the word of eternity; even so God's righteous- ness revealed by taking man into unity with himself, is the only price of our redemption, with respect unto the death of Christ upon the cross, with the rest of his sufferings and obedience, from the time of his incarnation, in the womb of the Virgin Mary, to his ascension into Heaven, vvithout which there is no price of our redemption. To the third question, who we think that God is, that men serve, that are not of the faith abovesaid: we answer, that all men's hearts are awed (by the true God) to bow in worship: therefore, when the Apostle looking upon the in- scription upon the altar at Athens, it is said, he beheld their devotion, (or as the word is) the God which they worship- ped, though ignorantly, yet it was he only that he declared unto them: So the Apostle James, Thou believest that there is one God, thou doest well, the devils also believe and tremble. The fourth question, therefore, is the explanation of the third, namely, what we mean by Moloch and the star of that god Remphan; to which we answer, that the Scripture alluded unto, makes difierence between those gainsayers of the Fathers which fell in the wilderness, and those of the true seed, that gave faithful testimony unto the Oracle of God; the rebels of the Sons of Levi, would not take up, nor bear the Ark of God, as their duty was, nor give the light and lustre of a star in the tabernacle, when it was pitched, (for the seven stars are the seven Angels:) But as they had the power of a worldly ruler, or Governor, to defend 131 them in their work, and to subdue all that were not of their mind under them, therefore they took up the tabernacle of Moloch, or bore the booth of the King, and gave the light of Remphan, (alluding unto Raphal, who in David's days had four sons, were mighty giants, warring only by the strength of the arm of flesh) so that they would give testi- mony unto the holy word of God; but as they had a king set over them, besides Moses to defend them, when as a greater than Moses was there. And in this they turned back in their hearts unto Egypt, looking unto the way of Pharoah, that would subdue all that were not of his own way, and be a defence unto his wise men, in whatever they wrought; but the faithful seed of Abraham had the taber- nacle of witness, or witnessed unto the tabernacle, even in the wilderness, where there was no wordly Governor to de- fend them, but all came out against them, Ammon and Am- alek, Balak, Ogg, and Sihon, and the rest; in the which condition Stephen perceived himself, when he witnessed un- to the word of truth, in alleging that place of the prophet. SAMUEL GORTON. Upon the finishing of these answers, on the Monday morn- in"-, the Court sent for S. Gorton to come before them; and Avhen he was come, the Governor asked him, whether he had brought in his answer to the questions propounded un- to him (at their last sitting) in writing: he answered, he had brought them; then the Governor asked him, whether he had put his hand unto them: he answered he had not, not thinking it would be required, else he had done it: The Governor called for pen and ink, and caused him to put his hand unto them, and then demanded them of him. Gorton desired he might have liberty to read them first in the Court, that he might pronounce the phrases and words according to the true meaning and intent; having had experience of wrong done, in reading (in way of pronunciation of things not plainly) before, to the giving of true intelligence to the 132 hearers. When the answers were read in the audience of the Court, the Court paused, and no man said anything un- to them, only bade Gorton withdraw, which being done, they had some consultation among themselves, and shortly after called for Gorton to be brought in again: Master Sal- tingstone* found fault, that it was written in the answer, what is the star of (that) god Remphan, whereas it was in the writing, (your god Remphan,) Gorton answered, the phrase was only changed for modesty; for indeed, saith he, it is the phrase of the Apostle, Your god Remphan; and so it rested, to clear that scruple. The Governor told Gorton, that they were one with him, in those answers; for they held as he did; Gorton answered, he was very glad of it, for he loved not differences and divisions amongst men. The Governor then asked him whether he vvould retract the writing that was formerly written unto them; Gorton an- swered, that nothing was written before, but would suit and agree with these answers; so that if there was cause to re- tract one, there was cause to retract all; the Governor said no: these answers they could agree with him in, but not in the former writing. Whereupon Master Dudley stood up, seeming to be much moved, and said he never would con- sent to it whilst he lived, that they were one with him in those answers; the Governor then asked Gorton, what faith was: to which he answered, that was nothing that concerned what they had formerly written, and that he and the rest had only undertaken to answer to anything that was in their writing; the Governor told him he was bound, and ought to be ready to give an answer to any that should ask him a question of the hope that is in him. Gorton made answer, ' So in both editions. Trobably Richard Saltonstall, then one of the As- sistants, is here alluded to. He came to New-England in 1630. He held the ofFice of Assistant, a number of years. In 1 680 he returned to England where he died in 1694, aged 84 years. — S. 133 that the definition which the Apostle gives offailh, was suf- ficient, as he tliought, to give any man satisfaction; he ask- ed him what that was: he told him it was this, that faith is the hypostasis or substance of things that are hoped for, and the evidence (or argument demonstrative) of things that are not seen, nor demonstrated at all. The Gover- nor told him that was true, but he could say more of faith than so; Gorton told him, it gave him satisfaction, and being another point than they had had to deal about, since their coming amongst them, and being no question produc- ed from former writings, desired to be spared from any fur- ther answer than the plain words of the Apostle; where- upon Master Broadstreet ' made answer, that he tliought it was not fit to put him upon any new questions, unless he was free to speak unto them: and so they dismissed him from the Court to the prison again. Shortly after this, there was a day appointed, wherein we were to receive our sentence from the Court, which was to be given in the afternoon; and in the forenoon. Master Cotton preached, having gathered up the minds of the peo- ple, in what they had observed, and perceiving the people took notice, that in what we dissented from them, was out of tenderness of conscience, and were ready to render a reason and ground for what we held and practised, and di- vers such like things; to which he answered, that if vve had done it out of ignorance, then there had been hopes of re- gaining us; but if out of tenderness of conscience, and able to render reason for what we did, (and other things of like nature) then were we ripened for death, urging them to agree together, and consent in one thing; that so it might 1 Simoa Bradstreet, the person here alluded to, was at that time one of the Assistants. He was born in March, 1603— came to this country in 1630, and died at Salem, in 1697. IIo held the offices of Assistant, Sec- retary of the colony, Deputy Governor, and Governor. — S. 134 be, else would not the Angels carry their souls to Heaven; for he was then speaking of the office of the Angels in that point. And when by all their examinations in Court, inter- rogatories put upon us in prison, and public preaching, they could find nothing against us for the transgressing of any of their laws, they then proceeded to cast a lot for our lives, putting it to the major vote of the Court, whether we should live or die; which was so ordered by the Providence of God, that the number of two votes carried it on our side; and whereas both by law, equity, and act of Providence, they ought to have set us forthwith at liberty; yet notwith- standing, they proceeded further to censure, namely, con- fined us to several towns, and to wear bolts and irons, and to work for our livings, though it was in the extremity of winter, and not to speak of any of those things, which they had dealt with us about, and all this during the pleasure of the Court, and that upon pain of death. Here followeth a true copy of the Censure and of the Charge^ as it was given unto us in writing by the Court; be- ing extant and here set down, verbatim, as it was given to Samuel Gorton, the rest being the same, but only the change of the names. FOR SAMUEL GORTON. It is ordered that Samuel Gorton shall be confined to Charlestown, there to be set on work, and to wear such bolts or irons, as may hinder his escape, and so to continue dur- ing the pleasure of the Court; provided, that if he shall break his said confinement, or shall in the meantime either by speech or writing, publish, declare, or maintain, any of the blasphemous or abominable heresies, wherewith he hath been charged by the General Court, contained in either of the two* Books sent unto us by him or by Randall Holden; * Whereas they name two books written unto them, there was another 135 ©r shall reproach or reprove the Churches of our LordJesus Christ in these United Colonies, or the civil government, or the publick ordinances of God therein, (unless it be by answer to some question propounded to him, or conference with any elder, or with any other licensed to speak with him privately, under the hand of one of the Assistants) that immediately upon accusation of any such writing or speech, he shall by such Assistant, to whom such accusation shall be brought, be committed to prison, till the next Court of Assistants, then and there to be tried by a Jury, whether he hath so spoken or written; and upon his conviction there- of, shall be condemned to death, and executed. Per. Cur. INCREASE NOVVELL, Secret. Dated the 3d of the 9th mo. 1643. A COPY OF THE CHARGE. Samuel Gorton, being convict as a blasphemous enemy to the true religion of our Lord Jesus Christ, and all his holy ordinances, and also to all civil authority among the people of God, and particularly in this jurisdiction, as ap- peareth by writings and speeches.' writing - sent unto them by us, but it was no ground of any of their proceed- ings against us, therefore we thought it not fit to bring it into this Treatise, for they had concluded upon what they would do nnto us, and were gone out for execution, before that writing came unto them ; for it only met the sol- diers on the way towards us, with commission to put us to the sword; we shall desire to publish it, by itself, for we are willing to ha\e it known, and we made answer to any thing in it, they could seem to object, when we were amongst them. The Massachusetts promised the people that however they might not hear our writings read then among them, yet they should see them shortly in print, but they put us to the labour and cost of it, else they cannot be content to have them lie buried, but render them and their deal- ings with us, in all places where they come, to be other things, than indeed they are. 'This "other writing" as it is called, may be found in Appendix No. 18 — S. 'The charge and censure passed on Richard Carder, is still extant, and in 136 This charge being laid upon us at the bar, before we heard of the censure, (though they came, as above, in writing to us, the Governor asked us, whether we bowed under it, and whether we would retract; we answered and told them (as in the presence of God) that the charge neither bowed nor touched us at all; for we were free, and far from being guilty of any such things; and for our retraction, we told them, wc came not there to deny our Religion, in any point of it, but to testify and bear witness unto it; then did they read our censure for our confinement, as is above said; and when the bolts and chains were made ready, they put them upon us, in the prison at Boston, that so we might travel in them to the several Towns to which we were confined, some of us having fifteen miles, and some thirty to go from Boston, only wc were to stay till Master Cotton, his Lecture day, and then were all brought to the congregation, in that our iron furniture for the credit of the sanctuary, which had set the sword on work to such good purpose; and after that were, with all speed, sent away, yea, some of us among the peo- ple that went from the Lecture, that so we might be a spec- tacle unto them. ' the possession of the R. I. Historical Society.— " This charge," says the author of Sagitarius' Letters, " brings to our memory, a transaction that happened several years ago, in the Island of Jamaica. A Scotch officer, with several others of his corps, engaged in a billiard match with some Jews. The children of Israel, it seems, were much too expert at that game, for the Caledonian ana his companions. The latter, after having lost some money, mustered their whole joint stock, and staked it against the sons of circumcision; the game was played; the Scot lost; but he swept the stakes into his hat, drew his sword, and, protected by his friends, retired, calling out, ' D — n yere sauls, ye scoundrels, yere a' enemies to the Lord Jesus Christ." — S. ' In Appendix, No. 19, 1 have copied Gov. Winthrop's acconnt of the pro- ceedings of Massachusetts towards Gorton and his company. It would seem from Gorton's statement, that all theShawomet purchas- ers, except Shotton, were taken by Capt. Cooke and carried by him to Bos- 137 In whicli condition we continued ;i whole winter season: in which time tlieir Ministers stirred up the people, in their public sermons, to famish us to death, out of that place of ton. Wiuthiop, as copied in Appendix, No. 19, saysnine werebioiiglit in by Cooke. Jle afterwards says, seven were sentenced to be confined to diferent towns. Three otlier persons were taken at tiie bouse with the seven, two of whom were dismissed on a small ransom, and the third freely. Neither of these had signed the letters. A fourth was sentenced to remain at Water- town during the pleasure of the Court. Threo escaped from the house, two of whom being sent for, came in, one of whom was discharged freely; be- cause his hand was not to the letters. The other was sent home, on his own bond to appear at the next Court. All the purchasers of Shawomet signed the first letter, those therefore who were discharged because they had not signed "the letters," were not of the Shawomet purchasers. The seven who were confined to the several towns were Gorton, Wickes, llolden, Totter, Carder, Weston and Warner. Waddle was enjoined to remain at Watertown. The three who escaped from the house, were Wa- terman, Power and Greene. Power came in and denied that he set his hand to the letters, and was dismissed; Waterman became bound to appear at the next Court, and Greene was the one who escaped entirely. [See in Appendix, No. 6. the warrant issued against Waterman, Power, and Greene and his son. Da!ed, October 20, 1643, after the return of Captain Cooke and his company, which was on the 13th of October.] The following tradition relative to the escape of Waterman, is preserved by his descendants, and was kindly handed me by his great-grandson, in answer to my inquiry of him for historical information. I give his words — " Amongst other matters, that which made the deepest impression on my feelings was, that when Massachusetts sent for Samuel Gorton and others, my great-grandllither, Richard Waterman, was among the proscribed; but he avoided them m this way. When the conspirators were approaching his hab- itation, my great-grandmother, suspecting their design, met them at the door with a pan of milk, and offered it to them to drink, and thus detained them until my great-grandfather got out of the back window and ran into the woods, where he remained secreted until those fanatical hell-hounds were far away. To this day I never pass one of their meetinghouses, without excited feelings, and many times I have detected myself stripping up my sleeves, to see if I could not find the marks of liandcufls on my wrists." — S. H 138 the prophet Zephany, ii. 10. 11. This shall they have for their pride, because they have reproached and magnified themselves against the people of the Lord of Hosts; the Lord will be terrible unto them, for he will famish all the gods of the earth; and men shall worship him, every one from his place, even all the isles of the heathen. Samuel Gorton having intelligence from Boston to Charlestown, to which he was confined, that Master Cotton preached from that text in the prophecy Zephany, and how he applied the doctrine from it, to have all necessaries withheld from him, telling some eminent members of the Church, that if they either went unto us, to visit us, or sent unto us, to minister to our wants, the curse of God would abide both on them and their posterity, for so doing; the said Gorton hearing of these things, wrote a letter to the ruling Elder in Charles- town,* a copy whereof (verbatim) here followeth, which was consulted upon, by the Ministers immediately, togeth- er with the Governor, as intelligence was brought unto him, but never answer given unto it, neither by word nor writing. Charlestown, January the 12, 1643. Mr. Greene ' — Forasmuch as we know that the ruler of the congregation hath power to give utterance, and to authorize speech, unto edification, and that none ought to hinder ■wherever or whomsoever he permits or giveth license unto, and inasmuch as we also profess, that there is one thing that is needful, and whosoever shall make choice of that, it shall never be taken away from him, which is to hear the words of Christ. Neither are we ignorant, that none are truly sen- * We had liberty to speak or write to Elders, or such as the Magistrates licensed to .^peak with us, in way of question whom they thought were fit- e3t to ensnare us, so that this writing is but a question; only it hath a large preface. ' John Greene \vas ruling elder of the Charlestown Church. He came to New-EngU-nd in 1632, and died, April 22, 16^8.-8. 131) sible, or know the necessity, use and benefit of hearing (he word of Christ, but only such as are sensible, and see their necessity (yea, and that in the same subject) of speaking and delivering the words of Christ, for the heart of every saint is equally balanced with these two; the same necessi- ty he finds to speak, he also finds to hear; the same neces- sity he finds to hear, he finds to speak also the word of God ; for faith is in hearing, and hearing is in speaking the word of God. If we deny either of these unto a Christian, we deny him the power of faith, which doth consist in them both; nay, if he want a tongue to speak, or an ear to hear, (and thfit equally, the one as the other) we deny him to be complete in Christ; who, as he had an ear open to the voice of the Father in all things, so had he a tongue to divulge and declare them unto the world; evrn so with the heart man believes unto righteousness, that is, gives credit to that which he hears, to be in another, and with the mouth, con- fession is made unto salvation, that is, preacheth or profess- eth that which God hath made him to be by faith; therefore if thou shalt confess with thy mouth the Lord Jesus, and be- lieve in thine heart that God raised him up from the dead, thou shalt be saved. Nor am I ignorant of the minds of the people, (amongst whom 1 now sojourn, and am a stranger as all my fathers have been,) how earnest they are I should get my bread with servile work, or else to have hunger and famine to cleave unto my bonds, which they profess them- selves to be very clearly instructed in, though in times past it hath been thought sufficient work for a man to be exercis- ed in (at one time) to lie in fetters and irons amongst stran- gers, though wife and children were not deprived of all nec- essaries at home. Nor do I doubt, but they may find & time to alter their judgment, (it may be before they are aware) especially if the bridegroom be at the door; and it is well known, that I have not been accustomed to any servile work in any part of my life, till now, of late, in New-England, 140 where through the kindness of my couutrynien, in taking from my family the things of this life, (which God had be- stowed on us) I have been necessitated thereunto, which I am so upbraided with in this place. But it is not grievous unto me, whilst they cannot but see in it (if God have not blinded their eyes) the vanity of those idle shepherds of the Church of Ronie,* who cannot speak unto the people, but in a way of so much study and ease; nor had I ever desire to be set up in the world through gatherings and contributions of the people: Therefore have these hands ministered to my necessities. But however I have been exercised about the bread that perisheth, yet hath it not been but with respect unto that which endureth unto everlasting life, which I have endeavored to break, and faithfully to impart unto my wife, children and servants, and to any that had an ear open to listen unto that whole- some word of life, which hath made all other travels or los- ses whatever, to be light and easy unto me, (as at this day) which I profess to be the only errand I have to do in this world; and however we do preach the Gospel, yet have we nothing to rejoice in, or to glory and praise ourselves for, to lift up ourselves above our brethren; for necessity is laid upon me; that is, I am in vvant and stand in need of all things, and wo is me if I preach not the Gospel; that is, if I receive not this grace from Christ as well as any other; for the same necessity I have of any other grace, I have this grace also: For of his fulness we all receive, and grace for grace, for the graces of God are a bundle of life in Christ Jesus ; so as, that if I reject or neglect, or put off any one of them to another, as no privilege or prerogative of mine, I do the like to all: for his seamless coat may not be divided, but all goeth by lot or portion the same way: And in like manner I am destitute of this, I am destitute of all other grace that proceeds from him; for if I preach the Gospel willingly, I * Wheresoever the doctrine, spirit and power of it doth appear. 141 have a reward, that is, if I do it out of any ability, skill or will of my own, gotten and acquired by any pains or in- dustry, as men attain to arts and trades, wherein they are to be preferred before and above others, then I have a reward; that is, something is to be attributed and contributed to me for the same, then go I about to deprive my Lord of his right, shewing myself an unfaithful steward, for where an hundred is due to him, I bid write fifty, that I may take the rest myself, to live upon; for even as 1 propound my own deserts, demerits and eminency unto a people, so do I pro- pound the undeserving estate and condition of my Lord; proclaiming his baseness whilst I set forth my pains and good will in so doing; but if I do it against my will, that is, if it be contrary to the mind and will of all men, to undergo the cross of Christ, to preach the Gospel, in necessities, re- proaches, hard labors and persecutions^ then is the dispen- sation committed unto me; that is, the right of all adminis- tration, (wrapped up in that fountain of dispensing the Gos- pel) doth of right solely belong unto him, and not unto me in any case; yea, it is the will and power of another, and not my own, unto whom the praise and glory of right belongeth and wholly appertaineth, and not unto the will, ability or skill of any man whatsoever: And hence it is, that the cross is easy unto us, because we know that he, as truly, and to- tally taketh our reproaches and hardships upon himself, which are only due unto us, as he committeth the dispen- sation of his grace and glory unto us that is none of ours, but only due and belongs unto himself; so that we remem- ber him that sulTered such gain-sayings of sinners, lest we should be weary, and faint in our mind, yea, further, there is a necessity of preaching the Gospel upon every soul; for as there is not any that can believe for another unto righteousness, the party being destitute of that grace himself, so there is not any that can preach or confess for an- other unto salvation, the party being destitute himself of that 142 o-racc of confession or preaching. Indeed the saints commu- nicate in these graces one with another, as all of them being heirs and inheritors of the same grace in Christ; but one can- not perform any office for another, as for such as are desti- tute of the same grace and office themselves, for that were, in- stead of a girdle, a rent. Therefore the preaching of the Gospel is the discovering of what men are in Christ Jesus, and not only what tliey may or shall be, also what men are under the wrath of God that abides upon them, being out of Christ, and not only what they shall be ; so that every Chris- tian having received this (as an ingrafted word, growing up together with it) that is, that I may be mutually edified and comforted by the communication of your faith and mine, he grows up in this also, namely, that I may be mutually edi- fied and comforted by the communication of your preaching and mine ; for in the day of the Lord, which is the day of sal- vation, and behold now the accepted time, behold now the day of salvation, wherein we give no offence, or lay not any stumbling block before our brethren; wevillify not that sac- rifice once offered up for ail. That our ministry may not be reprehended, or that our ministry be not blemished, for so the word is, (momos) that is, we can acknowledge no sac- rifice, but only that which is without either superfluity or defect; and in that day, the feeblest in Jerusalem is as Da- vid, a king, a leader, a valiant warrior, a sweet singer in Israel; and the house of David, as God, or as the mightiest, (for the word is plural) yea, as the angel of the Lord be- fore them, every one is as the angel or messenger of the Lord, before the rest of the congregation, or as the angel of the Lord before (him) as the word will also bear, that is to say, as the messenger of the Lord, like unto his servant John, to prepare or make ready his way before him, for the messenger of the Lord, and he only, knows how to bring down the high mountain, and how to lift up the lowest valley, and that only i.s a highway for the royalty of our 113 King to pass upon in the wilderness. And this is a glory that the world cannot receive, neither can it give it: and it is our rejoicing that we borrow nothing from the world, nor stand in need of anything it hath, to make the Gospel of God glo- rious; for it were better for us to die, than that any man should make our rejoicing, vain or empty. For it were not full in Christ, if we borrowed anything of the world, which were death to us to think of; what is our rejoicing then or our reward, when as the whole world affordeth nothing at all unto us? Verily this, that when we preach the Gospel, we make it free, which could not be, if it laid claim to any- thingthe world hath in the pul)lication of itself; for then by the laws of relations, the world might lay claim unto, and challenge something from (it) which were to bring the Gos- pel into bondage. liut as the Lord Jesus wrought that great work of reconciliation Ireely, so as the world could challenge nothing of it at his hands at all; so is that word of recon- ciliation, to whomsoever it is cumrnilted, published freely, so as the world can challenge nothing of them at all; so that the servant cf the Lord is free from all men, though he makes himself servant unto all, that he might gain the more. Thence it is that he abuseth not his authority in the Gdspel, but keeps his power unspotted, when the v.'orldcan require nothing at his hands; hereby shewing also the transcedancy of that kingdom, wherein his authority is ex- ercised, beyond the kingdoms of this world, which must bor- row one of another, else cannot any be glorious in the height of glory concerning the things of this life; therefore had Solomon himself gold, silver, ivory, apes, and peacocks brought from other nations to augment his glory. But he that is greater than Solomon, beautifieth himself with none of the things of this life, though he had right to them all; that so he might make it manifest that his kingdom is not of this world, therefore gives charge unto his disciples, that as they had frcelv reccivod, so thev should frrrly give: for 144 by how much we enjoin people to contribute unto us for preaching the Gospel, by so much we proclaim, that we have given unto God for what we have received of him, and teach others so to do, namely, to bring some preparations, operations, or fitness to receive his grace, which is as far from man, to attain unto, as it was to prepare and fit him- self for his creation at the first; so tliat the benevolence of the saints in communicating of the things of this life, is no part of the glory or beautifying of the house of God, for then a wicked man might add somewhat thereunto; nor shall the glory in the least measure be diminished, when these things shall have an end. But it is a declaration of their vilifications of the things of this present life, as things of no account or reckoning, when they come into competition with the well being of the saints; and as these things are consumed and turned into ashes, up- on that golden altar, so doth there ascend up a perfumatory sacrifice of sweet savor unto the Lord, for according to our villification of the things of this life, so is our valuation of the Lord Jesus, who is either all or none at all in our estima- tion and account, and if he be all, then he that gethereth much of the things according unto man, hath nothing over or above him that hath the least, and he that gathereth little, hath no lack, or falls short of him that hath the most, for the one and the other consume them in the act of the pres- ent supply of their necessity, knowing that if they keep them, in making any account or reckoning of them, for the time to come, they presently putrify and corrupt. Learn this parable therefore, that there is that in the heavenly manna that the rebels may eat in the wilderness and die eternally, as well as that which whosoever eateth shall never die, but live forever, yea, there is a seed to be sown in giving away to another, as well as food to receive for the nourishing of ourselves; and he that sows spareingly in that shall reap spareingly, yea, he that knows not how to minister carnal 145 things, cannot have spiritual things ministered unto him, no more than a man can keep his sin , and have the righteous- ness of Christ also. These only therefore that in giving and receiving, know how to perform all in the same act, as the woman in casting her two mites into the Treasury; and out of deep poverty can see the abounding of the riches of liberality. Such can perform an acceptable service to the Lord; but such as only exercise themselves in piece-meal- ing of the things of God and the things of man, to serve at times and turns for advantage, and reserve the rest, this is as the cutting off of a dog's head, or the offering of swine's blood in the house of God, however else where they may be done without any such abomination, the saints therefore depend not upon, neither desire the world's benevolence, knowing well what their mercies are in the winding up, nor can they expect from them ought else, but bonds, imprison- ments and spoiling of their goods, (wliich through the secret supplies their master makes unto them) they suffer joyfully not looking for so much as ashoe-lachet from the king of Sod- om to enrich themselves with, all knowing that the blessings of the Lord upon their endeavours shall yield sufficient to convey them through the valley of Baca; which endeavours, God directeth unto times and seasons to use according to strength and constitution without any to lay task upon them, even as he teacheth the husbandman when to throw in the cummin and the fitches, though they know (notwithstanding) what it is to have power, not to work and to lead about a wife, that is a sister, as well as others. But I am longer in my introduction than I did intend; my question in short is this, namely, whether I may have liberty to speak and express the word of the Lord in the public congregation freely without interruption, either on the Lord's day or the ordinary Lecture, now whilst I am kept from my family and friends, with whom I have been formerly exercised; for see- ing our days as a shadow decline, and we are presently M6 withered as graas, when in a moment we go hence and ais no more. We are earnest therefore to express the word of life that fadeth not nor waxeth old as doth a garment, that God's memorial may abide with our posterity, when we are gone the way of all the earth, that you shall not need to fear my touching upon any of those things, which it seems, are to lie sealed as in the grave for the present, I shall tell you what Scripture urgeth my heart for the present to impart, if God lead not into another, before the opportunity be attained; for we cannot treasure up, to bring forth at our pleasure unto profit; no more than we can fetch down at our pleasure for our supply, but only as our God performeth, both the one and the other; for we depend not upon Baal Oboth, as Saul did, but upon the Lord Jehovah, as David did. The Scripture intended is the sounding of the fifth trumpet, Rev. ix. out of which I desire (as God shall assist) to open and declare these points following: 1. What the sound of the trumpet is. 2. W^ho the An- gel is. 3. Why the fifth. 1. What the star is that falls from heaven to the earth. 2. What the fall of it is. 3. How it falls from heaven unto the earth. 1. What tiie key of the bottomless pit is. 2. To whom it is given. 3. The manner how it is given. 4. How the pit is opened. 5. How it can be said to be bottomless, seeing nothing can be without banks and bottom, but the Lord himself. 1. What the smoke of the bottomless pit is. 2. The cause and manner of its rise, even as the smoke of a great furnace. 1. What the sun and the air are. 2. How they are darkened by the smoke of the pit. 1. What those locusts are, that come out of the smoke. 2, The nature of their power, as the scorpions of the earth have power. 3. How this power is given unto them, see- ing that all power is of God. 147 1. What the injunctions are, that are laid upon the lo- custs. 2. The rise of those injunctions. 3. The exercis-o of them. 4. The extent of them. 1. What the nature and property of the locusts are, de- clared by the several forms ascribed unto them, furniture, ornaments, and their carriage in them. What their king is, as he is described. I . By his office as- signed. 2. By his title given unto him. 3. How he is a kinorcl Ailiuirul, and Com- missioners tor Foreign Plantations, sitting at West- minster, 15 May, 1646. WARWICK, Governor and Admi. Jiid. NORTHUMBERLAND, PEMBROKE AND MONTGOMER\^ NOTTINGHAM, MANCHESTER, FRA. DACRE, SAM. VASSALL, CORN. HOLLAND, WM. WALLER, WM, PUREFOY, DENNIS BOND, GEO. SNELLING, BEN. RUDYER. [Wiiilliru[)'s Journal.] No. III. Edward Winsloio's Commission from Massachusetts. Massachusetts, in New-England, in America. Whereas Samuel Gorton, John Greene, and Randall Holden, by petition and declaration exhibited to the Right Honorable the Earl of Warwick, Governor-in-chief, and Commissioners for Foreign Plantations, as members of the High Court of Parliament, have charged divers false and scandalous matters against us, whereof their Honors have been pleased to give us notice, and do expect our answer for clearing the same; we therefore, the Governor and Company of the ^Massachusetts aforesaid, assembled in our General Court, being careful to give all due respect to his Lordship and the Honorable Commissioners, and having good assur- ance of the wisdom and faithfulness of you, our worthy and loving friend, JNIr. Edward Winslow, do hereby give power and commission to you to appear before his Lordship and Commissioners, and presenting our most humble duty and service to their Honors, for us and in our name to exhibit our humble remonstrance and petition, in way of answei to the said false and unjust charge of the said Gorton, Sic. and by the same and other writings and instructions delivered to 198 you under the hand of Mr. Increase Nowell our Secretary, to inform their Honors of the truth and reason of all our proceedings with the said Gorton, &c. so as our innocency and the justice of our proceedings may appear to their Hon- ors' satisfaction. And if any other complaints, in any kind, have been, or shall be, made against us, before the said Commissioners, or before the High Court of Parliament, you have hereby like power and commission to answer on our behalf, according to your instructions. And we hum- bly crave of the High Court of Parliament and of the hon- orable Commissioners, that they will vouchsafe our said Commissioner free liberty of seasonable access, as occasion shall require, and a favorable hearing, with such credit to such writings as he shall present in our name, under the hand of our said Secretary, as if we had presented them in person, upon that faith and credit, which we would not wit- tingly violate, for all worldly advantages; and that our said Commissioner may find such speed and despatch, and may be under such safe protection, in his stay and return, as that honorable Court useth to afford to their humble subjects and servants in like cases. In testimony hereof we have caused our common seal to be hereunto affixed. Dated this 4 (10) 1646. By order of the Court. INCREASE NOWELL, Secretary. JOHN WINTHROP, Governor. [Winthrop's Journal.] No. IV. Jlnswer of Massacliusells to Gorton^ s Memorial to the Commis- sioners of Foreign Plantations. To THE Right Honorable Robert, Earl of Warwick, GoVERNOR-IN-CHlEF, LoRD AdMIRAL, AND THE OTHER Lords and Gentlemen, Commissioners for Foreign Plantations, the humble Remonstrance and Peti- tion OF THE Governor and Company of the Massa- chusetts Bay, in New-England, in America: In way of answer to the petition and declaration of Sam- uel Gorton, &.c. Whereas, by virtue of His Majesty's charter, granted to your petitioners in the fourth year of His Highness's reign, 199 we were incorporated into a body politic, with divers liber- ties and privileges extending to that part of New England where we now inhabit; we do acknowledge (as we have al- ways done, and as in duty we are bound) that, although we are removed out of our native country, yet we still have de- pendence upon that State, and owe allegiance and subjec- tion thereunto, according to our charter; and accordingly we have mourned and rejoiced therewith, and have held friends and eneniies in common with it, in all the changes which have befallen it. Our care and endeavour also hath been to frame our government and administrations to the fundamental rules thereof, so far as the diflerent condition of tliis place and people, and the best light we have from the word of God will allow. And whereas, by order from your Honors, dated May 15, 1646, we find that your Honors have still that good opinion of us, as not to credit what hath been informed against us before we be heard, we render humble thanks to your Honors for the same; yet forasmuch as our answer to the information of the said Gorton, Stc. is expected, and something also required of us, which (in all humble submission) we conceive may be prejudicial to the liberties granted us by the said charter, and to our well be- ing in this remote part of the world, (under the comfort whereof, through the blessing of the Lord, His Majesty's favor, and the special care and bounty of the High Court of Parliament, we have lived in peace and prosperity these seventeen years,) our humble petition (in the first place) is, that our present and future conformity to your orders and directions may be accepted with a salvo jure, that when times may be changed, (tor all things here below are sub- ject to vanity,) and other Princes or Parliaments|may arise, the generations succeeding may not have cause to lament, and say, England sent our fathers forth with happy liber- ties, which they enjoyed many years, notwithstanding all the enmity and opposition of the prelacy, and other potent adversaries, how came we then to lose them, under the fa- vor and protection of that State, in such a season, when England itself recovered its own? In freto viximus, in portu morimur. But we confide in your Honors' justice, wisdom, and goodness, that our posterity shall have cause to rejoice under the fruit and shelter thereof, as ourselves and many others do; and therefore we are bold to represent to your Honors our apprehensions, whereupon we Iiavo thus pre- sumed to petition vnu in this behalf. 200 It appears to us, by the said order, that we arc conceived, 1st, to have transgressed our limits, by sending soldiers to fetch in Gorton, kc. out of Shawomet in the Narragansett Bay; 2d, that we have either exceeded or abused our au- thority, in banishing them out of our jurisdiction, when (hey were in our power. For the first, we humbly crave (for your better satisfaction) that your Honors will be pleased to peruse what we have delivered to the care of Mr. Ed- ward Winslow, our agent or commissioner, (whom we have sent on purpose to attend your Honors,) concerning our proceedings in that affair and the grounds thereof, which are truly and faithfully reported, and the letters of the said Gorton and his company, and other letters concerning them, faithfully copied out, (not verbatim only, but even literatim, according to their own bad English.) The originals we have by us, and had sent them, but for casualty of the seas. Thereby it will appear what the men are, and how unwor- thy your favor. Thereby also will appear the wrongs and provocations we received from them, and our long patience towards them, till they became our professed enemies, wrought us disturbance, and attempted our ruin. In which case, our charter (as we conceive) gives us full power to deal with them as enemies by force of arms, they being then in such place where we could have no right from them by civil justice ; which the Commissioners for the United Col- onies finding, and the necessity of calling them to account, left the business [to us] to do. For the other particular in your Honors' order, viz. the banishment of Gorton, &.c. as we are assured, upon good grounds, that our sentence upon them was less than their deserving, so (as we conceive) we had sufficient authority, by our charter, to inflict the same; having full and absolute power and authority to punish, pardon, rule, govern, Jcc. granted us therein. Now, by occasion of the said order, those of Gorton's company begin to lift up their heads and speak their pleas- ures of us, threatening the poor Indians also, who (to avoid their tyranny) had submitted themselves and their lands un- der our protection and government; and divers other Sa- chems, following their example, have done the like, and some of them brought (by the labor of one of our elders, ]Mr. John Eliot, who hath obtained to preach to them in their own language.) to good forwardness in embracing the ffos- 201 pel of God in Cluist Josiis. All wliith hopeful beginnings ;ire like to be dashed, if Gorton, S^c. shall be countenanced and upheld against them and us, which also will endanger our peace here at home. For some among ourselves (men of unquiet spirits, aflccting rule and innovation) have taken boldness to prefer scandalous and seditious petitions for such liberties as neither our charter, nor reason or religion will allow; and being called before us in open court, to give account of their miscarriage therein, they have threatened us with your Honors' autliority, and (before they knew whether we would proceed to any sentence against them, or not) have refused to answer, but appealed to your Hon- ors. The copy of their petition, and our declaration thereup- on, our said Commissioner hath ready to present to you, when your leisure shall permit to hear them. Their appeals we have not admitted, being assured, that they cannot stand with the liberty and power granted us by our charter, nor will be allowed by your Honors, who well know it would be destructi\e to all government, both in the honor and also in the power of it, if it should be in the liberty of delinquents to evade the sentence of justice, and force us, by appeal, to follow them into England, where the evidence and cir- cumstances of facts cannot be so clearly held forth as in their proper place; besides the insupportable charges we must be at, in the prosecution thereof These considerations are not new to your Honours and the High Courtof Parliament, the records whereof bear witness of the wisdom and faithful- ness of our ancestors in that great council, who, in those times of darkness, when they acknowledged a supremacy in the bishops of Rome in all causes ecclesiastical, yet would not allow appeals to Rome Sec. to remove causes out of the courts in England. Beside, (though we shall readily admit, that the wisdom and experience of that great council, and of your Honors as a part thereof, are far more able to prescribe rules of gov- ernment, and to judge of causes, than such poor rustics as a wilderness can breed up, yet,) considering the vast dis- tance between England and these parts, {^which usually abates the virtue of the strongest influences,) your counsels and judgments could neither be so well grounded, nor sa seasonably applied, as might either be so useful to us, or so s-ate for yourselves, in your discharge, in the great dav of account, for any miscarriage which might befal us, while r. 202 we depended upon your counsel and help, which could not seasonably be administered to us. Whereas if any such should befal us, when we have the government in our own hands, the State of England shall not answer for it. In consideration of the premises, our humble petition to your Honors, (in the next place,) is, that you will be pleased to continue your favorable aspect upon these poor infant plan- tations, that we may still rejoice and bless our God under your shadow, and be there still nourished (tanqucim calore et rore coelesti;) and while God owns us for a people of his, he will own our poor prayers for you, and your goodness to- wards us, for an abundant recompense. And this in spe- cial, if you shall please to pass by any failings you may have observed in our course, to confirm our liberties, granted to us by charter, by leaving delinquents to our just proceed- ings, and discountenancing our enemies and disturbers cf our peace, or such as molest our people there, upon pre- tence of injustice. Thus craving pardon, if we have pre- sumed too far upon your Honors' patience, and expecting a gracious testimony of your wonted favor by this our agent, which shall further oblige us and our posterity in all humble and faithful service to the high Court of Parliament and to your Honors, we continue our earnest prayers for your posterity forever. By order of the General Court. (10) '46. INCREASE NOWELL, Secretary. JOHN WINTHROP, Governor. [Winthrop's Journal.} No. V. Gov. Winthrop^s Jiccounl of the result of IVinslow's Mission to. England. Mr. Winslow set sail from Boston about the middle of lOber, 1646, and carried such commissions, instructions, &c. as are before mentioned. Upon his arrival in England, and delivery of his letters to the Earl of Warwick, Sir Hen- ry Vane, &c. from the Governor, he had a day appointed for audience before the Committee, and Gorton and other of his company appeared also to justify their petition and information, which they had formerly exhibited against the 203 Court, Sec. for making war upon tliein, and kcephi"'- them prisoners, &c. But after that our agent liad showed the iwo letters tlioy wrote to us from Shawomet, and the testi- mony of the Court, and some of the ehlers, concerning their bUisphcmous heresies and other miscarriages, it pleased the J.ord to bring about the hearts of the Coimnittecs, so as they discerned of Gorton, Sec. what they were, and of the justice of our proceedings against them ; only they were not satisfied in this, that they were not within our jurisdiction, Sec. to which our agent pleaded two things, 1st, that they were within the jurisdiction of Plymouth or Connecticut, and so the orders of the Commissioners of the United Colo- nies had left them to us; 2d, the Indians (upon whose lands they dwelt) had subjected themselves and their land to our government. Whereupon the committee made this order following, which they directed in form of a letter to Massa- chusetts, Plymouth and Connecticut, (one to each) viz. After our hearty commendations. In our hite letter of 25 May Stc. we imparted how far we had proceeded upon the petition of Mr. Gorton and Mr. llolden Stc. We did by our said letter declare our tender- ness of your just privileges, and of preserving entire the au- thority and jurisdiction of the several governments in New England, whereof we shall still express our continued care. We have since that, taken further consideration of the peti- tion, and spent some time in hearing both parties, concerning the bounds of those patents under which yourselves and the other governments do claim, to the end we might receive satisfaction, whether Shawomet and the rest of the tract of land,pretendedtoby the petitioners, be actually included with- in any of your limits. In which point (being matter of fact) we could not, at this distance, give a resolution, and there- fore leave that matter to be examined and determined upon the place, if there shall be occasion, for that the boundaries will be [here best known and distinguished. And if it shall appear, that the said tract is within the limits of any of the New England patents, we shall leave the same, and the in- habitants thereof to the proper jurisdiction of that govern- ment under w^iich they fall. Nevertheless, for that the pe- titioners have transplanted their families thither, and there settled their residences at a great charge, we commend it to the government, witliin whose jurisdiction they shall appear to be, (as our only dusire at present in llii^ matter,) not only not to remove them IVom their plantations, but also to en- courage them, with protection and assistance, in all (it ways; provided that they demean themselves peaceably, and not endanger any of the English colonies by a prejudicial cor- respondency with the Indians, or otherwise; wherein ifthey shall be found faulty, we leave them to be proceeded with according to justice. To this purpose we have also written our letters of this tenour to the governments of iVew Ply- mouth and Connecticut, hojjing that a friendly compliance will engage these persons to an inoffensive order and con- formity, and so become an act of greater conquest, honour and contentment to you all, than the scattering or reducing of them by an hand of power. And so, not doubting of your concurrence with this desire, as there shall be occa- sion, we commend you to the grace of Christ, resting Your very affectionate friends, From the Committee, &c. 22d of July, 1647. WARWICK, Governor and Admiral, PEMBROKE AND MONTGOMERY, MANCHESTER, ARTH. HESELRKiE, JOHN ROLLE, HEN. MILDMAY, GEO. FEN WICK, WM. PUREFOY, RICH. SALWAY, MILES CORBET, COR. HOLLAND, GEO. SNELLING. The first letter from the Committee after Mr. Wmslow had delivered our petition and remonstrance, which should have been inserted before the former. After our hearty commendations, &c. By our letter of May 15, 1646^ we communicated to you our reception of a complaint from Mr. Gorton and Mr. Hol- den, &.C. touching some proceedings tried against them by your Government. We also imparted to you our resolu- tions (grounded upon certain reasons set forth in our said letter) for their residing upon Shawomet, and the other parts of that tract of land, which is mentioned in a charter cf civil incorporation heretofore granted them by us. pray- 2o:> ill" find re<[iiiriiig you to permit tlie same ucc()rclin<;ly, with- out extending your jurisdiction to any part thereof, or dis- quieting them in tlieir civil peace, or otherwise interrupting them in their possession, until we should receive your an- swer to the same in point of title, and thereupon give fur- ther order. We have since received a petition and remon- strance from you by your Commissioner, Mr. Winslow, and though we have not yet entered into a particular considera- tion of the matter, yet we do, in the general, take notice of your respect, as well to the Parliament's authority, as your own just privileges; and find cause to be further confirmed in our former opinion and knowledge of your prudence and faithfulness to God and his cause. And perceiving by your petition, that some personsdo take advantage, fromoursaid letter, to decline and question your jurisdiction, and to pre- tend a general liberty to appeal hither, upon their being called in question before you, for matters proper to your cognizance, we thought it necessary (for preventing of fur- ther inconveniences in this kind) hereby to declare, that we intended not thereby to encourage any appeals from your justice, nor to restrain the bounds of your jurisdiction to a narrower coinpass than is held forth by your letters patent; but to leave you witli all that freedom and latitude that may, in any respect, be duly claimed by you; knowing that the limiting of you in that kind may be very prejudicial (if not destructive) to the government and public peace of the col- ony. For your further satisfaction wherein, you may re- member, that our said resolution took rise from an admit- tance, that the Narragansett Bay (the thing in question) was wholly without the bounds of your patent, the examina- tion whereof will, in the next place, come before us. In the mean time, we have received advertisement, that the place is within the jiatent of New Plymouth, and that the grounds of your proceedings against the complainants was a joint authority from the four governments of Massachu- setts, Plymouth, Connecticut and New-Haven; which if it falls in upon proof, will much alter the state of the question. And whereas our said direction extended not only to your- selves, but also to all the other governments and plantations in New England, whom it might concern, we declare, that we intended thereby no prejudice to any of their just rights, nor the countenancing of any practice to violate them; and that we shall fur the future be very ready to give our en- 206 courageinent and assistance in all your endeavours for set- tling of your peace and government, and the advancement of the gospel of Jesus Christ, to whose blessing we com- mend your persons and aftairs. Your very loving friends, Fromthe Committee of Lords and Commons, Stc. 25th May, 1647. WARWICK, Governor and Admiral. BAS. DENBIGH, EDW. MANCHESTER, WM. SAY AND SEALE, FR. DANA, WM. WALLER, ARTHUR HESLERIGE, Mn.ES CORBET, FR. ALLEN, WM. PUREFOY, GEO. FENWICK, COR. HOLLAND. [Winthrop's Journal.] No. VI. Petition of P[^illiam Arnold Sfc. to be dismissed from the Gov- ernment of Massachuselts ; and the proceedings thereon. Boston, 26 of 3 mo. 1658. We, whose names are underwritten, do desire the honor- ed assembly of this Court, to give us a full discharge from submission to this jurisdiction; as also, all the inhabitants of Pawtuxet with us, our lands and estates there. Witness our hands, WILLIAM ALNOLD, WILLIAM CARPENTER. [At the next term of the Court, 1 ofthe4mo. June, 1658, the following petition was presented.] To THE HONORED CoURT, NOW ASSEMBLED IN BoSTON. We, the inhabitants of Pawtuxet, who hereunto subscrib- ed, having tbrmerly taken into consideration the occasion of trouble between your colony and the government of Prov- idence Plantations, with reference to ourselves, for to is- sue the said dift'erence and trouble, were willing to consent to certain proposals tendered by JMr. Roger Williams to 207 your General Court, tending to a dismission from your government. This is humbly to signify to this honored Court, that as we have done, so do we cniploy and author- ize our trusty friend William Arnold to issue the same. WILLIAM caiipkntp:r, ZACFIARY RHODES, STEPHEN ARNOLD, BENJAMIN SMITH, CHRISTOPHER HAUXHURST, RICHARD TOWNSEND. I certify that William Carpenter, Zachary Rhodes and Stephen Arnold, inhabitants of Pavvtuxet, and Richard Townsend, Christoplier Hauxluirst and Benjamin Smith, now beginning there to inhabit, subscribed their respective names as abovesaid. Witness, ROGER WILLIAMS, JOHN SHELDON. [On the !22d, 8 mo. (October) 1G58, the Court declare that they were very ready at the previous session, to grant the petition, and waited only for evidence that such was the wish of the inhabitants of Pawtuxet; and they add that this is now proved to their entire satisfaction. Thus ended all the pretences of Massachusetts to juris- diction over any of the inhabitants of Providence Planta- tions. The petitioners however had done the State some service, and had suffered in that behalf, for which they sought re- dress and satisfaction by the following petition.] To THE Honored General Court, now assembled jn Boston this 18th day of October, 1659: The petition of William Arnold, humbly sheweth, that whereas in Anno 1643, that the General Court sent to Mr. Richard Calicutt, with commission to seize on the cattle of Gorton's company ; the said Calicutt, when he had gotten many of their cattle aforesaid into custody, at Pawtuxet, he there sold and delivered of the same cattle unto your peti- tioner, viz. five yearlings at the price of forty shillings apiece, and four calves at twenty shillings apiece, and so left them all with your petitioner, in part pay of the charg- es or debt that Captain Cooke and his company, a little be- fore spent, and left it to pay upon the country's account to your petitioner. But of the said young cattle so sold by 20S Mr. Calioult to your petitioner, Francis Weston got away one of the yearlings, which was of his cattle, in a short time after from your petitioner, which had never any thing for it, which was forty shillings loss. And about six years after, John Warner compelled your petitioner to pay him four pounds, seventeen shillings and six-pence for one of the calves abovesaid, so sold by Mr, Calicutt, all which costs and damages your petitioner hath borne hitherto. And again, about two years agone, John Greene, sen. commenced a suit against your petitioner for the three calves, so sold as abovesaid, and the said Greene's Attorney recovered great costs and damages from your pe- titioner for them, in and by the courts of Providence Plan- tations. And whereas, by virtue of commission and power given from the General Court, in the year abovesaid, the 20th day of the 8th month thereof, unto your petitioner, and others with him, your petitioner and two more of those men- tioned in the commission, seized on three calves of the said Greene's, to the use of the Country, or General Court, the which three calves and their increase have of late been re- quired also of your petitioner, by the said Greene, and very much trouble your petitioner has been put unto in defence of the cause, one way and another, as partly in the courts of Providence Plantations, where the plaintifi" followed the law, knowing the whole colony was generally against the taking away of the cattle of Gorton's company, by any or- der from Massachusetts to be served within that place. So at one court held at Warwick, in November last, the jury there brought m a verdict for the plaintiff, of a hundred and fifty pounds damages and costs of court; but upon a review of the case, at their next court held in Providence, in the first month last past, there the jury brought in a verdict for the plaintiff of sixty pounds damages and costs of court, your petitioner has been caused to make payment of, to his great liindrance. Again, whereas by virtue of the General Court's commision abovesaid, your petitioner, and one more with him of those that are mentioned upon the said commission, found about fourteen head of cattle more at Pawtuxet, of the said Greene's, and seized on them for the use of the General Court, and were driving them towards Massachusetts, the which cattle were rescued by John Greene junior; and now the said Greene perceiving how the most part of that colony stand affected with them, again.-^t 209 Massacliasetts' I'culiiig so with the company of Gorton, he 22 To which Declaration the Commissioners for Connecticut and New-Haven, partly by way of concession, and partly by way of exposition, answered; that at a meeting of the Commissioners in 1643, divers complaints of weighty con- sideration, were presented from the Massachusetts colony, against Samuel Gorton and his company, concerning which no satisfaction by any fair means could be obtained; where- upon the Commissioners jointly thought fit that the magis- trates of the Massachusetts, if the said company persist in their stubbornness, should proceed against them, according to what they shall find just; promising the concurrence of the Colonies in what should warrantably be done; but the Commissioners have neither received information from the JMassachusetts, nor complaint from Samuel Gorton and his company, concerning these proceedings; so that they have had neither call nor means to own nor disown them. At the aforesaid meeting. Anno, 1643, a question also grew betwixt the Commissioners for the Massachusetts and Ply- mouth, to which of their patents that tract of land, on which Samuel Gorton and his company were settled, did apper- tain; each colony claimed it as part of their jurisdiction, but in the issue, the Commissioners for Plymouth consent- ed that it should belong to the Massachusetts, from which the other Commissioners, (being neither concerned nor un- derstanding where the right lay,) saw no cause to dissent; but since, sundry complaints at several meetings, have been brought from the Massachusetts, of injuries done by Samuel Gorton and his company, inhabitants of Warwick, to some English and Indians, subject to the Massachusetts juris- diction, and the question was again revived betwixt the Massachusetts and Plymouth, to which jurisdiction that tract of land belongeth. The Commissioners, from time to time, gave counsels of peace, according to their best present light. Anno 1649, they advised that the right of place, with other things in difference, might be issued in a neighborly treaty betwixt those two colonies, and that all ofi'ensive car- riages might be suppressed: In Anno 1650, upon like com- plaints, they advised that the Massachusetts acquit and re- linquish their claim to the forementioned tract of land, and that Plymouth leassume it, that Warwick might be placed under their jurisdiction to which it belongs, that a com- fortable issue might be put to the former difference, and justice have a free passage. But if then the inhabitants of Warwick should refuse to submit to that Government, the/ advised that the wholesome directions, given by the Honora- ble Committee of Parliament in that case be forthwith duly at- tended, that the inhabitants of Warwick might be convinced, and accordingly submit. And the Commissioners for Con- necticut and New Haven then wrote to the Governor of Plymouth, advising thereunto. We were since informed that the Government of the Massachusetts hearkened there- unto, and offered to settle Warwick and the land in ques- tion, under Plymouth, but that Plymouth hath and still re- fuseth to accept them; so that offences are like to continue and increase. The commissioners, therefore, fearing in- convenience, would provide a remedy, but know not what to add to the advice given in Anno 1650, concerning tres- passes, but that that which is proved be recovered, if no other means will serve but legal force, but with as much modera- tion as may be; lest, fi-om a course of continued offences, further quarrels and acts of hostility should spring and grow, betwixt the inhabitants of Warwick and their fore^ mentioned neighbors. The commissioners of Plymouth, taking knowledge of the long declaration of the Massachusetts' commissioners, collected out of pieces of passages of many years, and be- ing unsatisfied therewith, thought meet to declare themselves, that, what was done by Mr. Winslow and Mr. Collyer, then commissinners of Plymouth, in Anno 1643, concerning the resignation up of any lands which Plymouth had interest in, was not at all in their power to resign up any part of Ply- mouth's jurisdiction to the Massachusetts; neither could the Massachusetts receive any such resignation, without being injurious to the third and sixth articles of confedera- tion,°if any had been made. And Mr. Winslow and Mr. Collyer have several times publicly denied, that they either did, or intended, to resign any part of the jurisdiction of Plymouth to the Massachusetts; and what right or author- ity the Government of the Massachusetts had to send for Samuel Gorton, inhabiting so far out of their jurisdiction, we understand not; and how just their censure, we know not; or what part of censure they have suspended, and upon what grounds, we apprehend not; and concerning any reference put to the determination of the rest of the Commissioners at Boston, in Anno 1649, the commissioners for Plymouth re- ferred none; and what authentic writing the Governor of 224 Plymouth signed, the Massachusetts commissioners do not shew; but if they mean a writing signed by the Governor of Plymouth and some particular persons joining with him, bearing date the 7th of June, 1650, we the commissioners of Plymouth, for our particular persons, cannot own it ; hav- ing protested against it, in the court of Plymouth, as being directly contrary to the orderof the Honorable Committee of the Parliament of England, and contrary to the Articles of Confederation with the rest of the colonies. And, whereas we are informed that the Court of the Mas- achusetts have lately sent out several summons or warrants, to several persons inhabiting Warwick, alias Shawomet and Pawtuxet, and have made seizure upon some of their es- tates, we do hereby protest against such proceedings, if any such be. New-Haven, 16th Sept. 1651. Plymouth. JOHN BROWN, TIMOTHY HATHERLY. Massachusetts. LYMAN BRADSTREET, WILLIAM HATHORNE. Connecticut. EDWARD HOPKINS, ROGER DUDLEY. New-Haven. THEOPHILUS EATON, STEPHEN GOODY EER. [Hazard's Hist. CoK] No. VIII. Leller from Inhabitants of JVanvick. To THE Honored the General Court, representing the Colony of the Massachusetts, sitting in the name, AND BY the authority OF HiS RoYAL MaJESTY ChARLES the Second, King of Great Britain, with the Domin- ions AND Territories thereunto belonging; &.c. After our long continued patience and forbearance in ly- ing under the burdens of wrongs and injuries, which you have done unto us; vvaitingto see when your own ingenuity would prompt and provoke you, to return unto us some re- sponsible satisfaction; but seeing no appearance thereof, but the continuation of oppression, in withholding our rights, 22.) in not releasing our tcdiou.'? exile; in some of yours irregu- larly intruding upon our huvful liberties; und in your en- couraging of the Indians t(» oppress us inlolerabl)' to this day, presuming upon your protection therein, and threatening ot"us with your maintaining of them in their doings continu- ally; and when some (out of compassion) have laid our wrongs open before the Commissioners of tlie United Colo- nics, some of the chief of you, whom wc spare to name, have answered with great zeal, "Let them alone; let the In- dians destroy them." Therefore, think it not much, that wc are now at the last, constrained to appear before you in these our lines, to present unto you our long resented and now resolved thoughts. Our grievances wc briefly reduce into these four heads; which as occasion shall serve and call for, we shall amplify, prove and express cxcry one in their sev- eral particulars, viz: 1. Your cruel and unjust seizure upon our persons and estates, by Capt. George Cooke, Edward Johnson and Hum- phrey Atherton, commissionated by you with the soldiers, both English and Indians under their command; sent against us. His Majesty's subjects ; who live peaceably, doing harm to no man, and far out of all your jurisdiction. Your above- said soldiers, contrary to law, in an hostile manner, broke open our houses, spoiling our bedding by lying on them in their trenches, living upon our cattle in the time of their be- sieging us, and driving away the rest of our great cattle, amounting to a great number, into the Massachusetts, and there disposing of them to your use. Also when we did hang out the King's colors, to signify to whom we did ad- here, your soldiers shot them through and through immedi- ately; and contrary to your Commissioners' and soldiers' agreement with us, that we should go with them as neigh- bors and freemen, unto tiie Massachusetts, to answer any thing that could be objected against us, which said agree- ment of ours was on purpose to save the spilling any blood, upon which we invited them into the house wherein we were besieged; they immediately upon their entrance into our said house, seized upon our arms and persons, carrying us all a-.vay as slaves and captive?, leaving our houses and necessaries in them, to be pillaged by the Indians, who ac- cordingly did destroy our goods and habitations, by tire and otherwise; our wives and children being fled into the woods and other places for safety, but in regard of hardships sus- 226 tained herein, to some of them it proved loss of life, and to others loss of limbs. 2. The second general head of our grievances, is, our false imprisonment for the space of one whole winter season and more, lying in chains and fetters of iron, and yet to work for our livings by the sentence of your Court, or else to be starved, according to the doctrine of the chief of your ministers, preached for the editication of the people in the same season; and when in your Court privately lield, you put us upon questions concerning our religion, thinking to ensnare us, having nothing else to object against us, telling us that we answered upon life or death; we told you that we could not give you your due honor in the place where you sat; but as you were related to the King's Majesty, who had committed the same unto you; (though out of youv jurisdiction, we held ourselves to stand in a neighborly re- lation unto you;) and therefore told you that as we ac- knowledged the King and his laws to be the fountain and head of your Government; and that if it were so, that you prosecuted us to take away our lives after our goods, we did then humbly make our appeal to the King's Majesty, for our trial, and could not be heard; but not having the breach of any law against us, you put it to the major vote whether we should live or die; and being our lives escaped only two votes, as some of the deputies of the General Court inform- ed us, some of you would have it put to vote again, only the Governor answered it was the finger of God, and it was the best to let it pass as it was. Our imprisonment as above- said, after this was done, was a time which had many hours in it, wherein you had hope to get something against us, by one means or other; but if every hour wherein you sought this, (by our own law) answer the King's laws for such im- prisonment, it will amount to some considerable account upon your score. 3. The third general head is, our causeless banishment and exile, continued upon us unto this day, which is now upon the expiration of eighteen years; not only to the dis- grace of our persons, in making us appear obnoxious in the eyes of men, as though we were guilty of some notorious crimes; but also to the depriving of us cf common commerce amongst men, whereby we have for so long time been hin- dered of the benefit of the course, opportunity and state of things in the country, in way of trade, in regard of the pla- 227 ces of exportation and importation of all commodities being amongst you, where wc by your law may not come, upon peril of death; and yourselves know that many amongst you and some nearer to our abodes, being favored and en- couraged l)y you, (since the time of our unjust punishment) raised their estates to the sum of many thousand pounds a man, whilst \vc iiave sat under o[)pressions intolerable, hav- ino- things not at the second, but at the third or fourth hand, for the necessary sup|)ly of our families, to mitigate their (Troans, under the burdens which you have laid upon us: which groans are gone up. And yourselves know also tha;t divers of us were in as good capacity, (if not better) to have advanced our estates as many of those who are so increas- ed, when Captain, Lieutenant and soldiers came first against us, where yourselves had nothing to do, unless you took yourselves to be the only reformers of the world, to bring them all to the bent of your bow, as the chief of your minilters have professed; that so far as you found your- selves to have the power of the sword, you ought to subdue all, to the form of your Church and State. 4. The fourth general head of our complaint is, the great charge and expense you have put us unto, for the recove- ry and repossessing of our lands, which you had seized upon, as well as upon our persons and estates; banishing us from them also, though under deceitful and ambiguous terms, taking that for granted which was not true; accord- ing to other of your dealings towards us, as evidently shall appear in its due place and season; whereupon we were necessitated, for supply of our present wants, to make use of our friends beyond modesty and all ordinary courtesy, when you had cast us out of house and harbor, and place of abode, taking from us not oidy our goods of all sorts, which where our livelihood, but our lands also; leaving us destitute of any place wherein we might employ ourselves to sustain our wives and little ones; thinking thereby either to drive us among the Indians remote, to our ruin; or else to the Dutch Plantation, where many of our English peo- ple, men, women and children were so inhumanly massa- cred, immediately before, (by the barbarous Indians in those parts,) which was one effect of your banishing them from among yourselves. In this case, we, being deprived of all liberty to pass through any of your plantations, to go for Eng- land, to make known unto the King's Majesty; being put 228 in trust (also) with the chief Sachems about us, who earn- estly desired to submit their persons and lands unto His Majesty's protection, seeing yourselves laying claim unto and prosecuting by the sword, for such large dominions in these parts, perceiving that we were delivered out of your hands, beyond all expectation, and that we professed our- selves to be subjects and servants to the Great Sachem of Old England. We were upon this twofold occasion forced to travel to the Dutch plantation, to take shipping; where we lay long upon expense before an opporturiity could be had; then transporting ourselves into Holland, we lay long there again for a passage into England; where arrived, your friends and agents did what they could, to hinder the dispatch of our business, thinking thereby to wear us out in the want of means to maintain ourselves, some of your chief friends, both in England and also of this country, being of the Committee to which our business was referred, by which means, the time was much prolonged before atermination of the justice and equity ot our cause. And yourselves know that the said Conmiittee were pleased to take notice (in their letter concerning the re-possessing of our plantation) of our modesty and moderation, in that we did not for that present time urge or sue for reparations of other wrongs we underwent, because of the troublesome times in those days. But we were willing to stay till a better and more fit season offered itself; only the re-possessing of our plantations was of present necessity, whereupon we might labor with our hands for the preservation of our wives and children; which they most willingly granted unto us, seeing that justice and equity called for the same. The accomplishment thereof in our loss of time, expense of money and arrearages, our fam- ilies were forced in our absence, (which absence was not only from our families in our voyage for England, but also from our lauds from which you had banished us) was no small charge, for such as you had left naked of all manner of help, thinking thereby to tread us under foot forever, and our children after us, as such as should never be able to use any means for any satisfaction hereafter. If the great cattle you took from us, be well calculated according to or- dinary increase for so many years, as you have the use and benefit of them, it will amount to a very considerable sum, besides all other charge and detriment; and we understand that now is a time of repairing of losses and righting of 229 wrongs, Ibrnierly done in our native country, vvhcre we doubt not our wrongs will be taken into consideration among the rest. And though yourselves would not allow our humble appeal to the Royalty of the late King, yet we hope you will not hinder our humble addresses unto His Majesty that now is. Wherefore considering the premises as things shall be ex- jdained and amplified according to the particulars necessa- rily comprised, which you cannot be ignorant of; and being that we respect you as gentlemen of the same country out of which we came, also as neighbors here in this remote Avilderness; and respecting you as wise and understanding men; we are, in the truth and sincerity of our hearts, (for neighborly peace and society in these His Majesty's domin- ions) willing to propose unto your judicious and serious consideration, viz: That if, in your judgments, you shall be pleased to pro- pound unto us such a plausible way (which may stand with His JMajesty's authority and not prejudice nor demeanour cause) for a home composure in these parties, of the afore- said ditferences, unto moderate satisfaction, we shall most willingly and freely address ourselves thereunto. Otherwise, take knowledge, that our resolution is, with all convenient speed, to make our humble addresses to the King's Majesty, in way of petition and particular declaration thereupon, that His Majesty will be pleased to determine the matter by his council, or whom His Majesty shall be pleased to appoint. We understand that yourselves have received good en- couragements from His Majesty of late, which is our en- couragement also, that he will the more willingly take the cause into consideration. Take knowledge, therefore, that we do, by these presents, give you seasonable notice of our intended proceedings about the premises, that so you may be ready to make your best defence. And of this warning given unto you, we keep a copy, testified unto by sufficient witness. It being a seasonable time now, fitting your op- portunity; for we understand that your agent has lately come over out of England, and is shortly to return thither again; so that you may give him full instructions for the management of your cause. This also you may be pleased to take cognizance of, that if you put us unto the prosecu- tion of our intended resolution, in our luunble addresses to ^30 His Majesty, the damage which we shall charge upon you will amount to a very great sum, as by visible demonstra- tions and rational and undeniable calculation and account, it shall appear; besides our false imprisonment, and wrongs done by Indians, in killing our cattle, planting and wearing out our best land, pilfering and purloining our goods, &c. for the space of so many years, whom we expected to be removed without delay. If we hear not from you speedily concerning the premises, then we take it for granted, that you put us to the prosecution of our abovesaid resolutions, and intend to give us a meeting in England, for the intent and purpose as aforesaid. We conclude, with our desire to know of you, whether you count us free in point of egress end regress in any of your plantations or jurisdictions, to go about these or any other of our lawful employments, without disturbance, as free subjects of his Majesty in his dominions, carrying ourselves (as in our constant custom and practice we have done) according unto the the rules of humanity and sobrie- ty. And if we have not a speedy answer from you in this point also, we shall consider you hold us still as under the bondage of a causeless banishment; and shall seek to accom- modate ourselves elsewhere, for transportation, to obtain re- dress. And so we take our leave, and remain, though poor, jet your loving and peacable neighbours. From Warwick, in the colony of Providence Plantations, this22d of August, 1661. JOHN GREENE, RICHARD WATERMAN, RANDALL HOLDEN, JOHN WICKES, SAMUEL GORTON, RICHARD CARDER, JOHN POTTER. For the Honored, the General Court of the Massachusetts, present these, unto the Honorable Governor and Magis- trates authorised for transacting all public affairs, to open and act accordingly. [Mass. Records.] 231 No. IX. Gorton and others' Memorial to the King's Commissioners. To THE High and Honorable Couht of Commissioners, APPOINTED BV THE KIxNG's MaJESTY, AS THE SuPKEME Authority in these parts ok America called New England, with other places adjacent. The humble petition of Samuel Gorton, Randall Hclden, John Wickes and John Greene, in the behalf of themselves and others of (he town of Warwick, humbly sheweth: That whereas your humble petitioners have been evilly intreated by divers of our countrymen in these parts, more especially by them of the Massachusetts, without any fault of ours, that we know or can be made to appear, only they took offence, that we could not close with them in their church orders, neither could we approve of their civil course, in divers respects, as to execute the laws in their own names, not expressing the name and authority of the King; also swearing men to fidelity in like sort; not admitting of appeals to His Majesty in any case, and exer- cising their power beyond their jurisdiction and bounds, whereunto the King had limited them, as sole lords of the whole country; your humble petitioners, having removed themselves out of all their jurisdiction, by purchasing a tract of land where now we live. When they had preached us in their pulpits to be gross heretics, and men not worthy to live on the earth; to prepare their people to judge us wor- thy of death, then they sent out against us one Capt. George Cooke, his Lieut. Humphrey Atherton, commissionated with a band of soldiers, that if we would not relinquish our religion, which we had learned in our constant frequenting the public assemblies in our native country, or else to put us to the sword; whom your petitioners for a time resisted only defensively. At the last, upon honorable terms, we concluded to go with them into the Massachusetts, to see what all the country could allege against us at their General Court which was then in being. But their Captain being entertained in a way of friendship, with his Lieutenant and soldiers, into our hold, when they saw how few men we were, falsifying their covenant, they seized upon us as cap- tives, and carried us all as slaves, into the Massachusetts; and when we came before the Governor, Mr. Winthrop, we 232 told him how the Captain had wronged us, he answered, whatever the Captain said, it was his intent to have us cap- tives; and thereupon sent us to the common jail, where we lived of our own charge, as long as what money we had lasted, and then were put to grind at the mill, prepared in the prison for that purpose, for the prison's poor allowance. And when they had tried us upon life and death, denying our appeal to the King, and could find nothing wherein we were guilty, and that in a private Court, where none was permitted to hear but magistrates and ministers, who before had resolved upon our death, in case we would not falsify our faith to God and the King; and when they had put it to the major vote, whether your petitioners should live or die, our lives escaping by two votes, then they confined us to several places in the colony, where the magistrates lived, with charge not to speak of any thing about which we had been tried, unless to some elder, or one licensed under a magistrate's hand to discourse with us, and to keep this con- finement and this charge, under pain of death; the contrary proved before a magistrate, we were to die without further trial; putting bolts and chains upon us, and to work for our living; and so we continued a whole winter season. After- wards they released us, by banishment out of all their juris- dictions, and from our own lands, lawfully purchased, where now we live; and that upon pain of death. The number of great cattle which th( y took from us, was about four score head, which upon rational account, according to ordinany increase since that time, will amount to divers thousands of pounds, as hath been tried in a small parcel privately taken at that time, by some of their subjects in this colony, with- out any commission from them, and were accordingly cast at law, upon the ground of common increase. The rest of our cattle they lived upon, at the time of their beseiging us, having many of their Indians joined with them, against us, leaving our houses and necessaries in them, as pillage for their subjects, both Indians and English, in this colony, whom they had drawn away from their Narragansett Sach- ems, and this Government, to become their subjects and in- struments to work their wills upon us, and under the fallacy and irregularity of the subjection of these revolting people, they have maintained the Indians upon our lands to this day, planting our best ground, burning up our wood, killing our cattle, pilfering and purloining our goods, breaking open 233 our liouses, olVoring violence to the inhabitants, resisting tlie King's oflicers violently and riotously; and we can have no redress, although it be contrary to order given concern- ing ns, by the Lords and Commons in the High Court of I*arliament, to all the colonies and governments about us, which orders, your petitioners have to show. Your petitioners therefore humbly pray, that you will be pleased to take our distresses into your Honors' breasts, so as some speedy course may be taken for redress, and that some responsible and correspondent satisfaction may be made, as your Honors shall think meet and convenient, ac- cording to the rules of justice and equity; and your peti- tioners shall become most humble and earnest suitors and petitioners to Almighty God, on your behalf, as long as wo are. SAMUEL GOllTOiV, JOHN WICKES, RANDALL HOLDEN, JOHN GREENE. March 4, 16G4-5. [Mass. Hist. Soc. Col.] No. X. The Ansiver of J\Tussachuse{fs to the preceding Petition, the SOlh of May, 1665. An Apologetical Reply to an invective Petition, exhibited to His lilajesty's Honorable Commissioners, by Samuel Gorton, Randall Holden, John Wickes and John Greene; and bearing date, March 4, 1664-5; humbly tendered by the General Court of His Majesty's Colony of the Mas- sachusetts, in New-England. This Court having been advertised by their Committee, empowered, humbly, to treat with His Majesty's Hon- orable Commissioners viva voce, and to make report of their proposals, that the said Commissioners did urge a ne- cessity of a recognizance of some particular cases, ground- ed upon several complaints exhibited to them by divers of His Majesty's subjects in these parts; and in particular, by Samuel Gorton, Randall Holden, John Wickes, and John Greene, and divers others of the inhabitants of Warwick, applying themselves by way of petition, unto His Majesty's Honorable Conmiissioners, as aforesaid, for redress, and 234 upon perusal of a copy of the said petition, perceiving it to be the main design of the petitioners, to abuse His Miijes- ty's grace and favor; and by misrepresentation, if it had been possible, to prostrate his credit to the belief of that which is not to be believed; his princely wisdom putting him beyond a capacity of such abuses. As also to give unto His Majesty's Honorable Commissioners, and this Court, much needless trouble, by a tedious recollection of antiqua- ted matters, and an ungrateful investigation into the ruins of time, after things hard to be found, is not less by the ma- ny revolutions of this generation, which is almost passed away since that transaction; therefore, we have accounted it our duty to God, in order to the vindication of his glory, our duty to His Majesty, in order to his satisfaction, and the preservation of his honor, by the maintenance of his au- thority, which by his royal charter he hath betrusted this Court withal, to be improved for the preservation of the peace, and promotion of the public weal of His Majesty's good subjects of this colony; as also that we may purge the Government, from those foul imputations of disloyalty which, by that petition they have aspersed it withal: we say we are bound by an obligation to God, our King and our country, humbly to offer this reply to that petition; which we shall endeavor; first, by comparing the petition with themselves- secondly, with their principles; thirdly, with the vvhole transaction. Samuel Gorton, the person in whom tho sparks of that spirit of malignity first kindled into the inflaming of the ma- lignant passions of many other malconterited persons, which he blew up to the blaze of contention, industriously adding fuel; which had its dangerous tendency, to the utter con- sumption of both our civil and ecclesiastical constitutions, in whom, principally, we suppose the same spirit hath been cherished and kept alive unto this day. He seems to be incapable of any other character, but that which his demerits gives him; which he long since hath received the impress- ion of, by the press, in a book printed and published and presented to our superiors in our vindication, viz. that he was a man whose spirit is stark drunk with blasphemies and insolences, a corrupter of t!;e truth, a disturber of the peace, wherever he comes. This character he hath brand- ed himself withal, both by his words and actions, which doth appear by his own lettprs to this Government, and the let- 235 ters of otlicrs concerning him, long since cxliibitctl to tliC view ofthc world. In that foresaid book, the penalties in- flicted for his intolerable insolencics, turbiilencics and hete- rodoxies, in at least three of His JMajesty's Colonics in New- England, doth demonstrate him to be a man so unruly as not fit to live in any civil or Christian society, ho having been whij)ped in Plymouth Patent, whipped and banished from Rhode-Island, imprisoned and only banished out of the Mas- sachusetts; having before also endangered the ruin of ano- ther new plantation, called Providence, their lamentable complaints, their importunate cries to the Massachusetts for help against him, do appear by their letters, in print, un- der their hands, in the aforesaid book, the one from Mr. Williams, the (hen patriot of the place, who begins in these words, ' -.Ir. Gorton having foully abused high and low at Aquctneck,i3now bewitching and be-niaddeningpoor Provi- dence;'* and the other letter begins thus, " We, the inhab- itants of the town abovesaid, having fair occasion, counting it meet and necessary, to give you a true intelligence of the insolent and riotous carriage of Samuel Gorton and his company," and in the conclusion they add, speaking of Gorton, "first pleading necessity, or to maintain wife and family, but afterwards boldly to maintain lusts, like savage brute beasts, they put no manner of difference between houses, goods, lands, wives, lives, blood; if it may, there- fore, ])lease you, of gentle courtesy, and for the preserva- tion of humanity and mankind, to consider our condition, and lend your neighbors a helping hand, and send us such assistance, &c." Thus the cries, or rather outcries, of poor, oppressed Providence. Finally, when he had wearied out Plymouth, Pihode-Island, and Providence, under pretence of purchase of land of an Indian priace, (not the proprie- tor, but an usurper,) they took possesion of a tract of land, belonging of right to the Indians, where their carriages also were so insolent, that it was intolerable to the poor oppress- ed natives, who also were compelled to crave the aid and protection of the Massachusetts. How inconsistent the con- ditions and dispositions of these persons are with their present petition, wherein they highly pretend to a conscien- tious severity in matters of religion, and insist upon it, as the only ground of offence from whence those controversies arose, and their tenderness of conscience, the only delin- quency charged upon them, we humbly offer to considera- tion. 2-30 Secondly. Compare this pctiliou with their own princi- ples, sufficiently notorious to the world, not only by their own public professions and practices, but also by the fore- mentioned book; and therein, tirst, we shall animadvert a little upon their principles of religion, if we may without au abuse, make use of the word religion, in the expression of, or in conjunction with, their irreligious and blasphemous tenets, which they have both by their words and writings given large and ungrateful opportunity unto us to under- stand, if we may suppose the dialect wherein those doctrines of devils are taught, rationally intelligible to any under- standing, not acted by the same spirit of error; their very lan- guage being accommodated to the expressions of the deepest mysteries of iniquity, and to compose a system of the most dangerous and damning heterodoxes, consisting of all de- ceiveableness of unrighteousness; and so fitted to deceive, especially in such times, wherein the vengeance of Gon hath seized upon the intellectuals of men; God, out of just judgment, giving some men up, to believe lies, that they might be damned. A brief collection of tlie principles of these men, is taken out of their own letters printed in the foresaid book, and in their own words. Churches, say they, are devised plat- forms, and the wisdom of man is that which gives the whole being of churches and commonwealth: of ministers, say they, that to make their call mediate and not immediate, is to make a nullity of Christ, to cruelty Christ, to put him to open shame; and that such ministers are magicians; as also, that sermons of God's ministers are tales, lies and false- hoods; of baptism, behold the vanity and abomination of your baptism. Sec. The Lord's Supper, they call it, your dished up dainties, turning the juice of a silly grape that perish- eth, into the blood of Christ, by the cunning skill of your magicians, which do make mad and drunk so many in the wo Id. Of repentance, they aifirm to this purpose, that in a ^vay of compunction and sorrow, for a Christian to seek for consolation from Christ, that this to make the Son of God, Belial, and Seighnirim, the Devil himself. Of our Lord Jesus Christ, one of them most blasphemously said, in open court, when asked what was that Christ which was born of the Virgin and suffered under Pilate, that he was a sem- blance, picture or shadow of what was and is done actually and substantially in Christains; therefore they said of minis- tors, tlioy ;uc wiziirds and iiecroniancci.s, who ruist: a shadow witliout a substance, viz. to make Christ to be slain in types since the world began: they further aiHrmcd in open court, that as the image of" God in Adam, was Christ, (for God, said they, had biit one image,) so that the loss of this image by man, was the death ol" Christ. Oh ! astonishing blasphemies ! the very thoughts of which, cannot but sur- prise the heart of any sensible Christian with horror. They are, indeed, clouds without rain, but clouds full of the most pestiferous exhalations, exhaled from that mist which is risen out of the bottomless pit, and condensed by their own natural corruptions breaking forth in claps and flashes of thundering and lightning passions; for it is observable, that in all those transactions ,they manage the weapons of the prince of darkness, with the utmost expression of their malignity and enmity against churches, ordinances, magis- trates and ministers; and therefore we may not fear also to say, a<'^ainst God's glory. How inconsistent the principles of these men are, in matters of religion; with this, wherein they pretend to be sufferers for tiie cause of religion, and that they were urged to the relimpiishing of their religion, of that religion which they had learned in their constant at- tending on the public assemblies in our native country, which also deserves an animadversion, that they should put such an indignity upon the sound and wholesome doctrine of the churches of England, as once to mention it in con- junction with their damnable heresies, much more, with im- pudency, to make use of the doctrine of England to patron- ise their blasphemies, especially after they had published most of these black and dark doctrines in their writings to the world, and openly professed them with their mouths, be- fore manv witnesses; it seems to argue, that they are men void of shame or fear. Again, they assert in their petition, that they were likely to be tempted upon peril of life, upon pain of death, to desert their faith to God, which, what their faith was, appears by the premises. We say, again, there- fore, how inconsistent the principles of these men are in re- ligion, to this their petition, we humbly offer to considera- tion. Secondly. We also state their principles in civils in comparison with their petition. Their principles of civility or rather incivility, they have largely expressed also, partly by their writings and partly by their words, to the then Govern- ment and magistrates of this His ^Injesty's Colony of the 238 Masscicliubctts, in the management of that transaction, a collection of their reproachful and reviling speeches, &c. hath long since been published to the world, in the aforesaid book. They were, indeed so voluble and voluminous in their railings and revilings of Governor, Magistrates and Government, that to epitomise their railing accusations, will suffice to demonstrate to the world, fwhat spirit they were influenced by. They scornfully called our magis- trates' letter to them, an irregular note; they sl3'ly called them the seed of the ancient mother, i. e. of the enmity of the Devil; that they delighted daily to eat of the forbidden fruit; they compared them to dogs, in re-assuming their vo- mit into its form concocted, by receiving Cole and Arn- old under their protection; that they renounce and reject Christ; that they were so far from }^ielding subjection to Christ, as Cole and Arnold were from being honorable good subjects, whom they called the shame of religion, debauch- ed, inhuman Nabals, ill-bred, apostatized, lelonious per- sons, &c.; that the magistrates were Jews in the flesh, stout maintainers of the man of sin; that professed clemency and mercy, was, as much as in them lay, to send soul and body to Sheol (grave or hell) without redress or hope of recovery; that their ways are wicked and to be abhorred, because in their professed course, the two witnesses are slain by them; that the light appearing among them, was the light of Ba- laam, &c.; that the magistrates set up Seighnirim, which, as they interpret, is fear and horror of the Devil, by which they hope to be saved; they call the General Court the great Idol General, whose pretended equity of distributing justice is a mere device of man, according to the sleights of Satan, and call them a generation of vipers; they tell the Court, that they are not a cup full for their appetite, but a cup of trembling, either to make them vomit up their own eternal shame, or else to make them burst asunder with their fellow confessor, Judas Iscariot. This is not above half the opprobrious speeches they then abused the Court withal, but this may suffice to demonstrate how much they were actuated by that spirit, unto whom the angel said. The Lord rebuke thee. Neither may it be supposed that these barbarisms were extracted out of them by any unjust pro- vocative, in the frenzy of passion, and so that those express- ions proceeded only from a principle of enmity against our magistrates and ministers; for when they were in the best capacity to be treated with civility, (if at all tiiey were in such a capacity,) yet then they resolutely and deliberately maintained the opinion of anarchy, allowing only a distribu- tion of justice in a way of parity, by the fraternity, without superiority or inferiority; therefore, in open Court, they did seem to condemn all the magistrates; because every one did not sit there to judge as a brother, because to be a brother, and consequently to be a co-heir with Christ, is a higher sphere than to be a civil officer. Secondly, they expressly attirnied that the office to minister justice belongs only to the Lord, (and that therefore, from this instance of Herod, men make themselves gods, which themselves interpret to be only from the gods of this world, and therefore flat against Goo) l)y ruling over the bodies and estates of men; affirm- ing that to set up men to be judges of good and evil, for which all men are set up in that kind, that this is re-acting that ancient spirit of the serpent, if ye eat, ye shall be as gods; therefore, say they, that to choose men honorable, wise, and of good report, &c. or else they may not rule, &.C. ; this, they say is of man, by man, and a putting the second witness to death, that is to say, the death or weak- ness of Christ; or, in plain English, it is a killing of Christ. Thirdly. They affirmed that they who can create, make void and remove offices and officers at their pleasure, are of that evil one, i. e. the Devil and not of Jesus Christ, but of Shedim, that master and destroyer of mankind forever &.C.; they said, that men destroyed the Holy One of Israel &.C. and if men acknowledge that Christ rules on earth only by his deputies, vicegerents and lieutenants, that is, by per- sons invested with civil authority and office, therefore, they said again, that none shall see Christ come into his king- dom, with comfort, until the power and authority of man appear to be as the building of Babel; they add further, that a man may as well be a slave to his belly, and make that his god, as be a vassal to his own species or kind ; that these are their principles as to matters of civil government, ap- pears by the extractions of their ovvn letters, compared with their speeches in Court; also, as it is to be seen in the aforesaid book. Now, how inconsistent these principles are, with their petition, wherein they represent themselves as being very much oflended and very deeply affected with the least omission of formalities in the administration of jus- tice, and as if one principal ground of the controversy, had 240 been our disloyalty; whereas it appears, that their princi- pal design upon us, was to trample under foot His Majesty's authority in this Government, here established upon his roy- al charter; but also express their despite unto all dominion, and to speak of dignities as common enemies to all govern- ment, in Church and Commonwealth. How likely these men were to die martyrs to the faith of God and the King, which they pretend to, and how inconsistent (we say again) their principles were to this petition, we humbly offer also to consideration. Again, we also compare this petition, with the whole transaction, in the examination of which it is to be found, that it will appear, that there is as little of verity in this their petition to His Majesty's Honorable Commis- sioners, as there was of Christianity or civility in their letters and speeches to the General Court; for first, whereas they insinuate that they have been evilly entreated of their countrymen, only in special hinting them of the Massachusetts, they charge His Majesty's good subjects in his other colonies, with injury and injustice; whereby it appears, they were common enemies to all His Majesty's good subjects in other colonies vhere they lived, and that the whole country was compelled to stand upon their de- fence against them, as disturbers of the King's peace every where; whereas they boldly affirm, that a non-compliance with us of the Massachusetts, in matters ecclesiastical and civil, was the only delinquency which they were charged withal by this Government; asserting their own innocency as to matters of fact, and waiving any charge on that ac- count. It is not to be believed, but to be rejected as a manifest untruth, an astonishing impudency to preface their petition with such an inconsistency. The true state of the controversy hath been already printed in the foresaid book, which appears to be this: Samuel Gorton, having by his high affronts, which he had put upon the Governments of Pfymouth, Rhode-Island, and poor Providence, put himself out of a capacity unto a civil correspondency with either civil or ecclesiastical society in either of those colonies, and having associated and assimilated twelve or fourteen per- sons to himself, they were ordered to find a place in the woods, where they might situate themselves, and live ac- cording to their own principles of anarchy, and yet withal that their vanity might give them opportunity to manage 241 their own malignity, unto the distuihanoe of their neighbors; to this end, they treated with a great Sachem, Miantonomi, about the purchase of atract of land, which the said Sachem pretended a title to, though it did indeed belong to another Sachem, viz. Pomham, who, partly awed by the great Sa- chem, and partly betrayed by Gorton, set his hand to a writing, not knowing what he did, and utterly refusing to take any pay of Gorton, notwithstanding took possession of the land, and began to exercise his former insolencies more injuriously and more imperiously, both against Eng- lish and Indians, than formerly ; hereupon, both English and Indians make deplorable complaints to this Government, crave, yea, cry out for their protection against the said Gorton and his company's violence. The Court send for the foresaid Indian Sachems, and on examination find, both by English and Indian testimony, that Miantonomi was on- ly an usurper, and had had no title to the foresaid lands; and out of pity, received these two inferior Sachems, their subjects and lands to protection, as also some of the Eng- lish at Providence; hereupon the Court sent to Gorton, ad- vising of him and his company either to come or send some persons to make out their title to the land which they pos- sessed and offered them safe conduct. They scorned the Court's letters, returned scoffs and blasphemies. Some time after, the Court sent two of their own members, with letters, to treat them civilly and to persuade them to come, promising them safe conduct again; but they entertained these messengers as they had done the former, threatening to whip one of them; yet notwithstanding, a third time, the Court sent Commissioners to treat with them, to hear their allegations and to receive their answers, and to take satis- faction, if tendered; and so leave them in peace. These Commissioners were guarded with forty men; and in case they should persist in their obstinacy, had instructions to bring them by force. In the way, as our Commissioners were going to them, they were met with divers provoking, daring, domineering papers sent from them. Our Commis- sioners arriving, make their proposals; they standing upon their defence, our Commissioners forced them to suirender, and brought them away. This was the true and real ground of the Court's proceedings with them, thus far; and yet these men have the confidence, or rather, the impudence to say, in the frontispiece of tlieir pelilion, "without xiny fault 242 of ours that we know," which argues that they are so pro- digiously blinded and hardened, that they account not any of their outrages, riotous, injurious carriages; or behold in matters of fact, which by all the Court's messengers and letters to them they were charged with and convinced of, deservedly called, faults. It is acknowledged that in the transaction of matter, they made themselves guilty of such horrid and high-handed blasphemy, against God and Christ and the worship of God, that the Court judged themselves bound in duty, not to let them go out of their custody, with- out taking cognizance thereof, as a capital delinquency; after a fair trial, in which they maintained their blasphemies and added more, the Court, for the prevention of spreading their blasphemous doctrines, imposed the penalty of confine- ment, to several towns, during the Court's pleasure, and shortly after banished them; which we suppose, had they been tried in any other of His Majesty's courts of justice, would have undergone a penalty not exceeding the merit of the offence. Secondly. They say, that their offence was a non-com- pliance with us, in our civil course of adminstration; when it plainly appears, from the premises, that they did bid defi- ance to all civil government; accounting it a slavery and vassalage to be subject to any of their own kind or species, as they say. Thirdly. They say, that before they were brought down, our ministers preached them gross heretics, and men not worthy to live upon the earth, to prepare the people to judge them worthy of death; this we take only as an ex- pression of their continued enmity to the ministry, a plain calumny and untruth. Fourthly. They charge our Commissioners with breach of covenant, in not keeping those honorable terms, which they yielded upon, which also is a flat untruth; for the grand condition, which they insisted upon in their surrender, it was, that they should go down with our Commissioners, un- bound, and have safe conduct; which they had, not being bound but in that respect, as much at liberty in the journey as any of ours. Fifthly. They complain of hard fare and hard work, which we suppose it may be ranked with the former, for they had their diet from the cook's, as good meat and drink as the place atlorded; and if they were sentenced to grind in 243 the mill, wliicli \vc do not roincmbcr that they were ever put upon it, but found better entcitainincnt. Sixthly. They complain oi" oppression by taking away cattle, &c. The cattle taken were not near sufficient to de- fray their charges, but some part of it has since been paid out of tiic country treasury, upon the country account. Seventhly. They complain, we maintain the Indians upon their land, planting, burning, killing, &c. unto this day, which is also notoriously not so; for whilst those In- dians were under this Government, if they had been so injurious to our own countrymen, the Court would soon have alForded redress to any complaint, and have provided as much as in them lay, for their indemnity; and fur- ther the Government here have, for causes them thereunto moving, many years since, withdrawn their protection both from the English and Indians in those parts; therefore, they do not maintain them to this day. Hence it appears noto- riously, to any impartial eye, that this petition, for the most part of it; is a composition of . Lastly. Whereas they charge this Government with ex- ercising power beyond their jurisdiction and bounds, &.c. making themselves lords of the land, &.c. First, we reply, not sole lords of the land, for we have studiously endeavor- ed to keep His Majesty's peace, both with and in, all His Majesty's other Colonies here settled and established in an orderly way of government, maintaining always an amica- ble correspondency as their fellow subjects; and we solemn- ly profess, that not the least ground of this transaction with Gorton and his company, was the preservation of the public weal and peace in His Majesty's other Colonies; and there- fore not the sole lords of the land; too peremptory an ex pression to be presented in a petition to His Majesty's Honorable Commissioners; which we suppose their Honors could not choose but to take notice of, at least as an extrav- agancy of speech. Secondly. We reply that although that tract of land which they possessed, were not within our line, yet it was, upon very strong probabilities, supposed to be within the bounds of Plymouth patent, their bounds not be- ing then precisely determined; and therefore this Govern- ment, having taken the protection of the Indians of that land, they desired this Government to make provision for their indemnity, and wholly transferred the matter to us. Thirdly. We reply, that all the Commissioners of His Maj? 214 esty's United Colonies, taking notice of Gorton and liis company, as common enemies to the public weal, looking upon their actings to be of very dangerous consequence, thought it necessary so far to concern themselves in it, as to pass an act whereby to encourage this Government to cor- rect the insolency of the said Gorton and his company; which act of theirs was long since printed and published in the aforesaid book, bearing date, September 7, 1643; in which act, is this expression, "The Commissioners for the United Colonies think fit that the magistrates in the Massa- chusetts proceed with them according to what they find just, and the rest of the jurisdictions will approve and con- cur in what shall be so warrantably done, as if the Commis- sioners had been present at the Conclusions, &.c." Thus the Commissioners, whereby all the Governments concerri themselves in the same common design against the common enemy. Fourthly. Their professed principles of anarchy, before mentioned, with their unruly rejection of all Gov- ernments, rendered them incapable to be proceeded withal in any other way of justice; for if they did at any time men- tion appeals, it was rather to escape present penalty, than out of any real devotion to government, unto which they had openly professed themselves to be enemies. Fifthly. The said Gorton and company declaring themselves open ene- mies to all governments, and in a more especial manner not being ashamed nor afraid to declare themselves to be at open enmity with this Government of His Majesty's Colony of the Massachusetts, and growing up to a formidable height, as to a capacity to manage their principles into dan- gerous attempts, not only upon this, but other His Majesty's Colonies, which they had, to their utmost, already done, es- pecially there being in those times so much the predominan- cy of a spirit of anarchy in the world; we say, this consid- ered, which was the true state of things in those times, what could we do less, in defence of His Majesty's interest with us, and our own peace, than to endeavor, the timely sup- pression of a growing mischief of such dangerous tendency ; His Majesty's Royal Charter encouraging of us to make our defence, by all lawful ways and means whatsoever, against all such persons who shall attempt or enterprise the destruction, invasion, detriment or annoyance of this, His Majesty's plantation. Again, one special end of the grant- ing of our charter, was the conversion of the natives, in 245 these terms, " Whereby our said people^ inhiibitnnts there, may be so religiously, peaceably governed, as their good life and orderly conversation, may win and invite the natives of the country to the knowledge of the true God and Sav- iour of mankind, and the Christian faith; which in our Roy- al intention, and the adventurers' free profession is the principal end of this plantation;" this being one jirincipal end in His Majesty's royal intention, what could this Gov- ernment do less, in duty to God and His Majesty, but in pursuance of this so high an end, improve His Majesty's authority committed them, at least for the protection of the poor natives from the oppression of such of our nation, whose principles and practices were, and still are, a scan- dal and opprobrium of our religion, amongst the poor na- tives, and this also, when they did so importunately solicit our help. We only add, that many, if not most, of those who were personally concerned in that affair, are passed off the stage of action; and have, we doubt not, many of them given a comfortable account, as to the sincerity of their in- tentions for God's glory and this country's good, in that ac- tion; and ourselves surviving, when we most solemnly re- volve and turn over these matters long ago passed, to- gether with the several circumstances of those times and things, we cannot but judge, that their offences were of so high a nature, that their penalty was rather beneath than above the merit of their offences; did we not so believe and judge, we should not presume to exhibit this reply. If his Majesty, notwithstanding, by his princely wisdom observe any circumstantial error in this matter, we hope out of his princely grace, he willindulge it; and still, by his pro- pitious aspect, countenance and encourage his faithful sub- jects here, in the suppression of such insolent and turbulent spirits; that so we may quietly and peaceably live, to fear God and honor the King. The magistrates have passed this, with reference to the consent of their brethren, the deputies hereto. EDWARD RAWSON, Sec'ry. William Torrey, Cleric. [Mass. Records.] [The only answer that I have been able to find to the foregoing Petition and Reply, is in the following letter, cop- ied from Chalmers Political Annals, page 196,] 246 Mr. Gorton: — These gentlemen of Boston would make us believe, that they verily think, that the King has given them so much power in their charter, to do unjustly, that he reserved none for himself, to call them to an account for doing so. In short, they refuse to let us hear complaints against them; so that, at present, we can do nothing in your behalf. But I hope, shortly, to go for England; where, if God bless me, thither; I shall truly represent your sufferings and your loyalty. Your assured friend, GEO. CARTWRIGHT. Boston, 26 May, 1665. No. XI. Letter from Samuel Gorton to JYathanid Morton. Nathaniel Morton: — I understand you have lately put forth a book of records. But this I know, that I am unjustly enrolled; because I was never free, nor member incorporate, in your body, or any of your territories; therefore I may not refrain to make a short return, only as it concerns myself. And first, your peremptory judging of one you know not, for I am a stranger to you. My second word concerns your eminency, in assuming authority to canonize and put into the number of saints, such men when they are dead, who in their life time, were persecutors, especially you have acknowledged them to be such yourself; as also to thrust down under your feet, and make as brute beasts, having only hope in this present life, such as are known to be fearers of God, worshiping him in- stantly, day and night; though they be not acknowledged to be such by some particular sectaries as yourself. A third word I have to say, concerns your record. Mis- take me not. I meddle not with your records, further than they concern myself. I then affirm, that your record is fetched from him who is a liar from the beginning — in that you declare, that I have spoken words, or to that effect, that there is no state or condition of mankind after this life. I do verily believe, that there is not a man, woman or child 247 upon the face of the earth, that will come forth and say, that over they heard any such words come from my mouth; and I appeal to God, the judge of all secrets, that there was never such a thought entertained in my heart. And whereas you say, I am become a sordid man in my life; I dare be so bold as to lay my conversation among men, to the rules of humanity, with any minister among you, in all the passages of my life, which God hath brought me through, from my youth unto this day, that it hath been as comely and innocent as his. Whose ox or whose ass have I taken; or when or where have I lived upon other men's labors, and not wrought with my own hands, for things hon- e.st in the sight of men, to eat my own bread? A fourth word I have to say to your pamphlet, concerns the stuff, as you sottishly and contemptuously call it. You may be ashamed to put pen to paper, to publish any thing to the world in shew of religion, not acknowledging the letter of the scripture, but deriding it rather. For the rest of those ex- pressions which you charge upon us, you falsely apply them. We never called sermons of salvation, tales; nor any ordi- nances of the Lord, an abomination or vanity; nor holy min- isters, necromancers; we honor, reverence and practise these things. And, however you term me a belcher out of errors, I would have you know, that I hold my call to preach the Gospel of Christ, not inferior to any minister in this country, though I was not bred up in the schools of human learning, and I bless God, that I never was; lest I had been drowned in pride and ignorance, through Aristotle's principles and other heathen philosophers, as millions are, and have been, who ground their preaching of the Gospel, upon human principles, to the falsifying of the word of God, in the ruin of men's souls. Yet this I doubt not of, but that there hath been as much true use made of the languages, within these twenty years past, in the place wherein I live, as hath been in any church in New-England: I know the manner of your preaching well. When I was last in England, through importunity I was persuaded to speak the word of God publicly, in divers and eminent places as any were then in London, as also about London, and places more remote; many times the ministers of the places being hearers, and sometimes many together, at appointed lectures in the country. I have spoken in the audience of all sorts of people and personages under the ti- 248 tie of a Bishop or a King, and was invited to speak in the presence of such as had the title of Excellency, and was lovingly embraced wherever I came, in the word uttered, with the most eminent Christians in the place; and for leave- taking at our departure, not unlike the ancient custom of the saints on record in the Holy Scripture; and I dare say, as evident testimony of God's power going forth with his word spoken, manifested, as ever any in New-England had; pub- licly and immediately after the word delivered, the people giving thanks to God that ever such a word came to be utter- ed among them, with entreaty for stay and further manifesta- tion, in as eminent places as are in England, where myself did know that Doctors of note had formerly preached, and at that time, such as had more honor put upon them than or- dinarily preachers have, who gave me the call thither, in way of loving and christian fellowship, the like abounding in the hearers: Therefore I know not, with what New-England is leavened or spirited. Indeed, once in London, three or four malignant persons caused me to be summoned before a Committee of Parliament, because I was not an University man; I appeared, and my accusers also, one of them a schoolmaster in Christ's Hospital, another or two elders of Independent or separated Churches, who were questioned of what they had against me. They said I had preached. Divers of the Committee answered, that was true, they had heard me. The Chairman asked of my accusers, what I had said.'' They could not repeat any thing; but said, they were sure I had made the people of God, sad. But the sum of all their accusation was brought out of a book, which they said, contained divers blasphemies. The book was only that which was printed at the proceedings of the Mas- sachusetts against myself and others. The Honored Com- mittee took the book, and divers of them looked upon it, and found no such thing there as they ignorantly suggested; and though my adversaries could say nothing, but only vent their spleen, crying out upon blasphemy; yet the Chair- man and divers of the board, knights and other gentlemen, questioned me about my call to preach, and other principal points in religion; and 1 answered to all of them according to my knowledge and conscience. Then my accusers de- sired Mr. Winslow might be called forth, whom they had procured to appear there; whom they thought would oppose me strongly, with respect to that book. Wh(Mi he came out 249 of the crowd, for there was a multitude of people, the place being spacious, he spake judiciously and manlike, desiring to be excused, for he had nothing to say to me in that place, his business with me lay before another Committee of Par- liament; wliich gave the table good satisfaction. My an- swers and arguments were honorably taken by the Chair- man and Iherest of the Committee, and myself dismissed as a preacher of the Gospel. Shortly after, eminent preach- ers, living remote i'rom London, then present, sent unto me kind gratuiations, for my arguments used and answers giv- en before that Committee. Which act of that Committee, I take to be as good a human call to preach, as any of your ministers have; and other call I know none they have. And, for a human call, I think mine to be as good as the degrees in the schools, or to pass under the hands and ceremonies of a titular bishop, or under the natural hands of a titular eldership, or to have the call of a people, by the power of stipend or contribution, without one of which, no contract; all which 1 account as human at the best. A fifth word I have to say, is in that you send your read- er to a book printed by Mr. Edward Winslow, for a more full and perfect intelligence. Mr. Winslow and myself had humanlike correspondency in England, and before the Hon- orable Committee which he referred himself to, as above; and not to wrong the dead, I saw nothing to the contrary, but that I had as good acceptation in the eyes of that Com- mittee as himself had, although he had a greater charter and larger commission out of these parts, than myself then had, and however he was a man of more eminent parts than myself, yet the goodness and justness of my cause did equalize myself unto him in those occasions, both in the minds and demeanors of our superiors. I do profess, I do not know or remember any particulars, in that book he then put forth; I saw it in London, but read little of it, and when I came over into these parts, my ancient acquaintance and friend, Mr. John Brown, discoursing with me about those affairs in England, told me he had read such a book, printed or put forth by Mr. Winslow. I told him I had seen it, but read very little of it. Mr. Brown, you know, was a man approved of among you, an Assistant in your Government, a Commissioner for the United Colonies, &c. who thus spake unto me in our discourse; I will not per- vert nor alter a word of the will or words of the dead; I 250 say, he affirmed thus unto me; tliat he would maintain, that there were forty lies printed in that book. Per me, SAMUEL GORTON. Warwick, June 30, 1G69. [Hutcliinpon's Hist.] No. XII. Ord'mance of Parliament, appointing the Committee for For- eign Plantations. An Ordinance of the Lords and Commons, assembled in Parliament; whereby Robert, Earl of Warwick, is made Governor-in-chief, and Lord High Admiral, of all those Islands and Plantations, inhabited, planted, or belonging to any of His Majesty's, the King of England's subjects, within the bounds, and upon the coasts of America: And a Committee appointed to be assisting unto him, for the better governing, strengthening and preservation of the said Plantations; but chiefly for the advancement of the true Protestant Religion, and further spreading of the Gospel of Christ, among those that yet remain there in great and miserable blindness and ignorance. Whereas, many thousands of the natives, and good sub- jects of this Kingdom of England, through the oppression of the prelates and other ill-affected ministers and officers of State, have, of late years, been enforced to transplant them- selves and their families into several islands, and other re- mote and desolate parts of the West Indies; and having there, through exceeding great labor and industry, (with the blessing of God) obtained for themselves and their fami- lies, some competent and convenient means of maintenance and subsistence, so that they are now in a reasonable, well- settled condition; but fearing lest the outrageous malice of Papists and other ill-affected persons, should reach unto them, in their poor and low, but as yet, peaceable condition, and having been informed that there hath been lately pro- cured from His Majesty, several grants under the great seal, for erecting some new Governors and Commanders amongst the said planters, in this aforementioned plantations, whereupon the said planters, adventurers and owners of land in the said foreign plantations, — have preferred their petition unto this present Parliament; that for the better securing 251 orUiciii unii their prcsoul estates, llicrc obtained througliso iiuieh extreme labor and didiculty, they might have some such Governors and Governments, as slionkl be approved of and confirmed, by the authority of both houses of Parlia- ment. Which i)ctition of theirs, the Lords and Commons have taken into consideration; and finding it of great impor- tance, both to the safety and preservation of the aforesaid natives and subjects of this kingdom, as well from all for- eign invasions and oppressions, as from their own intestine distractions, and disturbances; as also much tending to the honor and advantage of His Majesty's dominions, have thought tit, and do hereby constitute and ordain, Robert, Earl of Warwick, Governor-in-chief, and Lord High Admi- ral of all those islands and other plantations, inhabited, planted or belonging, to any of his Majesty's the King of England's subjects; or which hereafter maybe inhabited, planted or belonging to them, within the bounds, and upon the coasts of America. And for the more effectual, speedi- er and easier transaction of this so weighty and important a business, which concerns the well being and preservation of so many of the distressed natives of this and other his Maj- esty's dominions, the Lords and Commons have thought fit, that Philip, Earl of Pembroke; Edward, Earl of Manches- ter; William, Viscount Say and Seal; Philip, Lord Whar- ton; John, Lord Roberts, members of the house of Peers; Sir Gilbert Gerard, Knight and Baronet; Sir Arther Hes- elrige, Baronet; Sir Henry Vane Junior, Knight ; Sir Ben- jamin Rudyer, Knight; John Pym, Oliver Cromwell, Den- nis Bond, Miles Corbet, Cornelius Holland, Samuel Vas- sal, John RoUes and William Spurstow, Esquires, menibers of the house of Commons, shall be Commissioners to join in, aid and assist with the said Earl of Warwick, Chief Governor and Admiral of the said plantations, which Chief Governor, together with the said Commissioners or any four ot^them, shall hereby have power and authority to provide for, or- der and dispose all things which they shall from time to time find most fit and advantageous to the well governing, securing, strengthening and preserving of the said plan- tations; and chiefly to the preservation and advancement of the true Protestent Religion amongst the said plan- ters, inhabitants; and that the further enlargement and spreading of the gospel of Christ amongst those that yet remain there in great and miserable blindness and ignor- ance. And for the better advancement of this so great a 252 work, it is hereby I'urtlier ordained by the said Lords and Commons, that the aforesaid Governor and Commissioners shall hereby have power and authority, upon all weighty and important occasions which may concern the good and safety of the aforesaid planters, to call unto their advice and assistance therein, any other of the aforesaid planters, own- ers of land or inhabitants of the said islands and plantations, which shall then be within twenty miles of the place where the said Commissioners shall then be; and shall have power and authority, to send for, view and make use of all such records, books and papers, which do or may concern, any of the said plantations. And because the well settling and establishing of such officers and governors, as shall be la- borious and faithful in the right governing of all such per- sons as be resident in or upon the said plantations, and due ordering and disposing of all such affairs as concern the safety and welfare of the same, is of very great advantage to the public good of all such remote and new plantations, it is hereby further ordained and decreed, that the said Rob- ert, Earl of Warwick, Governor-in-chief and Admiral of the said plantations, together with the aforesaid Commission- ers, Philip, Earl of Pembroke; Edward, Earl of Manches- ter; William, Viscount Say and Seal; Philip, Lord Whar- ton; John, Lord Roberts; Sir Gilbert Gerard, Knight and Baronet; Sir Arthur Heselrige, Baronet; Sir Henry Vane Junior, Knight; John Pym, Oliver Cromwell, Dennis Bond, Miles Corbet, Cornelius Holland, Samuel Vassal, John Rolles and William Spurstow, Esquires, or the greater num- ber ofthem, shall have power and authority, from time to time, to nominate, appoint and constitute all such subordi- nate governors, counsellors, commanders, officers and a- gents, as they shall judge to be best afiected and most fit and serviceable for the said islands and plantations; and shall hereby have power and authority upon the death or other avoidance of the aforesaid Chief Governor and Ad- miral, or any other Commissioners before named, from time to time, to nominate and appoint such other chief governor and admiral or commissioners in the place or room of such as shall so become void. And shall also hereby have pow- er and authority to remove any of the said subordinate gov- ernors, counsellors, officers or agents, which are or shall be appointed to govern, counsel or negotiate the public affairs of the said plantations; and in their place and room, to ap- point such olhcr officers as they shall judge fit, And it is 253 Jicreby ordained that no subordinate governors, counsellors, eoniMianders, olHcers, agents, planters or inhabitants what- soever, that are now resident in or upon the same islands or plantations, shall admit or receive any other new governors, counsellers, commanders, oflicers, or agents whatsoever, but such as shall be allowed and approved ol'under the hands and seals of the aforementioned commissioners, or any six of them, or under the hands and seals of such as they shall authorize thereunto. And whereas for the better government and security of the said plantations or islands, and the owners and inhabi- tants thereof, there may be just and (it occasion to assign over some part of the power and authority (granted irx this Ordinance to the chief Governor and Commissioners afore- named) unto the said owners, inhabitants or others; it is here- by ordained, that the said Chief Governor and Commission- ers before mentioned, or the greater number of them, shall be authorized to assign, ratify and confirm so much of their aforementioned authority and power, and in such manner, and to such persons as they shall judge to be fit, for the bet- ter governing and preserving of the said plantations and islands, from open violence, and private disturbaiice and distractions. And lastly, whosoever shall do, execute or yield obe- dience to any thing contained in this Ordinance, shall by virtue hereof, be saved harmless and indemnified. [Haz. Hist. Col.] [This Act was passed, Nov. 2, 1643, as will appear by ref- erence to the charter granted under it, to the colonists of Providence Plantations, Appendix, No. XVII. No. XIII. Indian Deed of Shawomet. Know all men; that I, Myantonomy, Chefe Sachem of the Nanheyganset, have sold unto the persons heare named, one parcell of lands with all the rights and privileges there- of whatsoever, lyinge upon the west side of that part of the sea called Sohomes Bay from Copassnetuxet, over against a litle iland in the sayd Biiy, beingo the North bounds, and the outmost point of that neck of land called Shawhomett, 254 beinge tlie South bounds from the sea shore of each bound- ary, upon a straite line westward twenty miles. I say I have truly sold this parcell of land above said, the propor- tion whereof is according to the mapp under written or drawne, beinge the forme of it, unto Randall Houlden, John Greene, John Weeks, Francis Weston, Samuel Gor- ton, Richard Waterman, John Warner, Richard Carder, Samson Shotton, Robert Potter, William Wuddall, for one hundred and forty 4 fathom of Wampum-peage, I say I have sold it, and possession of it given unto the men above- sayd, with the free and joynt consent of the prisent inhabi- tants, being natives, as it appeares by their hands hereunto annexed. Dated the twelfth day of January, 1642. Be- inge enacted upon the abovesaid parcell of land, in the presence off TOTANOMANS, MYANTONOMEY. His b^ marke. PUMHAM, Sachem of Showhomet, His ^limBBi marke. JANO, His tf* marke. JOHN GREENE. The above written is a true Coppy of the origenali, en- tred and recorded. Per JOHN SANFORD, Recorder. True copy of record. Witness, HENRY BOWEN, Sec'ry. [Records State of Rhode-Island.] No. XIV. JVill made by the Town Council of Providence, for jyicholas Poiver. Providence, the 27lh May, 1667. Whereas, we, the Council of the Town aforesaid, are au- thorized by the law of this, His Majesty's Colony of Rhode- Island and Providence Plantations, to take care of the es- 255 tales of such persons as die intestate; and forasmuch as Nicliolas Power, an inhabitant of this town, deceased this life, the 25th of August, 1657, and by reason of extreme sickness and sudden death, made no will in writing, and considering how necessary a thing it is, a will be made, for the peace and safety of all those concerned in it, and in obedience to the law to the said end, not questioning but the former councils of the town, observed no cause to question or mistrust any embezzlement of what the said Nicholas left behind him, nor do we; yet forasmuch as application is made to us, and before this time hath not been to the form- er councils, by his widow, and considering that the children grow near the age of possessing, therefore that we may pre- vent differences before they begin, therefore by His Majes- ty's authority, committed to us to the same end, make and draw up a will, instead of the deceased man's will, having information what the said Nicholas left behind him. [The Will then goes on, and disposes of part of the real and personal estate of the deceased, to the widow, part for life, and part in fee. The remainder is divided between the son and daughter, and given to them in fee tail general with cross remainders; and closes with the following attestation.] Witness our hands and seals. WILLIAM CARPENTER, jiTs:] WILLIAM HARRIS, liTs.! THOMAS HARRIS, lE^l ROGER WILLIAMS, THOMAS OLNEY, Sen. [Providence Records.] [Can it be believed, after this, that Williams was a law- yer, educated \inder Sir Edward Coke?] No. XV. Submissio^i of Pumham and Sacononocco to the Massac hii.seHs. This writing is to testify, that we, Pumham, Sachem of Shawomock, and Sacononocco, Sachem of Paluxet, Sec 256 have, and by these presents do, voluntarily, and without any constraint or persuasion, but of our own free motion, put ourselves, our subjects, our lands and estates, under the government and jurisdiction of the Massachusetts; to be governed and protected by them, according to their just laws and orders, so far as we shall be made capable of un- derstanding them; and we do promise, for ourselves and our subjects and all our posterity, to be true and faithful to the said Government, and aiding to the maintenance thereof, to our best ability; and from time to time, to give speedy no- tice of any conspiracy, attempt or evil intention of any, which we shall know or hear of, against the same; and we do promise to be willing, from time to time, to be instructed in the knowledge and worship of God. In witness whereof, &c. [Sav. Winthrop.] [Upon this subject, the learned and impartial editor of that work remarks; " We may rejoice in the benevolence, which attempted the civilization and conversion to Christ- ianity of these Indians, and certainly must honor the Gov- ernment, whose liberal treaty with their confederates is so diverse from the usual terms of stipulation with the natives; but it may be feared, that there was too much human policy at work in obtaining their subjection; and we must acknowl- edge that a terrritorial usurpation beyond the limits of our charter, was the result, if not the motive, of the negotiation. Yet, the act of submission in June, could not invalidate the deed of January preceding."] No. XVI. Extract from the " IVonder-ivorking Providence of Sion^s Sav- ioiir in JS'ew-England. ' ' Of the proceedings of certain persons called Gortonists, against the United Colonies, and more especially against the Massachusetts, and of the blasphemous doctrines broached by Gorton, deluding a company of poor ignorant people therewith. For not long before, those persons that we spake of, who encouraged Miantonomi to this war, and with the help of him, enforced Pumham and Sacononocco, to set their hands to a writing which these Gortonists had framed, to take their 257 lauds iVoin tliom; hut llio poor Sachems, wliPii llioy .sa\v they were thus gulled ofthcir land, would take no pay lor it, but complained to the Massachusetts Government, to whom they had subjected themselves and (heir lands: As also at this time certain English inhabiting those parts, with the Indians, good leave and liking, desired to have the benefit of the Massachusetts Government, as Dover formerly had done, to whom this Government condescended, in hope they might increase to such a competent number of godly Christians, as there might be a Church of Christ planted; the place being capable to entertain them in a comfortable measure for outward accommodation; but hitherto it hath been hindered by these Gortonists, and one of Plymouth, who forbad our people to plant there. These persons thus submitting, came at this time also, to complain of certain wrongs done tlicm by these Gortonists, who had thus en- croached and began to build on the Indians' land: Upon these complaints, the Governor and the lionored Mr. Dud- lev, issue forth their warrant, to summon them to appear, they being then about live or six persons, without any means of instructing them in the ways of God, and without any civil government to keep them in civility or humanity, which made them to cast off, most proudly and disdainfully, any giving account to man of their actions, no not to the chiefest in authority, but returned back most insolent, scorn- ful, scurrilous speeches. After this the Government of the Massachusetts sent two messengers on purpose to persuade them to come and have their cause heard, assuring them like justice in their cause with any other. But Samuel Gorton, being the ringleader of the rout, was so full gorg- ed with dreadful and damnable errors, the which he had newly ensnared these poor souls with, that soon after the departure of the messenger, he lays aside all civil justice, and instead of returning answer to the matter in hand, he vomits up a whole paper of beastly stuff, one while scoffing and deriding the ignorance of all beside himself, that think Abraham, Issac, Stc. could be saved by Jesus Christ, who was after born of the Virgin JMary, another while mocking at the sacraments of Baptism and the Lord's Supper, in an opprobrious manner deriding at the elements Christ was pleased to institute them in, and calling them necromancers that administer them at all; and in a word all the ordinan- ces of the Gospel, al)ominablp idolatry he called and lik- o* 258 ened them to Molocli and the star of the idol Remphan; his paper was thrust full of such iilthiness, that no Christian ear could hear them without indignation against them, and all was done by him in a very scornful and dcridingfrnanner, upbraiding all that use them; in the meantime magnifying his own glorious light, that could see himself to be person- ally Christ, God-man, and so all others that would believe as he did. This paper he got to be subscribed with about twelve or thirteen hands, his number of disciples being in- creased, for assuredly the man had a very glossing tongue, but yet very deceitful; for when he had but a few with him, then he cried out against all such as would rule over their own species; affirming that the Scriptures term such to be gods of the world, or devils; but after his return frorn Eng- land, having received some encouragement from such as could not look into the depth of his deceit, being done at so large a distance, he getting into favor again with those who had formerly whipt him out of their company, turns devil him- self. The godly Governors of the Massachusetts, seeing this blasphemous bull of his, resolved to send forty persons well appointed with weapons of war, for apprehending of him; who, accordingly, with some waiting, did apprehend him with the rest of his company, except two or three which ran away, without any hurt to any person, although he gave out very big words, threatening them with blood and death so soon as they set foot on the ground; and yet this brazen- faced deceiver published in print, the great fear their women were put unto by the soldiers; whereas they came among them day by day, and had it not been that they in- tended peaceably to take them, they would never have waited so long upon their worships as they did, but being apprehended and standing to that they had written, yet would they willingly have covered it with some shifts, if they could: the greatest punishment they had, was to be confined to certain towns for a few months, and afterwards banished; but to be sure there be they in New-England that have Christ Jesus and his blessed ordinances in such esteem, that the Lord assisting, they had rather lose their lives, than suffer them to be thus blasphemed, if they can help it. And whereas some have favored them, and endeav- ored to bring under blame, such as have been zealous against their abominable doctrines, the good God be favora- ble unto them, and prevent them from coming under the 259 like hlanio witliAhab; yet tlicy rciuain in their old way, and there is somewhat to be considered in it, to be sure, that in these days, wlien all look for the fall of Antichrist, such detestable doctrines should be upheld, and persons sufl'ered, that exceed the Beast himself in blasphemy; and this to be done by those that would be counted reformers, and such as seek the utter subversion of Antichrist. [Thus far, the author of " Wonder-wor-king Providence of Sion's Saviour in New-England," a work to be consulted by the curious reader, rather than by him who seeks for ac- curacy in details, for elegant narration, or for harmonious poetry. It was to be expected that Johnson, who was one of the Commissioners of the JMassachusetts, would have narrat- ed all the particular of the capture of this arch heretic; how he has done this, the reader has seen. Can one be surprized that the "Gortonists" refused to have the complaints against them tried by Massachusetts, when the author of the fore- going chapter was selected by that Government, as a Com- missioner to examine into them? If he was chosen as a proper person to commend "the moderation and justice" of Massachusetts, were they not justified in refusing it.''] No. XVII. Charter to Providence Planlations. Whereas, by an ordinance of the Lords and Commons now assembled in Parliament, bearing date the 2d day of November, Anno. Dom. 1643. Robert, Earl of Warwick, is constituted and ordained Governor-in-chief and Lord High Admiral of all those Islands and other Plantations, inhabited or planted, by or belonging to any of his Majes- ty, the King of England's subjects, or which hereafter may be inhabited or planted by or belong to them, within and upon the coast of America. And whereas, the said Lords and Commons, have thought fit, and thereby ordained that Philip, Earl of Pembroke; Edward, Earl of Manchester; William, Viscount Say and Seal; Philip, Lord Wharton; John, Lord Rolle; Members of the house of Peers; Sir Gilbert Gerard, Baronet; Sir Arthur Haselrige, Baronet; Sir Henry Vane Jr. Knight; Sir Benjamin Rudyer, Knight, John Pym, Oliver Cromwell, Dennis Bond, Miles Corbet; 260 Cornelius Holland, Samuel Vassal, John Ilollc and Will- iam Spurstovv, Esq'rs. Members of the house of Commons, should be Commissioners, to join aid and assistance with the said Earl. And whereas for the better governing and preserving of the said plantations, it is thereby ordained, that the aforesaid Governor and Commissioners, or the greater number of them, should have power and authority from time to time, to nominate, appoint and constitute, all such subordinate Governors, Counsellors, Commanders, officers and agents, as they shall judge to be best afTected, and most fit and serviceable to govern the said islands and plantations, and to provide for, order and dispose all things therein, as they shall from time to time find most advantageous for the said plantations, and for the better security of the owners and inhabitants thereof; to assign, ratify and con- firm so much of their aforementioned authority and power, and in such manner and to such persons as they shall judge to be fit for the better governing and preserving of the said plantations and islands from open violence, and private dis- turbance and distraction. And whereas there is a tract of Land in the continent of America aforesaid, called by the name of the Narragansett Bay, bordering North and North- East on the Patent of the Massachusetts, East and South- East on Plymouth patent, South on the Ocean, and on the West and North-West, inhabited by the Indians called Nar- rogameucks, alias, Narragansetts; the whole tract exten- ding about twenty and seven English miles unto the Pequot River and country. And whereas divers well affected and industrious English inhabitants of the towns of Providence, Portsmouth and Newport, in the tract aforesaid, have ad- ventured to make a nearer neighborhood to, and society with, that great body of the Narragansetts, which may in time, by the blessing of God upon their endeavor, lay a sur- er foundation of happiness to all America; and have also purchased, and are purchasing of and amongst the natives, some other places, which may be convenient both for plan- tations, and also for the building of ships, supply of pipe- staves and other merchandize. And whereas, the said En- glish have represented their desires to the said Earl and Commissioners, to have their hopeful beginning approved and confirmed by granting unto them a free charter of civil incorporation and government, that they may order and gov- ern their plantations in such manner as to maintain justice i2GI and peace, bolli amongst tliemselves ami towartls all men, with whom they sliall have to do. In due consideration of the premises, the said Robert, Earl of Warwick, Govenor-in-chicf and Lord High Admi- ral of the said plantations, and the greater number of the said Commissioners, whose names and seals are here under written and subjoined, out of a desire to encourage the good beginning of the said planters, do, by the authority of the said ordinance of Lords and Commons, give, grant and con- firm unto the aforesaid inhabitants of the towns of Provi- dence, Portsmouth and Newport, a full and absolute Char- ter of Civil Incorporation to be known by the name of the Incorporation of Providence Plantations, in the Narragan- sett Bay in New-England; together with full power and authority to govern and rule themselves and such others as shall inhabit within any part of the said tract of land, by such a form of civil government as by voluntary consent of all or the greater part of them, they shall find most service^ able in their estate and condition; and for that end, to make and ordain such civil laws and constitutions, and to inflict such punishments upon transgressors, and for execution thereof to place and displace officers of justice, as they or the greater part of them, shall by free consent, agree unto. Provided, nevertheless; that the same laws, constitutions and punishments, for the civil government of the said plan- tation, be conformible to the laws of England, so far as the nature and constitution of the place will admit; and always reserving to the said Earl and Commissioners, and their successors, power and authority for to dispose the General Government of that, as it stands in relation to the rest of the plantations in America, as they shall comrnissionate from time to time, most conducing to the general good of the said plantations, the Honor of His Majesty, and the ser- vice of the State. And the said Earl and Commissioners, do fiirther author- ize the aforesaid inhabitants, for the better transacting their public affairs, to make and use a public seal, as the Ivnown seal of Providence Plantations, in the Narragansett Bay in New-England. In testimony whereof the said Robert, Earl of Warwick, and Commissioners, have hereunto set their hands and seals, the seventeenth day of March, in tlic nineteenth year of the 262 reign of our Sovereign Lord, King Charles, and in the year of our Lord God, 1643. ROBERT, Warwick, IlTsI PHILIP, Pembroke, |L.S.| WILLIAM, Say and Seal, -|L.S.l PHILIP, Wharton, |L.S.| ART. HASELRIGE, |L. S.| H. VANE, Jr. |L. S.j COR. HOLLAND, ]L.S.| SAM. VASSAL, \hll\ JOHN ROLLE, |L. S.| MILES CORBET, |L.S.| W. SPURSTOW. |L. S.| No. XVIII. Letter from Gorton and his Company, to Massachusetts. From our Neck, Curo, September 15, 1643. To the great and honored Idol General, now set up in the Massachusetts, whose pretended equity in distribution of justice unto the souls and bodies of men, is nothing else but a mere device of man, according to the ancient custom and sleights of Satan, transforming himself into an angel of li^ht, to subject and make slaves of that species or kind that God hath honored with his own image; (read Dan. 3d chap.) Wherein, if it be not like Lot's door unto the Sod- omites, you may see the visage or countenance of your State; for we know the sound of all your music, from the highest note of wind instruments sounding or set up by the breath or voices of men, to have dominion and rule as though there were no God in heaven or in earth, but they, to do 263 right unto the sons of men; unto the lowest tunes ofyour stringed instruments, subjecting themselves to hand or skill of the devised ministrations of men, as though God made man to be a vassal to his own species; for he may as well be a slave to his belly, and make it his God, as to any thing that man can bring forth; yea, even in his best perfection; who can lay claim to no title or term of honor, but what the dust, rottenness and putrefaction can afford; for that of right belongeth solely to our Lord Christ. Wo, therefore, unto tl\e world, because of the idols thereof, for idols must needs be set up; but wo unto them ])y whom they are erect- ed. Out of the abovesaid principles, which is the kingdom of darkness and of the devil, you have writ another note unto us, to add to your former pride and folly, telling us again, you have taken Pomham with others, into your jurisdiction and Government, and that upon good grounds, as you say. You might have done well to have proved yourselves Chris- tians, before you hat! mingled yourselves with the heathens; that so your children might have known how to put a dis- tinction betwixt you and them, in after times; but we per- ceive that to be too hard a work for yourselves to perform, even in time present. But if you will communicate justice and government with that Indian, we advise you to keep him amongst yourselves, where he and you may perform that worthy work. Yet upon a better ground, we can in- form you, that he may not expect former courtesies from us; for now, by your note, we are resolved of his breach of cove- nant with us, in this his seeking and subjection unto you, which formerly he hath always denied. Let him and you know, therefore; that he is to make other provision for his planting of corn hereafter, than upon Mashawomet; for we will not harbor amongst us, any such fawning, lying and ca- daverous person, as he is, after knowledge of him as now in fact you have given unto us; only he shall have liberty sufficient to take away his corn, habitation, or any of his implements, so be it he pass away in peace and quiet; which might in no case be admitted, if it were so that we lived by blood as you do, either through incision of the nose, division of the ear from the head, stigmaties upon the back, suffoca- tion of the veins, through extremity of cold, by your banish- ments in the winter, or strangled in the flesh with a halter. l?u( wo know our course, professing the kingdom of (ioD 264 and his righteousness; renouncing that of darkness and the Devil, wherein you delight to trust; for without the prac- tice ofthe.se things, you cannot kiss your hand, bless your idol, nor profess your vows and offerings to be paid and per- formed. Oh, ye generation of vipers; who hath forewarned you or forestalled your minds with this, but Satan himself, that the practise of these things is to flee from the wrath to come? Whereas the very exercise and performance of them, is nothing else but the vengeance and wrath of God upon you already; in that mankind so harmonically made in the image of God, is in the exercise of your kingdom, be- come the torturer and tormenter, yea, the executioner of itself, whilst those of you who are of the same stock and stem, work out, yea, and that curiously, through the law of your minds, the death and destruction of one another; whereas in the mean time, the same nature or subsistence in the way of our Lord Jesus, saves both itself and others. You tell us of complaints made by the Indians, of unjust dealings and injuries done unto them: why do they not make them known unto us.'' They never complained to us of anything done unto this day, but they had satisfaction to the full, according to their own mind; for oft we know in what they express unto us, although our wrongs insuffera- ble, done by them, lie still in the dark. For we know very well, we have plenty of causeless adversaries, wanting no malice that Satan can inject; tlierefore we suffer much, that in the perfection and height of their plots, they may receive the greater rebuke, and shame for their baseness, in the eyes of all the world. To which end, we have not only com- mitted our condition unto writings, but (put) them also into the hands and custody of such friends, from whom they shall not be taken by any or all the governments of this country, as formerly they have been; that so our wrongs might not appear. Therefore, never pick a quarrel against us in these things, for we know all your sleights and devic- es, that being you now want such as old malicious Arnold, one of your low-stringed instruments, to exercise his fiddle arnono-st us, and we are void of your Benediction also, ppruno- out of the same stock, to make rents and divisions for you to enter, to gain honor unto yourselvs, in having patients to heal, though they lie never so long under your liands, your chirurgery must be thought never the worse. Wiintini^ therse or su(;l/likc of the English to betray the lib- 2().3 cities (ion halh given us, unto your hands, now you work by your coadjutors, these accursed Jndians. But you arc de- ceived in us. Wc are not a cup fitted lor your so eager appe- tite, no otherwise than if you take it down, it sliall prove un- to you a cup of trembling, either making you vomit out your own eternal shame, or else to burst in sunder, like your fel- low confessor for iiire, Judas Iscariot. For Mr. VVinthrop and his co-partner, I'arker, may not think to lay our purchased plantation, to their island so near adjoining; for they come too late in that point, though Benedict hath reported, that INliantonomi, one of the Sachems of whom we bought it, should lose his head for selling his right thereof to us. As also a minister affirmed, that JNlr. Winthrop should say to him, that we should either be subjected unto you, or else removed hence, though it should cost blood. Know, there- fore, that our lives are set apart already, for the case we have in hand; so, we will lose nothing hut what is put apart aforehand. Bethink yourselves, therefore, what you should gain, by fetching of them, in case it were in your power, for our loss should be notliing at all. For we are resolved, that according as you put forth yourselves towards us, so shall you find us transformed to answer you. If you put forth your hands to us as countrymen, ours are in readiness for you — if you exercise your pen, accordingly do we become a ready writer — if your sword be drawn, ours is girt upon our thigh — if you present a gun, make haste to give the first fire, for we are come to put fire upon the earth; and it is our desire to have it speedily kindled. For your pursuit of us still to come to your Courts to re- ceive your parcels of justice; undoubtedly either God hath blinded your eyes that you see not our answer formerly giv- en in that point; or else you are most audacious, to urge it upon us again; also, you may take notice, that we take in more disdain than you could do, in case we should impor- tune you, yea, the chief among you, to come up to us and be employed according to our pleasure, in such works as we thought good to set you about; and for your grant of freedom unto us, to come down to you and return in safety, we cannot sufficiently villify this your verbal and perfuncto- ry offer; knowing very well, according to the verdict of your own conscience, that what wrongs soever are passed amongst us since our coming into this country, you have been the violent agents and we the patients. To fear, r 266 therefore; to come amongst you as such as have done wrong, the case vanisheth in us, so must the effect also. And to fear to come unto you as tyrants which your grant must nec- essarily imply, that we cannot; knowing that he that is with us is stronger than he that is in you. Also the earth is the Lord's and the fulness thereof; and when and where he shall call, we will go; but not at the will and lust of sorry man, to play their parts with us at their pleasure, as form- erly they have done, and as it is apparent you desire to do; for if your lusts prevailed not over you in that kind, you might well think, that we have better employments than to trot to the Massachusetts, upon the report of a lying Indian or English either, as your factors and ordinary hackneys do. But know this, oh ye, that so long as we behave our- selves as men, walking in the name of our God, wherever we have occasion to come, if any mortal man whose breath is in his- nostrils, dares to call us in question, we dare to give answer to him or them; nor shall we fail, through God, to give testimony, even in his own conscience, of the hope that is in us, whether his question may concern the rise or succession either of priest or peer. In the mean time, we sit under the cloudy pillar, while the nations roar and make a noise about us; and though you may look upon us with the unopened eye of Elias's servant, thinking us as nothing to those that are against us, yet wherever the cloudr rest, we know the Lord's return to the many thousands of Israel. In that you say our freedom granted to come unto you, takes away all excuse from us, we freely retort it upon yourselves to make excuses, whose laws and proceedings with the souls and bodies of men, is nothing else but a continued act, like the horse in the mill, of accusing and excusing; which you do by circumstances and conjectures, as all your fathers have done before you, the diviners and necromancers of the world, who are gone to their own place, and have their re- ward. But for the true nature, rise and distribution of things, as they are indeed, and shall remain and abide as a law, firm and stable forever, we say and can make it good, you know nothing at all. Therefore, such as can delight themselves in preaching, professing and executing such things, as must end as the brute beasts do, nay take them away for the present, and they have lost their honor, religion as also their God, let such, we say, know themselves to be that beast and false prophet, no man of God, at all. In the 2(>7 mean time, we look not on the things that arc seen, but on the tilings that are not seen knowing, the one, as temporary and the other, eternal. Nor do we think the better of any man for being invested into i)laces, or things that will in time, wax old, as doth a garment; neither judge we the worse of any man for the want of them, for if we should, we must condemn the Lord Christ, as so many do at this day. We demand, when we may expect some of you to come up to us, to answer and give satisfaction for some of those foul and inhuman wrongs you have done, not to the Indians, but to us your countrymen; not to bring in a catalogue, as we might, take this one particularly above you are now act- ing, in that you abet and back these base Indians to abuse us. Indeed Pomham is an aspiring person, as becomes a prince of his profession; f)r having crept into one of our neighbor's houses, in the absence of the peoi)le, and felon- iously rifled the same, he was taken, coming out again at the chimney top. Sacononocco also, hath entered in like manner into one of our houses, with divers of his compan- ions, and breaking open a chest, did steal out divers parcels of goods, some part whereof, as some of his companions have affirmed, are in his custody at this time. Yet we stand still, to see to what good issue you will bring your proceedings with these persons by whom you are so honorably attended in the Court General, as you call it, and would honor us al- so to come three or four score miles to stand by you and them; we could tell you also, that it is nothing with these fellows, to send our cattle out of the woods with arrows in their sides, as at this present it appears, in one even now so come home; and it is well they come home at all; for some- times their wigwams can receive them, and we have nothing of them at all. Yea, they can domineer over our wives and children, in our houses, when we are abroad about our nec- essary occasions; sometimes throwing stones to the endan- gering of their lives, and sometimes violently taking our goods, making us to run for it, if we will have it; and if we speak to them to amend their manners, they can presently vaunt it out, that the Massachusetts is all one with them, let the villainy they do, be what it will ; they think them- selves secure; for they look to be upheld by you, in whatev- er they do, if you be stronger than them which they have to deal with all. And they look with the same eye yourselves doj thinking the multitude will bear down all, and persuade 2G8 themselves, as well they may, tliat as you tolerate and inain- tain them in other of their daily, practices; as lying, Sab- bath-breaking, taking of many wives, gross whoredoms and fornications; so you will do also in their stealing, abusing of our children and the like; for you have your diligent ledg- ers here among them, that inculcate daily upon this, how hateful we are unto you, calling us by other names of their own devising, bearing them in hand, we are not English- men, and therefore the object of envy of all that are about us; and that if we have any thing to do with you, the very naming of our persons shall cast our case, be it what it will; as it is too evident, by the case depending between Wil- liam Arnold and John Warner; that no sooner was the name of Mr. Gorton mentioned amongst you, but Mr. Dudley dis- dainfully asking, ''Is this one, joined to Gorton?" and Mr. Winthrop, unjustly upon the same speech, refused the oath of the witness, calling him "knight of the post." Are these the ways and persons you trade by, towards us.^ Are these the people you honor yourselves withal.'' The Lord shall lay such honor in the dust, and bow down your backs with shame and sorrow to the grave, and declare such to be apos- tatizers from the truth, and falsifiers of the word of Gor>, only to please men and serve their own lusts, that can give thanks in their public congregations, for their unity with such gross abominations as these. We must needs ask you an- other question, from a sermon now preached amongst us; namely how that blood relisheth, you have formerly sucked from us, by casting us upon straights above our strength, that have not been exercised in such kinds of labors, no more than the best of you in former times, in removing us from our former conveniences, to the taking away of the lives of some of us; when you are about your dished-up dainties, having turned the juice of a pooi , silly grape, that perisheth in the use of it, into the blood of our Lord Jesus, by the cunning skill of your magicians, which doth mad and drunk so many in the world; and yet a little sleep makes them their own men again; so can it heal and pacify your consciences at present; but the least hand of God, returns your fears and terrors again. Let our blood, we say, pre- sent itself together herewith. You hypocrites, when will you answer such cases as these? And we do hereby prom- ise unto you, that we will never look man in the face, if you have not a fairer hearing than ever we had amongst you 269 or cau ever expect. And be it known to you all, that we are your own countrymen, whatever you report of us; thougli the Lord hath taught us a language you never spoke, neither can you liear it; and that is the cause ofyour alie- nation from us. For as you have mouths, and speak not; so have ye ears, and hear not. So we leave you to the judg- ment and arraignment of God Almighty. The joint act, not of the General Court, but of the peculiar fellowship now abiding upon Mshawomet. RANDALL HOLDEN. POSTSCRIPTUM. We need not put a seal unto this our warrant, no more than you did to yours. The Lord hath added one to our hands, in the very conclusion of it, in that effusion of blood and horrible massacre, now made at the Dutch plantation, of our loving countrymen, women and children, which is nothing else but the complete figure, jn a short epitome of what we have written, summed up in one entire act; and lest you should make it a part of your justification, as you do all such like acts, provided they be not upon your own backs, concluding them to be greater sinners than yourselves; we tell ye, nay, but except you repent, you shall all likewise perish. For we ask you, who was the cause of Mrs. Hutch- inson, her departure from amongst you ? was it voluntary.^ No: she changed her phrases according to the dictates of your tutors, and confessed her mistakes, that so she might give you content to abide amongst you; yet did you ex- pose her and cast her away. No less are you the origi- nal of her removal from Aquetneck; for when she saw her children could not come down among you, no, not to confer with you in your own way of brotherhood, but be clapt up and detained with so long imprisonment; rumors, also, be- ing noised about, that the island should be brought under your government, which if it should, they were fearful of their lives, or else to act against the plain verdict of their own consciences, having had so great and apparent proof of your dealings before; as also the island being at such divis- ions within itself; some earnestly desiring it should be de- livered into your hands, professing their unity with you; others denied it, professing their division and dissent from you; though for what, themselves know not, but only their aboininal)le pride to exercise the like tyranny. 270 From these and such like workings, having their oriu^iual in you, she gathered unto herself, and took up this fiction, with the rest of her friends, that the Dutch plantation was the city of refuge, as she had gathered like things from your doctrines before, when she seemed to hold out some glimp- ses or glances of light more than appeared elsewhere, whilst there was such to approve it, in whom there might be some hope to exalt the instruments thereof higher than could be expected from others. But you know very well, you could never rest nor be at quiet, till you had put it under a bushel, id est, bounded and measured the infinite and immense word of God, according to your own shallow, human and carnal capacities; which however it may get the highest seats in your synagogues, synods and Jewish sanhedrims, yet it shall never enter into the Kingdom of God, to be a door keeper there. Do not, therefore, beguile yourselves, in crying out against the errors of these so miserably fallen; for they are no other things which they hold, but the branch- es of the same root yourselves so stoutly stand upon. But know this, that now the axe is laid to the root of the tree whereof you are a part: and every tree that bringeth not forth good fruit, according to the law of that good thing which the father knows how to give to those that ask it, shall be cut down and cast into the fire. Neither do you fill up your speeches or tales, we mean your sermons. But we affect not the idolizers of words, no more than persons or places; for yourselves know the word, is no more but a bruit or talk, as you know also your great and terrible word, magistrate, is no more in its original than masterly or mas- terless, which hath no great lustre in our ordinary accep- tation. Therefore we look to find and enjoy the substance, and let the ceremony of these things, like vapor, vanish away, though they gather themselves into clouds without any water at all in them. The Lord is, in the mean time, a dew unto Israel, and makes him to grow like a lilly, casting out his roots and branches in Lebanon. We say, fill not up your talk as your manner is, crying, that she went out with- out ordinances, for God can raise up out ofthat stone which you have already rejected, as children, so also ministers and ordinances unto Abraham. You may remember also, that every people and poor plantation formerly fleeced by you, cannot reach unto the hire of one of your tenets, or fetch in one such dove as you send abroad into our native 271 country, to carry and bring yo\i news. Nor can you cliargc them in that point, tor it was for protection and government they went: and however hire in other respects, yet the price of a wife and safety of his own life adjoined, carried a minister along with them of the same rise and breeding, to- gether with your own, to add unto the blood so savagely and causelessly spilt, with which a company of such as you take pleasure to protect* for they are all of one spirit, if they have not hands in the same act. We say their death is causeless: for we have heard them affirm, tliat they would never heave up a hand, no, nor move a tongue against any that persecuted or troubled them; but only endeavor to save themselves by llight, not perceiving the nature and end of persecution; neither of that anti-christian opposition and tyranny, the issue whereof declares itself in this so dread- ful and lamentable asportation [Four words illegible.] [Mass. Hist. Soc. Col.] No. XIX. Gov. Winthrop's Account of Gorton^s Trial, Sfc. [Gov. Winthrop gives the following account of the trial, &.C. of Gorton. See 2d vol. Sav. Wint. p. 142, &c.] Captain Cooke and his company, which were sent out against Gorton, returned to Boston; and the captives, being nine, were brought to the Governor his house, in a military order, viz. the soldiers being in two files, and after every five or six soldiers, a prisoner. So being before his door, the Commissioners came in, and after the Governor had sa- luted them, he went forth with them, and passing through the files, welcomed them home, blessing Goo for preserv- ing and prospering them, and gave them all thanks for their pains and good carriage, and desired of the Captain a list of their names, that the Court, &c. might know them, if here- after there should be occasion to make use of such men. This good acceptance and commendation of their service gave many of them more content than their wages, (which yet was very liberal, ten shillings per week, and they to victual themselves; and it is needful in all such Common- wealths, where the State desires to be served by volun- teers.) Then having conferred privately with the Commis- sioners, he caused the prisoner.s to be brought before him, in 272 iiis hall, where was a great assembly; and there laid before them their contemptuous carriage towards us, and their obsti- nacy against all the fair means and moderation we had used to reform them and bring them to do right to those of ours whom they had wronged, and how the Lord had now justly delivered them into our hands. They pleaded, in their ex- cuse, that they were not of our jurisdiction; and that though they had now yielded themselves to come and answer before us, yet they yielded not as prisoners. The Governor re- plied, they were brought to him as taken in war, and so our Commissioners had informed; but if they could plead any other quarter or agreement our Commissioners had made with them, we must and would perform it; to which they made no answer. So the Governor committed them to the Marshal, to convey to the common prison; and gave order they should be well provided for, both for lodging and diet. Then he went forth again with the Captain; and the soldiers gave him three vollies of shot, and so departed to the inn, where the Governor had appointed some refreshing to be provided for them, above their wages. The next Lord's Day in the forenoon, the prisoners would not come to the meeting, so as the magistrates determined they should be compelled. They agreed to come, so as they might have liberty, after sermon, to speak, if they had occasion. The magistrates' answer was, that they did leave the ordering of things in the Church to the elders, but there was no doubt but they might have leave to speak, so as they spake the words of truth and sobriety. So in the af- ternoon they came, and were placed in the fourth seat, right before the elders. Mr. Cotton (in his ordinary text) taught them out of Acts 19. of Demetrius pleading for Diana's sil- ver shrines or temples. Sue. After sermon, Gorton desired leave to speak; which being granted, he repeated the points of Mr. Cotton's sermon, and coming to that of the silver shrines, he said that in the Church there was nothing now but Christ; so that all our ordinances, ministers, sacraments, &c. were but men's inventions for show and pomp, and no other than those silver shrines of Diana. He said also that if Christ lived eternally, then he died eternally; and it appeared both by his letters and examinations that he held that Christ was incarnate in Adam, and that he was that image of God wherein Adam was created; and that the chief work and merit was in that his incarnation; in that he 273 became such a thing, so mean, &c. and that his being born after, of the Virgin Mary and suttering, &.c. was but a man- ifestation of his sufferings, kc. in Adam. Likewise in his letters he condemned and reviled magistracy, calling it an idol, alleging that a man might lb well be a slave to his belly, as to his own species: yet being examined, he would acknowledge magistracy to be an ordinance of God in the world, as marriage was, viz. no other magistracy but what was natural, as the father over his wife and children, and an hereditary prince over his subjects. When the General Court was assembled, Gorton and his company were brought forth upon the lecture-day, at Bos- ton, and there, before a great assembly, the Governor de- clared the cause and manner of our proceeding against them, and their letters were openly read, and all objections answered. As 1 . That they were not within our jurisdiction. To this was answered. 1. That they were either within Plymouth or Mr. Fenwick, and that they had yielded their power to us in this cause. * 2. If they were underno juris- diction, then had we none to complain unto, for redress of our injuries; and then we must either right ourselves and our subjects by force of arms, or else we must sit still under all their reproaches and injuries, among which they had this insolent passage: — "We do more disdain that you should send for us to come to you, than you could do, if we should send for the chiefest among you to come up to us, and be employed according to our pleasure in such works as we should appoint you." As for their opinions, we did not meddle with them for those, otherwise than they had given us occasion by their letters to us, and by their free and open publishing them amongst us; for we wrote to them only about civil contro- versies between them and our people, and gave them no oc- casion to vent their blasphemings and revilings, &c. And for their title to the Indians' land, we had, divers times, de- sired them to make it appear; but they always refused, even to our Commissioners, whom we sent last to them; and since they were in prison, we offered to send for any witnesses they would desire, but still they refused; so that our title appearing good, and we having now regained our • How far Plymouth or Mr. Fenwick assented to these proceedings, or had yielded their power, can be ascertained by referring to Appendix, No. 7. — S. P* 274 possession, we need not question them any more about that. Their letters being read, they were demanded, severally, if they would maintain those things which were contained therein. They answered, they would, in that sense wherein they wrote them. After this, they were brought before the Court severally to be examined, (divers of the elders being desired to be present,) and because they had said they could give a good interpretation of all they had written, they were examined upon the particular passages. But the interpretation they gave being contradictory to their expressions, they were de- manded then if they would retract those expressions, but that they refused, and said still that they should then deny the truth. For instance, in one or two; their letters were directed, one to their Neighbors of the Massachusetts, and the other of them to the Great Honored Idol General of the Massachusetts; and by a messenger of their own, delivered to our Governor: and many passages in both letters particu- larly applied to our courts, our magistrates, our ciders, &c. yet in their examinations about their reproachful passages, they answered, that they meant them of the corrupt estate of mankind in general, and not of us, Stc. So whereas in their letters they impute it to us as an error, that we teach that Christ died actually only when he suffered under Pontius Pilate, and before only in types, upon their examination, they say, that their meaning was, that his death was actual to the faith of the fathers under the law; which is, in effect, no other than we hold; yet they account it an error in us, and would not retract that charge. One of the elders had been in the prison with them, and had conferred with them about their opinions, and they expressed their agree- ment with him in every point, so as he intended to move for favor for them; but when he heard their answer upon their examination, he found how he had been deluded by them; for they excel the Jesuits in the art of equivocation, and re- gard not how false they speak to all other men's apprehen- sions, so they keep to the rules of their own meaning. Gor- ton maintained, that the image of God, wherein Adam was created, was Christ; and so the loss of that image was the death of Christ, and the restoring of it in regeneration, was Christ's resurrection; and so the death of him that was born of the Virgin Mary, was but a manifestation of the former. In their letters, &c. they condemned all ordinan- ■^ I O CCS 111 llic Cluuch, calling Baptism an abomination, and the Lord's Supper, the juice of a poor silly grape, turned into the blood of Christ by the skill of our magicians, Stc. Yet upon examination, they would say they did allow them to be the ordinances of Christ; but their meaning was, that they were to continue no longer than the infancy of the Church lasted, (and but to novices then,) for after the revelation was written they were to cease ; for there is no mention of them, say they, in that book. They were all illiterate men; the ablest of them could not write true English, no, not common words; yet they would take upon them the interpretation of the most difficult places of Scripture, and wrest them any way, to serve their own turns: as to give one instance for many. Mr. Cotton, pressing them with that in Acts 10. "Who can forbid wa- ter, why these should not be baptized? so he commanded them to be baptized," they interpret thus. Who can deny but these have been baptized, seeing they have received the Holy Ghost, &,c. so he allowed them to have been bap- tized. This shift they were put to, that they might maintain their former opinion, that such as have been baptized with the Holy Ghost, need not the outward baptism. The Court and the elders spent near a whole day in dis- covery of Gorton's deep mysteries, which he had boasted of in his letters, and to bring him to conviction; but all was in vain. Much pains was also taken with the rest, but teas little effect. They would acknowledge no error or fault in their writings, and yet would seem sometimes to consent with us in the truth. After all these examinations, the Court began to consult a- bout their sentence. The judgment of the elders also had been demanded about their blasphemous speeches and opinions, what punishment was due by the word of God. Their an- swer was first in writing, that if they should maintain them as expressed in their writings, their offence deserved death, by the law of God. The same, some of them declared, after, in open court. But before the Court would proceed to de- termine of their sentence, they agreed first upon their charge, and then calling them all publicly, they declared to them what they had to charge them with, out of their letter and speeches. Their charge was this, viz. They were charg- ed to be blasphemous enemies of the true religion of our Lord Jesus Christ, and of all his holy ordinances, and like- 27() wise of all civil government among his people, and particu- larly within this jurisdiction. Then they were demanded whether they did acknowledge this charge to be just, and did submit to it, or what exceptions they had against it. They answered, they did not acknowledge it to be just, but they took no particular exceptions to it, but fell into some cavilling speeches; so they were returned to prison again. Being in prison, they behaved insolently towards their keep- er, and spake evil of the magistrates. Whereupon some of the magistrates were very earnest to have irons presently put upon them. Others thought it better to forbear all such severity till their sentence were passed. This latter opin- ion prevailed. After divers means had been used, both in public and private, to reclaim them, and all proving fruitless; the Court proceeded to consider of their sentence, in which the Court was much divided. All the magistrates, save three, were of opinion that Gorton ought to die; but the greatest num- ber of the deputies dissenting, that vote did not pass. In the end, all agreed upon this sentence, for seven of them, viz, that they should be dispersed into seven several towns, and there kept to work for their living; and wear irons upon one leg; and not to depart the limits of the town; nor by word or writing, maintain any of their blasphemous or wick- ed errors; upon pain of death; only with exception for speech with any of the elders, or any other licensed, by any magis- trate to confer with them; this censure to continue during the pleasure of the court.* * Silence might, perhaps, become the commentator on this lamentable de- lusion; but this narrative almost defies the power of comment, to enhance or mitigate the injustice of our Government. It is some consolation, how- ever, that three of the magistrates and a majority of the deputies, rejected the horrible judgment of the elders, that the offences deserved death. Ridi- cule they might have deserved, but neglect would have been the most ap- propriate sentence. We cannot doubt, that our fathers thought the prisoners were justly within our jurisdiction ; and this first error led to the invasion of their humble colony, which ought to have been as secure from process, as ours was from them. After the usurpation, the civil wrong, which was the first pretence of complaint, seems to have merged in their theological pravi- ty. Our rulers assumed the right of proceeding against them as heretics, because we had injuriously acquired the power of inquiry into the title of their lands. The consummation of the tyranny I extract from our records, 11. p. 39—41: " Upon much examination and serious consideration of your writings, 277 There were three more taken in the house with them, but because they had not their hands to the letters, they were dismissed; two of them upon a small ransom, as captives taken in war, and the third freely, for that he was but in his master's house, &c. A fourth, being found to be an igno- with your answers about them, we do charge you to be a blaspchmous ene- my of the true religion of our Lord Jesus Christ, and his holy ordinances; and also of all civU authority among the people of God, and particularly in tliis jurisdiction. "It is ordered, that Samuel Gorton shall be confined to Charlestown, there to be set on work, and to wear such bolts or irons, as may hinder his escape; and to continue during the pleasure of the Court; provided that if he shall break his said confinement, or shall in the mean time, either by speech er writing, publish, declare or maintain, any of the blasphemous or abomi- nable heresies, wherewith he hath been charged by the General Court, con- tained in either of the two books sent unto us by him, or Randall Houlden; or shall reproach or reprove the churches of our Lord Jesus Christ, in these United Colonies; or the civil Government, or the public ordinances of God therein; (unless it be by answer to some question propounded to him, or conference with any elder, or with any other, licensed to speak with him privately, under the hand of one of the Assistants;) that immediately upon accusation of any such writing or speech, he shall, by such Assistant to whom such accusation shall be brought, be committed to prison, till the next Court of Assistants, then and there to be tried by a jury, whether he hath so spok- en or written, and upon his conviction thereof, shall be condemned to death and executed. Dated the 3d of the 9th mo. 1643. " John Wickes, Randall Houlden, Robert Potter, Richard Carder, Fran- cis Weston and John Warner, are confined upon the same conditions. John Wickes, to Ipswich; Randall Houlden, to Salem; Robert Potter, to Row- ley; Richard Carder, to Roxbury; Francis Weston, to Dorchester, and John Warner to Boston. All these are upon same conditions that Samuel Gorton, abovenamed, is. " William Waddell is confined to Watertown, during the pleasure of the Court; and if he escape, ti) be punbhed, as this Court, or the Court of As- sistants shall think meet. " Richard Waterman is dismissed for the present, so that what is taken of his is to go toward payment of the charge, and the rest of his estate is bound in an 100 pounds, that he shall appear at the General Court, the 3d mo.; and not to depart without license, and to submit to the order of the Court. » "Nicholas Power appearing, and denying that he set his hand to the first book, was dismissed with an admonition." •Ihe General Court holden on the 29th of the 3d month, (May) 16-14, passed the following order, in relation to Waterman: " Richard Waterman being found erroneous, heretical and obstinate, it was agreed that he should be detained prisoner till the Quarter Court in the 7th month, (September) unless five of the magistrates do find cause to send him away, which, if they do, it is ordered, he shall not return within this jurisdiction upon pain of death." — S. 278 rant young man, was only enjoined to abide in Watertown, upon pain of the Court's displeasure only. At the next Court; they were all sent away, because we found that they did corrupt some of our people, especially the women, by their heresies. About a week after, we sent men to fetch so many of their cattle as might defray our charges, both of the soldiers and of the Court, which spent many days about them, and for their expenses in prison. It came to, in all, about 160 pounds. There were three who escaped out of the house; these being sent for; to come in, two of them did so and one of them, because his hand was not to the letters, was freely discharged; the other was sent home upon his own bond to appear at the next Court, {only some of his cattle were taken towards the charges.) There was a fourth, who had his hand to the first letter, but he died before our soldiers Avent, and we left his whole estate \o his wife and children. Their arms were all taken from them; and of their guns, the Court gave one fowling piece to Pomham and another to Sacononocco, and liberty granted them to have powder, as being now within our jurisdiction. H 99 78 ^^-^^ y ' . 4 ' f -'J '*. y "°. ./■ ■> o ^°-;^. :^i;^%^ ^-./ .-^m %,^^^ ." .^^ ^. ,0' to -^^ <^. 0' .^ .^ •°. -> \^ >^ .^ ^*' ^ V^ A '>/ -^ <^. ... , .C .1, ^ Oj. \' A"- ^ - . . ' * .0* .^^\ .f" < * //It \^ to ;& 73 0^ ■^^ A NT'S