LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
 ly|li1liliiillliiii-i»iil"'i>'''i"''"'^''''' 
 013 789 519 5 
 
 
ADDRESS 
 
 OP THE 
 
 UNION REPUBLICAN 
 
 COSeUESSIONAL COMMITTEE. 
 
 2b Xht PecpU of the United States : 
 
 You will soon proceed to select your 
 representatives for a new Congress. 
 The occasion invites us to submit for 
 your inspection the record of Republican 
 achievements since that party was called 
 to the administration of national affairs. 
 We seize the opportunity to avow that 
 record, not to apologize for it. We chal- 
 lenge your approval, not your pardon. 
 
 The obligations of government and 
 people, like the obligations of servant 
 and master, are mutual. 
 
 The government, like the servant, 
 owes faithful service. But the peoplo, 
 like the master, owe honest recognition i 
 of faithful service. Every thoughtful 
 employer knows that he can not with 
 impunity decry faithful labor. He who 
 does so habitually will soon have no 
 faithful laborers. The faithfui- servant 
 will not submit to be treated as a faith- 
 less one. If so treated, he himself will 
 
 terruptedly under Democratic control. 
 Of that control there is hardly a memory 
 left at which the nation should not 
 blush. Seemingly, it was inspired by but 
 one ambition— til e bad ambition to make 
 our foreign policy as ignoble as our home 
 policy was shameless. Our intercourse 
 with Towers weaker than ourselves was 
 spirited enough. We bullied Austria 
 out of a Hungarian refugee. We de- 
 spoiled Mexico of a portion of her terri- 
 tory. We demolished Greytown. We 
 jingled millions in the ears of Spain as a 
 lure for Cuba and the bribe was spu)-ned. 
 In 1854 three of our Ministers abroad 
 assembled at Ostend and issued a mani- 
 festo in which they declared, ''After 
 we shall have offered Spain a price for 
 Cuba far beyond its present value, and 
 this shall have been refused, then it will 
 be time to consider the question : Does 
 Cuba in the possession of Spain seriously 
 endanger our internal peace and the ex- 
 
 less one. If so treated, ^^.^'^^'^'J''' -^^l ,f ,,,^ ,j,,risked Unionl Should 
 become faithless, or he will give place ^^11!. on he answered in the affirma- 
 
 to one who is faithless. 
 
 DEMOCRATIC STATESMANSHIP. 
 
 It is thirteen years since the Republi- 
 can party was first called to the admin- 
 istration of the National Government. 
 For more than thirty years previously 
 the Government had been almost uuin 
 
 this question be answered in the affirma- 
 tive, then by every law human and 
 divine we shall be justified in wresting 
 it from Spain if we possess the power." 
 It adds piquancy to that extract to 
 know that two of the ambassadors who 
 in 1854 could think of no way of saving 
 
 ^4 . / 
 
ADT)nE53 OF THE mnON REPUBLICAN CONQRESSIONAL C03DIITTEB. 
 
 1 
 
 our cherislicd Uniou" but to wrest 
 !Jul':i from Spaia wero Pierre Soule and 
 Ju!i!i Y. MiUJou. Tiie tliird was James 
 iiuehiiuan. 
 
 But during all that tiroo, and in spite 
 of all that gasconade, tliere Avas not a 
 viivftle naturalized citizen who could 
 safely revisit liis birth-place, for there 
 was not onowliose citizeusliip was not 
 ■I'solutely denied by the sovereign under 
 
 • !ioso dominion he was born. 
 
 !No American, native or naturalized, 
 
 r-ouid send a letter abroad except upon 
 
 ier,ou3 conditions. "\Vo liad then formed 
 
 : ostal conVeutious with but sevpn 
 
 reign countries. 
 
 Tlie lowest rate of postage stipulated 
 in those conventions was ten cents for 
 a letter weiglilng not more than one- 
 half ounce. Tiie highest rate of postage 
 ■ 'i the same letter was thirty cents. 
 
 ^Ve tamely relinquished to Great 
 
 Uritain a portion of our territory in the 
 
 purliieast; another and a larger portion 
 
 ii the northwest. We described the 
 
 iiiio agreed upon in the northwest so 
 
 loosely that Great Britain immediately 
 
 !.iid claim to large islands on our side of 
 
 ;:. That insulting claim was neither 
 
 .sisted nor admitted. It was compro- 
 
 ■ised by permitting the claimant to 
 
 lid armed possession of one end of San 
 
 uan, the most valuable of those islands, 
 
 vhile we quielly siiuatted on the other 
 
 .id. And while, by successive conces 
 
 -:on3, wo were constantly adding to the 
 
 .ea of tlie Canadas, wo stupidly relin- 
 
 .aished to their products free access to 
 
 ur markets, as the equivalent of benig 
 
 .'.'.lowed to send siinihir products from 
 
 -he Xorthwest, through Canadian chan- 
 
 -.■ISj.to such precarious markets as they 
 
 • /uld iiud on the other side of the At- 
 
 • aiitic. 
 
 i^uch were the achievements of our 
 M;i)!omacy, during those years of Uemo- 
 ri4tic supremacy. 
 
 CUEAl* GOYERNMEXT. 
 
 The story of our home rule would be 
 . idder .still, if anything sadder could be. 
 
 It has been loudly vaunted that those 
 v.-er« ciiuap admlukitratiousl Compared 
 
 with the expenditures of these times 
 they were cheap, very cheap. Compared 
 with their worth to the country they 
 were probably the most profligate the 
 world ever saw. They cost the people 
 from fifty to seventy-Ovo millions per 
 annum. Those millions maintained for 
 us the empty pageant we called Govern- 
 ment. It was the most worthless pa- 
 geant that could be contrived. It was 
 not even showy; it was vulgar. It had 
 all the features of a government, but 
 without its faculties. There were the 
 three regular organs — legislative, execu- 
 tive, judicial. There was a constant 
 succession of Congresses, Presidents, 
 and courts. The courts of course were 
 useful in hearing and determining pri- 
 vate controversies. But what is there to 
 show from the labors of the political de- 
 partments? It seemed to be the sole 
 end, if not the sole aim, of Government 
 to collect money enough yearly to paij 
 itself. It did not always succeed in 
 doing that, as many loan bills enacted 
 in times of profound peace still bear 
 witness. Indeed, that party was pecu- 
 liarly embarrassed in the collection of 
 revenue. It dared not levy a tax except 
 on the importati&E Q'f a foreign commo- 
 dity; and it always dreaded to tax the 
 importation of a foreign commodity lest 
 it might unwittingly promote some do- 
 mestic industry. No woU-educated 
 Democrat could tolerate such a result. 
 So, deficient revenues were, from time 
 to time, aided by loans. Such was the 
 case in 1841, ISiJ, and 1S18. 
 
 The first act, passed at the first ses- 
 sion of the Tliirty-fifth Congress, au- 
 thorized the issueof Treasury notes, and 
 almost tl^e last act of the same session 
 authorized a loan. In June, 1800, a fur- 
 ther loan of twenty-one millions was 
 authorized, and on the Sth of Pebruary, 
 IbGl, an appeal was made to the market 
 for twenty-five millions more. 
 
 Through all those years Congress as- 
 sembled annually. The long sessions 
 were extended over periods of seven, 
 eight, and nine months. But, long or 
 short, the sessions produced little In the 
 
ADDJRESS OF THB tJNiON REPUBLICAN CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEE. 
 
 .V ^^y of legislation beyond the tax and 
 
 ^ appropriation bills. The talk endured 
 ^for months; the work was accomplished 
 ^ in weeks. 
 
 ^' The lirst session of the Thirty-second 
 Congress was prolonged until the Slst of 
 August. The acts passed embrace one 
 hundred and forty-four pages of the 
 statutes. All but the Orst thirty-seven 
 pages are covered by acts approved on 
 the last two days of the session. Earlier 
 administrations had planted the Ka- 
 tional Capital, had framed the leading 
 features of our land system, had dedi- 
 cated liberal portions of our public do- 
 main to the cause of po' "<lar education, 
 and had commenced Oamberland 
 
 road and other works Vornal im- 
 
 provement. "When, after •■ .,.■ ^' thirty 
 years of misrule, you drove " Demo- 
 cratic party from power, the Cumberland 
 road was still unhnished, and tlie party 
 bad been educated to believe that the 
 National Government had no constitu- 
 tional power to complete such work. 
 
 That singular faith did not prevent 
 the party from entering upon such works, 
 but, seemingly, only from completing 
 them. They did not refrain from mak- 
 ing appropriations, even for improving 
 livers and harbors. Sometimes such 
 appropriations were made regularly and 
 sometimes irregularly. Apparently they 
 were scrupulous only tliat appropriations 
 should be made at sucli times, in such 
 sums, and for such purposes as would 
 promote commerce least and party in- 
 terests most. On the approaches to 
 Wilmington, N. C, appropriations were 
 made at various times, amounting to 
 more than ^jOO.OOO. "Wilmington has 
 swelled from a population of seven 
 thousand in 1850 to thirteen thousand 
 
 ■ in 1870. On the lied river in Louisiana 
 tliere was expended at different times 
 more than five hundred thousand dol- 
 lars. That river washes eigiit counties 
 in the State of Louisiana. Those eight 
 counties had a population in 1840 of fifty- 
 four thousand ; in 1870 of one hundred 
 and six thousand. On the liarbor of 
 Chicago, whicli is tlie gateway to the 
 
 Northwest, the home of millions, thoy 
 doled out appropriations amounting to 
 $217,000. On the harbor at IMilwaukee 
 they appropriated in 1844 $20,000. Eight 
 years later they resumed the work, ap- 
 parently with the determination of com- 
 pleting it. Fifteen thousand dollars 
 were appropriated that year. The year 
 following they appropriated the munifi- 
 cent sum of $163 94, and then rested 
 from that labor. Congress voted other 
 appropriations for similar works, whicli 
 encountered the Executive veto; and 
 DemocraticEepresentatives, finding they 
 must disobey either President or people, 
 decided to disobey the latter and obey 
 the former. 
 
 THE LOinsyiLLE CANAL. 
 
 A great natural highway, the Ohio 
 river, along which is poured a commerce 
 of incalculable value, was obstructed by 
 a rapid near Louisville. The interests 
 of that commerce required a canal to be 
 built around those rapids. Congress did 
 not assume that duty, nor even let it 
 alone. The State of Kentucky char- 
 tered a company to construct that canal 
 and to toll the commerce of the Ohio. 
 The United States aspired to the dignity 
 of a stockholder in that company, and 
 achieved it. The Government took and 
 paid for 2,902 shares, at one hundred 
 dollars each. Private parties took 7,098 
 shares. Tiie canal was built, tiie tolls 
 were fixed, commerce bled, and the com- 
 pany's treasury filled. The revenues 
 were so large it seemed a pity the Gov- 
 ernment sliould share them. But as a 
 stockholder, the Government was enti- 
 tled to nearly one-third of the net rev- 
 enues. The Government was not repre- 
 sented in the management of the com- 
 pany. That was governed by five di- 
 rectors, each of whom was a stockholder. 
 Those directors concliuled tiiey could 
 make a better use of the revenues tnaw 
 to divide them with the Government. 
 Tothat end theyresolved the canal ought 
 to be made free. In order that it might 
 become free it was resolved that the net 
 revenues should he applied to tlie pur- 
 chase of thejprivate stock, llavixig found 
 
AD&RBSS 99 THE UKION REPUBLICAN CONGRSSSIOKAL OOMltlTtn. 
 
 a market for the stock, there was noth- 
 ing left but to fix the price of it. That 
 was modestly set by the directors at only 
 lifty per cent, premium. 
 
 Kentucky sanctioned thearrangeraent; 
 the United States was not consulted. 
 But it was evident that if the earnings 
 which belonged to the United States 
 were appropriated to purchase private 
 stock, the United States would soon 
 own a majority of the stock. To avoid 
 such a catastrophe, Kentucky required 
 the directors to pay for the stock with 
 Government funds, but to have the 
 stock transferred to the directors, who 
 should hold it in trust for the United 
 States, but vote on it as the legislation 
 of Kentucky required. 
 
 In pursuance of these directions, the 
 directors proceeded to apply the surplus 
 earnings to the purchase of the private 
 stock. Between 1842 and 1855 they paid 
 for such stock, of the par value of $709,- 
 800, the sum of $1,709,262. Then the 
 directors admitted they had received 
 enough, and notified the Secretary of 
 the Treasury they were ready to trans- 
 fer the canal to the custody of the " Gen- 
 eral Government so soon as the Depart- 
 ment may be prepared to receive it." 
 But it happened that at that time the 
 Secretary was also a Kentuckian. He 
 evidently felt that he could take some 
 liberties with his friends. He accord- 
 ingly replied that Congress had not au- 
 thorized tlie acceptance, " but requested 
 Lhe president and directors each to retain 
 one sliare, (for eligibility,) and to nian- 
 Hge it under the charter until authority 
 might by law be conferred on the De- 
 partment to receive it." The president 
 and directors very promptly acceded to 
 Lhat reque,^t. It should be noticed that 
 the conduct of the Secretary exhibits an 
 instance of deference to legislative au- 
 Lliority on the part of a liigh executive 
 uilicer which is believed to be quite 
 unique. TTe co\ild not feel free to take 
 charge of the canal himself, because 
 Congress bad not told him to do so ; ac- 
 cordinyly he gave it to his friends. Such 
 exhibitions of scrupuleus regard for the 
 
 limits of jurisdiction are seldom wit- 
 nessed. It is gratifying to know that 
 this one was duly rewarded. When the 
 distinguished Secretary retired from the 
 Treasury he was made pres'ident of the 
 canal company. 
 
 Of the subsequent management, it is 
 only necessary to state that the directors 
 at once reduced the rate of tolls fifty per 
 cent. But as the canal was only two 
 miles long, and there were only five di- 
 rectors, they could manage to spend 
 for their own salaries and that of their 
 assistants but $44,012 per annum, to 
 which they added $22,000 for contingen- 
 cies ; consequently the revenues accumu- 
 lated in the treasury of the company. 
 To make that money useful, the directors 
 organized themselves into a savings 
 bank, and then the canal company de- 
 posited their surplus with the banking 
 company. If the latter received as much 
 for the use of the revenues as the former 
 did for collecting, they ought to have 
 been content. But avarice rarely is con- 
 tent. This anomalous corporation, with 
 one body, one head, but two faces, was 
 not content. When it was ascertained 
 how profitable they could make money 
 derived from the work they did not own, 
 they desired to get more money. 
 
 They hit upon the expedient of hy- 
 pothecating the canal and raising money 
 under pretense of enlarging it. In 1860 
 Congress authorized the directors," with 
 the revenues and credits of the company, 
 to enlarge the said canal." Under that 
 act the company mortgaged the work for 
 some two millions of dollars ; and it is 
 not yet known whether the Government 
 will be able to recover it or not. 
 
 OTHEK SPECIMEXS OF DEMOCRATIC 
 RULE. 
 
 That party did not overturn our land 
 system, notwitlistanding it was a very 
 good one. During tlie year 1841 the 
 system was much improved ; that must 
 be confessed. But the Democratic party 
 was not in power that year. We ought 
 also gratefully to remember that the 
 grants of land made for educational 
 purposes were not repealed. The fact 
 
ADDRESS OF THE UNION REPUBLICAN CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEE. 
 
 furnishes a striking illustration of spar- 
 ing mercy. But the phenomenon is not 
 diflBcult to explain. Such grants 
 were made only to States in which 
 the lands were. Such lauds were 
 found for the most part only in new 
 States. The new States were very unani- 
 mously Democratic in politics. The 
 States receiving the grants could alone 
 administer them, and the party seems to 
 have felt confident that grants so ad- 
 ministered would not promote the cause 
 of education more than grants of money 
 had promoted the cause of commerce. 
 All who are familiar with the early ex- 
 periences of the school funds in the 
 Southern and some of the Western 
 States, will need no other assurance that 
 that confidence was not misplaced. 
 
 The Capitol was not transplanted. 
 But when the Democratic party retired 
 from control, in 1861, scarcely a building 
 belonging to the Government was fin- 
 ished. Perhaps, however, the party 
 would have avoided that cause of re- 
 proach if they had earlier formed thfi 
 design of transferring those buildings 
 to the use of another government. 
 
 Armies were then maintained. Their 
 ranks were thin, but they were sumptu- 
 ously officered— officered far too largely 
 by those who had been educated in every 
 soldierly grace save that of allegiance. 
 
 A navy was suffered to exist. But as 
 it was found a little too loyal to desert 
 its flag, and a little too gallant to sur- 
 render it, when the hour of national 
 peril arrived, that navy was scattered 
 in remote seas. 
 
 DO-NOTHING POLICY. 
 
 The Presidents of those half -forgotten 
 years were as diligent, by annual and 
 special messages, to explain why the 
 Federal Governmentcould do nothing, as 
 the Congresses were to do nothing. Like 
 the two brothers engaged in the temper- 
 ance cause, one of whom lectured on the 
 evils of intemperance, while the other 
 furnished a shocking example; so Dem- 
 ocratic Presidents were perennially elo- 
 quent in expounding the impotency of 
 tbe National Government, while Demo- 
 
 cratic Congresses were as persistent in 
 illustrating it. 
 
 The pretext for this strange sluggish- 
 ness was an amiable one. Constitutional 
 inhibitions were pleaded in excuse for 
 all omissions. They constantly neglect- 
 ed great national interests, because they 
 feared to infringe upon the prerogative 
 of States ; they proclaimed themselves 
 the champions of States' rights ; they 
 arrogated to themselves the name of the 
 States' rights party. 
 
 It was a specious pretense, but it was 
 utterly insincere. So long as our ar- 
 chives remain, so long that very part> 
 will be known as the one which struck 
 the foulest blow at the rights of States 
 which could be contrived. 
 
 That is the party which, on the 18th 
 of September, 1850, wrote the fugitive 
 slave act in the statute book. By that 
 act the United States commanded the 
 Federal courts to multiply court com- 
 missioners without limit. By that act 
 the United States offered such commis- 
 sioners a clean bounty of five dollars 
 each, for certificates that residents of 
 Massachusetts, or of any other State, 
 were fugitives from Texas or some other 
 State; and when such a certificate was 
 obtained, pledged all its forces to remove 
 such resident to the State wherein he 
 was claimed; which made that certificate, 
 so purchased, of such hucksters, conclu- 
 sive evidence of the right to remove, 
 and commanded every tribunal within 
 the insulted State to be still, and all its 
 citizens to aid the outrage — a statute the 
 very first victim of which was a free man 
 from Pennsylvania, who, being declared 
 a fugitive by a five-dollar commissioner, 
 was transported to Virginia by the 
 United States, and finding no man there 
 base enough to claim him, he was al- 
 lowed to get back at his own expense. 
 
 In all those years the national charac- 
 ter had not been raised an inch. On 
 the contrary, through them all, it had 
 fallen constantly lower and lower. 
 
 When England and France proposed, 
 in 1852, to join with the United States 
 in mutual renunciation of all designs on 
 
6 ADDKESS OF TEE UNION RErUBLICAN CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEE. 
 
 Cuba, an American Secretary of State 
 did not hesitate to assign as a reason h")r 
 refusing: to join such a convention, "tliat 
 it wouUl give a new and powerful im- 
 petus" to attacks "on tlie island of Cuba, 
 by lawless bands of adventurers from 
 the United States, with tlie avowed de- 
 sign of taking possession of the island" — 
 attacks which, he argued, no adminis- 
 tration would be strong enough to resist. 
 
 NO POWER TO SAYE THE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 A government which denied its right 
 to aid commerce over the Des Moines 
 Bapids, and which advertised its impo- 
 tency to control itsown fillibusters, could 
 hardly be expected to make a becoming, 
 figure when confronted with war. "When, 
 therefore, in 1861, the standard of rebel- 
 lion was raised, and State after State 
 wheeled defiantly into the ranks of re- 
 volt, it was perhaps not so very surpris- 
 ing that one-half the Democratic party 
 joined the revolt, while the other half 
 exclaimed itcould not be resisted — not so 
 very surprising that the six per cent, 
 bonds issued in February, 1S61, were 
 sold at a discount of six per cent., and 
 not so very surprising that Great Britain 
 should have proclaimed the rebels to be 
 lawful belligerents, before she knew a 
 gun had been fired. 
 
 But it was surprising that a President 
 of the United States should address a 
 special message to Congress to persuade 
 the imblic tliat, although the rebellion 
 was illegal, yet the Government had no 
 right to suppress it; lor by tliat act he 
 introduced to t!io world a Government, 
 the like of which had never before been 
 seen— a Government agauist which it 
 was unlawful to revolt, and by which it 
 was unlawful to suppress revolt. Such 
 a government is described nowhere in 
 political history, save in the message 
 of Presiclent BuchanaH. 
 
 Such was t!ie style of administration, 
 to which tlie Republican party succeeded 
 on the 4tli of March, 1801. That party 
 was instructed to but one duty. As you 
 had never known the National Govern- 
 ment to do anything, you evidently did 
 iiot expect it to do much. You simply 
 
 commanded it to save your Territories 
 from the defilement of slavery ; that was 
 all. 
 
 THE OKDEK OBEYED. 
 
 That command has been fulfilled. 
 There is no slavery in any of your Terri- 
 tories. That will scarcely be denied 
 eveii by the opposition journals. There 
 is just as little slavery in any of the 
 States. Something more than you then 
 thought possible has been accomplished. 
 
 OTHER THINGS ACCOMPLISHED. 
 
 But there is no need to dwell upon the 
 national achievements of the last thir- 
 teen years — they wei^e too conspicuous 
 not to have been seen; they are too re- 
 cent to be forgotten. It will suffice to 
 present a schedule of the leacling events. 
 
 At home and abroad tlie Union was 
 proclaimed to be dissolved in 1S61. The 
 Union is restored now. 
 
 Nine States then claimed to have left 
 the protection of the Constitution for- 
 ever. They have all returned to that 
 protection now. "Those that thou gavest 
 me I have kept, and none is lost," said 
 the Saviour of men. The Republican 
 party has preserved more than the States 
 you committed to its keeping. It has 
 found those which were lost. 
 
 In ISCl the "Confederate States of 
 America," so called, were clamoring for 
 admission into the family of nations. 
 There is no longer any such pretense. 
 Each one of those great but misguided 
 communities now has honorable recog- 
 nition as an integral part of the United 
 States. 
 
 A race numbering millions has been 
 raised from the condition of chattels to 
 the state of man. Human rights have 
 gained the sanction of three new chap- 
 ters added to the national Constitution. 
 Murder organized in several States, bear- 
 ing the name of Kuklux, wearing the 
 garb and plying the trade of Oends, has 
 been exposed, convicted, punished. 
 
 Abroad our career has been scarcely 
 less triumphant. Great Britain has cor- 
 rected the mistake she made when she 
 assumed that the appearance of the Con- 
 federate States was the sure premoni- 
 
ADDRESS OF THE UNION REPUBLICAN CONGRESSIONAL OOilMITTEE. 
 
 tion of tlie departure of the United 
 States. Hhe has done what Great Britain 
 never did before— slie has apologized for 
 a mistake. Out of that mistake has 
 sprung a new era in diplomacy. 
 
 WitJiout tlieo.nploymeat of force, but 
 peaceably, the Itt.;)nblic which was de- 
 fied by her owti citizens, and despised 
 everywhere in ISGl, has led Great Britain 
 voluntarily to submit her conduct to the 
 judgment of nations, and in pursuance 
 of their judgment, she has paid a fine of 
 fifteen millions for the wrong she did us. 
 
 That is not all. Those islands tg which 
 she made claim on our Northwest coast 
 are relinquished. That claim Great Brit- 
 ain submitted to the judgment of the 
 Emperor of Xorth Germany, and submit- 
 ted herself to the mortification of being 
 told to surrender it. She was notawari- 
 ed an equivalent for it. Sho was simply 
 told she had claimed great possessions 
 to which sho had no right. 
 
 That is not all. If there ever was one 
 principleof English jurisprudence which 
 England believed to be irreversible and 
 unalterable, it was the principle that a 
 British-born subject could never change 
 his allegiance. "Once a Briton, always a 
 Briton" was a law she held to be as fixed 
 as gravitation. She fouglit one war with 
 us in defense of it. But after seeing 
 our pitiful army of eleven thousand men 
 suddenly swollen by volunteers to nearly 
 a million, she wisely concluded it was 
 not worth while to fight another war in 
 defense of that principle, and by peace- 
 ful negotiation she has repealed the law 
 she so long and so obstinately held to be 
 irrepealablo. Germany has followed 
 that wise example, or rather set the ex- 
 ample. Belgium, Sweden, Korway, and 
 Denmark have done the same, and now 
 when the Kepublic grants the boon of 
 citizenship to one of Irish, English, Ger- 
 man, or Scandinavian birth, the grant is 
 recognized in the land of his nativity. 
 
 I'OSTAGS KEFOKM. 
 
 That is not all. If he can not revisit 
 his home, but cares to write, a letter can 
 bo carried with marvelous celerity and 
 at tarifling cost The following table ex- 
 
 hibits the groat reductions made in iho 
 rates of foreign p'ostage by postal con- 
 ventions framed since 1S61 : 
 
 
 
 
 vj^ . 
 
 
 rostagre 
 
 ch.irge- 
 
 '& 
 
 
 RMe lo 
 
 r loiters 
 
 
 not exceeding 
 
 
 
 ^ onuce. 
 
 Cotjutiica. 
 
 
 
 Ci3 
 
 
 Oct. 1, 
 
 Julvl, 
 
 |?l 
 
 
 18(il. 
 
 1874, 
 
 (i 3-J 
 
 A7-j;ontinc Rcpiib- 
 
 Cenis. 
 
 Centx. 
 
 Cents. 
 
 lie 
 
 33 
 
 18 
 12 
 
 1. 
 
 Australia 
 
 11 
 
 AuMli-ia, German 
 niaU clii-cct 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 6 
 
 9 
 
 Austria, (Jonn.an 
 
 
 
 
 iiiaUviaEiigUinii, 
 
 SO 
 
 7 
 
 2 
 
 IJclsi'iii 
 
 ' 42 
 
 8 
 
 m 
 
 IV'ilivia viaraJiania 
 
 34 
 
 22 
 
 n 
 
 Rnizil 
 
 i!> 
 
 13 
 
 ry 
 
 Canatla 
 
 10 on.") 
 
 84 
 
 6 
 
 22 
 
 4 or 9 
 
 Cliifl, vi.i Panama. 
 
 n 
 
 China 
 
 4.^ 
 
 10 
 
 sr 
 
 DoDDiark 
 
 '24 
 
 7 
 
 17 
 
 liast liuiics 
 
 S3 
 
 10 
 
 5U 
 
 Kcnaflor, vi;i Pan- 
 
 
 
 
 ama 
 
 U 
 
 £0 
 
 11 
 
 EfOPt, Tia South- 
 
 
 
 
 anii>t 0!i 
 
 33 
 
 20 
 
 I'- 
 
 Ksypt, (e-iicepi 
 
 
 Alexandria, ^<!(M-- 
 
 
 
 
 nuin luaii liirect.. 
 
 80 
 
 16 
 
 ll 
 
 Egypt, (oxc'pt 
 
 
 
 
 AUisanilriaJOcr- 
 
 
 
 
 man mail via En- 
 
 
 
 
 frjixnd , 
 
 S3 
 
 17 
 
 21 
 
 EiTV pt, A Icxand ria, 
 
 
 Gorman mail dl- 
 
 
 
 
 leot 
 
 80 
 
 11 
 
 19 
 
 Egypt, Alexan- 
 
 
 dria, <i ^ r Til a n 
 
 
 
 
 mail via Eniiland. 
 
 S8 
 
 13 
 
 a-] 
 
 Gorinan States, 
 
 
 
 
 German mail di- 
 
 
 
 
 rect 
 
 15 
 
 6 
 
 9 
 
 German States, 
 
 
 
 
 GeriTian mail >ia 
 
 
 
 
 T^nglani! 
 
 SO 
 
 7 
 
 S3 
 
 Grocco (Jcrnian 
 
 
 
 
 mail dirt>o,t 
 
 85 
 
 14 
 
 a 
 
 G ro ece, Gnrman 
 
 
 
 
 mail via England. 
 
 43 
 
 li 
 
 27 
 
 JTolland 
 
 4J 
 
 10 
 10 
 10 
 
 IT 
 
 Itnlv 
 
 82 
 
 Japan 
 
 is 
 
 Java, via South- 
 
 
 
 
 ampton 
 
 45 
 
 ms 
 
 17 
 
 New Zealand 
 
 Si 
 
 I'i 
 
 1' 
 
 Nor ^^a^' • 
 
 4ii 
 83 
 
 10 
 IS . 
 
 Jto 
 
 I'arajiu;iy 
 
 13 
 
 Peru, viaPanama. 
 
 84 
 
 3-2 
 
 Vi 
 
 Portugal, via Kng.. 
 
 »7 
 
 10 
 
 'ii 
 
 UusPia, Gorman 
 
 
 
 
 mail direct 
 
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ADDRESS OF THE UNION REPUBLICAN CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEE. 
 
 OUR POWER VnsrDICATED. 
 
 "When in October last, a Spanish vice 
 consul in Cuba so far forgot the respect 
 duo to the United States as to seize 
 upon a vessel sailing under the protoc- 
 tiou of her flag, Spain promptly, without 
 the firiug of a gun or spilling a drop of 
 blood, made that honorable reparation 
 which every just government is glad to 
 make for a wrong done. 
 
 MATERIAL DEVELOPMENT. 
 
 And this is not all. Our material 
 development has kept pace with our 
 political reforms, and despite the dis- 
 couragement to immigration, and the 
 positive drain of a great war lasting 
 four years, our population increased be- 
 tween 1860 and 1870 more thaa seven 
 millions. The increase was but a little 
 more than eight millions during the 
 previous decade. In spite of the enor- 
 mous cost of that same war, both in 
 money and in muscle, our lines of com- 
 pleted railways have increased from 
 81,000 railfs, at the close of 1861, to al- 
 most 72,000, at the close of 1873. One 
 rron track spans the continent ; others 
 are projected and more or less advanced 
 in construction. That vast region be- 
 tween the Rocky Mountain range and 
 the Sier-ra Nevadas, which was almost 
 unknown in 1861, is now traversed by 
 highways in every direction, and its 
 geograpny is as familiar to our children 
 as the geography of New England was to 
 the children ot 1861. And here, within 
 this very llepubhc which thirteen years 
 ago the faithless Democracy turned over 
 to the liepublican party for burial, capi- 
 tal has combined to construct more miles 
 of railway than ail the rest of the world 
 possesses. Harbors and rivers have 
 been improved, and fine trade of our 
 Western lakes and rivers now employs a 
 commercial marine exceeding 1,200,000 
 tons. 
 
 Enlarged facilities for trade have 
 swelled tlie volume of trade. 
 
 PUBLIC CREDIT ADVANCED. 
 
 Two facts are suflicient'jy eloquent of 
 our natiojial growtli. First. The six per 
 cent. b<md8 issued in February, 1861, 
 
 sold for ninoty-/our cents on the dollar. 
 The nation then ovrod but sixty million 
 dollars. The same bonds sold in June, 
 1874, as high as 122j cents on the dollar, 
 in currency, or a fraction over 110 in 
 gold, although the nation then owed two 
 thousand million dollars. Second. The 
 value of annual exports of domestic 
 commodities increased from three hun- 
 dred and seventy-three million in 1860 to 
 six hundred and forty-nine million in 
 1873, being an increase during the period 
 of two hundred and seventy-six million 
 dollars. 
 
 There are those bold enough to assort 
 that the country is now governed worse 
 instead of better than formerly. Some 
 may be found weak enough to believe 
 such assertions. But it requires a great 
 deal of declamation to prove that the 
 day is cold when the mercury stands at 
 98 in the shade. The mercury won't lie. 
 Men unhappily sometimes do. And it 
 will require a great deal of rhetoric to 
 persuade this country that it is being 
 ruined by a Government which in thir- 
 teen years has advanced its credit 
 throughout the money markets of the 
 w^orld fully thirty-three per cent, and 
 has nearly trebled its surplus produc- 
 tions. 
 
 LAND POLICY. 
 
 But this is not all. Since the advent 
 of the Kepublicau party the finishing 
 touches have been given to our land sys- 
 tem. It was long ago adjudged that a 
 dollar and a quarter was a full equiva- 
 lent for an acre of the public domain. 
 Accordingly that was fixed as the mini- 
 mum price. That gave to the Govern- 
 ment $200 for a quarter section of land. 
 But Republicanism adjudged that a far- 
 mer was more worth to the country than 
 $200, and so it has tendered a homestead 
 not exceeding one hundred and sixty 
 acres to every head of a family who will 
 make a farm upon it. And in view of 
 a fact which no State can afford to 
 overlook, to wit : that a successful agri- 
 culture is the primal necessity and grand 
 inspiration of every other industry, and 
 that, to be truly successful, agriculture. 
 
ADDRESS OF '/HE UNION REPUBLICAN CONaRESSIONAL COMMITTEE. 
 
 like every otber craft, should be learned, 
 prosperous colleges have beeu endowed 
 out of the public domain, wherein field 
 culture may be reared from the rank of 
 a craft to the dignity of a science; to 
 the grandeur even of an art. 
 
 But, as establishing the future land 
 policy of the Republican party, the fol- 
 lowing resolution of the House of Rep- 
 resentatives is submitted : 
 
 Eesolved, That in the judgment of this 
 House the policy of granting subsidies 
 in public land to'railroad and other cor- 
 porations ought to be discontinued; and 
 that every consideration of public policy 
 and equal justice to the whole people re- 
 quires that the public lands of the United 
 States should be held for the exclusive 
 purpose of securing homesteads to actual 
 settlers, under the homestead and pre- 
 emption laws, subject to reasonable ap- 
 propriations of such lands for educa- 
 tional purposes. 
 
 THE UNION PRESERVED. 
 
 Fellow-citizens, when you committed 
 the Union to the keeping of the Repub- 
 lican party, it seemed on the verge of 
 dissolution. Many hoped and some 
 feared it had received an incurable 
 wound. "We present the Union to you 
 to-day every whit whole. The Republic 
 is at peace througheut all her borders ; 
 she is at peace with all the world. Her 
 rightful authority is disputed nowhere ; 
 her opinions are respected everywhere. 
 She stands in the very vanguard of sov- 
 ereign States. We challenge history to 
 produce another instance of a country 
 raised from such humiliation to such 
 grandeur in so short a time. And this 
 transformation has been wrought not 
 merely without the aid of the Demo- 
 cratic party, but in spite of its utmost 
 hostility. 
 
 THE OPPOSITION REVIEWED. 
 
 You have seen the shortcomings of 
 that party in administration. Its faults 
 in opposition have been still more glar- 
 ing. Perhaps they can be forgiven for 
 allowing the ship of State to drift so 
 near the rocks. But how can they be 
 forgiven their struggles to prevent her 
 from being snatched from that peril ? 
 That charity, which delightsto think no 
 
 evil, may excuse their omission to lift 
 the country; upon the plea of incompe- 
 tency. But not charity itself can see 
 anything but malignancy in their per- 
 sistent efforts to prevent the country 
 from being lifted. The world does not 
 resent, but rather pities, the helpless 
 crew under whose seamanship Jesus 
 sailed for the country of the Gadarenes. 
 It is plain they could not still the winds 
 which threatened to sink the ship. But 
 if they had attempted to throw the Sa- 
 viour overboard when he appeared to 
 rebuke those impious winds, the world 
 would have known no pity for the crew. 
 And that i:^ the great Democratic offense 
 which still smells to heaven; not that 
 they did nothing for the country, but 
 that they fiercely opposed everything 
 that was done for the country. It would 
 not be quite true to say that the Demo- 
 cratic party opposed the national effort 
 to suppress the rebellion ; that would 
 have been high treason. It would bo 
 quite as far from the truth to say that 
 they promoted that effort. The rebellion 
 could not have lasted two years had the 
 Democratic party continued in tliat pa- 
 triotic purpose which Douglas for a 
 season inspired. But Douglas died, and 
 so did that purpose. 
 
 With a sagacity, a steadfastness, and a 
 clearness of vision which, if employed in 
 a good cause, would be of inestimable 
 value, the Democratic party found that 
 covert, narrow, and devious way which 
 lay between loyalty and treason, and 
 they pursued that way from the middle 
 of the year 1862 to the end of the war, 
 always avoiding the rebuke of their 
 country's laws and also tlie reproach of 
 their country's foes. 
 
 But even for this stinted measure of 
 loyalty there may have been some excuse. 
 It may have sprung from lack of faith 
 and not from want of love. They pro- 
 fessed to believe the rebellion invincibler, 
 and, if they really believed so, they could 
 hardly be expected to display much zeal 
 in a struggle they believed to be hopeless. 
 The spirits are rare and very choice who 
 lead a forlorn hope with anything like 
 
10 ADDRESS OP THE UNION EEPUBLIGAN CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEE. 
 
 gayety. But those who lead a real hope, 
 no mutter how forlorn, and do not 
 merely follow a dread, are not apt to 
 look so dismal as these Democrats 
 did when the rebellion was finally 
 crushed. 
 
 Possibly, however, even tliat singular 
 dejection was but the effect of mortiDca- 
 tion at their own misjudgment and want 
 of prevision. But when the rebellion 
 was crushed and they were invited to aid 
 in removing its cause, as well as a 
 cause for future rebellions, by abolishing 
 slavery, they refused to do that 1 How 
 can that refusal be excused or for- 
 given ? The great act of emancipation, 
 while it is the grandest in liistory, is also 
 the least expensive. It cost nothingbut 
 a vote, yet even this they refused to give. 
 By simply writing " yes " upon their bal- 
 lots, instead of "no," they knew they 
 could give freedom to four millions of 
 human beings. Tiiey were sure of vic- 
 tory if they said " yes ;" they could only 
 hope for victory if they said " no "—and 
 yet they said " no." It was a mere ques- 
 tion of volition. The question was 
 squarely put to them after they had been 
 led shuddering clear througli the Red sea 
 and stood dry on theoiher shore— stood, 
 too, in that marvelous blaze which 
 irradiates the nineteenth century as it 
 sinks into the twentieth— they were 
 plainly asked " Are you willing the bond 
 should be free V" and they said " no." 
 When is that generation coming, and 
 whence is it coming, that shall excuse or 
 forgive that impious refusal V 
 
 And when, in spite of Democratic re- 
 sistance the bond had been made free 
 and secured against a return to slavery 
 by an amendment to the Federal Consti- 
 tution, this same opposition was asked 
 once more, " May the freedmen become 
 citizens and be admitted to civilrights V" 
 And again the answer was " no." 
 
 And when, in spite of that resistance, 
 the freedmen had been made citizens the 
 Democracy was asked, "May these citi- 
 zens, though they be black, have the pro- 
 tection of the ballot which the law be- 
 nignly grants to all citizens, however 
 
 humble, of every other color ?" And 
 again the answer was " no." 
 
 And when the Kuklux, armed with 
 brand and bludgeon, hunted the new- 
 made citizen by night, hunted him 
 through swamps and pursued him to 
 death — when the local authorities stood 
 powerless in the presence of organized 
 murder and arson, and this opposition 
 was appealed to to lend the protection of 
 the national tribunals to the victims of 
 such incarnate hate, they still mockedat 
 such calamities and refused all relief. 
 
 It is often flippantly said that all these 
 crimes and horrors are past, and it is 
 absurd to attempt to maintain a politi- 
 cal party on the memory of them. Per- 
 haps so. But would it not be insane to 
 trust a political party that could so 
 readily forget them? It is not magnani- 
 mous, it is indeed hardly manly, to per- 
 secute men for sins of which they have 
 really repented. But that is not repen- 
 tance, itishyprocrisy, which professes to 
 repent of sins and does not forsake thera, 
 but embraces worse ones. Such is tiie 
 anomalous repentance displayed by the 
 Democratic party. It never ceases to 
 denounce the Republican party for what 
 it has done or is trying to do, but it 
 straightway thunders with fiercer de- 
 nunciations of what the party has not 
 done and is determined shall not be done. 
 The moment Democrats forgot to decry 
 Republican policies they begin to belie 
 Republican motives. For twenty years 
 they deemed it sufilciently opprobrious 
 to call Republicans "Radicals;" now 
 they claim to bo radicals themselves and 
 denounce Republicans as rascals. 
 
 DJEMOCUATIC PROMISES. 
 
 Since the early part of 1S72 tliey have 
 been diligently seeking to suborn i-enc- 
 gadeRepublicansto turn states' evidence 
 and to swear that all political virtue is 
 inthose discomfited forces which resisted 
 the progress of the last decade, and all 
 villainy isin the forces which marshaled 
 that progress. To such witnesses they 
 have lavishly offered honors, offices, 
 dignities, presidencies, everything wliich 
 could be miide the subject of a promise. 
 
ADDRESS OF THE TJOTON REPUBLICAN CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEE. 11 
 
 To answer to any name*, to profess 
 every creed ; to follow any flas? ; to sleep 
 in any bed ; to fraternize wiLii all fac- 
 tions; and to offer a salve for every sore — 
 such is the mission of the opposition 
 to-day. Never before in politics was a 
 lie enacted so transparent and so auda- 
 cious as that paraded by the Democratic 
 party in 1872, when they gravely intro- 
 duced Horace Greeley to the people as 
 their representative man. It is not pos- 
 sible such "signs and wonders" can 
 "deceive the elect." So far they Lave 
 failed to deceive even the electors. 
 
 If that party feels ifc to be unkind to 
 remind it of its past career, how must it 
 feel to be reminded of its present atti- 
 tude ? Once its members professed 
 distinct principles ; all that could be ob- 
 jected to them was that they professed 
 the worst principles extant. But bad as 
 they were, they were more becoming 
 than this utter abjuration of all princi- 
 ples. You may not like to employ, but 
 you do not wholly despise, the zealot 
 wlio consistently asserts that sarsapa- 
 rilla will cure every disease and so urges 
 it upon every patient; but who can re- 
 spect the charlatan who persistently 
 cries to the sick, "give me your money 
 and you may take what remedies you 
 please?" 
 
 "When in 1860 Democrats said, "Con- 
 tinue us in power and we will Heck the 
 Territories with slavery ;" when in 1864 
 they said, "restore us to power and we 
 will barter with rebels, giving freedom 
 for peace;" when in 1868 they said 
 again, " restore us to power and we will 
 abrogate three great amendments to the 
 Constitution, secure government to 
 white men, and return slavery to col- 
 ored men," it could only be replied tiuit 
 such invitations were very unattractive. 
 But when in 1S72 they cried, "restore 
 us to oflice once more and we Avill do 
 everything that anybody wants done," 
 the invitation was utterly repulsive. 
 And \vhe)i they supplemeiit this 
 brazen indifffrenco to principle by 
 a stolid iuiiifference to truth; when, 
 weary of opposing tlie measures of the 
 majority, they combine to assail their 
 characters ; when tliey abandon false 
 reasoning only to resort to false asser- 
 tion, they exhibit an opposition hard if 
 not impossible to parallel. 
 
 And yet that opposition, while it never 
 was so bad, was never so dangerous as 
 now. People cm better judge the mei'- 
 its of a measure than tlie merits of a 
 man. They can more readily detect a 
 fallacious arguruent than a i'alse state- 
 ment. Wlien the oppositiou denounced 
 
 Republicans as misguided statesmen, 
 the people could safely compare our 
 measures with theirs, aiid judge which 
 were best. But when they denounce 
 Republicans as thieves it is not so easy 
 to try the truth of the assertion. Besides 
 two circumstances give slight color to 
 thatallegation. Pirst. Republicans have 
 possession of the Government, and have 
 the best chance to peculate. Second. 
 It has been the especial labor of the 
 present Administration to detect and 
 punish peculation. Some cages have been 
 found. * 
 
 He was a great stateman, as well as a 
 great poet, who made Cassius say : 
 
 ''In such a time as this it is not meet 
 That tvery nice oflcuse should bea.r his com 
 luent. " 
 
 However specious that theory may 
 sound, many great rulers have been com- 
 pelled in turbulent times to practice 
 upon it. William III was an lionest 
 magistrate. He had a Avorld to fight, 
 and he was compelled to be very lenient 
 toward the treasons of Godolphiu and 
 Marlborough. He was slow to punish 
 the embezziements of Torrington, and 
 iie never did punish the manifold rascal- 
 ities of Orford. During the struggle 
 and excitement which attended the re- 
 bellion some bad men found their way 
 into public employments. Mr. Lincoln's 
 adrauiistration was too much occupied 
 with graver matters to keep strict watch 
 of every individual offender. The ad- 
 ministration which succeeded was quite 
 as unprepared for that duty. Congress 
 was then much absorbed in the great 
 work of reconstruction, and the Presi- 
 dent was not happily fitted to criticise 
 ollicial misconduct. But the present 
 Administration has no exemption from 
 that work. If it is not attended to now, 
 the Administration, and not the times, 
 must be held responsible. But it is at- 
 tended to. It is prosecuted with that 
 inllexible energv wliich lias character- 
 ized every labor led by President Grant. 
 Some offenses have been exposed. And 
 every time a rogue has been punished 
 the opposition has shouted: "See how 
 corrupt Republicans are!" It Is as if, 
 whenever a surgeon removes a tumor 
 from his patient the mob should shout: 
 "How very rotten the doctor must be!" 
 So, this unfiinching reform is prosecuted 
 at the risk of this twofold peril: First. 
 Every time we remove a rascal we lend 
 plausibility to Democratic calumny. 
 Second. Every time we i)unish one we 
 make a Democrat. For a few vears that 
 party has been recruited, not onlv by 
 those knaves we have dismissed irom 
 
12 ADDRESS OF THE UNION REPUBLICAN CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEE. 
 
 office, but by a still larger number who 
 have beeu unable to gtt oilice. It is not 
 impossible that by cbis process they may 
 in time recover a majority. Good men 
 can not, without uneasiness, contem- 
 plate the possibility of the country once 
 more falling into the control of that 
 party, when, in addition to the devils 
 wiiich always paralyzed it for any noble 
 elfort, it shall have been re- enforced by 
 lUl the unclean spirits expelled from the 
 Republican party. 
 
 INTERNAL REFORM. 
 
 ' The success which has attended the 
 effort of this Administration to effect 
 internal reformas forcibly indicated, but 
 only partially measured, by these facts: 
 
 First. In thirteen years it has not once 
 been forced to resort to loans except by 
 the exigencies of war. Our rivals in 
 popular favor, as has been seen, repeat- 
 edly resorted to loans in time of peace. 
 
 Second. In six years taxes have beeu 
 remitted at various times amounting to 
 more than three hundred millions an- 
 nually. 
 
 Third. The principal of the public 
 debt has been reduced in the same time 
 by the sum of three hundred and fifty- 
 five million dollars. 
 
 Fourth. The Treasury note has been 
 appreciated from 76 2-10 per cent., its 
 gold value in March, 1869, to 89 2-10 per 
 cent., its gold value in March last. 
 
 Fifth. In spite of the financial disas- 
 ters which overtook the country in Sep- 
 tember, 1873, the public debt was dimin- 
 ished nearly five millions during the 
 fiscal year just ended. 
 
 Sixth. The cost of the Government, 
 excluding expenditures for improve- 
 ,ments and disbursements made neces- 
 sary to meet obligations imposed on us 
 by the rebellion, was less per capita dur- 
 ing the last fiscal year than during the 
 year ending June 30, 1860. 
 
 Bad men, doubtless, are still left in 
 the Republican party, as bad men are 
 in the Democratic party. So good men 
 are in both parties. The difference is 
 this : In spite of the bad men in the 
 former, it has in thirteen years raised 
 the country higher in true national 
 greatness than any country was ever 
 raised before in the same length of time; 
 while, because of bad men in the other 
 party, the country constantly declined in 
 character and dignity while it had con- 
 trol. A partf better than eithei", loftier 
 in its aspirations, wiser in its methods, 
 bolder in its endeavors, is unquestion- 
 ably desirable. Such a party might be 
 attained, if the wise, the viprigiit, and the 
 patriotic in the Democratic ranks would 
 
 unite themselves with the like in the 
 Republican organization. But it is im- 
 possible to frame sucii a party by re-en- 
 forcing the effete Democracy, which has 
 not achieved a single noble end, nor set 
 before the country a single noble aim in 
 forty years, with all the reckless adven- 
 turers and hungry place-hunters who in 
 former years flocked to the Republican 
 party, not to aid its enterprises, but to 
 batten on its strength. 
 
 ELECT REPUBLICANS. 
 
 You are about to select Representa- 
 tives to a new Congress. We earnestly 
 entreat you to send the truest and ablest 
 Republican you have. But we entreat 
 you to send Republicans and not Demo- 
 crats. You will send one or the other. 
 Xo matter what the individual may call 
 himself, or what disguise he may wear, 
 he will be a Republican or a Democrat. 
 There is at present no room for any 
 other style in our politics. If you do 
 not mean to retrace the past you will 
 select Republicans and not Democrats. 
 If you mean to go forward in the future, 
 you will select Republicans and not 
 Democrats. 
 
 OUR MISSION NOT ENDED. 
 
 It is sometimes said the mission of 
 the Republican party is accomplished. 
 If by that no more is meant than that 
 the party has discharged every trust 
 heretofore committed to it, we admit it. 
 It has been thought when one was found 
 faithful over a few things that was a 
 good reason for trusting him with more 
 things. Can you do better than be in- 
 structed by such an example ? Espe- 
 cially since you must employ either the 
 party Avhich you say has fultilled every 
 trust, or employ that only other party 
 which has betrayed every trust. 
 
 The occasion for political effort "lias 
 not passed. American progress is not 
 ended. Other labors lie before you, 
 lighter perhaps, but not light. 
 
 First. You have to see that what is 
 done shall not be undone. Republican- 
 ism offers you the best security against 
 retrogression. 
 
 Second. You have to see that the 
 work of reform goes forward. Three 
 great labors demand your pi-esent con- 
 sideration. 
 
 The fourteenth amendment to the 
 Constitution is not yet enforced by "ap- 
 ])ropriate legislation." Millions of 
 American citizens are denied even the 
 common law rights of locomotion be- 
 cause they ai-e black. If such wrongs are 
 to be redressed, the Republican party 
 alone can do it. 
 
JlODRESS op THB union RBPUBLICAN CONaRESSIONAL COMMITTKB. 13 
 
 THB CURRENCY. 
 
 The currency is in an abnormal condi- 
 tion, and must lie reforined. It is un- 
 doubtedly true that the Eepublican party 
 is not agreed how to effect that reform. 
 Neither is the Democratic party. Neither 
 party, as such, yet sees clearly the right 
 way. But there are reasons for be- 
 lieving thattlie Republican party rather 
 than its rival can best treat this great 
 question of the hnances : 
 
 1. As the former has, hitherto, found 
 the true way through graver difficulties, 
 so we believe it is more apt to find the 
 true way through this. 
 
 2. You already have abundant assur- 
 ance that when Republicans discover 
 the true way they will pursue it. That 
 assurance has not as yet been given by 
 the other party. 
 
 3. The Republican party in the future, 
 as in the past, will see to it that the na- 
 tional credit suffers no detriment and 
 that the national honor is preserved. 
 
 INTERNAL COMMERCE. 
 
 Our internal commerce demands addi- 
 tional and less expensive facilities. The 
 volume of that commerce has grown in 
 these lusty times to enormous propor- 
 tions. 
 
 Great as has been the increase of 
 transportation facilities since the ad- 
 vent of the Republican party, they have 
 not kept pace with the demand for them. 
 'Not only do immense bulks seek move- 
 ment, but they require to be moved over 
 vast distances. The surplus products of 
 those almost unlimited basins — that be- 
 tween the Alleghany and Rocky Moun- 
 tains and that between the latter range 
 and the Sierra l!^evadas — require to be 
 dipped out into the ocean on either side. 
 Prod action is not only so vast in amount, 
 but it is so unequally distributed I 
 
 Of the spring wheat grown in the 
 United States, Wisconsin and Iowa raise 
 nearly one-half. Of the winter wheat, 
 Indiana awd Ohio produce nearly one- 
 third. Of the corn raised, Illinois alone 
 grows one-sixth. Of the tobacco, Ken- 
 tucky raises nearly one-half. Nine 
 States raise nearly all the cotton con- 
 sumed in this country, and much of that 
 consumed in Europe. 
 
 The cotton fabrics manufactured in 
 the United States in 1870 were valued at 
 one hundred and fifty-seven millions. 
 Of those fifty-nine millions were manu- 
 factured in Massachusetts. Of course 
 the distribution of these and the great 
 variety of other commodities necessi- 
 tates a vast amount of transportatios. 
 Eleven States occupying the Mississippi 
 
 valley send to market annually a surplus 
 of its cereal products equal to 800,000,000 
 bushels. 
 
 To cheapen the carriage of .that single 
 commodity by the amount of only ten 
 cents per bushel is a saving of thirty 
 millions to the people. 
 
 Various expedients have been sug- 
 gested for lessening the cost of trans- 
 portation. In some of the States it has 
 been proposed to place railway fares and 
 freights under the control of the State. 
 The objections to that expedient are so 
 serious that it should not be embraced, 
 if a better one can be found. This coun- 
 try is so new, so raw, and so undevel- 
 oped, the demands for ^capital are so 
 many and so urgent, that any policy 
 which would tend to drive capital from 
 us should be avoided if possible. The 
 State is but the aggregate of the people 
 in the State. 
 
 The people are the purchasers of trans- 
 portation. 
 
 The railway companies have trans- 
 portation to sell. 
 
 The law also holds railroad companies 
 to be common carriers, and so bound to 
 carry for all when the price is paid. It 
 is now a mooted question whether that 
 price shall be named by the companies 
 or by the people— the sellers or the pur- 
 chasers of the article. Which of these 
 two parties is legally authorized to fix 
 that price is probably determined by the 
 laws under which the several companies 
 are organized; but which of them can in 
 fact fix it is a different question. 
 
 It is manifest that if the company be 
 allowed to fix the price they may de- 
 mand too much. Venders of all com- 
 modities are very apt to want all they 
 can get. On the contrary, if the people 
 or their agents fix the price they may set 
 It too low. Purchasers are very apt to 
 want commodities as cheap as they can 
 be had. It is not probable that either 
 party to the transaction would alwiiys 
 hit upon the exact equivalent. The con- 
 sequences of a mistake would probably 
 be found most injurious, if made by the 
 people. If the company makes the mis- 
 take, and charges too much, no one is 
 obliged to employ it. The producer does 
 liis.owu carrying before the railway is 
 built. He lias the perfect right to do so 
 after it is built. So, every company is 
 compelled by the laws of trade, even if 
 municipal law is silent, to carry products 
 cheaper than the producer can c.arry 
 them, or he will not have them to carry. 
 The company must also carry tliem at a 
 profit to the producer, else the product 
 will cease. The farmers of Iowa will 
 
14 ADDRESS OF THE UNION REPUBLICAN CONaKESSIONAL COMMITTED. 
 
 send no wheat to Chicago, unless the 
 roads will transport it at prices which 
 will yield a prolit to the producer. 
 
 The carrier must earn money for the 
 producer as well as for himself, else he 
 will soon have nothing to carry. It is 
 as absurd for tiie railways to demand 
 more for transportation than the pro- 
 ducer can afford to pay as it was for the 
 man in the fable to endeavor to get two 
 golden eggs each day from his hen — the 
 attempt to do so was death to the hen. 
 
 Under favorable conditions, indeed, 
 the carrier may demand and receive 
 more than a fair share of the prolits of 
 production. U'here such is the case, 
 wlien the State linds the producer makes 
 but ten per cent., while the cauier 
 makes fifteen or twenty per cent., it is 
 very easy and perfectly legitimate for it 
 to say to the company : "■ The work you 
 do can be done for less money ; we will 
 pay you for your road what it will cost 
 to build such another, or you may keep 
 your road and we will build anotlier." 
 So the people are not helpless against 
 exorbitant charges. 
 
 On the contrary, if the people set the 
 price, and set it too low, thocousequences 
 may be graver. The company has no op- 
 tion. It must accept the price named 
 or not run. If the rates named will af- 
 ford a slight return on the capital, ex- 
 isting companies may continue to run, 
 but no more capital will encounter like 
 risks. If the rates will yield no return, 
 the road can not be run. Company and 
 community, in that case, are alike ruined. 
 Tliis expedient seems to be too hazardous 
 to adojit, if a better can be found. 
 
 Another expedient is to build a double 
 track railway between the ISIississippi 
 and the Atlantic o\^er which any party 
 may run trains, and all trains to run witli 
 the sauie rate of speed. This is worthy 
 of careful consideration. 
 
 A third expedient, and the most im- 
 portant of all, is that proposed by tiie 
 Se^ate Committee on "Transportation 
 Routes to the Seaboard." That proposes 
 to open or enlarge several different 
 water channels between the Mississippi 
 and the Atlantic. We invite your ear- 
 nest and careful consideration of that 
 proposal. It is asserted tliat by an ex- 
 penditure of twenty millions per year 
 for six or seven years new channels may 
 be opened which will lessen the cost ut 
 transportnig the grain product of the 
 ]\Tississiii|)i valley alone in the sum of 
 $42,000,000 annually. The figures are 
 startling, but are far from improbable. 
 The expenditure proposed seems large. 
 but compared with the resources of the 
 
 people it is trifling. The wealth of tht 
 nation is not less than thirty thousand 
 millions, fie who has an estate of thiitj 
 thousand dollars can not be distressed bj 
 paying twenty dollars a year for six years. 
 Besides, a nation which has spent three 
 thousand millions of treasure aud an 
 ocean of life for peace will not hesitate 
 to spend a hundred and twenty millioE 
 dollars for prosperity. 
 
 The practicability of relief through 
 governmental action is being ascertained 
 by an able commission constituted by a 
 recent act of Congress. 
 
 J3ut whatever may or may not be ex- 
 pedient to be done, this much seems cer- 
 tain : If the National Governmi'iit is tc 
 do anything whatever to cheapen trans- 
 portation, only the Republican party can 
 be relied upon to do it. The Democratic 
 party has forsworn all such labors. 
 Long ago they determined the Constitu- 
 tion would not permit the Governmejit 
 to remove an obstruction from a liarboi 
 or a river. It is vain to suppose they 
 will hud now authority to build canals 
 or construct railways. But wo are not 
 left in doubt as to their present disposi- 
 tions. Two votes given during the past 
 session, one in the Senate OJi Mr. 
 Windom's amendment to the river 
 and harbor bill, and one in the House on 
 Mr. McCrary's railway bill, will i)rove, be- 
 yond all doubt, that theDemocracts, like 
 the Bourbons, have learned nothing good, 
 even if they have forgot anything bad. 
 
 Upon all these considerations, for all 
 these reasons, we think you should send 
 Republicans and not Democrats to the 
 next Congress. If you cherish tiie deeds 
 of the recent past, and w^ould not see 
 them undone ; if you respect the pres- 
 ent, and would not disgrace it ; or if you 
 have hoi)e of the future, and would" re- 
 alize that hope, we urge you to send lie- 
 publicans, and nut Democrats to the 
 next Congress. 
 
 John Cobttrtvt, 
 n. p. ch1fma.n, 
 II. K. Havens, 
 
 S. B. CONOVKIS, 
 
 J. W. Flanahah, 
 Jam 153 Wii.aoN, 
 G. W. IIazlkton, 
 
 >•. V, HlHdHTON, 
 J. .11. l.OKF.AND, 
 II. 15. "TUAIT, 
 J. II. MncUELL, 
 
 S. A. (Jiiiin, 
 
 A. 1. IJonKMAN, 
 
 W'm. M. stmwakt, 
 
 JOHK A. LOOAN, 
 
 '/j. Chandlkr, 
 A. U. CKAiaicpf, 
 ECOENH JIai.k, 
 Wk'>. W. H UN due, 
 
 IIkkkV Li. I'lBKOU, 
 
 J. 51. Pkndlhi on, 
 
 II. II. STAIlKWttATHKR, 
 ThO.S. C. I'LATT, 
 
 MARCU8 L. Ward, 
 
 SI.MON CAMKI'.ON, 
 
 AVm. J. Alijkut, 
 John F. Lkwib, 
 C. J->. Conn, 
 
 UlCIIAUD II. WniTELKT, P. ^V. UlTCHOOCK,' 
 
 Guo. E. Si'KNCiitt, Powell Ci. A VTON, 
 
 Geo. C. MclvJiK, S. U. (Jhaffki:, 
 
 J. U. We.st, li. C. iMcCoHMiox, 
 
 Jl. S. IJUNUY, b. n. Kl.KiK3, 
 
 J. M. Tuc»ii>Rnr.«, 
 
 Union Repiihlicnn 
 
 Congretisional CommiUe4, 
 
REDUCTION OP THE PUBLIC DEBT, ETC. 
 
 15 
 
 Amount of Eeduction of the Public 
 Debt During the Fivo Years and 
 Four Months from March 1, 1869, 
 to July'l, 1874. 
 
 Decrease Irom March 1, 1869, to July 1, 
 1873 $377,644,046 44 
 
 Decrease from July 1, 1873, 
 to July 1, 1874 4,730,472 41 
 
 Total 382,375,018 So 
 
 From the above flgures it will be seen 
 that notwithstanding the general pros- 
 tration of business during the past fiscal 
 year, and the fact tliat no new taxes 
 have been assessed, the public debt has 
 been reduced nearly five million dollars. 
 Integrity of administration and the 
 practice of strict econoray alone enabled 
 the Government to make so favorable a 
 showing. 
 
 a m 
 
 Public Credit— Borrc-wing Power of 
 the Gorerament. 
 The following is the realized rate of 
 interest on Government stocks : 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 First four months of 18G1, just prior 
 to the brerikiiig out of the rebel- 
 lion, 5 ])or cent, stocks 8.14 
 
 March, 18GS, comraeuc(!inenfe of 
 third year of Johnson's Adminis- 
 tration, 10-40S, 5 per cent 7.15 
 
 Marcli, 18G9, 10-4U3, 6 per cent 6.43 
 
 July 1, 1S73, 10-40d, 5 per cent 5.03 
 
 Comparative Expenditures. 
 
 Total expenditures for tlie year ended 
 Juno3U, 1873 $292,177,188 25 
 
 Deduct for expenses grow- 
 ing out of the war, such 
 as pensions, interest, 
 claims, collection of in- 
 ternal revenue, addition- 
 al cost of army and 
 navy payments, for il- 
 legal captures, suppres- 
 sion of Kukiux and 
 Other disturbances, &c.. 214.642,051 03 
 
 Total net currency ex- 
 penditure for ordinary 
 purposes, 1871 ^ 77,535,107 22 
 
 Reduced to a gold basis, the averajje 
 price of gold liaving been 112.3, gives 
 expenditure on gold and i>eace ba- 
 sis $69,042,838 13 
 
 Expenditures under Bu- 
 chanan, on a gold and 
 pea-oa basis, ISao 61,402,403 64 
 
 Per capita under Buchan- 
 an, 1860 
 
 Per capita under Grant, 
 1871 
 
 1 98 
 
 1 77 
 
 TaUe Showing Expenditures per Co-pHa 
 from the Year 1800 to 1871, Inclusive. 
 
 Tear. 
 
 1800..., 
 1810..., 
 1S3).... 
 1«0..., 
 1840.... 
 IH-'vl.... 
 1800.... 
 
 i8(;o.... 
 
 1870.... 
 1871.... 
 
 Population. 
 
 5,30.'5,W5 
 
 7,-:.s:) 811 
 
 n,r,:!8, i;u 
 
 12, 8()i;,0J0 
 
 17, cc.) 4:>;? 
 
 i23, !".il.87(> 
 31,4J3,;;-21 
 
 3i,-ii;i,3a 
 
 38, ,5.V), 9.-3 i 
 38,011, 010 j 
 
 Expendi- 
 tures. 
 
 110,813,071 01 
 8 474,7.=>3 37 
 18,-J8v5;i4 *) 
 l.i.llJ, 108 20 
 24, 31 4,. -1 18 19 
 40,1148,383 12 
 03, OJ,"). 788 98 
 
 *G1, 402, 408 G4 
 
 too, 042, 833 18 
 
 2.038 
 1.171 
 
 1.187 
 1.1 7G 
 1. 424 
 
 1.7G6 
 
 2.004 
 
 1.9.y2 
 
 1.80 
 
 1.77 
 
 *l)i.'3biir.'<enieiits after rleducting Items not 
 in reality for current c.xpemliiures. 
 
 tExpemlUures after (leiluctiug disbnrse- 
 moiit.s hicideiit to the war, and not properly 
 cliaryeable to current corjl of Admiiiistralioii. 
 
 Reduction of Taxation. 
 
 The following exhibits the estimated 
 reduction of annual internal taxation 
 and customs duties under the laws men- 
 tioned : 
 
 Act of July 13, 1866 $65,000,000 00 
 
 Act of iSlarch 2, 1867 40,000,000 00 
 
 Act of February 3, 1868 .. 23,000,000 00 
 Acts of March 1 and Jtily 
 
 20, 1808 45,000,000 00 
 
 Act of July 14, 1870 78,848,827 33 
 
 Acts of May 1 and June 6, 
 
 1872 51,823,761 38 
 
 Net total reduction of an- 
 nual taxation from July 
 13, 1866, to June 6, 1872.. 303,072,583 71 
 That this vast reduction of taxation 
 should be accomplished within six years, 
 immediately following the close of the 
 war for the preservation of the Union, 
 and that, during the same period, the 
 national debt should also be reduced and 
 refunded to tlie extent of saving, annu- 
 ally, $20,000,000 of interest, certainly 
 evinces botit good statesmanship and 
 careful economy. 
 
 mm I 
 
 Collection of Internal Rovenuo, 
 The number of jjcrsons employed in 
 the collection of internal revenue in 
 1866 was 8,599 ; number employed for the 
 same purpose in 1873,3,533 — a reduction 
 of 5,066. 
 
16 
 
 TABLB OF COMPARATIVE APPROPRIATIONS, ETC. 
 
 TABLE OF 
 
 COMPAR, 
 FISCAL 
 
 VE APPROPRIATIONS FOR THE 
 ilARS 1874 AND 1875. 
 
 Title of appropriation bills. 
 
 Navy 
 
 Army 
 
 Fortification 
 
 Legi--latlve, executive, and jiidicial. 
 
 Intlian 
 
 Military Academy 
 
 Deflciencies 
 
 Post Office. 
 
 Consular and diplomatic 
 
 Peui^iou 
 
 Sundrj' civil 
 
 Kiver and liarbor 
 
 Total. 
 
 l''or fiscal year 
 ending Jniio 
 30, 1874. 
 
 For fiscal year 
 ending June 
 30, 1875. 
 
 $16, 
 
 '^7, 
 
 20, 
 5, 
 
 4, 
 5, 
 3, 
 29, 
 26. 
 6, 
 
 818, 
 788, 
 904, 
 C13, 
 656, 
 339, 
 083, 
 497, 
 405, 
 980, 
 895, 
 218, 
 
 946 20 
 500 00 
 1)00 00 
 8S0 SO 
 171 00 
 835 00 
 914 26 
 842 00 
 404 00 
 000 00 
 545 25 
 000 00 
 
 Increase. 
 
 $1U,752 10 
 
 101,240 00 
 *2; 114, 045 00 
 
 I>e«re«M. 
 
 $5,457,81145 
 
 4,007,508 81 
 
 995, 000 OO 
 
 8,139,753 06 
 
 4, 482 (58 
 8,894,504 34 
 
 500, 000 00 
 
 5, 290, 0.S,3 84 
 
 884,900 00 
 
 26,863,006 96 
 
 Expenditures for 1874.— The final tabular statements of the total expeudittires for the fiscal 
 year ending JutieSO, 1874, have not been completed, but approximate estimates show that 
 there is no substantial difference between the items Of expenditures ol' the last two fiscal years, 
 except as to interest and refund of duties. 
 
 * The increase of two million is caused by the award of the mixed eommlsslon under the 
 Treaty of Washington to British claimants for war damages. 
 
 General Results Attained. 
 
 1. The debt imposed by Democratic 
 treason reduced $382,375,018 85 iu five 
 years and four montlis. 
 
 2. The financial power and credit of 
 the Government advanced more than 
 thirly-three per cent. 
 
 3. The ptr capita expenditures for Gov- 
 ernment service, upon a gold and peace 
 basis, reduced below the cost of any 
 Democratic administration within the 
 last tliirty years. 
 
 4. The expenditures for governmental 
 purposes, except those chargeable to the 
 rebellion and to permanent and produc- 
 tive improvements, have been steadily 
 reduced. 
 
 5. Tne mechanical, professional, com- 
 mercial, and agricultural interests of the 
 people favorably progressing, and our 
 citizens better clad, subsisted, and paid 
 than those of any other country. 
 
 d. Laws repealed which provided for 
 
 the annual levy and collection of more 
 than $300,000,000 of taxes; the products 
 of industry and the necessaries of life 
 relieved from further imposition. The 
 remaining charges for suppressing the 
 Democratic rebellion to be defrayed by 
 imposts and taxes on luxuries mainly. 
 
 7. Measures have been instituted by 
 which the facilities for intcr-State com* 
 merce are to be increased to the advant- 
 age of the products of industry. 
 
 8. The reduction of $382,000,000 in the 
 principal of the public debt will save to 
 the people annually $20,000,000 in the 
 outlay for interest. 
 
 9. The better protection of immigrants, 
 in their transit across the ocean and af- 
 ter their arrival in the country, has been 
 provided for by appropriate legislation. 
 
 NoTB.— This document can be obtained of 
 the Union Republican Congressional Commit- 
 tee at one loUar per hundred, postage paid by 
 the Committee. 
 
 LIBRfiRY OF CONGRESS 
 
 013 789 519 5 4 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
 013 789 519 5 •