DISCOURSE BE FORK THK SOCIETY OP THE SONS OF NEW ENGLAND OK THK CITY AND COUNTY OF PHILADELPHIA, ON THK HISTORY OF THE EARLY SETTLEMENT OK THEIR COUNTRY; BEING THEIR FIRST ANNIVERSARY. Delivered December 21, 1844, BY THEIR PRESIDENT, SAMUEL BRECK. v««/N##9^^^^A'V'~ A-'6 PHILADELPHIA: JOriN C. CLAHK. PRTNTER, GO DOCK STREET. 1845. t>y ^ / ■^7^'^^c?«%^ BEFORE THE SOCIETY OP THE SONS OF NEW ENGLAND OF THE CITY AND COUNTY OF PHILADELPHIA, ON THE HISTORY OF THE EARLY SETTLEMENT OF THEIR COUNTRY ; BEING THEIR FIRST ANNIVERSARY. Delivered December 21, 1844, BY THEIR PEESIDENT, SAMUEL BRECK. 3 ^'/7^ ^©^^^ PHILADELPHIA: JOHN C. CLARK, TKINTER, GO DOCK STREET. 1845. « ■>■ '\ ^\ ^ r (.^ (3>M CORRESPONDENCE. Philadelphia, Dec. 21, 1844. To THE Honourable Samuel Breck: Dear Sir, — At a meeting of the Executive Committee of the Society of the Sons of New England, Samuel H. Perkins, Esq. in the Chair, on motion of Mr. Chandler, it was " Resolved, That the thanks of thi» Society be presented to the Hon. Samuel Breck, for the eloquent Oration delivered this evening, on the occasion of our first anniversary; and that he be requested to furnish a copy thereof for publication." The undersigned have the honour to be a Committee of the Society to convey to you the above resolution and request ; and they trust that you will comply with the latter, that the pleasure enjoyed by your auditors, may be multiplied among many readers. Very respectfully, your ob't. serv'ts. JOSEPH R. CHANDLER, JNO. T. S. SULLIVAN. Mulberry Street, Dec. 31, 1844. Joseph R. Chandler, ) Jno. T. S. Sullivan, ) " Gentlemen, — I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 21st current, enclosing a resolution of the Executive Committee of the Society of the Sons of New England, requesting for publication a copy of the Oration delivered by me, on the even- ing of that day. I am bound to the Committee and to you, Gentlemen, by strong ties of gratitude, for this flattering compliment, conveyed in terras so kind and courteous. Aware of the fugitive character of periodical Orations, so often, like my own, unworthy of the expense of printing; and knowing that the funds of the Society are pledged to charitable purposes, I yield reluctantly to your request ; reserving to myself the supervision of the printing, and assuming the payment of the cost. The Committee will be thus relieved from trouble, and the Society be furnished with as many copies as it may want, without infringing upon its funds. Presuming that this arrangement will be acceptable to the Com- mittee, I shall prepare the manuscript for the press immediately. With cordial regard and respect, I am your friend and servant, SAMUEL BRECK. INTRODUCTORY NOTICE. Historical Orations, such as the one now offered to the pub- lic, under the auspices of the Society of the Sons of New England in the City and County of Philadelphia, can be nothing other than a condensation of annals long since known to the public. In the present case, my information of the first settlement of New Eng- land is derived from the numerous histories, contemporaneous and subsequent, with which that event is so richly supplied. And in fol- lowing them, while composing a work so ephemeral as this, I have often used, I think, the thoughts and words of the author, without stopping to note the authority. It is sufficient for me to state gene- rally, that I have consulted " Young's Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers," " Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts," " Thatcher's Plymouth," " Cotton Mather's various works," " Knowles' Life of Roger Williams," " History of Connecticut by a Gentleman of the Province, London Edition, 1781," " Hazard's State Papers," and some other writers. All the information I could compress into a few pages, for an hour's reading, is blended and narrated in my own way, without special acknowledgment to any one. Perhaps I have dwelt too long on the bitter and obstinate spirit of intolerance, which exercised so powerful an influence over the minds and hearts of our venerated ancestors. It led to conduct, harsh, I grant, yet susceptible of vindication. And it gradually wore away with our colonial dependence; and vanished entirely, when, by our independence, we had free commercial communication with foreign nations. The last celebration of the failure of the gunpowder plot, took place on the 5th of November, 1775, at Taunton in Massachu- setts. I was an eye witness, and have the most vivid and exact re- collection of the exhibition and procession. The Pope, in effigy, was seated in a car, with a representation of tlie devil at his feet. All til is was in token of the hatred borne by the people, even at that late day, to the Roman persuasion. A similar display had been a long established custom in Boston, of annual recurrence. Yet, so sudden was the change, after a few years' intercourse with the French army and navy, that a private mass was celebrated in Boston, in 1788 ; and another in the most public manner the year following. As I had a personal knowledge of both cases, and think them suffi- ciently curious as historical events, to be related a little more in detail, I will state the facts here. On the 19th October, 1788, I received a note from the French Abbe de la Potiere, the original of which is now before me, and from which I make the following translation :* " I called in to say good-day, and to have the honour of inviting you to my first mass at Boston, which I mean to celebrate this morning at eleven o'clock, at the residence of Mr. Baury, late Captain in the French service, and whose house is at New Boston, near the dwelling of Mr. Price. I endeavoured to see you last Friday, but you were not at home. " Should the novelty, I will not say the devotion, of your mother and sisters, create an interest in favour of this ceremony, they will be received by Mr. and Mrs. Baury, and me, with great pleasure and satisfaction. There will be a number of people present. Be pleased to make my respects and my invitation acceptable to the ladies." That was, perhaps, the first mass ever tolerated in New England ; but it was comparatively secret. Whereas, on the following year, a celebration took place in the very heart of the town, and in the * Je passe un instant pour vous donner bien le bon jour, et avoir I'honneur de vous inviter ci ma premiere messe k Boston, que je vais celobrer ce matin a onze heures, dans la maison de M. Baury, ancien Capitaine au service de France, qui demeure New Boston, pr6s de chez M. Price. J'avois dejA clierchc ii vous voir Vendrcdi dernier, mais vous ctiez absent. Si la nouveautc, car je ne dirai pas la devotion, de Madame votrc m6rc ct de Mesdclles. vos sccurs, Ics intcresse en faveur de cette cerc'-monic, M. and Mde. Baury, et moi les y verront avcc beaucoup de plaisir et de satisfaction. II y k plusicurs personnes qui s'y rendront. Veuillez, s'il vous plait, lour fairo agreer tout de suite, mes respects, mon bon jour et mon invitation, ce 19 Octobre, 1788. L'ABBE DE LA POTIERE. A Monsieur Breck. most public manner, as thus: I spent four years of my school days, at a college in France, under the administration of Benedictine monks; my connexion with them led me when at Paris, in 1787, on my return home, to pay a visit to the Superior of the Clerical Seminary of Saint Sulpice, in that city. I found there a New En- glandman, by the name of Thayer, who had been a Protestant clergyman, but who had changed to Romanism, and was then a sub-deacon, preparing for missionary labours, in his native land. The Superior, a kind and zealous priest, gave me his blessing when I took leave, and solicited my friendship for the Abbe Thayer, in case he should visit Boston. Soon after my arrival at that town, (for it had not reached city honours then,) the Abbe sent to my care several parcels of books, and in 1789, came himself. The period was a fortunate one for him, as he found the place crowded with well-educated French- men, driven there by the disturbances in St. Domingo. The Abbe, assisted by these strangers, took possession of a brick building in School street. It had been built in 1716, by the refugee Huguenots of France, and was then unoccupied and in ruins. They raised money enough to partition off a sacristy, or vestry room, repair the pulpit, erect an altar, and buy a dozen or two of benches, and with borrowed plate, opened the doors for the public celebration of mass. Not the smallest opposition took place ; neither was there a hostile remark from the press. Puritan jealousy and intolerance had wholly disappeared. Not a vestige of persecution remained; and thus was the Roman Catholic worship established in the broadest daylight, where a few years before the attempt would have jeoparded the lives of any who should have dared to undertake it. Thayer was succeeded by Mr. Marlingnon, and he by the celebrated Cheverus, subsequently Archbishop of Bourdeaux; and that mass was the initiation of Romanism into Bos- ton, and into New England. DISCOURSE, &c. &c. My dear Countrymen, and Gentlemen of the Society of the Sons of New England. We are assembled to review some of the events of our early history; to manifest a reverential duty to the memory of our pilgrim fathers; to consider, (as their descendants) a brief rep- resentation of the great measure of good, in religion, in mo- rals, in civil policy, in education, which they established in the land they bequeathed to us. What I am about to say, can be nothing more than an oft- told tale to this intelligent company; yet it may be pleasing, from time to time, to call to remembrance, the perils encoun- tered by the first settlers of New England; to bring them before us in imagination; to seem, with the mind's eye, to contemplate the intrepid leaders, Bradford, Winslow, Win- throp, and their brave companions; to renew our love for them; to thank them for converting the forest into pleasant fields; for giving scope to those beams of truth, which irradi- ated the wilderness they subdued; and for fixing just and equal laws, as the basis on which to raise up a people then unborn. In the progress of our narrative, we shall find much good matter, mixed up with some evil. The evil we may touch with indulgence, and let the good go in extenuation. It is oi human beings and human affairs, we are about to dis- course, and we may not in them expect to have every hour unclouded. A due proportion of shade, even if there be some deep shadows, give relief as well as truth to a picture. The labour of the parent stock, in acquiring and preparing the land of our home, for their remote offspring, their chil- dren's children, has left its fair fruit to be reaped by us. And may we not discern now, in the sons and daughters of New B 10 England, the good effects of that legacy? Do we not see, in the living progeny, cither for honour, prudence and enterprise in husiness; in shrewd and well directed industry; in the long list of their statesmen, philosophers, poets, liistorians and orators, an aggregate of high and useful qualifications, which constitute them a people, to whom is conceded with one voice, and a loud voice! the right to stand in distinguished promi- nence, as a component part of this great nation! For the history of the first pilgrim movements of the parent stock of this flourishing race, we must go back two hundred and forty years to the reign of James the First, which was a period of religious excitement, and during which an ecclesiastical tribunal was erected, for the pur- pose of coercing into obedience to the church of England, the multitude who were daily seceding therefrom. That tribunal made a fierce war upon individuals holding dis- senting opinions. It undertook to punish those who absented themselves from the established church on Sunday; to com- pel them to adopt the common prayer book; to subscribe to the 39 articles of religion, as ordained by the Anglican church; and to make them conform to all its rites and ceremonies. It sought out, with vexatious vigilance, those ministers, whom the dissenters called by the endearing name of "godly and zealous preachers." It was the great aim of James to silence them; and against them he issued fulminating proclamations; declaring in imperious terms, that he would have but one doc- trine, one discipline, one religion in substance and ceremony. " I design," said he, " to make the Puritans of this realm, con- form, or I will harass them and drive them out of the land, or perhaps do worse, for if tlicy will not be quiet, and show their obedience, I tell them that they deserve to be hanged. It is a sect that is not to be suffered in any well governed common- wealth. I had rather live like a hermit in the forest, than be king over such a people." He cautioned his son, Charles, to take heed of them: " for they are," he said, " the veriest pests amongst us; and, I protest, before the great God, ye shall never find, in any highland or border thieves, greater ingrali- 11 tude and more lies and vile perjury, than with these fanatic spirits." The enraged monarch, in order to suit the action to the word, caused 300 doubting presbyters to be ejected, silenced, suspended, imprisoned, or driven into exile. A general alarm followed, and occasioned the formation of dissenting congrega- tions, in Nottinghamshire, Lincolnshire, and Yorkshire. From that section of country came the Plymouth pilgrims. At their head was the Reverend John Robinson; a clergyman of learning, firmness and polished manners. Under his spiritual guidance, a number of dissenting families determined to leave England. They took secret measures to pass over to Hol- land, where was freedom of religion for all men. So broad, indeed, was toleration in the Low Countries, that the high church party in England, called Amsterdam, " a cage for un- clean birds, where all strange religionists flocked together." The Dutch were apostrophized by them, in the slang of those days, as " a hodge-podge, mingle-mangle people, whose tolera- tion brought about irreligion, and the destruction of the church of Christ." To enjoy the freedom of that country, was the wish of the separatists, under Mr. Robinson. After converting their little property into money, they bade an afflictive adieu to their humble homes, and escaped through dangers and difficulties, resembling the fictions of romance, the vigilance of the go- vernment, which, with strange inconsistency, now sought to frustrate the departure of those, whom a little before, it had threatened with expulsion. The same short-sighted policy prevailed a few years later, when the despotic Star-Chamber arrested, by one of its arbitrary decrees, the departure of a vessel, bound to New England, having on board Cromwell and Hampden, forgetting the maxim of building a bridge of gold, for the retreat of an enemy. Thus man proposes, and God disposes. Having at length re-assembled at the city of Leyden in Holland, they took up their abode there for twelve years; supporting their families, by mechanic labour. During that long period, their conduct was so irreproachable, that the 12 city magistrates said of Ihcm in public court: — " These En- glish have lived amongst us for twelve years; and yet we never had a suit or accusation against any of them." And how could it be otherwise? Moved in all their actions, by a devotion to the pure Word of God, it was their constant aim, — it was in the true spirit of their religion ; (a religion purified, as they thought, from all human corruption,) to show their sincere obedience to it, by a worldly conduct of strict uprightness. Though living among men, " their hearts were in the skies," — their thoughts enwrapt in holy contemplations! Could such a community do otherwise, than direct their minds and actions, here on earth, into a moral course? Although they were tolerably comfortable at Leyden, yet the laws of the Dutch, in reference to religion, were too liberal; for they seemed, in their eyes, to be nothing short of wicked licentiousness. For example, shops were allowed to be kept open on the Sabbath, while the usual week-day labour was going on. Some of their children too, had run into courses of dissoluteness. Many other things gave dissatisfaction, and prompted them to look out for another residence. Resolved to gratify their wish for seclusion, they prepared themselves for a removal to the unknown and distant land of America, then a wide-spread wilderness. Time will not allow me to dwell upon the affectionate farewell that took place at the moment of separation; when those who were to emigrate as pioneers, bade adieu to their friends who remained in Holland, with the intention of following soon. The touch- ing event of the embarkation of the pilgrims at Delft, has been made the subject of a historical picture of great merit and beauty, graphically portraying the chief men and women of that brave company, and painted by Weir, for the na- tional gallery, where it may be seen in the RoJ;unda at Wash- ington. We may be sure that those pious people did not leave their associates without suitable religious preparation. The last day they were together, was spent in solemn humiliation and 13 prayer, followed by a sermon from their excellent minister, of which I give here, the very appropriate text, taken from the 8th chapter of Ezra, and 21st verse: "Tlien I proclaimed a fast there, at the river of Ahava, that we might afflict our- selves before our God, to seek of him a right way for us, and for our little ones, and for all our substance/' Their destination, when about to leave Holland, had been a matter of long and earnest discussion. Some, and none of the meanest, had thoughts of Guiana, where the country was rich, fruitful, blessed with perpetual spring, and where vigor- ous nature brought forth all things in abundance, without great labour, or need of much clothing. Others were for Virginia. But at length all negotiation failing in London, where they obtained from government no other aid than a promise from the king, that he would connive at their de- parture, they embarked at Delft for England. On arriving at Southampton, they found a ship of one hundred and eighty tons, called the Mayfloiuer, in which they took passage, and set sail, accompanied by a smaller vessel. But after getting forward three hundred miles, they were twice forced back to Plymouth, by the unseaworthiness of the smaller craft, which they finally left behind; and resuming their voyage in the Mayflower alone, with their number reduced to one hundred passengers, they reached Cape Cod in sixty days, on the 10th of November, 1620. This was a last — a permanent severance from their native land. They confessed themselves well weaned from the delicate milk of their mother country, and well inured to the difficulties of banishment. They were a people, they said, " for the body of them, industrious and frugal as any in the world; and knit together in a most strict and sacred bond, and covenant of the Lord, and held themselves strongly tied to give in all cases whatever, most immediate, effective and mutual aid. Nor is it small things that can discourage us, or small discontentment that can make us wish ourselves at home again." Yet Ihey left behind them both in England and Hol- land, numerous Christian frieiuls, for whose absence, tears 14 were freely to flow, from their poor cottages in the wilder- ness, overshadowed by the spirit of supplication. The destination of the pilgrims, when they sailed, was Hudson's river, which they supposed to be situated a few leagues south of Cape Cod; but the vessel being in bad con- dition, and baffled by head winds, on attempting to weather that Cape, they concluded on the 10th of November, to steer for a harbour in the peninsula before them. A distinguished gentleman of Massachusetts,* when at a celebration at Barnstable, in the neighbourhood of thil very harbour, alludes to the arrival of the Mayflower, in the fol- lowing strain: "Let us," he says, "go up in imagination to yonder hill, and look out upon the November scene. That single dark spot, just discernible through the perspective glass, on the waste of waters, is the fated vessel. The storm moans through her tattered canvas, as she creeps almost sink- ing, to her anchorage. And there she lies, with all her trea- sures, not of silver or gold, but of courage, of patience, of zeal, of high spiritual daring. We see her freighted with the des- tinies of a continent, approaching the shore precisely where the broad sweep of the headland presents almost the only point at which, for hundreds of miles, she could with any ease have made a harbour; and this, perhaps, the very best on the sea-board: in considering this incident, I feel my spirit raised above the sphere of mere agencies. Yes, God himself would seem to stretch an arm of mercy, to gather the meek company of his worshippers,' as in the hollow of his hand." But the dangers of the seas ended, think but a moment of their forlorn condition. No friends to welcome them; no houses, much less towns, to afibrd them succour. The winter season had arrived, and sharp frosts and violent storms were of daily occurrence. If tliey looked behind them, thei^e was the ocean, lying as a gulf to separate them from the civilized world; while, on board their weather-beaten barque, an im- patient captain was urging them to land, with murmurs from some of the crew, that if they did not get a place soon, they * Honourable Edward Everett. io would turn them and their goods on shore, and leave them to their fate. A whole month passed in indecision and fruitless surveys, before they found a place suitable for a settlement. At length, on the 11th of December, Old Style, corresponding with the 22d of our present calendar, they landed on ihe far- famed rock! a day ever memorable in our annals, as re- cording the exact period, when our forefathers arrived at their home in New England. The place on which they first step- ped ashore, is satisfactorily ascertained, by unquestionable tradition; and is designated as a large rock, at the foot of a cliff, near the termination of North street, leading to the water. A brave woman, one of the passengers in the May- flower, named Mary Chilton, determined to be the first to step upon the rock. Those in the boat, willing to indulge her, made room, and enabled her to establish her claim. That day was the birth-day of New England. It is its an- niversary that we are met to reverence. It has been the object of successive celebrations for more than two centuries, by the endearing name of forefathers' day. Such days arc the registers, the chronicles of the age they were made in, and speak the truth of history. I will stop a moment to say a few words more about this rock of historic renown. In the year 1741, Elder Faunce, then aged ninety-five, became desirous to consecrate it. He was conveyed in a chair to the sea-side, surrounded by the inhabitants of Plymouth. He blessed it, and in tears bade it farewell. He had, on pre- vious years, when less overcome by age, placed his children and grand-children upon it, to teach them to feel for, and affec- tionately remember their pilgrim fathers. In the year 1774, several tons of that rock were removed in one piece, to the front of the Pilgrim Hall at Plymouth, and enclosed by an iron railing, where it is regarded by visi- ters, as a precious memorial. Dc Tocqueville, a distinguished Frenchman, who travelled lately in the United States, notices this rock, as having become an object of veneration among us. " I have seen," he says, " bits of it carefully preserved in seve- ral towns of the Union. Does not this sufficiently show," he 16 asks, " that all human power and greatness dwells in the soul of man? Here is a stone, which the feet of a few outcasts pressed for an instant, and this stone becomes famous, it is treasured by a great nation; its fragments are revered, and its dust sought for in distant regions. And what has become of the gates of a thousand palaces?" Mr. De Tocquevillc, answers that question, by exclaiming, "Who cares for them!" While on board the JNIayflower, and in sight of their future home, the pilgrims entered into a compact (the parent of all American constitutions, and republican in its provisions). It is an instrument of a dozen lines, which combines into a body politic, some fifty men, who signed it; and purports to be for the better ordering, preservation and furtherance of the settle- ment of the colony, with power to frame just and equal laws. John Carver was elected their first governor. Before they entered upon further proceedings, or prepared to leave their ship, they fell upon their knees, and blessed the God of heaven, who had brought them over the vast and fu- rious ocean, and delivered them from all its perils. And amid the new difficulties, " on firm and stable earth," with which they were threatened, they asked in their fervent prayer, to be sustained, by the spirit and grace of that merciful God. Gentlemen, we are the children of those pious fathers. It belongs to us, as such, to confess before the Lord his loving kindness, and wonderful mercy to them, and to prostrate our- selves in humble gratitude for their deliverance and happy settlement; remembering always, that among " the reasons and causes" of their removal to this distant land, was the great hope and inward zeal they had of laying some good founda- tion, for the propagating and advancing the gospel of the king- dom of Christ in these remote parts of the world; or at least of placing themselves as stepping stones unto others, for per- forming so great a work. Those worthy progenitors were now at the end of a voyage which had for its object tlie discovery of a spot on which to isolate themselves from the eye of the old world. Here was a place sufficiently sequestered to gratify their utmost wish. 17 Here they found not only an unpeopled country, but a soil of adequate fertility and other concomitance, suited to the undis- turbed enjoyment of their religious tenets. Disliking toleration, they had here in the wilderness, no fear of contradiction. And here too, their high attainments in spiritual knowledge could be securely transmitted to their children. Free then to do as they chose in this new world, they took the holy gospel for the rule of their lives, for the fountain of their happiness on earth, and expectations in heaven. On enumerating the families, they were found to amount to nineteen. To accommodate them as well as could be done in midwinter, a dozen huts were put up on a street, which they called Ley den, in kind remembrance of their residence in Hol- land; as the town received the name of Plymouth, in com- pliment to the last city they sailed from. Rough logs, plas- tered inside and out with mud, and a thatched roof, constituted those miserable dwellings. Into them were removed, after three months' confinement on board a small ship, the poor dis- tressed strangers. Enfeebled, diseased, but not discouraged, they assisted, nursed and cherished each other, with mutual good offices. But the keen anguish of body, in that desolate forest, destitute of all alleviating means, consigned in less tlian three months, more than one half their number to the grave! By the 21st of March, they had lost upwards of fifty, includ- ing their lately elected governor and his wife. Providence tempered, nevertheless, the usual severity of the north winds, and gave them a moderate winter. Had it been otherwise, the whole colony must have perished. As it was, eleven men only were left, of whom, while the sickness lasted, scarcely six were able to work. All the early writers on New England agree, and the fact is indubitable, that three or four years before the arrival of the Mayflower, a deadly pestilence had raged along the sea-board, from the Penobscot to Narraganset bay, and swept away whole tribes. The band of savages called Massachusells, was re- duced by it to a few warriors; and those Indians, once con- sidered cruel and treacherous, had become tame, kind, sub- c 18 missive and trusty, as if corrected by that chastening visita- tion. Not one in twenty had survived it; leaving those who escaped, with courage much abated, countenances dejected, and looking like a people affrighted. In the great patent, granted by King James to the Plymouth Company of London, the de- solating effects of this plague are assigned by him, as a reason for bestowing upon it that section of country. He averred in that instrument, " that the appointed time had come, in which Almighty God in his great goodness and bounty towards him and his people, hath thought fit that these large and goodly territories, left vacant, as it were, by their natural inhabitants, should be possessed and enjoyed by such of my subjects, as shall by his heavenly mercy and favour, and by his powerful arm, be directed and conducted thither." The coast was, therefore, clear for the emigrants. The right of soil seemed to belong to no one, while the adjacent tribes, enfeebled in numbers and in courage, stood aloof. At this juncture, an In- dian came in among them; the very first one they had com- munication with. He was entirely naked, and walked boldly to the principal building, and saluted its occupants in their own language, crying out " welcome Englishmen." He had picked up a little English at a trading post in Acadia, and told them that the place they occupied was called Patuxet, and sometimes Accomack; that four years before, all the na- tives had died, so that there was neither man, woman, nor child left to claim the territory. He served imperfectly, as an interpreter in their future Intercourse with the chief sachem Massasoit; a chief at the head of a tribe, whose location was near Bristol, in Rhode Island, With Massasoit, a good and faithful Indian friend, a treaty was made, which continued in- violate until his death. In three years the town had grown to thirty-two dwellings, containing one hundred and eighty persons. This accession of people arose from the arrival of their friends from Leyden; transported at the expense of the poor pioneer pilgrims, who put themselves to great inconvenience, in order to raise five hundred pounds, for the puipose of reuniting their church. 19 Most encouraging letters were sent to England in the spring of 1621, describing the country as overflowing with the na- tive products of the soil, abounding in rivers, bays, and forests, and with animal food. " Better grain cannot be than the Indian corn," says a writer of that date, " if we will plant it upon as good ground, as a man need desire. We are all free- holders, the rent-day doth not trouble us. Our company are for the most part very religious, honest people; the word of God sincerely taught us every Sabbath; so that I know not any thing a contented mind can here want. I desire your friendly care to send my wife and children to me, where I wish all the friends I have in England." But time does not allow of further development. The colo- ny of Plymouth although thus securely located, was destined to encounter much adverse fortune; and its after career is full of interest; yet matters of higher importance, movements on a wider field, embracing the history, manners and laws of much the larger portion of the early settlers, claim what share of attention we may be able to give in our rapid survey. We proceed, therefore, to consider the arrival and settle- ment of a second band of forefathers, whose course partakes largely of the same romantic adventures as that of the pilgrims; for they too, were in search of a spot, on which to erect an independent church, which should stand beyond the reach of all earthly supervision, other than their own. The emigrants to whom I allude, seeing their brethren safely established in America, prepared to follow them, in 1627. Calvinistic in their persuasion, and suffering severely under religious restrictions, they were constantly obnoxious to per- secution at home. "Why should we," they asked themselves, "remain starv- ing in England, in want of places of habitation, and victims of church tyranny, while whole countries, profitable to man, lie waste, inviting improvement?" This church tyranny or per- secution, as they called it, may be somewhat qualified. Pro- testant Episcopacy, herself a martyr-church, under Mary, the wife of the inexorable Philip of Spain, was now, in the reign 20 of Charles the First, the slate establishment, and the spiritual mother of tlie Christian family in England. As such, she aimed by salutary discipline, to restrain her children from de- sertion; to punish tlieir disobedience, and bring them back to their duty. But her forms and ceremonies, so essential, as she believed, to the dignity and good order of worship, were held in abhorrence by those who sought to separate from her. They repudiated, with equal dislike, Episcopacy and Priest- hood, although of Apostolic derivation; and even denounced the Book of Common Prayer; that epitome of the two holy testaments; embodying in its select condensation the very essence of both. Viewing these matters in this unfavourable light, and ac- tuated by honesty of purpose, by great sincerity and piety, they combined in numbers, to quit their country forever. In this temper of mind, they describe the men and manners of that day, in ardent terms of reproach. The church, they re- present, as in a state of desolation, while the people' of Eng- land, are called vile and base, intemperate in every excess of riot, and profligate spendthrifts, living by deceit and unrigh- teousness. The schools of learning and religion corrupt, and full of evil examples and licentious behaviour. Stimulated by a strong desire to withdraw from so wicked a community, Higginson and Skelton, two zealous leaders, brought to America a large colony and founded the town of Salem. Their associations were of a strict religious character, covenanting to follow the bitle, and to cleave unto the Lord Jesus Christ, and to him alone for life and glory; to bear and forbear with each other in watchfulness and tenderness; giving and forgiving, as the scriptures direct. To avoid idleness as the bane of life, and to teach their children and servants the knowledge of God, and his will. With the same entire devo- tion to their form of worship, as their precursors of Plymouth, they emigrated, like them, to secure freedom of thought; to avoid antagonistic persuasions, as well as state persecution. Strengthened in their adventurous transplantation, by the en- couragement of the holy book, their only book of laws, they 21 came hither, with a firm determination, which they carried out literally and with godly sincerity, of exercising their own religious opinions, without permitting the obtrusion among them of adverse doctrines. In reference to all other sects, they were querulous and intolerant. These were the first who planted churches in Massachusetts, in connexion v>^ith a large, rich, and equally pious party, under John Winthrop, who fol- lowed that same year. Governor Winthrop was a man of superior wisdom and virtue, highly accomplished, and wor- thy of the great name he bears with after generations, even down to our own time. With him came Dudley, scarcely his inferior in ability and fame. Several individuals of note, both lay and ecclesiastical, were associated with them. But Win- throp stood pre-eminent; they called him their Moses, adding that nothing short of a Mosaic spirit could have carried him through the temptations, to which either his farewell to his own land, or his voyage to a wild land, must needs have ex- posed a gentleman of his education. He had, indeed, made great sacrifices, and relinquished the comforts and luxuries, which his independent fortune could have purchased at home. What broad lands and unlimited boundaries would have been those of New England, had she held fast to the courses and distances allowed by the patent of king James to the Ply- mouth Company of London. Think of a country ranging from sea to sea, between the latitudes of 40° and 48° ! Contem- plate its vastness on the map, covering from east to west, one- fifth of the circumference of the globe! Ah! had that immense region descended to us, then, indeed, we might have assumed the name and rank of a nation; the nation of New England! Or perhaps better, as we are sometimes playfully called, the universal Yankee nation! This liberal grant would have included the whole of New England, all New York, about half of Pennsylvania, two- thirds of New Jersey and Ohio; one-half of Indiana and Illi- nois; the whole of Michigan, Lake Huron, and the whole territory of the United States westward of them, on both sides 22 of the Rocky Mountains, and a considerable portion of North Mexico, up to Nootka Sound on the Pacific Ocean. Here was indeed, elbow-room and to spare, for the cockney grantees; who, however, knew as little about the geography of their grant, as they did about settling and governing it; and therefore, gave the king back his present. Although the Yankees were thus deprived of that extensive grant, and are geographically restricted to narrow limits, yet have they long since burst their contracted bounds, and planted themselves, in nearly all the places designated by James' pa- tent, as among the master spirits of the dwellers therein. The fleet that brought out Winthrop and fifteen hundred emigrants, consisted of seventeen sail. In it were merchants, husbandmen, and artificers, all coming into banishment for conscience sake. Charlestown was made their head-quarters, and a church established there. Opposite to that place stood the three hills, which caused them to name the Peninsula which Boston now covers, Tremont. Not finding fresh wa- ter at Charlestown, many removed to Tremont, where there was a copious fountain. The Peninsula was inhabited by only one white man, the Rev. William Blackstone. It was called by the Indians, Shaivmut, and by the neighbouring settlers, as I have already said, Trimountain, or Tremont. The Indian word has reference to the spring, and means, abundant good water. The three hills were, I think, Copps hill, Fort hill, and Beacon hill. They stood triangularly, and about equidistant. The beautiful and classic name of Tremont, was changed to that of Boston, by a vote of the court in 1630, in compliment to the Rev. John Cotton, who had been a minis- ter at Boston in Lincolnshire. Mr. Blackstone claimed the whole Peninsula, because he w^as the first white man who had slept there. He, however, exercised towards the new comers, a liberal hospitality, and set the example of that social spirit, which has steadily kept pace with the growth of the town; where, from that day to this, every friendly stranger has found a welcome table and a ready chair. His right, as first occupant, was acknowledged, 23 and he received subsequently thirty pounds for the fee simple of the whole ground on which Boston stands. The first start of the Metropolis was full of suffering, sickness, and starva- tion, which sent many to the grave. So low had Boston sunk for a time, that it was nicknamed Loston. The poor, obliged to live in tents and temporary hovels, were afflicted in the midst of a severe winter, with scurvy and other distempers. They had little or no bread; nothing, indeed, but a small pro- vision of shell fish, nuts and acorns. The last batch of bread was in the governor's oven, when they were relieved by the arrival of a ship from England. The ground on which the fair city of Boston is built, was then an unsightly marsh, dot- ted here and there, with a few hillocks, and open on three sides to the inroad of the waters of the ocean. Behold the change! Now, that element, made subservient to an extended commerce, is restrained from encroachment by piers and quays of solid construction; while the morass has disappeared, to make room for streets and avenues, thronged with the busy descendants of Winthrop and his companions, moving amid richly embellished dwellings, in which are combined the con- veniences and beauties of architecture; while in every direc- tion are spread in high exuberance, the products of the arts, of science, of literature, with specimens of the habitual dili- gence of the New Englandman, from the coarsest article of traffic, to the wants of a community in the utmost state of re- finement. Such is modern Boston! Boston! that spot so honoured by all New England, and so dear to its sons! Governor Winthrop, and the greater portion of the colo- nists, having thus established themselves in Boston, undertook as their first labour, and a labour of love it was to him and them, the erection of a house of worship. In August, 1632, a building was commenced, on the south side of State street. It wasahumble structure, with athatched roof and mud walls. The first question proposed at the very first court of assistants, was, " Hoiu shall the Ministers be maintuined?^^ An answer was promptly given. It was ordered that houses for their residence be built, with all convenient speed, at the public 24 charge, and suitable salaries established. Twenty pounds a year was thought sufficient for a single man, and thirty for a man with a family. Deeply embued with piety, and leading a life of unbounded devotion to religion, they not only built a place of worship, and provided for regular service therein, but they one and all decreed the superior authority of the spiritual over the civil power. The church came first, then came the governor and his courts. It was a theocracy they aimed at; to create a community, which should be itself a church, governed by the laws of Jesus! A sublime purpose, which none but pure hearts could have conceived; but which human imperfection may never realize. Nevertheless, the fruits of efforts directed to that end, produced a grade of morality, order, education and religion, of great and deserved praise. They adopted as the basis of their civil code, the laws of Moses: extending their moral equity, so as to take in the whole judicial law; and thus punish crimes, not by the laws of England, but by those of the Pentateuch; making idolatry, blasphemy, manstealing, adultery, and some other offences capital, which are not so by the laws of England. It was a bloody code, rigidly carried out for many years, and led to sanguinary executions in their after history. They and their immediate successors stand reproached with cruelty, in terms of unqualified condemna- nation, by the philanthropic judgment of modern times. The rigid construction, put by our early ancestors on the Judaic code, leaves them liable, X may think, to the imputation in some things, of dark prejudice and obstinate bigotry. The illustrations which I propose to give presently, will sustain that opinion. By and by a relaxation took place with many, who, teazed by regulations so strict and stiff, became less zealous in reli- gious concerns. Yet the church upheld its influence; and so preponderating was its power, that it disfranchised all who were not members of it. All political profit and authority concentrated there. And he who did not make a show of piety, lost all participation in the civil government. An un- 25 unregenerate individual, or one disconnected with the church, was forbidden by law, to be called good man; an epithet of courtesy then in use, prefixed to the names of the orthodox. In short, they condemned all for heretics, who durst oppose them. They went further; they assumed one of the chief at- tributes of sovereignty, and as early as 1652, passed a law, authorizing the coining of money, which was high treason by the laws of England. Yet, with the New England spirit of independence, she continued to circulate metallic money of her own making, for more than one hundred years. Some of the pine-tree shillings of 1652 ijiaj'be seen in the cabinets of collectors. Massachusetts was^tno' first/if ifti the ^itfir state S after the peace of 1783, that estaolished a mint, from which she sent forth copper coin, until the creation of the national mint. Some other political movements manifested impatience under European dependence. The two colonies of Hartford and New Haven had virtually proclaimed themselves inde- pendent in their code of unpublished laws. A historian of Connecticut gives the following item as a constitutional pro- vision. " The governor and magistrates, convened in general assembly, are the supreme power, under God, of this indepen- dent dominion: and from the determination of the assembly, no appeal shall be made." Some pains have been taken to disprove the claim to repub- licanism, set up by the historians of New England, for their forefathei'S. There is not space here to vindicate that claim. A writer in Philadelphia, of great ability,* has discussed the subject in considerable detail, before the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, and admits that although they were not demo- crats, when swayed by church government, yet were they not monarchists. The juste milieu, the true medium, is conser- vative republicanism. And that was the essence and spirit of their political creed. Roger Williams, who repudiated church government, and all restraint upon conscience, derived by the aid of Sir Henry Vane, the charter of the colony he founded, * Job R. Tyson, Esq. 26 from a republican or anti-royal parliament; and held that " kings and magistrates must be considered invested with no more power than the people betrust them with." And again, " the sovereign power of all civil authority is founded in the consent of the peopled No divine right; no " Dieu et mon droit^'' is admitted either by him, or the Connecticut colo- nies. While in Massachusetts the civil liberty of the inhabi- tants were by law secured not only in the essential right of petition, but with it was associated the privilege of enforcing it by speech. What can be broader than the law of 1672, entitled " common liberties of Massachusetts," in which is this ppinrisionj^every man \v[iet1lier inhabitant or foreigner, free or not free, shall have liberty to come to any public court, council or town meeting, and either by speech or writing, to move any lawful, seasonable or material question, or to pre- sent any necessary motion, complaint, petition, bill, or informa- tion, whereof that meeting hath proper cognizance." The royal charters of Connecticut and Rhode Island, granted, no doubt, to suit the political spirit and feelings of the people who were to be ruled by them, were so essentially republican, that they continued long after the separation from Great Britain, to be the instruments of governments highly democratic. To confute all this, the Address of Massachusetts to Charles II. on his restoration, dated August 7, 1661, is adduced. But the position of the colony, then only about thirty years old, should be considered. The' colonists had sided most heartily with the Protector, and received many favours from him and his parliaments, and had now to make their peace with Charles. It was an act of prudence, and even of necessity, weak as they were, to address him in soothing terms. But Governor Endicott writes like a base sycophant, and either spoke in irony, or grossly misrepresented the opinions of the Ronndheads of New England. Could the people, although alarmed at the ti'iumphant return of Charles, sanction such ab- ject language as is used thus by Endicott? " Witness our ap- proach unto the best of kings, who to other titles of royalty, common to him with other gods amongst men." "We 27 sought your favour by presenting to a compassionate eye that bottle full of tears, shed by us. Here also we acknowledge the efficacy of regal influence to qualify these salt waters;" " our churches sitting in sackcloth." " Tiience we call you Lord, hence a Saviour;" and much more in this fulsome strain that would seem in the mouth of a New Enjilandman more like words of mockery, than serious supplication. We may presume that there was an absence of partiality for royalty, from the extraordinary circumstance, that in all New England, there are no regal names displayed. There is not a single instance of a county being called after a royal personage of Great Britain, or a royal title. Whereas, we have Virginia, named in compliment to the virgin Queen Elizabeth; and the subdivisions of that state exhibiting the counties of King and Queen; KingGeorge; King William; Prince Edward; Prince George; Prince William; Princess Anne, Sec. And in Mary- land, that takes its name from a crowned head, we find Anna- polis, Queen Anne county, and many others; while Georgia derives its name from one of the Brunswick kings. Even New York has her King and Queen counties. But nothing of the kind can 1 trace throughout New England. This omis- sion must have arisen from an utter indifference, if not from an anti-royal, or hostile feeling. It must, nevertheless, be owned, as I have fully admitted, that the clergy swayed without due restraint, a people willing, by their unbounded deference to the church, to submit to any extent, and on all occasions to their pastoral government. It was the godliness of a whole community, deeply impressed by religion, who voluntarily resigned themselves to the control of their si)iritual superiors. Thus it was that the clergy even went so far as to assume the dispensing power. Mr. Richard Salstonstall had vowed to God that he would not leave the country whilst the ordinances of God continued there in purity. Some years after, his wife lost her health; her phy- sician advised a voyage to England. Embarrassed by his vow, he applied to the Rev. -Mr. Cotton, not for absolution, says the annalist, but to satisfy his doubting conscience. The 28 casuist convinced him that the marriage vow was the most l)inclino-! Can any promise be paramount to a vow to God? Yet tliis decision emanated from the Rev. John Cotton, who was considered immaculate, humanly speaking; and it carried Mr. and Mrs. Salstonstall to their native land. Other instances might be cited, but this is enough. Another subject of deep censure, of opprobrious wrong, was the persecution and execution for witchcraft. Unhappily, a taint of superstition and easy credulity, pervaded New Eng- land at this period. Women, withered and grown double with age, possessing some smartness of intellect, and espe- cially of fretful and irascible tempers, were marked down for wicked spirits, using potent spells, capable of conjuring fiends and spectres from the bowels of the earth, or the yawning deep. Yet, why should we wonder at this mental delusion, which led in New England, to the execution of a very few, when, in the same age, there were burnt at the stake for witch- craft, at Geneva, in three months, one thousand? In all Ger- many, many tliousandsl In England, countless executions. And as late as the year 1716, Mrs. Hickes, and her daughter, nine years of age, were hanged, in England too, for selling their souls to the devil, and raising a storm, by pulling off stockings and making a lather of soap! This may extenuate the folly and cruelty of an occurrence that took place in Bos- ton, upon a supposed witch, under the following circum- stances. A lady, Mrs. Ann Hibbins, was tried in 1G56. She was the widow of a gentleman, who had served in England as agent of the colony, and had been several years one of the assistants, and a merchant of note. His death and other mis- fortunes, soured a temper naturally crabbed, and made her turbulent and quarrelsome. She was brought under church censure, and rendered so odious to her neighbours, that they accused her of witchcraft. The jury brought her in guilty; but the magistrates refused to accept the verdict. The cause was carried to the general court, where the popular cla- mour prevailed against her. And, notwithstanding the absence of those cutaneous marks, which were said to designate a witch, 29 and the absence too, of puppets and images, which formed part of the machinery which they were believed to use in their houses, she was condemned and executed!! The principal proof against her, was an unfortunate guess which she made, that two persons, whom she saw talking in the street, were speaking of her. And such turning out to be the fact, that guess cost her her life Strange that in a land, where guess- ing is now so liberally allowed, it should be cause of death to our good mothers of the 17th century! She was permitted to dispose of her property; and in a codicil to her will, begged that so much respect should be shown to her body, as to have it decently interred. In the category of reprehensible laws, and in measure full as censurable as that I have just considered, are those against Quakerism. Passed too in the same year, (1G56,) as if there had been an epidemic in the minds and hearts of the people every where, operating like a blight upon Christian sympathy and love; and infusing in their stead, a spirit of severity — ex- cessive severity. At that period some men and women, called Quakers, came from England, in a religious fever, approach- ing phrensy. They brought with them tracts containing their fanatic doctrines; conducted themselves with very unbe- coming zeal; and gave great uneasiness to those in authority. The women were the chief promoters of disorder, and shame- fully immodest in their language and conduct. While the men set the laws at defiance, and provoked the judges, by dis- regarding the repeated sentence of banishment passed upon them. Time after time they were sent out of the colony, but, as if delighted with persecution, they returned, to renew in terms of insolence and daring, those offences which had caused their punishment; until impatient of further forbearance, rigid laws were passed; perhaps too sharp and harsh for the present day; yet mild considering the spirit and letter of criminal statutes, throughout the Christian world, in the 16th and 17th centuries. It is by the standard of the countless multitude of executions in other countries, (of which those in Massachu- setts would not be the dust in the balance,) that our good 30 fathers are to be judged and vindicated; yes, vindicated, — ac- quitted. It is by tbe influence of religious opinion, as it ope- rated under the laws of Christian Europe, where no warning by exile, no indulgence, no palliation, would be admitted, that their conduct must be tried. There stood the stake, with fire and faggot, for heretics, in Spain, Portugal, Italy, Geneva. In France, the dreadful day of St. Bartholomew, and revoca- tion of the Edict of Nantes. In England, the summary and cruel measures of the Tudors and Stuarts. It is by those ex- amples abroad, so rigorous, so prompt, so merciless, that pun- ishment under the intolerance of our progenitors are to be com- pared, tested and determined, and not by the philanthropy of modern lenity. How different from those wild and irrational beings, are the mild and dignified Friends oi the present day! And how changed the policy of Massachusetts! changed, as we know, and rejoice to know, into the most salutary freedom of thought and action. But a stop was put to all capital and corporal punishment of Quakers, by order of the king, in 1661. The persecution then ceased; they were left unmolested, and soon submitting to the laws, became what they now are, a moral, friendly, benevo- lent, industrious, quiet people. Meantime Boston throve apace, and far outstript in popula- tion, commerce and the arts, every town in America. Cotton Mather says, that the name of Boston is an abridgment of St. Botolphistown, and is dcrivdd from it. In the twelve first years of its settlement, it is stated by Hutchinson, that 21,200 passen- gers arrived there in 298 vessels, at a charge of transportation of jE192,000; equal to nearly a million of dollars. It is to be noted, in proof of careful seamanship, that only one of those vessels was lost. Forty years later, the town had increased so much, that it was styled the metropolis of the whole of English America; and contained at the dale of the foundation of Phila- delphia, ten thousand people. In short, the conduct of its own inhabitants, and that of the surrounding colonies, was so exem- plary, that in a sermon preached before both houses of parlia- 31 ment, the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of London, and the Assembly of Divines, about the middle of the 17th century, or 1660, there is this passage : " I have lived in a country for seven years," said the preacher, " where during that time, I never saw a beggar, nor heard an oath, nor looked upon a drunkard. Shall I tell you where that Utopia was?" " 'Twas New England!" Notwithstanding imputed witchcraft and obtrusive, spurious Quakerism, the country was highly prosperous. Commerce flourished, agriculture had rapidly changed the wilderness into cultivated land; the laws, with few exceptions, were good and ably administered; and the people were happy. Massa- chusetts became like a hive, overstocked with bees, which needed, says a contemporary, an early swarming. The fame of Connecticut, or Long river, as that Indian name imports, had reached them, and set the new swarm in motion. " Reader," says the quaint Mather, " come with me now, to behold some worthy and learned, and genteel persons, going to be burned alive, on the banks of the Connecticut, having been first slain, by the ecclesiastical impositions and persecu- tions of Europe." Churches were planted at Hartford, Weth- ersfield, and Springfield, in 1635. These with others, (except Springfield, which was in Massachusetts,) formed a separate colony. But I have not space for the account of its growth, and subsequent negotiations with the Lords Say and Brook, and the incorporation of the town of Saybrook into their government. Neither can I stop to say much of New Haven, under Davenport and Eaton. A few passing remarks on that colony will be made, however, before I close. Here were, then, the four colonies of Plymouth, Massachu- setts, Connecticut, and New Haven, all growing fast in popu- lation, and tending to enlarge the British empire, and give a wide range in time to come, to the wholesome influence of the Protestant reformed religion. The devout people, who spread themselves over this American corner of the world, inhabiting in the cold climate of New England, a rather infer- tile soil, could never, without good laws and religious disci- 32 pline, have brought themselves into consideration, strength and wealth, equal to the other English colonies, where climate, soil, and other inviting circumstances, exist in a ver}'- superior degree to their own. The Puritans were stigmatized in England, as an ignorant sect, of mean origin, and disinclined to learning. Imputations entirely false, and refuted by the liberal acquirements of their clergy, and the early measures taken in their new home, to open schools, and provide at the public cost, a college for sacred and secular instruction; to establish a system co-exten- sive with the country, which, starting with the horn-book, in the meanest hamlet, enlarged itself, according to the wants of society, until it reached at Cambridge and New Haven, the utmost refinement in literature, science, and the liberal arts. Only eight years after the settlement of Boston, (1636,) it was ordered, by the general court, that four hundred pounds be granted as a beginning for a college. Various endowments followed, particularly from John Harvard, whose name it took; and fi-om whose walls have come forth a multitude of bril- liant and pious scholars. A sketch of New England would be imperfect without some notice of Roger Williams; one of its shining stars of the first magnitude; a man of strong, searching, fearless mind, and a never flinching friend of the poor red man. He loved the sons of the forest. " His soul's desire," he said, '• was to do the natives good." He studied their language, and secured their confidence. Yet, the* aboriginals were then, what they have continued to be down to our time, a dirty, indolent race. " God was pleased to give me," says that gentleman, " a pain- ful, patient spirit, to lodge with them in their filthy, smoky holes, to gain their tongue." But that upright man raised a question of momentous im- portance; which was no less than doubting the right of King James, to give away a country, for which he had never paid. Had the natives a right to hold possession of their bound- less hunting grounds? Vattel says, " God has given the earth to the human race ; 33 and every man is entitled to a portion of its surface, sufficient for the comfortable support of himself and family. It follows, that no man has a right to claim for himself a vast tract of forest, because he chooses to subsist by hunting. This tract would furnish subsistence for many others. Those others, if their necessity required, would have a right to claim their share, and to enforce their claim." But the fundamental principle of civilized society, esta- blishes the right of possession to any extent, and the law pro- tects him therein. The hunter, who has his ten thousand acres taken from him, because he does not raise bread from them, may well ask, by what superior right a European nobleman appropriates to himself a vast space for parks and fish ponds? The Spaniards colonized under grants from the Pope, while the Kings of England, in the 16th century, placed their right upon the superior claims, which Christians possess over Infi- dels. But this sophistry did not satisfy Mr. Williams. He contended that it was an unjust pretension, to set up sove- reignty over a country, merely on the ground of discovery, or of the barbarous and wandering character of its inhabitants. The fact that James' vessels had sailed along the coast of the country of Massasoit, gave that king no more title to the land, than the passage of one of the Indian canoes, up the Thames, would have transferred London to the American chief. He insisted upon it, that it was a gross sin for a Chris- tian king to invest his subjects with a right, by virtue of his Christianity, to take and give away the lands and countries of other men. These sentiments had great weight with the colonists, and led to the establishment of a principle of justice, from which they never deviated, of giving a price, satisfactory to the In- dians, for all, all the land, they had occasion from time to time to occupy. To be sure the prices paid by the Pilgrims were not ex- travagant. A square mile of land was bought for a blanket, a jack knife, a flask of powder, and perhaps a bottle of strong water. The knife was of more use to the Indian, and the blanket £ 34 of more comfort, than a fragment of his illimitable wilder- ness. The whole island of Rhode Island, was bought for forty fathoms of white beads; and ten coats and twenty hoes to the resident Indians, in order to obtain immediate possession; the purchase in money being, perhaps, less than one hundred dollars. The whole island of Manhattan, on which the city of New York stands, was purchased of the aboriginals, by the Dutch in 1636, for sixty guilders, or about twenty-four dollars; while the plot of Boston, as we have seen, cost about eighty dollars! " It denotes a strange dearth of enemies, When men seek foes among themselves." So it was with Mr. Williams, during his pastoral charge of a congregation at Salem. It is amusing to consider the accu- sations brought against him by his enemies. The first was, that he insisted in his sermons, on the use of veils, by females, in religious assemblies. In March, 1633, at a lecture at Bos- ton, a question was propounded about veils. Mr. Cotton said that where, by the custom of the place, they were not a sign of the woman's subjection, they were not commanded by the apostles; and the women, not finding sufficient foundation in the Scriptures for concealment, laid their veils aside, and never appeared with them afterwards; so that our grand- mothers went to their devotions, with their fair and honest faces uncovered; but not long after, the dress of the ladies was regulated by legislative interference. The general court directed that, no garment shall be made with short sleeves; and such females as have garments with short sleeves, shall not wear them, unless they cover the arm to the wrist. And hereafter, no person wliatever, shall make any garment for women, with sleeves more than twenty-two and a half inches wide. Neither did their husbands and brothers escape sump- tuary regulation. Vehement preaching shook the pulpit, against wigs. Not political whigs, but good warm hair wigs. They were denounced by President Chauncy, and Rev. John Elliot; while the magistrates signed a grave protest, against 35 the custom among men, of wearing long hair. They request- ed the clergy to associate that offence with their pulpit con- demnation of wigs. " That long hair coiffure," they said, " was a thing uncivil and unmanly, whereb}^ men do deform themselves, and offend sober and modest people, and do cor- rupt good manners." It would be curious to speculate upon the probable fate, among them, of a full pattern of a modern bearded chin, " perfectly fashioned,dike the husk of a chest- nut!" The second charge against Mr. Williams was, that his preaching had led to the cutting the cross out of the military colours. The cross of St. George was stigmatised as a relic of antichristian superstition. The militia, having their banners thus mutilated, refused to march. But the train bands had to submit, and carry their colours without the cross, while the flags of vessels, and the forts at the castle, kept it in. In the prevailing spirit of reform, the calendar was revised; and for fifty years the heathen names of Mars, Juno, Julius and Au- gustus, were repudiated, and the months counted as the Qua- kers do now, by calling them first, second, &c. But the breach between the Congregational clergy and Williams was too wide to be forgotten or forgiven; so that he retired from Massachusetts, with his family of girls, christen- ed according to the fashion of those days, Joy, Recompense, Pity, and Freedom. He took with him, likewise, the true principle of government, which will secure to his memory lasting fame, namely, that the civil power has no jurisdic- tion over the conscience. A doctrine sound and true; drawn from the Scriptures and taught by reason; yet rejected by all the churches in Massachusetts, where they had become so intolerant that they called toleration a crime! And cried from all their pulpits that their aim was to extirpate every one who thought differently from themselves. Cromwell's church in England and Scotland had remonstrated against the introduc- tion or admissibility of "sinful and ungodly toleration, in matters of religion." In their official papers they solemnly declared that they detested and abhorred toleration. Tolera- 36 tion, said one of their preachers, is the grand work of the devil; it is his masterpiece, and chief engine, to uphold his tottering kingfloin. He that is willing, says another, to tolerate any religion besides his own, either doubts of his own, or is not sincere in it. A third was so opposed to toleration, that when he died, a copy of verses was found in his pocket, written with his own hand, of which the two following lines made a part: " Let men of God in court and cliurches watch, O'er such as do a toleration hatcli." It was the glory of Roger Williams to assume a different and a wiser course. And by God's providence he was des- tined to become the protector and advocate, in a colony of his own, of doctrines in religion liberal, and in politics free. Yes, free, but under wholesome restraint. His beautiful let- ter, disavowing any sanction to licentiousness, in the tolera- tion of liberty of conscience, is too long for insertion. I regret it, because it is rhetorically illustrated, and logically argued. With him the right of conscience was always asso- ciated with civil obedience. Connected with this subject and with the notice of Mr. Williams, is the fate of Miantinomo, his favourite Indian. Mi-an-ti-no-mo! What euphony in each syllable, separate and combined! He was the most powerful chief of his day; a Narraganset distinguished for valour, and fidelity to the colonists. By his aid the Pequods were overthrown. In union with his uncle, the great sachem Canonicus, he exer- cised the most liberal hospitality towards the first settlers; and they both continued for a long period to give to the white men the aid of friends and benefactors. Subsequently, when Mr. Williams was in England, Miantinomo made war with a thousand warriors, upon the Mohegans, whose supreme chief was Uncus, the hero of the Novelist. He was defeated and captured. Uncas carried liim prisoner to Hartford. There, in captivity, and in the absence of his powerful protector, he was hastily condemned by an ecclesiastical commission, while 37 the civil authority hesitated to pronounce him guilty. It is not for uSj at this distant day, to pass judgment on the decision of the clergy. Dangers and conspiracies, unknown to us, may have influenced them. He was delivered up to Uncas for slaughter, as a heathen conspirator against the people of God, and deserving the fate of Agag. And Uncas, the last of the Mohegans, practised upon him in his own territories, that savage vengeance that would not have "abated a single groan," could Miantinomo have been willing to utter one. This was the end of the great and constant friend of the colony of Rhode Island. " What can we pay thee, Miantinomo, for thy noble usage, but grateful praise?" Several women of high birth and great piety and virtue, manifested courage and constancy, in sacrificing every thing at home, in order to follow their husbands to this new land. Among these may be selected for admiration and praise, two of the daughters of the Countess of Lincoln, Susan and Ar- bella. The lady Arbella, dying six weeks after her arrival at Salem, was said to have come from a paradise of plenty and pleasure, into a wilderness of wants, and to have taken New- England in her way to heaven. Her husband survived her only a month: " He tried To live without her, liked it not, and died." But one of stronger nerves and masculine stamina, named Hutchinson, who had been some time in this country from England, became an object of great notoriety; she had induced many of the women of Boston to assert their independence in matters of conscience, and constituted herself their leader and priestess. Possessed of a brave spirit, and considerable intel- lectual power, she was fond of displaying them. More than sixty females were persuaded by her eloquence, to adopt new subtleties and refinements on the doctrine of the Holy Ghost, and the connexion between sanctification and justification. This threw the colony into a state of consternation. Minis- 38 t^rs hurried up to Boston from all quarters, when a long dis- cussion took place, which, after three weeks dehate, ended in the banishment of Mrs. Hutchinson. It was decided, more- over, that " though women might meet (some few) together, to pray and edify one another; yet such a number as usually met, amounting to sixty, or more, with one woman taking upon herself the whole exercise, was disorderly and without rule." The speech of women was thus checked; and very soon after, they, as well as the men, were placed under what in modern parlance would be called gag-law, by being prohi- bited, under severe penalty, from speaking evil of judges or magistrates. Truly those good puritans w^ere somewhat ultra in their mode of government! Non-conformity, which they claimed as a privilege in old England, was not permitted in thought, speech, or deed in New England. Their fiat was: " Do as we do, think as we do, or march with quick step be- yond the frontier; and if you return, beware of the stocks, and perhaps the gallows." Such illibcrality is hardly credible, and seems to deviate from the true temper of Christian for- bearance. Rhode Island, in string contrast, adopted the following in its charter: — "All men may walk as their consciences persuade them: every one in the name of his God. And let the lambs of the Most High walk in this colony without molestation, in the name of Jehovah, their God, for ever and ever." Thus the rigour in Massachusetts reacted in Rhode Island, and produced an unhealthy relaxation and neglect of religion; so much so, that a writer at a later period says, that not one- third of the latter colony was baptized. It must be said in extenuation, that our fathers were beset by danger. On all sides lay powerful and hostile tribes of savages: union in its strictest bonds became therefore neces- sary; and it was found expedient to consider all who did not fully sympathize with them, as being against them. Such, in- deed, was thought to be an indispensable act of state policy. England was a prey to civil war; and Cromwell, their friend. 39 was not yet master of the realm : neither were they weaned from the hifluence of the severe Judaic code; and at this very juncture, the exiled WilHams stirred them up to a still hotter temperature, by sending among them u pamphlet, entitled, " The Bloody Tenet of Persecution for Cause of Conscience, discussed in a Conference between Tiuth and Peace." In an- swer to which. Rev. Mr. Cotton issued "The Bloody Tenet washed, and made white in the Blood of the Lamb." A re- joinder soon appeared, inscribed " The Bloody Tenet yet more Bloody by Mr. Cotton's Endeavour to wash it white." Here are types of the times, which show the affected and punning humour of pamphleteers, two hundred years ago. It was a sample of sorrowful resentment in two learned En- glishmen, inhabiting a wilderness at the end of the world. In 1645, just two centuries past, we may gather the relative strength of the four colonies, combined for mutual defence, by the quotas assigned to each, when projecting a war against the Mohegans. The whole number of men ordered out was three hundred. Massachusetts was rated at one hundred and ninety; Plymouth at fort}'; Connecticut at forty; and New Haven at thirty. Uncas, the Mohegan chief, came to Boston, to turn the gathering storm from his tribe; and with Indian eloquence cried for mercy, concluding his speech in the style of a Castilian Spaniard. " This heart," said he, laying his hand upon his breast, " is not mine, but yours. Command me any difficult service, and I will do it. I have no men, for they are all yours; no Indian who speaks against the English, will I ever more believe." A glance, the most transient, cannot be taken of the history of New England, without noticing Philip's war, (King Phi- lip,) which occured in 1676, and vv^as undertaken by the sa- vages with the design of exterminating the English. It was a desperate effort on both sides, and attended with great cala- mity. At the end of two years it was finished by the death of Philip, and the extinction of his tribe; while on the part of the colonics, six hundred men were killed, thirteen towns destroyed, and six hundred dwelling houses burnt. In 40 this fearful struggle, the parent country gave no aid. The people were left to defend themselves, being counted by the English as voluntary exiles. This neglect continued until the country,- by its riches, excited their cupidity, and then they obtruded upon it their governmental regulations. I ask your attention for a moment, to the enactment and enforcement at New Haven, of a code called the hhie-laivs. Although those ordinances were never officially published, yet was a large community governed by them. They do not appear to be more severe than those of Massachusetts and Plymouth. In truth, they emanated from the same source: many being based on the ten commandments, carried out to the letter; and the sabbath was observed with extraordinary strictness, according to the decalogue. In order to the full performance of the fourth command- ment, it was enacted, that no one should run on the sabbath, or walk in his garden, or elsewhere, except reverently to and from meeting. No one should travel, cook victuals, make beds, sweep house, cut hair, or shave, on the sabbath. No woman shall kiss her child on the sabbath or fast day. No one shall read the Common i)rayer-book, keep Christmas or Saint's day, make minced pies, dance, play cards, or play on any instrument of music, except the drum, trumpet and Je«^'*-harp. No person under 20 years of age, nor any other, who had not already accustomed himself to the use of tobacco, shall take any, until he has obtained a certificate, from under the hand of an approved physician, that it was useful for him. All others who had addicted themselves to the use of it, are pro- hibited from taking it, in any company, whether at their labours or in travelling, and then, not more than once a day, upon pain of a fine of six-pence for every such offence ; and one substantial witness shall be suilicient proof. Among those laws, are many, which, with the one just cited, qualifying the use of that pernicious weed, tobacco, might be advantageously adopted at this day. These, with the laws of 41 New England in general, at that period, are more cnrious in their phraseology, than wrong in principle; and we must ever bear in mind, that they emanated from men, whose ardent souls, whether labouring for religioner liberty; whether plant- ing colleges or schools amid a savage foe ; whether toiling for subsistence on the rich banks of the Connecticut, the barren hills of Plymouth, or more generous soil of Massachusetts and the Islands of Narraganset, can never have their history recorded by us, their descendants, without our pen running into enthu- siasm. Their Christian courage, sacrifice of country, intense suffering, patient forbearance, unwearied labour and humble carriage, must awaken our strongest filial love, and lead us to exclaim, in the words of one who has deeply studied them:* — "No! never — Almighty God — never may the progeny from such a stock, degenerate from the virtues of their sires!" But it is time to draw to a conclusion. And this I desijrn to do, by briefly noticing some of our countrymen, who have distinguished themselves, eminently, in times, immediately preceding our own, and then saying a word or two of the character of the living race. In reference to the first, I find at hand, taken from a late periodical, an enumeration of New England men in the British Colonies. Bui the list is so long that I forbear to copy it. They were more than thirty, educated at our own colleges, and all most highly gifted. To those may be added Sir William Phips, the stock from which sprang the house of Mulgrave, Copley, Lord Lyndhurst, Sir Isaac Coffin, Count Rumford, Admiral Hallowell, and many others, who were proud of call- ing themselves Boston Boys, and sons of New England. But what of the living Yankee of 1844? He, whose compatriots, counting the stationary and ambulatory, now number two mil- lions five hundred thousand; springing chiefly from those parent stocks, whose history we are met to commemorate. Here is a motto that will suit him: — "It is good for him to be employed. Jiclion is really the life^ business and rest of his ' Honoiirahle Jolin Quincy Adams. 42 mind." Casl anchor where he will, no ground tackle will hold him, if there be not occupation. He must keep moving, in search of a port, with profitable employment in it. And no rest can be found on fortune's restless wheel, until a prize be drawn, rich enough to reward his industry. Yet order and piety are, generally speaking, co-operating influences, in all his occupations, whether at home or abroad. It is they that accompany him in his industry and enterprise; it is they that stimulate his good-fellowship, methodical training of his family, his store and his workshop. Early accustomed to sustain the house of worship and the schools, the tax is met with alacrity, the pastor is looked up to with veneration. His liberal con- tributions for Missionary purposes, have their source in the hereditary love of religion and its handmaid, good order. It is those that so deeply inspire the multitudes of both sexes, with the willingness to bear the sacred word to any country, any climate!! The Spaniard is not more truly designated by his grave de- portment, the Frenchman by his merry temper, than the New- Englandman by his habit of thrift, his shrewdness, discretion, smartness in business, and quick perception of the road to profit. Turning with ease from an unsuccessful to a more pro- mising pursuit, hecan practice versatility in ever)- calling of life. Not from inconstancy, or a love of change, but for the sake of knowing many things, so that he may adopt the best, and abide by it. When plougliing on land seems uncongenial, he turns to ploughing the ocean, or pre'pares himself for a learned profes- sion; and, anon, becomes radiant in the pulpit, or conspicuous at the bar. Ofttimes a single avocation will not satisfy him, and then we see him in the exercise of one for this period of the year, and another for that. Many irons in the fire, the proverb notwithstanding, do not ruin him; his habit of order prepares for them alj. The parent stock bequeathed to him a spirit of enterprise, tempered by prudence, intelligence and s) stem. In that stock was the ij^erm of Yankeeism, now developed in their descen- dants. Cromwell saw it in his fellow-Puritaus, and told Roger 43 Williams, just after he had subdued the Irish, that he would provide generously for all the New England Colonists, if they would leave America, and settle in Ireland. They preferred, however, the mighty field, in which their courage and inde- pendence had placed them. I do not deny that the love of money is the chief stimulant with a majority. It is that which exercises his ingenuity, and fills the patent office. It is that which carries him from the Hyperborean regions of both poles, through all the circles of the earth, and keeps him busy in every latitude. But when he has acquired riches, who more munificent in its distribution? Behold his princely gifts to colleges, hospitals, and every in- stitution dependent upon benevolence, and liberal acts of charity! Sometimes "diffusing his benevolence around," in secret, denying to those he benefits, his name. With the desire in all to rise to distinction and obtain a competency, many are led into projects of more or less hazard. And as we claim to be a religious people, without assuming to be a community of saints, some of our brethren, while in jjursuit of the golden fleece, may, by errors of conduct, as well as misfortunes in business, fall into poverty. Then it is our duty and our delight to exercise towards such, that first born virtue of religion — charity! For the benevolent purpose of aiding those who are destitute in Philadelphia, we are associa- ted; and we stand ready, according to our means, to dry up the tear of the wanderer, who may claim kindred with us. It may be inferred from the severity of some of the colo- nial laws, that those who lived under them were sad and gloomy; yet, if we may judge from contemporaneous authors, nothing could be less true. Cotton Mather's pages, for ex- ample, abound in merriment, and play upon words for mirth's sake. At any rate, nothing like constitutional dejection, or depressed spirits, can be discovered in their descendants, as a communit}-; for they are avouched abroad and at home, to be cheerful, contented and happy, gifted with fun to raise a laugh, and a hearty one, when in friendly converse, and to prolong convivial pleasure with rational gaiety. 44 The sons of New England have no heaviness of heart, no habitual melancholy; the truth of this, they mean to test on Monday, when our celebration will be consummated, under Providence, by a feast of reason for the teetotaller, and a flow of social joy, with a moderate draught from the loine vault, for the bacchanalian.