D 639 .L2 P65 Copy 1 021 929 005 6 Hollinger Corp. pH 8.5 When you have read this, please pass it on to a friend. BULLETIN NO. 40 FEBRUARY, I9I8 THE AMERICAN RIGHTS LEAGUE , Q rof Upholding the Dttty of the Repwblic \ ^^ in International Relations _^_ 1 .L2 065 2 WEST 45th ST., NEW YORK 1 Copy 1 ® LABOR AND THE WAR THE FATE OF CIVILIZATION HANGS UPON ACTION OF WORLD'S WORKERS By GEORGE HAVEN PUTNAM It is not too much to say that the decision of this world's war, a decision upon which depends the status of civiHzation for many years to come, is dependent upon the action of labor, organized and unorganized, in the various countries concerned. The men who work with their hands constitute the majority in all communities, and their service must be secured in part for the fighting lines and in part for the work required to maintain the fighting lines, and to maintain at the same time the essential industries of the countries whose troops are at the front. During the three years of the war the workingmen have in large part given evi- dence of a good understanding of the nature of the issues that were being fought out and they have much to their credit in the matter of loyal service and of a readi- ness to put to one side, under the pressure of war needs, contentions and convic- tions concerning the proper limit for working hours and the readiness to carry on work with men who had not accepted membership in the unions. The unions in Great Britain have (after certain troublesome delays) finally adopted a war policy by means of which the full strength of their membership is being contributed to the maintenance of the war resources of the nation. On this side of the Atlantic Mr. Gompers has used his great influence in favor of wise and patriotic action on the part of organized labor. He has rendered enormous service to the country and to the cause in making clear to the members of the unions two things: First, that iii common with all thecitizensof theRepublic they owe service, and that in time of emergency they owe exceptional service; and, second, that from the point of view of their own personal advantage they have a very direct personal interest in doing their part to bring the war to a suc- cessful close in such fashion that the liberties of the Republic may be preserved, that its obligations may be fulfilled, and that the prosperity of its productive industries may be assured for the yeais to come. PATRIOTIC LABOR It is proper to recall, however, that certain of the workingmen in this country have refused to accept the policy of patriotic leaders like Mr. Gompers. Some groups have endeavored to utilize for their own petty advantage the opportunities given b}'' the pressure for war production. Others have allowed themselves to accept the leadership of the I. W. W. and to take the ground that the real struggle to be determined was not that between German militarism and civilization, but between what they call capitalism and the interests of the workers. The short- sighted selfishness of workers of this kind has been promptly taken advantage of by German propagandists, who realize that every interruption to industry in this country constitutes a gain for the German cause. It is under the influence and with the use of the money of these propagandists that the I. W. W. have been encouraged to carry on sabotage, to provoke strikes, to block by means of the burning of factories, by bombs, and by the disabling of machinery the production of munitions, equipment, and food. At this time, when the Republic requires for its defence all its available re- sour.ces. of men and of material, a strike of workingmen, mill, mine, factory, or rail- road employes, is simply treason. All industries must, for the safety of the coun- try, be maintained at full efficiency. The individual who sells information to the enemy is not guilty of more serious treason than that which attaches to the union calling out a thousand men from the workshop. The action of similar groups in Russia has brought enormous disasters upon the country. The labor organizations in Russia have taken the ground that the educated classes and the so-called bourgeois, who are described by them as repre- senting the arch enemy — capitalism — shall have no part in the government of the country. The labor committees which for the moment control affairs in Petro- grad, and who are trying to control the country, have shown their understanding, of national honor and of national interests by announcing their intention to re- pudiate the national debt. They have at the same time taken possession of bank deposits and of the contents of the shops of the metropolis. Their standard of action is that of crazy children who have broken into a candy shop. They believe that it is going to be possible to carry on the industries of Russia, upon which industries depends, of course, the livelihood of the workers, without the use of organized capital. They believe that it is going to be possible to maintain the independence of the nation after operations which mean the piratical appropriation of resources that have been loaned to Russia by France, England, and the United States. The actions of the labor unions in Petrograd show labor at its worst. So far no leader has appeared with a wisdom and pa- triotism like that of Mr. Gompers to rescue these children from their wicked folly. BRITISH WORKMEN IN THE '60'S I may recall in this connection the wise and patriotic action taken by certain English working folk in the years between i86i-'65. The cotton operators in Manchester, Oldham, and other manufacturing centres were, after the beginning of 1862, starving because for want of cotton the mills had closed. Leaders like Palmerston, Russell, and John Delane of the London Times, and other friends of Louis Napoleon and of the cause of the South, were trying to convince these men of Lancashire that their influence must be used to induce the government to inter- vene in the American war and to secure the independence of the Confederacy. In this way, said the Times, and only in this way, can it be possible to secure a speedy peace and to bring again to the factories of England the supplies of cotton which were required to save the working folk from starvation. These men of Lancashire, putting to one side such specious suggestions, ac- cepted the leadership of John Bright, Richard Cobden, and the Duke of Argyll. They refused to give the weight of their votes and influence in behalf of a cause which stood for human slavery. They held, with John Bright, that the mainten- ance of the American Republic was essential for the interests of representative government, of goverrmient for the people, not only in America, but in England and throughout the world. The American Minister, Mr. Adams, asked John Bright what could be done to help these starving operators, and Bright suggested that America might send food. Committees were formed in New York and in Boston, including in their membership list such men as John M. Forbes, Moses H. Grinnell, William E. Dodge, A. T. Stewart, George P. Putnam, and others. Supplies of food were purchased and were forwarded in three vessels to Liverpool, consigned to a committee that Bright had organized for the purpose. This sym- pathetic gift constituted the recognition from America of the sturdy patriotism of the workingmen of England. The lesson is one that can well be taken to heart by working folk to-day throughout the world. Irrespective of their duty as citizens, their livelihood is bound up with the securing of a peace that shall be an assured peace. Their interests are definitely opposed to militarism, which means the continuation of the burdens of standing armies and the certain renewal of war in the near future. If the working people on both sides of the Atlantic will see clearly and will act with wisdom and patriotism, the doom of militarism is assured and the world will be made safe for democracy. g, .. . ^. LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 021 929 005 6 HoUinger Corp. pH 8.5 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 021 929 005 6 Hollinger Corp. pH8.5