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 LOYAL I>UBLI0ATI01Sr SOCIETY. 
 No. 13. 
 
 Published by. ANSON D, F. RANDOLPH, 6S3 Broadway, corner of 
 Amity Street, New- York. 
 
 HOW A FEEE PEOPLE 
 
 CONDUCT A LONG- WAR. 
 
 BY CHARLES J^STILLE. 
 
 We have known hitherto in this country so little of the actual realities 
 of war on a grand scale, that many are beginning to look upon the violent 
 opposition to the Government, and the slowness of the progress of our arras, 
 as signs of hopeless discouragement. History, however, siiows us that 
 these are the inevitable incidents of all wars waged by a free people. This 
 might be abundantly illustrated by many remarkable events in English his- 
 tory, from the days of the great Rebellion, down through the campaigns 
 of the Prince of Orange and of Marlborough, to the wars which grew out of 
 the events of the French Revolution. War is always entered upon amidst 
 a vast deal of popular enthusiasm, which is utterly unreasoning. It is the 
 universal voice of history, that such enthusiasm is wholly unreliable in 
 supporting the prolonged and manifold burdens which are inseparable from 
 every war waged on an extensive scale, and for a long period. The popular 
 idea of war is a sjieedy and decisive victory and an immediate occupation 
 of the enemy's capital, followed by a treaty of peace by which the objects 
 of the war are permanently secured. Nothing is revealed to the excited 
 passions of the multitude but dazzling visions of national glory, pur- 
 chased by small privations, and the early and complete subjugation of theii 
 enemies. It is, therefore, not unnatural that at the lirst reverse they should 
 yield at once to an unmanly depression, and, giving up all for lost, they 
 should vent upon the Government for its conduct of the war, and upon the 
 army and its generals for their failure to make their dreams of victory 
 realities, an abuse as unreasoning as was their original enthusiasm. 
 
 Experience has taught the English people that the progress of a war 
 never fulfils the popular expectations ; that although victory may be assured 
 at last to patient and untiring vigor and energy in its prosecution, yet dur. 
 ing the continuance of a long war, there can be no well-founded hope of a 
 uniform and constant series of brilliant triumphs in the field, illustrating 
 the pi'ofound wisdom of the policy of the Cabinet ; that, on the contrary, all 
 war, even that which is most successful in the end, consists rather in 
 checkered fortunes, of alternations of victory and disaster, and that its con 
 

 2 HOW A FREE PEOPLE CONDUCT A LONG WAR. 
 
 duct is generally marked by what were evidently, when viewed in the li"-ht 
 of experience, blunders so glaring in the policy adopted by the Government, 
 or in the strategy of its generals, that the wonder is success was achieved 
 at all. The English have thus been taught that the t^-ue characteristic of 
 public opinion, in its judgment of a war, should be, not so much hopefulness 
 or impatience of immediate results, but rather a stern endurance — that 
 King-quality of heroic constancy which, rooted deep in a profound convic- 
 tion of the justice of the cause, supports a lofty public spirit equally well in 
 the midst of temporary disaster, and in the hour of assured triumph. 
 
 We have had no such experience here. Our people are perhaps more 
 easily excited by success, and more readily depressed by reverses, than the 
 English, and it is, therefore, worth while to consider how they carried on 
 war on a large scale and for a protracted period. It will be found, if we 
 mistake not, that the denunciations of the Government, so common among 
 us of late, and the complaints of the inactivity of the army, have their exact 
 counterpart in the history of the progi-ess of all the wars in which England 
 has been engaged since the days of the great Rebellion. He who draws 
 consolation from the lessons of the past, will not, we think, seek comfort in 
 vain when he discovers that in all those wars in M'hich the Government and 
 the army have been so bitterly assailed, (except that of the American Revo- 
 lution,) England has at last been triumphant. It is worth while, then, to 
 look into English history to understand how war is successfully carried on, 
 notwithstanding the obstacles which, owing to a perverted public opinion, 
 exist within the nation itself These difSculties, although thej^ inhere in 
 the very nature of a free government, often prove, as we shall see, more 
 fruitful of embarrassment to the favorable prosecution of a war than the 
 active operations of the enemy. 
 
 We propose to illustrate the propositions which we have advanced, by a 
 study of the series of campaigns known in English historj' as the Peninsu- 
 lar War. We select this particular war because we think that in many of 
 its events, and in the policy which sustained it, there are to be observed 
 many important, almost startling, parallelisms with our present struggle. 
 We have, of course, no reference to any similarity existing in the principle 
 which produced the two wars, but rather to the striking resemblance in the 
 modes adopted by the two people for prosecuting war on a grand scale, and 
 for the vindication of a principle regarded as of vital importance by them. 
 
 The Peninsular War, on the part of England, as was contended by the 
 ministry during its progress, and as is now universally recognized, was a 
 struggle not only to maintain her commercial supremacy, (which was then, 
 as it is now, her life,) but also to protect her own soil from invasion by the 
 French, by transferring the scene of conflict to distant Spain. The general 
 purpose of assisting the alliance against Napoleon seems always to have 
 been a subordinate motive. It is now admitted by all historians, that upon 
 success in this war depended not only England's rank among nations, but 
 her very existence as an independent people. The war was carried on for 
 more than five years, and on a scale, so far as the number of men and the 
 extent of the military operations are concerned, until then wholly unat- 
 tempted by England in her European wars. The result, as it need not be 
 said, was not only to crown the British arms with the most brilliant and 
 
 61., ' f eo 
 
V 
 
 ''S^ HOW A FREE PEOPLE CONDUCT A LOXG WAR. 3 
 
 i^undying lustre, but also to retain permanently in their places the party 
 ^, whose only title to public favor was that they had carried on the war 
 ''.against the most serious obstacles, and brought it to a successful termina- 
 tion. Thus was delayed, it nay be remarked, for at least twenty years, 
 the adoption of those measures of reform which at last gave to England that 
 place in modern civilization which had long before been reached by most 
 of the nations of the Continent, by passing through the trials of a bloody 
 revolution. If we, then, in our dark hours, are inclined to doubt and de- 
 spondency as to the final result, let us not forget the ordeal through which 
 England successfully passed. "We shall find that, in the commencement, 
 there was the same wild and unreasoning enthusiasm with which we are 
 familiar ; the same bitter abuse and denunciation of the Government at the 
 first reverses ; the same impatient and ignorant criticism of military opera- 
 tions ; the same factious and disloyal opposition on the part of a powerful 
 party ; the same discouragement and despondency at times on the pai't of 
 the true and loyal ; the same prophecies of the utter hopelessness of suc- 
 cess ; the same complaints of grievous and burdensome taxation, and pre- 
 dictions of the utter financial ruin of the country ; the same violent attacks 
 upon the Government for its arbitrary decrees, and particularly for the sus- 
 pension of the writ oUiabeas corpus ; the same difficulties arising from the 
 inexperience of the army ; and the same weakness on the part of the Gov- 
 ernment in not boldly and energetically supporting the army in the field. 
 These are some of the more striking parallelisms between the Peninsular 
 War and our own struggle, which a slight sketch of the progress of that 
 war will render very apparent. 
 
 The insurrection in Spain which followed immediately upon a knowledge 
 of the intrigues of Napoleon at Baydnne, in April, 1807, by which the 
 royal family was entrapped into an abdication of its rights to the throne, 
 and Joseph Bonaparte made king of that country, roused universal admira- 
 tion and enthusiasm in England. It was thought by all parties that an 
 obstacle to the further progress of Napoleon's schemes of the most formida- 
 ble character had at last been found. It was the first popular insurrec- 
 tion in any country against Napoleon's power, and consequently, when the 
 deputies from the Asturias reached England imploring succor, their appeals 
 excited the popular feeling to the highest pitch, and the opposite parties in 
 Parliament and the country vied with each other in demanding that Eng- 
 land should aid the insurrection with the whole of her military power. It 
 is curious to observe, that when the question of aid was brought before Par- 
 liament, Mr. Canning and Mr. Sheridan, who had probably never acted to 
 gether before on any political question, rivalled each other in their praise 
 of the Spaniards, and in their expressions of hope and belief that Napoleon 
 had at last taken a step which would speedily prove fatal to him. Large 
 supplies were voted by acclamation, and an important expedition, afterwards 
 operating in two columns, one under the command of Sir John Moore, the 
 other under that of Sir Arthur Wellesley, was dispatched to the Peninsula 
 to aid the insurgents. It is not our purpose to trace the progress of this 
 expedition, but merely to notice the effect which its immediate results, the 
 retreat to Corunna and the Convention of Cintra, produced upon popular 
 feeUng in England. As w ) look back on the history of that time, the folly 
 
4 HOW A FREE PEOPLE CONDUCT A LONG WAE. 
 
 and madness which seized upon the popular mind when the terms of the 
 Convention of Cintra became known, can only be explained by recalling the 
 high-wrought and extravagant expectations of immediate success with 
 which the war had been entered upon. By this Convention, and as the re- 
 sults of a single battle, Portugal was wholly evacuated by the French ; yet 
 such were the unreasonable demands of public opinion, that because the 
 whole French army had not been made prisoners of war, the Ministry was 
 almost swept away by the outburst, and it could only control the storm 
 by removing the two generals highest in rank. It required all the family 
 and political influence of the third. Sir Arthur "Wellesley, to enable him to 
 retain his position in the army. The disastrous retreat of Sir John Moore's 
 army to Corunna, and the easy triumphs of the French at that period 
 throughout all Spain, plunged the English into despair. Going fi-om one 
 extreme to another, men who, only three months before, had quarreled 
 with the army in Portugal because it had not given them the spectacle of a 
 French marshal and twenty thousand of his soldiers as prisoners of war at 
 Spithead, now spoke openly of the folly of any attempt at all on the part of 
 the English to resist the progress of the French arms in the Peninsula. In 
 Parliament there was the usual lame apology for disaster, an attempt to 
 shift the responsibility from the Ministry to the General in command ; but 
 the great fact, that all their hopes had been disappointed still remained, 
 and after the explanations of the Government the general despondency be- 
 came more gloomy than ever. It is not difficult in the light of history to 
 see where the blame of failure should rest. Any one who is disposed now 
 to sneer and cavil at the shortcomings of our own administration, to impute 
 to it views short-sighted and impracticable in their policy, and to blame it 
 for want of energy and vigor in the prosecution of the war, has only to turn 
 to Colonel Napier's account of the stupid blunders of the English Govern- 
 ment, its absurd and contradictory orders, its absolute ignorance not only 
 of the elementary principles of all war, but of the very nature of the country 
 in which the army was to operate, and of the resources of the enemy, to be 
 convinced that had its mode of carrying on hostilities (which was the popu- 
 lar one) been adopted, in six months not an English soldier- would have re- 
 mained in the Peninsula except as a prisoner of war. The history of this 
 campaign contains important lessons for us ; it shows conclusively that the 
 immediate results of war are never equal to the public expectation, and that 
 if this public expectation, defeated by the imbecility of the Government, or 
 soured by disaster in the field, is to be the sole rule by which military 
 operations are to be judged, no war for the defense of a principle can long 
 be carried on. 
 
 Fortunately for the fame and the power of England, the Ministry, al- 
 though ignorant of the true mode of prosecuting hostilities, had sense 
 enough to perceive that their only true policy was perseverance. They 
 were strong enough to resist the foi'midable opposition which the events we 
 have referred to developed in Parliament and the country, and, undismayed 
 by the experience of the past, concluded a treaty with the Provisional Gov- 
 ernment of Spain, by which they pledged England never to abandon the 
 national cause until the French were driven across the Pyrenees. The 
 army was placed upon a better footing, was largely reenforced, and Sir 
 
nOAV A FREE PEOrLE COXDUCT A LONG WAR. 5 
 
 Arthur "Wellesley was appointed to the chief command. The Government, 
 not yet wholly awakened from its illusions, still thought it practicable to 
 reach Madrid in a single campaign, and to that end the efforts of Welling- 
 ton were directed. It became necessary first to dislodge Soult at Oporto, 
 and the magnificent victory of the Enghsh, gained by the passage of the 
 Douro at that point, went far to revive confidence at home in the invinci- 
 bility of their army. Yet so clear is it that victory in war often depends 
 upon what, for some better name, we may call mere good fortune, that we 
 have the authority of the Duke of Wellington himself for saying, that this 
 army, which had just exhibited such prodigies of valor, was then in such a 
 state of demoralization, that although " excellent on parade, excellent to 
 fight, it was worse than an enemy in a country, and liable to dissolution 
 alike by success or defeat." Certainly no severer criticism has ever been 
 justified by the inexperience and want of discipline of our own raw levies 
 than that contained in this memorable declaration. A little reflection and 
 candor might teach us, as it did the English, that nothing can compensate 
 for the want of experience, and that every allowance is to be made for dis- 
 asters where it is necessary to educate both officers and soldiers in the 
 actual presence of the enemy. Wellington soon afterwards moved towards 
 the Spanish frontier, hoping by a junction with the army under Cuesta to 
 fight a battle with the French, which would open to him the road to the 
 capital. The battle was fought? at Talavera, and although it has since been 
 claimed by the English as one of their proudest victories, and the name of 
 Talavera is now inscribed upon the standards of the regiments who took 
 part in it with those of Salamanca and Vittoria, yet the result was in the 
 end, that Wellington was obliged to retreat to Lisbon, just three months 
 after he had set out from that place, having left his wounded in the hands 
 of the French, having escaped as if by a miracle from being wholly cut oflf 
 in his retreat, and having lost one third of his army in battle and by disease. 
 Of course, the blame was thrown upon the want of cooperation on the part 
 of the Spaniards. This we have nothing to do with ; it is the result of the 
 campaign with which we are concerned. Dependence upon the Spaniards 
 was certainly, as it turned out, a fiiult, but it was one of the fair chances 
 of war, and it was a fault in which Wellington, made wise by experience, 
 was never again detected. 
 
 When the news of the untoward result of this campaign reached England, 
 the clamor against the Government and against Wellington was quite as 
 violent as that excited by the disasters of Sir John Moore's army. The op- 
 position in Parliament took advantage of this feeling to rouse public opinion 
 to such a manifestation as might compel the termination of the war in the 
 Peninsula, and drive the ministry from office. The Common Council of 
 London, probably a fair exponent of the opinions of the middle class, peti- 
 tioned the King not to confirm the grant of £2000 year, which the Ministry 
 had succeeded in getting Parliament to vote to Wellington. The petitioners 
 ridiculed the idea that a battle attended with such results should be called 
 a victory. " It should rather be called a caJamity,''^ they said, " since we 
 were obliged to seek safety in a precipitate flight, abandoning many thou- 
 sands of our wounded countrymen into the hands of the French." In the 
 opinion of the strategists in the Common Council and of their friends in 
 
6 HOW A FKEE PEOPLE CONDUCT A I ONG WAE. 
 
 Parliament, Wellington might be a brave officer, but he was no general ; he 
 had neglected the protection of his flanks and his line of communication. 
 When it is remembered, that at this very time, Wellington, profiting by 
 the experience of the past, was diligently making his army really eflective 
 within the lines of Torres Vedras, from which stronghold it was in due 
 time to sally forth like a giant refreshed, never to rest until it had planted 
 the English flag on the heights of Toulouse, we may perhaps smile at the 
 presumption of those who, sincere well-wishers to the cause, displayed only 
 their ignorance in their criticism. But what shall be said of those who, 
 knowing better, being quite able to understand the wisdom of the policy 
 adopted by the Gen-eral to insure success in the stupendous enterprise in 
 which the country was engaged, yet with a factious spirit, and with the sole 
 object of getting into power themselves, took advantage of the excitement 
 of the ignorant multitude to paralyze the energies of the Government ? 
 
 That hideous moral leprosy, which seems to be the sad but invariable 
 attendant upon all political discussions in a free government, corrupting the 
 very sources of public life, breeding only the base spirit of faction, had 
 taken complete possession of the opposition, and in its sordid calculations, 
 the dishonor of the country, or the danger of the army, was as nothing pro- 
 vided the office, the power, and the patronage of the Government were se- 
 cured in their hands. It was of little concern to them, provided they could 
 drive the Ministry from office, whether its «do\vnfall was brought about by 
 blunders in Spain, or by the King's obstinacy about Catholic Emancipation, 
 or by an obscure quarrel about the influence of the Lords of the bed-cham- 
 ber. The sincerity of these declamations of the opposition was curiously 
 enough put to the test some time afterwards, when the Ministry, wearied 
 by the factious demagogueism with which all their measures were assailed, 
 and understanding perfectly their significance, boldly challenged their op- 
 ponents, if the}'" were in earnest, to make a definite motion in the House of 
 Commons, that Portugal should be abandoned to its fate. This move com- 
 pletely unmasked their game, and for a time silenced the clamor, for it was 
 perfectly understood on all hands, that deep in the popular heart, undis- 
 turbed by the storms which swept over its surface, there was a thorough 
 and abiding conviction of the absolute necessity of resisting the progress of 
 Napoleon's arms, and that the real safety of England herself required that 
 that resistance should then be made in Spain. Still this noisy clamor did 
 immense mischief; it weakened the Government, it prolonged the strife, it 
 alarmed the timid, it discouraged the true, and it so far imposed upon Na- 
 poleon himself, that thinking that in these angry invectives against the 
 Government he found the real exponent of English sentiment, he concluded, 
 not unnaturally, that the people were tired and disgusted with the war, and 
 that the privations which it occasioned were like a cancer, slowly but surely 
 eating out the sources of national life. 
 
 In the midst of these violent tumults at home, Wellington was silently 
 preparing for his great work within the lines of Torres Vedras. It would 
 not be easy to overrate the difficulties by which he was surrounded. He 
 was fully aware of the outcry which had been raised against him ; he knew 
 that from a Cabinet weakened by internal dissensions, and on the verge of 
 overthrow from the vigorous assaults of the opposition, and from its own 
 
now A FKEE PEOPLE CONDUCT A LONG TVAE. 7 
 
 unpopularity occasioned by the failure of the Walcheren expedition, and 
 the disasters in the Peninsula, he could expect no thorough and reliable 
 support. Indeed, the Government, almost in despair, threw the whole re- 
 sponsibility for the military measures on the Continent on him alone. He 
 accepted the responsibility in a most magnanimous spirit. " I conceive," 
 he writes, " that the honor and the interests of the country require that 
 we should hold our position here as long as possible, and please God, I will 
 maintain it as long as I can. I will neither endeavor to shift from my own 
 shoulders on those of the Ministers the responsibility for the failure, by 
 calling for means which I know they can not give, and which perhaps would 
 not add materially to the facility of attaining our object ; nor will I give to 
 the Ministers, who are not strong, and who must feel the delicacy of their 
 own situation, an excuse for withdrawing the army from a position which, 
 in my opinion, the honor and interest of the country require they should 
 maintain as long as possible." Animated by this heroic sense of duty, the 
 Commander-in-Chief prepared to contend against the 200,000 men under 
 Massena, whom. Napoleon had sent to chase him into the sea. He had, to 
 oppose this immense force, cmly 25,000 English soldiers, and about the 
 same number of Portuguese, tolerably organized. Secure within the lines 
 of Torres Vedras, he quietly waited until the want of provisions, and the 
 utter hopelessness of an assault upon his position forced upon Massena the 
 necessity of retreating. Then instantly pursuing, in a series of battles, of 
 almost daily occurrence, he drove Massena out of Portugal, and reached 
 once more the Spanish frontier in May, 1811, nearly three years after the 
 English had sent an army to the assistance of the Peninsula. Here he 
 i-ested for a long time, making preparations for the siege of Badajoz and 
 Ciudad Rodrigo, operations requiring time, and the success of which was 
 essential to the safety of the army in its further progress. Still, so little 
 was Wellington's position, military and political, understood in England, 
 even at that time, after all the proofs he had given of consummate ability, 
 that public clamor was again roused against the mode adopted by him for 
 conducting the war. As there were no disasters at which to grumble, 
 people talked of "barren victories," because like those of Crecy and Azin- 
 court, they brought no territorial acquisitions, forgetting then what they 
 have never been weary of boastingly proclaimmg since, that these victories 
 were the best proofs that their army was distinguished by the highest mili- 
 tary qualities, whicli, properly directed and supported, were capable of achiev- 
 ing the most glorious results. So profound was the conviction of the im- 
 mense superiority of the French, both in numbers and in the quality of 
 their troops, that the public mind was in a state of feverish anxiety, and 
 many of the stoutest hearts gave way to despair. About this period Sir 
 Walter Scott wrote to Mr. Ellis : " These cursed, double cursed news (from 
 Spain) have sunk my spirits so much, that I am almost at disbelieving a 
 Providence ; God forgive me, but I think some evil demon has been per- 
 mitted in the shape of this tjTannical monster, whom God has sent on the 
 nations visited in his anger. The spring-tide may, for aught I know, break 
 upon w« in the next session of Parliament. There is an evil fate upon us 
 in all we do at home or abroad." So Sir James Mackintosh, writing to 
 Geutz, at Vienna : " I believe, like you, in a resurrection, beca ase I believe 
 
8 now A FREE PEOPLE COXDUCT A LONG WAR. 
 
 in the immortality of civilization, but when, and by whom, and in what 
 form, arc questions which I have not the sagacity to answer, and on which 
 it would bo boldness to hazard a conjecture. A dark and stormy night, a 
 black series of ages may be prepared for our posterity, before the dawn that 
 opens the more perfect day. Who can tell how long that fearful night may 
 be before the dawn of a brighter morrow ? The race of man may reach the 
 promised land ; but there is no assurance that the present generation will 
 not perish in the wilderness." As if to render the situation more gloomy, 
 if possible, the Marquis of "Wellesley, the brother of WeUington, left the 
 Ministry upon the avowed ground that the Government would not support 
 the war with sufficient vigor. History has stripped his conduct of any such 
 worthy motive, and shown that the real trouble was his anxiety to supplant 
 Mr. Perceval. At the same time, the attack was kept up in the opposite 
 quarter. " No man in his senses," says Sir Francis Burdett, " could enter- 
 tain a hope of the final success of our arms in the Peninsula. Our laurels 
 were great, but barren, and our victories in their effects mere defeats." Mr. 
 "Whitbread, too, as usual, was not behindhand with his prophecies. " He 
 saw no reason," he said, " to alter his views respecting peace ; war must 
 otherwise terminate in the subjugation of emier of the contending powers. 
 They were both great ; but this was a country of factitious greatness. 
 France was a country of natural greatness." So, General Tarleton " had 
 the doctrine of Mr. Fox in his favor, who wished for the pencil of a Cer- 
 vantes to be able to ridicule those who desired to enter upon a continental 
 
 war." * 
 
 Thus, from universal enthusiasm in favor of the Spanish war, public 
 opinion, at first manifesting itself through the factious spirit of the opposi- 
 tion, at length spoke through all its organs, in tones of despondency and 
 despair, of the situation and prospects of the country, and simply because 
 there had not been that sort of military success which it could understand, 
 to sustain and direct it. Universal distrust seized upon the public mind ; 
 
 * The following description of the opposition of that day, taken from the Annual 
 Register for 1812, bears so striking a likeness to the peculiarities of the leaders of 
 an insignificant, but restless faction among us, that, omitting the old-fashioued 
 drapery of the proper names, they seem to have sat for the photograph. "It may 
 be remai-kcd as a most singular circumstance, that those persons in this country 
 who profess to have the greatest abhorrence of ministerial tyranny and oppression, 
 look with the utmost coolness on the tyranny and oppression of Bonaparte. The 
 reo-ular opposition do not mention it with that abhorrence which might be expected 
 from them ; but the leaders of the popular party in Parliament go further. They 
 are almost always ready to find an excuse for the conduct of Bonaparte. The most 
 violent and unjustifiable acts of his tyranny raise but feeble indignation in their 
 minds, while the most trifling act of ministerial oppression is inveighed against with 
 the utmost bitterness. Ready and unsuspecting credence is given to every account 
 of Bonaparte's success ; while the accounts of the success of his opponents are re- 
 ceived with coldness and distrust. Were it not for these things, the conduct of Mr. 
 Whitbread and his friends would be hailed with more satisfiiction, and inspire more 
 confidence with the real lovers of their country ; for they deserve ample credit for 
 the undaunted and unwearied firmness with which they have set themselves against 
 abuses and against every instance of oppression." 
 
HOW A FREE PEOPLE CO^^)UCT A LONG "WAP.. 9 
 
 and had it not been for the heroic constancy of that great commander, -whose 
 task in supporting the Ministry at home was at least as difficult as that of 
 beating the French in Spain, the glory of England had sunk forever. 
 
 Yet it happened, as it so often happens in the order of Divine Pro- 
 vidence, in the moral as in the physical world, that the night was 
 darkest just before dawn. Amidst all this universal despondency and 
 sinister foreboding, events were preparing which in a few short months 
 changed the whole face of Europe, and forced back that torrent of revolu- 
 tionary success which had spread over the whole continent, until it over- 
 whelmed the country where it had its source in complete ruin. The dis- 
 cussions in Parliament to which we have referred, took place in February, 
 1812. With the siege of Ciudad Rodrigo on the ISth of January of that 
 year, with the fall of Badajoz on the 2Gth of March, the first battle of Sala- 
 manca on the 20th of July, and Napoleon's invasion of Russia in June in 
 the same year, began the downfall of the French Empire. 
 
 Wellington at last reached Madrid in August, 1812, more than four years 
 later than he ought to have done, according to the strategists of Parliament 
 and the Press. This was all forgotten at the moment, so magic a wand is 
 held by success. The fickle voice of popular applause was again heard, echo- 
 ing the spirit of confidence which his persistent and undaunted conduct had 
 revived in the hearts of his countrymen. His career of victory, however, 
 was destined not to be unchecked ; and when, after his occupation of 
 Madrid, his unsuccessful assault upon the Castle of Burgos rendered a 
 retreat to the Portuguese frontier and the evacuation of the capital a proper 
 military movement, although that retreat was compensated for by the aban- 
 donment of Andalusia by the French, in order to concentrate their Avhole 
 force against him, still the blind multitude could n<?t be made to understand 
 it, and began again to murmur. 
 
 It is not now difficult to see that the victory at Salamanca was really 
 what the far-seeing sagacity of Marshal Soult predicted at the time it would 
 become, " a prodigious historical event," that it was the pivot on which at 
 that time hinged the destinies of England, one of those battles of which we 
 see perhaps a dozen only in the whole course of history, which are really 
 decisive of the fate of empires. It completely unloosed the French power 
 in the Peninsula, and prepared the way for the great success of Vittoria, the 
 next year, which gave the coup de grace to the French military occupation 
 of Spain. It is not our present purpose to trace the history of the next 
 campaign, but it is curious to observe the effects produced by assured suc- 
 cess upon that public opinion which had shifted so often and so strangely 
 during the progress of this eventful struggle. The opposition, as their 
 only hope of escape from political annihilation, and thinking to swim with 
 the popular current, abused the ministers for not supporting Wellington 
 with sufficient earnestness, complaining that they had taken the advice 
 which they themselves had so often and so eloquently tendered. But it 
 was of no avail. This wretched charlatanism was too transparent to im- 
 pose upon any one ; and of the great party who opposed the war, no one 
 ever after rose to office or power in England. It required a whole genera- 
 tion, in the opinion of the English constituencies, to expiate the faults of 
 those who had sneered at the great Duke, and had called the glorious fields 
 
10 HOW A FREE PEOPLE CONDUCT A LONG WAE. 
 
 of Yimeiro, Busaco, Talavera, Fuentes d'Onor, Ciudad Rodrigo, and Badajoz, 
 names which had become associated with the proudest recollections of Eng. 
 lish renown, " mere barren victories, equal in their effects to defeats." 
 
 We pass now to the consideration of another class of difficulties inherent 
 in the prosecution of every war, and generally of far greater magnitude 
 than any other — those connected with the raising of the vast sums of 
 money required for the support of militarj^ operations. In this important 
 matter, if we mistake not, there are some striking points of resemblance 
 between the English experience during the war and our present situation. 
 It is the fashion among many who seek to excite the public alarm on this 
 subject from unworthy, and sometimes, it may be feared, from treasonable 
 motives, to represent the enormous outlay of the nation's wealth which is 
 poured out to save the nation's life, as wholly unparalleled in historj-. Yet 
 it may be asserted, without any fear of contradiction, that England, with a 
 population then little more than half of that which now inhabits our loyal 
 States, with resources infinitelj^ less in proportion at that time than our 
 own, her manufocturing industry, so far as external outlet was concerned, 
 wholly crippled by the operation of the French continental system, and her 
 own Orders in Council, expended, during every year of the Peninsular 
 War, as large a sum as has been required here each year to create and 
 keep up the gigantic force now in arms to put down the rebellion. During 
 the five years that the war lasted, her average annual expenditure exceeded 
 ninety millions of pounds sterling, or four hundred and fifty millions of 
 dollars, which is about the same sum which is demanded of us. No one, of 
 course, pretends to say that this rate of expenditure is not appalling, yet it 
 concerns us to know that it is not unjirecedented, and that these vast 
 amounts have been raisfed from national resources far inferior' to our own. 
 It should not be forgotten, also, that they represent the money price of Eng- 
 land's independence, and if ours is secured by a far greater outlay, we cer- 
 tainly are not disposed to quarrel with the wisdom of the investment. 
 
 The question is, how were these immense sums raised in England ? The 
 man who would have predicted, at the commencement of the war with 
 France, that the English national debt would at its close exceed one thou- 
 sand millions of pounds sterling, and that the country would be able to 
 bear such a burden, would have been regarded as visionary, and as wild as 
 he who in this country, two years ago, might have foretold the present 
 amount of our national debt, and have contended that, in spite of it, the 
 public credit would remain unimpaired. The diflBculty in England of rais- 
 ing these vast sums was tenfold greater than it is here. Napoleon, looking 
 upon England as the Southern people have been taught to regard us, as a 
 purely commercial nation, undoubtedly placed more reliance for success 
 upon the instinct of money-getting, which would shrink from the pecuniary 
 sacrifices necessary in a prolonged struggle, than upon the mere victories of 
 his army. Hence he pursued, during his whole career, an inflexible pur- 
 pose of ruining English commerce, and by a series of measures known as 
 the Continental system, endeavored to exclude English ships and English 
 products from the markets of the world. The effect of these measures, 
 although not so serious as he wished and had anticipated, nevertheless 
 
HOW A FEKE PEOPLE CONDUCT A LOXG AYAE. 11 
 
 crippled enormously the resources of England just at the period when they 
 were most needed. 
 
 Taking the three years before the issuing of the Orders in Council, and the 
 vigorous enforcement of the Continental system, which were coincident in 
 point of time with the commencement of the Spanish war, the average 
 annual exports sank from fifty-seven millions to twent3^-three millions, 
 taking the average of three years after they had been in operation. 
 Taxes were laid on at a most burdensome rate. The income tax was 
 ten per cent, and besides, specific war taxes, amounting to more than 
 twenty millions a year, M'ere imposed. Notwithstanding all these taxes 
 the debt increased more than one thousand millions of dollars during the 
 Peninsular War. Discontent and violence among the laboring classes be- 
 came universal, and it was remarked that the achievement of the greatest 
 victories in Spain was celebrated in England "amidst a population who 
 had been prevented by the burden of taxation on the absolute necessaries 
 of life, from securing a livelihood by the strictest industry, and thus pau- 
 perism had been generated throughout the land, a pauperism aggravated by 
 a spirit of pillage, which it required a strong military force to repress." 
 Bankruptcy and ruin fell upon the trading classes, and absolute exhaustion of 
 the resources of the country seemed almost reached. The public stocks had 
 sunk to such a degree that the three per cents, which are now always above 
 ninety per cent, were rarel/ higher during the war than sixty-five per cent, 
 and so depressed at last had the public credit become, that the last loan of 
 the Continental wai', that of April, 1815, was taken by the contractor at fifty- 
 three per cent, and paid for in the depreciated paper of the day ; and yet the 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer was congratulated even by the opposition for 
 having made a " good operation." The Bank was in a state of chronic 
 suspension, the buying and selling of gold were prohibited to the public 
 under- severe penalties, and yet every gold guinea which was sent by the 
 government to the army in Spain (and nothing else would answer, the pur- 
 pose of money in that country) cost thirty per cent premium. How Eng- 
 land survived all this complication of troubles is one of the marvels of 
 history, but it is not our purpose to discuss that question. The great fact 
 that the money required was somehow raised is all that we have to do 
 with at present. When we have been at war for twenty j'ears, and are 
 forced, in order to raise the means of carrying it on, to submit to one 
 tithe of the sacrifices which were endured by the English, we may then 
 perhaps begin seriously to consider the money value of the Union. 
 
 The lesson which this review of the progress of the Peninsular War 
 teaches, is, it seems to us, one of hope and encouragement, for if it shows 
 any thing, it proves clearly that in the support of public opinion, and in the 
 means requisite to maintain a great army, those fundamental essentials of 
 real military sucqgps, our Government is immeasurably stronger than the 
 English ever was at any period of the war. It teaches also another import- 
 ant lesson, and that is, that there is such a thing as public opinion folsely 
 so called, which is noisy just in proportion as its real influence is narrow 
 and restricted. One of the most difficult and delicate tasks of the states- 
 man is to distinguish the true from this false opinion, the factious dema- 
 gogue from the grumbling buf sincere patriot, and to recognize with a ready 
 
12 HOW A FKEE PEOPLE CONDUCT A LONG WAR. 
 
 instinct the voice which comes from the depths of the great heart of the 
 people, in warning it may be sometimes, in encouragement often, but 
 always echoing its abiding faith in the ultimate triumph of the good 
 cause. 
 
 "We have confined ourselves in our illustrations to the discussion of ques- 
 tions as they affected the success of purely military operations, because we 
 feel that here our grand business is to clear away the obstacles, real or 
 fancied, which may in any way impair our military eflBciency. In military 
 success alone, we are firmly convinced, is to be found the true solution of 
 our whole difficulty, the only force which can give vitality or permanence 
 to any theory of settlement. As the matter now stands, it is idle to hope 
 for cither peace or safety until this question of military superiority is un- 
 mistakably and definitely settled. Upon this point, then, the increase of 
 our military efficiency, which embraces not merely the improvement of the 
 condition of the army, but also, as we have endeavored to show by English 
 examples, and in a greater degree than is often supposed, the support 
 of the Government in its general policy of conducting the war, should 
 the efforts of all those who influence public opinion be concentrated. 
 
 There is a certain class of men among us, not very numerous, per- 
 haps, but still, owing to their position and culture, of considerable influ- 
 ence, who, accustomed to find in the European armies their standard of 
 military efficiency, are disposed to doubt whether a force, composed as 
 ours is of totally different materials, can accomplish great results. "We 
 may admit at once the superioritjr of foreign military organization, the result 
 of the traditions of centuries of military experience, digested into a thorough 
 system, and carried out by long trained officers perfectly versed in the 
 details of the service. Much inconvenience has necessarily resulted in our 
 case from the ignorance of regimental officers, to a greater degree probably, 
 however, from a want of proper care and attention on their part -to the 
 troops when in camp, than from any gross incompetency or misconduct 
 on the field of battle. Instances of such misconduct there have un- 
 doubtedly been, but, considering the number of the officers and their want 
 of experience, those instances are extremely rare, and when we call to mind 
 the number of officers who have fallen, M'hile leading their men in battle, 
 out of proportion, as it undoubtedly is, with the losses in other wars, 
 we may well palliate deficiencies in this respect, out of considerations for 
 their heroic gallantry and devotion. We do not underrate certainly the 
 value of good officers, but history tells us that great victories have been 
 achieved by armies who were no better led than ours. The incompetency 
 of his officers was one of "Wellington's standing complaints in Spain. 
 Most of them knew absolutely nothing beyond the mere routine of garrison 
 duty; they were all what is technically called "gentlemen," for each one 
 had purchased his commission at a high price, but the(| had had no sys- 
 tematic training in military schools; nearly all of them had had no actual 
 experience of war, and their average intelligence was undoubtedly below 
 that of the men who hold similar positions in our army.* All accounts 
 
 * W3 have no room to enumerate in detail the complaints made by the Duke 
 of the offixiers of his army. Those who are iutfrcsted in the subject may consult 
 
HOW A FKEE PEOPLE CONDUCT A LONGt WAE. ]3 
 
 agree that at that period the scientific branches of the great art of war 
 were almost wholly neglected in the British army, and such was the happy 
 ignorance of the elements of strategy, that at a court-martial composed of 
 general officers for the trial of General Whitelock in 1808, for his failure 
 at Buenos Ayres, it was necessary to explain to the court what was meant 
 in military phrase by the " right bank " of a river. 
 
 It is said again, by those who have the standard of foreign armies 
 before their eyes, that among our soldiers there is not a proper defer- 
 ence to rank, too much camaraderie in short, and that this is fatal to 
 discipline. But it should be remembered that mere formal discipline may 
 be one thing, and the true spirit of discipline another, and yet both may 
 answer the same purpose. The fi?st may be more showy than the latter, 
 but not more valuable to real military efficiency. Every thing depends 
 upon the character of the soldier who is to be governed by it. The 
 British army is composed, as we all know, of the refuse of the popula- 
 tion, and in the war in the Peninsula it was largely reenforced by the 
 introduction into its ranks of convicts taken from the hulks, who M^ere 
 there expiating infamous offenses. With such men, motives based on a 
 sense of duty were powerless. Drunkenness, theft, marauding, a muti- 
 nous spirit under privations, and a fierce thirst of license which defied all 
 control in the hour of victory, these were the brutal passions which 
 could only be checked by the equally brute hand of force. But from 
 such a vile herd, made useful only as a slave is made useful, by fear of 
 the lash, to the civilized, sober, well-educated American citizen, animated 
 with the consciousness that he is fighting for a great cause, in the suc- 
 cess of which he and his children have a deep personal interest, and 
 who learns obedience because both his common-sense and his sense of 
 duty recognize its necessity, how immeasurable is the distance ! The 
 American volunteer, in this respect, has not had justice done to his excel- 
 lence. He is certainly a soldier essentially sui generis^ and when we hear 
 sneers at his want of discipline, let us remember that although he may not 
 regard his officers as superior beings, yet experience has already shown that 
 in the cheerful performance of his new duties under privations ; in his free- 
 dom from those vices which in many minds are inseparably associated with 
 the very idea of a soldier ; in his courage, endurance, and steadiness in 
 battle ; and, more than all, in those higher qualities M'hich are the fruit of 
 his education, general intelligence, and love of country, he presents himself 
 to us as a figure hitherto wholly unknown in military history. 
 
 Col. Gurwood's 4th volume, pages 343, 346, 352, 303, 385, 399, and 407. The 
 whole story is summed up, however, in the general order occasioned by the dis- 
 orderly retreat from Burgos, in which the Duke said " that discipline had dete- 
 riorated during the campaign in a greater degree than he had ever witnessed, or 
 ever read of in any army, and this, without any disaster, or any unusual privation 
 or hardship, that the officers had from the first lost all command over their men, 
 and that the true cause of this unhappy state of affairs was to be found in ike 
 habitual neglect of duty by the Regimental Officers" This is the army of which the 
 Duiie said later, that " with it, he could go any where and do any thing," and, good 
 or bad, it saved Europe — in the English sense. 
 
14 HOW A FEEE PEOPLE CONDUCT A LONG WAU. 
 
 One of the most cruel statements which party rancor has circulated in 
 regard to the condition of the army is, that the rate of sickness and mortal- 
 ity is excessive, and that this is due to the neglect of the Government. 
 Fortunately we have the means of showing that these statements are folse. 
 From June 1, 18G1, to March 1, 1862 — nine months — the annual rate of 
 mortahty for the whole army is ascertained to be 53 in a thousand, and the 
 sickness rate 104 in a thousand. The returns for the summer campaigns 
 are not yet printed, but it will appear from them, that in the army of the 
 Potomac on the 10th of June, after the battle of Fair Oaks, and while the 
 army was encamped on the Chickahominy, the whole number of sick, pre- 
 sent and absent, compared with the whole force of that army, present and 
 absent, was 128 in a thousand. During the stay of the army on the Penin- 
 sula it lost less than 14,000 men by death, from disease and wounds, and 
 the annual sickness rate during the campaign was about that which has for 
 some time prevailed in the whole army, less than ten per cent of the whole 
 force. It appears, strange to say, that the army was more healthy when in 
 the trenches before Yoi'ktown, than at any other period of the campaign. 
 Compare this with the English experience. We have already said that 
 Wellington lost about one third of his whole arnij^ from malarious fever on 
 his retreat from Talavera : on the 1st of October, 1811, the Anglo-Portu- 
 guese army had 56,000 men fit for duty, and 23,000 sick in hospitals ; and 
 in the Crimea, while the annual rate of mortality for the whole war was 232 
 in a thousand, the period of active operations, the last three months of 1854 
 and the first three months of 1855, shows the fearful rate of 711 deaths in 
 every thousand men. 
 
 It can not be doubted that to many the most unfavorable symptom of our 
 present condition is the slow progress of our arms. This slowness is more 
 apparent than real, for the history of modern warfare scarcely shows an in- 
 stance in which so great real progress has been made in the same space of 
 time, and it is manifest that whenever our Northern soldiers have had a 
 chance of fighting the enemy on any thing like equal terms, they have fully 
 maintained their superiority. It is none the less true, however, that public 
 expectation in this matter has been much disappointed, and it is curious to 
 look at some of the explanations given for it. The Prince de Joinville, in 
 his recent pamphlet, speaking of the battle of Fair Oaks, and of the neglect 
 to throw bridges over the Chickahominy at the proper time, by means of 
 which the whole rebel armj' might have been taken in flank, and probably 
 destroyed, ascribes the neglect on one page to what he calls la lenteur Aineri- 
 caine, which he seems to think always leads our countrymen to let the chance 
 slip of doing the right thing at the right time, and again on the next to ^^/aute 
 (V organisation faute^ deJiierarchie,fautecle lien, qui enresulte entre Vamedu 
 clief et Varmee, lien puissant qui permet a un General de demander a ses 
 soldats et d'en ohtenir avevglement ces efforts extraordinaires qui gagnent 
 les lattaillesy In other words, General McClellan, knowing that he could 
 gain a d<;cisive victory by laying down half a dozen bridges, which, it is 
 stated, were all ready for the purpose, actually refused to order his soldiers 
 to do it, because he was afraid they would not obey his orders. And this 
 is the Prince's judgment of an army, which, a few weeks later, according to 
 his own account, foug'it five battles in as many days, all, with one excep- 
 
HOW A FREE PEOPLE COXDUCT A LONG WAR. 15 
 
 tion, victories over an enemy at least double its numbers, and arrived at its 
 new base on the James River in excellent condition, and without the slight- 
 est taint of demoralization. This illustration shows the absurdity of ascrib- 
 ing the want of immediate success to la lenteur Americaine, a quality, by 
 the way, which we learn for the first time is one of our national character- 
 istics. 
 
 Among the many causes which might be named, all perfectly legitimate, 
 and presenting no obstacle which a little experience will not remove, we 
 venture to suggest but one, and that is the cliaracter of the early military 
 education of our higher officers. The system pursued at "West Point, 
 although admirable for qualifj'ing officers for the scientific and staff corps 
 of the arm}^ seems to fail in teaching the young soldier, what is just now 
 the most important quality he can possess for command, the character and 
 capacity of volunteer soldiers. The system of discipline he has been taught 
 is that which governs the regular army, a sj'stem modeled upon the Eng- 
 lish, which is, with the exception of that in use in Russia, the most brutal 
 and demoralizing known in any army in Europe. No wonder, therefore, 
 that when our educated soldiers are suddenly placed in high positions, and 
 with great responsibilities, and when they discover that the sort of disci- 
 pline which they have been taught is whollj^ out of place in securing the 
 efficiency of a volunteer army, they are led to doubt whether it can ever be 
 made efficient at all. These prejudices, however, are wearing away before 
 the test of actual experience. Generals are gradually learning that they 
 may confide in their men, even for desperate undertakings ; they begin to 
 see in their true light the many eminent qualities of the volunteer ; and he, 
 in turn, begins to understand something of that militaiy system which 
 seemed at first so irksome and meaningless to him ; and the advance of the 
 army in the essentials of discipline has been proportion abl}' rapid. 
 
 There is a good deal of talk about the impossibility of conquenng or sub- 
 jugating the South, which is based upon very vague notions of what con- 
 quest and subjugation signify. It is surprising to find how even intelligent 
 men have been imposed upon bj'- this favorite boast of the rebels and their 
 sympathizers. A pretended sa^-ing of Napoleon is quoted, that "it is im- 
 possible to prevent any people determined on achieving its independence, 
 from accomplishing its purpose;" and it is confidently asked whether any 
 one ever heard of the subjugation of tweWe millions of people determined to 
 be free. We reply, that history, ancient and modern, is full of instances of 
 the only sort of conquest or subjugation which any sane man proposes shall 
 be submitted to by the South. No one thinks it possible or necessary, for the 
 purpose in view, to occupy the whole South with garrisons, but simply to 
 destroy the only support upon which its arrogant pretensions are based, 
 namely, its military power. This gone, what becomes of all the rest ? and 
 this remaining, where is there any hope of permanent peace and safety to 
 us ? For what is all war, but an appeal to force to settle questions of na- 
 tional interest which peaceful discussion has failed to settle ; and what is an 
 army but only another argument, the ultima ratio, which, if successful in 
 decisive battles, must give the law to the conquered ? To say nothing of 
 instances in ancient history, Poland, Hungary, and Lombardy, in our day, 
 were iust as determined to be fi-ee as the South is, and quite as full of mar- 
 
16 now A TKEE PEOPLE CONDUCT A LONG WAR. 
 
 tial ardor ; and certainly Prussia, Spain under the Bonaparte dynasty, and 
 the French Empire, are all examples of nations which valued their indepen- 
 dence, and had tenfold the resources for maintaining it which the South 
 possesses ; yet the capture of Warsaw, the surrender of Villagos, the bat- 
 tles of Novara, of Jena, of Salamanca, and of Waterloo, respectively, settled 
 as definitively the fate of the inhabitants of those countries, and their future 
 condition, as if the terms imposed by the conquering army had been freely 
 and unanimously agreed upon by the representatives of the people in Con- 
 gress assembled. And, in like manner, can any one doubt, looking at the 
 present comparative resources of the two sections, that if we should gain 
 two decisive battles, one in the East and the other in the West, which 
 should result in the total disorganization of the two rebel armies, and thus 
 enable us to interpose an impassable barrier between them, we should soon 
 hear a voice imploring in unmistakable accents peace on our own terms ? 
 It would not be a matter of choice, but of necessity ; a simple question of 
 how far the progress of exhaustion had been carried, and that once settled, 
 and no reasonable hope of success remaining, the war would not last a week 
 longer. This is the experience of all nations, and our Southern rebels, not- 
 withstanding their noisy boasting, do not differ in their capacity of resist- 
 ance from the rest of mankind. " Hard pounding this, gentlemen," said 
 the Duke of Wellington to his officers, as he threw himself within one of the 
 unbroken squares of his heroic infantry at Waterloo, "Jwi ice^ll see who can 
 found, the longest f'* and the ability of that infantry to "pound the long-, 
 est " on that day settled the fate of Europe for generations. 
 
 Lot us bend, then, our united energies to secure, as much as in us lies, 
 success in the field, and that success gained, we may be sure that all things 
 will follow. Let us recognize with confidence as co-workers in this great 
 object all, never mind what opinions they may entertain about the causes 
 of the war and the new issues which its progress has developed, who desire 
 in all sincerity, no matter from what motive, the success of our arms. 
 Upon such a basis, the wider and more catholic our faith becomes the bet- 
 ter. " In essentials. Unity ; in non-essentials, Liberty ; in all things. Char, 
 ity :" this should be our motto. The only possible hope for the South is 
 in our own divisions. Let us remember that with success all things are 
 possible ; without it, all our hopes and theories vanish into thin air. With 
 success in the field, we should not only disarm the rebellion, and rid our- 
 selves forever of the pestilent tribe of domestic traitors by burying them 
 deep in that political oblivion which covers the Tories of the Kevolution, 
 and those who sneered at the gallant exploits of our Navy in the war of 
 1812, but also force public opinion abroad, whose faithlessness to the great 
 principles M'hich underlie all modern civilization has been one of the saddest 
 developments of this sad war, to exclaim at last, " Invidiam glorid 
 eupej'dsti." 
 
 Loyal Leagues, Clubs, and Newsvenders will be 
 furnished -with any of the Society's Publications at 
 the actual cost price. 
 
 V60 
 

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