^531 \ LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 009 542 772 8 SPEECH OP GOVERNOR ANDW. JOMSON, ON THE RESTORATION OF STATE GOVERNMENT, AT THE MEETINa HELD IN THE HALL OP THE HOUSE OF REPRESKNTA^ TIVES, THURSDAY EVENING, JANUARY 31, 1864, TO TAKE INITIATORY STEPS TO RESTORE CIVIL GOVERNMENT IN TENNESSEE, . 'Nasftbtlle, Senn. : DISPATCH PRIJSTTING^ CO^ No. 11 DEAJDIGRIOK: ST. / ^ 3 ^ "* I 7/ RESTOllATION OF THE STATE GOVERNMENT. SPEECH OF GOVERNOR ANDREW JOHNSON. AT THE MEETING HELD IN THK HALL OF THE HOUSE OP REPRESENTATIVES. THURSDAY BVENING, JANUAJIY 21, 1864, TO TAKE INITIATORY STEPS TO RESTORE CIVIL GOVERNMENT IN TENNESSEE. FELLow-Cnrii;2EN3 : In responding to the call that has been made upon me, I do so not for the purpose of muking a speech, but eimply to enter into a conversiUion, as it were, upon the subjects brought to your consideriition here to- , night in the resolutions just adopted. The time has come v\hen we should begin to consider the true policy to be adopted. I" know in making ppeeches it is easy to make a flourish of trumpets or a display of fire- works, and enlertrtin an audience fora time, but at present we should be practical. Our business now is to commence the restoration of our State government, and if I understand the reso- lutions adopted to night, I think they cover the whole ground. Our object is to restore all the functions of State governmient. We have been involved, or, more properly, engaged, in a rebellion. Pwebellions were anticipated by our forefaihers, and their suppres-ion provided for. And when a rebellion occur.-^ it devolves upon the Government of the United States to suppress it. Admitting the functions of a State to be paralyzed for a time, it does not destroy the State, as hag been very correctly remarked. In the progress of the rebellion, the governor of a State m:iy fiy to seek protection in foreign climes, the Legislature may disappear, the civil magistrates raay cease to act, but that does not destroy the State. Its functions have only been paralysed— its powers arc only remaining inactive. In the 4ih section of the 4th Article of the Constitution we find that the United States shall guarantee to each State in this Union a repub- lican form of government. Instead of pe- titioning the President or the Congress of the United States — instead of assuming Ibc attitude of suppliants in reference to the re- storation of the powers of State government, ve stand in the attitude of demanding — cl-.iira- at the hands of the Federal Government t*k" iiarantee cf a republicaB form of govern- ment. We are no suppliant.^ — no petitioners We stand upon the broad platform of the Con' stitution, demnnding our rights — that the guar- antees in the Constitution shall be secured to us-- that is, to secure to us a republican form of government. We find also in the Constitution of the Uni- ted States that the President is required to take an oath of ofBce. He is sworn to sup- port the Constitution of the United States. He is bound to see that the laws are faith- fully executed, asd he, in the exercise of his constiiutional obligatioas, may appear in the State of Tennessee in the person of an agent — I care not fay what name, either mili- tary Governor, agent, or commissioner — but he can appear through his agent, and restore to the people of Tennessee, and to every other S:ate in the Union, a republic an form of gov- ernment. He has been sending brave men and gallant officers to suppress tijis rebelfio:i, and for a time the functions of goveriuu rit in this State have been suspended, / ■ have no Governor, no Legislature, and l;iit few Judges — and we have one of theH> here to- night, (Judge M. M. Biicn), who h:'..-j been dis- charging his duties in obedience t ^ the princi- ples I have been describing. But in beginning to restore th.' Government — in carrying out the obligations of the Consti- tution, preserving and guaranteeing to the people a republican form of government, we must have justices of the peace, constables, etc. There are many here, no doubt, to-night, who are not citizens of Tennessee. Tliose who are, are familiar with our reg- ulations. For instance, our State is divided into counties, then civil districts, each one of which elects two magistrates and one consta- ble. There arft provisions and exceptions rai'de for different towns to have addilioual ju-ticfs of the peace and constables. We will say, by way of illustration, that the first Saturday in March has been the usual time for the election of all county officers — justices of the peace, constables, trustees, sheriffs, clerks of the county and circuit courts — and when we come to the constitutional basis, would it not be clearly constitutional — would it not be car- rying out the behests of the Constitution, and would the Executive be doing anything more than discharging his duty, to say to the people oi this State on the first Saturday in March next: Go to the ballot-box and elect your con- stables, sheiiifs, justices, county trustees and clerks. And when elected, let them be com- missioned as they oidinarily are. The agent of the Government supplies the vacuum. Is there anything outside of the principles of the Gonstitution in that? Is there any usurpation in it ? There must be a beginning t;omewhere. Ill the ab.'cnce of government there must be steps taken, tiiough they may be irregular, for the purpose of bringing back order? Then we take a ftep without precedent, but clearly justifiable, and proceed to elect our officers as we have done heretofore. In looking over the various judicial districts of the Siate, we find tbem without judicial officers. In turning to the laws and Constitution of the State we find tbat when vacancies occur by death, resigna- tion, or otherwise, the Executive shall make temporary appointments, and these appointees shall bold their places until their successors are elected and qualified. Then we see hOw easy the process is. Begin at the foundation, elect the luwer officers, and, step by step, put the government in motion. But it may be said this can't be done in all the counties throughout the State. But, if it is done in a half dozen counties, it is so much done, and tlaat much done we can do more. In this connection there comes up a very im- jK)rtant question, and that is, who shall be al- j'owed to vote? This is the touchstone. And let us talk about this in a plain, common sense way, and see if we can ascertam who ought, and who ought not to vote. I assume that an individual who has engaged in thia rebellion, who has got his consent to give up the govern- ment of the United States, and with his person attach his fortunes to the Southern Confedera- cy, or to any other Government — I say he has been, by his own act, expatriated — at the very point of time at which he gets his con- sent to take up arms against the Government of the United States, he ceases to be a citi- zen of the United States. [Applause.] A man coming into the United Stattsfrom Great Biituin, Ireland, or elsewhere, does not become a citizen until he has filed his declaration and taken the oath of -allegiance. We describe in our lane the process by which he may become a citizeu. Renouncing bis allegiance to all powers, kings and potentates, thus complying wiih our naluralizUion laws, he becomes a citi- zen of the United States. We know that a great many who went into this rebellion, went into it under a reign of terror ; we know a great many were conscripted, a great many went from interest and speculation ; and oibers — the intelligent portion — went into it for the purpose of changing the Government and es- tablishing an Aristocracy or negro oligarchy. [Laughter.] This we know; and now shall we act •upon the doctrine that a man can't repent, or, upon the Christian principle, that a man can conscientiously acknowl; edge his error and once fmore become a citizen of the United States? This is the question. Shall we lay down a rule which prohibits all restoration, and by which all will be excluded from participating in the exercise of the elective franchise? Think: we are told thrtt honest men sometimes do change their opinions. We are told upon pretty hi^h author- ity that sinners sometimes repent, and honestly repent; and we are told that in thia repent-* ance there should be works meet for repent- ance — that there should be some evidence of it. That is the condition of the community. We want to restore the Government, and the re- storing process is that you, the people, must go to the ballot-box and exercise the elective franchise in so doing. Now let us get at it practically. These three gentlemen sitting here to-night — who are reporting, I presume, arejudges o( an election. We want to elect our squires, our constables, our county ofiS- cers and our judges. I am speaking of things to be done before we get to convention, about wliich I have much to say before I conclude. What rule will you adopt, by which you can tell disloyal from loyal men ? Over there I can point to a raaii who has been standing out like Saul of old, head and should- ers above the rest for the Union, as everybody knows. Over there stands another who has been equally prominent on the other side. Of these two we can say at once that the one may vote and the othei may not. But in this instance we have got two extremes — we have got a case which everybody or anybody can decide with- out difficulty. But is the whole community in this condition ? You may discriminate for a while — these are union men, these are rebels — but after a while you approach a line where they have not been prominent, and then how many can tell which is which ? Will you have no test? No rule? Will you confer the power upon these judges, to say tbat no person shall vote save those that be loyal ? But the'' cannot tell; they may act correctly as far " their judgment goes. Then again, in adt*" ' r I tell you you are trusting a great deal, where you leave this matter to the discretion of judges. They may, in many instances, act right, and they may think they act right in all. Here sit the three judges ; they look around the neigh- borhood and say : " Why, I do not like to diflciiminate in favor of one friend and against another — I hope he has done right, and if he has done wrong, I hope he has repented," Then what rule will you establish ? We want some standard by which we can put he that has been a traitor to the. test, though he has repent- ed. Now what will it be ? It is easy to talk that rebels shall not vote and Union men may, but it is difficult to practice this thing. What rule will you establish? I ask the question. I want information. I came up here to talk to ^u, and you to me. 'I know it has been said by some Union men that we should not be placed in the attitude of culprits — of men asking for par- ^ don. I do not feel that you, and you, should be required, for the sake of a vote, to ask for pardon. I am not a criminal — I have violated no law — I have not raised my arm against my government. Therefore, I do not want par- don. But in the election of officers who are to take charge of the government we want some test, at least, that the men who vote are loyaljand will act with loyal men. In all the States of this Union there is a qualification at- tached to voters without regard to treason, trait- ors, or anything of the kind. And taking the State of Tennessee for an illustration, ^hat is the qualification ? We find that the person to vole must first be a citizen of the United States ; ' nex-t, he must be a free white man. I want you to understand that although I am going to talk about negroes presently, I am for a white man's government, [cheers,] and in favor of free white qualified voters controlling this country, without regard to negroes. [Continued cheering.] Next, the voter must have been in the county six months immediately preceding the day of election. Then if we were to say in addition, before you can vote, you must take an oath something like the following : /. I solemnly swear, that I will henceforth ^ support the Constitution of the United States, and defend it against the assaults of all its enemies; that I will hereafter be, and conduct myself as a true and faithful citizen of the United States, freely and voluntarily claiming to be subject to all the duties and obligations, and entitled to all the rights and privileges of such citizenship; that I ardently desire the suppression of the present in8urt;ection and re- bellion against the Government of the United States, the success of its armies and the defeat \ of all those who oppose them, and that the Constitution of the United States, and all lawg and proclamations made ia pursuance thereof, may be speedily and permanently established and enforced over all the neople, States and Territories thereof; and further, that I will hereafter heartily aid and assist all loyal people in the accomplishment of these resulta So help me God. -^ / Is there any one, Union at hesft, who can object to taking an oath like this? [A voice — "None."] Is there a solitary Union man who cannot take this oath ? [Yoiccs, "nc, ■ no."] Is there any Union man but what would take great pleasure in coming before the judges of election and take this oath to test him who has been warring against hia country ? You put him to the test, you don't come up asking pardon, but are only giving evi- dence of being a loyal and a qualified voter. These are simply the qualifications of a voter. On the other hand, if there ia anybody in this large assembly of voters who needs and desires a pardon or amnesty, whether he seeks it in jood faith or for the purpose of saving a little remnant of negro or any other property, I would say to him, " Go over there ; there ts an altar for you. There is President Lin- coln's altar if you want pardon or amnesty — Jf petitioning to the President for executWe «lemency. If you want to escape the penalties fou have incurred by violatioES of law and the tonstitution, go over there and get your par- Ion. We are not in need of it ; we wigti 30t to take that oath ; that is the oath for him ^ho has committed crime." Now, gentlemeii, :t seems to me this will be fair. We want I hard oath — a tight oath — as a qualification for everybody that votes. He that wants par- Ion must take the oath prescribed by the President of the United States : and I am free ;o say that I think the President has been ei^-, ceedingly lenient in permitting them to do that. " "^ If this will not do, will you suggest something that will be better? What standard will you erect? Don't stand here and find fault with my suggestions and say they will not do ; but suggest others that are better and more ac- ceptable. I am for a rule that will test a loyal man as against a disloyal one; that is the rule I am for. I am free to say to you that I believe there are many even in the Confeder- ate army, many who have deserted, and evea some captured, who I believe are hopest and byal to -day and regret that they ha^e ever been involved in this infamous, diabo3<- cal and damnable rebellion. I have had men come before me who evinced, by their emotions and the tone of their voice, that they were as much opposed to the rebellion as I am. If this he so, and they are now willing to support thecou- stitution, and fight in vindication of it, as far as I am concerned, I am willing to admit them and give them a fair chance to return. We cannot putall in prison ; we can't suspend all upon the gallows. No, this is not a war of extermina- tion, but a war for the restoration of Gov- ernment; and while restoring the Government, if we reclaim honest men we have only donel our duty. If we want to restore the government we, must start at the foundation. Having elected! our squires, constables, sheriftsand other coun-, ty officers, as we can get men to serve, we havej got the groundwork laid. Then what will you! do next? Now mark : under the 4th clause and IV ih article of the Constitution of the United States we have a pledge to secure to the States! a republican form of government. To carry out the spirit and letter of the Constitution, aa the people are the rightful source of polilicalj power, I should say the executive would have the right to invite the people to have a convenJ tion to restore government to the people. Then, even looking to the Constitution of the United States, we have a right to call a convention, and have the convention as a means flowing Irom the constitution to guarantee the restora^ tion of a republican form of government. Wa find in the constitution of this State that yoi can amend the constitution by the legislature, but it takes about six years to amend it in thaj way. But when we recur to the bill of rights, ■p^ieh is a paramount part of our State Consti tution, we find that the sovereign people hav( the right to alter, amend or abolish theii form of government whenever they thini proper, and in their own way. This is per fectly consonant to the Constitution of th( United States, and admits the great principlt that all political power is inherent in the pea Die. I ha ve unfortunately or fortunate]y,a8 the casi may be, always been one of those who hold tha all power ia inherent in the people, and that tha Government is made for the people instead of the people being made for the Government; as much so, at least, as the shoe is made for the foot,in8lead of the foot being made for th.3 shoe. Government emanates from the people; and now, when your Government has been paralj zed or its functions suspended, is there any belter way that can be adopted than to call a convention here ? In other words : let x.s have the sovereign present in the shape of delegates ; or, were it practicable, to appear in a large amphithe.'itre, and know what their opinions were in taking the steps to restore the workings of government, I would ^ay let the people be convened in obedience to the Con- stitution of the United States and of the State, and in strict compliance with the funda- mental principles of our Government, that '' power is inherent in the people. Who dare say the convention shall not assemble ? Who dare say that the people shall not assemble in convention '? I know there is a little croaking dissatisfaction among some that have been nominally Union men, and gome thstjhave been Rebels in this hell-born and hell- bound rebellion, who, now that they are subjugated, after having been instrumental in paralyzing to some extent the Govern- ernment, and after having helped to pro- duce the rebellion, hypocritically say : Oh ! they don't want so much disturbince ; — it will be too revolutionary to have a convention ; it will not do to trust the people with the settle- ment of this great question. Let us think^^ Give me your attention, and I will show^^ you that there is a cat in the meal. They - turn to the Constitution as it now stands, and say, let us get the Legislature back here ; let us patch up things and have no fuss. They think of that little clause in our Consti- tution which provides that the Legislature shall not emancipate slaves without the con- sent of their owners. Don't you see ? Then if they get the Legislature back under the Consti- tution as it is, they think they can hold on to the little remnant of negroes that is left — the disturbing element that has produced all this war. [Applause.] I then say this : Biingthe people forward in convention — the source of all power — they that made the Constitution, and let them act upon this important question and upon this momentous occasion. Let us have the people here, and when they assemble * in convention — when the sovereign is present, he can do all that the Legislature can, and he can do a great deal more. Have a convention here, and it can put your State upon her legs in eight and forty hours. It could appoint these magistrates, these squires, these sheriffs, all the officers, aud carry on the machinery of State to perfection in eight and forty hours. Let the people come forward and speak, and in speaking upon the negro question, my hon- est convictions are, that they will settle it, aud settle it finally. Now, my countrymen,it is not worth while to try to deceive each other, and thus play a hypo- critical part as the soothsayers in olden times ; while practicing their deceptions upon the peo- ple, when meeting, would always smile in each others faces. I "know there is going to be division in Tennessee ; and I tell them now, politically speaking, that my sword is unsheathed,and it never is to be returned until I fall, or until this great principle of free gov- ernment has triumphed. [Cheers.] Now is the time to settle it. Tfafe question of slavery baa been ibe disturbing element in this Gov- ernment,and the time has come now to settle it. The Rebels commenced the destruction of the Government for the preservation of slavery, and the Government is putting down the rebellion, and in the preservation of its own existencft has put slavery dov/u, justly and rightfully, and upon correct principles. It attempted to rist above the Government, and had it succeeded, negroes or their masters would have' controlled the Government ; but in making the attempt. to control the Government, the mighty car of State has moved forward, and the institution has been crushed, and thank God for it. [Ap- plause.] But in this connection I have got a single word to say in reference to the brave and gal- lant men of Tennessee who have entered the service of their country. Is there any one who would like to deprive them of the elective franchise ? [A voice — "No."] Mr. Lincolcj haa done no such thing. He will not require these fifteen thousand heroic soldiers, who have been fighting the battles of their country,' and of themselves constitute more than one- tenth of our voting population, to stand before him as petitioners for pardon and amnesty. I know Lis high appreciation of loyal men, oE| justice and right too well for this. I opposeq his coming into power. I spoke and voteq against him, and though I did this and in favor! of another, I believe Abraham Lincoln is an honest man, and has done, and is doing, ail in his power to preserve this Government and put down this inferna; rebellion. [Applause.] Render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's. I believe Mr, lincoln is a patriot and a friend to his Govern- ment ; I believe he is for free Government , and so believing, t shall stand by him. It is easy to find fault — to complain ; but the nex'. question comes up, who would have done bet- ter than he has done? [Renewed applause.] He is the last man in the United States that would wish to circumscribe the privileges of the brave men of Tennes-ee in the matter of the elective franchise. Is there aTennesseean here to-night, though he may have differed with me heretofore, who ever doubted me! upon this question of free government ? In an election for members ofa convention or for coun- ty officers, how easy will it be for every Tennes- see soldier, if he can hear who the candidates are in his district, to vote for the man of his' • choice wherever he may bestationed? Wheth- er in Middle, or E;i>t, or West Tennessee, his voice can be heard and his weight goes into the ballot bos in the settlement of this great ques- tion. That is the manner in which I want it settled. And when it comes to repelling and driving back the Rebel armies, then let him have on his whole armor — put on his fithseld and lock shield with his comrades, and :aev«r return till victory perches upon his stane emancipited in Tennessee to d ly, and the only remaining question for us to settle, as pru- 8 deni* and wiae men, is in assigning the '' negro his new relation. Now, what will (that be? There are no more negroes to- day t^han there were yesterday — there being no morei negroes free than there were slaves. The SMime space will contain them in one condi- tion ais in another, and the slaveholder need not be 'alarmed with the fear that negroes will be increased faster than they were before. Then t^e negro will be thrown upon society, governied by the same laws that govern com- munities, and be compelled to fall back upon his optn resources, as all other human beings arey; The God of Nature has endowed him wifth faculties that enable him to enjoy X.he result of his own labor. Political free- dom means liberty to work, and at the same time enjoy the product of one's labor, be he white or black, blue or grey, red or green, [laughter] and if he can rise by his own energies, in the name of God let him rise. In saying this, I do not argue that the negro race is equal to the Anglo-Saxon — not at all. There are degrees among white men ; some are capa- ble, others are not ; some are industrious, oth- ers are not; but because we find inferiors • among ourselves, shall every inferior man be assignecPto slavery? If the negro is better fitted for the inferior condition of society, the laws of nature will assign him there. My own conviction is, that in less than five years after this question is settled upon the principle of hired labor, the negro's labor will be more pro- ductive than it ever was. The argument used to be that " Cotton is King." But I think that idea is pretty well exploded. [ Laughter.] For a little experi- ence has proven that cotton is a feeble King without the protection of the United States. I used to tell them that bread and meat were King, and if we look over in rebeldom now, we will find that a little bread and meat would be more acceptable than cotton. [Renewed laughter.] I hope the negro will be transferred to Mexi- co, or some other country congenial to his na- ture, where there is not that difference in class or distinction, in reference to blood or color. If in the settlement of this question the provi- dence of God should call a number of them there, I say let them go. And about that lime I would not care much to see a large portion of our gallant sons go along to Mexico, too, [Cheers,] and as they approach the city of Mexi- co or Jalapa, of which Louis Napoleon has taken possession, where he was going to send Prince Maximilian to govern, I would like our boys to be along there inquiring into that affair, and give him to undeistand that while we can fight for years and head a monstrous re- bellion to boot, he cajjnot come upoa this con- tinent to establish a government anti-republi- can in its character. We have not yet fulfilled our mission. We have got the negroes to dis- pose of. We will do that. And we have got other things to do. We should teach trance and all other powers that we can crush down a gigantic rebellion at home, and that the Combined armies of the world cannot subdue the United States when united. [Loud cheers.] I care noli though all nations were arrayed against us in one solid phalanx. When the masses of the people of these United Stat-en stand united we can bid defiance to the com- Ijined powers of earth. Let us go on in the performance of^the great jiission of restoring these States. And I fully cpncur in the doctrine I heard advanced here to-night, that a State cannot commit suicide — a State cannot destroy itself — a State has no right to go out of this Union, and the Federal Government has no right to put one out. Ifone. The doctrine is as dangerous on one hand as on the other. If you accept either, your Government is destroyed and crum- bles into pieces like a rope of sand, by its own weight. These States occupy a certain relation to the great whole, and the great whole to each part. The pans cannot destroy the whole, neither can the whole de- stroy the parts. It is undeniable : there is no way to destroy a State. We find in the Con- aitution that you can make States, create a government, but there is no way to destroy jt. I repudiate the doctrine in toto. It is Contrary to the Government of our fathers — in emanation of Divinity — and we fail to dis- iharge our duty, and commit as great a sin ind error in permitting the destruciion of this ^rovernment in that way, as though we had Raised our saciilegious handa'to tear it down, i Though it was not my intention to speak on {his occision, in conclusion of what I have Said, I am free to declare that I am for a Convention, after adopting some rule that will exclude disloyal and admit only loyal men. Under the Constitution, the people have a right to meet and appoint dele- gates. On the other hand, the President of. the United States, through his agent, has the light by prodamation to say to the people : " On such a day elect so many dele- gates to take into consideration the restora- tion of the State." As I remarked before, sometimes we may do irregular things for the sake of returning to law and order. It might be irregular in starting, but when the Conven- tion get together, they have the right t» change, alter, or abolish, their government in their own way. I am disposed to think that the people, if they were together, would be inclined to reaiove the difficiiliies under which we liibor. 1 aui willing to trust them. I be- lieve they are honest, and especially so in re- ference to governmental affairs. And even judging men by eelf-iaierest, I am willing to trust them, because it is their interest to have he best governm-Qt they can get, and they will have it. I do not see why a Convention could not be trusted as well as a Legislature. Who is prepared here to night to hesitate to admit tiie great principle that man is capable of governing himself? Have any ol you reached that point? If vou have, you had better go down and join Jeff. Divis ; that is the locality for you. [Laughter.] And now lam going to tell you a truth, and you know what I say is true : If there are any here who have lived in the county of Davidson, you know many men have been alraid and alaimed even to speak upon the negro ques- tion wlien the large slaveholders were about. Some of you have been deprived of your man- hood so long upon this question, that when you begin to talk about it now, vou look around to see it you are not overheard by some of your old misters. [Laughter] In 1843, when I was a candidate for Gover- nor, it was said, "That fellow Johnson is a demagogne -an abolitionist" — because I advo- cated a white ba-is for representation — appor- tioning members of Congress according to the number of quiilified voters, instead of embrac- ing negroes. I discussed the question alone, scarcely getting a paper to come to my sup- port; and hundreds agreeing with me, sought main private to give me comfort, but were afraid to strike openly. I know all about this negro question, and pardon me if I seem to be egotistical wlien I say that I am the only man that has dured at all times to discu-s it in this State ; and now some of you see what I have all along foreoihadowed. I have known ihis question was coming, and that it was only a question of time. Standing alone, having but little means to command, and no press, but simply relying upon argument, with the great mass of the people I was sustained. Running against him who was called the " eagle orator," a lineal descendant from the forest born De- mosthenes, it was expected that I would be driven from the contest; but, thank God, I have always relied upon one thing : that there was a great principle of right lying at the foundition of all things ; and that truth is mighty and will prevail. Right goes for- ward; truth triumphs; justice is paramount; ^id slavery goes down. [Applause.] And I proclaim it, the time has corae, 4)eing my helper, I am willing to do mv part, and am willing to wind up my po- liiical career in the final settlement of tliiB question. The time has come when the ty- rant's rod shall be broken, and the captive set free. [Renewed applause.] Then, now is the time to strike; and he is a coward who desires to remain inactive and will not come forward to that altar and worship. [Continued ap- plause.] Yet while right is triumphing, they talk iibout compromising this question. Compro- mise ! Compromise with what ? Compromise a great principle! Will you have truth to compromise with falsehood? Will you have right to compromise with wrong? Will you hare virtue compromise with vice? I say, No. In the compromise of right with wrong, right is Ihe loser; in the compromise of viriui- with vide, virtue is always violated. Deity njightas well have compromised with the devil, wiio was the first rebel, and made war in heaven. No com- ptjimise. None. No compromise with traitors wlile they have arms in their hands. [Cheers.} I jiin no maniac or fanatic upon this question, btlt I feel devoted, attached and wedded to great pnncip'es. Sometimes I inquire in m> owa m nd why this people have had no leader. Pe- tej" tbe Hermit led the crusade, but was wild d visonary, yet he intended to redeem the 'oly Latid. The Crusaders had their leader; tile Isiaelites had their leader; the Greeks bad tleir leader; the Romans had their leader, and England had her leader. The I-raelites had tl^eir Moses, and have this people got no Moses —no leader — or have they to rely for their de- liverance upon the establishment of this great piiiiciple? Tlie ways of Pi evidence aie in- cqmprehensible to short-sighted, erring man. Id the vat ious periods of the world's history tiiere have been manifestations of a power in- comprehensible to us, and I believe that there is a direct and important connection between t^e moral and physical world, and the one is ajiecied more or less by the other in biinging about great events. Going back to the history df the world, we find events and signs have preceded final results. This nation, many think, has been involved in a great sin. Na- Ijions as well as individuals must sooner or later be overtaken for their transgressions. Perhaps this rebellion will result in great good ; the nation will become chastened and the sin femoved. Who cm tell? When we go back |o ancient times and run over the pagi s of his- tory, what do we find there? We find Pha- raoh, after governing the Egyptians with an iron rod so many years, there was a rebel- lion there; the people were led by Moses to tlie shores of the Red Sea, when by the touch of his rod the waters parted and stood as a wall on either side, and Moses and his follow- 10 era passed through dry shod and rpached the land of Canian ; whilst. Pharaoh ttnd his chari- ots and mi^ihiy hosts proceeded to foU'iw on and were lost amid the waves, and v»ere drown- ed in the ?ea. I do not say that ttii-* was a di- rect or special interposidou of ProTideiice ; I will no', undertake to argue that it w.)8 Ihe result of a dirine law. I refer to it as a great fact that Pharaoh and his ho.^t-< were lost ia the Rid Sea in pursuit of those tiyini< to es- cape from bondage. If disposed, I mij^ht tike you back to Babylon and there look at her f'O- ple in their might, or to those mighty walls crowded with chariots. Those wills h*ve crumbled; Bibyion has gone down, atid is no more. I will not say whether it wa.s the result of a special providence, or of a general law, but I state it as a great, fact. Sone great wrong or some great sin had to be "e- dreseed. I might take you back to aiicimt Tyre, in the days of her freedom and splend>r; but all her gloties are no more, and her ru'ns are used only as a resort for stiageen dispersed and rebuked. There are many ■syays in which the Almighty manifests his pow- er. Hi; sometimes unlocks the winds, and rend:^ the forests, and strands whole navies upon the hidden rocks and desert shores. Some- times He manifests His power in the forked lightning's glare, and sometimes His miitter- inge are heird in distant though threitening ip«als of thunder. Sometimes He letsi-ne comet loose, which sweeps from one extreme of the universe to the other, shaking from its fiery tail pesiiU nee and death. There are . "Signs sent by God to ;:iark the will of Heaven- Signs which bid nations weepaaa be forgiven." Does not the mind irresistibly come to the conclusion that this^great sin unist be gotten clear of,, or result in the oveiihrow and de- struction of this nation ? I say, then, re- move the evil, obey the la>vs of H.'.iven, ~ and always reach a right conclusion. As we have commenced the work nt restoring the State, let us piofit by past experience, and put the government in m )tion now upon correct and true principles. Let us go at it honestly. I know there are some that aie finding fault and thinking about the piac s ol State already. We should not be c )ntiolled by consideiations of this kind. Let us forget that we have been divided into parties; let us commence the work of restoiiug and building tlie Govern- ment up, and then if we want to (]Utrrel about local questiotia or questions of exijedieuuy, we will have a Government to quarrel in I will remark in this coniifCiion, that about the beginning of the rebellion, in conversation with Phillip Clayton, Howell ('obb-i, A-sstant Secretary of the Treasury, that geiplemao said, after we had argued tfie question pro and con : "Mr. Johnson, it is unneces-ary to argue this question further ; a large p jrdonof the Soiuh is unwilling to submit to the ad ninistntioa of the government by a man who has come up from the ranks as Abrah.tm Lincoln has." And let me tell you, there is a good deal of this feeling and sentiment in the hear s of the leaders of this rebrfllion, beeiuse Abraham Linclon rose from the masses. At)raham Lincoln is a democrat in principle ; he is for the people, and for free govertiment, and so I am for him, [Cheers.] and will stand by him until this rebellion is put down. There are corruptions, of course, in such an immense expenditure. But what is a few millions or billions of dollars, when contrasted with the existence of this Government, and the suppres- sion of this rebellion ? What is it contrasted with the life and existence of a great nation which has not fulfilled iis mission? It is easy to clamor and to find fault; but let us put the rebellion down, and then, if any body has done wrong, we will have plenty of lime to punish offenders. Gentlemen, I did not come here to speak tonight. My intention was not to participate in the meeting, but I was anxious to see some steps taken which would indicate what you in- tended to do. If we have correct prin- ciples, it does not need previous consulta- tion, and the result will be the triumph of those principles. Then take this great ques- tion ; it is a question of state — of the existence of free government. Take it and tliink about/' it. Turn it over in your minds. Which /f^ the best way ? What is the b.;st mode ? ^^^ 11 shall it be done? I stand where I have al- .vrays stood, an advocate of fiee government I am for die people having a fair, full, impartial trial of thtir ciip ciiy for self government, and I have confidence that; they will triumph. And if thesf hr ive ofhcers and gallant men, with what aid we can give them, will keep ttie rebel array from us, or drive them in the Gulf, (as I b< lieve ere long they will,) before they reich the Gulf, Tennessee will "stand re- deemed, regenerated and disenthralled by the genius of univeisitl em;incipation." Let those of us who are for restoring the government and leaving out, this element called slavery, stand togeiiier, and in Innguage often repeated, let U9 give a long pull, a suong pull and a pull altogether, and the nnion sentiment and tree government will .-ucceed. We have commenced the battle of freedom — it is freedom's battle, — and It t me say it i-i not extended to the negro only, for this «ill fV.'e more whue men thin it will black men. I knew what I say. There are men owning slives themselves that will be emancipated by this operation. It is not my devotion to the black man alone, but a greater devotion to the white men and the ameliora- tion of their condition. My humanity is broad enough for the white and the black man too. We have commenced the battle of freedom, and — " Frecdom''e battle, once bcffun, Bequeatlied from bkeding eire to son, Though baffled oft, .s ever won!" Make high and strong resolves ; let your principles go forth to the world, and, though slaveowners and negro -drivers, though hell stand yawning before you, go forward with the banner of Freedom and Free Government; pass the fiery cross around, and Freedom will ere long triumph, and the triumph, I hope, will last" for all time. Here in Tennessee, some soy, " Oh, I am afraid of the slavery question !" They are so afraid of doing wrong that they are afraid to do right. Many yet are so afraid of their former masters, they still look around to see whether Mr. B"U, Mr. Overton, or the Ewings are standing about. It is time, when talking about restoring slavery, to re.-^tore manhood. They know many of them have that taken from them which constitutes a man — their manhood has been emasculated. Get your consent that you have manhood enough to stand up here and take hold of the helm of State, and con- evince us that vou Hre willing to do it. Let us »;pmmence the ^ ork this night. The shackles jst fall from the limbs of all. You must laws for the punishment and protection ^•L Law is what we want. There is no ■^ without law. As an ancient Greek \ has said, " The love of law is the soul of lib- erty." We must have law, and whether the black man is here or not, we must have gov- ernment. There will be no difhculty about this question. I don't care if the negroes go to Africa or any other place moie sui:able to them— we can make more cotton alter ihey are gone than has ever been made in the United States before. If you cut up these large cotton farms into small sized fi:rms, each man with his little family getting hold of part of U, on good land will raise his own hogs, his own sheep, beef cattle, his own grain, and a few bales of cotton, better hindled, and a mucli better article than we have ever h;id here- tofore. With a greater number of individuals, each making a few bales, we will have more bale* than ever were made before. And in addition to that, if the coi ton-plant was lost, the ivorld would not stop, for the vacuum would be filled by making a little more silk, wool, henjp and flax, and in a little while you would never know that cotton had been in the world. [Laughter.] It is all an idea, ih .t the world can't get along without cotton. And as is sug- gesfed by my friend behind me, whether we attain perfection in the raising of cotton or not, I think we ought to stimulate the culti- vation of hemp, [renewed laughter,] for we ought to. have more of it, and a far better ma- teiial. a stronger fibre with which to ina ke a stronger rope. For, not to be malieiims or malignant, I am free to say, that many who were driven into this rebellion, I believe are repentant, but I say of the leaders, the insti- gators, the conscious, intelligent traitors, they ought to be hong. [Cheers and applause.] Treason must be made odious, tnitors must be punished and impoveiished. Their social power must be destroyed, and the effects that give them power and influence must be taken away. I trust the time will come, when the Union men who have been op- oppressed, and the loyal lieiis of those who hate perished on the battle field, or starved in the mountains, will, to some extent, be re- munerated out of the property of those who betrayed and tried to destroy thtir country. Common sense teaches that the transgressor should make restitution. What the common sense of every man suggests is but commoD justice. This would not be considered a very politic electioneering speech, but I am no candidate for anything. I know some sav that when traitors become numerous enough, then treason be- comes respectable. I want that class hung to test their respectability. [Cheers.] Fellow- citizens, I must say in conclusion, [cries of "go on,"] that I ana verj much gratified to tad / 12 that there has been no dissension here tonight as far as I have obserfed. I am proud to say that I have not seen the slightest in- dication of prejudice or dissension. The resolutions as adopted, as I under^ftand th^m, I think will cover the whole ground, and if we carry out these resolutions I think we can suc- ceed in accomplishing the end sought for. I am also proud and gratified to see so many here participating in this meeting. Let it go to the couniiy as an earnest of what is going to follow. Things must have a beginning, and you have put the ball in motion. I repeat, that I feel proud and more than gratified at this de- monstration, and in conclusion, tender you ray sincere ihanks for your maikcd attention to this crude and desultory speech. RESOLUTIONS ADOPTED AT THE MEETING. Whereas,— A portion of the people of Ten- nessee, having united in the rebellion inaugu- rated by the Gulf States against the Govern- ment of the United States, lor the purpose of estahiishing a Southern Confederacy; and, Whereas, Slavery was the disturbing ele- ment which enabled wicked men to combine and delude the people inio the commission of a great crime against their prosperity, thiir civil institutions, civilization and humaniy; and, Whereas, the rebellion thus inaugura.ed has prostrated all the civiPinstitutionsof our State, laid waste our fair inheritance, swept off the harvests and habitations of the husband- man and the works of the artjzan, cflffisumed "■dtotroyed the internal improvements of the States, squandered the public treasury and the School Fund provided for the education of the poor, borne oflF the youth and manhood of the State who have fallen in battle, or surT t e ID poverty and suflfering ; and. Whereas, It has broken up society from its foundation, given loose rein to the wildest pas- sions, severed the dearest domestic ties, and introduced anarchy and crime, unchecked by the salutary restraints of law ; in a word, all the best interests of our beloved State lie in ruins ; and wretchedness, poverty, terror, aad alarm prevail, and are apparent everywlieie. At such an hour as this, when broken hearttd mothers, bereaved widows, and destitute cr- phans, cry out deliverance, cold must his hetrt be who is not ready to do all his duty, and to make whatever sacrifice necessary to free the State from the present evils, and as this onlj' can be done by the restoration and permanen: establishment of a free government, under the guarantees, and in accordance with the provi- IgioDS of the Constitution of the United States; irherefore, ? Resolved, That we recognize the authority '-nd the duty of the Executive of the United "tates, or such agents and instruments as he *»^ay constitutionally appoint and employ in co-operation with the Legislative and Judicial departments of the Government, to ?ecure to the loyal people of any State of the United States the constitutional guarantee of a rtpub- lican form of government 2. Resolved, That the people, being the rightful source of all power of government, the welfare of the people of Tennessee will be best secured by committing the restoration and permanent establishment of civil govern- ment to a Constitutional Convention, to be cliosen by the loyal citizens of the State; and having implicit confidence in the integrity of the Hon. Andrew Johnson, Military Governor of the State, we submit that he may call such a Convention at any time when, in his judg- ment, the State may be repres-ented from all her pHrts 3. Resolved, That as slavery was the cjuse of all our troubles, and as it is an unmitiiiated evil in itself ; and since it may be considered dead by the acts of its own friends, that it may never be resurrected, to enable a small mi- nority to bring the rain upon our children that it has upon us ; we here pledge ourselves to use all our influence to elect such men, and only such men, as delegates to said Convention, as shall be in favor of immediate and universal emancipation now and for eyer. And we invite our fellow citizens everywhere to unite with us on this platform, and thus use the opportune moment to free ourselves and our posterity from the bondage in which we have been so long enslaved by the influence of an arrogant doomineering artistocracy. 4 Resolved, That on the call of said Con- vention, it shall consist of delegates duly elected from the respective Senatorial and Representative districta under the last consti- tutional apportionment. (Signed) W. J. Cochrane, '] Wm. R. Tracy, | D. D. Dickey, )■ Cov JOHH W. BOWKN, I JCt B. B. Glascock, J ,a , LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 009 542 772 8