Class PR T-*ftft Book Jq £ Copyright N?_ COKKKIGIfT DEPOEUS * r& / The purpose of Playing, whose end, s both at the first and now, was and is, to hold, as 'twer, the Mirrour up to Nature ; to show Vertue her owne Feature, Scome her owne Image, and the verie Age and Bodie of the Time, his forme and pressure. — Hamlet. SHAKESPEARE'S TRAGEDY OF JULIUS CiESAR. EDITED, WITH NOTES, HOMER B. SPRAGUE, A.M., Ph.D., FORMERLY PROFESSOR OF RHETORIC IN CORNELL UNIVERSITY, AND AFTERWARDS PRESIDENT OF THE STATE UNIVERSITY OF NORTH DAKOTA ; FOUNDER OF THE MARTHA'S VINEYARD SUMMER INSTITUTE. CRITICAL COMMENTS, SUGGESTIONS AND PLANS FOR STUDY, SPECIMENS OF EXAMINATION PAPERS, AND TOPICS FOR ESSAYS. SILVER, BURDETT & CO., PUBLISHERS, j New York . . . BOSTON . . . Chicago. 1894. I r COPYRIGHT, 1894, By SILVER, BURDETT & COMPANY. Norfaooti yrfSB: J. S. Cushing & Co. — Berwick & Smith. Boston, Mass., U.S.A. PEEFAOE. This edition of Julius Ccesar is especially intended for teachers and students, but it is hoped that the general reader may find it useful. It is not expected that all the notes will be alike valuable to all ; but it is believed that most readers, whatever their object may be in reading the play, will find in them something helpful. In the following respects it will be found to differ from other school editions : — 1. The notes are all designed to stimulate rather than supersede thought. 2. The results of the latest etymological and critical researches, for the most part, are given. 3. It states concisely the opinions of some of the best critics on nearly every disputed interpretation. 4. It presents some of the best methods of studying English literature. 5. It contains a chronological table of the important events in Caesar's life. It is proper to add that we adhere more closely than other edi- tors to the earliest approved texts. In some cases, as in Act I, sc. iii, line 10, the original reading imparts wonderful vividness and power. 1 As in our editions of Hamlet, Macbeth, and The Merchant of Venice, we follow Rolfe in the numbering of the lines. 1 By changing the text, the editors, with hardly an exception, have taken the very life out of the passage. 5 PREFACE. Grateful to the public for its kind reception of these editions, and especially grateful to those scholars who have pointed out occasional imperfections of any kind, the editor wishes success to every attempt to make Shakespeare better known and more highly appreciated. CONTENTS. PAGE Introduction to Julius CLesar 9 Date of Composition 9 Source of the Plot 9 Extracts from North's Plutarch. „ 10 Critical Comments 19 Johnson. — Hazlitt. — Mrs. Jameson. — Knight. — Ulrici. — Merivale. — Gervinus. — Craik. — Fronde. — Hudson. — Dowden." — Morley . — Deighton. — Beeching. Chronological Table 40 Explanations of Abbreviated Forms 43 Julius Caesar — Text and Foot-notes 44 Appendix 171 Time Analysis 171 How to Study English Literature 171 Specimen Examination Papers 180 Topics for Essays 185 Index 187 INTRODUCTION'. THE TRAGEDIE OF IVLIVS CAESAR. The above is the title of the first extant edition of the play. 1 In that edition there is no list of dramatis personal, nor is the play divided into scenes. Rowe (1709) was the first to introduce the list. Succes- sive editors have gradually marked the scenes. Many of the stage directions are of similar origin. The spelling has been modernized. As in our editions of the other plays, Rolfe's numbering of the lines has been followed. DATE OF COMPOSITION. Mr. Halliwell-Phillips quotes from Weever's Mirror of Martyrs (1601) the following lines : "The many-headed multitude were drawne By Brutus' speech, that Caesar was ambitious ; When eloquent Mark Antonie had showne His virtues, who but Brutus then was vicious ? " Now the historian, Plutarch, not having given us the speeches of Brutus and Antony, it is inferred with great plausibility that the play must have been composed and acted before Weever's poem. The tragedy appears to be the first of the great series. There is a certain artificiality in the structure, a ' more elaborate proportion and balance ' than we find in the later tragedies. Cassius is set off against Brutus, Portia against Calpurnia, Antony against Octavius. The source was unquestionably Sir Thomas North's English trans- lation, published in 1579, of Bishop Jacques Amyot's French trans- 1 In the folio of 1G23, where it is very accurately printed. In the table of contents prefixed to the folio, it is called The Life and death of Julius Caesar. 9 . 10 INTRODUCTION. lation, published in 1559 and again in 1565, of Plutarch's Lives of Caesar, Brutus, and Antony. The student should read carefully all that Plutarch says of those men. [From Plutarch's Julius Ccesar, North's translation, 1579 and 1595.] At that time the feast Lupercalia was celebrated, the which in old time men say was the feast of shepherds or herdmen, and is much like unto the feast of the Lycaeans in Arcadia. But howsoever it is, that day there are divers noblemen's sons, young men, (and some of them magistrates themselves that govern then), which run through the city, striking in sport them they meet in their way with leather thongs, hair and all on, to make them give place. And many noblewomen and gentlewomen also go of purpose to stand in their way, and do put forth their hands to be stricken, as scholars hold them out to their school- master to be stricken with the ferula : persuading themselves that in this manner they will avoid sterility. Caesar sat to behold that sport upon the pulpit for orations, in a chair of gold, apparelled in trium- phant manner. Antonius, who was Consul at that time, was one of them that ran this holy course. So when he came into the market- place, the people made a lane for him to run at liberty, and he came to Caesar, and presented him a diadem wreathed about with laurel. Whereupon there rose a certain cry of rejoicing, not very great, 'done only by a few appointed for the purpose. But when Caesar refused the diadem, then all the people together made an outcry of joy. Then Antonius offering it him again, there was a second shout of joy, but yet of a few. But when Caesar refused it again the second time, then all the whole people shouted. Caesar having made this proof, found that the people did not like of it, and thereupon rose out of his chair, and commanded the crown to be carried unto Jupiter in the Capitol. After that, there were set up images of Caesar in the city, with diadems upon their heads like kings. Those the two tribunes, Flavius and Marullus, went and pulled down, and furthermore, meeting with them that first saluted Caesar as king, they committed them to prison. . . . Caesar was so offended withal, that he deprived Marullus and Flavius of their tribuneships. . . . Now they that desired change, and wished Brutus only their prince and governor above all other, they durst not come to him themselves to tell him what they would have him to do, but in the night did cast sundry papers into the Praetor's seat, where he gave audience, and the most of them to this effect: "Thou sleepest, Brutus, and art not Brutus indeed." Cassius, finding Brutus' ambition stirred up the more by these seditious bills, did prick him forward and egg him on the inffre, for a private quarrel he had conceived against Caesar. . . . Caesar also had Cassius in great jealousy, and suspected him much : INTRODUCTION. 11 whereupon he said on a time to his friends, "What will Cassius do, think ye ? I like not his pale looks." Another time when Caesar's friends complained unto him of Antonius and Dolabella, that they pretended some mischief towards him : he answered them again, "As for those fat men and smooth-combed heads," quoth he, "I never reckon of them ; but these pale-visaged and carrion-lean people, I fear them most," meaning Brutus and Cassius. Certainly destiny may easier be foreseen than avoided, considering the strange and wonderful signs that were said to be seen before Caesar's death. For, touching the fires in the element, and spirits running up and down in the night, and also the solitary birds to be seen at noon- days sitting in the great market-place, are not all these signs perhaps worth the noting, in such a wonderful chance as happened ? But Strabo the philosopher writeth, that divers men were seen going up and down in fire : and furthermore, that there was a slave of the soldiers that did cast a marvellous burning flame out of his hand, insomuch as they that saw it thought he had been burnt ; but when the fire was out, it was found he had no hurt. Caesar self also doing sacrifice unto the gods, found that one of the beasts which was sacri- ficed had no heart : and that was a strange thing in nature, how a beast could live without a heart. Furthermore there was a certain soothsayer that had given Caesar warning long time afore, to take heed of the day of the Ides of March, (which is the fifteenth of the month), for on that day he should be in great danger. That day being come, Caesar going into the Senate house, and speaking merrily unto the soothsayer, told him, " the Ides of March be come : " "So they be," softly answered the soothsayer, "but yet are they not past." . . . Then going to bed the same night, as his manner was, ... all the windows and doors of his chamber flying open, the noise awoke him, and made him afraid when he saw such light : but more, when he heard his wife Calpurnia, being fast asleep, weep and sigh, and put forth many fumbling lamentable speeches : for she dreamed that Caesar was slain, and that she had him in her arms. . . . Insomuch that, Caasar rising in the morning, she prayed him, if it were possible, not to go out of the doors that day, but to adjourn the session of the Senate until another day. And if that he made no reckoning of her dream, yet that he would search further of the soothsayers by their sac- rifices, to know what should happen him that day. Thereby it seemed that Caesar likewise did fear or suspect somewhat, because his wife Cal- purnia until that time was never given to any fear and superstition : and that then he saw her so troubled in mind with this dream she had. But much more afterwards, when the soothsayers having sacrificed many beasts one after another, told him that none did like them : then he determined to send Antonius to adjourn the session of the Senate. But in the meantime came Decius Brutus, surnamed Albinus, in 12 INTRODUCTION. whom Caesar put such confidence, that in his last will and testament he had appointed him to be his next heir, and yet was of the conspiracy with Cassius and Brutus : he, fearing that if Caesar did adjourn the session that day, the conspiracy would be betrayed, laughed at the soothsayers, and reproved Caesar, saying, " that he gave the Senate occasion to mislike with him, and that they might think he mocked them, considering that by his commandment they were assembled, and that they were ready willingly to grant him all things, and to pro- claim him king of all his provinces of the Empire of Rome out of Italy, and that he should wear his diadem in all other places both by sea and land. And furthermore, that if any man should tell them from him they should depart for that present time, and return again when Calpurnia should have better dreams, what would his enemies and ill— willers say, and how could they like of his friends' words ? And who could persuade them otherwise, but that they would think his dominion a slavery unto them and tyrannical in himself ? And yet if it be so," said he, " that you utterly mislike of this day, it is better that you go yourself in person, and, saluting the Senate, to dismiss them till another time." Therewithal he took Caesar by the hand, and brought him out of his house. . . . And one Artemidorus also, born in the isle of Gnidos [Cnidos], a doctor of rhetoric in the Greek tongue, who by means of his profession was very familiar with certain of Brutus' confederates, and therefore knew the most part of all their practices against Caesar, came and brought him a little bill, written with his own hand, of all that he meant to tell him. He, marking how Caesar received all the supplica- tions that were offered him, and that he gave them straight to his men that were about him, pressed nearer to him, and said : " Caesar, read this memorial to yourself, and that quickly, for they be matters of great weight, and touch you nearly." Caesar took it of him, but could never read it, though he many times attempted it, for the number of people that did salute him : but holding it still in his hand, keeping it to himself, went on withal into the Senate house. . . . For these things, they may seem to come by chance ; but the place where the murlher was prepared, and where the Senate were assembled, and where also there stood up an image of Pompey dedicated by himself amongst other ornaments which he gave unto the theatre, all these were mani- fest proofs, that it was the ordinance of some god that made this treason to be executed, specially in that very place. It is also reported, that Cassius (though otherwise he did favour the doctrine of Epicurus) beholding the image of Pompey, before they entered into the action of their traitorous enterprise, he did softly call upon it to aid him : but the instant danger of the present time, taking away his former reason, did suddeuly put him into a furious passion, and made him like a man half besides himself. Now Antonius, that was a faithful friend to INTRODUCTION. 13 Csesar, and a valiant man besides of his hands, him Decius Brutus Albinus entertained out of the Senate house, having begun a long tale of set purpose. So Caesar coming into the house, all the Senate stood up on their feet to do him honour. Then part of Brutus' company and confederates stood round about Caesar's chair, and part of them also came towards him, as though they made suit with Metellus Cimber, to call home his brother again from banishment : and thus prosecuting still their suit, they followed Cassar till he was set in his chair. Who denying their petitions, and being offended with them one after another, be- cause the more they were denied the more they pressed upon him and were the earnester with him, Metellus at length, taking his gown with both his hands, pulled it over his neck, which was the sign given the confederates to set upon him. Then Casca, behind him, strake [struck'] him in the neck with his sword ; howbeit the wound was not great nor mortal, because it seemed the fear of such a devilish attempt did amaze him and take his strength from him, that he killed him not at the first blow. But Caesar, turning straight unto him, caught hold of his sword and held it hard ; and they both cried out, Caesar in Latin: " vile traitor Casca, what doest thou ? " and Casca, in Greek, to his brother : "Brother, help me." At the beginning of this stir, they that were present, not knowing of the conspiracy, were so amazed with the hor- rible sight they saw, they had no power to fly, neither to help him, nor so much as once to make an outcry. They on the other side that had conspired his death compassed him in on every side with their swords drawn in their hands, that Caesar turned him no where but he was stricken at by some, and still had naked swords in his face, and was hackled and mangled among them, as a wild beast taken of hunters. For it was agreed among them that every man should give him a wound, because all their parts should be in this murther : and then Brutus himself gave him a wound. . . . Men report also, that Caesar did still defend himself against the rest, running every way with his body : but when he saw Brutus with his sword drawn in his hand, then he pulled his gown over his head, and made no more resist- ance, and was driven either casually or purposedly, by the counsel of the conspirators, against the base whereupon Pompey's image stood, which ran all of a gore-blood till he was slain. Thus it seemed that the image took just revenge of Pompey's enemy, being thrown down on the ground at his feet, and yielding up the ghost there, for the number of wounds he had upon him. For it is reported, that he had three and twenty wounds upon his body : and divers of the conspira- tors did hurt themselves, striking one body with so many blows. The next day following, the Senate, being called again to council, did first of all commend Antonius, for that he had wisely stayed and 14 INTRODUCTION. quenched the beginning of a civil war: then they also gave Brutus and his consorts great praises ; and lastly they appointed them several governments cf Provinces. For unto Brutus they appointed Creta ; Africa unto Cassius ; Asia unto Trebonius ; Bithynia unto Cimber ; and unto the other, Decius Brutus Albinus, Gaul on this side of the Alps. When this was done, they came to talk of Caesar's will and testament and of his funerals and tomb. Then Antonius, thinking good his testament should be read openly, and also that his body should be honourably buried, and not in hugger-mugger [in secrecy'], lest the people might thereby take occasion to be worse offended if they did otherwise : Cassius stoutly spake against it. But Brutus went with the motion, and agreed unto it. . . . When Caesar's testa- ment was openly read among them [the people], it appeared that he bequeathed unto every citizen of Rome seventy-five drachmas a man ; and that he left his gardens and arbours unto the people, which he had on this side of the river Tiber, in the place where now the temple of Fortune is built: the people then loved him, and were marvellous sorry for him. . . . Therewithal the people fell presently into such a rage and mutiny, that there was no more order kept amongst the common people. . . . Howbeit the conspirators, foreseeing the danger before, had wisely provided for themselves and fled. But there was a poet called China, who had been no partaker of the conspiracy, but was always one of Ctesar's chief est friends : . . . when he heard that they carried Caesar's body to burial, being ashamed not to accompany his funerals, he went out of his house, and thrust him- self into the prease of the common people that were in a great uproar. And because some one called him by his name China, the people, thinking he had been that China who in an oration he made had spoken very evil of Caesar, they, falling upon him in their rage, slew him out- right in the market-place. This made Brutus and his companions more afraid than any other thing, next unto the change of Antonius. Wherefore they got them out of Rome. [From Plutarch's Life of Marcus Brutus.] About that time Brutus sent to pray Cassius to come to the city of Sardis, and so he did. Brutus, understanding of his coming, went to meet him with all his friends. There both their armies being armed, they called them both Emperors. Now as it commonly happened in great affairs between two persons, both of them having many friends and so many captains under them, there ran tales and complaints be- twixt them. Therefore, before they fell in hand with any other matter, they went into a little chamber together, and bade every man avoid, and did shut the doors to them. Then they began to pour out their complaints one to the other, and grew hot and loud, earnestly accusing INTRODUCTION. 15 one another, and at length fell both a-weeping. Their friends that were without the chamber, hearing them loud within, and angry be- tween themselves, they were both amazed and afraid also, lest it would grow to further matter : but yet they were commanded that no man should come to them. Notwithstanding, one Marcus Phaonius, that had been a friend and a follower of Cato while he lived, and took upon him to counterfeit a philosopher, not with wisdom and discretion, but with a certain bedlem and frantic motion : he would needs come into the chamber, though the men offered to keep him out. . . . This Pha- onius at that time, in despite of the door-keepers, came into the cham- ber, and with a certain scoffing and mocking gesture, which he coun- terfeited of purpose, he rehearsed the verses which old Nestor said in Homer : " My lords, I pray you hearken both to me, For I have seen mo years than suchie three." Cassius fell a-laughing at him: but Brutus thrust him out of the chamber, and called him dog, and counterfeit cynic. Howbeit his coming in brake their strife at that time, and so they left each other. . . . The next clay after, Brutus, upon complaint of the Sar- dians, did condemn and note Lucius Pella for a defamed person, that had been a Praetor of the Romans, and whom Brutus had given charge unto : for that he was accused and convicted of robbery and pilfery in his office. This judgment much misliked Cassius, because he himself had secretly (not many days before) warned two of his friends, at- tainted and convicted of the like offences, and openly had cleared them : but yet he did not therefore leave to employ them in any manner of service as he did before. And therefore he greatly reproved Brutus, for that he would shew himself so straight [strait] and severe, in such a time as was meeter to bear a little than to take things at the worst. Brutus in contrary manner answered, that he should remember the Ides of March, at which time they slew Julius Caesar, who neither pilled nor polled the country, but only was a favourer and suborner of all them that did rob and spoil, by his countenance and authority. And if there were any occasion whereby they might honestly set aside justice and equity, they should have had more reason to have suffered Caesar's friends to have robbed and done what wrong and injury they had would [wished] than to bear with their own men. "For then," said he, " they could but have said we had been cowards, but now they may accuse us of injustice, beside the pains we take, and the danger we put ourselves into." And thus may we see what Brutus' intent and purpose was. . . . Brutus was a careful man, and slept very little, both for that his diet was moderate, as also because he was continually occupied. He never slept in the daytime, and in the night no longer than the time he was driven to be alone, and when everybody else took their rest. 16 INTRODUCTION. But now whilst he was in war, and his head ever husily occupied to think of his affairs and what would happen, after he had slumbered a little after supper, he spent all the rest of the night in dispatching of his weightiest causes ; and after he had taken order for them, if he had any leisure left him, he would read some book till the third watch of the night, at what time the captains, petty captains, and colonels, did use to come to him. So, being ready" to go into Europe, one night very late (when all the camp took quiet rest) as he was in his tent with a little light, thinking of weighty matters, he thought he heard one come in to him, and casting his eye towards the door of his tent, that he saw a wonderful strange and monstrous shape of a body com- ing towards him, and said never a word. So Brutus boldly asked what he was, a god or a man, and what cause brought him thither? The spirit answered him, "I am thy evil spirit, Brutus: and thou shalt see me by the city of Philippes." Brutus being no otherwise afraid, replied again unto it : " Well, then I shall see thee again." The spirit presently vanished away : and Brutus called his men unto him, who told him that they heard no noise, nor saw anything at all. The next morning, by break of day, the signal of battle was set out in Brutus' and Cassius' camp which was an arming scarlet coat [a scarlet coat worn as armor'] : and both the chieftains spake together in the midst of their armies. There Cassius began to speak first, and said: "The gods grant us, O Brutus, that this day we may win the field, and ever after to live all the rest of our life quietly one with another. But sith the gods have so ordained it, that the greatest and chiefest things amongst men are most uncertain, and that if the battle fall out otherwise to-day than we wish or look for, we shall hardly meet again, what art thou then determined to do, to fly, or die?" Brutus answered him: "Being yet but a young man, and not over greatly experienced in the world, I trust 1 (I know not how) a certain rule of philosophy, by the which I did greatly blame and reprove Cato for killing himself, as being no lawful nor godly act, touching the gods : nor concerning men, valiant ; not to give place and yield to divine providence, and not constantly and patiently to take whatsoever it pleaseth him to send us, but to draw back and fly : but being now in the midst of the danger, I am of a contrary mind. For if it be not the will of God that this battle fall out fortunate for us, I will look no more for hope, neither seek to make any new supply for war again, but will rid me of this miserable world, and content me with my for- tune. For I gave up my life for my country in the Ides of March, for the which I shall live in another more glorious world." Cassius 1 The past tense, trusted (Old English, truste), is evidently intended. INTRODUCTION. 17 fell a-laughiiig to hear what he said, and embracing him, "Come on then," said he, "let us go and charge our enemies with this mind. For either we shall conquer, or we shall not need to fear the con- querors." After this talk, they fell to consultation among their friends for the ordering of the battle. So Cassius himself was at length compelled to fly, with a few about him, unto a little hill, from whence they might easily see what was done in all the plain: howbeit Cassius himself saw nothing, for his sight was very bad, saving that he saw (and yet with much ado) how the enemies spoiled his camp before his eyes. He saw also a great troupe of horsemen, whom Brutus sent to aid him, and thought that they were his enemies that followed him : but yet he sent Titinnius, one of them that was with him, to go and know what they were. Brutus 1 horsemen saw him coming afar off, whom when they knew that he was one of Cassius' chiefest friends, they shouted out for joy ; and they that were familiarly acquainted with him lighted from their horses, and went and embraced him. The rest compassed him in round about on horseback, with songs of victory and great rushing of their harness, so that they made all the field ring again for joy. But this marred all. For Cassius, thinking indeed that Titinnius was taken of the enemies, he then spake these words: "Desiring too much to live, I have lived to see one of my best friends taken, for my sake, before my face." After that, he got into a tent where nobody was, and took Pindarus with him, one of his bondsmen whom he reserved ever for such a pinch, since the cursed battle of the Parthians, where Crassus was slain, though he notwithstanding scaped from that over- throw: but then, casting his cloak over his head, and holding out his bare neck unto Pindarus, he gave him his head to be stricken off. So the head was found severed from the body : but after that time Pin- darus was never seen more. Whereupon some took occasion to say that he had slain his master without his commandment. By and by they knew the horsemen that came towards them, and might see Titinnius crowned with a garland of triumph, who came before with great speed unto Cassius. But when he perceived, by the cries and tears of his friends which tormented themselves, the misfortune that had chanced to his captain Cassius by mistaking, he drew out his sword, cursing himself a thousand times that he had tarried so long, and so slew himself presently in the field. Brutus in the mean time came forward still, and understood also that Cassius had been over- thrown : but he knew nothing of his death till he came very near to his camp. So when he was come thither, after he had lamented the death of Cassius, calling him the last of all the Romans, being un- possible that Rome should ever breed again so noble and valiant a man 18 INTRODUCTION. as he, he caused his body to be buried, and sent it to the city of Thassos, fearing lest his funerals within his camp should cause great disorder. Now the night being far spent, Brutus as he sat bowed towards Clitus, one of his men, and told him somewhat in his ear: the other answered him not, but fell a-weeping. Thereupon he proved [spoke to] Dardanus, and said somewhat also to him : at length he came to Volumnius himself, and speaking to him in Greek, prayed him for the studies' sake which brought them acquainted together, that he would help him to put his hand to his sword, to thrust it in him to kill him. Volumnius denied his request, and so did many others : and amongst the rest, one of them said, there was no tarrying for them there, but that they must needs fly. Then Brutus, rising up, " We must fly indeed," said he, "but it must be with our hands, not with our feet.' 1 Then taking every man by the hand, he said these words unto them with a cheerful countenance : "It rejoiceth my heart, that not one of my friends hath failed me at my need, and I do not com- plain of my fortune, but only for my country's sake : for as for me, I think myself happier than they that have overcome, considering that I have a perpetual fame of our courage and manhood, the which our enemies the conquerors shall never attain unto by force or money ; neither can let [hinder] their posterity to say that they, being naughty and unjust men, have slain good men, to usurp tyrannical power not pertaining to them." Having said so, he prayed every man to shift for themselves, and then he went a little aside with two or three only, among which Strato was one, with whom he became first acquainted by the study of rhetoric. He came as near to him as he could, and taking his sword by the hilt with both his hands, and falling down upon the point of it, ran himself through. Others say that not he, but Strato (at his request) held the sword in his hand, and turned his head aside, and that Brutus fell down upon it, and so ran himself through, and died presently. Messala, that had been Brutus' great friend, became afterwards Octavius Caesar's friend ; so, shortly after, Caesar being at good leis- ure, he brought Strato, Brutus' friend, unto him, and weeping said : "Caesar, behold, here is he that did the last service to my Brutus." Caesar welcomed him at that time, and afterwards he did him as faith- ful service in all his affairs as any Grecian else he had about him, until the battle of Actium. INTRODUCTION. 19 CRITICAL COMMENTS. (From Dr. Samuel Johnson' 1 s Edition, 17(35.) Of this tragedy many particular passages deserve regard, and the contention and reconcilement of Brutus and Cassius is universally celebrated ; but I have never been strongly agitated in perusing it ; and I think it somewhat cold and unaffecting, compared with some other of Shakespeare's plays. His adherence to the real story and to Roman manners seems to have impeded the natural vigour of his genius. (From Hazlitt's " Characters of Shakespeare' 1 s Plays" 1817.) The truth of history in Julius Caesar is very ably worked up with dramatic effect. The councils of generals, the doubtful turns of bat- tles, are represented to the life. The death of Brutus is worthy of him : it has the dignity of the Roman senator with the firmness of the Stoic philosopher. But what is perhaps better than either is the little incident of his boy Lucius falling asleep over his instrument, as he is playing to his master in his tent, the night before the battle. Nature had played him the same forgetful trick once before, on the night of the conspiracy. The humanity of Brutus is the same on both occasions. " It is no matter : Enjoy the heavy honey -dew of slumber. Thou hast no figures nor no fantasies, Which busy care draws in the brains of men, Therefore thou sleep'st so sound." (From Mrs. Jameson" 1 s " Characteristics of Women,''' 1 1832.) Almost every one knows by heart Lady Percy's celebrated address to her husband, beginning, " O, my good lord, why are you thus alone ? " * and that of Portia to Brutus, in Julius Caesar, "... You've ung-ently, Brutus, Stol'n from my bed." The situation is exactly similar, the topics of remonstrance are nearly the same ; the sentiments and the style as opposite as are the charac- ters of the two women. Lady Percy is evidently accustomed to win more from her fiery lord by caresses than by reason : he loves her in his rough way, "as Harry Percy's wife," but she has no real influ- ence over him ; he has no confidence in her. 1 1 Henry IV, ii, :!. 20 INTRODUCTION. " Lady Percy. . . . In faith, I'll know your business, Harry, that I will. I tear my brother Mortimer doth stir About this title, and hath sent for you To line his enterprise ; but if you go — Hotspur. So far afoot, I shall be weary, love ! " The whole scene is admirable, but unnecessary here, because it illus- trates no point of character in her. Lady Percy has no character, properly so called, whereas that of Portia is very distinctly and faith- fully drawn from the outline furnished by Plutarch. Lady Percy's fond upbraidings, and her half playful, half pouting entreaties, scarcely gain her husband's attention. Portia, with true matronly dignity and tenderness, pleads her right to share her husband's thoughts, and proves it too. "I grant, I am a woman, but, withal, A woman that Lord Brutus took to wife ; I grant, I am a woman, but, withal, A woman well reputed, Cato's daughter. Think you, 1 am no stronger than my sex, Being so father'd, and so husbanded ? Brutus. You are my true and honourable wife : As dear to me as are the ruddy drops That visit my sad heart ! " Portia, as Shakespeare has truly felt and represented the character, is but a softened reflection of that of her husband Brutus : in him we see an excess of natural sensibility, an almost womanish tenderness of heart, repressed by the tenets of his austere philosophy : a Stoic by profession, and in reality the reverse — acting deeds against his nature by the strong force of principle and will. In Portia there is the same profound and passionate feeling, and all her sex's softness and timid- ity held in check by that self-discipline, that stately dignity, which she thought became a woman "so father'd and so husbanded." The fact of her inflicting on herself a voluntary wound to try her own for- titude is perhaps the strongest proof of this disposition. Plutarch relates that on the day on which Caesar was assassinated, Portia appeared overcome with terror, and even swooned away, but did not in her emotion utter a word which could affect the conspirators. Shakespeare has rendered this circumstance literally. " Portia. I prithee, boy, run to the senate-house ; Stay not to answer me, but get thee gone. Why dost thou stay ? Lucius. To know my errand, madam. Portia. I would have had thee there and here again, Ere I ean tell thee what thou should'st do there. constancy ! be strong upon my side : Set a huge mountain 'tween my heart and tongue 1 1 have a man's mind, but a woman's might. Ay me ! how weak a thing The heart of woman is ! 0, I grow faint," etc. INTRODUCTION. 21 There is another beautiful incident related by Plutarch which could not well be dramatized. When Brutus and Portia parted for the last time in the island of Nisida, she restrained all expression of grief that she might not shake his fortitude ; but afterwards, in passing through a chamber in which there hung a picture of Hector and Andromache, she stopped, gazed upon it for a time with a settled sorrow, and at length burst into a passion of tears. If Portia bad been a Christian, and lived in later times, she might have been another Lady Russel ; but she made a poor Stoic. No fac- titious or external control was sufficient to restrain such an exuber- ance of sensibility and fancy ; and those who praise the philosophy of Portia, and the heroism of her death, certainly mistook the character altogether. It is evident, from the manner of her death, that it was not deliberate self-destruction, "after the high Roman fashion," but took place in a paroxysm of madness, caused by overwrought and suppressed feeling, grief, terror, and suspense. Shakespeare has thus represented it : "Bruttis. O Cassius, I am sick of many griefs ! Cassius. Of your philosophy you make no use, If you give place to accidental evils. Brutus. No man bears sorrow better. — Portia is dead. Cassius. Ha ! — Portia ? Brutus. She is dead. Cassius. How 'scap'd I killing, when I cross'd you so ? — O insupportable and touching loss ! — Upon what sickness ? Brutus. Impatient of my absence, And grief that young Octavius with Mark Antony Had made themselves so strong; — for with her death These tidings came. — With this she fell distract, And, her attendants absent, swallow'd Are." So much for woman's philosophy ! (From Knight's Pictorial Edition, 1839.) At the exact period of the action of this drama, Caesar, possessing the reality of power, was haunted by the weakness of passionately desiring the title of king. Plutarch says: "The chief est cause that made him mortally hated was the covetous desire he had to be called king." This is the pivot upon which the whole action of Shake- speare's tragedy turns. There might have been another method of treating the subject. The death of Julius Caesar might have been the catastrophe. The republican and monarchical principles might have been exhibited in conflict. The republican principle would have triumphed in the fall of Caesar ; and the poet would have previously held the balance between the two principles, or have claimed, indeed, our largest sympathies for the principles of Caesar and his friends, by 22 INTRODUC TION. a true exhibition of Caesar's greatness and Caesar's virtues. The poet chose another course. And are we, then, to talk, with ready flip- pancy, of ignorance and carelessness — that he wanted classical knowl- edge — that he gave himself no trouble ? " The fault of the character is the fault of the plot," says Hazlitt. It would have been nearer the truth had he said, the character is determined by the plot. While Caesar is upon the scene, it was for the poet, largely interpreting the historian, to show the inward workings of " the covetous desire he had to be called king," and most admirably, according to our notions of characterization, has he shown them. (From UlricVs " Shakespeare's Dramatic Art ," translated 1847.) What can justify apparitions and spirits in an historical drama ? And in any case, why is it that the ghost of Caesar appears to Brutus, whose designs, apparently at least, are pure and noble, rather than to Cassius, his sworn enemy ? Because, though they appear to be such, they are not so in reality ; the design is not really pure which has for its first step so arrogant a violation of right. Moreover, Caesar had been more deeply wronged by Brutus than by Cassius. Brutus, like Coriolanus, had trampled under foot the tenderest and noblest affections of humanity for the sake of the phantom honour of free citizenship. Brutus, lastly, was the very soul of the conspiracy ; if his mental energies should be paralyzed, and his strong courage unnerved, the whole enterprise must fail. And so, in truth, it went to pieces, because it was against the will of history — that is, against the eternal counsels of God. It was to signify this great lesson that Shakespeare introduced the ghost upon the stage. Only once, and with a few pregnant words, does the spirit appear ; but he is con- stantly hovering in the background, like a dark thunder-cloud, and is, as it were, the offended and threatening spirit of history itself. It is with the same purpose that Shakespeare has introduced spectral apparitions into another of his historical pieces — Richard III. Both dramas belong to the same historical grade ; they both represent important turning points in the history of the world — the close of an old, and the commencement of a new state of things — and in such times the guiding finger of God is more obviously apparent than at others. (From Merivale's "History of the Romans under the Empire,''' 1 1802.) The Dictator had bequeathed to each citizen the sum of three hundred sesterces, or rather less than three pounds sterling. The money itself, indeed, was not forthcoming; for Antonius had already disposed of the whole treasure which had fallen into his hands. But INTRODUCTION. 23 Octavius had not yet arrived to discharge his patron's legacies ; many formalities and some chances lay between the public avowal of these generous intentions and the claim for their actual fulfilment ; and Antonius in the meantime might turn to his own account the grateful acknowledgment of the people for a largess they might never be destined to enjoy. The bare recital of Caesar's testament operated on their feelings most favourably to his interests. Now for the fust time they were fully roused to a sense of their benefactor's wrongs. Now for the first time the black ingratitude of Decimus and the others, his confidants and his assassins, stood revealed in its hideous deform- ity. The sense of personal loss stifled every specious argument that could be advanced to extenuate the crime. The vindication of the laws, the assertion of liberty, the overthrow of a tyrant and a dynasty of tyrants, all sank at once before the paramount iniquity of destroy- ing the only substantial benefactor the Roman people had ever had. Many a magistrate or conqueror indeed had lavished shows and festi- vals upon them ; the city owed its noblest ornaments to the rivalry of suitors for popularity ; but these were candidates for honours and distinctions, and had all a personal object to serve ; while the bequest of the murdered Julius was deemed an act of pure generosity ; for the dead can have no selfish interests. The heralds proclaimed throughout the city the appointed place and hour of the obsequies. A funeral pyre was constructed in the Field of Mars, close to the spot where lay the ashes of Julia ; for the laws forbade cremation within the walls ; and the laws, enacted for pur- poses of health, were reinforced by feelings of superstition. But the funeral oration was to be pronounced in the Forum, and a temporary chapel, open on every side, modelled, it is said, after the temple of Venus the Ancestress, was erected before the rostra, and gorgeously gilded, for the reception of the body. The bier was a couch inlaid with ivory, and strewn with vestments of gold and purple. At its head was suspended, in the fashion of a warrior's trophy, the toga in which the Dictator had been slain, pierced through and through by the assassins' daggers. Calpurnius Piso walked at the head of the procession, as chief mourner ; the body was borne by the highest magistrates and most dignified personages of the State ; the people were invited to make oblations for the pyre, of garments, arms, trinkets, and spices. So great was the concourse of the offerers, that the order in which they were appointed to present themselves could not be preserved, but every one was allowed to approach the spot by whatever route he chose from every corner of the city. When the mangled. remains were deposited in their place, they were concealed from the gaze of the multitude ; but in their stead a waxen effigy was raised aloft, and turned about by machinery in every direction ; and the people could distinctly mark the three and twenty wounds repre- 24 INTRODUCTION. sented faithfully upon it. Dramatic shows formed, as usual, a part of the ceremony. Passages from the Electro, of Atillius, and the Contest for the Arms of Achilles, a celebrated piece of Pacuvius, 1 were enacted on the occasion. The murder of Agamemnon, and the requital of Ajax, who complained that in saving the Greeks he had saved his own assassins, furnished pungent allusions to the circum- stances of the time, and moved the sensibilities of an inflammable populace. While the feelings of the citizens were thus melting with compassion or glowing with resentment, Antonius came forward, as the first magistrate of the republic, to deliver the funeral eulogy due to the mighty dead. Historians and poets have felt the intense interest of the position he at that moment occupied, and have vied with each other in delineating with the nicest touches the adroitness he dis- played in guiding the passions of his audience. Suetonius indeed asserts that he added few words of his own to the bare recital of the decrees of the Senate, by which every honour, human and divine, had been heaped upon Caesar, and of the oath by which his destined assassins had bound themselves to his defence. But Cicero tells a different story. He speaks with bitter indignation of the praises, the commiseration, and the inflammatory appeals, which he interwove with the address. With such contemporary authority before us, we may believe that the speech reported by Appian is no rhetorical fiction, but a fair representation, both in manner and substance, of the actual harangue. The most exquisite scene in the truest of all Shakespeare's historical delineations adds little, except the charm of verse and the vividness of dramatic action, to the graphic painting of the original record. This famous speech was in fact a consummate piece of dramatic art. The eloquence of Antonius was less moving than the gestures which enforced it, and the accessory circumstances which he enlisted to plead on his behalf. He addressed himself to the eyes, no less than to the ears of his audience. He disclaimed the position of a panegyrist : his friendship with the deceased might render his testi- mony suspected. He was, indeed, unworthy to praise Caesar: the voice of the people alone could pronounce his befitting eulogy. He produced the Acts of the Senate, and of the faction by whose hands Caesar had fallen, as the vouchers of his assertions. These he recited with a voice tremulous with grief, and a countenance struggling with emotions. He read the decrees which had within a twelvemonth heaped honours upon Caesar, and which declared his person inviola- ble, his authority supreme, and himself the chief and father of his country. Were these honours excessive or dangerous to the State, 1 Ablest of the tragic poets of Rome. Lived about B.C. 220-130. INTRODUCTION. 25 the Senate had bestowed them : did they even trench upon the attri- butes of the gods, the pontiffs had sanctioned them. And when he came to the words consecrated, inviolable, father of his country, the orator pointed with artful irony to the bleeding and lifeless corpse, which neither laws nor oaths had shielded from outrage. He paused, and the dramatic chorus sent forth some ancient wail, such as ages before had been consecrated to the sorrows of heroes, who like Csesar had been kings of men, and of Houses which like the Julian had sprung from gods and goddesses. Then, from these examples of high fortune and its tragic issues, he passed on to recite the solemn oath by which the Senate, the nobles, and among them the conspirators themselves, had devoted their hearts and hands to their hero's defence ; and thereupon, turning with glow- ing emotion towards the temple of Jupiter, conspicuous on the Capitol, he exclaimed, "And I, for my part, am prepared to maintain my vow, to avenge the victim I could not save." Such words from the chief magistrate of the State were deeply impressive. The Senators scowled and murmured. Antonius pretended to check his impetuosity and address himself to soothing their alarm. After all, he said, it was not the work of men, it was the judgment of the gods. Caesar was too great, too noble, too far above the race of men, too nigh to the nature of the immortals, to be overthrown by any power but that of divinity itself. "Let us bow," he exclaimed, " to the stroke as mortal men. Let us bury the past in oblivion. Let us bear away these venerable remains to the abodes of the blessed, with due lamentations and de- served eulogies ! ' ' With these words the consummate actor girt his robes closely around him, and striding to the bier, with his head inclined before it, mut- tered a hymn to the body, as to the image of a god. In rapid verse or solemn modulated prose he chanted the mighty deeds and glories of the deceased, the trophies he had won, the triumphs he had led, the riches he had poured into the treasury. "Thou, Cresar, alone wast never worsted in battle. Thou alone hast avenged our defeats and wiped away our disgraces. By thee the insults of three hundred years stand requited. Before thee has fallen the hereditary foe who burned the city of our fathers." So did the Potitii 1 and Finarii l recite their hymns to Hercules : so did the frantic hierophant sing the praises of Apollo. The flamen of Julius seemed instinct with the inspiration of the altar and the tripod, while he breathed the fanatic devotion of the ancient faith. The blood-smeared image was turned this way and that for all eyes to gaze upon ; and, as it seemed to writhe in the agonies of death, the 1 The names of two ancient Roman families who presided over the wor- ship of Hercules at Rome. 26 INTRODUCTION. groans of men and the shrieks of women drowned the plaintive accents of the speaker. Suddenly Antonius raised the mangled garment which hung over the body itself, and waving it before the people disclosed the rents of the murderers' daggers. The excitement of the populace now became uncontrollable. Religious enthusiasm fanned the flame of personal sympathy. They forbade the body to be carried to the Field of Mars for cremation. Some pointed to the temple of Jupiter, where the effigy of the demi-god had been enthroned in front of the deity himself, and demanded that it should be burnt in the holy shrine, and its ashes deposited among its kindred divinities. The priests stepped forward to avert this profanation ; and it was then proposed to consume the body in the Pompeian Curia, whence the mighty spirit had winged its flight to the celestial mansions. Meanwhile chairs, benches, and tables had been snatched from the adjacent buildings, a heap of fuel was raised before the door of the pontifical mansion in the Forum, and the body snatched by tumultu- ary hands was cast upon it in a frenzy of excitement. Two young men, girt with swords, and javelin in hand, were seen to apply the torch. Such a vision had appeared in ancient times in the heat of battle. Castor and Pollux, it was believed, had descended more than once in human form to save the republic. A divine sanction was thus given to the deed : every scruple was overruled ; and it was resolved to consume the hero's remains in the heart of his own city. The peo- ple continued to pile up branches and brushwood ; the musicians and players added their costly garments to the heap, the veterans their arms, the matrons their ornaments ; even the trinkets which adorned the children's frocks were torn off, and offered in the blazing confla- gration. Caesar was beloved by the Romans ; he was not less dear to the foreigners who owed so much to his ascendency, and had anticipated so much more. Gauls, Iberians, Africans, and Orientals crowded in successive groups around the pyre, and gave vent to the sense of their common misfortune. Among them the Jews were eminently con- spicuous. Caesar was the only Roman who had respected their feel- ings and assured them of his sympathy. Many of this people continued for several nights to assemble with sorrow and resentment on the spot, and uttered another funeral dirge over the blighted hopes of their nation. While other illustrious men had been reported great for their excel- lence in some one department of human genius, it was declared by the concurrent voice of antiquity, that Caesar was excellent in all. He had genius, understanding, memory, taste, reflection, industry, and exact- ness. He was great, repeats a modern writer, in everything he under- took ; as a captain, a statesman, a lav-giver, a jurist, an orator, a INTRODUCTION. 27 poet, an historian, a grammarian, a mathematician, and an architect. The secret of his manifold excellence was discovered by Pliny in the unparalleled energy of his intellectual powers, which he could devote without distraction to several objects at once, or rush at any moment from one occupation to another with the abruptness and rapidity of lightning. Csesar could be writing and reading, dictating and listening, all at the same time ; he was wont to occupy four amanuenses at once, and had been known, on occasions, to employ as many as seven to- gether. And, as if to complete the picture of the most perfect specimen of human ability, we are assured that in all the exercises of the camp, his vigour and skill were not less conspicuous. He fought at the most perilous moments in the ranks of the soldiers ; he could manage his charger without the use of reins ; and he saved his life at Alexandria by his address in the art of swimming. (From Gervinus''s "Shakespeare Commentaries,''' 1 translated 1863.) With what reverence Shakespeare viewed Csesar's character as a whole, we learn from several passages of his works, and even in this play from the way in which he allows his memory to be respected as soon as he is dead. In the descriptions of Cassius we look back upon the time when the great man was natural, simple, undissembling, pop- ular, and on an equal footing with others. Now he is spoiled by vic- tory, success, power, and by the republican courtiers who surround him. He stands close on the borders between usurpation and dis- cretion ; he is master in reality, and is on the point of assuming the name and the right ; he desires heirs to the throne ; he hesitates to accept the crown which he would gladly possess ; he is ambitious, and fears he may have betrayed this in his paroxysms of epilepsy ; he exclaims against flatterers and cringers, and yet both please him. All around him treat him as a master, his wife as a prince ; the senate allow themselves to be called his senate ; he assumes the appearance of a king even in his house ; even with his wife he uses the language of a man who knows himself secure of power ; and he maintains everywhere the proud, strict bearing of a soldier, which is represented even in his statues. If one of the changes at which Plutarch hints lay in this pride, this haughtiness, another lay in his superstition. In the suspicion and apprehension before the final step, he was seized, con- trary to his usual nature and habit, with misgivings and superstitious fears, which affected likewise the hitherto free-minded Calphurnia. These conflicting feelings divide him, his forebodings excite him, his pride and his defiance of danger struggle against them, and restore his former confidence, which was natural to him, and which causes his ruin ; just as a like confidence, springing from another source, ruined Brutus. 28 INTRODUCTION. {From Crane's "English of Shakespeare,''' 1 1857.) The play might more fitly be called after Brutus than after Caesar. And still more remarkable is the partial delineation that we have of the man. We have a distinct exhibition of little else beyond his vanity and arrogance, relieved and set off by his good nature or affability. He is brought before us only as "the spoilt child of victory." All the grandeur and predominance of his character is kept in the back- ground, or in the shade — to be inferred, at most, from what is said by the other dramatis persona; — by Cassius on the one hand and by Antony on the other in the expression of their own diametrically opposite natures and aims, and in a very few words by the calmer, milder, and juster Brutus — nowhere manifested by himself. It might almost be suspected that the complete and full-length Caesar had been carefully reserved for another drama. Even Antony is only half delineated here, to be brought forward again on another scene : Caesar needed such reproduction much more, and was as well entitled to a stage which he should tread without an equal. He is only a sub- ordinate character in the present play ; his death is but an incident in the progress of the plot. The first figures, standing conspicuously out from all the rest, are Brutus and Cassius. (From Fronde'' s "Cwsar: A Sketch,'' 1 1878.) CESAR AND THE CONSPIRATORS. Sixty senators, in all, were parties to the immediate conspiracy. Of these, nine tenths were members of the old faction whom Caesar had pardoned, and who, of all his acts, resented most that he had been able to pardon them. Their motives were the ambition of their order and personal hatred of Caesar: but they persuaded themselves that they were animated by patriotism ; and as, in their hands, the Repub- lic had been a mockery of liberty, so they aimed at restoring it by a mock tyrannicide. Their oaths and their professions were nothing to them. If they were entitled to kill Caesar, they were entitled equally to deceive him. No stronger evidence is needed of the demoralization of the Roman Senate than the completeness with which they were able to disguise from themselves the baseness of their treachery. One man only they were able to attract into cooperation who had a reputation for honesty, and could be conceived, without absurdity, to be animated by a disinterested purpose. Marcus Brutus was the son of Cato's sister Servilia ; and although, under the influence of his uncle, he had taken the Senate's side in the war, he had accepted afterwards not pardon only from Caesar, but favours of many kinds, for which he had professed, and probably felt, some real gratitude. He had married Cato's daughter, Portia, and INTBODUCTION. 29 on Cato's death had published a eulogy upon him. Caesar left him free to think and write what he pleased. He had made him Praetor ; he had nominated him to the governorship of Macedonia. Brutus was perhaps the only member of the senatorial party in whom Caesar felt genuine confidence. His known integrity, and Caesar's acknowl- edged regard for him, made his accession to the conspiracy an object of particular importance. The name of Brutus would be a guaranty to the people of rectitude of intention. Brutus, as the world went, was of more than average honesty. He had sworn to be faithful to Caesar, as the rest had sworn ; and an oath with him was not a thing to be emotionalized away : but he was a fanatical republican, a man of gloomy habits, given to dreams and omens, and easily liable to be influenced by appeals to visionary feelings. Caius Cassius, his brother- in-law, was employed to work upon him. Cassius, too, was Praetor that year, having been also nominated to office by Caesar. He knew Brutus, he knew where and how to move him. He reminded him of the great traditions of his name. A Brutus had delivered Pome from the Tarquins. The blood of a Brutus was consecrated to liberty. This, too, was mockery : Brutus, who expelled the Tarquins, had put his sons to death, and died childless : Marcus Brutus came of good plebeian family, with no glories of tyrannicide about them ; but the imaginary genealogy suited well with the spurious heroics which veiled the motives of Caesar's murderers. Brutus, once wrought upon, became with Cassius the most ardent in the cause, which assumed the aspect to him of a sacred duty. Be- hind them were the crowd of Senators of the familiar faction, and others worse than they, who had not even the excuse of having been partisans of the beaten cause ; men who had fought at Caesar's side till the war was over, and believed, like Labienus, that to them Caesar owed his fortune. One of these was Trebonius, who had misbehaved himself in Spain, and was smarting under the recollection of his own failures. Trebonius had been named by Caesar for a future consul- ship ; but a distant reward was too little for him. Another and yet a baser traitor was Decimus Brutus, whom Caesar valued and trusted beyond all his officers ; whom he had selected as guardian for Octa- vius, and had noticed, as was seen afterwards, with special affection in his will. The services of these men were invaluable to the conspir- ators on account of their influence with the army. Decimus Brutus, like Labienus, had enriched himself in Caesar's campaigns, and had amassed near half a million of English money. So composed was this memorable band, to whom was to fall the bad distinction of completing the ruin of the senatorial rule. Caesar would have spared something of it ; enough, perhaps, to have thrown up shoots again as soon as he had himself passed away in the common course of nature. By combining in a focus the most hateful charac- 30 IN TROD UC TION. teristics of the order, by revolting the moral instincts of mankind by ingratitude and treachery, they stripped their cause of the false gla- mour which they hoped to throw over it. The profligacy and avarice, the cynical disregard of obligation, which had marked the Senate's supremacy for a century, had exhibited abundantly their unfitness for the high functions which had descended to them ; but custom, and natural tenderness for a form of government, the past history of which had been so glorious, might have continued still to shield them from the penalty of their iniquities. The murder of Caesar filled the meas- ure of their crimes, and gave the last and necessary impulse to the closing act of the revolution. Csesar was dead. But Csesar still lived. " It was not possible that the gi-ave should hold him." The people said that he was a god, and had gone back to Heaven, where his star had been seen ascending ; his spirit remained on Earth, and the vain blows of the assassins had been but " malicious mockery." " We have killed the king," exclaimed Cicero in the bitterness of his disenchantment, " but the kingdom is with us still " : " we have taken away the tyrant ; the tyranny survives." Csesar had not overthrown the oligarchy : their own incapacity, their own selfishness, their own baseness, had overthrown them. Caesar had been but the reluctant instrument of the Power which metes out to men the inevitable penalties of their own misdeeds. They had dreamt that the Constitution was a living force which would revive of itself as soon as its enemy was gone. They did not know that it was dead already, and that they had themselves destroyed it. The Constitution was but an agreement by which the Roman people had consented to abide for their common good. It had ceased to be for the common good. The experience of fifty miserable years had proved that it meant the supremacy of the rich, maintained by the bought votes of demoralized electors. The soil of Italy, the industry and happiness of tens of millions of mankind, from the Rhine to the Eu- phrates, had been the spoil of five hundred families and their relatives and dependents, of men whose occupation was luxury, and whose appetites were for monstrous pleasures. The self-respect of reason- able men could no longer tolerate such a rule in Italy or out of it. In killing Cfesar the Optimates had been as foolish as they were treacherous ; for Caesar's efforts had been to reform the Constitution, not to abolish it. The Civil War had risen from their dread of his second consulship, which they had feared would make an end of their corruptions ; and that the Constitution should be purged of the poison in its veins, was the sole condition on which its continuance was pos- sible. The obstinacy, the ferocity, the treachery of the aristocracy had compelled Caesar to crush them ; and the more desperate their straggles, the more absolute the necessity became. But he alone could INTRODUCTION. 31 have restored as much of popular liberty as was consistent with the responsibilities of such a government as the Empire required. In Cresar alone were combined the intellect and the power necessary for such a work: they had killed him, and in doing so had passed final sentence on themselves. Not as realities any more, but as harmless phantoms, the forms of the old Republic were henceforth to persist. PERSONAL TRAITS OF CESAR. In person Caesar was tall and slight. His features were more refined than was usual in Roman faces ; the forehead was wide and high, the nose large and thin, the lips full, the eyes dark gray like an eagle's, the neck extremely thick and sinewy. His complexion was pale. His beard and moustache were kept carefully shaved. His hair was short and naturally scanty, falling off towards the end of his life, and leaving him partially bald. His voice, especially when he spoke in public, was high and shrill. His health was uniformly strong until his last year, when he became subject to epileptic fits. He was a great bather, and scrupulously clean in all his habits ; abstemious in his food, and careless in what it consisted ; rarely or never touching wine, and noting sobriety as the highest of qualities, when describing any new people. He was an athlete in early life, admirable in all manly exercises, and especially in riding. In Gaul he rode a remark- able horse, which he had bred himself, and which would let no one but Csesar mount him. From his boyhood it was observed that he was the truest of friends, that he avoided quarrels, and was most easily appeased when offended. In manner he was quiet and gentle- manlike, with the natural courtesy of high breeding. On an occasion when he was dining somewhere, the other guests found the oil too rancid for them : Ceesar took it without remark, to spare his enter- tainer's feelings. When on a journey through a forest with his friend Oppius, he came one night to a hut where there was a single bed. Oppius being unwell, Caesar gave it up to him, and slept on the ground. CAESAR AS A STATESMAN. Like Cicero, Caesar entered public life at the bar. He belonged by birth to the popular party, but he showed no disposition, like the Gracchi, to plunge into political agitation. His aims were practical. He made war only upon injustice and oppression; and, when he commenced as a pleader, he was noted for the energy with which he protected a client whom he believed to have been wronged. When he rose into the Senate, his powers as a speaker became strikingly remarkable. Cicero, who often heard him, and was not a favourable judge, said that there was a pregnancy in his sentences and a dignity in his manner which no orator in Rome could approach. But he never 32 INTRODUCTION. spoke to court popularity : his aim from first to last was better gov- ernment, the prevention of bribery and extortion, and the distribution among deserving citizens of some portion of the public land which the rich were stealing. The Julian laws, which excited the indignation of the aristocracy, had no other objects than these ; and had they been observed they would have saved the Constitution. The purpose of government he conceived to be the execution of justice ; and a con- stitutional liberty under which justice was made impossible did not appear to him to be liberty at all. Caesar, it was observed, when anything was to be done, selected the man who was best able to do it, not caring particularly who or what he might be in other respects. To this faculty of discerning and choosing fit persons to execute his orders may be ascribed the extraor- dinary success of his own provincial administration, the enthusiasm which was felt for him in the North of Italy, and the perfect quiet of Gaul after the completion of the conquest. Caesar did not crush the Gauls under the weight of Italy. He took the best of them into the Roman service, promoted them, led them to associate the interests of the Empire with their personal advancement and the prosperity of then- own people. No act of Caesar's showed more sagacity than the intro- duction of Gallic nobles into the Senate ; none was more bitter to the Scipios and Metelli, who were compelled to share their august privileges with these despised barbarians. CESAR IN WAR. It was by accident that Csesar took up the profession of a soldier ; yet perhaps no commander who ever lived showed greater military genius. The conquest of Gaul was effected by a force numerically insignificant, which was worked with the precision of a machine. The variety of uses to which it was capable of being turned implied, in the first place, extraordinary forethought in the selection of materials. Men whose nominal duty was merely to fight were engineers, archi- tects, mechanics of the highest order. In a few hours they could extemporize an impregnable fortress on an open hillside. They bridged the Rhine in a week. They built a fleet in a month. The legions at Alesia held twice their number pinned within their works, while they kept at bay the whole force of insurgent Gaul, entirely by scientific superiority. The machine, which was thus perfect, was composed of human beings who required supplies of tools, and arms, and clothes, and food, and shelter ; and for all these it depended on the forethought of its commander. Maps there were none. Countries entirely unknown had to be surveyed ; routes had to be laid out ; the depths and courses of rivers, the character of mountain passes, had all to be ascertained, INTRODUCTION. 33 Allies had to be found among tribes as yet unheard of. Countless contingent difficulties had to be provided for, many of which must necessarily arise, though the exact nature of them could not be anticipated. When room for accidents is left open, accidents do not fail to be heard of. But Csesar was never defeated when personally present, save once at Gergovia, and once at Durazzo : the failure at Gergovia was caused by the revolt of the JFAui ; and the maimer in which the failure at Durazzo was retrieved showed Cesar's greatness more than the most brilliant of his victories. He was rash, but with a calculated rashness, which the event never failed to justify. His greatest suc- cesses were due to the rapidity of his movements, which brought him on the enemy before they heard of his approach. He travelled some- times a hundred miles a day, reading or writing in his carriage, through countries without roads, and crossing rivers without bridges. No ob- stacle stopped him when he had a definite end in view. In battle he sometimes rode ; but he was more often on foot, bareheaded, and in a conspicuous dress, that he might be seen and recognized. Again and again by his own efforts he recovered a day that was half lost. He once seized a panic-stricken standard-bearer, turned him round, and told him that he had mistaken the direction of the enemy. He never misled his army as to an enemy's strength ; or, if he misstated their numbers, it was only to exaggerate. Yet he was singularly careful of his soldiers. He allowed his legions rest, though he allowed none to himself. He rarely fought a battle at a disadvantage. He never exposed his men to unnecessary danger ; and the loss by wear and tear in the campaigns in Gaul was exception- ally and even astonishingly slight. When a gallant action was per- formed, he knew by whom it had been done ; and every soldier, however humble, might feel assured that if he deserved praise he would have it. The army was Csesar's family. When Sabinus was cut off, he allowed his beard to grow, and he did not shave it till the disaster was avenged. If Quintus Cicero had been his own child, he could not have run greater personal risk to save him when shut up at Charleroy. In discipline he was lenient to ordinary faults, and not careful to make curious inquiries into such things. He liked his men to enjoy themselves. Military mistakes in his officers, too, he always endeavoured to excuse, never blaming them for misfortunes, unless there had been a defect of courage as well as judgment. Mutiny and desertion only he never overlooked. And thus no general was ever more loved by, or had greater power over, the army which served under him. His leniency to the Fompeian faction may have been politic, but it arose also from the disposition of the man. Cruelty originates in fear,. and Caesar was too indifferent to death to fear anything. So far 34 INTRODUCTION. as his public action was concerned, he betrayed no passion save hatred of injustice ; and he moved through life calm and irresistible, like a force of Nature. CESAR AS AN AUTHOR. Cicero has said of Caesar's oratory, that he surpassed those who practised no other art. His praise of him as a man of letters is yet more delicately and gracefully emphatic. Most of his writings are lost ; but there remain seven books of Commentaries On the wars in Gaul, and three books upon the Civil War. Of these it was that Cicero said, in an admirable image, that fools might think to improve on them, but that no wise man would try it ; they were bare of orna- ment, the dress of style dispensed with, like an undraped human figure perfect in all its lines, as Nature made it. In his composition, as in his actions, Caesar is entirely simple. He indulges in no image, no laboured descriptions, no conventional reflections. His art is uncon- scious, as the highest art always is. The actual fact of things stands out as it really was, not as mechanically photographed, but interpreted by the calmest intelligence, and described with unexaggerated feeling. No military narrative has approached the excellence of the history of the war in Gaul. Nothing is written down which could be dispensed with ; nothing important is left untold ; while the incidents them- selves are set off by delicate and just observations on human character. The books on the Civil War have the same simplicity and clearness, but a vein runs through them of strong if subdued emotion. They contain the history of a great revolution related by the principal actor in it ; but no effort can be traced to set his own side in a favourable light, or to abuse or depreciate his adversaries. Caesar does not exult over his triumphs, or parade the honesty of his motives. The facts are left to tell their own story ; and the gallantry and endurance of his own troops are not related with more feeling than the contrast of the confident hopes of the patrician leaders at Pharsalia and the luxury of their camp with the overwhelming disaster which fell upon them. About himself and his own exploits there is not one word of self-complacency or self-admiration. In his writings, as in his life, Caesar is always the same, — direct, straightforward, unmoved save by occasional tenderness, describing with unconscious simplicity how the work which had been forced upon him was accomplished. He wrote with extreme rapidity in the intervals of other labour ; yet there is not a word misplaced, not a sign of haste anywhere, save that the conclusion of the Gallic war was left to be supplied by a weaker hand. {From Hudson's Introduction to the Play, 1878.) I have no doubt that Shakespeare perfectly understood the whole height and compass of Caesar's vast and varied capacity. And I some- INTRODUCTION. 35 times regret that he did not render him as he evidently saw him, inas- much as he alone, perhaps, of all the men who ever wrote could have given an adequate expression of that colossal man. And this seeming contradiction between Caesar as known and Caesar as rendered by him, is what, more than anything else in the drama, perplexes me. But there is, I think, a very refined, subtle, and peculiar irony pervading this, more than any other of the poet's plays ; not intended as such, indeed, by the speakers, but a sort of historic irony — the irony of Providence, so to speak, or, if you please, of fate ; much the same as is implied in the proverb, " A haughty spirit goes before a fall." This irony crops out in many places. Thus we have Caesar most blown with self-importance and godding it in the loftiest style when the daggers of the assassins are on the very point of leaping at him. So, too, all along, we find Brutus most confident in those very things where he is most at fault, or acting like a man " most ignorant of what he's most assured " ; as when he says that Antony " can do no more than Caesar's arm when Caesar's head is off." This, to be sure, is not meant ironically by him ; but it is turned into irony by the fact that Antony soon tears the cause of the conspirators all to pieces with his tongue. So, again, of the passage where Cassius mockingly gods Caesar ; the subsequent course of events has the effect of inverting his mockery against himself. . . . ... It may well be thought that Caesar was too great for the hero of a drama, since his greatness, if brought forward in full measure, would leave no room for anything else, at least would preclude any proper dramatic balance and equipoise. It was only as a sort of underlying potency, or a force withdrawn into the background, that his presence was compatible with that harmony and reciprocity of several charac- ters which a well-ordered drama requires. At all events, it is pretty clear that, where he was, such figures as Brutus and Cassius could never be very considerable, save as his assassins. They would not have been heard of in our day, if they had not "struck the foremost man of all this world." Now, in the drama, whatever there was in Brutus and Cassius that was noble, and there was much that was noble in them, has a full and fair showing ; and if Caesar is sacrificed to them, the reason may be that there was more danger of doing injus- tice to them than to him, inasmuch as Caesar could better take care of himself. {From Edward Dowden, LL.D., 1879.) Everything in the play of Julius C'cesar is wrought out with great care and completeness ; it is well planned and well proportioned ; there is no tempestuousness of passion, and no artistic mystery. The 36 INTRODUCTION. style is full but not overburdened with thought or imagery : this is one of the most perfect of Shakespeare's plays ; greater tragedies are less perfect, perhaps for the very reason that they try to grasp greater, more terrible, or more piteous themes. In King Henry V Shakespeare had represented a great and heroic man of action. In the serious plays, which come next in chronologi- cal order, Julius Caesar and Hamlet, the poet represents two men who were forced to act — to act in public affairs and affairs of life and death — yet who were singularly disqualified for playing the part of men of action. Hamlet cannot act because his moral energy is sapped by a kind of scepticism and sterile despair about life ; because his own ideas are more to him than deeds ; because his will is diseased. Brutus does act, but he acts as an idealistic and theorist might, with no eye for the actual bearing of facts, and no sense of the true importance of persons. \ Intellectual doctrines and moral ideals rule the life of Brutus ; and his life is most noble, high, and stainless, but his public action is a series of practical mistakes. Yet even while he errs, we admire him ; for all his errors are those of a pure and lofty spirit. He fails to see how full of power Antony is ; because Antony loves pleasure, and is not a Stoic, like himself ; he addresses calm arguments to the excited Roman mob ; he spares the life of Antony, and allows him to address the people ; he advises ill in military matters. All the practical gifts, insight and tact, which Brutus lacks, are possessed by Cassias ; but of Brutus' moral purity, veneration of ideals, disinterestedness, and freedom from unworthy personal motive, Cassius possesses little. And the moral power of Brutus has in it something magisterial, which enables it to oversway the practical judgment of Cassius. In his wife — Cato's daughter, Portia — Brutus has found one who is equal to and worthy of himself. Shakespeare has shown her as perfectly a woman — sensitive, finely- tempered, tender — yet a woman who, by her devotion to moral ideals, might stand beside such a father and such a husband. And Brutus, with all his stoicism, is gentle and tender ; he can strike down Caesar, if Caesar be a tyrant, but he cannot roughly rouse a sleeping boy (Act IV, sc. iii, 2(58). Antony is a man of genius, with many splendid and some generous qualities, but self-indulgent, pleasure-loving, and a daring adventurer rather than a great leader of the State. The character of Caesar is conceived in a curious and almost irritat- ing manner. Shakespeare (as passages in other plays show) was certainly not ignorant of the greatness of one of the world's greatest men. But here it is his weaknesses that are insisted on. He is fail- ing in body and mind, influenced by superstition, yields to flattery, thinks of himself as almost superhuman, has lost some of his insight into character, and his sureness and swiftness of action. Yet the INTRODUCTION. 37 play is rightly named Julius Ccvsar. His bodily presence is weak, but his spirit rules throughout the play, and rises after his death in all its might, towering over the little band of conspirators, who at length fall before the spirit of Ctesar as it ranges for revenge. (From Morlerfs Introduction to the Play, 1886.) Shakespeare's Julius Ccesar is a play of government, but it is not enough merely to say that it represents government in its chief forms. The sweep of the story brings before us — in Rome the centre of old rule — unstable populace, democratic tribunes, republicans in their two main types, as the practical republican whose thought is for him- self, and the philosophical, whose thought is for the world ; it paints feeble man in greed of the empire, and tyrannicide as worse than fruitless ; shows oligarchy risen from the ruins with a tyranny far greater than that from which the bare mistrust had caused escape to be sought by murder ; it paints civil war, and includes f oreshadowings of the disunion between chiefs of equal power. Their strife is shown in the play of Antony and Cleopatra, that continues the sequence of events to the final triumph of Octavius. There is all this, no doubt, furnishing material for the two stories ; and Shakespeare, as in preceding plays, made use of the historical groundwork as a parable against sedition and a warning of the ills of civil war, while the direct human interest, the centre of action, might lie in something else. So in this pair of plays, one, Antony and Cleo- patra, has its centre in the house of the strange woman by whom many strong men have been slain. But in Julius Caisar the centre of human interest is the centre also of the question of government. Religious men, opposed to her in faith, had more than once plotted the assassination of Elizabeth ; and that the death of the childless queen might, whenever it happened, bring on another contest for the crown, was in the latter years of Elizabeth's reign widely feared. Rut a true dramatist like Shakespeare will never place the point of unity, the centre of crystallization, so to speak, with which every line in a good play, poem, picture, statue, song, or whatever else may claim to be a work of art, has its relation, in anything so abstract and impersonal as the mere conception of government. The central thought of a play of Shakespeare's is to be found always in some one human truth that strikes home to the soul of some one man, through whom it passes insensibly into the souls of all who have been interested in his story. Which, then, of the persons in this play of Julius Ccesar is the one upon whom Shakespeare seeks especially to fix attention ? Beyond question, it is Brutus. The centre of interest will lie in him. Shun- ning, as we must always, the paths of dry speculation which invariably 38 INTRODUCTION. lead those who follow them to deserts far away from Shakespeare's track, we ask, as we must always, what is the most direct and obvious source of our strong human interest in the person whose fortunes are most continuously and visibly affected by the action of the plot. Brutus is represented as a man gentle and noble in the best sense of each word, the most perfect character in Shakespeare, but for one great error in his life. All Rome had so much faith in his unblemished honour, that the conspirators who had determined to strike down Caesar by assassination in the hour when he was about to grasp the sole dominion of Home, strongly desired companionship of Brutus to give to their deed colour of right, and win for it more readily the assent of the people. There is in the blood of Brutus a love of liberty so strong that it is a virtue tending to excess. Upon this and upon his unselfish concern for the common good, his brother-in-law Cassius works, and by his working sways the scales of judgment, and leads Brutus to do evil that good may come of it. Not for ill done, but for mistrust of what might come, with no motive but the highest desire for his country's good, with no personal grudge in his heart, but a friend's affection for the man he struck, Brutus took part in an assassination. Portents are so inwoven with the action of the play as to suggest the presence of the gods in the affairs of men. The stroke that was to free Rome from a possible tyranny gave three tyrants for one, civil war for peace, and sent to a cruel death, by self-murder, the faithful wife who was dear to Brutus as the ruddy drops that visited his sad heart. The spirit of Csesar haunted Brutus as his evil spirit, and the last cry at Philippi was, "0 Julius Caasar, thou art mighty yet!" as Caesar's chief assassins were dying by their own hands on the swords that stabbed him. (From K. Deightoii's Introduction to the Play, 1890.) It will be well to consider the point of view from which Shakespeare intended to show us Julius Caesar. For, as here shown, he is in no wise the Julius Caesar of the poet's conception in others of his plays, in no wise the Julius Caesar of history or tradition when in the fulness of his splendid achievements he dazzled the world. It is his littleness, not his grandeur ; his personal defects ; his moral weaknesses ; his superstition ; his boastful language, not his stern simplicity ; his doubts and fears, no't his calm decision and unflinching courage ; which are here brought out with persistent and constant emphasis. Moreover, though the play is called after his name, Caesar appears in three scenes only, and dies at the beginning of the third act. Brutus, on the other hand, is prominent throughout, and all that is noble, heroic, and lov- able in his character is shown us with abundant power and clearness. ... It is to be noticed that Shakespeare had authority from Plutarch INTRODUCTION. 39 and Suetonius for the change which came over Caesar's character in his later days ; and to a consciousness of physical weakness and wan- ing powers of the mind we may no doubt ascribe those failings which have already been noticed. {From II. C. Beeching's Introduction to the Play, 1890.) We are summoned by the title to the play of Julius Coesar, and when we look "an old man cometh up." But as we listen, it is the familiar voice that speaks. He crosses the stage twice ; each time the first word he utters is just a quiet word of summons, in the perfectly calm tone of a man who is always obeyed — "Calpurnia," "Antonius." Each time we notice that his eye, however apparently filmed over with infirmity and conceit, is really as penetrating as ever. Of the Sooth- sayer his judgment is, " He is a dreamer," as he was ; but of men like Cassius, "and therefore are they very dangerous." But while we notice this, we cannot help recognizing also an aloofness from men, as of the centre of a system from the satellites whom it attracts and re- pels. Not only are all else conscious of his greatness — his wife, his court, " his senate " — but he is conscious of it. He worships among the rest. He speaks of his name as something set firm and sure above chance and change. We notice also that " he is superstitious grown of late." He bids Calpurnia stand in Antony's way at the Xupercalia ; he sends to the augurs to know if the omens are favourable. And yet this is not allowed to interfere with his considered action. There is no doubt he is very nervous. He is growing old ; he does not feel the same buoyancy and happy confidence in his fortune ; but he will not for all that be false to himself. Whether the "ceremonies" affect all the world or himself only, if something is fated, it is fated ; being a coward will not alter it. And though the voice that speaks is trem- bling, it is the real Caesar who speaks. The last scene in which he appears in the flesh is admirably con- trived as a climax. He is all but king, and his sense of his own great- ness is at the full. We see him at his worst. Still there is not want- ing a kingly grace. (" What touches us ourself shall be last served.' 1 ' 1 ) And though his words are big (" Hence, wilt thou lift up Olympus ?") they are in no sense the words of an arbitrary tyrant. It is as the incarnation of right judgment become law that Caesar has such rever- ence for himself. (" Thy brother by decree is banished.' 1 ' 1 " But I am constant as the northern star.' 1 ' 1 ) We feel, therefore, that Caesar's infirmities, infirm as they may be, are of the flesh, not of the spirit. 40 INTRODUCTION. CHRONOLOGICAL OZESAK. Csesar's Date B.C. His father had heen praetor. Father's sister was wife of the elder Marias. Birth (according to Anthon, July 10), according to the 100 : common account, duly 12. 13 Assumed the toga virilis 87 14 Flamen Dialis. Priest of Jupiter 86 16 Married Cornelia, daughter of Cornelius China, the 84 Dictator. Commanded by Sulla to divorce his wife, he refused, was deprived of his priesthood, of wife's dower and inheritance. Was proscribed. Fled from Rome. Was concealed 82 among the Sabines. Went to Nicomedes, king of Bithynia. Served with distinction in the Roman army in Cilicia. Commanded fleet that blockaded Mitylene, and at the storming of the city won the crown of oak leaves for personal bravery. 21 On the death of Sulla, returned to Rome 79 23 Prosecuted Dolabella for corrupt practices as governor. 77 Started for Rhodes to study oratory under Cicero's 76 instructor, Apollonius Molo, and was captured by the pirates. Prisoner a month at Pharmacusa till ransomed by the payment of 50 talents. Manned Milesian vessels, captured and crucified the pirates. Returned to Rome Elected Military Tribune. Aided in overthrowing Sulla's constitution .... 70 Elected Quaestor for farther Spain. Wife died ... 68 Married Pompeia, cousin of Pompey the Great, grand- 67 daughter of Sulla. ;; 4 Supported the Lex Manilla 66 Became Gurule JEdile. With the wealthy Bibulus. 65 Exhibited great games. Pompeius was in the East. Caesar restored to the Capitol the statues and trophies of Marius. Op- posed and punished the agents of the Sulla faction. Elected I'mit/fex Muximus (over Catulus, candidate 64 of the aristocracy). Cicero Consul. Conspiracy of Catiline. Cresar opposed 63 sentence of death without trial. His life threatened. 1 Mommsen says 102 B.C. INTRODUCTION. 41 chronological — C/ESAR (continued) . Date B.C. Became Praetor. Affair of Bona Dea and Clodius. 62 Divorced. Propraetor in Spain, notwithstanding adverse decree of the Senate. Was granted a triumph, hut not permitted to stand for the consulship while absent. Elected Consul with L. Calpurnius GO Coalition with Pompey and Crassus. Married Calpu* — f'59 nia. Gave his daughter Julia in marriage to Pompey. Proposed and carried an agrarian law against the opposition of Bibulus. Senate decreed to him for 5 years the government of Transalpine and Cisalpine Gaul and lllyricum, with 3 legions. Went in the spring as Proconsul to Gaul. Victorious 58 campaign against the Helvetians and the German Ariovistus before winter. Campaign against the Belgae. Subdued the nations between the Rhine and the Seine. Overran nearly all the rest of Gaul. Coalition re- 56 arranged at Lucca with Pompey and Crassus for another 5 years. Surprised and vanquished two powerful hostile Ger- 55 man tribes. Bridged the Rhine. Invaded Britain. Again invaded Britain. Defeated Cassivelaunus. 54 Daughter Julia, Pompey's wife, died. Suppressed revolt among the Gallic nations. Defeated the Eburones under Ambiorix. Crassus defeated and slain by the Parthians. Caesar remained in Gaul through the winter. Suppressed the general insurrection of the Gauls led by Vercingetorix. Captured Alesia. Completed the pacification of Gaul. Pompey left Caesar and joined the aristocratic party. Senate ordered, but the Tribune Curio vetoed the order, that Caesar resign his command. Caesar offered to do it, if Pompey would do the same. Both ordered to furnish a legion. Caesar obeyed, and gave back a legion to Pompey. Two legions taken from Caesar. On motion of Scipio, Senate ordered Caesar to disband his army or he held an enemy of the Republic. The decree was vetoed by the Tribunes Antony and Cassius. 42 INTRODUCTION. chronological. — cjesar (continued). Caesar's Date B.C. 51 52 53 5-t 55 56 With 5000 infantry and 300 cavalry, he crossed the Rubicon. Civil war begun. Entered Rome. Crossed to Spain. Desperate righting. Forty days iu Spain. Reduced Massilia (Marseilles). Returned to Rome. Eleven days in Rome ? Ap- pointed, by Praetor Lepidus, Dictator I. Defeated Pompey at Pharsalus, August 9. Was shocked and affected to tears at sight of the murdered Pompey's head. Went to Egypt. Dictator II. Regulated affairs in Egypt. Sailed against Pharnaces. Seut back dispatch, Vcni, vidi, vici, from Pontus. Returned to Rome in September. Dictator III. Passed over to Africa. Victory, April 6, over Cato and Scipio. Returned to Rome in July. Dicta- tor IV. Proclaimed general amnesty. Reformed the Senate, the social and political morals, the Calendar. Projected great enterprises. Passed to Spain to crush revolt led by Pompey's sons. Victory at Munda. March 17- Returned to Rome in September. Dictator for Life. Prepared to go to Parthia. Assassinated March 15. ("The most brutal and the most pathetic scene that profane history has to record. It was, as Goethe has said, the most senseless deed that ever was done." — Win. Warde Fowler.) INTRODUCTION. 43 EXPLANATIONS. Abbott— the Shakespearian Grammar of Dr. E. A. Abbott, 3d edi- tion, 1873. A. S. = Anglo Saxon. Bae. Es. = Bacon's Essays. Bracket ~ A. Bracket's Etymological French Dictionary. Cent. Diet. = Century Dictionary. Class- Diet. = Classical Dictionary. Craik = Craik's English of Shakespeare. Cf. = confer — compare. Coll. = Collier. Dan. = Danish. Dyce = Dyce's edition. Ency. Brit. = Encyclopedia Britannica. Faerie Q. = Spenser's Faerie Queene. Furness = Fnrness's Variorum edition. Fr. = French, or from. Gall. = Gallic. Ger. — German. Gr. = Greek. Hudson = Hudson's Shakespeare. Id. = the same. Icel. = Icelandic. Int. Diet. — Webster's International Dictionary. Masterpieces = Sprague's Masterpieces in the English Language. 0. E. or Old Eng. = Old English. 0. H. G. = Old High German. Plutarch = PlutarcWs Lives. Q. v. = quod vide = which see. Shakes. — Shakespeare'' s Works. Skeat = Skeat's Etymological Dictionary. Web. or Webster = Webster's Dictionary. Wedgwood = Wedgwood's Dictionary of English Etymology. Worcester = Worcester's New Etymological Dictionary, 1888. The abbreviations of the titles of the plays will be readily under- stood ; thus, A. and C, or Ant. and Cleop. = Antony and Cleopatra; Trail, and C, or T. and C. = Troilus and Cressida; etc. DRAMATIS PERSONS. /Julius Cesar. Octavius C;ESAR, -I Marcus Antonius, I M. TEmilius Lepidus, J «/Cicero, -I /Publius, I Senators. Popilius Lena, J ,/Marcus Brutus, Cassius, Triumvirs after the death of Julius Csesar. Conspirators against Julius Csesar, «Casca, Trebonius, y£,IUARIUS, / Dflcrcs Brutus, vMetellus Cimber, ClNNA, ^Flavius and ]\iarullus, Tribunes. Artemidorus, of Cnidos, a teacher of rhetoric. A Soothsayer. Cinna, a poet. Another Poet. Lucilius, Titinius, Friends to Brutus and Cassius. Servants to Brutus. Messala, Young Cato, volumnius, Varro, Clitus, Claudius, Strato, Lucius, Darb-anius, Pindarus, Servant to Cassius. Calpurnia, Wife to Csesar. Portia, Wife to Brutus. Senators, Citizens, Guards, Attend- ants, etc. Scene, during a great part of the play, at Rome; afterwards near Sardis, and the neighborhood of Philippi. JULIUS CiESAE. ACT I. Scene I. Rome. A Street. Enter Flavius, Marullus, and certain Commoners. Flavius. Hence ! home, you idle creatures, get you home ! Is this a holiday ? What ! know you not, Being mechanical, you ought not walk Upon a laboring day without the sign Of your profession ? — Speak, what trade art thou ? 5 Act I. Scene I. 2. holiday. Flavins and Marullus were tribunes of the people. Elected to defend the plebeians against the patricians, do they seem to have felt themselves privileged to scold their proteges? — Holi- day. A. S. hal, whole, with suffix -ig (=modern Eng. ?/). So the orig. sense [cf. holi-] is perfect, or excellent. Skeat. A. S.dseg = day, a differ- ent root from the Latin dies. Skeat. — Historical connection between ' holiday ' and ' holy day ' ? — What date ? See line 67. — 3. mechanical = mechanics [Hudson] ? living by handicrafts? — In Mid. N. Bream, III, ii, 9, we find 'rude mechanicals.' North's translation of Plutarch, from which Shakes, drew copiously, has 'cobblers, tapsters, or such like me- chanical people.' Does Shakes, think kindly of mechanics? See 2 Henry IV, V, v, 36; Ant. and Cleop. V, ii, 209; L'oriol. V, iii, s:>. —ought no't> walk. Only here in Shakes, is 'to' omitted before the infinitive after 'ought.' The ellipsis still occurs after bid, dare, feel, hare (as, "Would you have me work?"), hear, help, let, make, need,- see; also do, may, can, will, shall, must. Ought, of course, is the old past tense of owe. Abbott, 394; Craik, 131, 132, 133. — 4. laboring. Note the difference between the present participle used actively, and the verbal noun {i.e. gerund) used adjectively. Iu Early Eng. the pres. active particip. ended in -ande, -and, -end, or -hide; but the verbal noun (or gerund) ended in -ing or -ung. Before the year 1300, the ending -tug began to supersede the others, and finally it displaced them all. The poet Wordsworth stoutly condemns this gerundial use. For example, he would not tolerate such expressions as 'church-going bell.' Rightly? May we say 'waiting- room,' 'writing-desk,' 'laboring day'? use hyphen in such words? — 5. profession. Now used of handicraft ? Was there really such a re- straint on Roman laborers ? — trade = tradesman, kind of tradesman [Craik]? occupation (of understood)? Abbott, 202; Craik, p. 138. See line 14. — thou. Thou (so thy) was used colloquially, as by a father to his 45 46 JULIUS C/ESAR. [ACT I. Car. Why, sir, a carpenter. Marullus. Where is thy leather apron and thy rule ? What dost thou with thy best apparel on ? — You, sir, what trade are you ? Cob. Truly, sir, in respect of a fine workman, 10 I am but, as you would say, a cobbler. Marullus. But what trade art thou? answer me directly. Cob. A trade, sir, that, I hope, I may use with a sale conscience ; which is, indeed, sir, a mender of bad soles. Flew. What trade, thou knave '.' thou naughty knave, 15 What trade ? Cob. Nay, I beseech you, sir, be not out with me : yet, if you be out, sir, I can mend you. Flav. What mean'st thou by that ? mend me, thou sancy fellow ! Cob. Why, sir, cobble you. 20 child. But, too often, human nature will not bear close inspection ; " famil- iarity breeds contempt " ; and so thou and thy came to imply disrespect, or an imputation of inferiority ? You was respectful ? See Abbott, 'I'M , 232. Thus Judge Jeffreys to Richard Baxter, " Ah, Richard, Richard, thou art an old feilow and an old boy ! [I will thou thee] Thou hast written as many books as would load a cart!" See Twelfth X., Ill, ii, 41, 42.— 7. apron, etc. ' Mechanic slaves with ureasy aprons, rules, and hammers,' Ant. and Cleop., V, ii, 209, 210. — 9. You, sir. Why not thou ? Sir is respectful? — 10. respect of = comparison with [Wright]? contradistinc- tion from? if we speak of? as regards? As You Like It, III, ii, GO. — 11. cobbler. Lat. co, con, com, cum, together; apere, to lit; aptus, fitted, apt, copula, a band, bond, link; copulate, to hind or join together; O. Fr. coble.r, coubler, to couple. How came cobbler to be equivalent to botcher or bungler ? Line 70. — Which, ' tine,' or ' workman,' should have the 'circumflex slide' conveying the baffling tone of mockery or jest? — 12. directly = straightforwardly [Hudson, Wright, etc.] ? explicitly [Rolfe] ? without ambiguity [Beeching] ? immediately ? — Lat. di, apart; reqere to control, rule: dirigZre, to straighten; directus, straight. — 13. A trade, sir, etc. ' Spoken with a sanctimonious snuffle ' [March] ? Is the mocking ' circumflex ' to be heard on the first syllable of 'conscience'? — 14. soles. ' An immemorial quibble ' [Craik] ? See our ed. of Mer. of Yen., IV, i, IIS. Would the pun be recognizable if 'sole' and 'soul' in •Not on thy sole [folio ' soale '] . but on thy soul' [folio ' soule '] were sounded exactly alike? White affirms that Hamlet's ' Oh, my prophetic soul, my uncle,' was in Shakespeare's time, 'Oh, mee prophetic sowl [ou as in sound], nice ooncle ' ! — 15. knave. A. S. cnafa; Ger. knabe, boy; A. S. cnap, knobby, stout. Was it total depravity, inherent in ' knobby ' boys, that gave the word an unfavorable sense? See lines 20, 70. — naughty = good for naught, utterly worthless. Stronger word in Shake- speare's time than now? See our ed. of Mer. of Yen., Ill, ii, 18; iii, 9. — 17. out . . . out. Pun? Out = out of patience? in a quarrel? out at toes or heels? Shakes, has the phrases ' out at heels,' and ' out at elbows.' — See " Launcelot and I are out," Mer. of Ven., Ill, v, 24, 25: Carleton's 'Betsey and I are out.' So the old phrase 'put out,' and 'fall out.' — 18. saiicy. Lat. sal, salt; salsa, a salted thing; saucy, full of salt, pun- SCENE I.] JULIUS CAESAR. 47 Flav. Thou art a cobbler, art thou? Cob. Truly, sir, all that I live by is with the awl. T meddle with no trades — man's matters, nor women's mat- ters : but withal I am, indeed, sir, a surgeon to old shoes ; when they are in great danger, I re-cover them. As proper men as ever trod upon neat's leather have gone upon my handiwork. Flav. But wherefore art not in thy shop to-day ? Why dost thou lead these men about the streets ? Cob. Truly, sir, to wear out their shoes, to get myself into more work. But, indeed, sir, we make holiday, to see Caesar and to rejoice in his triumph. 31 gent. Skcat. — 22-24. all . . . awl . . . withal. . Paranomasia? Should it be printed with awl, or with all ? The folio (1623) has ' withal.' ' Withal ' in Shakes. =with, with it, with them, besides, with all this. Abbott, 196. See index to our ed. of Macbeth, Hamlet, and Mer. of Ven. — 23. trades. Said baffling in response to Marullus's persistent inquiry as to ' trade ' ? We print so as to show the antithesis which the editors generally overlook. — 25. re-cover = cover again? cure? — circumflex accent? — proper = decorous ? well behaved ? precise ? appropriate ? handsome ? — See Hebreivs, xi, 23. — 26. neat's.' A. S. neotan, niotan, to use, employ. Neat (Mid. Eng. neet) cattle = bulls, cows, oxen. "The steer, the heifer, and the calf Are all called neat," Winter's Tale, I, ii, 124, 125. "Neat is the ancient term for horned cattle." Johnson. See 'neat's-footoil.' — Tempest, II, ii, 64. — 27. handiwork. A. S. hand-geiveorc, ge-weorc being but another form of work. See ' chirurgeonly ' (surgeon-like, physician-like; fr. xei'p, cheir, hand, cpyov, ergon, work ; x«'P<™py°?> cheirourgos, an operating medical man). Tempest, II, i, 140. — 28. art.- Pronoun needed? So "This is my Son beloved; in him am pleased." Par. Regained, I, 85. — 29, 30. Antithe- ses? — 31. indeed. Quits jesting? — 32. Caesar. Born July (named from him) 12, 100 B.C. ; married, at 17, Cornelia, daughter of L. China, chief of the Marian party ; rewarded at 20 with a civic crown ; renowned at 23 for oratory displayed in prosecuting Dolabella for extortion; a prisoner to the pirates at 24; quaestor (state treasurer?) at 32; aedile (supt. of public buildings?) at 35; be opposed in the Senate, at 37, the infliction of death without open trial on Catiline's co-conspirators; was elected pontifex maximus the same year; praetor (city judge?) at 38; consul at 40; formed, with Pompey and Crassus, the first triumvirate at 41, subjugating Gaul during the next nine years; at 45 invaded England, and again at 46; at 50 ordered by the Senate to disband his army. Complete this record of Caesar's life! — 31. triumph. Caesar's fifth and last? The other four were respectively over the Gauls, Ptolemaeus, Pharnaces, and Juba. In September, 45 b.c, after nine or ten months' absence, he had returned to Rome, having defeated Pompey's two sons in the hard-fought field of Munda (March 17, b.c. 45) in Southern Spain. Pompey's elder son, Cneius, was wounded in the battle, and killed in endeavoring to escape. See Class. Diet. — The 'triumph' really took place in October. A ' tri- umph ' was a grand military procession moving through the streets of Rome, substantially in the following order: (1) the magistrates; (2) the Senate; (3) trumpeters; (4) wagons and platforms laden with spoils, bearing explanatory labels, pictures, maps, models, etc. ; (5) flute-players ; (6) white bulls or oxen for sacrifice; (7) priests and their attendants; 48 JULIUS CJESAR. [act i. Marul. Wherefore rejoice ? What conquest brings he home ? What tributaries follow him to Rome, To grace in captive bonds his chariot-wheels ? You blocks, you stones, you worse than senseless things ! 35 ( I you hard hearts, you cruel men of Rome ! Knew you not Fompey ? Many a time and oft Have you climb 'tl up to walls and battlements, To towers and windows, yea, to chimney-tops, Your infants in your arms, and there have sat 40 The live-long day, with patient expectation, To see great Fompey pass the streets of Rome : And when you saw his chariot but appear, Have you not made an universal shout, That Tiber trembled underneath her banks, 45 (8) elephants, or other strange animals, from the conquered districts; (9) arms, standards, and insignia of the conquered nations; (10) captive princes, leaders, and their kindred; (11) other prisoners of war in fetters; (12) crowns and gifts from allies ; (13) lictors in single file with brows and fasces wreathed with laurel; (14) the triumphant Imperator, standing with his youngest children in a circular car drawn by four horses ; (15) his grown-up sous on horseback; (10) mounted legati, tribuni, and equites; (17) Roman legions laurelled and marching in column, singing and shouting. 1 — Caesar's five triumphs were over the Gauls, Ptolemseus, Pharnaces, Juba, and, lastly, the Iberians, under Cnseus Pompey. "The public entertain- ments of Caesar, his spectacles and shows, his naumachise, and the pomps of his unrivalled triumphs (the closing triumphs of the Republic), were severally the finest of their kind which had then been brought forward. . . . Never before . . . had there been so vast a conflux of the human race congregated to any one centre on any one attraction of business or of pleasure. . . . Accommodations within doors and under roofs of houses, or roofs of temples, was altogether impossible. Myriads encamped along the streets, and along the highways, fields, or gardens. Myriads lay stretched on the ground, without even the slight protection of tents, in a vast circuit about the city. Multitudes of men, even senators, and others of the highest rank, were trampled to death in the crowds." — Be Quincey. — 37. "knew you not Pompey many a time and oft?" So reads the first folio (1623). Good sense thus? — Ou 'many a,' see Abbott, 85. The A. S. idiom was manig man, many man, not 'many a man.' Compare Ger. mancher (adjective) Mann with manch (adverb) ein Mann. — 40. infants. • Why mentioned? Note the climax. — 41. live-long = long- lasting? Used for"' life-long ' ? — 42. pass by ? through ?— 43. chariot but appear = mere chariot appear ? chariot appear merely ? Abbott, 12!), 420. — 44. an universal. Present usage of 'a' or 'an' before initials? — 45. That Tiber. Such ellipsis is very frequent in Shakes. ? Abbott, 283. 1 " Blest and thrice blest the Roman Who sees Koine's brightest day! Who sees that long victorious pomp Wind down the Sacred Way And through the bellowing Forum And round the Suppliant's (irove, Up to the everlasting gates Of Capitolian Jove ! " — Macaulay. SCENE I.] JULIUS CJSSAE. 49 To hear the replication of your sounds Made in her concave shores ? And do you now put on your best attire ? And do you now cull out a holiday ? And do you now strew flowers in his way 50 That comes in triumph over Pompey's blood ? Be gone ! Run to your houses, fall upon your knees, Pray to the gods to intermit the plague That needs must light on this ingratitude. 55 Flav. Go, go, good countrymen, and, for this fault, Assemble all the poor men of your sort; Draw them to Tiber banks, and' weep your tears Into the channel, -till the lowest stream Do kiss the most exalted shores of all. go [Exeunt all the Commoners. See, whe'er their basest metal be not mov'd; They vanish tongue-tied in their guiltiness. Go you down that way towards the Capitol ; This way will I : disrobe the images, If you do find them deck'd with ceremonies. 65 — her. The Roman would have said his. Milton uses ' her' of a river in Par. Lost, III, 359. Feminine beings tremble? In Kinr/ John, III, i, "J.">, and 2 Henry IV, IV, iv, 127, Shakes, uses 'his' and 'it' of rivers. In Drayton (1613), rivers are generally fern.; in Spenser, masc. So in 1 Henry IV, I, iii,_106, 'his' is used of the Severn. — 46. replication. Lat. re, back; plicare, to fold; Ital. replica, a repetition. Ham. IV, ii, 13. — 47. concave. How? Why not convex ? Caves in the banks? Why is this line incomplete? Rhetorical purpose ? — 40. cull. Lat. colligZre. — Emphatic censure? — 50. flowers. Scan the line. — 51. blood.. De- feated at Pharsalus, Aug. 9, 48 b.*c., Pompey fled to Egypt, where he was assassinated on landing, Sept. 29. His head was sent to Cassar, who wept on beholding it. — Is 'blood ' offspring? See on line 31. — North's Plutarch, p. 736. Cresar's triumph really occurred in the month of Octo- ber preceding. — 52. Be gone ! Rhetorical effect of this fragment of a verse? Abbott, 512. — 54. intermit. Lat. inter, in the midst of; mit- tere, to let go. — Stronger than remit ? avert? withhold? suspend? cease a while? As if the plague were already descending? — plague. Gr. n-ATjyjj ; Lat. plar/a, blow, stroke. — " After the low and farcical jests of the saucy cobbler, the eloquence of Marullns ' springs upward like a pyramid of fire.'" Campbell. — 57. sort = rank in life [Wright] ? order, class of people [Schmidt]? Lat. sors, lot. — 58. Tiber banks". Like ' Philippi fields,' V, v, 19. Abbott, 22.-59, 60. Effect of such hyperbole on such an audience? — 61. whe'er = whether? — The folio has where, as in V, iii, 97. — Abbott, 466. — basest metal, etc. Tongue-tied with shame, though they are dull and heavy as lead [Hudson] ? The folio (1623) here has 'mettle' ; elsewhere, ' metall.' The two were identical in sense and use. — 65. deck'd with ceremonies = eeremoniously or pompously decorated 50 JULIUS CAESAR. [ACT I. Mar id. May we do so ? You know it is the feast of Lupercal. Flav. It is no matter; let no images Be hung with Caesar's trophies. I'll about, And drive away the vulgar from the streets : 70 So do you too, where you perceive them thick. These growing feathers pluck'd from Caesar's wing Will make him fly an ordinary pitch, Who else would soar above the view of men And keep us all in servile fearfulness. [Exeunt. [White] ? — ceremonies = festal ornaments [Schmidt] ? honorary orna- ments [Malone] ? insignia (of royalty or the like) [March] ? trophies and scarfs [Wright, Meiklejohn, etc.]? — "His ceremonies laid by, in his nakedness he appears but a man." Henri/ V, IV, i, 100, 101. See Meas. for Meas., II, ii, 59-63 ; Mer. of Ven., V, i, 204. " There were set up images of Caesar in the city with diadems upon their heads, like kings." North's Plutarch, p. 738.-67. feast of Lupercal, an expiatory or purifying fes- tival held annually, Feb. 15, in Rome, near the Lupercal (a cavern at the foot of Mt. Aventine, with altar and grove near), where Romulus and Remus were found with their she-wolf nurse (Mrs. Lupa or Lupercal) — Lupercus, Roman god of fertility, was often identified with the Greek Pan, god of shepherds. The rites appear to have symbolized originally a purification of flocks. See Anthon's Smith's Diet. Ur. and Rom. Antiq.— Any inconsistency with line 2? — G9. trophies. Gr. rpdn-aior, Lat. tropseum, ¥i.tropti€e, originally a monument erected on the spot where the enemy turned to flee in battle; fr. rpoTrrj, tro-pe, a turn. Captured arms were sus- pended upon it. — 70. vulgar. Lat. vulpiis, the common people. Any disparagement intended? Whence the unfavorable sense? See lines 15, 20. — 73. pitch=height (to which a bird soars) ? Akin to 'pike,' 'pick,' ' peak,' ' peg ' ? Any feeling of a point on a scale ? — The tribunes vanish. What became of them? I, ii, 275. — What light does this scene throw on the state of public sentiment in Rome? Any indication that the Romans felt oppressed by Cassar ? The following questions are suggested by Dr. Francis A. March in his admirable Method of Philological Study : Is this a good scene to open with? Why? What is there to attract attention — show, bustle, fun, eloquence? — What variety in this scene among the characters .' Difference between^he tribunes and the people? Between the tribunes ? Between the carpenter and the cobbler? What variety in looks ? Describe Marullus ! What kind of looking man do you conceive him to be — e.g., large, small, loud, gentle, rapid, slow; of what temperament, eyes, nose, dress, manners? Describe Flavins! De- scribe the coblder ! —the carpenter ! The dress of the tribunes? — of the people? — What variety in the action. 1 The people are doing what at the beginning of the scene? In the middle? At the end? What change in their feelings ? — What variety in the sentiments? Are there comic and tragic thoughts ? — Foolery and eloquence? The eloquence runs through what changes ? — What variety in the language ? Prose and verse ? Cob- bler's puns and tribune's tropes? Is the attention of the audience wholly occupied with the scenic present? The speech of Marullus adds what variety in this respect ?— What unity between the tribunes? Are they a SCENE II.] JULIUS CMSAR. 51 Scene II. A Public Place. Flourish. Enter Cesar; Antony, for the course; Cal- purnia, Portia, Decius, Cicero, Brutus, Cassius, and Casca ; a Soothsayer; after them Marullus and Flavius. Coesar. Calpurnia ! Casca. Peace, ho ! Caesar speaks. Cmsar. Calpurnia ! Calpurnia. Here, my lord. Caisar. Stand you directly in Antonio's way, When he doth run his course. — Antonio ! 5 Antony. Caesar, my lord ? Ccesar. Forget not, in your speed, Antonio, To touch Calpurnia ; for oar elders say, The barren, touched in this holy chase, Shake off their sterile curse. pair with complementary qualities? — having a common purpose? — a common position? What unity between the tribunes and the people? Are they matched ? Point out the qualities which couple ! Are they members of one body? What is the fable of Menenius Agrippa ? (Coriol., I, i.) How many good pictures should the stage present during the scene? Should a photograph of it at any moment have unity in the grouping? Describe the central object and the grouping — e.g., at the opening; — at "Mend me, thou saucy fellow!" — at " Knew you not Pompey?" — at " P>e gone! " Tell how each of the characters looks! — What is the main idea of the play? How does this scene contribute to its development? What art is shown in preparing the audience for coming scenes? By keeping back his principal characters, Shakespeare feeds expectation ? Scene II. How long a time elapses between scenes i and ii? — Mar- ens Brutus was now 42 years of age. The name Decius should have been written Decimus (Brutus). The same error is found in the Greek aid Latin texts of Stephens' Plutarch (1572), in North's translation (1579), Amyot's French translation (1590), Dacier's French translation (1721), and Holland's translation of Suetonius (lUOG). Furthermore, it was Deci- nms. not Decius, that was Cresar's favorite.— 1. Caesar. The first wind he utters is just a quiet word of summons in the perfectly calm tone of a man who is always obeyed — "Calpurnia," "AntoniusV' Beeching. — Calpurnia, daughter of L. Calpurnius Piso. She was Cresar's fourth wife, married to him 59 B.C. His first wife died 68 B.C. His second wile was a relative of Pompey and granddaughter of Sulla. — 3. directly = exactly? immediately? I,i, 12. — 4. Antonio's. The folios have Antonio's. Antony was now about 42 years of age. He, as well as Csesar, was con- sul; also, by Caesar's appointment, he was chief of the Juliani, a third order (or 'college') of Luperci instituted by Caesar. While yet a boy, Csesar himself was made a priest of Jupiter. Antony was Caesar's nephew '.' — 5. course. This singular religious race was run' by men cinctured with goat-skin. Stripped to the waist, they struck with goat-skin thongs, as they ran, those who presented themselves for the purpose.— 9. sterile curse = curse of sterility? — Had Csesar any children ? — His only daugh- 52 JULIUS CMSAR. [ACT I. Antony. I shall remember : When Caesar says " Do this," it is perform'd. 10 Caesar. Set on ; and leave no ceremony out. [Flourish. Soothsayer. Caesar ! Ccesar. Ha ! who calls ? Casca. Bid every noise be still : peace yet again ! Ccesar. Who is it in the press that calls on me ? I hear a tongue, shriller than all the music, 15 Cry " Csesar ! " Speak ; Caesar is turn'd to hear. Soothsayer. Beware the Ides of March. Ccesar. What man is that ? Brutus. A soothsayer bids you beware the Ides of March. Ccerar. Set him before me ; let me see his face. Cassius. Fellow, come from the throng ; look upon Caesar. 20 Ccesar. What say'st thou to me now ? speak once again. Soothsayer. Beware the Ides of March. Ccesar. He is a dreamer ; let us leave him : pass. [Sennet. Exeunt all except Brutus and Cassius. Cassius. Will you go see the order of the course ? Brutus. Not I. Cassius. I pray you, do. Brutus. I am not gamesome : I do lack some part Of that quick spirit that is in Antony. ter, Julia, died ten years before (i.e. 51 B.C.).— 10. it is perform'd. Like the French courtier's " If it is difficult, it is done ; if it is impossible, it shall be done!" — 11. set on = proceed? place seats, etc. — 13. yet again. See line 1. — 11. press. Mark, ii, 1; II, iv, 3(3. " Fly from the press." Chaucer. — lti. Csesar is turn'd. Arrogant use of third per- son?— 17. Ides. The loth of March, May, July, October; 13th of the other months. Probably connected with Sanscrit indu, the moon. Sheat. In the Roman month were three divisions : Kalends (whence calendar) , 1st day; Nones, 5th or 7th day; and Ides. — 18. soothsayer. The metre of this line was meant to express that sort of mild philosophic contempt char- acterizing Brutus even in his first casual speech [Coleridge]? — Scan so as to make five feet ; thus : w — , w ^ — , \j ^ — , \y — , ^ — ? — With tragic irony reporting the oracle he himself is to make good [Beeching]? — Suetonius calls the soothsayer Spurinna. Plutarch (p. 739) relates that he " had given Cresar warning long time afore to take lie sd of the day of the " ides of March.'* — The omission of who after soothsayer is slightly contemptuous? — A. S. soth, true ; santh, for asantha, being; Lat. sens in praesens ; at first the present participle of as, to be, and meant originally no more than being. Skeat. Forsooth = for truth. So, in sooth. — II. iv, '20. — 20. look upon Csesar. Sarcasm here in Cassias' voice [Beeching] ? — 23. Sennet; a set of trumpet notes giving the signal to move ou? Henri/ VIII, II, iv. —27. quick=swift? lively? — Is Brutus sarcastic here? — A. S. cwic, living, lively; akin to Lat. viv-ere; Gr. SCENE II.] JULIUS C^SAR. 53 Let me not hinder, Cassius, your desires; I'll leave you. Cassius. Brutus, I do observe you now of late : I have not from your eyes that gentleness 30 And show of love as I was wont to have : You bear too stubborn and too strange a hand Over your friend that loves you. Brutus. Cassius, Be not deceiv'd : if I have veil'd my look, I turn the trouble of my countenance 35 Merely upon myself. /Vexed I am Of late with passions of some difference, Conceptions only proper to myself, Which give some soil perhaps to my behaviors ;) But let not therefore my good friends be grieVd — 40 Among which number, Cassius, be you one — Nor construe any further my neglect, (Than that poor Brutus, with himself at war, Forgets the shows of love to other men. Cassius. Then, Brutus, I have much mistook your passion ; By means whereof this breast of mine hath buried 4(3 Thoughts of great value, worthy cogitations. Tell me, good Brutus, can you see your face ? pi-os. bi-os, life. — 28. emphatic word? — 20. observe you, etc. Does he really care how Brutus feels towards him? See IV, iii, 84-120. — 30. that gentleness . . . as. Modernize. Abbott, 280. — Line 170. — 32. bear . . . hand, etc.=hold me too hard on the bit, like a strange rider who is doubt- ful of his steed [Hudson, following Joseph Crosby ; Staunton, Wright] ? Lear, III, i, 27. — 33. friend. Cassius and Brutus (brothers-in-law, Cas- sius having married Brutus' sister Junia) had been rival candidates for the office of chief praetor. Through Caesar's influence, Brutus had won. The duties of the 10 praetors were mainly judicial. See on I, iii, 142. — 3(5. Merely = altogether [Hudson, Rolfe, etc.]? purely [Craik] ? abso- lutely? solely? — 'Merely upon myself ' = upon myself alone? — Scan.— 37. See line 43. — difference = discordance [Craik] ? — passions of some difference=conflicting emotions? See Romans, ii, 15, version of 1611. — What passions conflict in his breast? — 38. proper = peculiar [Meiklejohn] ? belonging [Wright]? — Lat. proprius, one's own. Abbott, 16. — " Only," like merely, modifying myself? — 39. soil = ground ? stain ? Akin to Lat. suillus, swine-like; sits, swine ? sully? — behaviors. ' Plu- ral acts making up a line of conduct ' [Wright] ? — So Shakes, uses 'loves,' 'wisdoms,' 'honors,' etc. See Hamlet, I, ii, 15; iii, 254; IV, vii, 29; etc. So we say ' manners,' ' looks.' — 42. construe. Accent? I, iii, 34; II, i, 307. — 45. mistook. So in Hamlet, V, ii, 395. Shakes, also uses 'mistaken.' Abbott, 343. — passion. Lat. passio, suffering, feeling; Gr. naeeiv, pathein, f o suffer. Used by Shakes, of any violent emotion [Deighton], — 46. By means whereof =and by mistaking [Beeching] ? in consequence of which (mistaken idea) [Deighton]? — 47. cogitations 54 JULIUS CESAR. [ACT I. Brutus. No, Cassias ; for the eye sees not itself But by reflection by some other thing. 50 Cassius. 'Tis just : And it is very much lamented, Brutus, That you have no such mirrors as will turn Your hidden worthiness into your eye, That you might see your shadow. I have heard, Where many of the best respect in Koiue, — 55 Except immortal Caesar, — speaking of Brutus, And groaning underneath this age's yoke, Have wish'd that noble Brutus had his eyes — Brutus. Into what dangers would you lead me, Cassius, That you would have me seek into myself go For that which is not in me ? Cassius. Therefore, good Brutus, be prepar'd to hear : And since you know you cannot see yourself So well as by reflection, I, your glass, Will modestly discover to yourself 05 That of yourself which you yet know not of. And be not jealous on me, gentle Brutus : Were I a common laughter, or did use To stale with ordinary oaths my love To every new protester ; if you know 70 -^thoughts [Rolfe] ? studies? earnest meditations? — Lat. con, together; agitare, to drive earnestly or often. Daniel, vii, 28. — 49. sees not, etc. So in Troil. ami Ores., Ill, iii, 10i5, 107, etc. — 50. by some = by means of some [Wright, Rolfe]? Abbott, 14(3. — 'Tis just=just so? well said? — 52. mirrors. Changed by some to 'mirror,' judiciously? — 54. shadow = reflected image [Wright]? Repeatedly so in Shakes. — 55. best .re- spect = highest esteem [Wright]? highest respectability or estimation [Rolfe]? Ill, ii, 15; IV, iii, (3!). —58. his eyes. Whose eyes? Brutus'? Wright thinks ' his ' is here carelessly written for 'their.' Likely? See lines 60, 63. — 62. Therefore, etc. Explain 'therefore.' Is Cassius so absorbed in his own thought that he does not notice Brutus' question? — 67. jealous on. Gr. £eu>, zeo, I boil ; 61ao?. eager rivalry, jealousy : Lat. zelus, zelosus; O. Fr. jalous ; Early Eng. gelus; Mid. Eng. jalous, sus- picious of rivalry. Skeat and Bracket. — tt, ISO. — Line 158. — 68. laugh- ter = laughing-stock ? The recent editors follow Rowe (1714) and Pope (1725) in changing this to ' laugher.' But the original seems more expres- sive; the conversion of a man into a laughing-stock is more Shake- spearian, and 'laughter' in IV, iii, 113 is nearly parallel? — See I, ii, 201- 203. — OK. stale (O. Dutch stel, old, stale, savoring of the stall?) = to make stale, common, or tainted? make cheap? Johnson interprets 'stale with ordinary oaths,' ' invite by the stale or allurement of customary oaths.' — See Ant. and Cleop., II, ii, 236; Troil. a nil Ores., II, iii, 182; also this play, IV, i, 38. — 70. protester=p3rson who strongly professes friendship? So SCENE II.] JULIUS CJSSAR. 55 That I do fawn on men and hug them hard And after scandal them, or if you know That I profess myself in banqueting To all the rout, then hold me dangerous. [Flourish, and shoiit. Brutus. What means this shouting ? I do fear, the people Choose Ceesar for their king. Cassius. Ay, do you fear it ? 76 Then must I think you would not have it so. Brutus. I would not, Cassius ; yet I love him well. Bat wherefore do you hold me here so long? What is it that you would impart to me ? 80 If it be aught toward the general good, Set honor in one eye and death i' the other, And I will look on both indifferently : For let the gods so speed me, as I love The name of honor more than I fear death. 85 Casshis. I know that virtue to be in you, Brutus, As well as I do know your outward favor. in Hamlet, III, ii, 213, "The lady protests too much, methinks." — 72. after. Quite common in Shakes, for 'afterwards.' — scandal = defame? Gr. o-kur word ' colossal '? — 136. stars = planets under which we were born [Wright]? — "The stars above us govern our condition," Lear, VI, iii, 34. See Lear, I, ii, 117-124; Ham., I, i, 117-120. " My stars! " testi- fies to the old superstition? See Astrology.— 137. underlings = infe- riors ? mean ' fellows ' ? — The -ling is diniin. and sometimes contemptuous ; as in 'hireling,' 'witling,' worldling.' — 138. should = can? might? — Tempest, I, ii, 3S7; Ant. and Cleop., IV, iii, 15. Abbott, 325. — Caesar = ivord Caesar? man Csesar? — 139. than. The folio has 'then.' The two were spelled indifferently ' than ' and ' then.' — 142. conjure. Two mean- ings, two pronunciations? How now? — The talismanic or magical power of names ? — 14i). Age. What age? the present? old?— At all like Lat. " tempora" .' — 145, 146. Line 94. — 147. bloods. IV, iii, 260; King SCENE II.] JULIUS CAESAR, 59 When went there by an age, since the great flood, But it was fam'd with more than with one man ? When could they say till now, that talk'd of Rome, 150 That her wide walks encompass'd but one man ? Now is it Rome indeed and room enough, When there is in it but one only man. O, you and I have heard our fathers say, There was a Brutus once that would have brook'd 15.5 The eternal devil to keep his state in Rome As easily as a king ! Brutus. That you do love me, I am nothing jealous ; What you would work me to, I have some aim : How I have thought of this and of these times, 160 John, II, i, 278; Much Ado, III, iii, 120, 121. — 148. flood. Noah's? See Class. Diet, under 'Deucalion.' Coriol., II, i, 83; Winter's Tale, IV, iv, 420. — 149. fam'd with. Modem word for ' with ' ? — Abbott, 193, 194. — 151. walks. Most editors, following Rowe (1714), change 'walks' to 'walls.' The folio has ' walkes,' which makes fair sense. The play was printed with remarkable accuracy, and the misprint of ' walkes ' for ' walls ' or ' walles ' was rather unlikely to happen. Ill, ii, 246; Par. Lost, IV, 586, 587. See ' Walks about Rome.' — Yet a strong argument may he made for 'walls,' and 'encompass' suits it better. See "He walketh in the circuit of heaven." Job, xxii, 14. — 152. Rome . . . room. Verbal play repeated, III, i, 289, 290; King John, III, i, 180; and similarly Rome and roam,l Henry VI. HI, i, 51. — In the Rape of Lucrece, ' Rome ' rhymes with 'doom,' 1.716. — "Rome is too narrow a room." Prime's Commen- tary (1587). "Room was the old pronunciation of Rome. Earl Russell, who died in 1877, always said Room." Meiklejohn. — 153. one only. Hooker, in his Ecclesiastical Polity (1597), has 'one only God,' and ' one only family.' Abbott, 130. — One was pronounced like -one in alone, till about the year 1500. — 155. a Brutus once. The first consul of Rome, Lucius Junius Brutus, who (510 B.C.) drove out the 7th and last king, Tarquinius Superbus. — brook'd. A. S. brucan, to use, enjoy; akin to Lat. frui. Skeat. " The transition from ' enjoy ' to ' bear with pleasure or patience ' is easy. Wright. Ger. brauchen akin? — I, iii, 145. — 156. eternal = infernal [Johnson] ? everlasting, perpetual [Steevens] ? with perpetual dominion [Meiklejohn]? " Shakes, uses ' eternal ' without the least inten- tion of expressing his belief in the continued existence of the impersona- tion of evil, but probably to avoid coming under the operation of the Act of James I, ' to restrain the abuses of players ' in the use of profane lan- guage. . . . By a similar concession to propriety, ' tarnal ' is used in America." Wright. This suggestion of ' a concession to propriety ' amuses ' Young America'! Did the Romans believe in an eternal prin- ciple of evil? Any anachronism in the use of the word devil? — Othello, IV, ii. 129; Hamlet, I, v, 21 ; V, ii, 353. — state = high position of govern- ing power [Meiklejohn] ? that which surrounds, as well as those who attend on (his greatness), his court [Schmidt]? throne? regal pomp? — Henry V, I, ii, 273; Macbeth, III, iv, 5; Coriol., V, iv, 22. — 158. nothing = not a thing? not a whit? — jealous = suspicious [Wright] ? doubtful [Rolf e] ? suspiciously fearful, doubtful [Schmidt]? distrustful? Line 67. — 159. aim. Two Gent, of Ver., Ill, i, 28. — Lat. sestimare; Old 60 JULIUS CAESAR. [act I. I shall recount hereafter ; for this present, I would not, so with love I might entreat you, lie any further mov'd. What you have said 1 will consider ; what you have to say I will with patience hear, and find a time 165 Both meet to hear and answer such high things. Till then, my noble friend, chew upon this : Brutus had rather be a villager Than to repute himself a son of Rome Under these hard conditions as this time 170 Is like to lay upon us. Cassias. I am glad That my weak words have struck but thus much show Of fire from Brutus. [Enter Cesar and his train. Brutus. The games are done and Caesar is returning. Cassius. As they pass by, pluck Casca by the sleeve; 175 And he will, after his sour fashion, tell you What hath proceeded worthy note to-day. Brutus. I will do so. But, look you, Cassius, The angry spot doth glow on Caesar's brow, And all the rest look like a chidden train : 180 Calpurnia's cheek is pale; and Cicero Looks with such ferret and such fiery eyes As we have seen him in the Capitol, Being cross'd in conference by some senators. Cassiics. Casca will tell us what the matter is. 185 Fr. SBsmer • Mid. Eng. aimen, to value, estimate, guess. — 161. present. See our ed. of Macbeth, I, v, 55; Tempest, I, i, 21; 1 Corinth., xv, 6. — 162. so = if? Abbott, 133; and see III, i, 141. — 1(57. chew = ruminate? — •• Some few [books] are to be chewed and digested." Bacon's Essay on Studies (1597). — " Philautus went into the fields ... to chew upon his melancholy." Lyly's Euphues (1579). — 168. had rather. For 'had,' see 1. 91. — villager. Contemplates voluntary exile? — A. S. hrude, quickly; hraed, quick, swift. Ruth [obsolete] = soon ; rather = sooner ; rathest [obsolete] = soonest. See on III, ii, 22. — Mer. of Ven., I, ii, 43. — 169. to. Note its omission and insertion in this sentence. Abbott, 350. So in IV, iii, 7:'>. — 170. these . . . as, etc. Modernize this in two ways. See- as in 1. 31. — Observe the sententiousness in the foregoing speech of Brutus. Compare it in this respect with III, ii, 12-44. — 177. proceeded. Present sense? — Lat. pro, before; cede're, to go. — worthy. Ellipsis? So in II, i, 317. — Present use? — Abbott, 198 a. — 178. Cassius. Trisyl.? or pause after ' Cassius,' to give time to look? See our ed. of Hamlet, I, i, 129, 132. — 179. The angry spot. The use of The instead of An indicates what? — Abbott, 479. — 1S2. ferret. Bret, fur, wise, sly? — The animal is of the weasel kind, about 14 inches long, pale yellow or white, with bright red eyes that stare at one boldly, almost fiercely. Vivid description! — 183. Ellipsis? — 184. conference = debate [Rolfe] ? discussion [Schmidt]? — Lat. con, together ; ferre, to bring. — 185. matter = trouble ? — Present SCENE II.] JULIUS C^ESAB. 61 Ccesar. Antonio ! Antony. Caesar? ' Ccesar. Let me have men about me that are fat : Sleek-headed men and such as sleep o' nights : Yond Oassius has a lean and hungry look ; 190 II>' thinks too much: such men are dangerous. Antony. Fear him not, Caesar ; he's not dangerous ; He is a noble Roman, and well given. Ccesar. Would he were fatter ! But I fear him not : Yet if my name were liable to fear, 195 I do not know the man I should avoid So soon as that spare Cassius. He reads much ; He is a great observer, and he looks Quite through the deeds of men ; he loves no plays, As thou dost, Antony ; he hears no music ; 200 usage? — See Hamlet, ,11, ii, 193. — 188. Let . . . fat, 1 etc. — 189. o' nights. The folio reads " a-nights." The a or represents in, on, of, etc., con- tracted by rapid pronunciation. Abbott, 24, 17i\Ta.Tov (H'o/ua noAvKTiKov?, O philtatoii onoma Polyneikous ; O dearest name of Polynices, Eur. Phoznissse, 1702. So, "Thou hast a few names even in Sardis, which have not defiled their garments ; and they shall walk with me in white." Rev., iii, 4; Acts, iii, 16; Ephes., i, 21; and often in the Bible. See Par. Lost, II, 964. — liable to fear = liable to the imputation of fear [Rolfe] ? subject to fear? subordinate to fear? exposed to fear? — To Csesar his name represents an ideal, below which he must not fall [Beeching]? — II, ii, 104. — Lat. ligare ; Fr. Her, to bind; suffix -able. — 197. reads much, u Cassius was well acquainted with Greek and Roman literature. — 198. observer. Truly said? I, ii, 29. —200. as thou dost. "In his house they did nothing but feast, dance, and mask; and himself (Antony) passed away the time in hearing of foolish plays." North's Plutarch. — hears no music, etc. From this, 1 Ccesar also had Cassius in great jealousie, and suspected him much: whereupon he said upon a time to his friends, what will Cassius do, think ye? I like not his pale looks. Another time, when Cassar's friends complained unto him of Antonius and Doldbella, that they pretended some mischief towards him : he answered them again, As for those fat men and smooth combed heads, quoth he, I never reckon of them : but these pale visaged and carrion lean People, I fear them most, meaning Brutus and Cassius. —North's Plutarch's Life of Ccesar. For intelligence being brought him one day that Antonius and Voiabe.Ua did conspire against him: he answered, That these fat long-haired men made him not afraid, but the lean and whitely faced fellows, meaning that by Brutus and Cassius. — North's Plutarch's Life of Brutus. For it is reported that Caesar answered one that did accuse Antonius and Dolabella unto him for some matter of conspiracy : "Tush," said he, "they be not those fat fellows and fine-combed men that I fear, but I mistrust rather these pale and lean men," meaning by Brutus and Cassius, who afterwards conspired his death and slew him. — North's Plutarch's Life of Marcus Antonius. 62 JULIUS CESAR. [ACT I. Seldom he smiles, and smiles in such a sort As if he mock'd himself and scorn'd his spirit That could be mov'd to smile at anything. Such men as he be never at heart's ease Whiles they behold a greater than themselves, 205 And therefore are they very dangerous. I rather tell thee what is to be fear'd Than what I fear; for always I am Caesar. Come on my right hand, for this ear is deaf, And tell me truly what thou think'st of him. 210 [Sennet. Exeunt Caesar and his train. Casca. You pull'd me by the cloak ; would you speak with me ? Brutus. Ay, Casca; tell us what hath chanc'd to-day, That Caesar looks so sad ? Casca. Why, you were with him, were you not ? 215 Brutus. I should not then ask Casca what had chanc'd. Casca. Why, there was a crown offer" d him : and being offered him, he put it by with the back of his hand, thus ; and then the people fell a-shouting. and from the more famous passages in Mer. of Fen., 1 V, i, 83, may we infer Shakespeare's real belief that a disregard or love of music indicated character? Was his estimate correct? — 201. sort = manner [Wright, Schmidt]? kind (of smile)? way? — Lat. sors, lot, kind, condition. Son- net, xxxvi, 13. — seldom. Position of adv.? Effect on emphasis? Abbott, 421. — I, ii, 68. Abbott, 421.— 204. be. The early Eng. phi. was be(n) or are(n). Often euphony determined which should be used. Is be here more euphonious than are? — Abbott, 300. — at. We still say at ease. Abbott, 144. — 205. whiles. A. S. hwil, a time. Early Eng. whiles is adverbial genitive. — 207. rather. Position! — 208. always I am Caesar. — Shakes, thought Caesar a braggart? — As You Like It, V, ii, 30. — 209. is deaf. Was it? — " This is one of the little touches of invention that so often impart a fact-like vividness to the poet's scenes." Hudson. See note on 182. — A good comment on Cassius' speech, 94 to 128 [Beech- ing]? — How did it happen that Mark Antony did not know of Caesar's deafness ? Or did he know ? — 214. sad = sober, grave, serious ? — Sorrow implied? — A. S. ssed, sated, satiated, tired, weary. Lat. satur, sated; satis, sufficiently. — Mer. of Ven., II, ii, 179; Comus, 509. — 215. Why, etc. Is this spoken in a blunt ' sour fashion ' ? See line 176. Is there good- natured impatience in why as an interjection or expletive? Any historic ground for such characterization of Casca? — crown, etc. 2 — 218. with lr riie man that hath no music in himself, Nor W not mov'd with concord of sweet sounds, Is fit for treasons, stratagems, and spoils. -r'r Milton's Tractate on Education, and Plato's Republic, Book III. - Leaving the ancient ceremonies and old customes of that solemnity, he [Antony] ran to the Tribune [raised platform] where Caesar was set, and carried a lawrell crown iu his hand, having a royall band or diadem wreathed about it, which in old time was SCENE II.] JULIUS C^SAR. 63 Brutus. What was the second noise for ? Casca. Why, for that too. 220 Cassius. They shouted thrice : what was the last cry for ? Casca. Why, for that too. Brutus. Was the crown offer'd him thrice ? Casca.. Ay, marry, was't, and he put it by thrice, every time gentler than other ; and at every putting-by mine hon- est neighbors shouted. Cassius. Who offer'd him the crown ? Casca. Why, Antony. Brutus. Tell us the manner of it, gentle Casca. 229 Casca. I can as well be hang'd as tell the manner of it : it was mere foolery ; I did not mark it. I saw Mark An- tony offer him a crown ; — yet 'twas not a crown neither, 'twas one of these coronets ; — and, as I told you, he put it by once : but, for all that, to my thinking, he would fain the back of his hand, etc. Not the palm! Very life-like, this unwill- ing rejection with the back of the hand! — 220. second noise, etc. " I am not king," repeated Cresar; "the only king of the Romans is Jupiter." — 224. marry. Lat. Maria; Fr. Marie, the Virgin Mary. — By Mary? This petty oath is very common in old writers? — Or does it mean, May Mary help me? — Anachronism? — Would Lord Bacon have written thus? — 225. other. Shakes, uses 'other' for 'an other,' 'the other,' 'each other,' 'otherwise,' etc. Abbott, 12. — 228. why, Antony = Antony, of course? — Good-natured hluntness with contempt? — 229. gentle. Force of this epithet? — 230. "I'll he hanged," if I can tell? — 232. Force of double negative in Shakes. ? in Milton ? Par. Lost, I, 335, 336. — 234. fain. A. S. faegan, glad. Orig. 'fixed,' and hence satisfied, suited, content. Skeat. Does Caesar judge correctly? He [Caesar] entered early in Feb., 44 b.c. (at some date between Jan. 25 and Feb. 15) on a final dictator- ship for his life-time; a serious step, because it put an entirely new mean- ing on an old republican institution. He now began to allow the image of his head to be placed on the coinage. This had no precedent in Roman history; but it had always been, in the empires of the East, the special prerogative of the monarch. He allowed his statue to be added to those of the seven kings of Rome on the Capitol. He appeared on public occa- sions in the purple triumphal dress, and in many other little ways . . . allowed his person to become the centre of the pomp and ceremonial of the ancient marke and token of a king. When he was come to Ccesar, he made his fellow runners with him lift him up, and so he did put his lawrell crown upon his head signifying thereby that he had deserved to be king. But Cwsar, making as though he refused it, turned away his head. The people were so rejoiced at it, that they all clapped their hands for joy. Antonius again did put it on his head: Ccesar again refused it; and thus they we're striving off and on a great while together. As oft as Antonius did put this lawrell crown unto him, a few of his followers rejoyced at it : and as oft also as Caesar refused it, all the people together clapped their hands. . . . Ccesar in a rage arose out of his seat, and plucking down the chollerof his gown from his neck, he shewed it naked, bidding any man strike off his head that would. This lawrell crown was afterwards put upon the head of one of Ccesar's statues or images, the which one of the tribunes pluckt off. The people liked his doing therein so well, that they waited on him home to his house, with great clapping of hands. Howbeit Ccesar did turn them out of their offices for it. — North's Plutarch's Antony. 64 JULIUS CMSAR. [act I. have had it. Then he offer'd it to him again; then he put it by again: but, to my thinking, he was very loath to lay his lingers off it. And then he offer'd it the third time ; he put it the third time by : and still as he refus'd it, the rabblement howted and clapp'd their cnopp'd hands and threw up their sweaty night-caps, and utter'd such a deal of stinking breath because Caesar refus'd the crown that it had almost chok'd Caesar ; for he swoonded and fell down at it : and for mine own part, I durst not laugh, for fear of opening my lips and receiving the bad air. 244 Cassias. But, soft, I pray you : what, did Caesar swound ? Casca. He fell down in the market-place, and foam'd at mouth, and was speechless. Brutus. 'Tis very like : he hath the falling sickness. Cassius. No, Caesar hath it not ; but you and I And honest Casca, we have the falling sickness. Casca. I know not what you mean by that ; but, I am sure, Caesar fell down. If the tag-rag people did not clap a court." William Warde Fowler. — 238. still = always? every time? yet? nevertheless. — The sense of 'still' is 'brought to a stall or resting- place.' A. S. steal, stsel, a place, station, stall, bheat. 'The still-vex'd Bermoothes ' in Tempest, I, ii, 229, is the ever-vex'd Bermudas. 1 — 240. howted. Folio has 'howted,' which Johnson changed to 'hooted.' What objection to the latter word? In I, iii, 28, the folio has howting. chopp'd. Akin to ' chip ' and ' chap ' ; Gr. Koirreiv, koptein, to cut. As You Like It, II, iv, 45. — 241. sweaty, etc. Coriol., II, i, 25(i. Is Shakes, a lover of common people? — 243. swoonded. So the folios. Most ed. change to 'swooned.' The d is superfluous as in 'thunder,' O. Eng. thunor. — A. S. swogan, to move noisily, rustle, sough, sigh (especially of the wind) ; Mid. Eng. swounen, to faint. — 24(i. soft = hold? not so fast ? — " Soft ! no haste ! " Mer. of Ven., IV, i, 311. — 247. market-place = the Forum? — at mouth. Skakes. has 'at nostrils,' 'at legs,' 'at door.' Abbott, 90. — 249. like = likely? The folios have no pause after 'like.' Should they be followed here? — falling sickness = epilepsy ? 2 — 250. "Cassius tries to tie up the three into a conspirator's knot." — 251 . we have, etc. " The disease of ' standing prostrate ' before Caesar." Hudson. See III, i, 3(3,57,75; V, i, 42.— 253. tag-rag. Said to be for ' tag ami rag.' — See hugger-mugger in Hamlet, IV, v, 8. Cicero. Would Cassms have liked to bring him into the plot? II, i. 141, 142. Does Shakes, see through Cicero? — 271. an. Line 257. — 274. Greek = unintelligible? ■ — Plutarch tells us that at the moment of the assassination, " Casca cried in Greek, and called his brother to help him." Is he joking here? — 280. foolery. Has Casca real depth of character? — 279. forth = away from home? Mer. of Ven., II, v, 11; Abbott, 41. — 286. mettle = spirit [Wright, etc.] ? metal [Sidney, Walker, Collier, etc.] ? — Abstract for con- crete [Schmidt] ? — The word ' blunt ' in 285 leads some to spell it metal. See line 299; also I, i, 61. — 287. Scan.— 289. however = although ? not- withstanding the fact that? — puts on. Is Brutus dull not to see that it is put on ? — tardy form = appearance of sloth? 290. This rudeness, etc. Well said? — Lear, II, ii, 102-104. —sauce. Lat. sal, salt; satire, to salt: salsa, salted. French sauce, al becoming mi. Skeat and Bracket. — 291. digest. Ant. and Cleop., II, ii, 177. — Lat. dis, apart; gerZre, to carry; digerSre, to carry apart, assimi- late as food, arrange, comprehend fully. — 293. And so it is. What? — SCENE II.] JULIUS CAESAR. 67 To-morrow, if you please to speak with me, I will come home to you ; or, if you will, 295 Come home to me, and I will wait for you. Cassius. I will do so : till then, think of the world. [EaM Brutus. Well, Brutus, thou art noble ; yet, I see, Thy honorable metal may be wrought From that it is dispos'd : therefore it is meet 300 That noble minds keep ever with their likes ; For who so firm that cannot be seduc'd ? Caesar doth bear me hard ; but he loves Brutus : If I were Brutus now and he were Cassius, He should not humor me. I will this night, 305 In several hands, in at his windows throw, As if they came from several citizens, Writings, all tending to the great opinion That Borne holds of his name ; wherein obscurely Caesar's ambition shall be glanced at : 310 297. world. A large subject to consider! — toorld = condition of things [Beeching] ? — See V, v, 22. — Is the expression in the text proverbial? — 301. noble = true to Rome, hating tyranny [Beeching]? Magnanimous? high-souled? — Does Cassius harp on nobility, as Brutus on honor? — 299. honorable. Significance here?— wrought, by me, Cassius? or by Csesar ? — 300. disposed. Ellipsis? — 301. likes = what they like ? whom they like? those whom they are like?— 302. Ellipsis? — 303. bear me hard = keep a tight rein on me [Staunton, Crosby, Hudson, etc.]? dislike me, bear a grudge against me [Craik, Schmidt, Wright, Rolfe, etc.]? — In Latin, segre, or graviter,ferre, and in Greek x^™* <(>«>«"', chalepos jdic- rein, and x a *- ewaiveiv > chalepainein, = to bear impatiently, to bear hard, to be angry at, dislike. — See I, ii, 32; II, i, 215; III, i, 158; Lear, III, i, 27, 28; Ben Jonson's Catiline, IV, v. The metaphor is certainly derived from horsemanship in Beaumont and Fletcher's Scornful Lath/, IV, ii. — An- tithesis in the line? 304. he = Brutus? or Csesar? — 305. He. Who? Cresar [Beeching]? Brutus [Warburton] ? — "Cassius' friends prayed him [Brutus] to beware of Caesar's sweet enticements, and fly his tyrannical favors." ..." The great honors and favors Csesar showed unto him [Brutus] kept him back, that of himself alone he did not conspire," etc. North's Plutarch, p. 739. — He should not humor me = Brutus should not cajole me [Warbur- ton, Craik, Wright, Hudson, etc.] ? Cffisar should not cajole me as he does Brutus [Johnson, Rolfe, Beeching, etc.] ? — Cassius is speaking all along of his own influence over Brutus [Wright]? Decide.— humor. See IV, iii, 119. —The 4 humors were blood, eholer, phlegm, and gall, causing respectively the 4 temperaments, sanguine, choleric, phlegmatic, and melancholy. — humor = influence by observing humors or inclinations [Wright] ? take hold of affection so as to make forget principles [John- son]? to turn and wind and manage (me) by watching (my) moods and crotchets, and touching (me) accordingly [Hudson] ? — this night. It must not be supposed that this is the night before the murder. See II, i, 49.-30(1. hands = handwritings? Abbott, 419 «.— 310. ambition. What 68 JULIUS CJSSAR. [ACT I. And, after this, let Caesar seat him sure ; For we will shake him, or worse days endure. [Exit. Scene III. The Same. A Street. Thunder and lightning. Eider Casca and Cicero. Cicero. Good even, Casca : brought you Caesar home ? Why are you breathless ? and why stare you so ? Casca. Are you not mov'd, when all the sway of earth Shakes like a thing unfirm ? Cicero ! I have seen tempests, when the scolding winds 5 Have riv'd the knotty oaks, and I have seen The ambitious ocean swell and rage and foam, To be exalted with the threat'ning clouds: But never till to-night, never till now, Did I go through a tempest-dropping-hre. 10 Either there is a civil strife in heaven, Or else the world, too saucy with the gods, Incenses them to send destruction. part is it to play iu this drama? — 311. seat him sure. Abbott, 223, 1. — As to the rhyme, see Abbott, 515. It makes a pleasant sound, like a strain of music, to end with. — See and apply here, as far as applicable, similar questions to those at the end of our notes on scene i. ■ — What progress has been made in the plot? — What of Brutus' honor? Cassius' nobility? What of Csesar's desires and fears? Scene III. — What time elapses between scenes ii and iii? — Cicero had a fine house on the Palatine. Why is he introduced in this storm? — 1. brought = accompanied? escorted? — Othello, III, iv, 197; Richard II, I, iv, 2; Henri/ V, II, iii, 2; Genesis, xviii, 16 ; Acts, xxi, 5; 2 C'orin., i, 16. — What was Cicero especially desirous to know? See i. 3(3. — home. From what place? at what time? — 2. breathless, etc. — What has become of Casca's ' tardy form ' ? I, ii, 289. — 3. sway = weight or momen- tum [Johnson] ? balanced swing [Craik]? steady and equable movement [Wright]? regular motion [Beeching] ? constitution or order [Hudson]? dominion? — realm? — Did Shakes, believe that the earth moves? — Teut. base swag, to sway, swing; nasalized swing, Skeat. — 4. unfirm. Here the negative is more prominent than in infirm [Wright] ? Shakes, uses each 4 times. Abbott, 442. — 6. riv'd. Shakes, never uses riven. — From rive comes rift; fr. drive, drift; thrive, thrift, etc. — 8. to be = so as to be [Hudson]?" in order to be [Craik] ? — See Mer. of Ven., II, vii, 41, 45. — 10. tempest-dropping-fire. So the folios. Precisely Milton's ' fiery deluge,' or, better, 'floods and whirlwinds of tempestuous fire'? Par. Lost, I, 68, 77. Mixed fire and tempest seem to drop from the sky. But Rowe (1709), and almost all editors since, omit the hyphen; as if Casca never saw lightning in a storm before! — " Retain the hyphens, and the sky is all aflame, a fiery deluge descending in tempest — a tempest-fire, a drop- ping-fire, a tempest-dropping-fire. Let us be careful how we attempt to improve on Shakespeare." The present editor in The Student (Univ. of N. Dak.), April, 1888. — 13. destruction. Scan. Very often the -ion is SCENE III.] JULIUS (J^ESAR. 69 Cicero. Why, saw you anything more wonderful ? Casca. A common slave — you know him well by sight — Held up his left hand, which did flame and burn 16 Like twenty torches join'd, and yet his hand, Not sensible of fire, remain'd unseorcli'd. Besides — I ha' not since put up my sword — Against the Capitol I met a lion, 20 Who glaz'd upon me, and went surly by, Without annoying me: and there were drawn Upon a heap a hundred ghastly women, Transformed with their fear ; who swore they saw Men all in fire walk up and clown the streets. 25 And yesterday the bird of night did sit Even at noon-day upon the market-place. Hooting and shrieking. When these prodigies Do so conjointly meet, let not men say " These are their reasons ; they are natural ; " 30 For, I believe, they are portentous things Unto the climate that they point upon. two syl. in Shakes. — Abbott, 479. For centuries there has been a tendency to reduce the number of syllables in English words. 14. more = else, besides [Craik] ? in a higher degree [Delius, Wright, Abbot, etc.] ? — more wonderful than usual? more wonderful than you have described ? — Coriol., IV, vi, 64, 65; King John, IV, ii, 42: Lear, V, iii, 203. — What does this question show of Cicero's turn of mind? See below, lines 34, 35; and II, i, 151, 152. — 15. you know. So the early editions. Dyce and Hudson change to you'd know. Wisely? — Craik sug- gests you knew. Well? — Hudson thinks the meaning to be, "you would recognize him as a common slave." Any reason for telling Cicero that ' — 18. sensible of = ? — 20. against = ? — lion, who. In Shakes., who, as relative, is often used of brute animals, particularly in comparison with men. Which is used interchangeably with irho and that. Abbott, 264, 265. 21. glaz'd. So the folio. 'Rowe (lTOlt) changed to glar'd. Pope and the other editors generally have adopted the change. — "Glazed may be a survival of an old form of glare. ... I am informed that glaze in this sense survives in Cornwall, where English was chiefly introduced in the reign of Elizabeth." Beeching. — 22. annoying. The word was vastly stronger than it is now. Chaucer (in the Parson's Talt ) speaks of annoying a neighbor by burning his horse or poisoning him! — Richard III, V, iii, 157. From Lat. in odio, in hatred. — drawn upon a heap = crowded together [Rolfe] ? — A recollection of "Hecuba et natse . . . prsecipites . . . condensie . . . sedebant." sEneid, II, 515-517? — 23. ghastly. A. S. gse&tlic, terrible; base gaist or gais, to terrify. The -ly is for lie, like. Skeat. — 24. swore. Casca's blunt, rough character- ization? or ? — transformed. Scan! — 25. all in fire. Electrical phenomenon ? — 26. bird of night. " The scritch-owle betokeneth alwaies some heavie newes." Pliny, x; Holland's Translation. — 30. reasons. Hudson changes this to seasons! As if one should say, "These are the seasons for lions to be in the street, and ghastly women in a heap, and men in fire," etc.! — All's Well, II, iii, 1-3. — 31. portentous. Richard II, II, iv, 7-10; Hamlet, I, i, 112-125; Macbeth, II, iii, 35, 42, etc.— 32. cli- 70 JULIUS CAESAR. [ACT I. Cicero. Indeed, it is a strange-disposed time : But men may construe things after their fashion, Clean from the purpose of the things themselves. 35 Comes Caesar to the Capitol to-morrow ? Casca. He doth ; for he did bid Antonio Send word to you he would be there to-morrow. Cicero. Good night, then, Casca : this disturbed sky 39 Is not to walk in. Casca. Farewell, Cicero. [Exit Cicero. Enter Cassius. Cassius. Who's there ? Casca. A Roman. Cassius. Casca, by your voice. Casca. Your ear is good. Cassius, what night is this ! Cassius. A very pleasing night to honest men. Casca. Who ever knew the heavens menace so ? 44 Cassius. Those that have known the earth so full of faults. For my part, I have walk'd about the streets, Submitting me unto the perilous night, And, thus unbraced, Casca, as you see, Have bar'd my bosom to the thunder-stone ; And when the cross blue lightning seem'd to open 50 mate. Gr. «Ai>a, klinin, slope, region, zone; fr. Kkiveiv, klinein, to lean, slope. — 34. construe. Accent! I, ii, 42. — 35. clean from = quite away from? completely at variance with? — Is from emphatic? — Line 04; II, i,' 196; Hamlet, III, ii, 18. — See clean gone in Psalms, lxxvii,8; Isaiah, xxiv, 19. — 40. not to walk in = not fit to walk in? Abbott, 405. — 41. by your voice. Cassius " is a great observer " ? I, ii, 198; I, iii. 131. — 42. what = what kind of [Abbott] ? what a .' [Wright, Hudson, etc.] ? Abbott, 86. What, in exclamations, for ivhat a (and also for what kind of) is repeatedly found in Shakes. — 47. submitting me = exposing myself [Rolfe] ? self and selves are often omitted in Elizabethan English. Abbott, 228. — Lat. sub, under, mittere, to send; submittSre, to place under.— 48. unbraced = unfastened ? unbuckled? unbuttoned? — Hamlet, II, i, 78. — What was the Roman dress? How worn? Is Shakes, thinking of the Roman, or of the English dress? I, ii, 257. — Gr. 0pnxiW, brachion; Lat. brachium, arm; Old Fr. bras, braz. Century Dictionary. The mod- ern sense is, something that holds fast? — 49." thunder-stone = the belemnite, arrow-head, or ringer stone. It is a hollow fossil, about as large as the finger and tapering to a point at one end, the internal bone of an extinct species of sepia or cuttle-fish. It was once believed to be the veritable thunder-bolt. These 'bolts' were feared more than the light- nings, which Lear terms ' vaunt-couriers to oak-cleaving thunderbolts.' See Cymbel. IV, ii, 271, 272; Othello, V, ii, 235; Lear, IV, vii, 35 ; Par. Lost, I, 175, 'the thunder, winged with red lightning.' — 50. cross = zig- SCENE III.] JULIUS CjESAB. 71 The breast of heaven, I did present myself Even in the aim and very flash of it. Casca. But wherefore did you so much tempt the heavens '.' It is the part of men to fear and tremble, When the most mighty gods by tokens send 55 Such dreadful heralds to astonish us. Cassms. You are dull, Casca, and those sparks of life That should be in a Roman you do want, Or else you use not. You look pale and gaze And put on fear and cast yourself in wonder, 60 To see the strange impatience of the heavens : But if you would consider the true cause Why all these fires, why all these gliding ghosts, Why birds and beasts from quality and kind, Why old men, fools, and children calculate, 65 Why all these things change from their ordinance Their natures and preformed faculties To monstrous quality, — why, you shall find zag? So ' the most terrible and nimble stroke Of quick cross lightning,' and 'the deep dread-bolted thunder.' Lear, IV, vii, 33, 34, 35. — blue. What of Shakespeare's observation? — 55,56. Antithesis? — 60. put on. What sense? I, ii, 288. — cast. So the folio. In Meas.for Meas., IV, ii, 194, we read, " Put not yourself into amazement'' ; in Much Ado, IV, i, 14_', 'attir'd in wonder'; Rape of L., 1601, 'attir'd in discontent.' — cast yourself iu = throw yourself into a state of ? cast your mind about in a state of? dress yourself in ? — Many editors change cast to case; as if lie had masked or boxed up himself! — 63. gliding. Ghosts, angels, deities, glide rather than walk! So in Par. Lost, XII, 628, 629, "The cherubim descended, on the ground Gliding meteorous." — 64. from quality and kind = contrary to their disposition and nature [Wright] ? change from their office (or calling) and nature [Hudson] ? contrary to their real natures [Meiklejohn] ? — Line 35. — Iu Every Man in His Humor, we read, 'spirits of our kind and quality,' quoted by Fleay as one of 17 proofs that -Ben Jonson aided Shakes, in writing this play.— "But kind hath lent him such a quality." Geo. Gascoigne, 1535-1577. — Lear, II, ii, 104; Ant. and Cleop., V, ii, 264. — Lat. qualis, of what sort; qualitas, sort.— A. S. cynd, nature. — 65. Why old men, fools, and children calculate = why old men become fools, and children prudent [White, who reads ' fool 'for ' fools '] ? So Mitford, Lettsom, Hudson, Rolfe, Dyce, the Camb. ed., Beeching, etc. The folio (1623) has 'Fooles.' Delius inter- prets thus : " Persons of the most various mental capacities, old men, fools, and children, speculate upon the future." So, substantially, Craik and Longman. — Shakes, repeatedly in this play and elsewhere speaks, or his characters speak, contemptuously of old men in ' second childishness and mere oblivion.' See II, i, 130; Lear, IV, vii, 60, 84; Hamlet, II, ii, 195-199, 218, etc.; -4s You Like It, II, vii, 163-166. — calculate = com- pute future events [Schmidt]? exercise wise forethought? — Lat. cal- culus, a pebble, a stone used iu reckoning; fr. calx, calcis, limestone. — (16. ordinance = ordained condition ? law of being ? — 67. preformed = intended by original design for certain special ends [Wright] ? pre- 72 JULIUS CMSAR. [ACT I. That heaven hath infus'd them with these spirits, To make them instruments of fear and warning 70 Unto some monstrous state. Xow could I, Casca, Name to thee a man most like this dreadful night That thunders, lightens, opens graves, and roars As doth the lion — in the Capitol, A man no mightier than thyself or me 75 In personal action, yet prodigious grown And fearful, as these strange eruptions are. Casca. 'Tis Caesar that you mean; is it not, Cassius ? Cassias. Let it be who it is : for Romans now Have thews and limbs like to their ancestors ; 80 But, woe the while ! our fathers' minds are dead, And we are govern'd with our mothers' spirits ; Our yoke and sufferance show us womanish. Casca. Indeed, they say the senators to-morrow Mean to establish Caesar as a king; 85 adapted? as originally formed? — 69. Scan! — 71. monstrous state = monstrous or unnatural state of things [Rolfe, Schmidt, etc.] ? abnormal condition of things [Wright, Hudson, etc.]? Tempest, HI, lii, 95; Lear, II, ii, 17(i. — Present meaning of monstrous? — 74. as doth the lion, etc. — "This must refer to the lion in line 20." Beeching. — Is Caesar com- pared to a lion? or is it the night that roars? Is the lion supposed to be in the Capitol, as lions were kept in the tower at London ? Caesar " goeth about like a roaring lion "? — Craik interprets thus: "Caesar roars in the Capitol as doth the lion." But does he also thunder, lighten, and open graves? or does he simply ' roar '? "Was he addicted to roaring? Wright thinks that in this play the tower of London is, to Shakespeare's mind, a sort of representative of the Capitol. See II, i, 111. A sufficient punctua- tion may help us to the meaning! Try it. — 75. me. ' Than' is followed by the objective ease in Prov., xxvii, o; and in Par. Lost, II, 209. So is as in Ant. and Cleop., Ill, iii, 14? Abbott, 205, 210, etc. — 7(>. prodigious = portentous, monstrous [Wright, Rolfe, etc.] ? vast in size ? — Prodigy is probably from prod-agium ; where Lat. pro, is old prod, forth, before, and agium means a saying, as in the compound ad-agitim, a saying, an adage. The orig. sense is ' a saying beforehand.' Skeat. Except in Two Gent, of IV*'., II, iii, 4, it is said to mean in Shakes, portentous; i.e., ominous of great evil to come. — 79. Let it be = let he; i.e.. no matter [Wright, Hud- son, etc.]? let the man he (who he is) [Craik]? — 80. thews = muscles, sinews [Wright, Hudson, etc.] ? muscular powers [Rolfe] ? — From tu, to he strong; Sans-. '//, to swell, increase (as in Lat. tu-midus, swelling); Tent, base thu, to lie strong, to swell; A. S. theaw, habit; thedwas, man- ners. The sense of bulk, strength, comes straight from the root, and is the true one. Skeat. — Thigh is from same root. — 81. while=time. Supply l<> or for f Abbott, 137, 230. — A. S. hwil, a time. Allied probably to Lat. qui-es, rest; hence A. S. dat. plu. hwilum, whilom, at times. Skeat.— -82. with= by? See with in line 195, Act III, sc. ii. Abbott, 193. — 83. sufferance = patience [Wright]? bearing with patience, modera- tion [Schmidt] '.' sufferings? Mer. of Ven., I, iii, 100. — 85, etc. It was alleged that an ancient prophecy in the Sibylline books, which were burned SCENE III.] JULIUS CAESAR. 73 And he shall wear his crown by sea and land, In every place, save here in Italy. Cassius. I know where I will wear this dagger then ; Cassius from bondage will deliver Cassius : Therein, ye gods, you make the weak most strong ; 90 Therein, ye gods, you tyrants do defeat : Nor stony tower, nor walls of beaten brass, Nor airless dungeon, nor strong links of iron, Can be retentive to the strength of spirit ; But life, being weary of these worldly bars, 95 Never lacks power to dismiss itself. If I know this, know all the world besides, That part of tyranny that I do bear I can shake off at pleas-ure. [Thunder still. Casca. So can I : So every bondman in his own hand bears 100 The power to cancel his captivity. Cassius. And why should Caesar be a tyrant then ? Poor man ! I know he would not be a wolf, But that he sees the Romans are but sheep : He were no lion, were not Romans hinds. 105 Those that with haste will make a mighty fire Begin it with weak straws : what trash is Rome, What rubbish and what offal, when it serves For the base matter to illuminate So vile a thing as Caesar ! But, grief, 110 with the Capitol B.C. 82, declared that Parthia was unconquerable except by a kins, and this prediction was made the ground for an attempt to make Caesar king. See II, ii, 9o, 94; and Plutarch, p. 740. Had Cicero this in mind, line 36? Did Cassius know of it? — 88. where. Caesar's heart [Delius]? Cassius' [Wright]? — Cassius speaks like ' an antique Roman.' • Wright. Was he an Epicurean? therefore likely to justify suicide? See V, i, 75. In Cymbel., V, iv, 4, 5, 0, we have " cured by the sure physician, Death, who is the key To unbar these locks." See Hamlet, V, ii, 329; Macbeth, V, viii, 1; Ant. and Cleop., IV, xv, 87. — then=at that time? in that case ? — What of the ' high Roman fashion ' of suicide ? — 90. Therein. Wherein ? — 96. power. Dissyl.? Abbott, 480. — 100. Casca for the first time discovers that he is a bondman [Beeching]? — bondman. The bond in this word naturally suggests cancel in the next line? — The two words go together in Richard III, IV, iv, 77; Cymbel., V, iv, 28; Macbeth, III, ii, 49. — 101. cancel. From Lat. cancelli, lattice.— 103. Poor = unfortunate? pitiable? insignificant? despicable? — Judge from what follows, whether Cassius speaks in pity or in scorn ! — 105. hinds = deer? servants? — In zoology a hind is a female red deer, the male being called the stag. — 108. offal. Compounded of off and fall '. Formerly used of chips falling from a cut log? Sense here? Present 74 JULIUS CAESAR. [ACT I. Where hast thou led me ? I perhaps speak this Before a willing bondman; then I know My answer must be made. But I am arm'd, And dangers are to me indifferent. Casca. You speak to Casca, and to such a man lis That is no fleering tell-tale. Hold, my hand: Be factious for redress of all these griefs, And I will set this foot of mine as far As who goes farthest. Cas.sins. There's a bargain made. Now know you, Casca, I have mov'd already 120 Some certain of our noblest-minded Romans To undergo with me an enterprise Of honorable-dangerous consecpience ; And I do know, by this they stay for me In Pompey's porch : for now, this fearful night, 125 There is no stir or walking in the streets; And the complexion of the element meaning? — 11-'!. answer, etc. =1 shall have to answer for my words [Wright]? — 115. "This final stroke of trusting to his honor has won Casca." Beeching. — such . . . that. Present usage after suehf — Orig- inally the proper corresponding word to such was which. Abbott, 279. — 116. fleering = grinning' [Schmidt] ? sneering [Wright]? flattering and mocking [Hudson]? deceitful, or treacherous [Rolie]? mocking, grinning [Beeching]? — rJaiw.flira, to titter, giggle, laugh at nothing. Some form of the word fleer is found four times in Shakes. — Hold = take hold of [Theobald, Craik, Staunton]? stop [Wright]? here (take my hand) [Rolfe] ? — Reflexive, as in V, iii, 85? — 117. factious = active [Johnson] ? in fact (a conspirator) [Coleridge]? actively mutinous or seditious [Wright]? join- ing a cause, taking part in a quarrel [Schmidt] ? active in forming a party [Hudson] ? efficient? — be factious = conspire, make a party [Beeching] ? See II, i, 77. Lat. fac-ere, to do; /actio, Ft. faction, a doing, a taking sides, a faction. — all these. Name them. — griefs = grievances? sor- rows? Ill, ii, 211; IV, ii, 42, 4(5; 2 Henry IV, IV, ii, 59, 113. — lis, 119. Hurti VIII, I, ii, 42, 4:!. — Bargains ratified by hand-shaking? Winter's Tale, IV, iv, 372. — 121. some certain. Redundancy? omit? — noblest- miurted. Note on 1, ii, 301. — 122. undergo = undertake? So in Mid. X. Dream, I, i, 75; Winter's Tale, IV, iv, 532; 2 Henry IV, I, iii, 54. — 123. honorable dangerous. So the folio. Most editors join the two by a hyphen. Honorable = honorably? Abbott,'!. Does it mean honor- able, but dangerous ? V, i, 59. — by this = by this time ? 125. Pompey's porch. Here Csesar was murdered. " It was in one of the porches about the theatre, in which there was a certain place full of seats for men to sit in ; where also was set up the image of Pompey." North's Plutarch, p. 996. A porch was a portico or colonnade, a long walk covered by a roof supported by rows of columns. Often it was furnished with elegant scats and decorated with objects of art. — See lines 14(1, 151. — 126. or = nor? Which is preferable? — 127. complexion = outward appearance? character. Complexis complectitur totum statum corporis, complexion comprehends the whole state of the body. " It SCENE III.] JULIUS CESAR. 75 In favor's like the work we have in hand, Most bloody, fiery, and most terrible. Casca. Stand close a while, for here comes one in haste. 130 Cassius. 'Tis China ; I do know him by his gait ; He is a friend. Enter Cinna. China, where haste you so ? Oinna. To find out you. Who's that ? Metellus Cimber ? Cassius. 'No, it is Casca ; one incorporate To our attempts. Am I not stay'd for, Cinna ? 135 Cinna. I am glad on't. What fearful night is this ! There's two or three of us have seen strange sights. Cassius. Am I not stay'd for ? tell me. Cinna. Yes, you are. meant (1) the general state of the body; (2) any one of the several ' humors ' ; (3) the expression of the face, especially the color ; (4) the general state of the mind." Beeching. — Lat. com-, together; plecte're, to plait; complecti, to twine around; Eng. complexion, texture, color, outward look. — element = sky or heaven [Roll'e] ? sky [Wright]? air and sky that surrounds [sic] us [Schmidt]? atmosphere? See Comus, 299. — Lat. elementum, first principle. The ancients believed in four; fire, air, earth, and water, giving rise respectively to the four 'humors' or moistures of the body, choler, blood, melancholy, phlegm. From the preponderance of these respectively arose the four 'complexions' or tem- peraments, the choleric, sanguine, melancholic, and phlegmatic. Perfec- tiou of character depended upon a proper blending of these ingredients in the constitution. — 128. in favor's. The folio has Is /tutors. Rowe reads Isfev'roas; Hudson, following Steevens, 7s favor'd, i.e., is featured; Johnson, In favor's, i.e., In aspect is. Faroe, in the sense of feature or face, is of frequent occurrence in Shakes. See I, ii, 87. —Reed, Beeching, and others argue plausibly for the reading, Is feverous. But would not that be rather feeble ? — 129. bloody, fiery. Walker, Beeching, and some others connect these by a hyphen. — 130. close = so as not to stir; still, pent up, as it were, in one's self [Schmidt] ? out of sight? near by? — Cinna. Lucius Cornelius Cinna. His father was a leader of the popular party, and four times consul. His sister was Cajsar's first wife. Caesar made him praetor. — 131. gait. From get; Icel. gata, a way, path, road. Its use to express manner of walking arises from its being popularly connected with the word go. Skeat. — 133. find out you = to find you out [Rolfe] ? So the editors generally. Are the expressions equivalent'.' Abbott, 210. — Does the order of words here favor the right emphasis? — Metellus. Plutarch calls him Tullius; Seneca, correctly, Tillius. — 134. incorporate = of our body [Craik] ? privy to [Meiklejohn] ? closely united [Wright] ? — " Cassius holds Casca firm to his ' bargain.' " Bet ch- ing. — 135. stay'd for = awaited ? staid, or stay'd f — on't. See on I, ii, 07; Abbott, 180. What is he glad of? — 137. There's two. "The quasi-singular verb precedes the plural subject. . . . When the subject is as yet future, and, as it were, unsettled, the 3d pers. sing, might be regarded as the normal inflection . . . particularly in the case of ' There is.'" Abbott, 335. — 130. Note that Cassius has done with talk of the 76 JULIUS CAESAR. [act i. Cassius, if you could But win the noble Brutus to our party — 140 Cassius. Be you content : good Cinna, take this paper, And look you lay it in the praetor's chair, Where Brutus may but find it; and throw this In at his window ; set this up with wax Upon old Brutus' statue : all this done, 145 Repair to Pompey's porch, where you shall find us. Is Decius Brutus and Trebonius there ? Cinna. All but Metellus Cimber ; and he's gone To seek you at your house. Well, I will hie, And so bestow these papers as you bade me. 150 Cassius. That done, repair to Pompey's theatre. [Exit Cinna. Come, Casca,' you and I will yet ere day See Brutus at his house.: three parts of him Is ours already, and the man entire Upon the next encounter yields him ours. 155 Casca. 0, he sits high in all the people's hearts ! And that which would appear offense in us, His countenance, like richest alchemy, Will change to virtue and to worthiness. weather. — 142. praetor's. Lat. prse, before; ilor, a goer; fr. ire, to go; s/i, to go. Skeat. — The praetor was properly a civil magistrate. His duties were chiefly judicial, but also to some extent executive. He was at times a sort of ' third consul.' At first (415, rj.c.) there was but one; later four; afterwards eight ; and finally, at this time, sixteen. Through the influence of Caesar, Brutus had received the chief prsetorship over his rival Cassius. See on I, ii, 33. Shakes, is closely following the historians, especially Plutarch. — 143. Where Brutus may but find it = taking care that Brutus may find it [Beeching] ? where Brutus only may find it [Wright] ? where Brutus cannot but [Abbott] ? where Brutus alone may find it? where Brutus may merely find it? Abbott, 128; I, i, 43; ii, 114; V, i, 80. — 145. old 1 Brutus'. See on I, ii, 155. Is this, too, authentic history? — 146. See on line 125. — 147. Decius. It was Decimus. — Is. See "ii line 137. — 149. hie. A. S. higian, to hasten; Lat. d-tus, quick; Gr. Ki-etv, kieiu, to go, move. — 151. theatre. Built by Pompey the Great, 55 B.C., in the Campus Martins. It was the first stone theatre in Rome. It was copied from one at Mitylene, and was capable of seating 40,000 spectators. Splendid dramatic exhibitions, gymnastic contests, gladiatorial combats, and fights in which five hundred African lions were slain, marked the opening of this theatre. See Class. Diet., etc. 153. parts = fourths ? Abbott, :;."..'!. — 154. is. Subject? agreement? — 158. alchemy. Anachronism? — Arabic al, the; Gr, xv^^<>; chemeia, 1 Marcus Brutus came of tliat Junius Brutus, for whom the ancient Romans made his statue at' brass to lie set up in the capitol with the images of the kings, holding a naked sword in his hand, because he had valiantly put down the Tarquins from the kingdom of Rome. North's Plutarch, p. 991. SCENE III.] JULIUS CAESAR. 77 Cassius. Him and his worth and our great need of hiro 160 You have right well conceited. Let us go, For it is after midnight ; and ere day "We will awake him and be sure of him. [Exeunt. chemistry; fr. xvpeCa, chumeia, a mingling; fr. x«o, cheo, I pour; root xv, chu, pour. Great were the expectations of the alchemists; and especially they hoped to find the art of turning base metals to sold. See ' Alchemy' in the Cyclopedias. Sonnet xxxiii, i; King Juki), III, i, 78-81; Ant. and <'leop., I, v, 37. — 161. conceited = conceived ? formed an idea of. — Lat. con, together, or with; capere, to take. — Explain psychologically concept, conceit, etc. See III, i, 193; Othello, III, iii, 149; Mer. of Fen., I, i, 92. — 162. midnight. Is the time up to Caesar's death carefully marked? II, i, 3, 101, li»2, 213, etc. — Progress made in the plot thus far? Value of this scene? — What of the storm as a revealer of character? its effect on Casca, Cicero, Cassius, Brutus (II, i , 44) ? Cassius as an artful man ? of Casca as influenced by Cassius' rhetoric ? of Cicero's cool philos- ophy ? — What of Act I as a preparation ? 78 JULIUS CAESAR. [ACT II. ACT II. Scene I. Rome. Brutus' Orchard. Enter Brutus. Brutus. What, Lucius, ho ! I cannot, by the progress of the stars, Give guess how near to day. Lucius, I say ! I would it were my fault to sleep so soundly. When, Lucius, when ? awake, I say ! what, Lucius ! 5 Enter Lucius. Lucius. Call'd you, my lord ? Brutus. Get me a taper in my study, Lucius : When it is lighted, come and call me here. Lucius. I will, my lord. [Exit. Brutus. It must be by his death : and for my part, 10 I know no personal cause to spurn at him, But for the general. He would be crown'd : Act II, Scene I. Supposed time of the action of this scene? — What references to the storm? — Orchard = garden [Craik, Dyce, Hudson, etc.]? — A. S. ortgeard, orceard = wort-yard = a yard of worts or vege- tables; from Icel. urt, herbs; gardr, a yard or garden. Lat. hortus, gar- den, is related to yard, but not to ort ! Skeat. — III, ii, 247. — 1. what! An exclamation to call attention. Does it mean, What is the matter? — Is any impatience implied here? — Tempest, IV, i, 33; Abbott, 73 a. — 3. day = daylight ? — 5. When = when are you coming? impatience? Richard IT, I, i, 162. — 7. study. He lives on books and theories? V, i, 99; IV, iii, 250, 271. — taper. Perhaps from Ir. tapar = W. tampr, a taper, torch; ef. Skt. \/tap, burn. Century Diet. — 10. It must be. What must be? — The following speech greatly puzzled Coleridge. He says, "I do not at present see into Shakespeare's motive, his rationale, or in what point of view he meant Brutus' character to appear." Do you? — Has the tradition of Junius Brutus any weight with him? See note on line 40. — 11. personal. Brutus was under great obligation to Caesar for personal favors. Personally, as between him and Caesar, he had no objection to him? — See Merivale and other historians. — 12. general = community or people [Craik, Kolfe, etc.]? public cause [Hudson]? — Hamlet, II, ii, 424; Mens, for Meas., II, iv, 27. —would be. From what does Brutus SCENE I.] JULIUS CAESAR. 79 ,How that might change his nature, there's the question. It is the bright day that brings forth the adder ; And that craves wary walking. Crown him ? — that ; — 15 And then, I grant, we put a sting in him, That at his will he may do danger with. The abuse of greatness is, when it disjoins Remorse from power : and, to speak truth of Caesar, I have not known when, his affections sway'd 20 More than his reason. (But 'tis a common proof, That lowliness is young ambition's ladder, Whereto the climber upward turns his face; But when he once attains the upmost round, He then unto the ladder turns his back, 25 Looks in the clouds, scorning the base degrees By which he did ascend.) So Caesar may. Then, lest he may, prevent. And, since the quarrel infer this wish? — 14. bright, etc. Does prosperity or adversity better show the evil that may lurk in man? — brings forth. Into life? from its hiding-place? — 15. that craves. What craves? the newly hatched adder? bright day? Beeching thinks the latter. — Is 'that' relative or demonstrative ? which better suits the metre ? the sense ? — Crown him ? — that. Ellipsis ? Is the word ' that ' equivalent to do that ? — The folio reads " Crowne him that." Is such a reading allowable? May we inter- pret it to mean, Crown him king? — 17. do danger = do what is danger- ous ? do mischief ? cause danger ? Abbott, 303. — with. Proper to end a sentence with a preposition? The best writers do it? Is Brutus' rea- soning sound? Would kingship have increased Caesar's power? — 19. Remorse = conscience or conscientiousness [Hudson] ? tender feeling [Wright] ? mercy [Rolfe] ? compunction for wrong done ? — Lat. re, again; mordere, to bite ; Eng. remorse, the gnawing of the ' worm that dieth not ' ; pain or anguish for guilt. In Shakes, it evidently often means relenting, or pity, or tenderness of feeling. King John, II, i, 478; Mer. of Ven., IV, i, 20; Tempest, V, i, 76. But in Macbeth, I, v, 42, we have the usual mod- ern meaning? — 20. affections = feelings [Schmidt]? passions [Hudson]? desires [Beeching] ? likes and dislikes ? — We use ' affect ' in the sense of desire f — 21. reason = conscience or conscientiousness, or moral reason [Hudson] ? judgment ? — proof = experience [Rolfe, etc.] ? fact or the thing proved [Hudson] ?— Twelfth N., Ill, i, 135. — 23. climber. Climb is akin to clamp, and means to ascend by grasping. Skeat.— The editors, following Warburton (1747), generally insert a hyphen after this climber. Wisely ? Does upward modify ' climber ' ? or ' turns ' ? — Does ' climber ' imply 'upward'? Can a person climb down? May 'turns upward' imply reverence that is the antithesis of ' scorning,' line 26 ? See ' high- sighted,' II, i, 118. — 24. upmost. Present usage? — 26. base degrees = lower steps [Hudson, Rolfe, etc.]? Lat. de, down;" gradus, a step, grade; Fr. degre, a step. — Henry VIII, II, iv, 112. — '28. quarrel = cause [Hudson]? cause of complaint [Wright]? ground of objection? — Prayer Book, Psalm xxxv, 23; Richard II, I, iii, 33. Bacon, Essay on Marriage and Single Life, says, "A man may have a quarrel [reason] to marry when he will." So Holinshed, "He thought he had a good quarrel 80 JULIUS CAESAR. [ACT II. Will bear no color for the thing he is, Fashion it thus : that what he is, augmented, 30 Would run to these and these extremities ; And therefore think him as a serpent's egg • Which, hatch'd, would, as his kind, grow mischievous, ; And kill him in the shell ! Reenter Lucius. Lucius. The taper burnetii in your closet, sir. 35 Searching the window for a flint, I found This paper, thus seal'd up ; and, I am sure, It did not lie there when I went to bed. [Gives him the letter. Brutus. Get you to bed again ; it is not day. Is not to-morrow, boy, the first of March ? 40 Lucius. I know not, sir. Brutus. Look in the calendar, and bring me word. Lucius. I will, sir. [Exit. Brutus. The exhalations whizzing in the air Give so much light that I may read by them. 45 [Opens the letter and reads. to attack him." — Lat. queri, to complain; querela, complaint; Fr. que- relle. — 29. bear no color = find no pretext [Rolfe] ? not allow of any excuse [Wright] ? carry upon the face of it no colorable pretext [Meikle- john]? have no plausibility? — Iu Henry VIII, I, i, 178, and Ant. and Cleop., I, iii, 32, color = pretext. 33. kind = species [Mason, Craik, Rolfe, Schmidt, etc.]? nature [Johnson]? See I, iii, 64. — A. S. cynde, natural, native, inborn. The orig. sense is ' born ' ; whence cynd, nature ; Mid. Eng. kund, kind, nature, sort, character. Aryan v'gan, to generate. Skeat. — 34. shell. " The line itself, as it were, killed in the shell ! " Craik. — See Macbeth, IV, ii, 83. — 40. to-morrow. Does Brutus ' take no note of time ' ? See I, iii, 162. — first of March. So the folio. Theobald (1733) and nearly or quite all subsequent editors have changed ' first ' to ' Ides.' But Brutus has not slept for a month, and his head is not very clear, as the preceding soliloquy shows ; or he might have wished to throw Lucius off the track of suspicion. In Skeat's North's Plutarch, p. 113, "Cassius asked him (Brutus) if he were determined to be in the Senate-house the first day of the month of March ; because he heard say that Caesar's friends should move the council that day that Caesar should be called king by the Senate." Mr. Wright has no doubt that Shakes, wrote ' first of March,' yet Mr. Wright prints ' Ides,' like the rest! — 41. I know not. Ignorant? or too modest to correct the error? — 42. calendar. "Shakes, has read in Plutarch that Cresar had reformed the calendar and made it accessible." Beeching. — See I, ii, 17, note. — 44. exhalations = meteors [Wright]? flashes of lightning [Hudson]? — In Henry VIII, III, ii, 226, we read, "I shall fall like a bright exhalation in the evening"; in Rom. and Jul., Ill, v, 13, "It is some meteor that the sun exhales." Says Plutarch of thunders, lightuiugs, flashes, blasts, and whirlwinds, " Aristotle supposeth that all these meteors SCENE I.] JULIUS CAESAR. 81 "Brutus, thou sleep 'st : aioake, and see thyself. Shall Rome, etc. Speak, strike, redress!'' 1 "Brutus, thou sleep' st: awake!" Such instigations have been often clropp'd Where I have took them up. 50 " Shall Rome, etc." Thus must I piece it out : Shall Rome stand under one man's awe ? What, Rome ? My ancestors did from the streets of Rome The Tarquin drive, when he was call'd a king. " Speak, strike, redress ! " Am I entreated 55 To speak and strike ? Rome, I make thee promise, If the redress will follow, thou receivest Thy full petition at the hand of Brutus ! Reenter Lucius. Lucius. Sir, March is wasted fifteen days. [Knocking within. Brutus. 'Tis good. Go to the gate ; somebody knocks. 60 [Exit Lucius. Since Cassius first did whet me against Csesar, I have not slept. Between the acting of a dreadful thing And the first motion, all the interim is come of a dry exhalation." — 46. see thyself. Did he remember that Cassius said this? I, ii, 48-63. — Know thyself ? — 50. took. Abbott, 346. See 'mistook,' I, ii, 45; Winter's Tale, I, v, 246. — 53. ancestors. Changed by Hudson and Dyce to 'ancestor.' Rightly? I, ii, 155. — ■ 54. drive. 510 b.c. ? — 56. make thee = cause thee to? make to thee a? — The second folio has 'the.' May it be the true reading? —46-58. The unpractical, credulous, conceited, illogical man! — 58. full. Threefold? — 59. fifteen. So the folios. Theobald and most other editors change it to 'fourteen.' Judiciously? — The Romans reckoned inclusively, and Rolfe thinks Shakes, has followed the classic usage. Says White, "In common parlance Lucius is correct." Hudson affirms that this conversa- tion occurred March 14. Lines 40, 192, 194. — wasted. So in Milton's sonnet to Lawrence, 'help waste a sullen day.' — 60. 'Tis good = very well? ' all right ' ? — 61. Picture in the metaphor? — 62. How long? The incomplete lines are thought by Mr. Fleay to indicate that the play "has been greatly abridged for the purpose of representation." But do not these broken lines indicate breaks in the thought, or pauses in the utter- ance? See note in our ed. of Hamlet, I, i, 129, 132, 135; v, 73, etc. — 62-69. The chaos in his soul! Like Macbeth's in somewhat similar circum- stances, Macbeth, I, iii, 134-142? — 63, 64. acting . . . first motion. Inverted order of events! indicative of mental disturbances? — acting = performance? carrying into execution ? — motion = movement towards performance? impulse? motive? King John, I, i, 212; IV, ii, 255. — 64. interim. This Latin adverb (originally meaning in the mean time) 82 JULIUS CAESAR. [ACT II. Like a phantasma, or a hideous dream : 65 (The Genius aud tliQ mortal instruments i Are then in council} and the state of man, 4irke to a little kingdom, suffers then The nature of an insurrection. Reenter Lucius. Lucius. Sir, 'tis your brother Cassius at the door, 70 Who doth desire to see you. Brutus. Is he alone ? Lucius. No, sir, there are nioe with him. is said by Schmidt to occur 14 times in Shakes, in the sense of ' intervening time,' or 'interval.' — 65. phantasma = illusion [Beeching]? night- mare [Wright] ? vision [Rolfe] ? phantom [Hudson] ? creature of the imag- ination [Meiklejohn] ? daydream [Schmidt]? — Is there not a feeling of horror, or at least a sense of ugliness, in the word ? The sound is against it? — See 'phantasm' in Par. Lout, II, 743; IV, 803. Gr. ^avTaaixa, phan- tasma, vision, spectre; Qaiveu; phainein, to show; lit. to cause to shine. Skeat. — 66. the genius and the mortal instruments = the ruling spirit and the 'corporal agents,' as they are called in Macbeth, I, vii, 80? the reasonable soul and the bodily powers [Wright] ? the power that watches for man's protection, and the passions that excite him to deeds [Johnson] ? the hesitating will and the threatening passions [Ferrier] ? the directive power of the mind and the ministerial faculties [Hudson] ? the contriving aud immortal mind, and the earthly passions [Craik] ? the mind and the bodily organs [Beeching] ? the good or evil spirit (sup- posed to direct the actions of man) and the instruments (subject to death) [Schmidt]? — Rolfe concurs substantially with Wright. — See lines 175, 176; III, i, 167-169.— Empedocles of Sicily (B.C. 444?) is said to have taught that every man comes into life with two angels, a good aud a bad. To this belief does Horace allude in Epist., II, ii, 187-189? — Brutus has an evil one? See IV, iii, 280; Tempest, IV, i, 27; Com. of Er., V, i, 332; Twelfth N., Ill, iv, 142; Macbeth, III, i, 56, etc.; Coriol., I, i, 94, 95; Othello, I, iii, 269; Ant. and Cleop., II, iii, 19-21; Shakes. Sonnet, 144; Plato quoted in Plutarch's Morals (Holland) , 834, 835 ; Heb., i, 14. Bearing in mind Shakespeare's fondness for vivid personification, what/interpreta- tion shall we prefer? — 67. state of a man. So the folios. Nearly all editors omit a. Well? — state of man = man regarded as a body politic [Deighton] ?— state = commonwealth, kingdom [Beeching]? — In Mac- beth, I, iii, 140, we have 'single state of man.' In Troilus and Cres., II, iii, 165, 166, we read, " That, 'twist his mental and his active parts, Kingdom'd Achilles in commotion rages." So, in 2 Henry IV, IV, iii, 100, ' this little kingdom, man ' ; Lear, III, i, 10, ' strives in this little world of man.' So "Esse hominem minorem mun- dum," That man is a lesser world, Picus of Mirandola, quoted by Pater, The Renaissance. Kin;/ John, IV, ii, 246. So "Man is a microcosm," "My mind to me a kingdom is," etc. So, in Bunyan's Holy War, the town of Mansoul. — 70. hrother. Cassius had married Junia Tertia (or Tertulla), half sister of Brutus, said to have survived her husband (>4 years, dying a.d. 22. — 72. moe. Used often in Shakes, as the plural of SCENE I.] JULIUS CAESAR. 83 Brutus. Do you know them ? Lucius. No, sir ; their hats are pluck'd about their ears, And half their faces buried in their cloaks, That by no means I may discover them 75 By any mark of favor. Brutus. ^ Let 'em enter. [Exit Lucius. They are the faction. \0 conspiracy, Sham'st thou to show thy dang'rous brow by night, When evils are most free ? 0, then by day Where wilt thou find a cavern dark enough 80 To mask thy monstrous visage ? A Seek none, conspiracy; Hide it in smiles and affability : For if thou path, thy native semblance on, Not Erebus itself were dim enough To hide thee from prevention. 85 'more.' Mo or moe relates to number; more, to size. Scotch ma or meh' is compar. of many; and mair of much. V, iii, 101; Mer. of Ven., I, i, 108; As You Like It, III, ii, 246. — 73. hats. We need not here imagine a modern dress. The Roman cap or hat, pileus or pileum, or the broad- brimmed felt hat petasus, could be pulled down. I, ii, 231). — Pluck' d is similarly used in Winter's Tale, IV, iv, 633, (534. — 75. that. I, i, 45. — may. May originally meant 'to be able.' Abbott, 307. Ellipsis here? Abbott, 283. — 76. favor. I, ii, 87. " Particularly used of the exterior of persons, = figure, features, countenance." Schmidt. I, iii, 128. — 77. fac- tion = party? clique? Is the word used disparagingly here? — I, iii, 117; Hamlet, V, ii, 226. — 78. sham'st. Often intrans. or pass, in Shakes.; as, " I shame To wear a heart so white," Macbeth, II, ii, 64, 65 ; Winter's Tale, II, i, 87; King John, I, i, 104. A. S. scamian is intrans. — 70. when evils are most free. Superstition that evil things are privileged to walk abroad in the night? Milton's Comus, 432; Hamlet, I, v, 9, 10; Lear, III. iv, 107, 108; Mid. N. Dream, III, ii, 380-384. — 83. path=walk [Johnson]? — So track is used. "Any noun or adjective could be con- verted into a verb by the Elizabethan authors." Abbott, 290. — Drayton (1563-1631) twice uses path with cognate accusative. Shakes, in Winter's Tale, IV, iv, 556, has ' unpath'd waters.' But Southern, Coleridge, Walker, Dyce, and others read put; White prefers had'st; Hudson, pass. The quarto of 1601 prints hath. From vpat, to go; Sansc. path, to go; Gr. naTelv, patein, to tread. Does not the thought require a verb equivalent to walk? — on = being on? in? — 84. Erebus. Gr. "Epe/3o?, Erebos, a cov- ered place; from epe^eiv, erephein, to cover. — Erebus (utter darkness) was spoken of as encompassing the realm of Nyx (night) as a great mystery might comprehend a less one. Scull. — "A place of nether darkness, being the gloomy space through which the souls passed to Hades." Wb. — Sometimes it was a general term comprehending the whole of Hades ; sometimes, the third of the five divisions of the infernal regions. In Shakes, it apparently signifies ' the blackness of darkness.' Par. Lost, 11,883; Mer. of Ven., V, i, 87. — 85. prevention = discovery [Hudson]? detection and frustration [Wright] ? hinderance? — " To prevent is to come before, and so is equivalent in effect with hinder, which is literally to make behind. I make that behind which I get before." Craik. — III, i, 84 JULIUS CAESAR. [ACT II. Enter the conspirators, Cassius, Casca, Decius, Cinna, Metellus, and Trebonius. Cassius. I think we are too bold upon your rest: Good morrow, Brutus ; do we trouble you ? Brutus. I have been up this hour, awake all night. Know I these men that come along with you ? Cassius. Yes, every man of them, aud no man here 90 But honors you ; and every one doth wish You had but that opinion of yourself Which every noble Roman bears of you. This is Trebonius. Brutus. He is welcome hither. Casshis. This, Decius Brutus. Brutus. He is welcome too. 95 Cassius. This, Casca ; this, Cinna ; and this, Metellus Cimber. Brutus. They are all welcome. What watchful cares do interpose themselves Betwixt your eyes and night ? 99 Cassius. Shall I entreat a word ? \_They whisper. Decius. Here lies the east : doth not the day break here ? Casca. No. Cinna. 0, pardon, sir ! it doth ; and yon gray lines That fret the clouds are messengers of day. 19; II, i, 28. — 86. too bold upon. Ellipsis? — Bacon uses the same expression in Advancement of Learning. — 91. honors. A skilful appeal to Brutus' vanity or ruling passion? — 91-93. Repetition of I, ii, 51-58? See I, ii, 82, 85, etc. Here, and in the next few lines, and generally in this play, Shakes, follows closely Plutarch's account. — 100. Who whisper? ahout what?— 101. Here lies the east, etc. Why this side 'talk ? Dra- matic value of this ' interlude ' ? Is it to remind us of the time of night? to contrast Brutus and Cassius with the rest? to show Brutus that they are not listening to the whispering? to turn aside anxious thought hy casual chat as in Macbeth, I, vi? to prevent suspicions on the part of possihle eavesdroppers? to till in the time till Brutus and Cassius finish their private conference? 104. fret = mark with interlacing lines like fret-work [Wright] ? adorn ? dissolve? vex? — See 'this majestical roof, fretted with golden tire' in Hamlet, II, ii, 296. — " It is needful the reader should think what ' break ' means in ',day-break ' — what is broken, and by what. . . . Here ' fret' means all manner of things; primarily, the rippling of clouds, as sea by wind ; secondarily, the breaking it asunder for light to come through ; . . . also 'a certain degree of vexation, some dissolution, much order, and extreme beauty!'" Ruskin, in Arrows of the Chace, ii, 257. — In Rom. and Jul., Ill, v, 7, 8, we read, " What envious streaks Do lace the severing clouds in yonder east?" — A. S.frsetwian, to adorn. Another fret is fr. SCENE I.] JULIUS CAESAR. 85 Casca. You shall confess that you are both deceiv'd. 105 Here, as I point my sword, the sun arises, Which is a great way growing on the south, Weighing the youthful season of the year. Some two months hence up higher toward the north He first presents his fire ; and the high east 110 Stands, as the Capitol, directly here. Brutus. Give me your hands all over, one by one. Cassius. And let us swear our resolution. Brutus. No, not an oath : if not the face of men, Low Lat. /errata, an iron grating; Lat. ferrum, iron. In architecture fret = " an ornament consisting of small fillets intersecting each other at right angles." Still another fret is fr. A. S. fretan, to eat; Ger. fressen. Has Ruskin blended the three meanings? — 107. a great way growing on the south = far to the south (of east) [Craik, Rolfe, etc.]? encroach- ing on the south [Wright] ? getting nearer to the south [Meiklejohn] ? verging or inclining toward the south [Hudson] ? — To these interpreta- tions we may answer as follows: It is the 15th of March; within a week comes the vernal equinox, when the sun rises exactly in the east. On the 15th, the sun is not far to the south of east, nor encroaching on the south, nor getting nearer to the south, nor verging toward the south. The south is behind it, the north is in front of it; it is growing or gaining on the south; that is, getting the better of it in the race, putting the south further and further behind its back! The sun " rejoiceth as a strong man to run a race." Psalms, xix, 5. — 108. weighing = on account of, or taking into account [Craik] ? when we consider [Rolfe] ? because of [Beech- ing] ? in accordance with [Hudson] ? See our article in the column Shakespeariana, in The Student Magazine, Univ. N. Dak., May, 1888. — youthful season = beginning? spring? — Before the time of Julius Caesar, the year began March 1. He (B.C. 44) made it begin Jan. 1. The civil or legal year in England formerly commenced on the 25th of March. In 1752, ' New Style,' which had been decreed by Parliament the preceding year, went into effect in England, and Sept 3 was counted Sept. 14. Pope Gregory XIII had made the change in 1582. See ' style ' in the unabridged dictionaries. — 110. high east = perfect east [Hudson] ? full or exact east? What metaphor or mental picture in highf — So we say 'due east.' — 111. Capitol. It is to be noted that the Tower of London, which, more nearly than any other building, corresponded to the Capitol (Lat. Capi- tolium), temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, on the southern summit of the Capitoline Hill) lay due east of the Globe Theatre. The listener at the theatre during this play would frequently think of the Tower ! — The Capitoline Temple, built by Tarquinius Superbus, in honor of Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva, was thrice burned and rebuilt. It was at first of the Etruscan order of architecture; afterwards, Corinthian, as some of the columns still testify. — 112. all over = all included [Parry, Craik, Rolfe, etc.] ? throughout the whole company, one after the other [Wright, Deigh- ton, etc.]? — May it not mean once again? May we not suppose that he took each by the hand when they first came in, and that now, having just heard from Cassius, in a whisper, the resolution they have formed, he joyfully seizes each hand again in recognition of union and in pledge of mutual support? Cassius' remark, "And let us swear our resolution," is very significant here. To the pledge implied in the hand-grasp, he would add an oath, and hence the word And! — 114. not an oath, etc. 86 JULIUS CAESAR. [ACT II. The sufferance of our souls, the time's abuse, — 115 If these be motives weak, break off betimes, And every man hence to his idle bed ; So let high-sighted tyranny range on, Till each man drop by lottery. But if these, As I am sure they do, bear fire enough 120 To kindle cowards and to steel with valor The melting spirits of women, then, countrymen, What need we any spur but our own cause, To prick us to redress ? what other bond Than secret Romans, that have spoke the word, 125 And will not palter ? and what other oath Than honesty to honesty engag'd, That this shall be, or we will fall for it ? Swear priests and cowards and men cautelous, So Plutarch. — How promptly Brutus takes the lead! — face. Warhurton would change face to fate; Mason, to faith; Malone, to faiths. Brutus thought he saw in men's faces, misery, or discontent and disgust, or self- reproach and shame, at Caesar's tyranny? — 115. Sufferance. Iu Coriol., I, i, 22; Meas.for Meas., Ill, i, 80, sufferance means 'suffering.' But see I, iii, 83. — abuse = wrong-doing which prevails [Wright] ? abuses [Craik, etc.]? Supply the ellipsis. — 117. idle bed = bed now unoccupied [Deigh- ton] ? bed of an idle man? We still say 'sick bed,' and in Trail, and Ores, we have 'lazy bed.' — 118. high-sighted = supercilious [Schmidt] ? with lofty looks [Wright]? able to see from on high [Beeching] ? — In Psalm, cxxxi, 1; Prov., xxx, 13; Isaiah, v, 15, etc., lofty eyes and lofty looks are spoken of with censure. Wright thinks we have here ' an im- plied comparison of tyranny to an eagle or bird of prey, whose keen eye discovers its victim from the highest pitch of its flight'; Hudson, 'the capriciousness of a high-looking and heaven-daring Oriental tyranny.' — See line 26 of this scene. — Range is technically used of hawks, falcons, and eagles, flying for prey? — See I, i, 73, etc. — 119. lottery = chance? now one, now another, as if by lottery [Beeching] ? nod and whim of a tyrant, as on the hazards of a lottery [Hudson] ? — Allusion to decimation — the selection of every tenth soldier, in a general mutiny, for punishment [Steevens] ? — Timon of A., V, iv, 31. — these = these men ? these motives ? — 120. bear fire. Explain this metaphor. Cf. IV, iii, 110. Note the word ' steel ' in the next line! and, later, ' melting.' 123. what need we = in what respect need we? what need have we of? why need we? — The commentators prefer the last. They cite Mark, xiv, 03, "What need we any further witnesses?" also Ant. and Cleop., V, ii, 317; Cymbel., III, iv, 31. — Abbott, 253. — 125. secret = who will hold their tongues [Wright]? bound to secrecy [Craik]? hidden, con- cealed ? Hamlet, I, v, 122 ; Bom. and Jul., II, iv, 208 ; Much Ado, I, i, 184. — Ellipsis before secret? — spoke. So stole in line 238. Abbott, 343. — 126. palter = trifle, babble [Meiklejohn] ? quibble, equivocate [Wright]? — "Be these juggling fiends no more believed, That palter with us in a double sense." Macbeth, V, viii, 20, etc. See note in our edition of Mac- beth. So Ant. and Cleop., HI, xi, 63; Coriol., IH, i, 58. — 127. honesty = honor? Ill, i, 127; IV, iii, 67. — 128. this. What ? — 129. priests. This philosopher did not much respect the reverend clergy ? — cautelous SCENE I.] JULIUS CAESAR. 87 Old feeble carrions and such suffering souls 130 That welcome wrongs ; unto bad causes swear Such creatures as men doubt ; but do not stain The even virtue of our enterprise, Nor th' insuppressive mettle of our spirits, To think that or our cause or our performance 135 Did need an oath ; when every drop of blood That every Roman bears, and nobly bears, Is guilty of a several bastardy, If he do break the smallest particle Of any promise that hath pass'd from him. 140 Cassius. But what of Cicero ? shall we sound him ? I think he will stand very strong with us. Casca. Let us not leave him out. China. No, by no means. Metellus. 0, let us have him, for his silver hairs Will purchase us a good opinion 145 And buy men's voices to commend our deeds : It shall be said, his judgment rul'd our hands ; = cautious and wary to the point of cowardice [Craik] ? crafty [Wright, etc.] ? — Lat. cavere, cautum, to be on one's guard. " The transition from caution to suspicion, and from suspicion to craft and deceit, is not very abrupt." Wright. See our edition of Hamlet, I, iii, 15. — 130. carrions. Lat. caro, carnis, flesh; Low Lat. caronia, a carcass. — 132. creatures. Spoken disdainfully? — doubt. See our edition of Hamlet. II, ii, 110- 119. — 133. even = equable and uniform [Hudson] ? without flaw or blem- ish, pure [Wright, Schmidt] ? honest [Parry] ? firm and steady [Deighton, Craik, Rolfe]? See Henry VIII, III, i, 37.— 134. insuppressive = insup- pressible? Inexpressive = inexpressible, in As You Like It, III, ii, 10; incomprehensive = incomprehensible, in Troil. and Ores., Ill, iii, 198. See plausive, Hamlet, I, iv, 30. See Lycidas, 176; Hymn on Nativity, 110; Abbott, 3. — 135. (stain) ... to think = (stain so as) to think? (stain) ... by thinking? Ill, i, 39, 40; Richard II, TV, 21, 22; Abbott, 281, 356. Is the infinitive form a verbal noun (i.e., gerund) here? — or . . . or. Is or ever used for either in prose? — Or is short for other, not either? — 136. did need = ever could need [Abbott]? needed? needs? Abbott, 370. — 138. several = separate. — several bastardy = special or distinct act of baseness, or of treason against ancestry and honorable birth [Craik] ? In Milton's C'omns, line 25, several = separate. So several in Hymn on the Nativity, line 234. — Low Lat. separate, from Lat. separare, to separate; fr. .se, apart; parare, to provide; separ, separate. — bastardy = illegiti- macy ? Tempest, III, i, 42 ; V, i, 232. —141. Cicero. Born Jan. 3, 106 B.C. How old, therefore? — sound = test by ringing, or striking as with a hammer, to ascertain the tone? test by fathoming, as by casting lead and line, to ascertain the depth? — 142. stand strong = strongly concur? be a pillar of strength? — 144. silver. Does this word suggest ' purchase ' in the sense of buy? — 145. purchase = obtain for, bring in to [Schmidt] ? See Mer. of Ven'., our edition, II, ix, 42. — 145. opinion. Syllabicate I I, iii, 13; Hamlet, II, ii, 5. Lat. opinio often meant the opinion expressed by others concerning one, his reputation. Mer. of Yen., I, i, 91; 1 Henry IV, 88 JULIUS CAESAR. [ACT II. Our youths and wildness shall no whit appear, But all be buried in his gravity. Brutus. 0; name him not : let us not break with him ; 150 For he will never follow anything That other men begin. Cassius. Then leave him out. Casca. Indeed he is not fit. Decius. Shall no man else be touch'd but only Caesar ? Cassius. Decius, well urg'd : I think it is not meet, 155 Mark Antony, so well belov'd of Caesar, Should outlive Caesar : we shall find of him A shrewd contriver ; and, you know, his means, If he improve them, may well stretch so far As to annoy us all : which to prevent, 160 Let Antony and Caesar fall together. Brutus. Our course will seem too bloody, Caius Cassius, To cut the head off and then hack the limbs, Like wrath in death and envy afterwards ; For Antony is but a limb of Caesar : 165 Let us be sacrificers, but not butchers, Caius. We all stand up against the spirit of Caesar ; And in the spirit of men there is no blood : 0, that we then could come by Caesar's spirit, 1, i, 77. — 148. youths. See behaviors, I, ii, 39. Why not loudnesses f Unpleasant sibilation? — shall = will? The two were not well differen- tial ed ? See Psalm, xxiii, 6. Present usage? — ■whit. A. S. loiht, wight, person ; whit, bit. Note the diminutive sound to express diminutive things. — 150. break = break silence ? communicate ? Any recollection of ' break- ing bread' at ' holy communion '? Macbeth, I, vii, 48; Ant. and Cleop., I, ii, 184. — The reason for not attempting to enlist Cicero is thus stated by Plutarch: " They were afraid that he, being a coward by nature, and age also having increased his fear, he would quite turn and alter their purpose, and quench the heat of their enterprise." Why should Shakes, assign a different motive? Had he read more truly Cicero's character? Could Cicero have been safely trusted as a confederate? See I, iii, 14, 34. Meri- vale, III, p. 150, Appleton's edition, 1887. — 153. See line 143. Explain Casca's change. — 157. of = in? Abbott, 172. — 158. shrewd = sharp? mischievous? cunning? evil? dangerous? A. S. scredwa, the biter; fr. Teut. base skru, to cut, tear. See our edition of Hamlet, I, iv, 1; As You Like It, I, i, 151; V, iv, 105; Mer. of Yen., Ill, ii, 238. — contriver = schemer? plotter? II, iii, 14; Mer. of Yen., IV, i, 343. — 160. annoy. See I, iii, 22. — which to prevent. See similar argument by Brutus, lines 28-34. What of their insight into character? 162-183. How choice the language of Brutus, yet how shallow his knowl- edge of human nature! — 163. envy = malice? In Shakes, it usually means ' settled hatred ' ? See Mer. of Ven., Ill, ii, 277 ; IV, i, 121 ; Coriol., Ill, iii, 3. See line 178.— 166. Scan! So line 178. Abbott, 468. See our note on Macbeth, IV, ii, 72. — 169. come by. See line 259; Mer. of Ven., SCENE I.] JULIUS CAESAR. 89 And not dismember Caesar ! But, alas, 170 Caesar must bleed for it ! And, gentle friends, Let's kill him boldly, but not wrathfully ; /Let's carve him as a dish fit for the gods7"\ vNot hew him as a carcass fit for hounds-K And let our hearts, as subtle masters do, 175 Stir up their servants to an act of rage, And after seem to chide 'em. This shall make Our purpose necessary and not envious : Which so appearing to the common eyes, We shall be call'd purgers, not murderers. 180 And for Mark Antony, think not of him ; For he can do no more than Caesar's arm When Caesar's head is off. Cassius. Yet I fear him ; For the ingrafted love he bears to Caesar — ■ Brutus. Alas, good Cassius, do not think of him : 185 If he love Caesar, all that he can do Is to himself, take thought, and die for Caesar : And that were much he should ; for he is given To sports, to wildness and much company. Trebonius. There is no fear in him ; let him not die ; 190 For he will live, and laugh at this hereafter. [Clock strikes. Brutus. Peace ! count the clock. I, i, 3. Did they 'come by' it? 1 — 175. subtle masters. E.g. Queen Elizabeth! — 176. servants = our hands ? See line (i(j; III, i, 168, 169, 170; Macbeth, I, vii, 80. — 177. make = cause to be? cause to seem? Craik substitutes 'mark' for 'make,' as suggested by Collier's MS. cor- rector. Well? — 180. purgers. In illustration of this word, 'Pride's Purge' of the Long Parliament is cited. Macbeth, V, ii, 28; iii, 51, 52. — 181, 182, 183. Here we have an apt illustration of the subtle historic irony that pervades this play [Hudson] ? — 183. I fear. Pope inserted do. Rightly ? — 184. ingrafted = set deep in his nature [Beeching] ? deeply seated [Deighton]?— 187. take thought = be anxious. Often so in the Bible, as in Matt., xi, 25, take no thought; where the Revised Version happily substitutes, Be not anxious. Hamlet, III, i, 85; Two Gent. of Ver., I, i, 69; Sonnet, xliv; Ant. and Cleop., Ill, xiii, 1.— 188, 189. See I, ii, 199, 200. — 188. he should = for him to do? — 190. f ear = cause of fear? Mid. N. Dream, V, i, 21. Is Cassius overruled every time he disagrees with Brutus? — 192. clock. The Roman clock (water- clock, clepsydra) did not strike the hours. See Diet. Greek and Roman Ant. It was like an hour-glass, but water was used instead of sand. 1 What happened was this, that all they did was to dismember Caesar ; they could not come by his spirit ; that survived the butchery, and asserted itself at the battle of Philippi. What an effective way, then, of exhibiting the unconscious irony of Brutus' speech, and showing the terrible blunder of the whole conspiracy to write the stage direction, " Enter the ghost of Caesar " ! — Beeching. 90 JULIUS CsESAR. [ACT II. Cassius. The clock hath stricken three. Trebonius. "lis time to part. Cassius. ' But it is doubtful yet, Whether Caesar will come forth to-day, or no ; For he is superstitious grown of late, 195 Quite from the main opinion he held once Of fantasy, of dreams and ceremonies : It may be, these apparent prodigies, The unaccustom'd terror of this night, And the persuasion of his augurers, 200 May hold him from the Capitol to-day. Deems. Never fear that : if he be so resolv'd, I can o'ersway him ; for he loves to hear That unicorns may be betray'd with trees, — stricken. Elsewhere Shakes, uses struck, stroke, strook, strooke, strucken, stroken. Abbott, 344. Present usage? — Note how carefully the time is markeil from March 14 to the hour of Caesar's death ! I, iii, 163; II, i, 3, 101, 102, 213; iii, 114; iv, 24. — 194. Whether. Scan ! The critics make it metrically equivalent to where in I, i, 61. — 195. supersti- tious. On this point see Merivale! At once quite sceptical and credu- lous? — 196. from = away from [Craik] ? contrary to? in consequence of ? — I, iii, 35. See Macbeth, our ed., Ill, i, 99, 131, and iv, 36. — main = strong and confident [Wright] ? leading, strong, fixed, predominant [Johnson]? general [Malone, Mason, Smith, etc.]? — Aryan V magh, to have power. — See the phrase ' might and main.' See Mer. of Fen., our ed., IV, i, 67. — 197. fantasy = fancy ? imagination? — Sansc. bhd, to shine; Gr. ^rt-09, pha-os, light ; Qaiveiv, phainein, to shine; avTa(rCa, phantasia, a making visible ; imagination. Fancy is a corruption of the fuller form fantasy, often spelled phantasy. — ceremonies = religious observances [Wright]? omens or signs deduced from ceremonial rites [Malone] ? — See II, ii, 13, where it seems to have the same meaning. — Sansc. /carman, an action; Lat. cserimonia, a ceremony, a rite. — In Bacon {Advance, of Learn.) II, x, 3, the word is said to mean superstitious rites. — Different in I, i, 65 ; Mer. of Ven., V, i, 204. — 198. apparent = which have appeared [Beeching] ? clearly appearing ? manifest to all [Deighton] ? — The word is said to mean here more than seeming. So in Richard II, I, i, 13; 1 Henry IV, II, iv, 202; King John, IV, ii, 93; 1 Henry VI, II, i, 3; and apparent queen = clearly appearing queen, in Par. Lost, IV, 608. — 200. augurers. Lat. avis, a bird; -gur, telling (akin to Lat. garruhts, talkative). An augur deduced his predictions from observations on the flight and notes of birds. Hence to augur = to infer from omens what the future will be. The Teutonic suflix -er denotes the personal subject in a multitude of verbs. North's Plutarch uses the word ' augurers.' — 203. o'ersway. " Antonius called him venefica, witch, as if he had enchanted Crasar." Bacon, Essay 27. — 204. unicorns, etc. With back against a tree, the hunter on whom Yet Ca?sar, free-thinker as he was, could not escape the general thraldom of super- stition. He crawled on his knees up the steps of the temple of Venus to propitiate Nemesis. Before the battle of Pharsalis, he addressed a prayer to the gods whom he denied in the Senate and derided among' his associates. He appealed to the omens before passing the Rubicon. He carried about with him in Africa a certain Cornelius, — a man of no personal distinction, but whose name might be deemed auspicious on the battle-field of Scipio and Sulla. — Merivale, II, 446. SCENE I.] JULIUS C^SAR. 91 And bears with glasses, elephants with holes, 205 Lions with toils and men with flatterers ; But when I tell him he hates flatterers, He says he does, being then most flattered. Let me work ; For I can give his humor the true bent, 210 And I will bring him to the Capitol. Cassius. Nay, we will all of us be there to fetch him. Brutus. By the eighth hour : is that the uttermost ? China. Be that the uttermost, and fail not then. Metellus. Caius Ligarius doth bear Caesar hard, 215 Who rated him for speaking well of Pompey : I wonder none of you have thought of him. Brutus. Now, good Metellus, go along by him : He loves me well, and I have given him reasons ; Send him but hither, and I'll fashion him. 220 Cassius. The morning comes upon's : we'll leave you, Brutus. And, friends, disperse yourselves ; but all remember What you have said, and show yourselves true Bomans. Brutus. Good gentlemen, look fresh and merrily ; Let not our looks put on our purposes, 225 the unicorn is charging, dodges aside at the critical instant, and the momentum carries the animal's whole weight, horn foremost, against the tree, and the sharp horn is driven fast into the trunk ! So Steevens explains. Spenser (Fserie Q., II, v, 10) represents a lion as playing the same trick on a unicorn! Similarly Chapman (1557-1634), in his Bussy D' Ambois. — Lat. unus, one, cormt, horn. — Did accounts of the rhinoceros give rise to the helief in unicorns? — See Tempest, III, iii, 21. — 205. See Rich's Diet, of Antiquities, p. 718, under venabuhim, illustration of this. — glasses = mirrors (on which the hear's attention was fixed long enough to allow the hunter to catch or kill him) ? tigers also, according to John Maplet's A Greene Forest, 1567. — holes = pitfalls? — Pliny, Nat. Hist., Book VIII, Chap, viii, is referred to. — Both these modes of hunting described in Somerville's Chase t Somerville was a Warwickshire poet (1692-1742) . — 206. toils. French toile, a cloth; Lat. tela, a web; fr. tex-la, something woven; fr. tex-Zre, to weave. Bracket and Skeat. — 208, 209. Scan! — " At the end of a line -ed is often sounded after -er-." Abbott, Hi, 512.— 212. there = at Caesar's house? at the Capitol? — See II, ii, 108, etc. — Caesar's house was where? — 213. eighth. Roman, or English mode of counting the hours? The Roman day began at 6? — 215. hear . . . hard. I, ii, 303. — This, and the substance of the interview with Ligarius in II, i, 309-335, are from Plutarch. — The 2d folio has 'hatred' instead of 'hard.' — 216. rated. Swedish rata, to find fault, blame? — 218. by him = past his house? beside him? — Where was his house? — 219. reasons. For what? — 222. disperse. Why? — 224. fresh and merrily. Better freshly f or merry ? — This coupling of the adjec- tive form with the adverbial is frequent in Shakes. — This advice in keep- ing with line 82? Abbott, 397. — 225. put on. Metaphor? I, ii, 288.— 92 JULIUS CAESAR. [ACT II. But bear it as our Roman actors do, With untir'd spirits and formal constancy : And so good morrow to you every one. [Exeunt all but Brutus. Boy ! Lucius ! — Fast asleep ? It is no matter ; Enjoy the honey-heavy dew of slumber: 230 Thou hast no figures nor no fantasies, Which busy care draws in the brains of men ; Therefore thou sleep'st so sound. Enter Portia. Portia. Brutus, my lord ! Brutus. Portia, what mean you ? wherefore rise you now ? It is not for your health thus to commit 235 Your weak condition to the raw cold morning. Portia. Nor for yours neither. You've ungently, Brutus, Stole from my bed : and yesternight, at supper, You suddenly arose, and walk'd about, Musing and sighing, with your arms across, 240 And when I ask'd you what the matter was, You star'd upon me with ungentle looks ; I urg'd you further ; then you scratch'd your head, And too impatiently stain p'd with your foot; Yet I insisted, yet you answer'd not, 245 But, with an angry wafture of your hand, This idea, too, is from Plutarch. — 220. actors. Masked? — 227. formal constancy = constancy in outward form [Craik] ? dignified self-pos- session [Wright] ? energy beneath the appearance of repose [BeechingJ ? 230. honey-heavy . . . slumber. Is this an echo of ixeAipu>v v-nvos, meliphron hupnos, slumber that is honey to the mind ? Iliad, ii, 34. Richard III, IV, i, 83. — The kindness of Brutus to his boy Lucius is touch- ing. See IV, iii. — Collier changed honey-heavy dew to heavy honey-dew, because honej'-dew "is a well-known glutinous deposit on the leaves of trees." Well? — 231. figures = imaginary forms [Wright]? mistaken ideas? — Cf. "scrape the figures out of your husband's brain," Merry Wives, IV, ii, 191, 192. — Lat. ji{n)ijerc, to form, fashion, feign; figura, a thing made. — fantasies. See 197; Hamlet, I, i, 23. — nor no. Abbott, 401). — 233. Portia. Brutus' second wife. He had divorced his first. Portia had lost one husband, the consul Bibiilus, by whom she had a son. Yet she was married to her cousin Brutus very young. — 23(5. condition = constitution ? health? temper? disposition? state of mind? state of body? Line 254. — 237. ungently = roughly ? unkindly? ignobly? — Portia's anxious curiosity and her description in the twenty lines following are strikingly like those of Lady Percy in 1 Henry IV, II, iii, 33-00. — 238. stole. See line 125. Abbott, 343. — 240. arms across. Napoleon's posture in deep thought ! Rape of L., line 16G2. — 240. wafture. The SCENE I.] JULIUS CAESAR. 93 Gave sign for me to leave you : so I did ; Fearing to strengthen that impatience Which seem'd too much enkindled, and withal Hoping it was (but an effect of humor, ^ 250 Which sometime hath his hour with every manj It will not let you eat, nor talk, nor sleep, And could it work so much upon your shape As it hath much prevail'd on your condition, I should not know you, Brutus. Dear my lord, 255 Make me acquainted with your cause of grief. Brutus. I am not well in health, and that is all. Portia. Brutus is wise, and, were he not in health, He would embrace the means to come by it. Brutus. Why, so I do. Good Portia, go to bed. 260 Portia. Is Brutus sick ? and is it physical To walk unbraced and suck up the humors Of the clank morning ? What, is Brutus sick, And will he steal out of his wholesome bed, To dare the vile contagion of the night 265 And tempt the rheumy and unpurged air To add unto his sickness ? No, my Brutus ; You have some sick offense within your mind, Which, by the right and virtue of my place, I ought to know of : and, upon my knees, 270 I charm you, by my once-commended beauty, folio has wafter. Compare the old pronunciation of nature ! — Elsewhere Shakes, uses waft alone. — Waft comes from -wave, as drift from drive, rift from rive, etc. — 248. impatience. Syllables? Tendency to shorten. — 249. withal. I, i, 22. — 250. humor. See note on I, ii, 305. — 251. his. I, ii, 124. — 254. condition. Line 236. — 255. Dear my lord. Here the two words my and lord are virtually a compound noun. Often so in Shakes. So good my lord, good my' knave, sweet my mother, good my brother, etc. Abbott, 13. Fr. cher monsieur. "Art thou that my lord Elijah?" 1 Kings, xviii, 7. See note on Gentle my lord in Macbeth, III, ii, 27. — 259. come by. Line 169. — 261. sick. This word in England now implies nausea? Not so in Shakes, nor the Bible. — physical = whole- some, salutary, medicinal ? natural ? belonging to physic ? — 262. un- braced. I, iii, 48. Scan. — 263. dank = damp ? — A nasalized form of the provincial Eng. dag, dew. Skeat. — 266. rheumy = causing rheumatic diseases. Sansc. sru, to flow ; Gr. peeif , rheein (future peuVo^cu, rheusomai) , to flow; Gr. peO^a; stem pevM<"--, rheumat-, Lat. rheuma, a flow; Fr. rheume, a rheum, catarrh. Skeat. — Akin to stream ? — All disorders of the mucous membrane were called rheumatic. Discharge from eyes, nose, or lungs was called rheum. — Unpurged. "Metkought she purged the air of pestilence." Twelfth N., I, i, 20. —268. sick of fense = cause of harmful malady [Wright]? pain or grief that makes you sick [Craikl? cause harm [Meiklejokn] ? — 271. charm = adjure or conjure [Craik]? 94 JULIUS CAESAR. [ACT II. By all your vows of love and that great vow Which did incorporate and make us one, That you unfold to me, yourself, your half, Why you are heavy, and what men to-night 275 Have had resort to you ; for here have been Some six or seven, who did hide their faces Even from darkness. Brutus. Kneel not, gentle Portia. Portia. I should not need, if you were gentle Brutus. Within the bond of marriage, tell me, Brutus, 280 Is it excepted I should know no secrets That appertain to you ? Am I yourself But, as it were, in sort or limitation, To keep with you at meals, comfort your bed, And talk to you sometimes ? (Dwell I but in the suburbs Of your good pleasure T\ If it be no more 286 Portia is Brutus' harlotf not his wife. Brutus. You are my true and honorable wife, As dear to me as are the ruddy drops That visit my sad heart. 290 Portia. If this were true, then should I know this secret. I grant I am a woman ; but, withal, A woman that Lord Brutus took to wife : I grant I am a woman ; but withal A woman well-reputed, Cato's daughter. 295 Think you I am no stronger than my sex, Being so father'd and so husbanded ? appeal to by charms, as enchanters call upon spirits to answer them [Wright]? 'Conjure' is more frequent; as in Macbeth, IV, i, 50. — Dif- ference between conjure and conjure? — Root kas, praise; Lat. carmen for cas?nen, a song. — 274. half. So the other Porfia says, " With leave, Bassanio, I am half yourself." Mer. of Ven., Ill, ii, 243. — 275. heavy. " A light mf e cloth make a heavy husband." Mer. of Ven., V, i, 130. — 281. excepted = named as an exception ? Exception to what ? — 283. in sort=in a certain manner; in some degree, not fully? — "We still say ' in a sort.' " Craik. — 280. suburbs = borders ? — Loose women lived in the suburbs of London! Is Shakes, thinking of that? — See Mens, for Meas., I, ii, 88, 89. — 289. Gray has, 'Dear as the ruddy drops that warm my heart.' — Twelve years after Shakespeare's death, Harvey (in 1028) published his discovery of the circulation of the blood ; but the fact was believed long before. See Hamlet, I, v, 65-68. — 291. should I know = I ought to know? the information would be in my possession (of)? — 2'.>">. well reputed. Warton and Steevens make this adjective describe Cato ! Well? — Cato, great-grandson of Cato the Censor, was born 95 b.c. — Mer. of Ven., I, i, 166. — 297. fathered. How easily Shakes, turns any word into a verb! Abbott, 290. — How delicate, yet noble, the implied SCENE I.] JULIUS CAESAR. 95 Tell me your counsels, I will not disclose 'em : I have made strong proof of my constancy, Giving myself a voluntary wound 300 Here, in the thigh: can I bear that with patience, And not my husband's secrets ? Brutus. ye gods, Render me worthy of this noble wife ! [Knocking within. Hark, hark ! one knocks : Portia, go in a while ; And by and by thy bosom shall partake 305 The secrets of my heart. All my engagements I will construe to thee, All the charactery of my sad brows. Leave me with haste. [Exit Portia. Reenter Lucius with Ligarius. Lucius, who's that knocks ? Lucius. Here is a sick man that would speak with you. Brutus. Cains Ligarius, that Metellus spake of. 311 Boy, stand aside. — Caius Ligarius! how? Ligarius. Vouchsafe good morrow from a feeble tongue. Brutus. 0, what a time have you chose out, brave Caius, To wear a kerchief ! Would you were not sick ! 315 Ligarius. I am not sick, if Brutus have in hand Any exploit worthy the name of honor. Brutus. Such an exploit have I in hand, Ligarius, Had you a healthful ear to hear of it. compliments in this line ! — 299. proof = test [Wright] ? confirmatory evi- dence? — See Plutarch (Marcus Brutus) on this subject. — W5. thy. Thou and thy and thee indicate on the part of the speaker, (1) affection, (2) superiority, (3) contempt. Also they are used in heightened passages, as here. — 308. charactery = writing? written characters? — See our Hamlet, I, iii, 59 ; Merry Wives, V, v, 77. — Accent? — 309. that. Ellip- sis? Abbott, 244. — 312. Boy. Rough address? if so, why? — how. Surprise? if so, at what? — 313. vouchsafe. Lat. vocare, to call, sum- mon; O. Fr. voucher, to pray in aid, or call unto aid, in a suit; Eng. vouch, to warrant, attest ; vouchsafe, to warrant safe ; condescend to grant. Here vouchsafe = deign to receive? deign to grant me permission to say? — So deign in Tivo Gent, of Ver., I, i, 144. — 315. kerchief. Lat. co-, con, together, completely; operire, to shut, hide; cooperire, to cover; Fr. couvrir, to cover ; Lat. caput, head ; O. Fr. chef, chief, head; couvrechef, a head-covering. — Shakes, assigns to Rome the English customs. " If any there be sick, they make him a posset, and tie a kerchief on his head, and if that will not mend him, then God be merciful to him ! " Fuller's Worthies (1K62). — 317. honor again! See I, ii, 82, 85, 88, etc. — 319. healthful = full of health ? health-giving ? — Present usage of health- ful and healthy f 96 JULIUS CAESAR. [ACT II. Ligarius. By all the gods that Romans bow before, 320 I here discard my sickness ! Soul of Rome ! Brave son, deriv'd from honorable loins ! Thou, like an exorcist, hast conjur'd up My mortified spirit. Now bid me run, And I will strive with things impossible ; 325 Yea, get the better of them. What's to do ? Brutus. A piece of work that will make sick men whole. Ligarius. But are not some whole that we must make sick? Brutus. That must we also. What it is, my Caius, I shall unfold to thee, as we are going 330 To whom it must be done. / Ligarius. / Set on your foot, And with a heart new-fir'd I follow you, To do I know not what ; Jout it sufhceth That Brutus leads me on. ] Brutus. J Follow me, then. [Exeunt. 321. discard. Does he here throw off his kerchief ? So Collier. — Lat. dis-, apart, away ; Gr. xapTrj, charte, a leaf of paper ; Lat. charta, Late Lat. carta, paper; Fr. carte, a paper, a card. Discard = throw away use- less cards; reject. Skeat, — 323. exorcist. In Shakes, this word always means one who raises spirits. How in other authors? — Gr. e£, ex, away; opKos, horkos, oath ; ophidic, horkizein, to drive away hy .adjuration. Skeat. — Cymbel., IV,ii,277; All's Wcll,\, iii, 299 ; 2 Henry VI, I, iv, 4.— conjur'd. Pronunciation ? — 324. mortified = dead in me [Wright, Hud- son, etc.] ? deadened [Rolfe] ? — Syllables? — Lat. mors, mortis, death; facere (whence Jic- in composition), to make. See our ed. of Macbeth, V, ii, 5; Henry V, I, i, 26. — Scan. Most commentators make spirit a mono- syllable. Abbott, 463. — 325. impossible, etc. "If it is difficult, it is done; if impossible, it shall be done!" — 327. sick . . . whole. Old meanings? — 329. Had Metellus hinted at it? — 331. to whom. Syntax of to? Abbott, 208, 394. — Should a comma be placed after going f — 330. Set on. I, ii, 11; V, ii, 3; set . . . foot. I, iii, 118.— 332. suf- ficeth. Sound of c? — 333. The folio has here the stage direction, Thunder. — Significance and value of this scene? Progress in the play? — How does Shakes, deviate from Plutarch? — Is the boy Lucius of any use? SCENE II.] JULIUS CAESAR. 97 Scene II. Coesar^s House. Thunder and lightning. Enter Cesar, in his night-gown. Ccesar. Nor heaven nor earth have been at peace to-night : Thrice hath Calpurnia in her sleep cried out, " Help, ho ! they murder Caesar ! " — Who's within ? Enter a Servant. Servant. My lord ? Caesar. Go bid the priests do present sacrifice, 5 And bring me their opinions of success. Servant. T will, my lord. [Exit. Enter Calpurnia. Calpurnia. What mean you, Caesar ? Think you to walk forth ? You shall not stir out of your house to-day. Caisar. Caesar shall forth : the things that threat'n'd me 10 Ne'er look'd but on my back ; when they shall see The face of Caesar, they are vanished. Calpurnia. Caesar, I never stood on ceremonies, Yet now they fright me. There is one within, Besides the things that we have heard and seen, 15 Recounts most horrid sights seen by the watch. A lioness hath whelped in the streets ; Scene II. — The stage direction, A Room in C'sesar's Palace, is not in the folio. — Cfesar's Palace was on the Palatine? The pontifical mansion was on the east side of the Forum and faced west. — night-gown is dress- ing-gown. See our ed. of Macbeth, II, ii, 70; V, i, 5. — 1. have. Usually the singular is used in Shakes, in cases like this, as if the two substantives were looked at together. — Abbott, 408. — to-night. Often in Shakes, for lastnight. See line 76. — 2. Calpurnia, etc. See extract from Plutarch. — 5. present = immediate? So, usually, in Shakes, and the Bible. — G. success = good fortune [Wright, Rolf e, etc.] ? what is to follow [Hud- son] ? the issue [Craik] ? — Shakes, uses 'bad success,' 'vile success,' etc. — See V, iii, 05. — Ascham's Schoolmaster has ' good or ill success.' — Lat. sub, under; cedere, to go; succedere, to go beneath; follow after. — 10. Caesar. With him his name represents much! See on I, ii, 195, 208. See in this scene, 13, 29, 42, 44, 45,. etc. — 12. vanished. Scan! — 13. stood on = regarded [Rolfe]? attached importance to [Wright]? Ill, i, 101. — ceremonies = ceremonial or sacerdotal interpretation of signs and omens [Hudson] ? auguries [Rolfe]? outward religious signs or omens [Wright] ? — See I, i, 65; II, i, 197. — 16. watch. " Shakes, was thinking of his own London ; not of ancient Rome, where the night watchmen were not estab- lished before the time of Augustus." Wright. — 17-24. With these lines 98 JULIUS CESAR. [ACT II. And graves have yawn'd, and yielded up their dead ; Fierce fiery warriors fight upon the clouds, In ranks and squadrons and right form of war, 20 Which drizzled blood upon the Capitol ; The noise of battle hurtled in the air, Horses do neigh, and dying men did groan, And ghosts did shriek and squeal about the streets. Caesar ! these things are beyond all use, 25 And I do fear them. compare Hamlet, I, i, 113-120. — 10. fight. So the folios. Most editors change to fought. Which is more vivid ? Which agrees better with have yawned? What is 'vision' in rhetoric? Does 'right' in the next line render 'fight' objectionable? — For Shakespeare's mixture of past and present in narration, see another instance in Hamlet, I, ii, 201-211. In Milton's Hymnon the Nativity, first six lines, we have three tenses thus: "It was the winter wild, While the heaven-born child, All meanly wrapt in the rude manger lies; Nature in awe to him Had doffed her gaudy- trim.' ' — 20. right = regular ? correct? — The reader will recall the splendid passage in Par. Lost (II, 533-538) beginning, ' As when, to warn proud cities, war appears, Waged in the troubled sky.' In the auroral display of April 16, 1882, in New England, the moving columns and streamers of light strikingly resembled immense masses of troops armed with spears! — 21. drizzled. 'Dews of blood,' according to Horatio in Hamlet (I, i, 117) foreboded Cresar's death. — 22. hurtled = rattled, clashed ? — Hurtle is merely the frequeutative of hurt in the sense ' to dash.' From Welsh hyrddu, to ram, butt. The orig. sense was 'to butt as a ram'! Skeat. The word is usually set down as of imitative origin. See Gray's elegant echo of this line in'his Fatal Sisters, " Iron sleet of arrowy shower Hurtles in the darkened air." — 23. do neigh. Dumb animals were supposed to be conscious of the presence of supernatural beings? See Coleridge's Christabel. — Knight thinks the tenses are purposely confounded in this line 'in the vague terror of the speaker.' The other editors change do to did; because, as Craik puts it, "no degree of mental agitation ever expressed itself in such a jumble and confusion of tenses as this — not even insanity or drunkenness." But suppose she seems to hear them neigh while she is speaking! Craik retains a similar confusion of tenses in III, i, 284t-286. The editors do not hesitate to print, "I often came where I did hear of her, but cannot find her," Mer. of Ven., Ill, i, 66. See on line 19. — 24. squeal. In Hamlet (see our edition, I, i, 116) the ' sheeted dead ' squeak ! Shakes, may have got the idea of thin and squeaking voices from what Homer says of the souls of the wooers, Odyssey, xxiv, 5, rpi^ovo-ai eVovTo, trizousai heponto, they followed gibber- ing (literally crying sharply or shrilly) ; xxiv, 9, Terpeyinai, tetriguiai, squeaking; in Iliad, xxiii, 101, the ghost of Achilles went rerpiyvla, gibber- ing (literally squeaking, twittering, or chirping) beneath the earth. Chap- man's translation of Homer's Iliad, the only English one in print iu Shakespeare's time, renders the word, murmured. In Horace's 8th Satire, 1st Book, the ghosts uttered sad and shrill tones, resonarint triste et acu- tum. In Virgil's ^Eneid, vi, 491, the ghosts raised a feeble cry, vocem exiguam. — Shakes., then, is decidedly classical in using squeak, squeal, and gibber, to describe the voice of ghosts? Sound like the thin voice through a poor telephone ? — 25. use = that we are used to? custom? usage? ordinary occurrence? See our Macbeth, I, iii, 137: our Mer. of SCENE II.] JULIUS CAESAR. 99 Ccesar. What can be avoided Whose end is purposed by the mighty gods ? Yet Caesar shall go forth ; for these predictions Are to the world in general as to Caesar. Calpurnia. When beggars die, there are no comets seen ; The heavens themselves blaze forth the death of princes. 31 Ccesarl Cowards die many times before their deaths ; The valiant never taste of death but once J £ Of all the wonders that I yet have heard, It seems to me most strange that men should fear ; 35 Seeing that death, a necessary end, Will come when it will come.') Reenter Servant. What say the augurers ? Servant. They would not have you to stir forth to-day. Plucking the entrails of an offering forth, They could not find a heart within the beast. 40 Ccesar. The gods do this in shame of cowardice : Csesar should be a beast without a heart, If he should stay at home to-day for fear. No, Caesar shall not. Danger knows full well That Caesar is more dangerous than he : 45 We hear two lions litter'd in one day, And I the elder and more terrible ; And Caesar shall go forth. Veil., IV, i, 259. — 27. end = completion ? termination? accomplishment? object in view? — With Hamlet he would 'defy [i.e., renounce?] augury'? Hamlet, V, ii, 208. — 31. blaze = publish in flaming letters ? — Blare, blow, blazon, and blast are akin. A. S. Masse, a flame; Icel. blys, a torch; bldsa, to blow, sound an alarm. Skeat. The two meanings mixed? — Rom. and Jul., Ill, iii, 161. See especially 1 Henry VI, I, i, 1-5. "The most signal phenomenon in the heavens was that of a great comet, which shone very bright for seven nights after Caesar's death, and then disap- peared." Plutarch. 32. Cowards die, etc. Handsomely said? — Plutarch [North's, p. 737] tells us that when his friends suggested a body-guard, he replied, "It is better to die once than always to be afraid of death." The evening before his death, being asked at Lepidus' house, " What kind of death is best? " he answered, " That which is least expected." — deaths. See ' behaviors,' I, ii, 39.-33. taste of death. Trace of Bible readings? Matt., xvi, 28. — 37. augurers. II, i, 200. — 38. to. The to took the place of the dis- carded infinitive ending -en. Abbott, 349. — 41. cowardice. Whose? See lines 5, 6, 39, 40. — 42. should = would? These words not differenti- ated? Abbott, 322.-46. We hear. The folios read heare or hear. Wisely changed by nearly all the editors to are ? — " Are, pronounced air, 100 JULIUS CAESAR. [ACT II. Calpurnia. Alas, my lord, Your wisdom is consum'd in confidence. Do not go forth to-day : call it my fear 50 That keeps you in the house, and not your own. We'll send Mark Antony to the senate-house ; And he shall say you are not well to-day : Let me, upon my knee, prevail in this. Ccesar. Mark Antony shall say I am not well ; 55 And, for thy humor, I will stay at home. Enter Decius. Here's Decius Brutus, he shall tell them so. Decius. Caesar, all hail ! good morrow, worthy Caesar : I come to fetch you to the senate-house. Ccesar. And you are come in very happy time, 60 To bear my greeting to the senators And tell them that I will not come to-day : Cannot is false, and that I dare not, falser : I will not come to-day : tell them so, Decius. Calpurnia. Say he is sick. Ccesar. Shall Caesar send a lie ? 65 Have I in conquest stretch' d mine arm so far, To be afeard to tell graybeards the truth ? Decius, go tell them Caesar will not come. Decius. Most mighty Caesar, let me know some cause, Lest I be laugh'd at when I tell them so. 70 Caisar. The cause is in my will : I will not come ; That is enough to satisfy the senate. and heare, pronounced hair, might easily have been confounded in Shake- speare's time, especially by a compositor or transcriber who ' exhaspirated his haitches'I" White. — 49. consumed. Mental picture here? — 52. We'll. Who will?— 56. humor. Still used in this sense? See I, ii, ;^05. — Is Caesar glad to acquiesce thus? — 57. Decius should be Decimus. Caesar had selected him as guardian to Octavius. Decimus was worth in present value from half a million to a million dollars, acquired in Caesar's campaigns. — 58. morrow. Morn and morrow are merely doublets. A. S. morgen, morn, morrow. Perhaps from v/mar, to glimmer, shine; whence /j.apixaCpei.y, marmairein, to glitter; also Lat. marmor, and Eng. marble. Skeat.—GO. happy = lucky. From hap = luck. — 65. send a lie, etc. But see line 55. Does he feel ashamed of the excuse Calpurnia had ar- ranged ? Plutarch tells us he came in a litter. — 67. afeard. Interchange- able with afraid in Shakes. — graybeards. The Lat. senatus, senate, is fr. senex, old. The Spartan senate (called yepovcrU, gerousia, body of old men, from yepov, gerou, old man) was composed of men at least sixty years old ; the Roman, thirty-two years, till Augustus reduced the limit to SCENE II.] JULIUS CMSAR. 101 But for your private satisfaction, Because I love you, I will let you know : Calpurnia here, my wife, stays me at home : 75 She dreamt to-night she saw my statue, Which, like a fountain with an hundred spouts, Did run pure blood ; and many lusty Romans Came smiling, and did bathe their hands in it : And these does she apply for warnings and portents, 80 And evils imminent ; and on her knee Hath begg'd that I will stay at home to-day. Decius. This dream is all amiss interpreted. It was a vision fair and fortunate : Your statue spouting blood in many pipes, 85 In which so many smiling Bomans bath'd, Signifies that from you great Borne shall suck Beviving blood, and that great men shall press For tinctures, stains, relics and cognizance. This by Calpurnia's dream is signified. Ccesar. And this way have you well expounded it. Decius. I have, when you have heard what I can say ; And know it now. The senate have concluded twenty-five. —73. satisfaction. Syllabif y ! — 75. my -wife. Why are these words put iu? Evidence that Caesar respected his wives? — 76. Here Shakes, deviates from Plutarch, who gives two dreams: one of Cresar's being murdered ; the other of a pinnacle falling from the top of Caesar's house. See line 2. — statue. Trisyl. here; but see line 85. The folio has statue [and so it is in Richard III, III, vii, 25], which most editors changed to statua here, and in III, ii, 186. Abbott, 487. " The word came into English through the O. Fr. statue, pronounced as a trisyl." Beech- ing. As Caesar crossed the threshold this morning, it is said the statue feil and was shivered to pieces! — 78. lusty. I, ii, 104. — 80. Scan! The line certainly appears to he an Alexandrine. — 81. and evils = and of evils? — 89. tinctures, stains, etc. See III, ii, 131,132. "Tincture in heraldry meant metals, colors, or furs." Wright. — Strictly tincture is a dye; stain, that which takes the color out. Beeching. — Was Decius' interpretation likely to reassure Cassar or Calpurnia? Is Caesar's reply (line 91) ironical? Or are we to infer with Craik that Shakes, would con- vey the notion of " ths presence of an unseen power driving on both the unconscious prophet and the blinded victim," so that Caesar is " persuaded and relieved by the very words that ought naturally to have confirmed his fears " ? — cognizance : = a distinguishing badge, device ; a means of knowledge. Sing, for plur.? Abbott, 471. A term in heraldry. 1 Henry VI, II, iv, 108-liO. Lat. co, con, completely; gnoscere, to know; Fr. connaissance, knowledge. — 91. expounded. Lat. ex, forth; ponere, to put. The d is excrescent, like the d in sound, from Lat. son-us. — 93. and 1 This pale and angry rose, As cognizance of my blood-drinking hate, Will I forever and my faction wear. — 1 Henry VI, II, iv, 107-109. 102 JULIUS CMSAR. [ACT II. To give this day a crown to mighty Caesar. If you shall send them word you will not come, 95 Their minds may change. Besides, it were a mock Apt to be render'd, for some one to say " Break up the senate till another time, When Caesar's wife shall meet with better dreams." If Caesar hide himself, shall they not whisper 100 " Lo, Caesar is afraid " ? Pardon me, Caesar ; for my dear dear love To your proceeding bids me tell you this ; And reason to my love is liable. Ccesar. How foolish do your fears seem now, Calpurnia! I am ashamed I did yield to them. 106 Give me my robe, for I will go. Enter Publius, Brutus, Ligarius, Metellus, Casca, Trebontus and Cinna. And look where Publius is come to fetch me. Publius. Good morrow, Caesar. Ccesar. Welcome, Publius. What, Brutus, are you stirr'd so early too ? 110 Good morrow, Casca. Caius Ligarius, Caesar was ne'er so much your enemy As that same ague which hath made you lean. What is't o'clock ? Brutus. Caesar, 'tis strucken eight. Ccesar. I thank you for your pains and courtesy. 115 = and therefore [Wright] . — know. Imperative ? or indicative ? — con- cluded. Is this word now used in the sense of determined? — 94. to give, etc. The alleged reason was a supposed declaration of an old oracle to the effect that the Parthians, who had so terribly defeated Crassus a few years before, could not be conquered but by a king. See on I, iii, 85. — 97. apt = suitable ? likely ? —rendered = made in reply [Rolfe]? given as a retort [Wright]? (it were apt, or likely, to be) construed or represented (as a piece of mockery) [Hudson] ? — 102, 103. love to = loving interest in? regard for? — proceeding = course of conduct or career [Wright, Rolfe, etc.] ? advantage [Delius] ? advancement [War- burton, Craik]? — For what does he ask pardon? — 101. liable = subor- dinate [Johnson]? amenable [Hudson]? subject to and overborne by [Craik]? subject (and under the control of) [Wright] ? "My love leads me to indulge in a freedom of speech that my reason would restrain.'" Rolfe. — With this compare I, ii, 194; King John, II, i, 490. — Lat. ligare Fr.'lier, to tie, bind, make beholden. — 108. Publius. See III, i, 85-94 — Same as in IV, i, 5 ? Hudson says it was Publius Silicius, not a conspir ator. — 110. stirr'd = astir ? stirring? up? Rom. and Juliet, IV, iv, 3 Pericles, III, ii, 12. — 114. strucken: See on II, i, 192; III, i, 210. Were SCENE ill.] JULIUS CAESAR. 103 Enter Antony. See ! Antony, that revels long o' nights, Is notwithstanding np. Good morrow, Antony. Antony. So to most noble Caesar. Ccesar. Bid them prepare within : I am to blame to be thus waited for. Now, Cinna ! now, Metellus ! What, Trebonius ! 120 I have an hour's talk in store for you ; Remember that you call on me to-day : Be near me, that I may remember you. Trebonius. Csesar, I will : [Aside'] and so near will I be, That your best friends shall wish I had been further. 125 Ccesar. Good friends, go in, and taste some wine with me ; And we, like friends, will straightway go together. Brutus. [Aside] That every like is not the same, Csesar, The heart of Brutus yearns to think upon ! [Exeunt. Scene III. A Street near the Capitol. Enter Artemidorus, reading a paper. Artemidorus. "Ccesar, beicare of Brutus; take heed of Cassius; come not near Casca; have an eye to Cinna; trust striking clocks in use ? Would Lord Bacon have introduced such an idea ? 118. So = also ? so be it ? — On Antony see II, i, 189. — 119. to be. Gerundive use? Abbott, 356. — 121. hours. Dissyl.? So in Lore's L. L., II, i, 68; Tempest, V, i, 4, etc. Abbott, 480, regards fear, dear, fire, hour, your, four, and other monosyllables in r or re, as being often dissyl. when the vowel is long. — Why did they not kill Csesar at once ? — Where is Cassius ? — 128. like = likeness? seeming? — same = identity ? reality? — Brutus is conscience-smitten, when he hears Caesar say " like friends " ? He grieves that "things are not what they seem "? — Was drinking wine together regarded as a pledge of faithful friendship ? — 129. yearns = grieves ? The first folio has earnes ; elsewhere we read erne, ernd, yernes, Henry V, II, iii, 3, 6, etc. — A. S. yrman, to grieve. The y in yearn is due to the A. S. prefix ye. Skeat. Fr. Indo-Germanie root gheryo, I desire. Intent. Diet. — "Three words are included in the form yearn; to desire, to shiver or shudder with emotion, and to curdle." Writ/lit (abridged). — Note, in the last part of this scene, how the gentlemanly and kindly nature of Csesar shines forth ! — Lessons of this scene ? Its value ? How closely has Shakes, adhered to Plutarch's account? Was Caesar ' superstitious grown of late '? Is he nervous? Scene III. 1. Artemidorus. 1 Here again Shakes, closely follows 1 And one Artemidorus also, born in the Isle of Gnidos, a doctor of Rhetoric in the Greek tongue, who by means of his profession was very familiar with certaine of Brutus' confederates, and therefore knew the most part of all their practices against Ca?sar, came and brought him a little bill, written with his own hand, of all that he meant to tell him. — North's Plutarch, p. 740. 104 JULIUS CAESAR. [ACT ir. not Trebonius ; mark icell Metellus Cimber : Decins Brutus loves thee not : thou hast ivronged Caius Ligarius. There is but one mind in all these men, and it is bent against Cozsar. If thou beest not immortal, look about yon : security gives way to conspiracy. The mighty gods defend thee! Thy lover, ArtemidorusP Here will I stand till Caesar pass along, And as a suitor will I give him this. 10 My heart laments that virtue cannot live Out of the teeth of emulation. If thou read this, Caesar, thou mayst live ; If not, the Fates with traitors do contrive. [Exit. Scene IV. Another Part of the Same Street, before the House of Brutus. Enter Portia and Lucius. Portia. I prythee, boy, run to the senate-house ; Stay not to answer me, but get thee gone : Why dost thou stay ? Plutarch, beware . . . take heed, etc. Note the equivalent expressions, all intensifying the caution! — (!. beest. IV, iii, 102; Par. Lost, i, 84. — A. S. bist, art, or shalt be. Msetz., I, p. 367. — you. " In this short scene Caesar is six times addressed in the solemn and prophetic thou and thee. . . . 'Look about you' may mean look about you and your friends." Abbott, 235. See note on II, i, 305. — security = false confidence? care- lessness? — Says Ben Jonson, "Men may securely sin but safely never." So "Security is mortal's chiefest enemy." Macbeth, III, v, 32. See our edition. — gives way to = leaves the way open for? makes room for? yields to the power of ? See IV, iii, 39. — 7. lover = warm friend ? Ill, ii, 13, 42; Mer. of Veil., Ill, iv, 7; Coriol., V, ii, 14; Psalms, xxxviii, 11.— 12. emulation = jealous rivalry? envy? — "The patriarchs, through emulation, sold Joseph." Bible, Rheims (1582) version, Acts, vii, 9. — "Bacon, like Shakes., uses the word in both a good and a bad sense." Rolfe. Present usage? — Lat. semulus, striving to equal; fr. same root as imitate. Skeat. — Fates. Clotho, the spinner of the thread of life; Lachesis, the allotter, who determines ils length; and Atropos, the inevit- able one, who, with shears, cuts it off at last! — 14. contrive = plot? con- spire ? Often so in Shakes. ; as II, i, 158 ; Mer. of Ven., IV, i, 351 ; Hamlet, IV, vii, 135. — Rhyme here? for the eye only? For the sound of i in Shakes., see White's shakes., vol. xii, p. 423, ed. of 1861. — Could this scene have been omitted without loss? Historical basis? Whence the knowl- edge which Artemidorus possessed of the plot? Scene IV. 1. prythee. So the folio. — senate-house. The Capitol was on the southern summit of the Mons Capitolinus (Capitoline Hill). One hundred steps led up to it from the Forum. It was of astonishing richness and magnificence. Plutarch tells us that the gilding of the arch of the nave of Jupiter cost 21,000 talents. Augustus lavished upon the SCENE IV.] JULIUS CAESAR. 105 Lucius. To know my errand, madam. Portia. I -would have had thee there, and here again, Ere I can tell thee what thou shouldst do there. 5 constancy, be strong upon my side ! Set a huge mountain 'tween my heart and tongue ! 1 have a man's mind, but a woman's might. How hard it is for women to keep counsel ! — Art thou here yet ? Lucius. Madam, what should I do ? 10 Run to the Capitol, and nothing else ? And so return to you, and nothing else ? Portia. Yes, bring me word, boy, if thy lord look well, For he went sickly forth : and take good note What Caesar doth, what suitors press to him. 15 Hark, boy ! what noise is that ? Jjiicius. I hear none, madam. Portia. Prithee, listen well ; I heard a bustling rumor, like a fray, And the wind brings it from the Capitol. Lucius. Sooth, madam, I hear nothing. 20 Enter the Soothsayer. Portia. Come hither, fellow : which way hast thou been ? Soothsayer. At mine own house, good lady. Portia. What is't o'clock ? building at one time 2000 pounds' weight of gold. It must be borne in mind that Cresar was not killed here, but in Pompey's Curia. — Has Brutus kept the promise in II, i, 305, 306? — 3. To know, etc. — Similar to Rich- ard III, IV, iv, 443-44(i. — 6. constancy = fidelity? firmness? See II, i, 227,299; III, i, 23, 60, 72, 73; Macbeth, II, ii, 68. — Present meaning.— side. See on sides, Macbeth, II, i, 55, our edition. — 9. counsel = what has been imparted in consultation? a secret? — Frequent in Shakes., as in II, i, 298. — 18. fray. Short for 'affray,' of which our older sense was terror. Low Lat. exfrigidare, Old Fr. affiraier, to frighten; literally, to freeze with terror ; fr. frigidus, cold, chilling, frigid. Afraid is from the same. Skedt. A ' fray ' is a tumultuous assault or brawl ; a noisy quarrel in a public place, to the terror of spectators. — Note how sound conveys sense in lines 18 and 19! Beeching suggests Virgil's JSneid, xii, 619, " Im- pulit aures confusse sonus urbis et illsetabile murmur," Smote his ears the sound of the city's turmoil and the murmuring not of joy. — rumor = noise? report? — From base rum, significant of a buzzing sound; vru, to make a humming or low noise; whence rumble. Sfceat. — 20. Sooth. I, ii, 18; Mer. of Ven., I, i, 1. — Soothsayer. "Tyrwhit would substi- tute Artemidorus ; but the change is unnecessary." Craik. "Not only not necessary, but quite impossible. The vague sententiousuess of line 32, admirably suited for the Soothsayer, would be out of place in a man who 106 JULIUS CAESAR. [ACT II. Soothsayer. About the ninth hour, lady. Portia. Is Caesar yet gone to the Capitol ? Soothsayer. Madam, not yet : I go to take my stand, 25 To see him pass on to the Capitol. Portia. Thou hast some suit to Caesar, hast thou not ? Soothsayer. That I have, lady : if it will please Caesar To be so good to Caesar as to hear me, I shall beseech him to befriend himself. 30 Portia. Why, know'st thou any harm's intended towards him ? Soothsayer. None that I know will be, much that I fear may chance. Good morrow to you. — Here the street is narrow : The throng that follows Caesar at the heels, Of senators, of praetors, common suitors, 35 Will crowd a feeble man almost to death : I'll get me to a place more void, and there Speak to great Caesar as he comes along. [Exit. Portia. I must go in. Aye me, how weak a thing The heart of woman is ! — Brutus, 40 The heavens speed thee in thine enterprise ! — [To herself] Sure, the boy heard me: [To Litems'] Brutus hath a suit That Caesar will not grant. — 0, I grow faint ? — Bun, Lucius, and commend me to my lord ; Say I am merry : come to me again, 45 And bring me word what he cloth say to thee. [Exeunt severally. had all the conspirators scheduled." Beeching. — 24. ninth hour. See on II, i, 192. — 31. harm's = harm is? harm that is? — prtetors. I, iii, 142. — 36. feeble. He had a shrill voice! I, ii, 15. — 37. get me to = what? Abbott, 296, 223. — void. Lat. vid-mts, deprived, bereft; hence empty: Old Fr. voide; Fr. vide, empty. Akin to wid-ow (one bereft). Skeat. — 39. Aye me. So the folio. Most editors print Ah, which, doubt- less, is the equivalent in sense, though not quite in sound. — 40. Why is the line broken off? May a pause fill it out? So Hamlet, I, i, 129, our ed. — 41. speed. I, ii, !S4. — 42. Brutus hath a suit, etc. Said to the boy? if so, why? — 44. commend me = praise me? give my compli- ments? present my respects? See in our ed. Mer. of Fen., Ill, ii, 227; II, ix, 89. — 45. merry. Wider sense than it now has? — Value of this scene ? Character developed ? revealed ? Does the second Act end well here? Compare Portia's agitation with Lady Macbeth's self-possession. SCENE i.] JULIUS CAESAR. 107 ACT III. Scene I. Flourish. Enter Cesar, Brutus, Cassius, Casca, Decius, Metellus, Trebonius, Cinna, Antony, Lepidus, Popilius, Artemidorus, Publius, and The Sooth- sayer. Caesar. The Ides of March are come. Soothsayer. Ay, Caesar ; but not gone. Artemidorus. Hail, Caesar ! Read this schedule. Decius. Trebonius doth desire you to o'er-read At your best leisure, this his humble suit. 5 Artemidorus. Caesar! read mine first; for mine's a suit That touches Caesar nearer : read it, great Caesar. Cazsar. What touches us ourself shall be last serv'd. Artemidorus. Delay not, Caesar; read it instantly. Cvesar. What ! is the fellow mad ? Publius. Sirrah, give place. 10 Cassius. What! urge you your petitions in the street? Come to the Capitol. Act III, Scene I. The murder of Ca?sar is the central event in this tragedy? — The Capitol. Not the Capitol! See on II, iv, 1. "It was one of the porches about the theatre (of Pompey in the Campus Martius), in the which there was a certain place full of seats for men to sit in." Plutarch. — Flourish. A kind of musical prelude. Johnson. It is com- monly, if not always, of trumpets. Craik. — 1. " Csesar, going unto the Senate house and speaking merrily unto the soothsayer, told him, The Ides of March be come. So they be, softly answered the soothsayer, but yet they are not past." North's Plutarch, p. 739. — The soothsayer's name was Spurinna. — 2. schedule = document? — Present meaning? — Lai*, schedulk, a small leaf of paper; dimin. of scheda, a strip of papyrus bark; from v^skid, to cleave. Skeat. See Mer. of Ven., II, ix, 54. — 4. Trehonius. P. 29, II, ii, 121. — 7. great. Pope omitted this, to mend the metre. Wisely? — 8. ourself. The royal plu. of kings — and editors ! — But note the polite self-sacrifice! — serv'd = presented [Wright]? at- tended to? — As You Like It, II, vii, 89. — 10. Publius. Lines'87, 90.— 108 JULIUS CAESAR. [ACT III. Cesar enters the place of assembly, the rest following. Popilius. I wish your enterprise to-day may thrive. Cassius. What enterprise, Popilius ? Popilius. Fare you well. 15 [Advances to Caesar. Brutus. What said Popilius Lena ? Cassius. He wish'd to-day our enterprise might thrive. I fear our purpose is discovered. Brutus. Look, how he makes to Csesar : mark him. Cassius. Casca, be sudden, for we fear prevention. 20 Brutus, what shall be done ? If this be known, Cassius or Csesar never shall turn back, For I will slay myself. Brutus. Cassius, be constant : Popilius Lena speaks not of our purposes ; For, look, he smiles, and Csesar doth not change. 25 Cassius. Trebonius knows his time; for, look you, Brutus, He draws Mark Antony out of the way. [Exeunt Antony and Trebonius. Decius. Where is Metellus Cimber ? Let him go, And presently prefer his suit to Ceesar. Brutus. He is acldress'd : press near and second him. Cinna. Casca, you are the first that rears your hand. 30 Cazsar. Are we all ready ? — 13. I wish, etc. In all these details Shakes, follows Plutarch closely. — 19. makes to = advances towards ? Make for make way, at f/o, still in use ? — mark. Abbott and Rolfe make this a dissyl. here. See II, ii, 121. But is not n pause natural before mark? And may not that pause take the place of a syl.? II, iv, 40. See our ed. of Hamlet, I, i, 12!!, 132, 135. — 20. sudden. Line 30. Tempest, II, i, 301. — prevention. II, i, 85. — 22. Cassius or Caesar. So the folios. Craik and White adopt Malone's suggestion and change or to on. Well? " I will kill him or slay myself," seems the obvious meaning. Wright. But Cassius speaks excitedly ; Brutus is cooler. — 23. constant. II, iv, (i. — 28. presently. II, ii, 5. — prefer = choose rather? present? bring forward ? — Lat. prae, before; ferre, to bring. How often Shakes, uses Latin words in their strict ety- mological sense! Inference therefrom? — 29. address'd = ready ? pre- pared? spoken to? Lat. ad, to; dirig&re, to straighten, (fr. di, dis, apart; and revere, to rule); directus, straight; shortened to drietus: whence assumed Low Lat. drictiare ; whence Fr. dresser, to erect, set up, arrange. Bracket and skint. — 30. first. Line 20. — That rears your. Should we say rear or rears f your or his? Abbott, 247. More freedom was allowed in the Elizabethan age? — 31. Are -we all ready? The folios assign these words to Caesar. If they are his, note the tragic irony. Dyce, Col- lier, White, Craik, Hudson, and Rolfe give them to Casca; Ritson, to Cinna. But Casca knows very well that the conspirators are not all ready. SCENE I.] JULIUS CMSAR. 109 What is now amiss That Csesar and his senate must redress ? Metellus. Most high, most mighty, and most puissant Csesar, Metellus Cimber throws before thy seat An humble heart — [Kneeling. Ccesar. I must prevent thee, Cimber. 35 These couchings and these lowly courtesies Might fire the blood of ordinary men, And turn pre-ordinance and first decree Into the law of children. Be not fond To think that Csesar bears such rebel blood 40 That will be thaw'd from the true quality With that which melteth fools ; I mean sweet words, Low-crooked-curt'sies and base spaniel fawning. Thy brother by decree is banished : If thou dost bend and pray and fawn for him, 45 I spurn thee like a cur out of my way. Know, Caesar doth not wrong, nor without cause Will he be satisfied. — 32. Caesar and his senate. Was this pomposity characteristic of Csesar? — redress. I, iii, 117; II, i, 57. Not the word we should expect from a tyrant. Beeching. — 33. puissant. Spenser makes this sometimes two syllables, sometimes three; Shakes, always has it two. — Doublet of potent. From a barbarous participle present, possent-em, of jiosse, to be able or powerful. Bracket. — 34. This Cimber was L. Tillius Cimber, appointed by Caesar governor of Bithynia. — 34, 35. throws . . . heart. Is this metaphor natural under the circumstances ? — 36. couchings = crouchings? low bendings? See Genesis, xlix, 14. — Lat. col for con, together; locare, to place; collocare, to place together; Fr. coucher, act, to lay in bed; neuter, to lie down. Bracket. — 38. preordinance and first decree = what has been preordained aud decreed from the beginning (as by a deity) [Wright] ? the ruling or enactment of the highest authority in the state [Hudson]? — 39. law. The folio has lane. Johnson changed it to tow; Hudson, to play f Better? Which would be more likely to be misprinted lane? — fond = foolish. Often so in Shakes. — Swedish fane, a fool. Merchant of Ven., Ill, iii, 10. — Ellipsis here? Abbott, 281.— 40, 41. such . . . that = such ... as? Abbott, 279. — I, iii, 115.— 42. with = by? Often so in Shakes., as in III, ii, 195. — 43. low-crooked. Scan! — curtesies. Spelled also courtesies. See line 36. — Lat. co, to- gether; hortus, Gr. x°P T °?, chortos, a garden; cohors, an enclosure; en- closing, cattle-yard. Cokortem became cortem; cortem became curtem, then court, Fr. cour, by change of u into ou. — The meaning became suc- cessively enclosure, yard, country-house, household officers, etc. ; court of justice. Bracket. — 47. Caesar doth not wrong, etc. Ben Jonson in his Discoveries tells us of Shakes., " Many times he fell into those things could not escape laughter, as when he said in the person of Caesar, one speaking to him, ' Caesar, thou dost me wrong,' he replied, ' Csesar did never wrong but with just cause.'" Accordingly Hudson "restores" 110 JULIUS CAESAR. [ACT III. Metellus. Is there no voice more worthy than my own, To sound move sweetly in great Csesar's ear 50 For the repealing of my banish'd brother ? Brutus. I kiss thy hand, but not in flattery, Caesar; Desiring thee that Publius Cimber may Have an immediate freedom of repeal. Ccesar. What, Brutus ! Cassius. Pardon, Caesar; Ceesar, pardon: As low as to thy foot doth Cassius fall, 5t> To beg enfranchisement for Publius Cimber. Ccesar. I could be well mov'd, if I were as you ; If I could pray to move, prayers would move me : But I am constant as the northern star, 60 Of whose true-fix'd and resting quality There is no fellow in the firmament. The skies are painted with unnumber'd sparks, They are all fire and every one doth shine ; But there's but one in all doth hold his place : 65 So in the world; 'tis furnish'd well with men, And men are flesh and blood, and apprehensive ; Yet in the number I do know but one the quoted words to the text, making Metellus use the first quotation. Thus : " Metellus. Caesar, thou dost me wrong. Ccesar. Know, Caesar doth not wrong, but with just cause, Nor without cause will he be satisfied." Should we follow Hudson here? Is the bold charge of wrong-doing con- sistent with the fawning in which Metellus indulges? Was the wrong, if any, done to Metellus f — 51. repealing = recall by repealing the sentence [Hudson] ? recalling [Wright] ? Hudson says to repeal is to recall by repealing the sentence. — Repeal is a substitution for re-appeal, Lat. re, back; ad, to; pellare, to drive; appellate, to address; Fr. appeler, to call; rappeler, to recall. Shakes, often uses repeal for recall. Richard II, IV, i, 87; Coriol., V, v, 5. — 54. freedom of repeal = free, unconditional recall [Beeching] ? liberty to be recalled from banishment [Wright]? — 59. pray to move = pray others to move from their purpose [Wright]? pray, in order to move others? Plutarch tells us of Brutus, "He was wont to say 'that he thought them evil brought up in their youth, that could deny [i.e. refuse] nothing.' " — 60. constant. II, iv, 6; I, ii, 208. — 61. true-fix'd. So "ever-fixed pole," Othello, II, i, i5. — resting = undisturbed? — 62. fellow. Icel. felag, companionship, association; lit- erally " a laying together of property" ; fr. Icel. /<£, property in cattle; Eng./ee ; and Icel. lag, that which lies or is placed. Skeat. 67. apprehensive = fearful ? imaginative? suspicious? quick to imag- ine [Wright]? endowed with apprehension or intelligence [Rolfe]? — Falstai'f, '2 Henry IV, IV, iii, 91, says that sherris-sack makes the brain "apprehensive, quick," etc. See Mid. JV. Dream, Y, i, 5. Lat. ad (ap), to; pre, before; v/hend, to get; apprehende're, to lay hold of, seize. Skeat. SCENE I.] JULIUS CAESAR. Ill That unassailable holds on his rank, Unshak'd of motion : and that I am he, 70 Let me a little show it, even in this : That I was constant Cimber should be banish' d, And constant do remain to keep him so. China. Csesar ! — Ccesar. Hence ! wilt thou lift up Olympus ? Decius. Great Caesar — Ccesar. Doth not Brutus bootless kneel ? Casca. Speak, hands, for me ! 76 [Jjhey stab CLesar) Ccesar. Et tu Brute ! Then fall, Caesar ! [Dies. China. Liberty ! Freedom ! Tyranny is dead ! Run hence, proclaim, cry it about the streets. Cassius. Some to the common pulpits, and cry out so — 69. rank = place [Wright, Rolfe, etc.]? high position? Fr. rang, row, rank; from O. H. Ger. hring, a ring. Brachet. — 70. unshak'd. Caesar compares himself to the motionless star. — Shakes, has shaked and shaken. — of motion = in his motion [Meiklejohn] ? by the force that moves the rest [Wright]? — unshak'd of motion = of no motion [Schmidt]? — motion = suit or solicitation [Mason]? — Sonnet, cxvi, 6. — 74. Olympus (now Elfimbo). A colossal mountain range in the north-east corner of Ancient Thessaly, which it separated from Macedonia. Its loftiest sum- mit is 9,754 feet high. " The snowy top of cold Olympus " was supposed by the early poets to be the home of Jupiter and his attendant deities. — 75. bootless. A. S. hot, profit; from same root as bet-ter. Skeat. See Macbeth, IV, iii, 37; Mid. JV. Dream, II, i, 37.-77. et tu, Brute = thou too, Brutus ! This exclamation may have been taken from a Latin play acted at Oxford in 15812; or The True Tragedie of Richard, Duke of York, printed in 1595. Suetouius (72-140?) says Caesar fell without uttering a word, "although some have written that as M. Brutus came rushing upon him, he said «al o Which, like dumb mouths, do ope their ruby lips, To beg the voice and utterance of my tongue — A curse shall light upon the limbs of men ; Domestic fury and fierce civil strife Shall cumber all the parts of Italy ; 265 Blood and destruction shall be so in use And dreadful objects so familiar That mothers shall but smile when they behold Their infants quarter' d with the hands of war ; All pity chok'd with custom of fell deeds : 270 And Caesar's spirit, ranging for revenge, With Ate by his side come hot from hell, Shall in these confines with a monarch's voice Cry " Havoc ! " and let slip the dogs of war ! mission. Syllables! —256. butchers. Note the terrible energy of this word ! — French bouc, Gaelic boc, buck, he-goat ; boucher, properly one who kills bucks (he-goats). Bracket. — 258. tide = course [Johnson]? flow [Craik] ? course and current [Wright] ? tide of time = since the tide of time began to flow [Meiklejohn] ? Tide and time were once identi- cal. Root da, to divide; Sansc. da, to allot; Gr. dai-o^ai, daiomai, I allot, assign; A. S. tid, time, hour. Skeat. So time is a portion divided or cut off! — 259. hand. The folio has hand. Wisely changed?— 263. limbs. Hudson thinks this is synecdoche, a part for the whole. For limbs (folio limbes), White would substitute sons (sonnes) ; Hanmer, kind; Warbur- ton, line; Johnson, lives (or lymms, i.e. bloodhounds); the Collier Ms. and Craik, loins; Walker, times; Staunton, tombs; Jervis and Dyce, minds. Value of these suggestions? Wright appropriately quotes, as to limbs, Timon of A., IV, i, 21- - _T>, where "cold sciatica" is invoked to cripple the limbs ; and he remarks, " From bodily plagues Antony rises to the quarrels of families, and reaches a climax in fierce civil strife." Verify this ! Beeching denies it. — " Lear's curses were certainly levelled at his daughters' limbs.' ' Wright. — 267. familiar. Trisyl. ? — 269. with. Ill, ii, 195; Abbott, 193. — 270. choked = being choked?— 272. Ate, goddess of harm and revenge, a fury of discord ; fr. Gr. ado^at, aaomai, to injure. Four times Shakes, mentions her. Craik asks, Where did Shakes, get acquainted with this divinity, whose name does not occur, I believe, in any Latin author? — Homer and the Greek tragic poets use it repeatedly. — 273. confines. Lat. con, together ; finis, boundary. There was a Lat. confinium, border. — 273. monarch's. None but a monarch or general-in-chief had a right to cry 'Havoc!' — 274. Havoc. A. S. SCENE I.] JULIUS CJESAR. 121 That this foul deed shall smell above the earth 275 With carrion men, groaning for burial ! Enter a Servant. You serve Octavius Caesar, do you not ? Servant. I do, Mark Antony. Antony. Caesar did write for him to come to Rome. Servant. He did receive his letters, and is coming ; 2S0 And bid me say to you by word of mouth — Caesar ! — [Seeing the body. Antony. Thy heart is big, get thee apart and weep. Passion, I see, is catching ; for mine eyes, Seeing those beads of sorrow stand in thine, 285 Began to water. Is thy master coming ? Servant. He lies to-night within seven leagues of Rome. Antony. Post back with speed, and tell him what hath chanc'd : Here is a mourning Rome, a dangerous Rome, No Rome of safety for Octavius yet : 290 Hie hence, and tell him so. Yet, stay a while ; Thou shalt not back till I have borne this corse Into the market-place : there shall I try, In my oration, how the people take The cruel issue of these bloody men; 295 According to the which, thou shalt discourse hafoc, a hawk. Havoc is supposed to have been originally a term in hawk- ing. Skeat. To cry ' Havoc ' was the signal that no quarter should be given. See our ed. of Hamlet, V, ii, 352. — dogs of war = tire, sword, and famine [Steele, Tatler, 137] ? So Henry V, Prologue, line 7; 1 H< nry VI, IV, ii, 10, 11. — Craik questions whether "let slip the dogs of war" ought not to be considered as a part of the exclamation of Caesar's spirit. Your opinion? — 270". carrion men groaning. The corpse, after decay sets in, calls metaphorically for burial. — 283. Passion = sorrow [Wright] ? — 284. catching = contagious? Still so used? — 285. beads. 'Crystal beads' in King John, II, i, 171. — 287. within seven leagues. Not so. He was across the Adriatic, in the city of Apollonia, Illyricum, some hun- dreds of miles away. — 290. Rome. See on I, ii, 152. — 292. borne this corse. Several hours after the murder, three of Caesar's attendants entered, placed the body on a litter, and carried it, with one arm dangling over the side of the litter, to the pontifical mansion in the forum. Cal- purnia received the body, and, from her house overlooking the forum, saw the night encampment of Lepidus, who brought a legion front the Island of the Tiber and occupied the forum. Antony offered him the high- priesthood made vacant by the death of Caesar. The conspirators went up to the height of the Capitoline hill, where Decimus Brutus had taken 122 JULIUS CAESAR. [ACT III. To young Octavius of the state of things. Lend me your hand. [Exeunt with Cesar's body. Scene II. The Forum. Enter Brutus and Cassius ivith the p>lebeians. Citizens. We will be satisfied ; let us be satisfied. Brutus. Then follow me, and give me audience, friends. — Cassius, go you into the other street, And part the numbers. — Those that will hear me speak, let 'em stay here ; 5 Those that will follow Cassius, go with him ; And public reason shall be rendered Of Caesar's death. First Citizen. I will hear Brutus speak. Second Citizen. I will hear Cassius ; and compare their reasons, When severally we hear them rendered. 10 [Exit Cassius, with some of the citizens. Brutus goes into the pulpit. Third Citizen. The noble Brutus is ascended. Silence ! Brutus. Be patient fill the last. — Romans, countrymen, and lovers ! Hear me for my cause, and be silent, that you may hear. Believe me for mine possession of the Capitol with a body of gladiators. — 297. young Octa- vius. Born Sept. 23, B.C. 63. — Your comments on this remarkable scene ? Scene II. Several days elapsed before the funeral. — 1. be satisfied = be appeased? have satisfaction rendered us? Ill, i, 48, 142. — 2. audience an assembly of hearers? a hearing? — 4. numbers. Addison used this word in the sense of a multitude. 7. rendered = given [Rolfe] ? given in return or compensation for the slaughter of Caesar [Craik] ? given in answer to the people's inquiries? — Lat. re, back; dare, to give. — III, i, 185. — Scan. Abbott, 474. — 9. compare = let us compare [Wright]? we will compare [Rolfe] ? compare ye ? Abbott, 399. — 10. severally. Exact meaning? — Lat. se, apart; parare, to arrange. Lat. separare became sep'rare, whence Fr. server, to separate. Worcester, Bracket. — 11. is ascended. In Shakespeare's time the perfect tense of verbs of motion was formed with 'to be' and not with 'have.' Wrtght. — With verbs of motion, where stress is laid not on the action but on the consequent state, the auxiliary is often be, not have. Beeching. Verify! — 13, etc. Note the sententious style of the following speech. See I, ii, 158-171. — "He [Brutus] counterfeited that brief compendious speech of the Lacedaemo- nians." North's (1*512) Plutarch, Life of Brutus. — Observe the antithe- ses; also the logical ground of hearing, listening, believing, and judging. Does the use of prose indicate argument rather than sentiment? — lovers. SCENE II.] JULIUS CAESAR. 123 honor, and have respect to mine honor, that yon may be- lieve. Censure me in your wisdom, and awake your senses, that you may the better judge. If there be any in this assembly, any dear friend of Coesar's, to him I say, that Brutus' love to Caesar was no less than his. If, then, that friend demand why Brutus rose against Caesar, this is my answer : (Not that I lov'd Caesar less, but that I lov'd Borne more/} Had you rather Caesar were living and die all slaves, than that Caesar were dead, to live all freemen ? As Caesar loved me, I weep for him ; as he was fortunate, I rejoice at it ; as he was valiant, I honor him : but, as he was ambitions, I slew him. There is tears for his love ; joy for his fortune ; honor for his valor ; and death for his ambition! Who is here so base that would be a bondman ? If any, speak ! for him have I offended. Who is here so rude that would not be a Boman ? If any, speak ! for him have I offended. Who is here so vile that will not love his coun- try ? If any, speak ! for him have I offended. I pause for a reply. — 32 All. None, Brutus, none. Brutus. Then none have I offended. I have done no more to Caesar than you shall do to Brutus. The question II, iii, 7; Mer. of Fen., Ill, iv, 7. — 14. honor. 'Still harping on ' his honor! — 15. have respect to = pay attention to, consider, regard. IV, iii, 69. — Lat. re, back; spectre, to see, to spy; respectus, a looking back or at, regard. — 1(3. censure = blame ? judge? Shakes, is fond of using words in their etymological sense. Lat. censere, to give an opinion or account, to tax, appraise. Hamlet, I, iii, 69, "Take each man's cen- sure, but reserve thy judgment." So in Bacon's Adv. of Learn., ii, Introduc, 15. — "Censure is probably used for the jingle it makes with senses." Hudson. Likely? — 21. less . . . more, Than what? — Less than the ' dear friend ' loved Cpesar ; more than the ' dear friend ' loved Rome [Craik] ? more than I loved C;esar ? — had you rather. I, ii, 91, 168. " Had as lief, had better, /mil like, had as good, and had rather, are some- times criticised ; but they are idioms whicla have been in use from early times, and are abundantly supported by the best authorities." Prof. B. F. Tweed. — Note the antitheses. They remind of Lincoln in his first in- augural address, " Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws ? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends?" — 26. There is tears. "When the subject is as yet future, and, as it were, unsettled, the third person singular might be regarded as the normal inflection." Abbott, 335; Tempest, I, ii, 477; Cymbel., Ill, i, 36; Macbeth, II, iii, 122. Tears are regarded as making oiie thing [Craik]? — 29. rude = destitute of delicacy of feeling, brutal [Wright," Schmidt] ? unrefined, uncivilized? — Lat. rudis, rough, raw, rude, wild, untilled. — 35. question = statement of the reasons why 124 JULIUS CAESAR. [ACT III. of his death is enrolled in the Capitol; his glory not ex- tenuated, wherein he was worthy, nor his offences enforced, for which he suffered death. 38 Enter Antony and others, with Cesar's body. Here comes his body, mourned by Mark Antony : who, though he had no hand in his death, shall receive the benefit of his dying, a place in the commonwealth ; as which of you shall not ? With this I depart, — that, as I slew my best lover for the good of Rome, I have the same dagger for myself, when it shall please my country to need my death. 44 All. Live, Brutus ! live, live ! First Citizen. Bring him with triumph home unto his house. Second Citizen. Give him a statue with his ancestors. Third Citizen. Let him be Caesar. Fourth Citizen. Caesar's better parts Shall be crown'd in Brutus. First Citizen. We'll bring him to his house With shouts and clamors. ' 50 Brutus. My countrymen — Second Citizen. Peace, silence ! Brutus speaks. First Citizen. Peace, ho ! [Craik, Rolfe] ? the ' how and why ' [Meiklejohn] ? reason [Hudson] ? statement of the causes and circumstances [Beeching]? — 30. enrolled, etc., = made matter of solemn official record in the hooks of the Senate [Hudson] ? formally recorded [Wright] ? formally explained and regis- tered [Meiklejohn] ? — Capitol. Antony as consul summoned the Senate to meet in the temple of Tellus at daybreak, March 17. They then and there decreed that no investigation should be made of the subject of Caesar's assassination, and that all his enactments and dispositions should remain valid, for the sake of peace. Merivale. Brutus was confirmed for governor of Macedonia; Cassius, for Syria; Trebonius, Asia (Minor?); Cimber, Bithyuia ; Decimus, Cisalpine Gaul, etc. — 36. extenuated. Lat. ex, out, out and out, i.e. thoroughly; tenuis, stretched out, thin; \/tan, Sansc. tan, to stretch; Lat. extenuare, to make very thin; diminish. — 37. enforc'd = exaggerated, magnified? — In Coriol., II, iii, 213, 'euforce his pride ' = lay stress upon, emphasize, his pride. — Same antithesis in Ant. and Cleop., V, ii, 124, "We will extenuate rather than enforce."' — 39. Here comes his body. The Senate decreed a magnificent funeral in the Campus Martins. — 41. commonwealth. Conciliatory? — 47. statue, etc. I, iii, 145. — 48. parts = talents ? traits? — 49. shall be crown'd. So the folios. Pope (1723), anxious to reduce the shouts of the mob to exact rhythm, inserted now after ' shall.' Nearly every subsequent editor has followed the example. Rightly? — 50. house. Situated where? — SCENE n.] JULIUS CMSAR. 125 Brutus. Good countrymen, let me depart alone, And, for my sake, stay here with Antony : Do grace to Caesar's corpse, and grace his speech 55 Tending to Caesar's glories ; which Mark Antony, By our permission, is allow'd to make. I do entreat you, not a man depart, Save I alone, till Antony have spoke. [Exit. First Citizen. Stay, ho ! and let us hear Mark Antony. 60 Third Citizen. Let him go up into the public chair ; We'll hear him. — Noble Antony, go up. Antony. For Brutus' sake, I am beholding to you. [Goes into the pulpit. Fourth Citizen. What does he say of Brutus ? Third Citizen. He says, for Brutus' sake, He finds himself beholding to us all. 65 Fourth Citizen. 'Twere best he speak no harm of Brutus here. First Citizen. This Caesar was a tyrant. Third Citizen. Nay, that's certain : We are blest that Rome is rid of him. Second Citizen. Peace ! let us hear what Antony can say. Antony. You gentle Romans — Citizens. Peace, ho ! let us hear him. 70 Antony. Friends, Romans, countrymen, lend me your ears : I come to bury Caesar, not to praise him. 55. do grace to = show respect to? honor? grace? adorn? Ill, i, 121. — So 'do reverence,' line 118. — 56. glories. Walker (1859) changed this folio reading to 'glory.' Needful? — 58. uot a man depart. "This optative use of the subjunctive dispensing with 'let,' 'may,' etc., gives great vigor to the Shakespearian line." Abbott, 365. — 59. save 1 = 1 being saved, i.e. excepted. "'Save' seems to be used for 'saved,' and 'he' to be the nominative absolute in 'All the conspirators save only he,' in V, v, 69." Abbott, 118. Twelfth N., Ill, i, 160. In Sonnet cix, 14, we have ' save thou.' Shakes, seems often to disregard the inflections of the personal pronouns. Abbott, 206-216. — 61. chair = rostra [Schmidt]? Ill, i, 80. — 63. beholding = obliged ? Frequent in Shakes. "'Behold- ing' is, I believe, always Bacon's word." Craik. So Thomas Fuller (1608-1661). Abbott, 372 ; Mer. of Ven., I, iii, 95. 68. Nay = no: tyrant is no word for it? don't deny it? not only so, but ? ' Nay ' is used sometimes to mark the addition or substitution of a more explicit or emphatic phrase. Webster. — 72. bury. A. S. byrgan, byrigan, to hide in the ground ; akin to beorgan, to protect. — Both burial and cremation were practised at Rome, the latter being the ordinary custom. Numa forbade the burning of his own body ; Sylla commanded the cremation of his. The dead were burned upon a funeral pyre of wood, upon which oil, incense, and spices, and sometimes food and clothing, were placed. Finally, the embers were quenched with wine, and the ashes deposited in a cinerary urn. — Shakes, does not hesitate to impute English 126 JULIUS CAESAR. [ACT III. The evil that men do lives after them ; The good is oft interred with their bones. So let it be with Caesar. The noble Brutus ■ 75 Hath told you Caesar was ambitious : If it were so, it was a grievous fault, And grievously hath Caesar answer'd it. Here, under leave of Brutus and the rest, — For Brutus is an honorable man ; 80 So are they all, all honorable men, — Come I to speak in Caesar's funeral. He was my friend, faithful and just to me : But Brutus says he was ambitious ; And Brutus is an honorable man. 85 He hath brought many captives home to Rome, Whose ransoms did the general coffers fill : Did this in Caesar seem ambitious ? When that the poor have cried, Caesar hath wept : Ambition should be made of sterner stuff. 90 Yet Brutus says he was ambitious ; And Brutus is an honorable man. You all did see that on the Lupercal I thrice presented him a kiugly crown, Which he did thrice refuse : was this ambition ? 95 Yet Brutus says he was ambitious ; And, sure, he is an honorable man. I speak not to disprove what Brutus spoke, But here I am to speak what I do know. You all did love him once, not without cause : 100 / What cause withholds you, then, to mourn for him ? judgment ! thou art fled to brutish beasts, ) customs to the Romans. Saul and his three sons were cremated. 1 Sam- uel, xxxj, 12. See, as to King Asa, 2 Chron., xvi, 14. — 73. The evil, etc. "Men's 'evil manners live in brass, their virtues We write in water." Henry VIII, IV, ii, 45, 46. — 76. ambitious. How many syllables? — Ambition being the gravamen of Brutus' complaint, Antony uses every effort to disprove it, and adroitly disparage the motives of the murderers. — 78. answered it = atoned for it, and so 'squared the account'? See I, iii, 113; Meas. for Meas., II, ii, 93. — 80. honorable. He has caught the word from Brutus? — 82. in Caesar's funeral. Ill, i, 231, 234. — 89. that. Ill, i, 93; Abbott, 287. — 93. Lupercal. " Shakespeare speaks of the Lupercal as if it were a hill. It was in reality a cave or grotto, in which Romulus and Remus were found." Wright. Clearly Wright is mis- taken. It was on the day or on the feast ! The festival was called Lupercalia? See I, i, 67; ii, 223, 224. — 101. to mourn. Would present usage allow this after withhold? Abbott, 356. — 102. brutish. Verbal SCENE II.] JULIUS CAESAR. 127 And men have lost their reason. Bear with me ; My heart is in the coffin there with Caesar, And I must pause till it come back to me. 105 First Citizen. Methinks there is much reason in his say- ings. Second Citizen. If thou consider rightly of the matter, Caesar has had great wrong. Third Citizen. Has he, masters ? I fear there will be a worse come in his place. Fourth Citizen. Mark'd ye his words ? He would not take the crown ; no Therefore 'tis certain he was not ambitious. First Citizen. If it be found so, some will dear abide it. Second Citizen. Poor soul ! his eyes are red as fire with weeping. Third Citizen. There's not a nobler man in Rome than Antony. Fourth Citizen. Now mark him : he begins again to speak. Antony. But yesterday the word of Caesar might 116 Have stood against the world ; now lie? he there, (And none so poor to do him reverence. ' D masters \ if I were dispos'd to stir Your hearts and minds to mutiny and rage, 120 I should do Brutus wrong, and Cassius wrong, Who, you all know, are honorable men. I will not do them wrong ; I rather choose To wrong the dead, to wrong myself and you, Than I will wrong such honorable men. 125 But here's a parchment with the seal of Caesar ; play? — 104. coffin. Anachronism? Note on line 72. — Gr. x6ivo<;, Lat. kophinus, a hamper, basket ; O. Fr. rofin, a chest, case. The dead bodies that were not burned were usually coffined? — 105. pause. Just as Brutus paused, line 32! Had he heard Brutus' speech? — 108. Has he, masters? The metre seems to require another syllable, and many insert not before 'masters.' Justifiably? — Note the change of sentiment on the part of the citizens ! — 112. abide. Ill, i, 95. — 118. none so poor, etc. = the meanest man is now too high to do reverence to Caesar [Johnson] ? There is none so poor as [Beeching] ? There is none to do him reverence so poor as himself [Wright] ? even the poorest man thinks himself too good — too superior — to show him any respect [Delius]. Choose! — 119. masters! Why does he call them masters ? — 120. mutiny and raii<{, Low Lat. nappa, a cloth; Fr. nappe, a table-cloth: -kin is a diminutive suffix. See our Masterpieces, pp. 109, 229. — In Othello, III, iii, 2(H) and 305, the same thing is called both 'napkin' and 'handker- chief.' So in Scotland to-day. — 139 to 144. The adroitness of these sug- gestions ! — 142. mad. Provincial sense? colloquial? Ira furor brevis est. — 148. o'ershot myself = gone too far? said too much? — Picture in your mind's eye?— to tell. Abbott, 356. — 150. daggers have SCENE II.] JULIUS CJESAE. 129 Second Citizen. They were villains, murderers ! the will ! read the will ! Antony. You will compel me, then, to read the will ? Then make a ring about the corpse of Ceesar, And let me show you him that made the will. Shall I descend, and will you give me leave ? Several Citizens. Come down. Second Citizen. Descend. 160 Third Citizen. You shall have leave. [Antony comes down. Fourth Citizen. A ring; stand round. First Citizen. Stand from the hearse, stand from the body. Second Citizen. Room for Antony ! most noble Antony ! Antony. Nay, press not so upon me ; stand far off. 165 Several Citizens. Stand back ! room ! bear back ! ^ Antony. If you have tears, prepare to shed them now. You all do know this mantle : I remember The first time ever Ceesar put it on ; 'Twas on a summer's evening, in his tent, 170 That day he overcame the Nervii. stabbed, etc. Vividness and ingenuity ? — 165. far off = at a distance ? farther away? — Why does he want a larger ring? — Far and near are sometimes used for 'farther' and 'nearer' in Shakes. " Er final seems to have been sometimes pronounced with a kind of ' burr,' which produced the effect of an additional syllable." Abbott, 478. So the r alone ? See III, i, 172; Mer. of Ven., Ill, ii, 297. — 158. will you give me leave? Why this humble deference?— 160. The stage direction is by Rowe (1709). — 163. hearse. Lat. hirpex, O. E. fierce, a harrow. This word has gone through the following changes of sense : (1) a harrow ; (2) a triangular frame for lights in a church service; (3) a frame for lights at a funeral; (4) a funeral pageant ; (5) a frame on which a dead body was laid ; (6) a carriage for a dead body. — 166. bear back = get further back, give way [Wright]? press back [Meiklejohn, Schmidt]? — 168. this mantle. "To conclude his oration he unfolded before the whole assembly the bloody garments of the dead, thrust through in mauy places with their swords, and called the malefactors cruel and cursed murtherers." North's Plutarch. — 169. Ellipsis? Abbott, 244. — 171. Is this line an independent sentence ? — That day he overcame the Nervii. Summer, 57 B.C. They lived in French Flanders, and in Hainault, Belgium. The Belgians were the bravest of the Gauls, and the Nervii the bravest of the Belgians. The battle was fought on the banks of the Sambre, not far from Waterloo and Sedan. Caesar's army was taken by surprise, and it was only saved by his personal bravery united with consummate skill. The enemy fought to the death and were annihilated. "Of six hundred senators, we have lost all but three; of sixty thousand fighting men, five hundred only remain," said the committee of elders and women in their petition to Caesar for clemency. Antony, who did not join Caesar in Gaul till three years later, is very artful in this indirect appeal to the pride which every Roman felt in the military glory of the nation. — The 'mantle' of course was the purpled-bordered toga, and Caesar would have no use for it iu the far north. 130 JULIUS CAESAR. [ACT III. Look, in this place ran Cassius' dagger through ! See what a rent the envious Casca made : Through this the well-beloved Brutus stabb'd; And as he pluck'd his cursed steel away, 175" Mark how the blood of Caesar follow'd it, As rushing out of doors, to be resolv'd If Brutus so unkindly knock' d, or no ; For Brutus, as you know, was C_esar"s angel. Judge, you gods, how dearly Caesar lov'd him ! 180 This was th_e.-m.ost unkindest cut of all ; 'For when the noble Caesar saw him stab, Ingratitude, more strong than traitors' arms, Quite vanquish.' d him : then burst his mighty heart ; And, in his mantle muffling up his face, 185 Even at the base of Pompey's statue, Which all the while ran blood, great Caesar fell. 0, what a fall was there, my countrymen ! Then I, and you, and all of us fell clown, Whilst bloody treason flourish'd over us ! 190 Oh, now you weep ! and, I perceive, you feel 172. How could Antony identify the places in the mantle ? — 173. en- vious. II, i, 1G4, 178. — 177. resolv'd. Ill, i, 132. Note the lively per- sonification ! — 17!). Caesar's angel = inseparable from Caesar as his guardian angel [Wright] ? trusted as Caesar would trust his guardian angel [Boswell] ? Caesar's best beloved, his darling [Craik] ? Caesar's counterpart, his good genius [Hudson] ? — Caesar's guardian angel ('.' that's the spirit that keeps thee," Ant, and C'leop.) and therefore especially in duty bound to profit/ Caesar? — See II, i, 66; Comedy of Errors, V, i, 331-334; Macbeth, III, i, 55; Ant. and C'leop., II, iii, 20-31; Trail, and Cres., IV, iv, 50. — Are angel and genius the same? — 181. most unkind- est. Ill, i, 122. — Suetonius tells us that only the second stab was mortal. — 186. statue. Trjsyl. ? Cotgrave (Fr. and Eng. Diet., 16(i0) makes statue three syllables? Usually changed by the editors to statua. This statue is said to have been dug up in 1553, to be eleven feet high, of Greek marble, and now shown in the Spado palace in Koine. 1 — 189. Note that again Antony groups all the assassins on one side, and all of us on the other ! See note on line 125. — 190. flourish'd = triumphed [Wright, Deighton, Meikleiohn] ? brandished a sword [Steevens, Schmidt] ? sprang up and grew strong [Beeching] ? — Is not the contrast between the fallen con- dition of " you and me and all of us " on the one hand and the flourishing 1 " And thou, dread statue ! yet existent in The austerest form of naked majesty ! Thou, who beheldest, mid the assassins' din, At thy bathed base the bloody Caesar lie, Folding his robe in dying' dignity, An offering to thy altar from the queen Of gods and men, great Nemesis ! Did he die, And thou too perish, Pompey '? Have ye been Victors of countless kings, or puppets of a scene ? " — Byron. SCENE II.] JULIUS C^SAR. 131 The dint of pity : these are gracious drops. Kind souls, what ! weep you when you but behold Our Caesar's vesture wounded ? Look you here, Here is himself, marr'd, as you see, with traitors. 195 First Citizen. piteous spectacle ! Second Citizen. noble Caesar ! Third Citizen. woful day ! Fourth Citizen. traitors, villains ! First Citizen. most bloody sight ! 200 Second Citizen. We will be reveng'd. Eevenge! About! Seek! Burn! Fire! Kill! Slay! Let not a traitor live ! Antony. Stay, countrymen. First Citizen. Peace there ! hear the noble Antony. 205 Second Citizen. We'll hear him, we'll follow him, we'll die with him ! Antony. Good friends, sweet friends, let me not stir you up To such a sudden flood of mutiny. They that have done this deed are honorable : 210 What private griefs they have, alas, I know not, That made them do it : they are wise and honorable, And will, no doubt, with reasons answer you. I come not, friends, to steal away your hearts : ~y I am no orator, as Brutus is ; 215 But, as you know me all, a plain blunt man, That love my friend ; and that they know full well That gave me public leave to speak of him : For I have neither writ, nor words, nor worth, Action, nor utterance, nor the power of speech, 220 To stir men's blood : I only speak right on ; of bloody treason on the other? — 192. dint = force? impression? influ- ence? — A. S. dynt, a blow, force. — Dent usually is the word for the result. — gracious. Implying something divine? See our ed. of Hamlet. I, i, 164. — 19(1. marr'd. Isaiah, lii, 14. — with traitors. See 'with' in III, i, 269. Abbott, 193. — 201, 202. Dyce, Wright, Deighton, Meikle- john and some others assign ' revenge ' and the following ten or a dozen words to all the citizens. We follow the folio. — 211. private. In con- trast with ' public, ' line 7? — For 'griefs,' see I, iii, 117. — 213. reasons. As much as to say, No reasons have yet been given? — -III, i, 222, 225. 238; ii, 7.— 217-224. This disclaimer ! A master stroke ! — 219. writ. So the folio, followed by Johnson and Malone, though the editors generally sub- stitute 'wit.' The latter would mean understanding? ability? knowl- edge ? power to know ? imaginative faculty ? common sense ? — Writ = 132 JULIUS CMSAK. [ACT hi. I tell you that which you yourselves do know ; Show you sweet Caesar's wounds, poor, poor dumb mouths ! And bid them speak for me : but, were I Brutus, And Brutus Antony, there were an Antony 225 Would ruffle up your spirits and put a tongue In every wound of Caesar, that should move The stones of Rome to rise and mutiny. All. We'll mutiny. First Citizen. We'll burn the house of Brutus. 230 Third Citizen. Away, then! come, seek the conspirators. Antony. Yet hear me, countrymen; yet hear me speak. All. Peace, ho ! Hear Antony ! Most noble Antony ! Antony. Why, friends, you go to do you know not what. Wherein hath Caesar thus deserv'd your loves ? 235 Alas, you know not ! I must tell you, then : You have forgot the will I told you of. All. Most true. The will ! Let's stay and hear the will. Antony. Here is the will, and under Caesar's seal. To every Roman citizen he gives, 240 To every several man, seventy-five drachmas. Second Citizen. Most noble Caesar ! We'll revenge his' death. Third Citizen. royal Caesar ! Antony. Hear me with patience. All. Peace, ho ! 245 Antony. Moreover, he hath left you all his walks, His private arbors and new-planted orchards, On this side Tiber. He hath left them you, And to your heirs forever, common pleasures, To walk abroad, and recreate yourselves. 250 Here was a Caesar ! when comes such another ? First Citizen. Never, never ! Come, away, away ! written matter? thoughts "set in a note-book, learn'd and conu'd by rote " ? Act IV, sc.iii, 97. — 225. Brutus Antony = were Brutus Antony ? were I Brutus combined with Antony, we two making one? — 226, 227. tongue . . . wound. Corlol., II, iii, 5. — 228. stones. .Luke, xix, 40. — 235. loves. See 'behaviors,' I, ii, 39; 'wisdoms,' Hamlet, I, ii, 15.— 241. several. See on 'severally,' III, ii, 10. — drachmas. The drachma was 18.6 cents. Seventy-five drachmas, about $14, practically as good at least as $100 in our time. Hudson. — 246. walks. See on I, ii, 151. — 247. orchards. See heading of Act II, sc. i. — 248. this side. Antony is in the Forum ? Caesar's gardens were across the Tiber. Shakes, follows North's translation of Plutarch; and North followed Amyot. See map of ancient Rome. — 250. Ellipsis? — I, ii, 106, 300. — As to to, see IV, iii, 10, SCENE II.] JULIUS CAESAR. 133 We'll burn his body in the holy place, And with the brands fire the traitors' houses. Take up the body. 255 Second Citizen. Go fetch fire. Third Citizen. Pluck down benches. Fourth Citizen. Pluck down forms, windows, anything. [Exeunt Citizens ivith the body. Antony. Now let it work. Mischief, thou art afoot, Take thou what course thou wilt ! Enter a Servant. How now, fellow ! 260 Servant. Sir, Octavius is already come to Rome. Antony. Where is he ? Servant. He and Lepidus are at Caesar's house. Antony. And thither will I straight to visit him : He comes upon a wish. Fortune is merry, 265 And in this mood will give us anything. Servant. I heard him say, Brutus and Cassius Are rid like madmen through the gates of Rome. Antony. Belike they had some notice of the people, 269 How I had mov'd them. Bring me to Octavius. [Exeunt. 11. — 253. holy place. At the time of his death, Caesar was chief pontiff. In front of his official residence heside the Forum, the body was burned. — 254. fire. Syllables? See III, i, 172. — 258. forms = long seats, benches? — 261. already come to Rome. Not true? Octavius had been several months in camp at Apollonia (see on III, i, 287) studying arts and arms among the legions there, and awaiting the arrival of his great-uncle, whom he was to accompany to Parthia. It was not till near the end of April that he arrived in Rome. — What right has Shakes, to deviate from historical accuracy? — 265. upon a wish = as soon as I have wished it? in response to my wish? — I, ii, 100; King John, II, i, 50. — 268. are rid, etc. They were in Rome from time to time as late as the middle of April. The day after the murder, Lepidus is said to have entertained Brutus at supper, and Antony Cassius. March 17 the Senate was convened by Antony as consul in the temple of Tellus near the Forum. Did the murderers dare leave the capitol? Were they present at the discussion in the Senate? — 269. Belike. Fr. by and like. Mid. N. Dream, I, i, 130. — of = concern- ing? from? — Antony was sagacious enough to foresee civil war as the natural result of the assassination. Does he appear at his best in this third act ? 134 JULIUS CAESAR. [ACT III. Scene III. A Street. Enter Cinna the Poet. Cinna. I dreamt to-night that I did feast with Caesar, And things unluckily charge my fantasy. I have no will to wander forth of doors, Yet something leads me forth. Enter Citizens. First Citizen. What is your name ? 5 Second Citizen. Whither are you going ? Third Citizen. Where do you dwell ? Fourth Citizen. Are you a married man, or a bachelor ? Second Citizen. Answer every man directly. First Citizen. Ay, and briefly. 10 Fourth Citizen. Ay, and wisely. Third Citizen. Ay, and truly, you were best. Cinna. What is my name ? Whither am I going ? Where do I dwell ? Am I a married man, or a bachelor ? Then, to answer every man directly, and briefly, wisely and truly. Wisely, I say, I am a bachelor. 16 Second Citizen. That's as much as to say, they are fools that marry. You'll bear me a bang for that, I fear. Pro- ceed; directly. Cinna. Directly, I am going to Caesar's funeral. 20 First Citizen. As a friend or an enemy ? Scene III. Cinna the Poet. " One Cinna, a friend of Caesar's, had a strange dream the preceding night. He dreamed, as they tell us, that C. sniatch = smack ? tincture? taste?— Onomato- SCENE V.] JULIUS CAESAR. 169 Alarum. Retreat. Enter Octavius, Antony, Messala, Lucilius, and the Army. Octavius. What man is that ? Messala. My master's man. — Strato, where is thy master ? Strato. Free from the bondage yon are in, Messala : The conquerors can but make a fire of him ; 55 For Brutus only overcame himself, And no man else hath honor by his death. Lucilius. So Brutus should be found. I thank thee, Brutus, That thou hast prov'd Lucilius' saying true. Octavius. All that serv'd Brutus, I will entertain them. Fellow, wilt thou bestow thy time with me ? 61 Strato. Ay, if Messala will prefer me to you. Octavius. Do so, good Messala. Messala. How died my master, Strato ? Strato. I held the sword, and he did run on it. 05 Messala. Octavius, then take him to follow thee, That did the latest service to my master. Antony. This was the noblest Roman of them all : All the conspirators, save only he, Did that they did in envy of great Csesar ; 70 He, only in a general honest thought, And common good to all, made one of them. His life was gentle, and the elements So mix'd in him that Nature might stand up And say to all the world " This was a man ! " 75 poetic ?— honor ! — 59. true. V, iv, 21, 22, 25.— 60. entertain = take into service ? Repeatedly so used in Shakes. — Latin inter, among ; tenere, to keep, hold. 61. bestow thy time with = give up thy time to me [Craik] i — 62. prefer = transfer, hand over [Craik]? recommend [Reed, Hudson, etc.]? — 67. latest service. "Messala, that had been Brutus' great friend, reconciled afterwards to Octavius Caesar's friend, and shortly after he brought Strato Brutus' friend unto him, and weeping said, 'Caesar, behold here is he that did the last service to my Brutus.' " Plutarch. — 6i). save only he. Ill, ii, 59. — 71. He, only etc. "This is the folio punctuation, and correct, though altered by modern editors ; the sense being, ' He made one of them, simply in honorable care for the common- wealth.' " — thought = motive ? — 73-75. This passage, often applied to Shakes, himself, much resembles one in Dayton's The Barons' Wars, pub- lished in 1603, and another in Ben Jouson's Cynthia's Revels, acted in 1600. The latter, describing Crites, is as follows: " A creature of a most perfect and divine temper ; one in whom the humors and elements are peaceably met without emulation of precedency. He is neither too fantastically mel- ancholic, too slowly phlegmatic, too lightly sanguine, or too rashly choleric : 170 JULIUS CAESAR. [ACT V. Octavius. According to his virtue let us use liirn, With all respect and rites of burial. Within my tent his bones to-night shall lie, Most like a soldier, order'd honorably. So call the field to rest ; and let's away, 80 To part the glories of this happy day. [Exeunt. but in all so composed and ordered as it is clear Nature went about some full work, sbe did more than make a man when she made him." — 81. part. Matthew, xxvii, 35. APPENDIX. "TIME ANALYSIS." Mr. P. A. Daniel sums up the 'time analysis' of the play as follows : — Six days represented on the stage, with intervals. Day I. Act I, sc. i and sc. ii. — Interval, one month. Day II. Act I, sc. iii. Day III. Acts II and III. — Interval. Day IV. Act IV, sc. i. — Interval. Day V. Act IV. sc. ii and sc. iii. — Interval, one day at least. Day VI. Act V. Upton (1746) says as follows: "About the middle of February, a.u.c 709 [44 b.c], a frantic festival, sacred to Pan and called Lupercalia, was held in honor of Caesar, when the regal crown was offered to him by Antony. On the 15 March in the same year he was slain. November 27, a.u.c. 710 [43 b.c], the triumvirs met at a small island formed by the river Rhenus, near Bononia, and there adjusted their cruel proscription, a.u.c. 711 [42 b.c], Brutus and Cassius were defeated near Philippi." — Verify or disprove. HOW TO STUDY ENGLISH LITERATURE. [From George H. Martin, Agent of the Mass. Board of Education.] What is wanted is a carefully graded course, which, beginning with the poetry of action, should lead the student step by step to the sentimental and the reflective, all in their simplest forms, thence through the more elaborate narrative to the epic and the dramatic. The aim here is not to teach authors or works, but poetry; and the works are selected for their value as illustrations, without reference to their authors. A parallel course in the study of prose should be pursued with the same end. Then, having learned what poetry is and what prose is, what they contain and how to find their contents, the pupils would be prepared to take up the study of individual authors. Having studied the authors, the final step would be to study the history of the literature, in which the relation of the authors to 171 172 APPENDIX. each other arid to their times would appear. This would place the study of literature on a scientific basis, — first elementary ideas, then individual wholes, then relation, and classifications. [From an address by L. B. Williston, A.M., Supervisor of Public Schools, Boston.'] How shall the teacher bring his pupils best to see and feel the thoughts of his author as he saw and felt them ? First, Read the work carefully with them. Let the teacher read, and question as he reads. Let him often ask for paraphrases, and draw out in every way the thought of his class, making sure that all is clear. Let every impression have a corresponding expression, which shall re-act, and deepen the impression. Second, When a part of the work, an act, book, or canto, has been carefully read, assign a theme for a written essay. Let the class tell what the poet has attempted, how he has succeeded, what are the impressions made by the characters, scenes, and descriptions. Let the teacher himself write upon the themes assigned to his class, and thus give them a model of what he wishes them to do. Third, When the book or play has been carefully read and studied in this way in all its parts, let it be re-read in a larger and freer way than before. Let the pupils read, and the teacher watch to see if the thought is clearly apprehended by the pupil. Let the fine pas- sages be read again and again by different members of the class, and their rendering be criticised by class and teacher. If the work read be a play, let the parts be taken by different members of the class. Let all the parts of the work now be studied in their relation to each other and to the whole. Essays now should be written upon subjects suggested by this more comprehensive study of the work, — a com- parison of characters, noteworthy scenes and their bearing upon the whole, the style of the author, and his skill in description, dramatic presentation, or invention. If it is objected that it is impossible for a teacher with a large class to revise and correct such a mass of written work, I answer that it is not to be expected that all the written work of a class should be read and carefully corrected by the teacher. Let him criticise, or rather call upon his class to do so, what is noticeably wrong in the essays as they are read. • In these exercises, let the attention be directed chiefly to the thought. Let thought govern and direct expression. From time to time, according to the number of his class and the teacher's ability, let him assign essays to be carefully written and handed in for his own careful reading and criticism. But let there be an abundance of free and rapid writing, that composition, that is, thought put into writing, may become easy and natural. The object of the writing is not to teach the correct use of English, so much as to make clear thinkers and to fix and deepen impressions. Fourth, With the careful reading and study of some book in school, I think it important that there should go the reading of some other book oat of school. Flowers are not all to be picked and analyzed, but are to be enjoyed as they are seen by " him who runs." " Some APPENDIX. 173 books are to be tasted, others to be swallowed, some few to be chewed and digested." Let the pupil have his exercise in merely "tasting" books, with enjoyment as the chief end. Let the teacher be his guide, and merely ask him to report what he finds. In other words, let him read, as we all read when we read for pleasure, — with his mind at ease and open to every charm that genius can present. Let the teacher make the book the subject of conversation with his class, and draw their attention by his questions to the chief points which make it noteworthy. To what extent shall the memory be called upon in the study of English literature ? Not, I think, to commit long passages, whole books, and cantos of poems. Let the pupil absorb as much as pos- sible in frequent reading and in study. Now and then, let a few striking lines, that have been learned by heart rather than committed to memory, be recited. Do not make a disagreeable task of any such exercise. For, that our pupils may receive the highest and best influ- ence from this study of English literature, it is essential that they love it, and retain only pleasant memories of the hours spent at school in the society of its best authors. [From J. M. Buchan, Inspector of High Schools, Ontario, Canada ; quoted in BlaisdelVs " Outline Studies in English Classics, : ' 1 a work that should be in the hands of every teacher of our literature.] With all classes of pupils alike, the main thing to be aimed at by the teacher is to lead them clearly and fully to understand the mean- ing of the author they are reading, and to appreciate the beauty, the nobleness, the justness, or the sublimity of his thoughts and language. Parsing, the analysis of sentences, the derivation of words, the explanation of allusions, the scansion of verse, the pointing-out of figures of speech, the hundred and one minor matters on which the teacher may easily dissipate the attention of the pupil, should be strictly subordinated to this great aim. ... It is essential that the mind of the reader should be put en rapport with that of the writer. There is something in the influence of a great soul upon another, which defies analysis. No analysis of a poem, however subtle, can produce the same effect upon the mind and heart as the reading of the poem itself. Though the works of Shakespeare and Milton and our other great writers were not intended by their authors to serve as text-books for future generations, yet it is unquestionably the case that a large amount of information may be imparted, and a very valuable train- ing given, if we deal with them as we deal with Homer and Horace in our best schools. Parsing, grammatical analysis, the derivation of words, prosody, composition, the history of the language, and to a certain extent the history of the race, may be both more pleasantly and more profitably taught in this than in any other way. It is advis- able for these reasons, also, that the study of these subjects should be conjoined with that of the English literature. Not only may time be thus economized, but the difficulty of fixing the attention of flighty and inappreciative pupils may more easily be overcome. 174 APPENDIX. [From F. G. Fleay^s '■'■Guide to Chaucer and Spenser."] No doubtful critical point should ever be set before the student as ascertained. One great advantage of these studies is the acquirement of a power of forming a judgment in cases of conflicting evidence. Give the student the evidence ; state your own opinion, if you like, but let him judge for himself. No extracts or incomplete works should be used. The capability of appreciating a whole work, as a whole, is one of the principal aims in aesthetic culture. It is better to read thoroughly one simple play or poem than to know details about all the dramatists and poets. The former trains the brain to judge of other plays or poems ; the latter only loads the memory with details that can at any time be found, when required, in books of reference. For these studies to completely succeed, they must be as thorough as our classical studies used to be. No difficult point in syntax, pros- ody, accidence, or pronunciation ; no variation in manners or cus- toms ; no historical or geographical allusion, — must be passed over without explanation. This training in exactness will not interfere with, but aid, the higher aims of literary training. [From Rev. Henry JV. Hudson, Shakespearian Editor.] I have never had and never will have anything but simple exercises ; the pupils reading the author under the teacher's direction, correction, and explanation ; the teacher not even requiring, though usually advising, them to read over the matter in advance. Thus it is a joint communing of teacher and pupils with the author for the time being; just that, and nothing more. Nor, assuredly, can such communion, in so far as it is genial and free, be without substantial and lasting good, — far better, indeed, than any possible cramming of mouth and memory for recitation. The one thing needful here is, that the pupils rightly understand and feel what they read ; this secured, all the rest will take care of itself. [From Dr. Johnson, 1765.] Let him that is yet unacquainted with the powers of Shakespeare, and who desires to feel the greatest pleasure that the drama can give, read every play, from the first scene to the last, with utter negligence to all his commentators. When his fancy is once on the wing, let it not stoop at correction or explanation. Let him read on through bright- ness and obscurity, through integrity and corruption ; let him preserve his comprehension of the dialogue, and his interest in the fable. And when the pleasures of novelty have ceased, let him attempt exactness, and read the commentators. [From Professor Brainerd Kellogg. ] The student ought, first of all, to read the play as a pleasure ; then to read over again, with his mind upon the characters and the plot ; and, lastly, to read it for the meanings, grammar, etc. APPENDIX. 175 1. The Plot and Story of the Play. (a) The general plot ; (b) The special incidents. 2. The Characters: Ability to give a connected account of all that is done and most of what is said by each character in the play. 3. The Influence and Interplay of the Characters upon each other. («) Relation of A to B, and of B to A ; (b) Relation of A to C and D. 4. Complete Possession of the Language. (a) Meanings of words ; (&) Use of old words, or of words in an old meaning ; (c) Grammar ; (d) Ability to quote lines to illustrate a grammatical point. 5. Power to Reproduce, or Quote. (a) What was said by A or B on a particular occasion ; (6) What was said by A in reply to B ; (c) What argument was used by C at a particular juncture ; (d) To quote a line in instance of an idiom or of a peculiar meaning. 6. Power to Locate. (a) To attribute a line or statement to a certain person on a certain occasion ; (6) To cap a line ; (c) To fill in the right word or epithet. [From BlaisdelVs " Outlines for the Study of English Classics."] The following summary of points to be exacted . . . may prove useful : — I. — Points relative to substance. 1. A general knowledge of the purport of the passages, and line of argument pursued. 2. An exact paraphrase of parts of the whole, producing exactly and at length the author's meaning. 3. The force and character of epithets. 4. The meaning of similes, and expansions of metaphors. 5. The exact meaning of individual words. II. — Points with regard to form. 1. General grammar rules ; if necessary, peculiarities of English grammar. 2. Derivations : (1) General laws and principles of derivations, including a knowledge of affixes and suffixes. (2) Interest- ing historical derivation of particular words. 176 APPENDIX. III. — The knowledge of all allusions. IV. — A knowledge of such parallel passages and illustrations as the teacher has supplied. [From Professor William Taylor Thorn, 1883.] To understand .Shakespeare, we must understand his medium of thought, his language, as thoroughly as possible. For this, study is necessary ; and one notable advantage of the thorough study of this medium is that the student becomes unconsciously more or less im- bued with Shakespeare's turn of thought while observing his turn of phrase. . . . For the class-room, a non-aesthetic, preliminary study is best. And this may be accomplished in the following way : By studying carefully the Text, — the words themselves and their forms ; their philological content, so far as such content is essential to the thought ; and the grammatical differences of usage, then and now ; by observing accu- rately the point of view of life ( Weltanschauung) historically and otherwise, as shown in the text ; by taking what may be called the actor's view of the personages of the play ; and, finally, by a sober and discriminating aesthetic discussion of the' characters, of the prin- ciples represented by those characters, and of the play in its parts and as a whole. I. With regard to the words themselves and their forms : There is no doubt that Shakespeare's words and word-combinations need constant and careful explanation in order for the pupil to seize the thought accu- rately or even approximately. Here, as elsewhere, Coleridge's dictum remains true: "In order to get the full sense of a word, we should first p'resent to our minds the visual image that forms its primary meaning." . . . II. But this does not exhaust the interest of the words themselves. They are frequently so full of a particular use and meaning of their own that they have evidently been chosen by Shakespeare on that account, and can only serve fully their purpose of conveying his mean- ing when themselves comprehended. This opens up to the pupil one of the most interesting aspects of words, — their function of embalm- ing the ideas and habits of a past generation, thus giving little photo- graphic views, as it were, of the course of the national life. Thus, a new element of interest and weird reality is added when we find that " And like a rat without a tail " is not stuffed into the witch-speech in Macbeth merely for rhyme's sake {Mac. I, iii, 9). It is doubtful if anything brings so visibly before the mind's eye the age, and therefore the proper point of view, of Shakespeare as the accurate following-out of these implied views of life, these old popular beliefs contained in his picturesque language. . . . III. Difficulties consisting in the forms of words have been already mentioned ; but they constitute in reality only a part, perhaps the least part, of the grammatical impediment to our apprehending Shakespeare clearly. There is in him a splendid superiority to what we call gram- APPENDIX. 177 mar which entails upon us more or less of close, critical observation of his word-order, if we would seize the very thought. Thus Lady Mac- beth speaks of Macbeth's "flaws and starts" as "impostors to true fear" (III, iv, 64). Here, if we understand "to" in its ordinary meaning-, we lose entirely the fine force of its use by Shakespeare, "compared to true fear," and fail to see how subtly Lady Macbeth is trying to persuade Macbeth that there is no cause for fear, that he is not truly " afeard," but merely hysterical and unbalanced ; and, fail- ing in that, we fail in part to realize the prodigious nerve and force she was herself displaying, though vainly, for Macbeth's sake. So, too, a few lines farther on, Macbeth's fine saying, "Ere humane statute purged the gentle weal," becomes finer when we see that "gentle" means for us "gentled," or "and made it gentle " (III, iv, 76). But for the apprehension of such, to us, unwonted powers in our noble mother tongue, we must study : work, that is the word for it. We appreciate Shakespeare, as we do other things, when he has cost us something. . . . IV. With such preliminary and coincident study, the pupil prepares herself for that wider sweep of vision called for by the views of life and of the xmiverse expressed or implied by the dramatis personal themselves. The habit of mind thus acquired enables her to compre- hend quickly the notions of God, of life, of creation ( Weltanschauung) found in ante-protestant times ; and she is ready to sympathize with humanity, no matter as to age, or race, or clime. . . . V. Another prolific source of the realization of Shakespeare's con- ception is obtained by suggesting the actor's view to the pupil. There is much quickening of sympathy in representing to ourselves the look, the posture, emphasis, of the character who speaks. The same words have a totally different force according as they are pronounced ; and it is like a revelation to a pupil sometimes to learn that a speech, or even a word, was uttered thus and not so. . . . VI. Now, all this is preliminary work and should lead up to the cesthetic appreciation of Shakespeare's characters ; and to that end, real conceptions, right or wrong, are essential. Let it be distinctly understood : all study of words, of grammatical construction, of views of life peculiar to an age past, of bodily posture and gesture, — all are the preparation for the study of the characters themselves ; that is, of the play itself; that is, of what Mr. Hudson calls the "Shake- speare of Shakespeare." If the student does not rise to this view of Shakespeare, she had better let Shakespeare alone and go at some- thing else. In studying the lives of such men as Hamlet or Lear, and of such women as Lady Macbeth or Cordelia, it is of the utmost con- sequence that the attention of the pupil be so directed to their deeds and words, their expression and demonstration of feeling, — to the things, further, which they omit to say or do, — as to make the con- ception of personality as strong as possible. . . . For a class of boys or girls, I hold that the most effectual and rapid and profitable method of studying Shakespeare is for them to learn one play as thoroughly as their teacher can make them do it. Then they can read other plays with a profit and a pleasure unknown and unknowable, without such a previous drill and study. 178 APPENDIX. Applying now these principles, if such they can be called, my method of work is this. One of the plays is selected, and after some brief introductory matter, the class begins to study. Each pupil reads in turn a number of lines, and then is expected to give such explana- tions of the text as are to be found in the notes, supplemented by her own knowledge. She has pointed out to her such other matters also as may be of interest and are relevant to the text. When the play has been finished or when any character disappears from the play, — as Polonius in Hamlet, Duncan in Macbeth, the Fool in King Lear, — the class have all those passages in the play pointed out to them wherein this character appears or mention is made of him ; and then, with this, Shakespeare's, biography of him before their eyes, they are required to write a composition — bane of pupils, most useful of teachers' auxiliaries — on this character, without other sesthetic assistance or hints than they may have gathered from the teacher in the course of their study. This is to be their work, and to express their opinions of the man or the woman under discussion, and is to show how far they have succeeded in retaining their thoughts and impressions concerning the character, and how far they wish to modify them under this review. They are thus compelled to realize what they do and do not think ; what they do and do not know ; in how far the character does or does not meet their approval, and why. That is, the pupils are compelled to pass judgment upon themselves along with the Shakespeare character. . . . [From Professor J. 31. D. Meiklejohn's " General Notice," 1879.] . . . The first purpose in this elaborate annotation is, of course, the full working out of Shakespeare's meaning. . . . This thorough excavation of the meaning of a really profound thinker is one of the very best kinds of training that a boy or girl can receive at school. . . . And always new rewards come to the careful reader — in the shape of new meanings, recognition of thoughts he had before missed, of relations between the characters that had hitherto escaped him. . . . It is probable that, for those pupils who do not study either Greek or Latin, this close examination of every word and phrase in the text of Shakespeare will be the best substitute that can be found for the study of the ancient classics. It were much to be hoped that Shakespeare should become more and more of a study, and that every boy and girl should have a thorough knowledge of at least one play of Shakespeare before leav- ing school. It would be one of the best lessons in human life, with- out the chance of a polluting or degrading experience. It would also have the effect of bringing back into the too pale and formal English of modern times a large number of pithy and vigorous phrases, which would help to develop as well as to reflect vigor in the characters of the readers. Shakespeare used the English language with more power than any other writer that ever lived — he made it do more and say more than it had ever done ; he made it speak in a more original way ; and his combinations of words are perpetual provocations and invita- tions to originality and to newness of insight. APPENDIX. 179 From all that has been quoted from the foregoing authorities, it may justly be inferred that somehow or other the pupil must be made to feel an interest in the author, to admire what is admirable in the composition, and really to enjoy its study. Secure this, and all else will follow as a matter of course : fail in this, and the time is wasted. The following suggestions, 1 or some of them, may be helpful in daily class-work : — 1. At the beginning of the exercise, or as often as need be, require a statement of — (ff) The main object of the author in the whole poem, oration, play, or other production of which to-day's lesson is a part. (b) The object of the author in this particular canto, chapter, act, or other division of the main work. 2. Read or recite from memory (or have the pupils do it) the finest part or parts of the last lesson. The elocutionary talent of the class should be utilized here, so that the author may appear at his best. 3. Require at times (often enough to keep the whole fresh in mem- ory) a resume of the 'argument,' story, or succession of topics, up to the present lesson. 4. Have the student read aloud the sentence, paragraph, or lines, now (or previously) assigned. The appointed portion should have some unity. 5. Let the student interpret exactly the meaning by substituting his own words : explain peculiarities. This paraphrase should often be in writing. 6. Let him state the immediate object of the author in these lines. Is this object relevant ? important ? appropriate in this place ? 7. Let him point out the ingredients (particular thoughts) that make up the passage. Are they in good taste ? just ? natural ? well arranged ? 8. Let him point out other merits or defects, — anything noteworthy as regards nobleness of principle or sentiment, grace, delicacy, beauty, rhythm, sublimity, wit, wisdom, humor, naivete, kindli- ness, pathos, energy, concentrated truth, logical force, origin- ality ; give allusions, kindred passages, principles illustrated, etc. Passages of special interest may well be made the basis of lan- guage lessons and of rhetorical drill. For example, a pupil might be required to master thoroughly the first twenty lines of Brutus' speech, Act HI, sc. ii, 13-32, and then to prepare an oral or written exercise upon them somewhat as follows : — 1. Memorize the lines and recite them with proper vocal expression. 2. (a) Explain any unusual or difficult words and sentences. (6) Translate the passage into equivalent English, using, as far as possible, different words, (c) Point out its merits and defects, quoting parallel passages. 3. Call for criticisms by the class. 1 See Suggestions to Teachers, in Sprague's edition of the First Two Books of Paradise Lost and Lycidas. See also, especially. Sprague's edition of Macbeth, pp. 235, 2:M\; and of The Merchant of Venice, pp. 171, 172. 180 APPENDIX. EXAMINATION PAPERS. (SELECTED.) FIRST SERIES. A. (Act I.) 1. Write a summary of what passed between Brutus and Cassius, while Caesar was attending the games. 2. Describe their interview with Casca after the games. 3. What is a portent ? Enumerate the portents described by Casca. B. (Act II.) 1. Describe the interview between Brutus and Portia. 2. What does Calpurnia mean by the words ' I never stood on cere- monies ' ? Enumerate the ' ceremonies ' she mentions. 3. How did Decius induce Caesar to attend the Senate ? C. (Act III.) 1. Describe the precautions taken by the conspirators, and show how they effected their purpose. 2. Describe the interview of Antony with Brutus and Cassius. 3. 'Over thy wounds now do I prophesy.' Who spoke these words? Relate the prophecy. D. (Act III.) 1. Compare and contrast the speeches of Brutus and Antony, giving illustrative extracts. 2. Explain the expression 'His glory not extenuated,' and give its con- nection. 3. Relate and explain Antony's conduct over the will. E. (Act IV.) 1. What is the meaning and connection of the words ' Thou hast described a hot friend cooling ' ? 2. What did Brutus and Cassius quarrel about ? 3. Illustrate from this Act the generosity of Brutus, and his kindly con- sideration for others. F. (Act V.) 1. Describe the last interview of Brutus and Cassius. 2. Under what circumstances did Cassius commit suicide? 3. Describe the death of Brutus. APPENDIX. 181 SECOND SERIES. G. 1. Give a brief narrative of the historical basis of the play. 2. Which was the better practical man of business, Brutus or Cassius? Give reasons for your answer. 3. Explain the following expressions, and state by whom, and to whom, and when they were uttered : — (a) He doth bestride the narrow world Like a Colossus. (b) This rudeness is a sauce to his good wit. (c) Our yoke and sufferance show us womanish. (d) You stared upon me with ungentle looks. fe) Turn pre-ordinance and first decree Into the law of children. (/) All the interim is Like a phantasma, or a hideous dream. H. 1. Give particulars of any cases in which Shakespeare has deviated from history in Julius Cxsar. 2. Give examples from this play of («) double negatives, (b) double comparatives, and (c) double superlatives. 3. Explain the following passages, and give their connection: — (a) Why old men, fools, and children calculate. (b) It shall advantage more than do us wrong. (c) The gods do this in shame of cowardice. (d) His coward lips did from their color fly. (e) Thou hast no figures nor no fantasies. (/) So let high-sighted tyranny range on, Till each man drop by lottery. 1. Give examples of anachronisms in this play. 2. Explain the expression 'sterile curse,' and give other instances of similar constructions. 3. Give the meaning and connection of the following : — (a) What tributaries follow him to Rome ? (b) Thy honorable metal may be wrought From that it is disposed. (c) Lowliness is young ambition's ladder. (d) That which would appear offence in us, His countenance, like richest alchemy, Will change to virtue and to worthiness. (e) Let us be sacrificers but not butchers. K. 1. Give examples of ellipses and of compound adjectives. 2. Write a character of Cassius, giving illustrative extracts. 3. Give the meaning and connection of the following : — («) I turn the trouble of my countenance Merely upon myself. (b) Dangers are to me indifferent. 182 APPENDIX. (c) Is it physical To walk unbraced and suck up the humors Of the dank morning? (d) Thou hast misconstrued everything. (e) If Messala will prefer me to you. (/) When I tell him he hates flatterers, He says he does, being then most flattered. L. 1. Write an analysis of Antony's speech in the Forum. 2. Show how far the conspirators were actuated by public and political considerations, and how far by private and personal grievances. 3. Explain the following passages and give their connection : — (a) Thy life hath had some smatch of honor in it. (6) O hateful error, melancholy's child. (c) Poor knave, I blame thee not ; thou art o'erwatched. (d) My ancestors did from the streets of Rome The Tarquin drive. (e) Hide it in smiles and affability. {f) It is a strange-disposed time. M. 1. Write a character of Brutus, giving illustrative extracts. 2. State what we learn from Julius Cxsar of Casca's character and conduct. 3. Give the meaning and connection of the following: — (a) Being so father'd and so husbanded. (b) Stemming it with hearts of controversy. (c) Now is it Rome indeed and room enough. (d) The rabblement howted and clapped their chopt hands. (e) Had I been a man of any occupation. N. 1. Write a character of Portia, giving illustrative extracts. 2. In what particulars did Brutus overrule Cassius, and with what results ? 3. Give the meaning and connection of the following : — . (a) Beware the ides of March. (6) Stand you directly in Antonius' way, When he doth run his course. (c) Disrobe the images If you do find them deck'd with ceremonies. (d) Swear priests, and cowards, and men cautelous. (e) I know no personal cause to spurn at him, But for the general. APPENDIX. 183 THIRD SERIES. [Chiefly taken from the papers set by the English Civil Service Commissioners. 1 ] 1. Write a short account of the action of the play. 2. Explain and illustrate hy quotations the main differences between the characters of Brutus and Cassius. 3. State by whom, of whom, and on what occasions the following lines were uttered : — (a) His coward lips did from their color fly. (b) He is a great observer, and he looks Quite through the deeds of men. . . . (c) Nor airless dungeon, nor strong links of iron, Can be retentive to the strength of spirit. (d) Let's carve him as a dish fit for the gods, Not hew him as a carcass fit for hounds. (e) A woman well-reputed, Cato's daughter. 4. Explain and annotate the following words and phrases : To stale with ordinary oaths ; hearts of controversy ; promised forth ; cross'd in con- ference ; the cross blue lightning ; monstrous quality ; the element ; men cautelous ; charactery. 5. Give six examples of compound adjectives in Julius Csesar. 6. Give some instances of words formed like rabblement. 7. What ' sights ' were seen in the streets of Rome before Caesar's death ? Quote some of the lines. B. 1. Write a short account of Antony's speech over the dead body of Coesar. 2. What were (a) the political and (b) the private reasons for the murder of Caesar ? 3. State by whom, of whom, and on what occasions the following lines were uttered : — (a) Let not our looks put on our purposes. (6) Thou hast no figures nor no fantasies. (c) O world, thou wast the forest to this hart. (d) I am compelled to set Upon one battle all our liberties. (e) There are no tricks in plain and simple faith. 4. Continue the above quotations. 5. Explain and annotate the following words and phrases : Preformed faculties; drop by lottery; palter; even virtue; cognizance; fond; repeal; groaning for burial ; indirection; entertain them. 6. Write the story of the action in Act V. 7. Quote passages to illustrate Shakespeare's use of with ; of that fol- lowed by as ; of double superlatives and comparatives. 1 These sets of examination questions are far from faultless, but they may serve as suggestions. Any careful teacher will discover how to impi ove upon them. 184 APPENDIX. C. 1. State the parts played (a) by Mark Antony, (b) by Casca, and (c) by Portia in the play; and quote some lines uttered by each of them on some critical occasion. 2. In what localities do the events in the different Acts take place? Quote lines to prove your statements. 3. By whom, of whom, and on what occasions were the following lines uttered ? (a) The angry spot doth glow on Caesar's brow. (6) O, he sits high in all the people's hearts. (<■) So let high-sighted tyranny range on. (d) But I am constant as the northern star. (e) He shall but bear them as the ass bears gold. (f) There is a tide in the affairs of men. (g) In Parthia did I take thee prisoner. 4. Annotate the above lines, and continue them. 5. Quote instances of Shakespeare's (") habit of ellipsis, and (b) use of an adjective for a preposition and a noun (as in sterile curse). (i. Explain the following words and phrases: The replication ; your passion; jealous on me; I have some aim; well-given; quirk metth , bear me hard; prevent; the main opinion; liable ; freedom of repeal, o'er shot myself. D. 1. Describe briefly the events and actions which take place in the Third Act. 2. Write a short analysis of Mark Antony's speech. 3. By whom, of whom, and on what occasions were the following lines uttered ? (a) Set honor in one eye and death i' the other. (6) Why old men, fools, and children calculate. (c) Our yoke and sufferance shew us womanish. (d) She dreamt to-night she saw my st;itu< : . (e) One that feeds On objects, arts, and imitations. (/) When think you that the sword goes up again? 4. Continue the above lines. 5. Explain and annotate the following words and phrases: Set our bat- tles on; Messala will prefer me; the posture of your hloios ; humor; a property ; beholding; in his funeral ; letblood; addressed. 6. Give some instances of Shakespeare's use of a double negative. APPENDIX. 185 SOME TOPICS FOR ESSAYS. Character of Csesar in Shake- speare. Character of Csesar in history. Character of Brutus in history. Character of Brutus in Shake- speare. Assassination as a means to politi- cal enfranchisement. Character of Cassius. Character of Mark Antony. Character of Augustus. Character of Portia. Caesar's ambition. Caesar's statesmanship. Caesar's marriages. Shakespeare's estimate of Caesar. Shakespeare's estimate of Cicero. Describe any scene in Shakespeare. Is the name of the play appro- priate? Brutus's sententious style. The Roman tribunes. Caesar's relations to Catiline. Caesar's relations to Pompey. Caesar's relations to Cicero. Describe a Roman triumph. Roman liberty in Caesar's time. Caesar's clemency. Brutus and Lucius. Shakespeare's indebtedness to Plutarch. Alleged omens of evil to Caesar. Caesar's plans of improvement. Caesar's reformation of the calen- dar. " Caesar and his Senate." Brutus's inconsistencies. Calpurnia. Caesar's superstitions. Caesar's " Manysidedness." The mirthful element in the play. Shakespeare's exhibition of Caesar's weak points. Brutus's oratory. Mark Antony's oratory. Brutus's ideal. The proscription in Act IV. Character of Lepidus. Quarrel between Brutus and Cas- sius. The two Philippi battles. Roman suicides. History of the play. The Lupercalia. The unity of interest in the play. Shakespeare's Portias. Roman funerals. Pompey's Curia. See also the questions and topics that follow the end of the foot- notes at the close of every scene. I^DEX OP WORDS, PHRASES, AND TOPICS. a or an before w, 4S abide, 112, 127 abuse, 86 advantage, 119 JEneas, 57 afeard, 100 affections, 79 after (= afterwards ?), 55 aim, 59 alchemy, 76 all over, 85 ambition's debt, 112 an (=if?), 65, 152 angel, 130 annoying, 69, 88 answer, 74, 126, 138, 155, 156 Antonio, 51 Antony, 124, et passim apparent, 90 apprehensive, 110 apron, 46 apt, 116, 164 arrive, 59 art, 150 Artemidorus, 103 arts (or ortsf), 138 Ate, 120 at hand, 140 at mouth, 64 at the stake, 138 audience, 122, 141 augurers, 90, 99 aweary, 145 awl, 47 aye, 106 bachelor, 134 bait, 142 banqueting, 55 base degrees, 79 basest metal, 49 bastardy, 87 battles, 155 bay'd, 118 beads, 121 bear ... a hand, 53 bear back, 129 bear baiting, 138 bear . . . hard, 67, 91, 116 bear fire, 86, 146 bear no color, 80 beest, 104, 146 behaviors, 53 beholding, 125 belike, 133 bend, 57, 149 best respect, 54 bestow . . . time, 169 Bible, 99 bills, 161 bird of night, 69 blaze forth, 99 blood, 49, 94 blood cold, 153 bloods, 54, 152 bloody sign, 155 bootless, 111 bravery, 155 break, "88 brook'd, 59 brought, 68 Brutus, first consul, 59 budge, 143 bury, 125 business (trisvl.?), 137 bat (= only ?), 76 butchers, 120 calculate, 71 calendar, 80 Calpurnia, 51, 97, 121 cancel, 73 canopy, 159 Capitol, 85, 106, 107, 124 carrions, 87, 121 cast (or case?) yourself, 71 catching, 121 Cato, 159, et passim cautelous, Mi censure, 123 ceremonies, 49, 50, 90, 97 chafing, 56 change, 139, 163 charactery, 95 charge, 134, 141, 156 charm, 93 check'd, 145 cheer, 112 chew, 60 choler, 143 choleric, 143 chopp'd, 64 Cicero, 06, 68, etc. Cinna (L. C), 75 Cinna (Helvius), 134 circulation of blood, 94 clean from, 70 climber, 79 clock, 89 close, 75, 118 coffin, 127 cogitations, 53 cognizance, 101 Colossus, 58 come by, 88 commend, 154 commons, 128, 137 compact, US companion, 147 compass, 162 complexion, 74 concave, 49 conceit, 117 conceited, 77 concluded, 102 condition, 92, 93 conditions, 143 conference, 60 confines, 120 conjure, 58 conn'd, 145 187 188 INDEX. consorted, 156 constancy, 105, 108, 110 construe, 58, To, 164 content. 14u contrive, 88, 104 controversy, 56 coachings, 109 could, 155 counsel, 105 counters, 145 course, 51 coward lips, 57 cowards die, 99 creatines, 87 cremation, 125 crests, 140 cross, To cull, 49 curse, sterile, 51 curt'sies, 109 cynic, 147 dank, 93 dearer, 117 Decimus, 70, et passim Decius, 70, 100, etc. deliver, 117 did (weak auxiliary:-), 57 difference, ■'■'< digest, 00, 144 dint, 131 directly, 40, 51, 134, 137 discard, 96 dishonor, 146 distract, 148 dogs of war, 121 doomsday, 113 doublet, 65 doubt, 87 drachmas, 132 drawn upon a heap, 69 drizzl'd blood, 48 E element, 75, 143, 169 emulation, 104 end ( =accomplishment?), 99 enforced, 124 enfranchisement, 112 enlarge, 141 enrolled, 124 ensign, 158, 161 entertain, 169 envy, 88 Erebus, 83 eternal devil. 59 Et tu, Brute, 111 even, ^7, 96 exhalations, 80 exigent, 156 exorcist, 96 expedition, 149 expounded, 101 extenuated, 124 P face, 155 face of men, 86 fain, 63 fall. 119, 140 falling sickness, 64 tails shrewdly, 115 familiar instances, 134 fantasy, 90, 92 far (= farther?), 129, 161 fashion, 147 Fates, 104, 113 favor, 55, 75, 83 fear. 89 fearful, 154 feast of Lupercal, 50 fellow, 110 ferret, 60 figures, 92 fire (dissyl. ?), 116, 133 first decree, 109 flood, 59 flourish, 107, 130 fond, 109 foremost man, 142 formal constancy, 92 former (= foremost T), 158 forth, 00 forth of, 134 fray, 105 fret, 84 friends am I, 118 from. 70, 71, 90, 141 funerals, 165 general, 7^ genius, 82 gentle, 63 gerund, 45 ghost of Caesar, 153, 154 givi s way to, 104 glasses, 91 glaz'd (= glared ?), 69 gliding ghosts, 71 god, 57 good regard, 118 gracious, 131 gray beards, 100 Greek, 06 griefs, 74 growing on the south, 85 had rather, 60, 123 handiwork, 47 hands, 07 happy, loo hats (Roman), 83 have ( pin. for sing. ?), 97 Havoc: 120 health. 143 healthful, 95 hearse, 129 heavy, 94 hedge, 143 held . . . strong, L58 high east, 85 high-sighted, S6 hilts, KB, 168 hinds. 73 his (=it8?), 142 holes, 91 holiday, 45 hollow. 140 holy place, 133 holiest. Ill honesty, 86, 144 honey-heavy, 92 honor, 56, 84, 95, 115, 123, 142, 152 honorable, 67, 126 hour's, 103 however, 66 Iculed, 64 humor, 67. 93, 100, 146, 147 hurtled, 98 Hybla, 156 idle bed, 86 ill-temper'd, 146 impatience, 93 incertain, 159 incorporate. 75 indirection, 115 ingrafted, 89 indifferent, 74 indifferently, 55 instances, 139 instruments, 82 in suppressive, 87 interim, 81 intermit, 49 is ascended, 122 itching palm, 142 jades, 140 jealous, 59 jigging, 147 just (= well ?), 54 kerchief, 95 kind, 71, 80 knave, 46, 152 laboring day, 45 last of the Romans, 165 laughter, 54, 144 law of children, 109 let blood, 116 lethe, 118 INDEX. 189 levying, 138 liable, 61, 102 light, 162 like, 64, 103 likes, 67 limbs, 120 live-long, 48 lottery, S6 lover,' 104, 122, 159 loves (plu.), 132 Lupercal, 50, 126 lusty, 56, 101 M mace, 153 make, 89 makes to, 108 man (colloquial), 58 mantle, 129 rnanv a, 48 March, Dr. F. A., 50 mark, 108 marry, 63 mart, 142 masters, 127 matter (= trouble ?), 60 may (= can ?), 83 me (ethical dative ?), 65 mean, 116 mechanical, 45 merely, 53 metal, 49 mettle, 66 Metellus (Tillius ?), 75 • mistook (= mistaken?) , 53 modesty, lis moe, 82 monstrous state, 72 morrow, 100 mortal, S2 mortified, 96 most boldest, 119 most unkindest, 130 motion, 81 Munda, 47 my lord (as a compound noun), 93 N name (=self ?), 61 napkins, 128 nay, 125 neat, 47 Nervii, 129 new-added, 150 nice, 141 niggard, 151 night-gown, 91 noble, 67, 144 nod, 57 nor no, 92 nor nothing, 149 noted, 141 numbers, 122 O objects (or abjects ?), 138 observe, 53, 143 occupation, 65 Octavius, 122 o'ershot, 128 o'ersway, 90 o'erwatcird, 152 offal, 73 Olympus, HI, 145 once, 150 one only, 59 o'nights, 61 opinion, S9 orchard, 7s order, 119 ordinance, 71 out, 46 P palm, 5S palter, S6 parchment, 127 pardon, 119 parley, 156 Parthia, 73, 162 parts ( = fourths), 76 passion, 121 path, S3 peevish, 157 phantasma, 82 Philippi, 149 pitch, 50 places, 148 plague, 49 Pluto (or Plutus ?), 146 Pompey's porch, 74, 107 Portia, 92, 148, 149 posture . . . are, 15G powers, 138, 149 praetor, 76, 106 prefer, 10S preformed, 71 preordinance, 109 presage, 158 present (this present), 60, '.'7 presently, 10S, 115, 150 press, 52 prevention, S3, 108 prick'd, US, 136 proceeded, 60 proceeding, 102 prodigious, 72 produce, 119 profess, 55 pronoun omitted, 47 proof, 79, 95, 157 proper, 47, 53, 165 proscription, 136, 137, 149 protester, 54 prythee, 104 Publius, 102, 107, 136 puissant, 109 pulpits, 111, 119 purchase, 87 purgers, S9 puts on, 66, 71, 91 Q quality, 71 quarrel, 79 question, 123, 149 R raise, 152 range on, 86 rank, 111, 116 rascal, 145 reason, 79 reason with, 159 re-cover, 47 redress, 109 reek 116 regard, 118, 139, 162 remorse. 79 render. 1 17 rendered, L02, 122 repeating, llil replication, -19 resolved, 114, 130, 139 respect to, 123 revenge, 145 rheumy, 93 rhyme, 68 right form, 98 riv'd, 68 Pome and room, 59, 121 rote, 145 rout, 55 rude, 123 rumor, 105 Ruskin, 84, 85 S same, 103 satisfied, 115, 122 sauce, 66 saucy, 46, 147 save he, 169 save I. 125 scandal, 55 scap'd, 148 scope, 146 search, 163 secret, 86 security, 104 senate, 100 senate-house, 104 sensible of, 69 set on, 52, 161 several, 87, 122, 132, 167 shadow, 54 sham'st thou, S3 -ship (suffix), 65 should (= can ; ought to ; would, etc. ?), 58, 89, 94 shrewd, ss shrewdly, 115 sick offense. 93 sick . . . whole, 96 side, 105 sign'd in thy spoil, US slight, 137 190 INDEX. smatch, 16S softly, 140, 156 soil, 58 soldier (trisyl. ?), 137, 141 soles, 46 sound, 8V speed, 55, 106 spleen, 144 spoke, 86 Bqueal, 98 stake, 138 stale, 54 stand strong 1 , 87 stand upon, 113 stare, 153 stars (in astrology), 58 Btate, 115 state of man, 82 statue, 101, 130 stay, 160 steads, 158 still, 64 stomachs, 158 stood on, 97 store, 137 strain, 157 stricken, 90 stroken, 118 strucken, 102 suburbs, 94 submitting me, 70 success, 97 such that (= such as ?), 74, 109 sufferance, 72, 86 sufficeth, 96 suicide, 164 superstition, 83, 90 sway, 68 swoonded, 64 synecdoche, 120 T tag-rag, 64 taper, 7s tardy form, 66 Tarquin, 59, 81 taste, 138 temper, 57 tempest-dropping-fire, 68 testament, 128 testy, 143 than me. 72 Thasos. 104 that (=so that?), 48, 83 that ... as, 53 theatre (Pompey's), 76 there's (with plur.), 75, 123 these ... as, 60 thews, 72 think. 162 thorough, 115, 160 thong. 45. 95.156 thought (take thought), 89, 169 threefold world, 137 thunder-stone. 70 Tiber . . . her, 48, 49, 56 tide, 120 tidings, 148, 163 tinctures, 101 to (omitted), 45 to friend, 115 toils. 91 to-morrow. SO to-night. 97, 134 toward (accent '?), 55 trade, 45, 47 trash, 142 Trebonius, 107 triumph, 47 trophies, 50 true, 65 true-fix'd, 110 tut! 155 U unbraced, 70 undergo, 74 underlings, 58 unfirm, 68 ungently, 92 unicorns, 90 unluckily, 134 unmeritable, 137 unpurged, 93 unshak'd, 111 upmost, 79 upon, 148 upon a wish, 133 use, 98 ventures, 151 vessel, 167 villager, 60 villains, 161 vouchsafe, 95, 114 vulgar, 50 w wafture, 92 walks, 59 warn, 155 wasted, 81 watch, 97 we hear two lions, 99 weighing, 85 well given, 61 what, 70, 86 when ! 78 whe'r, 49, 165, 167 whether, 90 while, 72 whiles, 62 whit, ss who (= which ?) 69, 146, 158 wind, 137 with. 59, 109, 120 with a thought, 162 withal, 47, 93 writ (or luitt), 131 worships, 55 yearns, 103 Ve, if vou, 116 yond, 162 you, 46, 104 youths, 88 youthful season, 85 you were best, 134