&. ..,,7'' o'' V'-.-^'-.-?.^- •n <,* ''^fe'- "^ ♦* ♦<(( i^ t • O >^'% • 4 o ^0 fy s * * r "^ .^^ 4^ ^ml0b>-' ^. « -v^$^\d^' :ne he f^Vi'uiiuC yJ},' ^r'l 'tt* r cj u- ii5 aiije- TIP h I e; cit^S m cunji^fj ! fqt^ai-fi. iin:!yc|t »^f,t ^empw Tii)te|i=;ef ?.'^^ m6^|tcef. tfe^nicjte- fr-inire^' cj^Cji^^^}^ {,,,;; T1r;^ fo'iiej. L^-e ^,a. c^'^/i^^ -^^}9^ MS. COTT. VlTELLIUS A. XV, Fol. i6o^ (reduced). (U. 1352 77 ) knu;u |;0ti W iu\Hina liyrtc* !i%'| hMn^irCi imi^tv^ cmi\wi\k^ ^m^hilii^l'^ MS. COTT. VlTELLIUS A. XV. Fol. 184a (reduced). (11. 2428 50) BEOWULF . AND THE FIGHT AT FINNSBURG EDITED, WITH INTRODUCTION, BIBLIOGRAPHY, NOTES, GLOSSARY, AND APPENDICES BY FR. KLAEBER D. C. HEATH & CO., PUBLISHERS BOSTON NEW YORK CHICAGO -V^vr Copyright, 1922, By D. C. Heath & Co. FKINTED IN U.S.A. M ^^ 1922 i K 7 7 :< ."i 2 \\6 CONTENTS BEOWULF Introduction ......... ix 1 . xArgument of the Poem ...... ix 2. The Fabulous or Supernatural Elements . . . . xii 3. The Historical Elements ...... xxix 4. The Christian Coloring ...... xlviii 5. Structure of the Poem ...... Hi 6. Tone, Style, Meter lix 7. Language. Manuscript ...... Ixxii 8. Genesis of the Poem . . . . . . .civ Bibliography ....„,.. cxxiii Table of Abbreviations . , . . , . . clx Text of Beowulf ........ i Notes . . . . . . . . . .121 THE FIGHT AT FINNSBURG Introduction . . . . . . . .219 Bibliography ......... 227 Text . . . . . . . . , .231 Notes . . . . . . . . . -236 Appendices 1. Parallels . . . . . . . .239 II. Antiquities . . . . . . . ■ ^S^ iv CONTENTS III. Textual Criticism (Grammatical and Metrical Notes) 258 IV. The Text of Waldere, Deor, and Select Passages of WiDSID ^^^ Glossaries Glossary of Beowulf . . . • • • -273 Proper Names 4^3 Glossary of The Fight at Finnsburg . . . • « 411 T>-^ ... ^-r- --"^^ I. / / ^ i"-\ ^ -> K?5*r ,«? -« i, jf "fe Fig. I. — The Gokstad Boat {cir. 900 a. d. ; reconstructed). Found in a grave mound near Gokstad, southern Norway, and preserved in Christiania. From 0. Montelius, Die Kultur Schwedens in vorchristUchcr Zeit. Berlin, G. Reimer. 2 ed., 1885, p. 174. Fig. 2. — Bronze Plate from Oland (Viking period). Preserved in the National Museum, Stockholm. From Montelius, p. 151. Fig. 3. — Iron Helmet with Bronze Plates. From Vendel, Uppland {cir. close of 7th century). From Studier tillagnade Oscar Montelius af Ldrjungar. Stockholm, P. A. Norstedt & Soner, 1903, p. 104. Fig. 4. — Gold Collar from Oland (5th to 8th century). Preserved in the National Museum, Stockholm. From Montelius, p. 124. "<.o^, !i«^yN*i; '^ttt^.^^te^> Fig. 5. ^Entrance to a Stone Grave (jV/Ze^/z^c), Zealand. From M. Hoernes, Die Urgeschichte des Menschen. Wien, A. Hartleben, 1892, p. 302. The Geography of Beowulf. INTRODUCTION I. Argument of the Poem Part I. Beowulf the Young Hero (His exploits in Denmark) /. The Fight with Gre?idel Beoivulfe ivearS gudhreS gyfepe. (8 1 8 f. ) I-188. Introductory. The building of Heorot by HroSgar ; the ravarr the son-in-law, Beowulf the ' adopted son ' (946 ff., 1175 f.). Nor should the following parallels be denied* consideration. ByJSvarr goes from Gautland, whose king is his brother, to the Danish court at HleiiSra j Beowulf goes from the land of the Geats, who are ruled by his uncle Hygelac, to the court of the Danish king at Heorot. B^iSvarr makes his entrance at the court in a brusque, self-confident manner and at the feast quarrels with the king's men j Beowulf introduces himself with a great deal of self-reliance tempered, of course, by courtly deco- rum (407 ff.), and at the banquet has a dispute with an official of the king (499 ffi) ; also his scornful retort of 11. 590 ft', is matched by Bg>^'var's slighting remarks, 68.17 ft". (Par. § 9). In addition, certain features in the Norse tradition of B9'Svarr have been instanced as confirming the original identity of the two heroes.' The bear nature of Bg'^'varr which must be sup})osed to be his own by inheritance ~ and which is implied by his strange behavior in the great Bjarkamal battle (Saxo ii sgff"., Hrolfssaga, chaps. 32 f.) has been compared to Beowulf's bearlike wrestling propensities, dwelt upon in his contest with Grendel and with the Prankish warrior Dasghrefn (2501 fF.). Also the fact that BgSvarr Bjarki (with other champions of Hrolfr) aids A'Sils in his war [SkaUskaparmal, Skjoldungasaga, Bjar- karimur. Par. §§ 5, 8.6, 9. i ^) is paralleled, in a measure, by Beowulf's * befriending' the Swedish prince Eadgils (2392 ft".). The perplexing question of the precise relation between Beo^uu/f zx\d the various (late) Scandinavian stories briefly considered here has given rise to manifold earnest and ingenious discussions, and conflicting con- clusions have been arrived at. On the whole, it seems safest to attribute the undeniable parallelisms to the use of the same or similar Scandi- navian sources both in the Old English and the Old Norse accounts. There existed, we may assume, on the one hand a tale — made over into a local legend '^ — of the freeing of the Danish court from a strange ^ See Chadwick H. A. 120 f. ; Clarke L 4.76.49 ff. ^ On the use of this bear motive (which is not unknown in folk-tales, cf. above, p. xiii n. 3) in the Gesta Heriuardi, in Saxo (x 345), and in the story of Siward, see Lawrence, pp. 234 ff. • Olrik i 21 5 ff., & AfNF. xix 199 ff. ; Deutsch- bein, Studien ■zur Sagengeschichte Englands, pp. 249 ff. ; and especially Olson, who, with Olrik, traces B9'Svar's bear-ancestry to the Siward saga. — Did Beowulf inherit his wrestling strength from his father (cp. handbona 460) ? Incidentally, it may be noted that he became the forerunner of wrestling heroes celebrated in Eng- lish literature (as in The Talc of Gamelyn, Lorna Doone, etc.). ^ The fame of Bjarki is attested also by the Series Runica and the Annales Rye'ises (Par. § 8.4 & 5), That he came to be known in North England, is shown by the occurrence of the name Boduiuar Berki in the Liber Vitae EccUsiae Dun- elrnensis (in a 12th century entrv) ; cf. also A. Bugge, ZfdA. li 3^. ^ For such a legend (showing at least a slight similarity) attached to the bay of Roskilde see Sarrazin St. I off. XX INTRODUCTION monster through the prowess of a mighty warrior, and another one — like the former going back to a primitive folk-tale — about a similar adventure expanded to a fight with two monsters ^ and placed in pic- turesque Scandinavian surroundings. Both kinds of narrative circulated orally in the North. In course of time they were attached to various persons (two of whom are unquestionably historical characters), BQSvarr, Grettir, Ormr, Beowulf respectively, A comparatively early combina- tion of the two sets was perhaps effected in Scandinavia, though it is actually traceable in the Anglo-Saxon epic only. The artistic Beonvulf version represents the final result of this formative process. Attention, however, should be called also to the significant sugges- tion made from time to time, that the substance of the Grendel part goes back ultimately, if not directly, to Irish models. 2 Even a definite Irish analogue has been detected, ^ viz. Cuchulinn's adventures in the saga of The Feast of Bricriu, though the parallelism noted is cer- tainly not conspicuous. 4 Again, the motives and the general atmosphere of the second adventure have been alleged to point in the direction of Celtic sources. Indeed, the brilliant picture of the monsters' mysteri- ous haunt (1357 ff.) might well remind us of Celtic fancy. ^ The no- tion of the female monster, — Grendel"" s mother, foreshadowing * the deviPs dam,' has been cited in the same connection. ^ Other analogies have been mentioned, such as the elegiac tone of certain passages (2247-66, 2435— 71), 7 the mystic element of the Scyld legend (see note on 4-52), the position of the court pyle.^ Moreover, in the selection of the peculiar kind of plot (supernatural adventures) and even in the general style and manner of the narrative the influence of Celtic types has been supposed to be visible. 9 Also the possibility of Celtic elements in the language of Beoivulf has been discussed, 'o * The figures on a 6th century tablet found in Oland have been interpreted by Stjerna (31 f. ) as representing a counterpart to Beowulf's contest with the 'she- wolf,' Grendel' s mother. ^ Cf. e.g., Brooke L 4. 6.1.84 f., see above, p. xiii n. 2 ; v. Sydow, An%. fdA. XXXV 129 f. (Parallel British versions: Freymond, " Artus ' Kampf mit dem Katzenungetum," Festgabe fiir Gr'dber (1899), pp. 311 ff.) 3 Deutschbein L 4. 36, cf. Anz.fdA. xxxvi 224 f. A direct influence of the Irish saga (which has not been claimed) would be entirely out of the question on chronological grounds. Zimmcr [ZfdA. xxxii 331 f.) had assumed, on the other hand, an (indirect) influence of the Beowulf legend on that of Cuchulinn. * See Olson L 4. 63. ^ The picturesque kennings for the sea have been instanced as suggesting the quality of Celtic imagination (Rankin, JEGPh. ix 75, 82). ^ Ker L 4. 120. i. 198 f . 5 Lehmann L 4. 57. 428 j von der Leyen L 4. 67. n. 5. 122 } V. Sydow, I.e. ^ Bugge 77 ff. (Some minor details are added.) But this is very questionable, see Sieper L 4. 126. 2, 58 f. ^ Deutschbein, I.e. ^ Deutschbein, I.e. *° Sarrazin Kad. 69 fF. (Thus Gurmund 1962, in place of fVarmundj is ex- THE FABULOUS ELEMENTS xxi While these observations and hypotheses are exceedingly interesting, it is only fair to say that so far no tangible proof has been produced- Beowulf's Fight with the Dragon * Dragon fights are events of such ordinary occurrence in medieval' literature that it may almost seem otiose to hunt for specific sources of the Beowulfian specimen. But mention has been very properly made of numerous modern parallels of folk legends 2 — the nearest of which is a Danish one, — and more especially of Frotho's dragon fight ^ in Saxo's History (ii 38 f.. Par. § 7) as indicating a probable Danish ori- gin of the story. It is true, one of the most sagacious students of Scan- dinavian legend 4 has pronounced the similarities between Saxo's account and the Beo-zvu If version entirely irrelevant, imaginary, or commonplace, emphasizing at the same time the fact that the stories taken as a whole are of a totally difterent order, — Frotho, who wages the fight for the sake of the dragon's treasure and who by this victory first establishes his fame, representing the SigurSr type,^ and, on the other hand, Beowulf, who undertakes the venture primarily to save his people and, although victorious, loses his life, exemplifying in the main the J?6rr type.*^ Yet it appears quite credible that some such lay as the one which Saxo delib- erately turned into Latin verse was known to the Anglo-Saxon poet and perhaps even suggested to him BeowulPs third great adventure. There is a notable agreement in a number of features which can hardly be accidental, — thus, in the description of the dragon (cp. Beo^w. 2561, 2569 ff.f 2827, 2582 f . ; 2304, 2524, 2580) ; the report of a country- man (cp. 2214 ff., 2280 ff., 2324 ft'., 2404 ft".) 5 the use of a specially prepared shield (cp. 2337 AT., 2522 ft',) ; the hero's desire to engage in the contest without help from others (cp. 2345 ft"., 2529 ft".); the man- ner of the fight itself (cp. e.g., the details : 2699, 2705). It is also evident that far-reaching alterations would be deemed requisite by the poet who fitted this theme into the story of Beowulf's life. Nothing could be more natural than that the high-minded slayer of the Grendel plained as a Celticism, cf. also E St. xlii 17.) The MS. spellings cames 107, camp 1 261 were thought, without sufficient reason, to evidence a Celtic source of infor- mation. (Bugge 82 ; cf. Emerson, PtihI. MLAss. xxi 925, 885 n. 3.) ^ Additional special references : Sievers L 4. 33, Olrik i 305 ff. , Sarrazin L 4. 32. I & 5, Bugge and Olrik L 4. 51, Bugge 45 ff., Berendsohn L 4. 141. 1. i ff. ^ Panzer 294 ff. All of these parallels belong to the so-called J>6rr type. Most of them are localized in Germany, a few in Denmark. 3 Sievers, I.e. (Cf. Miillenhoff, ZfdA. vii 439 ; Miiller L 10. 4. ii. 74; Sarrazin St. 88.) A similar, briefer version is the dragon fight of Fridlevus, Saxo vi 1 80 f. -♦ Olrik, I.e. ^ See Reginsmal^ Fdfnismdl ; Skaldikaparmdl (Prose Edda), ch. (37,) 38 j Vo/sungasaga, ch. (14,) 1 8. ^ See yqluspa 55 (56) f. ; Gylfaginning (Prose Edda), ch. 50. xxii INTRODUCTION kin should appear again, above all else, in the role of a deliverer from distress, a benefactor of men. And when this great deed was added as the crowning event to the record of his long life, what better motiva- tion of his death could have presented itself? The introduction of an associate in the person of Wiglaf served to provide not only a welcome helper in the fatal struggle, but an eyewitness and assistant at tne king's pathetic death, besides an heir and executor who directs the im- pressive closing scene of the poem. Of course, if Sarrazin's thesis (see below, pp. xxiii, xliv) be adopted, Wiglaf (Viggo, V9ggr) must be considered one of the original figures of the Scandinavian legend. ' It has been conjectured 2 that certain instances of an imperfect adapta- tion of the Danish original can be detected in our text of the Beoivulf^ viz. the reference to the ealond 2334 (see note), answering to Saxo' s island, and the puzzling line {))one 5e ir geheold . . .) ^eftir haleSa hryre hnvate Scildingas 3005 (see note), which is supposed to show that the dragon fight was originally attributed to the Danish king Beowulf (I) ^ of 11. 18 ff., 53 ff., the predecessor of Healfdene, just as it was attached (Saxo ii 38) to Haldanus' predecessor Frotho. The latter assumption has been endorsed by Berendsohn, who — improving upon the form- ula ' combination of the ]?6rr and the Fafnir (or Sigur'Sr) type ' (Panzer) — suggests that two versions have been fused in the epic (itself), the hero of the first being originally Beowulf 1 = Frotho, whilst the sec- ond was concerned with an aged king who fights a fiery dragon in order to save his people. It is one of a number of possibilities. In some respects the other dragon fight told in the Beowoulf^ that of Sigemund (884 ff.), exhibits a closer affinity to Saxo's Frotho parallel. Both belong in the ' Sigur'Sr ' class, being the adventurous exploits of conquering heroes. Sigemund, like Frotho, is really alone in the fight (8 8 8 f). He loads a boat with the dragon's treasures, just as Frotho is bidden to do by his informant (Par. § 7). (The scene of Beowulf's fight is near the sea, but the boat is replaced by a wagon, 3134.4) Several mmor parallels between Beowulf's and Sigemund' s dragon fight should not be overlooked. Cp. under hdrne stan 5 (. . . ana genedde . . .) 887; 2553, 2744, 2213, 2540. — [draco] morSre snvealt 892, 2782. — ^vyrm hat gemealt 897 (see note), cf 3040 f . : njoas se leg- draca . . . gledum besnvaled. (Similarly the victorious sword which ' We may add that both the detailed story of how the hoard came into the possession of the dragon and the motive of the curse laid on the gold put us in mind of Scandinavian analogues, — even though the circumstances of the former are not at all identical. (See notes on 2231 ff., 3051 ff.) Cf. Reginsmal, Fafnhmdly Skaldskaparmdl^ chs. 37 ff. ^ See Sievers, I.e. ; Boer L 4. 58. 69 n., L 4. 140. 112. ^ Or Beowa (see below, pp. xxiii ff. ), which Sievers (/.c.) also took for granted. * Sigur^r has his horse carry the treasures {^Fdfnismdl, Skdldskaparmal^ ch. 38, Vqhungasaga, ch. 19). ^ In the Nlbelungenlied the hoard is carried wz erne holn berge^ 90. THE FABULOUS ELEMENTS xxiii avails against [Grendel and] Grendcl's mother, is melted by the mon- ster's hot blood, 1605 tf., 1666 fF.) I — . . . selfes dbme^ sdbat gehleod 895 j him on bearm hladon . . . sylfes dome 2775 f. — (^hordes hyrde 887, cf. beorges hyrde 2304.) That both < Beowulf's death' and < the fall of B9cNvarr Bjarki' 2 (Saxo ii 59 tf., Hrolfssaga^ chaps. 32 ff., Par. §§ 7, 9) go back ulti- mately to historical legend commemorating the fight between Hjyrvar'cSr (= Heoroweard) and the Geat [king] B9'5varr (Bjarki) (= Beowulf), that is, practically a war — the final, disastrous one — between Swedes and Geats,-* has been argued with great keenness by Sarrazin {E St. xlii 24 ff.), who is supported by Berendsohn {I.e. 12 f.). Through subsequent intrusion of supernatural folk-tale elements, it is fiirther as- sumed, the whole character of the legend underwent a radical metamor- phosis, although the persistent allusions to the Swedish-Geatish affairs in the second part of the Beowulf stvwt as reminders of the actual histori- cal background. The two Beowulfs. Mythological Interpretation 4 The mention of Beowulf the Dane (who may be designated as Beowulf I in contradistinction to the hero Beowulf [II] the Geat) has caused much perplexity to students of the poem. In the opening canto Scyld Scefing and his son Beowulf are given the place of honor in the genealogy of the Danish kings. Practically the same names, viz. Sceaf (Scef), Scyld (Scyldwa, Sceldwea), Beaw (Beo, Beowi(n)us, etc. 5) occur among the ancestors of Woden in a number of Anglo-Saxon and, simi- larly. Old Norse genealogies (Par. §§ i, 5, 8. i). That those names in the Scandinavian pedigrees are derived from Anglo-Saxon sources, is clearly proved by their forms and by the explanatory translations which have been added. Again, a local appellation Beo^wan hamm ^ is men- ^ The light in the cave (2769 f.) recalls the second adventure (1570 fF.). ^ That is, before the latter became connected with the story of Hrolfr Kraki. 3 Cf. below, pp. xl f. * Special references: Kemble L 4. 43, Miiilenhoff L 4. 25. 2, 3, 5 (besides L 4. 19. I ff. ), Sarrazin L 4. 52. 3, Olrik i 223 ff., ii 250 ff., Binz, Lawrence L 4. 60, Heusler L 4. 37. 2. ^ For the variant forms see Grimm D. M. iii 389 (1722) 5 Kemble ii, p. xii. ^ First pointed out by Kemble (L 9. i . i. 416) and turned to full account by Miil- Icnhoff ( ZfdA. xii 282 ff.) . — ham{rn) = ' dwelling,' * fold,' perhaps * piece of land surrounded with paling, wicker-work, etc. , and so defended against the stream, which would otherwise wash it away' (see B.-T. ) ; cf. H. Middendorff, Ae. Flurnamenbuch (1902), pp. 63 f. — Place-names like Bea^ broc^ Beodun and, on the other hand, Grindles hec, Grendeles pyt and the like (Haack L 4.30.51 ft'.; Binz 153 ff. 5 Napier and Stevenson, Craivford Charters (1895) I. 14, 3. 5, and note on p. 50), occurring without any relation to each other, cannot be used as evidence. xxiv INTRODUCTION tioned in the neighborhood of a Grendles mere in a Wiltshire charter issued by King ^'Selstan in the year 931.' From these facts, aided by etymological interpretations of the name Beanx)-Eeo^w{a) {Eeonxiulf)^ it has been inferred that the hero of the poem was originally the same as Beaw (Beowa, Beowulf I), i.e., a divine being worshiped by the Anglo- Saxons and credited with wondrous deeds of the mythological order, and who by contamination with a historical person of the name of Beowulf, the nephew of king Hygelac, was transformed into the mortal hero of the poem. Originated by Kemble and very generally accepted for gen- erations (though varied in minor details), this hypothesis seemed to fur- nish the very key to a true understanding of the unique epic poem. It was enunciated by Mullenhoff, as a kind of dogma, in the following precise and supposedly authoritative formulation. Beaw (whose name is derived from the root bhu [cp. OE. huan'\ * grow,' « dwell,' « cultivate land '), in conjunction with Sceaf (< sheaf, ^ denoting husbandry) and Scyld (< shield,' i.e. protection against en- emies), typifies the introduction of agriculture and civilization, the peaceful dwelling on the cultivated ground. He is virtually identical with Ing 2 and thus also with Frea (ON. Freyr), the god of fruitfulness and riches. In a similar mythological light are to be viewed the exploits of Beowulf (that is, primarily, Beaw). Grendel is a personification of the (North) Sea, and so is Grendel' s mother j and Beowulf's fight against these demons symbolizes the successful checking of the inunda- tions of the sea in the spring season. The contest with the dragon is its autumnal counterpart. In the death of the aged hero, which means the coming on of winter, an old seasons-myth is seen to lie back of the prevailing culture-myth conception. ^ Owing to the similarity of names, the ancient Anglo-Saxon myth of Beowa was transferred to Beowulf the Geat, a great warrior who distinguished himself in Hygelac' s ill- fated expedition against the Franks. A number of other more or less ingenious mythological expositions have been put forward.'* Beowulf has been made out a superhuman * * Ego Ae^elstanus rex Anglorum .... quandam telluris particulam meo fideli ministro Wulfgaro ... in loco quern solicolae aet Hamme vocitant tribuo .... Praedicta . . . tellus his terminis circumcincta clarescit : are%t on easttnveardan on linkage geat Sonon ondlong herpo6es on burghardes ansiigo. Sonne forS to hares anstigon . . . od hit cimeS to Scere die . . . Sonne norS ofer dune . . . Sonne a dune on Sa yfre. on heoivan kammes hecgan. on bremeles sceagan easteiveardne to Sare scortan die. butan anan acre. Sonne tofugel-mere to San ivege ; end- long ivegei to ottes forda ; Sonon to ivudumere ; Sonne to Sesre ruivan hecgan ; S(et on langan hangran ; Sonne on grendles mere; Sonon on dyr nan geat ; Sonne eft on lin- leage geat.^ [Cartularium Saxonicum ed. by W.de Gray Birch ii 363 fF. [Kemble, Cod. Dipl. ii 171 ff.].) * Cf. below, p. xxxvii. ^ Even the swimming adventure with Breca has been explained mythologically, see note on 499 ff. * See Wiilker L 4.4.258 ff. ; Panzer 250 ff. THE FABULOUS ELEMENTS xxv being of the order of ]76rr or Baldr, or a lunar deity,' a personification of wind, storm, or lightning, a patron of bee-kee|)ers,2 whilst his op- ponent Grendel has figured as the incarnation of the terrors of pesti- lential marshes, malaria or fog, or of the long winter nights, a storm being, a likeness of the ON. Loki or ^gir, even of the Lernaean hydra of old. ^ Also the dragon and Beowulf's dragon fight have been sub- jected to various interpretations of a similar allegorizing character. Grimm understood the name Beo-Rvulf {pi which Eeo^v was supposed to be a shortening) as * bee-wolf (enemy of the bees), meaning ' wood- pecker,'"^ which bird he conjectured to have been held sacred like the Picus of the Romans. Others have accepted this eminently plausible etymology of * bee- wolf,' taking the word, however, in the sense of < bear ' (the ravager of bees, the hive plunderer). (Cosijn, Aanteekeningen^ p. 42 [cf. ZfdPh. xxiv 17 n.] explained 'bee-wolf as j/g-^acw//^ [with reference to the use of sigenxjif for * bees' in the Ags. Charms 3.8, Grein-Wiilcker i 320].) Out of the bewildering mass of learned disquisitions along these lines the following facts emerge as fairly probable. There is no need to as- sume a connection between Beaw (Beowulf I) and Beowulf II. Neither the Grendel nor the dragon fight is to be shifted back from the Geat hero to the Dane or the Anglo-Saxon progenitor. The evidence of the famous Wiltshire charter is far from conclusive as regards the attribu- tion of the Grendel fight to Beowa, especially as we are by no means certain that the grendel of grendles mere was not meant as a common noun (as claimed by Thomas Miller, Academy xlv 3 9 6). 5 That Beaw : Beow was after all, originally, some kind of a divine being, has been shown to be probable by the recent investigations of Kaarle Krohn,^ who called attention to the corresponding figure of the Finnish Pekko, a god of grain, whom the Finns had taken over from Germanic tradition. In course of time it came to pass that the grain being Beow (^^o-xt; = * barley '), like the analogous personifications of * sheaf ' and ' shield "■ 7, was regarded as an epic personage, an early progenitor of royal races. But outside of the introductory genealogy this shadowy divinity has no place in the Anglo-Saxon epic. Nothing but his name is recorded (II. 18, 53). And that seems to have been introduced as a result of an accidental confusion. When detailing the ancestry of the Scyl- dingas (SkJ9ldungar), the poet was reminded by the name Scyld ^ By reason of his dragon fight, cf. E. Siecke, Drachenkampfe, Untersuchungen zur indogermanuchen Sagenkunde. 1907. ^ Hence, more generally, a representative of civilization (Miillenhoff, ZfdA, xii 283). ^ Hagen, MLN. xix 71 ; cf Kogel, ZfdA. xxxvii 270. * Skeat at one time accepted this {Academy xi 163 c), but considered that the woodpecker on account of its fighting qualifies was meant to typify a hero. ^ Cf. Lawrence I.e. 251 flf. j Panzer 395 ff. ^ See Olrik ii 250 ff. ^ See note on 4-52. xxvi INTRODUCTION (Skjpldr) of the Anglo-Saxon Scyld(wa) and the beings associated with him,' and thus, mingling Danish and Anglo-Saxon tradition, he cited the series Scyld Scejing^ Beo^wuif among the early kings of the Danes. ^ That the form Beouoidf of 11. i8, 53 in place of £eo~-tv(a) or Bea^iv is due to a mistake of the poet's or a scribe's, has been conjectured more than once. 3 On the other hand, Beowulf the Geat Is entirely of Scandinavian origin. His name, if rightly interpreted as *bear,' ^ agrees (though of course not etymologically) with that of Bjarki, which to begin with was apparently meant as a diminutive form of hjorn 'bear.' 5 His deeds are plainly of the folk-tale order adjusted in the epic to the level of Germanic hero-life. The chief adversary of Beowulf in the first part is naturally to be traced to the same source 5 but probably English tra- ditions of a water-sprite have entered into the conceptions of the mon- ster Grendel, whose very name seems to have been added on English soil. To inquire into the primitive mythological signification of those preternatural adventures is an utterly hopeless undertaking. Resting as they do on pure theory and diversified imagination, such romantic con- structions merely obscure the student's vision of the real elements of the story. ^ Are we now to believe that Beowulf, the hero — like Grettir of the later Icelandic saga — belongs in part to history, or, in other words, that a Geat famed for strength and prowess attracted to himself won- derful tales of ultrahuman feats ? ^ What the poem tells about his ^ Cf. Heusler, Anz.fdA. xxx 32 ; R.-L. i ^47. ^ In the Anglo-Saxon genealogies the Danish Heremod (Hermo'Sr) also appears, see note on Heremod (901-15). ^ Cf. Simrock L 3. 21. 176 5 Trautmann, Bonn.B. xvii 153 ; Child, MLN. xxi 198 f. ; Lawrence 256 ; Binz, Lit bl. xxxii 54 j "Heusler, R.-L. i 247 j also Brandl 993. •♦ Cf. above, pp. xix, xxv. — A somewhat too realistic and simple explanation of his name and deeds was offered by Skeat, who conjectured ( Jour, of Philol. xv 120 ff. ) that a strong man once killed a bear or two, and was therefore given, as a mark of distinction, the name of 'bear ' himself. A similar suggestion as to the rise of the story was made by Bode (L 7. 9. 71 f.). Sidney Lanier asked curiously whether traditions of actual antediluvian monsters might not have been the starting point of legends of the Grendel kin (L 7. 26). (Cf. Haigh's and Harrison's remarks on dragons, L 4. 27. 95 ff. 5 L 9. 9. 158.) Brooke (L 4. 6. i. 86, 4. 6. 2. 66) reckoned with the cannibalism of primeval cave-dwellers as a possible germinal element of such folk-tales. ^ His first name, BoS-varr^ is owing to a misunderstanding of an appellative boQ-uar (gen. sing, oi bqS 'fight'). Cp. Saxo ii 64 : ' [ense,] a quo belligeri cepi cognomen.' (Sarrazin would take BotSvarr (from '^ Bat5u-{Ji)arir) as the real name, thus bringing it in line with the assumed form Beaduiuulf, see below, p. xxviii). No importance need be attached to the fact that the grandfather of B9'5varr Bjarki is called Bjor in the B]arkarimur. ^ Cf. Boer, A/NF. xix 43 f. 5 Lawrence 258 ff. ; Panzer 252 ff. ' Grein (L 4. 69. 267, 278) ventured the guess that the deliverance of Den- THE FABULOUS ELEMENTS xxvii person, apart from his marvelous deeds, has not the appearance of his- tory or of genuine historical legend. ' He is out of place in the line of Geat kings, who bear names alliterating with //,• and, still more strangely, his own B does not harmonize with the name of his father Ecgbeow and that of his family, the WSgmundingas.^ He is a solitary figure in life, and he dies without leaving any children. Neither as Hygelac's retainer nor as king of the Geats does he play any real part in the important events of the time. 3 He accompanies Hygelac, indeed, on his historic continental expedition, but what is told of him in that connection is of a purely episodic nature, conventional, or fabulously exaggerated, in short, to all appearances, anything but authentic. There is hardly a trait assigned to him that is not more or less typical '^ or in some way associated with his extraordinary qualities or his definite role as a protecting and defending man of strength, in which the Anglo- Saxon poet rejoiced. That there is some substratum of truth in the extensive recital of his doings may well be admitted as a possibilityj but that need not have been more than the merest framework of the narrative elements common to Beowulf and BQ^varr Bjarki. The elab- oration of Beowulf's character and actions shows plainly the hand of the author who made him the hero of a great epic poem. Note on the Ety??iology of Beowulf and Grendel The following etymologies of the singular names Beonvulf Bea^iv (Beo-iv [z?] ) have been proposed. i) Beo--iuuIf{= ON. Bjolfr), = « bee-wolf.' So Grimm D. M. 306 (369); Simrock L 3.21. 1775 Mullenhoff, ZfdA. xii 283; Sweet, Ags. Reader, Sc E St. ii 312-4; Korner, E St. i 483^ 5 Skeat, Acad- emy xi 163 c, & Jour, of Philol. xv 120 ff. ; Cosijn, Aatit. 42 ; Slevers, Beitr. xviii 413; v. Grienberger 759; Panzer 392. This etymology is strongly supported by the form of the proper name Biuulf(i.e. Biuuulf) occurring in the Liber Vitae Ecclesiae Dunelmensis (Sweet, Oldest Eng- lish Texts, p. 163, 1. 342). Cf. Lang. § 17. Thws Beo-nvulf North- umbr. Blu-iviilf (perhaps from primitive Norse *Bi^-iu-^volfr), = ON. Bjolfr, older *BJ!-olfr. (Symons, P. Grdr.^ iii 647.) Parallel OHG. form : Biulfus. 2) Beo-wulf= ON. .SyoT/r (as first seen by Grundtvig), i.e. Boejolfr, mark and Geatland from the attacks of pirates by a historical Beowulf caused the Grendel and dragon combats to be attributed to him. ' The events of his life are briefly reviewed on p. xlv. ^ See below, p. xxxii & n. 2. _ ^ It is true, the assistance given to Eadgils is alluded to in 11. 2392 ff., but even that did not amount to active participation. * Thus the motive of the sluggish youth is, somewhat awkwardly, added to his person (2183 ff.) exactly as it was done in the case of Grettir and of Ormr (see above, p. xiv n. 2). xxviii INTRODUCTION Byjulfr, from beer, byr eow, England is not represented save for the an- cient Angle legend of Offa. The Danes 7 {Dene^ Ingnjj'ine, Scyldingas, see Glossary of Proper Names.) A genealogy of the royal line and a summary of the facts of Danish :j history extracted from the poem are presented below. (Scyld Beowulf [I] Healfdene (a.d. 440-493) Heorogar (465-495) -) followed by Healfdene. Heoroweard (b. 485) HreSric (b. 494) HroSgar^ m. Wealh>eow J Hro^mund (468-520) ^ ^^ -^ Halga (470-498) (b. 495) Freawaru, m. Ingeldl (b. 496) Hro'Sulf (490-540) daughter, m. [On]ela Note : For the sake of clearness the figures (which at best could re^ present approximate dates only) have been made quite definite. They ^ See note on 1931-62. ^ See note on 11 97-1201. A historical basis of the Sigemund legend cannot be reckoned with, see note on 875-900, nor could Weland (1. 455) be considered in this class. ^ In addition to Danes, * Half-Danes,' Geats, and Swedes, the poem knows the Jutes (cf. Introd. to The Fi^ht at Finnsburg^ also below, p. xlvi), the {^Heapo-)Reamas and the Finna land (see note on 499 ff. ). * See below, pp. xxxix f. ^ See Gloss, of Proper Names ; below, pp. xxxv f. ^ See Gloss, of Proper Names : fVendlas. ^ Passages in the Beoivulf serving as sources : 57 ff. 5 467, 2158 (Heorogar), 2161 (Heoroweard) ; 612 ff . , 1 162 ff, ( Wealhpeow) 5 1017, 1 180 ff. (2166 ff.) (Hro'Sulf); 1219 f., 1226 f., 1836 ff. (Hre'Sric, Hro^mund) ; 2020 ff., 81 ff. (Freawaru, Ingeld). — Of especial value for the study of this Danish legendary his- tory are the investigations of Miillenhoff, Olrik, Heusler (L 4. 35, L 4. 73), Sar- razin (L 4. 32. i & 2) ; for the HeaSo-Bard feud, see also L 4. 83 ff. (chiefly 84 : Bugge), Olrik (vol. ii), and Miillenhoff, Deutsche Alter tum%kunde v (1891;, pp. 315 ff- THE HISTORICAL ELEMENTS xxxi are only designed to show the sequence of events in such an order as to satisfy the probabilities of the narrative. ' Healfdene (57 If.), following the mythical founder Scyld and the equally fictitious Beowulf (I), is the first one in the line of Danish kings belonging to semi-historical tradition. He was succeeded by his eldest son Heorogar, whose reign was apparently of short duration. After Heorogar's early death, the crown fell not to his son Heoroweard (who was perhaps considered too young or was held in disrespect ~)y but to his brother Hro%ar, the central figure of Danish tradition in the Beonuulf. His is a reign of surpassing splendor. After gaining brilliant success in war (64 tf.),^ he established his far-famed royal seat Heorot (68 ff.) and ruled for a long, long time (1769 ff.) in peace, honored by his people (863), a truly noble king. His queen Wealh^eow; of the race of the Hehningas (620), is a stately and gracious lady, remarkable for her tact and diplomacy."^ Another person of great importance at the court is HroSulf. By the parallel Scandinavian versions it is definitely established that he was the son of Halga, who in the £eo^-wu(f receives no further mention (i.e. after 1. 61). Left fatherless at a tender age,5 he was brought up kindly and honorably by HroSgar and Wealh^eow (11 84 ff.), and when grown up, rose to a position of more than ordi- nary influence. HroSulf and Hro'Sgar occupy seats of honor side by side in the hall Heorot (1163 f.), as befits near relatives of royal rank, who are called magas (10 15) and suhiergefdederan (11 64 5 suhtorfad- ran, Wids. 46). In fact, it almost looks as if HroSulf were conceived of as a sort of joint-regent in Denmark. ^ With just a little imagina- tion we may draw a fine picture of the two Scyldingas ruling in high state and glory over the Danes, Hr5'Sgar the old and wise, a peace- maker (470 ff., 1859 ff., 2026 ff.), a man of sentiment, and HroSulf, the young and daring, a great warrior, a man of energy aiid ambition. At a later time, however, as the poet intimates with admirable subtlety ' They are in the main derived from Heusler (L 4. 75). Somewhat different are the chronological tables of Gering (L 3. 26) and Kier (L 4. 78). ^ In 11. 2155 ff. we hear of a valuable corslet which Heorogar did not care to bestow on his son. ^ The definite reference to wars, 1828, possibly points to the Hea'So-Bards (see below, pp. xxxiv ff. ) or to the Geats (see below, p. xlv). '^ See II 69 ff., 1 21 5 ff. ^ At the age of eight according to the Sijqldungasaga, ch. 12 (Par. § 8. 6) and the Tfig/ingasaga, ch. 29 (33) (Par. § 6). ^ The expression mdga gemedu (247), ' the consent of the kinsmen ' (without which there was properly no admission to the land of the Danes), is possibly to be understood with regard to the mdgas of 1. 1015. — In a somewhat similar manner uncle and nephew (in this case, the sister's son), namely Hygelac and Beowulf, are found living together in the land of the Geats : him iv^s bdrr. samod / on Sam leod- icipe lond gecynde, / card edelriht, odrum sivlSor / side rice pdm 3ir seira was 2196 ff. xxxii INTRODUCTION (1018 f., 1164 f., 1178 ff., 1228 ff,), the harmonious union was broken, and HroSulf, unmindful of the obligations of gratitude, be- haved ill toward his cousins, HreSrIc and HroSmund (11 80 ff.), that is to say — very likely — usurped the throne. One is tempted to regard Beowulf's 'adoption' (946 ff., 1 175 f.) as in some way connected with the anticipated treachery of Hro^ulf. In case of future difficulties among the Scyldingas, Beowulf might come to the rescue of the Danish princes (in particular the elder one, cf. 1226 f., 1219 f.), or Hre'Sric might find a place of refuge at the court of the Geats (Jie mag par fela / freonda find an 1837). Regarding the chronology of Hro'Sgar's life, the poet is clearly in- consistent in depicting him as a very old man, who looks back on a reign of sixty-two years (1769 ff., 147),^ and, on the other hand, re- presenting his sons as mere youngsters. Evidently neither the definite dates of the passages referred to nor the intimation of the helpless king's state of decrepitude could be taken literally. Of these eight male names of the Danish dynasty, which are prop- erly united by alliteration conformably to the Norse epic laws of name- giving in the period preceding the Viking age — the majority of them moreover containing one element recurring in one or more of the other names, 2 — all except Heorogar and Hro'6'mund are well known in the analogous Scandinavian tradition. ^ It is true, the names do not always correspond precisely in form,"^ but this is only natural in different ver- sions separated by centuries and based on long continued oral trans- mission. We also find a good many variations in the treatment of the material due to shifting and confusion, but, thanks to the researches of farsighted scholars, the main outlines of the original tradition appear with gratifying clearness. On the whole, the Beo^wulf account is to be * And who may be expected to have to fight the Hea'So-Bards in years to come (2026 ff., cf. ff^ids. 45 ff.). ^ See Olrik i 22 ff. The most frequent of the name elements, kroS {hred), re- flects the glory and splendor of the royal line. Also the genealogies of the Geats and the Swedes (likewise the Danish Hocingas (1069, 1071, 1076) and the W agmundingas) are marked by alliteration. Similarly, in the West Saxon line of kings — beginning with Ecgberht — vocalic alliteration is traceable for two cen- turies and a half. On (historical) exceptions to the rule of alliteration in name- giving among early Germanic tribes, see Gering (L 3. 26, 2d ed.), p. vi, n. Cf. G. T. Flom, "Alliteration and Variation in Old Germanic Name-Giving," MLN. xxxii (1917), 7-17. 3 See Par. §§ 4-9. ■* Thus, Hrodgar answers to an ON. Hrddgeirr, whereas the names actually used, Hroarry Roe would be ^ Hrod-here in OE. Similar variations between differ- ent versions are OE. Eadgils : ON. ^5ils ; OE. Eanmund : ON.(Lat. ) H'dmo- thui (see below, p. xli) ; Garmund : Warmund (see note on 1931-62); Odaf: Ordl'af (see Introd. to The Fight at Finnshurg') ; and within the Beoivulf itself, Heorogar : Her egar (61,2158; 467); HrlQel : Hradla. Cf Heusler, **Hel- dennamen in mehrfacher Lautgestalt," ZfdA. lii 97-107. THE HISTORICAL ELEMENTS xxxui regarded as being not only in time but also in historical fid-elity nearest to the events alluded to. Heorogdr, the eldest son of Healfdene, it is reasonable to believe, merely dropped out of the later versions of the Skjyldung saga, whilst HroSmunJf showing distinct English affiliations, ' seems peculiar to the Anglo-Saxon account. The strange name of Hro'Sgar's queen, IVealh- i^eo-iv (i.e. * British servant'), indicates that she was considered of for- eign descent. 2 Heoro^veard is the Norse Hj^rvarSr (Hiarthwanis, Hyarwardus), whose fatal attack on his brother-in-law (not cousin) Hrolfr Kraki in- troduces the situation celebrated in the famous BjarkamaL^ The per- son ot HreSric is curiously hidden in a few scanty references to HroercKr (hnoggvanbaugi) and in a cursory but instructive allusion to King Rolvo's slaying of a Roricus {^Bjarkajnal^ Saxo ii 62. 4 fF. : * [rex] qui natum Boki R0ricum strav^t avari, etc.').'* That Healfdene (ON. Ha.lfdan(r), O.Dan. Haldan) figured also in Norse accounts as the father of Hro'S- gar (Hroarr) and Halga (Helgi), is abundantly proved, though his position became in time much confused. Even his designation as heah and gamol (57 f.) is duplicated in -Scandinavian sources (Skaldskapar- mal, chap. 62 : Half dan gamli ; Hyndluljbp 14 : Halfianr fyrri hkstr Skjnldunga).S An explanation of his peculiar name may be found in the fact that, according to the later Skjqldungasaga (Par. § 8. 6 : chap, 9), his mother was the daughter of the Swedish king Jorundus. Icelandic sources have it that he lost his life through his brother (Fr6«i).6 Two sons of Halfdan(r), Hroarr (Roe) and Helgi (Helgo), are regularly known in the North, besides in a few versions a daughter Signy who married a jarl named Ssvil,^ — probably a mistake for Onela, the Swedish king. That her real name was Yrsa, has been * Sarrazin, E St. xxiii 229. ^ The non-Danish, i.e. English lineage of Hroar's wife in the Hrolfssaga (ch. 5, Par. § 9) and in Arngrim Jonsson's Skjqldungasaga (ch. li, Par. § 8. 6) may or may not be connected \\ith that fact; cf. Olson L 4, 65. 80, 97. — The name df Wealhpeow's family, Helmingas, possibly points to East Anglia (Binz 177 f . ; Sarrazin, I.e.). The name Wealhpeow (whose second element need 'not be inter- preted literally) may have been constructed as a characterizing one like Angelpeow in the Mercian genealogy (Par. § 2). Cp. also Ecg-^ Ongen-peozo. A note by Deutschbein : AfizfdA. xxxvi 225. ^ Par. § 7 (ii 59 ft.), § 9 (chs. 32 ff.) ; § 8.2, 5, 6 (ch. 12). Edition of the * Bjarkamal en fornu,' see L 10. i. 4. * As first seen by Grundtvig (Edition, p. 204). Cf. also Bugge, Studien uber die Entstehung der nordischen GotUr- und Htldensagen (1889), pp. 171 f. See Par. § 8. I. 5 See Par. §§ 4, 7 (it 51), 8, 9. Cf. Angl. xxix 378. — Kier (L4. 78. 104 fF.) would identify Healfdene with Alewih of tVids. 35 (see note on 1931-62). ^ According to Danish accounts Haldanus killed his brother (cf. Par. § 8. 3). ^ Skjoldungaiuga, ch. lo (Par. § 8. 6), HrolfssagOf ch. I (Par. § 9). xxxiv INTRODUCTION argued by (Chadwick and) Clarke (L 4. 76).! In contrast with the Beonvulf, Helgi left a much stronger impression in Scandinavian legend than the quiet, inactive Hroarr 5 he even appears, under the guise of Helgi Hundingsbani, as the sole representative of the Skjgldungar in the Eddie poems bearing his name.^ Still greater is the shifting in the relative importance of HroSgdr (Hroarr) and his nephew Hrd-5ulf i^xoMx [Kraki], Rolvo). All the glory of HroSgar seems to be transferred to Hrolfr, who became the most renowned and popular of the ancient Danish legendary kings, the most perfect of rulers, the center of a splendid court rivaling that of the Gothic Theodoric and the Celtic Arthur. ^ This development was perhaps first suggested by the significant contrast between the old, peace-loving Hro'Sgarand his young, forceful, promising nephew; it v^as further aided by a change in the story of Helgi, who was made to survive his brother, whereby Hrolfr was dissociated from the traditions concerning his uncle.'* Another phase of Danish history is opened up in the allusions to the re- lation between the Scyldingas and the chiefs of the HeaSo- Bards (2024- 2069), which are all the more welcome as they present one of the most truly typical motives of the old Germanic heroic life, viz. the sacred duty of revenge. To settle an old bloody feud HroSgar gave his daughter Freawani in marriage to Ingeld, the son of the Heaf>o-Bard king Fr5da, who in years gone by had been slain by the victorious Danes. But an old, grim warrior {eald asdviga, 2042), chafing under the trying situ- ation, which to his sense of honor is utterly humiliating, spurs a young comrade on to a realization of his duty, until hostility actually breaks out again. The outcome of the new war between the two tribes is related in Widsid^ 45-49 : Hro^wulf ond Hro'Sgar heoldon lengests sibbe astsomne suhtorfasdran, sihl'an hy forwrjecon Wicinga cynn ond Ingeldes ord forblgdan, forheowan get Heorote Hea^o-Beardna Jrym. * On Yrsa's relations with Helgi, (Ali, and) A'SilSj.see Clarke, pp. 64 ff., 82 fF. Chadwick and Clarke suggest that an (unknowingly) incestuous marriage between father and daughter (see Grottasqngr 11, Par. § 5 : ch. 40, HrblfisagUy chs. 7, 9) may have been substituted in Norse tradition for that between brother and sister. — In the Hrolfssaga and (probably) the late Skjqldungasaga Signy is the oldest of Halfdan's children, whereas in the ^^o-zdm^ Healf dene's daughter is ap- parently younger than her brothers. 2 Cf. Bugge L4.84. 3 See Par. § 5 : ch. 41, § 7 : ii 53, § 8. 6 : ch. 12, § 9 : ch. 16. * Heusler, ZfdA. xlviii 73 f. — That Hro^ulf was remembered in England at a comparatively late date, we see from the reference in a late Brut version to the * gesta rodulphi et hunlapi, Unwini et Widie, horsi et hengisti, Waltef et hame * (Imelmann, D.Lit.z. xxx 999). ^ According to Deutschbein's — somewhat doubtful — interpretation (L 4, 97. 296) : 'had kept peace for the longest time . . .,' i.e., soon after the defeat of the Vikings they became estranged. THE HISTORICAL ELEMENTS xxxv In other words, the HeaSo-Bards invade the land of the Danes and attack the royal stronghold, but are utterly defeated. On this occasion, as is to be inferred from 11. 82 tf., the famous hall Heorot was de- stroyed by fire. ^ Curiously but not unnaturally (the memory of the once independent Bard tribe having been lost in later times), Scandinavian sources regard the feud as arising from the enmity between two brothers of the Scyld- ing family or — as in the case of Saxo — represent the former Bards as Danes, whilst their enemies, the Swerting family, are made over into Saxons. 2 Otherwise, Saxo's account is substantially a faithful counter- part of the ^^o-xt'«//" episode ; in particular the fine, taunting speech of the old warrior, which sums up the ethical significance of the tragic con- flict, is plainly echoed in the Latin verses — immoderately lengthened, diluted and in part vulgarized as they are — which are put in the mouth of the famous hero StarkaSr ('the Old'), the representative of the old, simple, honorable warlike life and of stern, unbending Viking ^ virtue. A faint recollection of the Hea'5o-Bard feud lingers in the tradition of Hothbrodus, king of Sweden (in Saxo and other Danish sources, Par. § 7 : ii 52 f., § 8. 4 & 5) and of H9'Sbroddr, the enemy of Helgi in the Eddie lays mentioned above. The very name H95broddr, as first pointed out by Sarrazin,"* is the individualized form of the tribal name HeaSo-Beardan, though the phonetic agreement is not complete.^ In accordance with the spirit of the Germanic heroic saga, the per- sonal element is strongly emphasized in viewing the events in the light of a family feud of chiefs or petty kings, yet we have reason to believe that there existed a true historical background of considerable political significance. But who are the Hea'So-Bards ? Evidently, a seafaring people [JVids. 47 : ivtcinga cynn), who seem to have lived for some time on the southern coast of the Baltic (the home of the H9'Sbroddr of the Eddie Helgi lays). ' That the memory of this Ingeld (whom Miillenhoff [p. 22] thought identi- cal with Ingjaldr illraSi, Tnglirj^asa^a^ chs. 34 (38) ff.) was kept alive in songs, appears from a passage in Alcuin's letter (a.d. 797; to bishop Speratus of Lindis- farne : ' Verba Dei legantur in sacerdotali convivio. Ibi decet lectorem audiri, ngn citharistam ; sermones patrum, non carmina gentilium. Quid enim Hinieldus cum Christo ? Angusta est domus 5 utrosque tenere non poterit. ' (O. Janicke, ZfdA. XV 314 ; Haack L 4. 30. 49 f.) ^ See note on 2024-69. In the later Skjnjdungasaga^ chs. 9, 10, this Swerting figures as a Swedish 'baron' (Par. § 8.6). 3 Cf. fVids. 47 : fVicinga cynn. * Sarr. St. 42. See also Bngge L 4. 84. 160 ; Sarrazin, E St. xxiii 233 fF. j Boer, Beitr. xxii 377 f. In like manner, the name of Starka'Sr has been ex- plained (Bugge, I.e. 166 f.) from * Stark-hgiSr, i.e., 'the strong He'a'So-Bard.' In the second Helgi lay he is called Hyb'brodd's brother, and a king. ^ Detter, who (like Miillenhoff) connected Ingeld (Ingellus) with Ingjaldr ill- ra'Si, attempted to establish a mythological basis (a Freyr myth) for this episode {Beitr. xviii 90 ff.). xxxvi INTRODUCTION They have been Identified with (i) the Langobards (Lombards), whose name is reasonably to be equated with that of the Hea'So-Bards, and some divisions of whom may have been left behind on the Baltic shore when the main body of the tribe migrated south, ^ and with (z) the Erulians (Heruli), who, according to Jordanes,^ were driven from their dwellings (on the Danish islands, perhaps) by the powerful Danes and whose defeat has been supposed (by Miillenhoft) to have ushered in the consolidation of the Danish state. Besides, compromise theories have been proposed. Also the problematical Myrgingas ^ of Widsid have been connected with the Bards. '^ An authoritative decision is hardly possible. Summing up, we may give the following brief, connected account of the outstanding events of Danish history as underlying the allusions of the poem. 5 Fr5da, king of the Bards, slays Healfdene^ (about a.d. 493) ; (Heorogar,) HroSgar, and Halga make a war of revenge,^ Froda falls in battle (a.d. 494). After an interval of nearly twenty years, when Froda' s son, Ingeld (born a.d. 493) has grown up, Hro'Sgar, the renowned and venerable king, desirous of forestalling a fresh outbreak of the feud, marries his daughter Freawaru to the young HeaSo-Bard king (a.d. 513). Yet before long, the flame of revenge is kindled again, the Bards invade the Danish dominions and burn Heorot, but are completely routed, a.d. 515. The for- eign enemy having been overcome, new trouble awaits the Danes at home. Upon HroSgar's death (a.d. 520), his nephew HroiSulf for- cibly seizes the kingship, pushing aside and slaying his cousin Hre'Sric, the heir presumptive. [Of the subsequent attack of Heoroweard, who had a still older claim to the throne, and the fall of HroSulf (a.d. 540) no mention is made in the Beo-ivulf.'] Thus the two tragic motives of this epic tradition are the implacable enmity between two tribes, dominated by the idea of revenge which no human bonds of affection can restrain, and the struggle for the crown among members of a royal family [which is to lead to the extinction of the dynasty] . The existence of a royal line preceding the Scyldingas is to be in- ferred from the allusions to Heremod, see note on 901-15. ^ The inhabitants of the ' Bardengau,' the district of the modern Liineburg (where the place-name Bardovvieck persists) are called in a 12th century chronicle Bardi bellicosissimi ( = Hea'5o-Bards). ^ De Origine Actibusque Getarum^ cap. iii. 3 Cf. Chambers Wid. 159 ff. * Moller 26 ff. 5 Sarrazin, E St. xxiii234ff., Angl. xix 388. [In a recent note, "Halfdan = Frode = Hadbardernes Konge, hvis Rige forenes med det danske," Nordid Tidsskrift for Filologi, 4. Series, vi ( 1917), 78-80, J. Neuhaus assigns the Hea'So-Bards to North Schleswig ] S Cf. Heusler, ZfdA. xlviii 72. On the meaning of the dates given, see above, p. XXX. ^ There is no mention of this in Beowulf. THE HISTORICAL ELEMENTS xxxvii The seat of the Danish power, the fair hall Heorot, corresponds to the ON. Hlei^ri (HleicNargar^r, Lat. Lethra) of Scandinavian fame, which, although reduced to insignificance at an early date, and now a tiny, wretched village, Lejre (southwest of Roskilde on the island of Zealand), is habitually associated with the renown of the SkJ9ldung kings. 2 It has been (doubtfully) regarded as the site of an ancient sanctuary devoted, perhaps, to the cult of Nerthus (Tacitus, Germ., eh. 40, Par. § 10) and Ing (ON. Freyr, Yngvifreyr, Ingunafreyr).^ Hlei6r was destroyed, we may imagine, on the occasion of Hrolf's fall,-* but in the memory of the people it lived on as the ideal center of the greatness of Denmark in the olden times. Sarrazin claimed that the scenery of the first part of the Beonjoulf could be clearly recognized even in the present Lejre and its surround- ings,5 while others (including the present editor) have failed to see more than a very general topographical resemblance. It should be noted that the name Ingnjciiie twice applied to the Danes (1044, 13 19) bears weighty testimony to the ancient worship of Ing.^ The designations Scede-land 19, Scede7i-ig 1686 (used of the Danish dominion in general) point to the fact that the original home of the Danes was in Shane {Scania^ the southernmost district of the present kingdom of Sweden), 7 whence they migrated to the islands and later to Jutland.^ ^ Note the regular alliteration in the names of the place and of the royal family {Hro6ga.r^ ^'^^•) 5 ^^^^ Hredel, etc.: Hreosnabeorh 24775 Ofigenpeoiu etc. : Upp- sa/ir ; perhaps fVTglaf : JVcndel. 2 See Par. §6: chs. 5, 29 (33) ; § 7 : ii 52, § 8. 2, § 8. 3, §8. 6 : ch. i, § 9: chs. 16 ff. Only in late sources is HroSgar (Roe), the builder of Heorot (Hlei'Sr) in the Beowulf y credited with the founding of Roskilde j see Par. §8. 4. ^ Cf. Sarrazin St. 5 f , Angl. xix 368 ff., E St. xlii I ff, ; Much, Beitr. xvii 196 ff. ; Mogk, P. Grdr.^ iii 367. According to Sarrazin, the original meaning of HleiSr is ' tent-like building,' 'temple,' and appears even in the OE. at hargtra' fum, Beoiv. 175. That human and animal sacrifices were offered to the gods at the capital, 'Lederun,' is related by Thietmar of Merseburg (early in the nth century) ; cf. Grimm D. M. 39 (48). ■* It may be assumed that after its burning by the Hea'So-Bards it had been rebuilt. ^ See the detailed topographical descriptions, Sarr. St. 4 ff., Beitr. xi 167 ff. ^ Cp. Runic Poem 67 ff. Itigivine has the appearance of being changed, by folk etymology, from (the equivalent of) *■ Ing'vaeones (the worshipers of Ing), the name by which Tacitus designates the Germanic North Sea tribes (Par. § 10 : ch. 2). From Jutland and Zealand the cult of Ing spread to the other Danish islands, to Skane, and thence to Sweden. (Cf. the name Tnglitigar^ below, p. xlii n. 2, etc.) ' It was not united politically with Sweden until 1658. ^ In Wulfstan's account of his voyage (Alfred's Oros. 19. 35 f.) the form Sc6n-eg is used : and on bacbord him ivas Langa/and, and Laland^ and Fa/ster, and Sconegi and pas land call hyra3 to Denemearcan. Cf. Scani^ Par. §1.3. XXXVlll INTRODUCTION The Geats and Swedes » (See Glossary of Proper Names : Geatas, Wederas, HreSlingas ^ S'lveofij Scyljingas.) The Geatish Koyal Line 2 Herebeald (465-497) Hre«el (a.d. 440-498) Has'§cyn (467-505) Hygeldc^ m. Hygd (sec- , ond wife)3 (470-516) daughter (from ist marriage), 3 m. Eofor Heardred (from 2d marriage) (506-528) daughter, m. Ecgbeow Ongen^eow — (445-505) 'The Swedish Royal Line Ohthere ^ (473-527) Eanmund'* (500-528) Eadgils (b, 505, becomes , king 530) Onela [m. Healfdene's daughter] (475-530) Hre'Sel, like his contemporary Healfdene the Dane, had three sons and one daughter. The eldest son Herebeald was accidentally killed by Hse'Scyn, who when shooting an arrow, missed his aim and struck his brother instead (243 5 ff.).5 The grief caused by this tragic fate ate away the king's life. Upon his death and the succession of -Hae'Scyn, war ^ LI. 1202-14, 2201-9, 2354-96, (2425-89 :) 2425-43, 2462-89, 2501-8, 2611-19, 2910-98 ; also 1830 ff. , 1923 ff. , 2169 ff. , 2190 ff. — For discussions, see especially L 4. 28 (Bugge) and L 4. 88-97, also references below, p. xlvi, ^ As to the definite chronological figures used, see above, p. xxx. ^ So we may assume in the interest of chronological harmony. * There is no positive proof that either Ohthere or Eanmund was the elder brother. ^ At this point, chronology must not be insisted upon too rigidly. See note on 2432 ff". THE HISTORICAL ELEMENTS xxxix broke out between the Geats and Swedes (2472 ff. , 2922 ff.). It is started by the Swedes, who attack their southern neighbors and after inflicting severe damage return home. An expedition of revenge into the land of the Swedes undertaken by Hai'Scyn and Hygelac, though at first successful (even Ongenheow's queen is taken prisoner), seems destined to utter failurcj the ' old, terrible ' king of the Swedes falls upon HasScyn's army, rescues the queen, kills the Geat king and forces his troops to seek refuge in the woods {Hrefnesholt 2935), threatening them all night long with death in the morning by the sword and the gallows. But at dawn the valorous Hygelac appears with his division and inspires such a terror that the Swedes flee to their fastness, pursued by the Geats. Ongen^eow in a brave fight against two brothers, Eofor and Wulf, loses his life. Hygelac, now king of the Geats, after his home- coming richly repaid the brothers and gave his only daughter as wife to Eofor. This victory at the Ravenswood (a.d. 505) insured the Geats peace with the Swedes, who seem to have dreaded the power of the warlike Hygelac. [The Geat king's arm was strengthened by his loyal nephew, the mighty Beowulf, who, after his triumphant return from Denmark, where he had overcome the Grendel race (about a.d. 510), was the associate of Hygelac] Not content with his success in the North, Hygelac even undertook a ravaging expedition into the Prankish lands (' Gallias,' Par. § 11) about A.D. 5 1 6. 1 He arrived with a fleet in the land of the (West) Frisians (west of the Zuider Zee) (sySSan Higeldc cnvhn /faranjiotherge on Fresna land 2914 f., cp. 1206 f.), and sailed up the river Rhine as far as the district of the Prankish tribe Hastware [Attoarii, better known as Chattuarii).^ [Supplementing the narrative by means of Gregory's version and the Historia Franccrum (Par. § n):] Having loaded their ships with prisoners and rich booty ('Lu^/r^/a/' 1 205), the Geats return. The main force is sent out in advance, but the king with a smaller band remains on the shore (of either the Rhine or the North Sea). There {Freslondum o« 2357) he is overtaken by a strong army under the com- mand of Theodebert, the son of the Prankish king Theoderic (the Merovingian 2921). King Hygelac and his followers are slain, his fleet is pursued and utterly routed. The poem repeatedly dwells on the he- roic deeds of prowess done by Beowulf in the unequal encounter between ^ That is to say, according to Gregory of Tours this event happened between A.D. 512 and 520. (Grion L3. 36 thought it should be placed as late as a.d. 527.) — The references in the poem occur in 11. 1202 ff., 2354 ff., 2501 ff., 2913 ff. (2201 ). The identity of the Beozvulf 2\\\x%\ovl% and the accounts of the Prankish histories was first recognized by Grundtvig (see his Transl., p. Ixi). ^ Between the rivers Rhine and Meuse (Maas), on the border of the present Rhenish Prussia and the Netherbnds, in the neighborhood of the cities of Kleve (Cleves) and Geldern. Cf. Chambers Wid. 201 f. ; Much, R.-L. i 371 f. The tribe is mentioned in Widi 33 : Hun ["ti^eo/J] Hatwerum. xl INTRODUCTION the allied forces [ofermeegen 2917) of the continental tribes and Hy- gelac's guard : 2363 ft'., 2501 ft". The final battle is waged against the Franks (12 10) or Hugas (2914, 2502), Hetware (2363, 2916), and (no donbt) Frisians (2357, 2503). Of the four names mentioned, Hugas is only an epic appellation of the Franks 5 ^ the Hei-ivare seem to have belonged to the Frankish < sphere of influence.' The two main tribes involved are thus the Franks and the Frisians (see 2912). 2 At the same time the rising power of the Franks is reflected in the allusion to the threatening unfriendliness of the Merovingian dynasty (2921). It is possible, however, that the poet did not consistently difterentiate between the three or four terms (see especially 2502 f.). His use of the name Daghrefn, by the way, shows that he followed a genuine tradition (see note on 2501). The young Heardred now succeeded his father Hygelac. Beowulf [who by a marvelous swimming feat had escaped from the enemies] generously declined Hygd's offer of the throne, but acted as Heardred' s guardian during the prince's minority (2367 ff.). When the latter had come into his rights, another series of -warlike disputes with the Swedes arose (a.d. 527-530)^ After the fall of Ongen^eow in the battle of Ravenswood his son Ohthere had become king,^ but upon Ohthere's death, Onela seized the throne, compelling his nephews Eanmund and Eadgils to flee the country. They find refuge at the court of Heardred. Soon after Onela enters Geatland with an army (a.d. 528), Heardred as well as Eanmund is slain, whereupon the Swedish king returns, allowing Beowulf to take over the government unmolested (2379 AT., 261 1 ff., 2202 ft".). A few years later Eadgils,"* aided by a Geatish force,5 re- opens^ the war (2391 ff.), which results in his uncle Onela' s death and Eadgils' s accession to the throne (a.d. 530). However, trouble from their northern foes is likely to come upon the Geats again, in spite of their temporary alliance with a branch of tlie ^ Cf. MiillenhofF, ZfdA. vi438 5 W. Grimm, L 4. (i-j^'-x,-]. — Ann ales S^ued- linburgenses ( cir. A. d. i 000 ) : ' Hugo Theodoricus ' ( fVids. 24 : peodric iveo/d Fron- cum, = the Hug-Dietrich of the MHG. epic fVolfdietrich [13th century]) * iste dicitur, id est Francus, quia olim omnes Franci Kugones vocabantur ' [with a spu- rious explanation added :] ' a suo quodam duce Hugone.' (According to E. Schro- der [ZfdA. xli 26), that notice is derived from an OE. source, and the use of Hu- gas = Franks really confined to the OE. \_Beo'wulf'\.) — Regarding the question of the possible relation between the names Hugas and C/iauci, see the convenient references in Chambers Wid. 68 n. 2 ; Much, R.-L. ii 82. The prominence given to the Frisians and their seemingly unhistorical alliance with the Franks is attributed by Sarrazin ( Kad. 90 f. ) to the Frisian source of this story. This is nowhere stated, but the interpretation given above seems not unnat- ural. _ * Had Eadgils made his escape (when Onela attacked the Geats) and afterwards returned to Geatland, planning revenge and rehabilitation ? * Probably Beowulf did not take part personally in this war ; cf. note on 2395. THE HISTORICAL ELEMENTS xli Scylfing dynasty ; indeed it seems as if the downfall of their kingdom is virtually foreshadowed in the messenger's speech announcing the death of Beowulf (2999 ff., 3018 ff.). On the life of Beowulf tlie Geat, see below, p. xlv. Of the Geatish royal line, with the possible exception of Hygelac,* the Northern tradition is silent. But early Prankish chronicles, as noted above, have preserved a most valuable record of Hygelac's daring ex- pedition against the Franks, thereby confirming completely the account of the Beo^vulf.^ The only discrepancy discoverable, viz. the designa- tion of *Chogilaicus as * Danorum rex ' is naturally accounted for by the assumption that the powerful Danes were taken as the representa- tives of the Scandinavian tribes, just as the later Anglo-Saxon annalists included under the name of < Danes ' the Vikings of Norway. More- over the Liber Monstrorum (Par, § 11. i) remembers the mighty war- rior 3 as < rex Getarum ' (suggesting an actual ' Gautarum ' or * Go- t(h)orum '). A faint reminiscence of Hygeldc seems to crop out in Saxo's brief no- tice (iv 117) of the Danish king Hugletus, * who is said to have de- feated in a naval battle the Swedish chiefs Hemothus and Hagrimus,' the former one (ON. Eymodf) answering"^ to the Swedish prince Eanmundy who falls in the land of the Geats (2612 fF.).^ No connec- tion can be detected between Beowulf's uncle and the light-minded Hugleikr, king of Sweden (Saxo : Hugletus, king of Ireland), who is slain in an attack by the Danish king Haki (^T/iglingasaga, chap. 22 (25) ; Saxo vi 185 f.). The accidental killing oi Herebeald by Hascyn has been repeatedly ^ ^ Some of the other namei also are found in Scandinavian sources, but in entirely different surroundings. Thus HreSel [*HrdSiI) is = ON. *Hro/Ir, Lat. Rollerus ( * Regneri pugilis filius ' ), Saxo, Book v 5 Heardred = O. West Norse HarSrddr ; Siverting is mentioned as a Saxon and as a Swede (see above, p. xxxv). Herebeald is traceable only as a common noun herbaldr, ' warrior. ' The peculiar, abstract name of Hygd is entirely unknown outside of Beoivulf. ^ The names given in the MSS. {^Chlochilaichus, etc., see Par. § 1 1 ) do not dif- fer greatly from the true form which we should expect, viz. ^Chogilaicus. "* That the giant Hugebold in the MHG. Ecken Ltet (83) is to be ultimately identified with him (see Much, Arch, cviii 403), is a pure guess. * Though we should expect Eymundr. ^ A. Ohik, Kilderne etc., L 4. 100. 2. 190 f. ^ Thus by Gisli Brynjiilfsson, Antik-v. Tidskrift (1852/54), p. 132; Grundt- vig (Ed.), pp. xliii, 175 ; Rydberg, Under so kningar i germanisk mythologi (1886), i 665 (who moreover called attention to Saxo's account (iii 69 ff . ) of Hotherus' skill in archery [which was, however, only one of his numerous accomplishments] ) 5 Sarrazin St. 44 ; Bugge, Studien iiber die Entitehung der nordhchen Gotter-und Hel- densagen, p. 262 ; Detter, Beitr. xviii 82 ff., xix495 ff. 5 Much, Arch, cviii 413 f. See also Gering's note, L 3. 26^. 104, Detter finds a direct parallel to the Here- beald-HcE'Scyn version in the story of Alrekr and Eirikr ( Tuglingasaga, chap. 20 (23) ), who are succeeded on the Swedish throne — though not immediately — by Hugleikr. xlii INTRODUCTION compared with the unintentional slaying of Baldr by the blind Hg'Sr, who is directed by Loki in shooting the mistletoe (Prose Edda, Gylfa- ginning, chap. 48). But it is difficuh to believe that the story told in Beowulf has any mythological basis. It rather impresses us as a report of an ordinary incident that could easily happen in those Scandinavian communities and probably happened more than once. Maybe the mo- tive was associated at an early date with names suggesting a warlike occupation, like }ltvt-beald, HczS-cyw {Baldr, Hqdr). ' Turning to the Swedish affairs, we find the royal Scylfingas^ we]l_ re- membered in the North — Ottarr (Ohthere) and his son Asils (Ead- gils) 3 standing out prominently — , but their true^ family relationships are somewhat obscured. Neither is Eymundr (Eanmund) ever men- tioned in conjunction with A'Sils nor is Ottarr considered the brother of All (Onela), who in fact has been transformed into a Norwegian king. Besides, Ongenl^eow's name has practically disappeared from the drama of exciting events in which he had taken a leading part. 4 Also the two series of hostile complications between the Swedes and Geats reappear in Scandinavian allusions, though with considerable variations, since the Geats have been forgotten and replaced by the Jutes and Danes. The conflict between Ongenpeonv and the Geats recounted in Beonvulf has undergone a change in the scene and the names of the actors, but the substance of the narrative and certain details of the great central scene can be readily identified in the story of the fall of King Ottarr Vendilkraka in the Tnglingatal and the Tnglingasaga, chap. 27 (31), see Par, § 6. The cruel nickname ' Vendel Crow' given the dead king, who was likened to a dead crow torn by eagles, recalls Ongenbeow's fierce threats of execution (2939 ff.), which by the irony of fate was visited upon his own person. Also the remarkable fact of the slaying of the Swedish king by two men is preserved 5 indeed, the names V9ttr and Fasti 5 are evidently more authentic than the rather typical appel- lations Wulf and Eofor of the Anglo-Saxon epic. That the Old^Norse account is at fault in associating the incident with Ohthere (Ottarr) ^ A slight similarity in the situation may be found in the story of Herthegn and his three sons, Herburt, Herthegn, and Tristram (Sintram), pidrekssaga, chs. 231 f. (Simrock L 3. 21. 191 ; Miillenhoff 17). ^ In Old (West) Norse sources called Tnglingar. ^ The phonetic correspondence is not complete, see above, p. xxxii. "* Kier (L 4. 78. 130 flF. ) identifies Ongenpeoiv with Angelplow of the Mer- cian genealogy (Par. § 2) and Ongen (Nennius § 60). The great fight at the Ravens- wood he locates at Hedeby (at or near the present site of Schleswig). He further points out that Rwvnhoh is a very common place-name in Denmark. ^ They are brothers in the Historia Nor-vegiae (cf. the following note) as in the Beon.uulj\ whereas the Tnglingatal and the Tnglingasaga are silent on this point. — It may be noted that among the twelve champions of Hrolfr Kraki we find Vgttr mentioned^ Skaldskaparmdl, ch. 41 (Par. §5), and Hrolfssaga, ch. 32 (98. 14, Par. § 9). THE HISTORICAL ELEMENTS xliii rather than with Ongenheow, is to be inferred from the testimony of Ari,^ whom Islendifisrahol' (c'lr. a.d. 1135), chap. 12 calls Ottar's father by the name of Egili Vendilkraka. The name Egill (in place of An- gantyr = Ongenbeow) 2 is possibly, Bugge suggests, due to corruption, a pet form *Angi]a being changed to *AgilaR and Egill. ^ The scene of the battle is according to the Beozvu/f in Ongen^eow's own land, i.e. Sweden, but in the Ttiglingatal (^Tnglirigasaga) is shifted to Ven- del in Jutland. Now it has been properly pointed out (by Stjerna, 52 f.) that the striking surname < Vendel Crow ' cannot be a late literary in- vention, but must have originated immediately after the battle. As the king fell in his own land, th^ Vendel in question cannot be the large Jutish district of that name, but must be the place called Vendel in Swedish Uppland. Vendel is at present an insignificant church-village, some twenty English miles north of Upsala, but being favorably located for commercial traffic, it enjoyed a considerable importance in the Mid- dle Ages. There are exceptionally numerous ancient cemeteries near Vendel, the principal one of which was evidently the burial place of ?. great chieftain's family. It may safely be concluded (with Stjerna) that about the year 500 there existed a royal fortress at Vendel, and that a noble family resided there. On other possible recollections of this part of the Swedish-Geatish tradition, see note on 2922 ff. The second series of encounters between the Geats and Swedes re- solves itself in Scandinavian tradition into a contest between Asils — a great saga hero — and ^//, who, through confusion of the Swedish Uppland with 'uplands' in Norway, was made into a Norwegian king. The battle in which Ali fell took place on the ice of Lake Vaner. See Skaldskaparmal, chaps. 41, 55, Ynglingasaga, chap. 29 (33), Tnglin- gatal^ Arngrim Jonsson's Skjojdungasaga, chap. 12 (Par. §§ 5, 6, 8. 6). A hint of A'Sils's foreign (Geatish) support (2391 ff.) is found in the statement that Hrolfr Kraki sent his twelve champions (Bg'Svarr Bjarki among them) to assist him. Thus the Danes have stepped into the place_originally occupied by the Geats. The memory of Eadgils's brother, Eanmund, is all but lost. He may be recognized, however, in the Eymundr of Hyndluljop 1 5 (Par. § 4) with whom Halfdanr (the representative of the Danes) allies himself,'* and in the above (p. xli) mentioned H0mothus of Saxo. ' Followed by the Historia Npwegiae (Bugge 15 n.). ^ The names Angantyr and Ottarr are coupled in Hyndl. 9 (Par. § 4). Ongen- feow is remembered in fVids. 31 : Siveom \%Deold'\ Ongendpeoiv, see Chambers's note. * Belden, L 4. 96 (like Grundtvig, see Bugge 15) would equate Ongenpeow with Aun (or Ani), son of Jgrundr and father of Egill ( Ttiglingdsaga^ ch. 25 [29] ). ■* Ali, mentioned by the side of Halfdanr {Hyndl. 14), was considered Ali inn frikni (i.e. the Bold), the Dane, but was probably at the outset no one but the Swedish Onela. See also Belden, L 4. 96. 152. xliv INTRODUCTION The dominating element in this second phase of the inter-tribal war, the dynastic struggle within the royal Swedish line, is perhaps to be explained (with Belden) by the existence of a foreign or pro-Danish party led by Onela (the son-in-law of Healfdene (1. 62), who was of Dano-Swedish extraction), and a native party led by Eadgils and Ean- mund (who presumably followed their father's policy). ^ In this con- nection it has been suggested by Belden that the * Wendlas ' men tioned in 1. 348 (Wulfgar, Wendla leod) sided with the Danish faction. Accepting this view and assuming further (as was first conjectured by Stjerna2), that, like Wulfgar, the WagmundingaSy i.e. Weohstan and his son Wlglaf,3 belong to the Wendel family, i.e. a noble family of Vendel in Uppland, Sweden, we are able to understand not only that Wulfgar held an honored position at the Danish court, but also (what seems singular indeed) that Weohstan,^ the father of Beowulf's most loyal kinsman Wiglaf, fought in the service of Onela, against the lat- ter' s nephews and the Gcats who sheltered them.^ After Eadgils had been established on the throne, Weohstan, who had slain Eanmund (2612 ff.), was compelled to leave the country and settled in the land of the Geats. That Wiglaf ^ even in Beowulf's last battle is still called leod Scylpiga (2603), ^ is thus readily understood in the light of his father's antecedents. But what the relation is between the Geatish branch of the W^gmundingas (to which Beowulf and his father Ecgl>eow belong) and the Swedish branch (the only one which carries through the family alliteration), remains doubtful. The rich home- stead of the W§egmundingas (2607) must clearly be sought in the land of the Geats. S The (essentially hostile) relations between the Danes and Swedes ^ No explanation is found (in the available sources) of the surprising fact that Heardred and Beowulf side with the native and against the Danish faction. ^ Who called attention to the w-alliteration. ^ Belden conjectures also Wulf Wonreding, who fights against Ongenpeow (2965 fF.), to be of the Wendel family. * He is apparently the same as Vestetnn who is mentioned in conjunction with Ali riding to the battle (against A'Sils), Kd/fs'visa (Par. § 5), ^ Another version has been proposed by Deutschbein (L 4. 97). Setting aside as entirely unhistorical the role assigned to Beowulf and regarding the WSgmundingas as the direct successors to the line of HreSel on the Geatish throne, he believes that Onela after the fall of Heardred appointed Weohstan king of the Geats, whilst Ead- gils fled to the Danes and afterwards, gaining support from Hro'Sulf (as told by Snorri and Arngrim Jonsson), returned to Sweden and defeated Onela. ^ Wiglaf has been doubtfully identified with Saxo's Wiggo (ii 57, 67), the V9ggr of the Hrolfssaga (chs. 28, 34 ; Arngrim Jonsson's Skjoldungasagaj chs. 12 f., cp» Skdldskaparmal, ch. 41), the devoted retainer of Hrolfr and the avenger of his death (Bugge 50 f. ; cf. Sarrazin, E St. xlii 28 IF. j Berendsohn, L4. 141. i. 8 f. ). ' Which does not necessarily mean that he is related to the royal line of On- genpeow. * See on these questions, Scherer L 5. 5. 475 f., Miillenhoff, Anz.fdA. iii 1 77 f. THE HISTORICAL ELEMENTS xlv have been traced in detail by Clarke, L 4. 76. 82 fF., 156, and Bel- den, /. c. The Geats, the hereditary enemies of the Swedes, are naturally on friendly terms with the Danes. It is true, we are told, in rather vague language (1857 f.), that in former times strife existed between the peoples of the Geats and Danes. ^ But, at any rate, since Beowulf's deliverance of Heorot, peace and good will were firmly established (1829 fF., 1859 ff.).2 (Possibly even before that event, friendly gifts were exchanged [378 f.]-) The excellent personal relations between Beowulf's family and HroSgar date from the time when EcgJ>eow, the hero's father, was befriended at the Danish court (4.59 fF.). They cul- minate in Beowulf's adoption (946 fF., 1175 f). On the strange allu- sion of 1.3005, see note on that passage. Regarding Beowulf the hero himself, the son of Ecgbeow ^ and grandson of HreSel (373 fF.), — the facts of his life, tf fitted into the chronological scheme here adopted, would show the following sequence. He was born about the year 490. At the age of seven he was brought to the court of his grandfather Hre'Sel and nurtured there with loving care (2428 fF.). [He was, however, considered slack and of little promise (2183 fF.).] [He distinguishes himself in fighting giants and sea-monsters, 41 8 if. and in a swimming adventure with Breca, 506 fF.]j He takes no part in the engagements with the Swedes which culminate in the battle at Ravenswood. [In a.d. 510 he visits the Danes and de- livers HroSgar from the plague of Grendel and his dam.] As a loyal thane he accompanies his uncle Hygelac in his expedition against the Franks (a.d. 516), slays Dasghrefn (thus avenging Hygelac' s death, it seems), and escapes home by swimming (2356 fF., 2501 fF.). Refus- ing Hygd's offer of the throne, he acts as Heardred's guardian during the latter' s minority (2369 fF.). After Heardred's death in the fight with the Swedes (a.d. 528), he becomes king and soon supports Ead- gils in his war on Onela, a.d. 530 (2389 fF.). [After a long reign he falls in a combat with a fire dragon. The date of his death must be left indefinite. Atany rate, Beowulf's fifty years' reign (2209) — which would leave him a nonagenarian at the time of the final battle — is meant only as a sort of poetic formula.]'^ ^ Can this be a reference to the period when the center of Danish power was still in Skane .'' 2 Deutschbein, I.e. would interpret the allusions of 11. 1832 ff., 1855 fF. as evi- dence of the fact that Heoroweard (Hjgrvar'Sr) made his attack on Hro"Sulf (Hrolfr) at Lejre with the assistance of the Geats, i.e., of Wiglaf. Further discussion by Be- rendsohn, I.e. 9 fF. ^ The same name^ i.e. Eggper, occurs Vqluspd 42. * Cf. 11. 1769 fF., and above, p. xxxii. xlvi INTRODUCTION T^he Nationality of the Geats This has been the subject of a prolonged controversy, which has brought out manifold aspects of the question, linguistic, geographical, historical, and literary. Grundtvig assigned the Geats to the island of Gotland (or, for a second choice, to Bornholm) ; Kemble to Angeln, Schleswig j Haigh (as a matter of course) to North England. But the only peoples that have been actually admitted as rival claimants to the title are the Jutes in the northern part of the Jutish peninsula, and the ON. Gautar, O.Swed. GStar, i.e. the inhabitants of Vaster- and Os- tergotland, south of the great Swedish lakes. ^ Phonetically OE. Geatas^ answers precisely to ON. Gautar.^ The OE. name of the (West Germanic) Jutes is Angl. Bote, lote {lotan), LWS. Tte, ftan,^ as used in Wids. 26: ftum,_ OE.Bede 308.11: Eota (Var. : 7 tend) lond, OE.Chron. a.d. 449 : lotumy lutna (Baeda: lutarum) cyn^ and no significance can be ascribed to the forms Geata, Geatum found in one place only, Bede 52. 4, 9.^ The ON. form for *Jutes,'5 Jotar {^Jutar)^ appears in an imperfect transliteration (in King Alfred's narrative of Ohthere's second voyage, Oroj. 19.20, 28), as Gotland (more properly: Geotland). In linguistic respect, then, the identification of the Geatas cannot be doubtful, and very weighty arguments indeed would be required to overthrow this fundamental evidence in favor of the G0tar. Testimony of a geographical and historical character has been brought forward to support the Jutish claims, but it is somewhat im- paired by the fact that the early history of Jutland as well as of Got- land is enveloped in obscurity. It is clear from the poem that the Geats are a seafaring people. ^ Hygelac's castle is situated near the sea (1924, 1963 ff.), the dragon is pushed over the sea-cliff (3131 ff.), and on the * whale's headland' do the Geats erect the grave monu- ment of their beloved king (2802 ff., 3136). The intercourse be- ^ See Leo L 4. 24, Schaldemose L 2. 3, Fahlbeck L4. 71. I & 2, Bugge I ff., Gering L 3. 26. p. vii, Weyhe L 4. 94, Schiitte L 4. 71. 3, Kier L. 4. 78, [in favor of the Jutes] ; — [and for the opposite view, especially :] Ettmiiller Transl. , Sar- razin St. 23 tf., ten Brink ch. 12 ; Schiick, Bjorkman, Stjerna (L 4. 74) } Uhlen- beck L4. 72. 187 ff. 5 Chambers Wid. 207 ; also Moller, E St. xiii 3130. ; Tap- per, MFh. ix 266. — More recently Schiitte has declared the Geatas of Beoivulf to be a Gautic colony in N. E. Jutland ; see Publ. of the Society for the Ad-vancement of Scandina'vian Study i 185 f. (Summary of a paper read at Goteborg in August, ^ The solitary exception to the Beotvuf practice in 1. 443 : Geotena is of little consequence; cf. Lang. § 16. 2. ^ See Introd. to The Fight at Finnsburg. * Cf. Angl. xxvii 412. ^ It is a plausible assumption that the (W. Germ.) name 'Jutes ' was transferred to the Scandinavian settlers of Jutland, who became amalgamated with those of the original population that had remained in their old home. (Cf. Much, R.-L. ii 623.) ^ Sce-Geatas 1850, 1986 ; scemen 2954, brimivisa 2930. THE HISTORICAL ELEMENTS xlvii tween the Swedes and Geats takes place ofer j^ 2380, 2394, ofer luld nxiater 2473, ofer heafo 2477. Contrariwise, in historic times the Gatar are a typical inland people with their capital Skara far away from the sea. It is possible, nevertheless, that formerly Halland and Bo- huslan with an extensive coast line were included in the kingdom of Gautland, ' and that it was only after their subjugation by the Swedes and the forfeiture of those domains that the Gautar — like the Anglo-Sax- ons after their settlement in Britain — lost their skill in matters nauti- cal. Again, the water route by which the Swedes and Geats reached each other may very well have been by way of the great lakes, Vaner and Vatter.2 Even the passage by the Baltic Sea and Lake Malar might have been less inconvenient than the impassable inland roads. Moreover, can we be sure that the Anglo-Saxon poet had a clear knowledge of Northern geography ? Is it not rather likely that he would suppose all branches of the Scandinavians to be seafaring peo- ples ? Certainly the topographical hints contained in the poem could not be used successfully for definite localization. The * sea-cliffs " (191 1 f.), which would fit in better with the coast of Vastergotland and Halland than with the shore of Jutland, seem to be part of a con- ventional description based on notions of English scenery. (They are attributed to Zealand also, 222 f.) 'Storms' (implied by the terms Weder-Geatas^ Wederas^ could visit the shores of Vastergotland and Jutland alike, and nothing but poetic invention seems to be back of the place-names //r£)«(fj-;z^ J 2805, Earnanas 3031, cf. Hrefnanjjudu 2925, Hrefnesholt 2935 (see 2941, 3024 ff.). As regards the hostile relations between the two tribes, we learn from the Beonvulf that the wars extended over a considerable period and were plainly called forth by natural causes of a serious nature such as are easily to be found in the case of neighboring peoples. It would be difficult to understand, on the other hand, why the Jutes and Swedes should persist in warring upon each other in such inveterate fashion. The military expedition of the Geats in another direction, viz. against the Franks and Frisians, it has been claimed, points to the Jutes rather than to the distant G^tar.^ Especially the apprehension expressed, after Beowulf's death, of future attacks from the Merovingians (291 1 ff.) has been thought to be natural from the Jutland horizon only.^ But * See Schiick's arguments, pp. 22 ff. According to Stjerna, p. 91 the Baltic Sea is meant. ^ And, to some extent, by way of neighboring rivers. Cf. Schiick, pp._34fF. If necessary, boats could be carried from one body of water to another. Cp. Ohthere's Voyage (Oro5. 19. 6 f.) : andberaS pa Ctvenas hyraicypu ofer land on Sd meraSy and panon hergiaS on da NorSmen. ^ Little light is obtained from the characterization of Hygelac as king of the • Danes ' (not 'Jutes,' by the way) by Gregory of Tours and as king of the ' Getae ' in the Liber Momtrorum, see above, p. xli. * Sarrazin Kad. 90 f. ascribes this sentiment to the Frisians' point of view dat- ing from an intermediate Frisian stage in the history of the poem. Cf. also Schiick L4. 39. 48. , xlviii INTRODUCTION just as the poet (through the mouth of the messenger) declared the Geats' fear of renewed wars with the Swedes (2922 f., 2999 ff., 3015 fF.), his thoughts would likewise turn to the continental enemies of Beowulf's people, who might be expected to seize the opportunity of seeking revenge. The death of the illustrious king, this is apparently the main idea he wishes to convey, will leave the country without pro- tection against any of its foes. It has been observed that in later literary sources the tradition be- came confused, and the place of the Geats was taken by Danes and Jutes. Thus^ Hugletus (like Gregory's Ch(l)ochilaicus) figures as a Danish king (see above, p. xli), the scene of the first great encounter be- tween Swedes and Geats is shifted (by an evident blunder) from Sweden to Jutland (Vendel),^ and ASils gains support from Hrolfr Kraki instead of from the Geat king. Yet the interesting fact remains that BgSvarr Bjarki, Hroif's famous warrior, who assists A'Sils in his fight against Ali, has come from Gautland to the Danish court. On the whole, the Danification of the legends seems to be naturally accounted for by the very early absorption of the Geats into the Swedish state. The loss of their independent existence caused the deeds of the Geatish kings to be attributed to members of other, prominent Scandinavian divisions, the resemblance of the names Gautar and ^o/ar aiding in this process. 2 The probability is thus certainly on the side of the Gptar, and it re- quires no great stretch of the imagination to look upon this contest be- tween the two Northern tribes as one of the most significant phases of early Scandinavian history. ^ Of the territory occupied by the G0tar, Vcistergotland is commonly believed to correspond to Hygelac's realm, and his royal town has been conjecturally located at Kungsbacka or at Kungalf (south and north of Goteborg respectively). ^ IV. The Christian Colorings The presentation of the story-material in Beouuulf has been Influ- enced, to a considerable extent, by ideas derived from Christianity. The poem abounds, to be sure, in supernatural elements of pre- Christian associations.*^ Heathen practices are mentioned in several places, such as the vowing of sacrifices at idol fanes (175 ff.), the ob- serving of omens (204), the burning of the dead (3137 ff., 1107 tf., ^ See also the note on 2922 fF. * Cf. Stjema, ch. 4. — The shifting in the traditions of the Hea'So-Bards (see above, pp. xxxv f.) furnishes a kind of parallel. 3 By archeological data Stjerna (/.c.) felt enabled to trace definitely the causes and the results of this struggle. _ ^ Stjerna, for archeological and geographical reasons, preferred the island of Oland. ^ See especially L 4. 147 ff. 6 ^f above, p. xii & notes. THE CHRISTIAN COLORING xlix 2124 ff.), which was frowned upon by the Church. The frequent allu- sions to the power of fate (wyr^, cf. Angl. xxxvi 171 f.), the motive of blood revenge (1384 f., cp. 1669 f., 1256, 1278, 1546 f.), the praise of worldly glory (1387 ff., cp. 2804 ft"., 884 f., 954 f.) bear testimony to an ancient background of pagan conceptions and ideals. On the other hand, we hear nothing of angels, saints, relics, of Christ and the cross, of divine worship, church observances, or any particular dogmatic points. Still, the general impression we obtain from the reading of the poem is certainly the opposite of pagan barbarism. We almost seem to move in normal Christian surroundings, God's gov- ernance of the world and of every human being, the evil of sin, the doings of the devil, the last judgment, heaven and hell are ever and anon referred to as familiar topics. (See the detailed discussion, Angl. XXXV 113 ff., 249 ff,, 453 ff. ) Though mostly short, these allusions show by their remarkable frequency how thoroughly the whole life was felt to be dominated by Christian ideas. The author is clearly familiar with the traditional Christian terminology in question and evinces some knowledge ^ of the Bible, liturgy, and ecclesiastical literature. Of spe- cific motives derived from the Old Testament (and occurring in Genesis ^ also) we note the story of Cain, the giants, and the deluge (107 ff., 1261 ff, 1689 ff.), and the song of Creation (92 ff.). / Furthermore, the transformation of old heathen elements in accord- ance with Christian thought may be readily observed. The pagan and heroic cremation finds a counterpart in the peaceful burial of the dead, which the Church enforced (1007 f., 2457 f,, cp. 445 f., 3107 ff.). The curse placed on the fateful treasure is clothed in a Christian for- mula (3071 ft'.) and is declared to be void before the higher will of God (3054 ff. ). By the side of the heathen fate is seen the almighty God. Gi3 a nx^yrd s^wd bio seel, exclaims Beowulf in expectation of the Grendel fight, 455, but again, In the same speech, he avows : 6ir gelyfan sceal / Dryhtnes dome se pe hine dcaS nijneS 440. The functions of fate 2 and God seem quite parallel : ^vyrd oft nered / unfigne eorl . . . 5725 s^-wd mag imfage caSe ged'igan j ivean ond ivracsid se Se IVal- dendes I hyldo gehealdep 2291 ; cp. 2574 and 979, 2526 and 2527(?); 572 f. and 669 f. Yet God is said to control fate : nefne hifn ^vltig God