BY THE CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW, ^MEMORIAL SERVICESO '■* ^LATURE OF THE STATE OP NEW YORK, HELD AT THE CAPITOL AT ALBANY, April 20th, 1887, CHESTER A. ARTHUR, LATE PRESIDENT OF TEE UNITED STATES, AND April 27th, 1887, go m*mnj of REUBEN E. FENTON, LATE GOVERNOR OF TEE STATE OF NEW YORK. \ \ V ADDRESS H n by the Hon. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW, Memorial Service by the Legislature of the | LEG State of New York, fRESIBENT ©HESTER A. ARTHUR, ASSEMBLY CHAMBER, AT ALBANY, Wednesday Evening, April 20, 1887. 615J4, 0# Gentlemen - of the Senate and Assembly of the State of New York : The twenty-first President of the United States was the third from the State of New York who had filled that high office. The administration and personal career of each of them form marked feat- ures of our national history. The conditions which prepared them for public duty were strikingly alike. Each was the sole architect of his own for- tunes and without the aid of- family or wealth. They were of the type of most of the men who have always controlled Parties and managed the Gov- ernment. Receiving in their youth the training and influence of christian homes, starting in life with no other endowment than health, character, courage and honorable ambition, they became lead- ers and rulers in their generations. The historian of the future will fill most of his pages, devoted to our first century, with the rise and fall of the slave power. In that story the parts of Martin Van Buren, Millard Fillmore and Chester A. Arthur will be of dramatic interest. The revolt of Van Buren in 1848, was the first organized effort for freedom which had strength or votes. It assailed slavery in its strongest intrenchment, its hold upon the old Parties. In paving the way for their dissolution it opened the road for the union of men, hitherto arrayed against each other in hostile camps, upon this vital issue. With Van Buren as its leader the anti- slav- ery sentiment crystallized into a' powerful and ag- gressive organization. It broke up associations which had existed since the formation of the gov- ernment, alarmed and infuriated the adherents of slavery and prepared the way for the inevitable conflict. Millard Fillmore sought to stay the storm by compromise, but when he signed the Fugitive Slave Law the storm be- came a cyclone. The enforcement of the law brought the horrors of slavery to every door. It aroused the old fire which had charged with Cromwell on the field and expounded liberty through Mansfield on the bench. It united the North in a solemn determination to save the Coun- try and free the constitution from the dangers and disgrace of the system. It consolidated the South for a struggle to the death for its preservation. The years following of agitation and preparation* the appeal to arms, the civil war with its frightful sacrifices oi blood and treasure, the triumph of na- tionality and liberty, the reconstruction of the 5 States upon the the broadest and most generous principles, the citizenship of the freedman, the re- conciliation of the rebel, gave first to President Arthur the glorious opportunity and privilege of constructing a message which most significantly marked the happy end of a century of strife, by its 1'ailnre to allude to its causes, remedies or re- sults. Thus the first of the New York Presidents gave to anti-slavery a national party, the second by an effort to compromise with evil, brought on the battle which ended in its destruction, and the ad- ministration of the third saw the regenerated and reunited Republic rising upon its ruins. EARLY OBSTACLES OVERCOME. A small cottage, in a sparsely settled rural neigh- borhood of over half a century ago, a scant salary, the unselfish sacrifices which a large family and nar- row means necessitate, these were the physical sur- roundings which fitted Chester A. Arthur for his life's work. His father, a clergyman of vigorous intellect and ripe learning, his mother a pious, cul- tured woman, gave to him by precept and example the character and courage which both in resistance and action win and worthily occupy the most com- manding positions. All the marked successes 6 among our people have resulted from the spur of necessity. It has not been the poverty which dwarfs and discourages, but the opportunity and incentive for larger fields of usefulness and for the gratification of higher ambitions. The narrow lim- its of his little home became each day an expand- ing horizon inviting the boy to exploration and conquest. From his father he inherited that sturdy, Scotch- Irish blood, which for centuries has shown conspic- uous aptitude for government and leadership, and he was early taught that with liberal education, backed by the principles in which he was grounded, all gates could be unbarred and all avenues were open to him. With these motives work was pleas- ure, and difficulties were delights, in the fresh strength and confidence with which they were suc- cessively overcome. The accepted hardships of teaching the country school and boarding around, the distractions of earning a living while fighting for a degree, toughen and develop the elastic fibres of American character. When Arthur had won the maximum honors of his college and com- pleting his law studies was admitted to the bar, he was already a victor in the battle of life, and knew there were no dangers before him so great as those he had already overcome. The profession did not receive in him its frequent addition of a raw re- cruit whose steps have been so tenderly watched and taken for him, that he stands with difficulty and moves with timidity, but he had tested his powers and felt the confidence of a veteran. It was natural that with his origin and training General Arthur should at once have enrolled on the side of anti-slavery. It was fortunate for his future that the opportunity came early to partici- pate in a legal contest which was one of the decisive battles of that long struggle. Jonathan Lemmon, a Virginia slave-holder, undertook to remove to Texas by way of New York, carrying his slaves with him. The Court was asked to dis- charge them on the ground that no man could be deprived of his liberty in this State without the authority of the law. Virginia, through her Governor and Legislature, took up the cause of the slave-holder, and the Legislature of our State responded by employing counsel for the slaves. The most eminent men at the bar ap- peared on the one side or the other. The whole nation became interested in the conflict and mutter- ings of war were heard. Barriers were to be set to the encroachments of slavery or it was to be virtu- ally established everywhere. Political passions, commercial timidity, moral convictions, swayed and agitated the press and the Courts. Behind the States rights and vested property arguments of the lawyers for Virginia were the threats of a dissolu- tion of the union which had so often frightened Northern Constiuencies, and cowed Northern Statesmen. But the advocates of liberty with ttn- equaled boldness and ability pressed home the eternal principles of freedom embodied in the chart- ers of the Fatherland, and embeddedinour American Declarations and Constitutions, and our highest tribunal reiterated with phrase altered for us, Mans- fields' immortal judgment, " a slave cannot breathe the air of England." The same decision had been eloquently and vigorously rendered by William H. Seward, while Governor of our State years be- fore, but it received little attention or approval. Then, as often afterwards, this great statesman was nearly a generation in advance of his co- temporaries on the most important of questions. While this case settled the status of the slave brought within our jurisdiction, the rights of free colored people in our midst were violated daily. General Arthur championed the cause of a poor woman, who because of her race was refused a seat and ejected from a car, and in the success of the litigation, principles which after the civil war could only receive recognition and obedience by congressional enactment and consti- tutional amendment became parts of the fixed jur- isprudence of the State. He was never a brilliant advocate. He did not possess those rare qualities which win verdicts from unwilling juries and force decisions from hostile Courts, but he early took and held the important place of wise and safe counsel and adviser. Tact, sense, and quick appreciation of the right were qualities he possessed in such high degree, that they were the elements of his suc- cess, not only at the bar, but in the administration of public trusts. This so impressed Governor Morgan that he as- signed him to the most important position of recruiting and equipping New York's quota in the President's call for troops. The situation was of unparalleled novelty and danger. Generations of peace and prosperity had left the State with a holi- day military system, and ignorant of war. The problems of camps, depots, supplies, armaments, transportation, which require a liberal education to solve, were suddenly precipitated upon men unpre- pared and untrained. To collect, feed, uniform, arm and forward to the front tens of thousands of raw recruits, required great ability and unimpeach- able integrity. An army larger than the combined Continental 10 forces of the revolution was marching to Washing- ton from New York by regiments as completely equipped as they were hastily gathered. The press- ing needs of the government on the one hand and the greed of the contractor on the other were spurs and perils of the organizing officer. It is one of the proudest records of General Arthur's life that he surrendered his position to a successor of hostile political faith, to receive from him the highest compliments for his work and to return to his pro- fession a poorer man than when he assumed office. Activity in public affairs and strong political bias were inevitable in a man of such experience and characteristics. The fate of empire depended upon the issue of the tremendous questions which agitated the Country during these years. Party spirit ran high and parties were organized and offi- cered like contending armies. A great party must have leadership and discipline. Revolts become necessary at times against corrupt, incompetent or selfish leadership, but constitutional government cannot be successfully conducted by political guer- rillas and bushwackers. If the common judgment of mankind is the voice of God, the controlling sentiment of great parties are their best policies. But that sentiment must needs be voiced and receive expression in the 11 practical measures of government by commanding authority. There have been in our history few party leaders of the first class, who possessed those wonderful gifts which secure the confidence and sway the actions of vast masses of men. But there have been many who could combine and con- solidate the organization for work in the field when the canvass was critical. Among these General Arthur held a high rank, and the length and vigor of his rule, and the loyal devotion of his friends were lasting tributes to his merits. It was the nat- ural result that the President should require him to hold a representative position. The Collector- ship of the Port of New York was at that time the key to the political fortunes of the Administration. The Collector was in a sense a Cabinet officer, the dispenser of party patronage, and the business agent of the government at the commercial capitol of the nation. The peculiar difficulties of the place had permanently consigned to private life every man who ever held it. To make mistakes, to pro- voke calumny, to create enmities, were the peculiar opportunities of the office. That Arthur should have been unanimously confirmed for a second term and died an ex-President of the United States are the best evidences of his integrity, wisdom and tact. 12 CANDIDATE AND VICE-PKESIDENT. A long lease of power creates not only a desire for change but develops internal antagonisms. Both these dangers were very threatening in the campaign of 1880. The first was a present and in- creasing force, and success was impossible unless all discordant elements were harmonized. Garfield and Arthur as the representatives of the hostile factions were singularly fitted to accomplish this re- sult. Their selection contributed enormously to the triumph of their cause. Garfield the boy on the tow path, the University Alumnus, the learned profes- sor, the college president, the gallant soldier, the congressional leader, the United States Senator and brilliant orator, enthusiastic, generous and impul- sive, presented a most picturesque, captivating and dashing candidate, while Arthur's cool judgment, unequalled skill, commanding presence, and rare gifts for conciliating and converting revengeful par- tizans into loyal and eager followers, brought be- hind his chief a united and determined party. But no sooner was the victory won, than the internal strife was renewed with intensified bitterness. In demonstrating the evils and power of patronage, it gave effective impetus to the triumph of civil ser- vice reform. The struggle was transferred from 13 Washington to Albany and this Capitol became the field for the most envenomed and passionate contest of the century. The whole Republic was involved in the conflict. Upon it depended the control of the government. Vice-President Arthur whose loyalty to his friends was the central motive of his life, deemed it his duty to come here and take command of the forces on the one side, while a share in the conduct of the other devolved upon me. The murderous fury of the fray dissolved friendships of a lifetime, but I hail with profound gratification the fact that ours survived it. The bullet of Guiteau struck down President Garfield, and in the whirlwind of resentment and revenge, General Arthur, by the very necessity of his posi- tion, became the object of most causeless and cruel suspicion and assault. But in that hour the real greatness of his character became resplendent. The politician gave place to the Statesman, and the partizan to the President. As a spent ball having missed its mark is buried in the heart of a friend, so the dying passions of the civil war by one mad and isolated crime murdered Abraham Lincoln, the one man in the country who had the power and disposition to do at once, for those whom the assas- sin proposed to help and avenge, all that was after- wards accomplished through many years of proba- 14 tion, humiliation and suffering. But in the death of Garfield, the spoils system, which dominated par- ties, made and unmade statesmen, shaped the policy of the government and threatened the in- tegrity and perpetuity of our institutions, re- ceived a fatal blow. It aroused the Country to the perils both to the proper conduct of the busi- ness of the government and to the government it- self. A morbid sentiment that the civil service was a Pretorian G-uard to be recruited from the followers of the successful chief without regard to the fitness of the officer removed or the qualifications of the man who took his place, created the moral mon- trosity — Guiteau. The spoils system murdered Garfield and the murder of Garfield shattered the system. The months during which President Gar- field lay dying by the sea at Elberon, were phe- nomenal in the history of the world. The sufferer became a member of every household in the land, and in all countries, tongues and creeds, sympa- thetic prayers ascended to God for the recovery of the great ruler beyond the ocean who had sprung from the common people and illustrated the possi- bilities for the individual where all men are equal before the law. While he who was to succeed him if he died, though in no place and in no sense, 15 charged with sympathy with the assassination, yet was made to feel a national resentment and dis- trust which threatened his usefulness and even his life. Whether he spoke or was silent he was alike misrepresented and misunderstood. None but those most intimate with him can ever know the agony he suffered during- those frightful days, and how earnestly he prayed that in the returning health of his chief, he might be spared the fearful trial of his death. When the end came for General Garfield, Arthur entered the White House as he had taken the oath of office — alone. A weaker man would have succumbed, a narrower one have seized upon the patronage and endeavored to build up his power by strengthening his faction. But the lineage and training of Arthur stood in this solemn and critical hour, for patriotism and manli- ness. Friends, co-workers within the old lines, and associates under the old conditions looking for opportunities, for recognition or for revenge, re- tired chastened and enlightened from the presence of the President of the United States. The man had not changed. He was the same genial, companionable and loving gentleman, but in the performance of public duty he rose to the full measure and dignity of his great office. It was the process which has been witnessed before among 16 our statesmen, where under the pressure of sudden and grave responsibilities the evolution of character and capacity which would, under ordinary condi- tions, have taken a life time or perhaps never ma- tured, culminate in a moment. The most remark- able example in our history was Abraham Lincoln, and in a lesser degree Edwin M. Stanton and Sal- mon P. Chase. The cold and hesitating constitu- ency which expected the President to use for the personal and selfish ends and ambitions of himself and friends the power so suddenly and unexpect- edly acquired, saw the chief magistrate of a mighty nation so performing his duties, so administering his trust, so impartially acting for the public inter- ests and the public welfare, that he entered upon the second year of his term in the full possession of the confidence of his countrymen. The grateful task of review and portrayal of the history of his administration has been most worthi- ly assigned in these ceremonies to the learned, elo- quent and eminent lawyer who was the Attorney- General in his Cabinet. 17 FEATUKES OF HIS ADMINISTRATION. President Arthur will be distinguished both for what he did and what he refrained from doing. The strain and intensity of public feeling, the ve- hemence of the angry and vindictive passions of the time, demanded the rarest of negative as well as positive qualities. The calm and even course of government allayed excitement and appealed to the better judgment of the people. But though not aggressive or brilliant, his administra- tion was sensible and strong and admirably ad- justed to the conditions which created and at- tended it. He spoke vigorously for the reform and improvement of the civil service, and when Con- gress, acting upon his suggestions, enacted the law, he constructed the machinery for its execu- tions which has since accomplished most satisfac- tory, though as yet incomj3lete results. On ques- tions of currency and finance he met the netds of public and private credit, and the best commercial sentiment of the country. He knew the necessity for efficient coast defences and a navy equal to the requirements of the age. He keenly felt the weakness of our merchant marine and the total destruction of the proud position we had formerly held among the maritime nations of the world, and 18 did what he could to move Congress to wise and patriotic legislation. When the measures of his period are crowded into oblivion by the rapid and ceaseless tread of the events of each hour, in our phenomenal development and its needs, two acts of dramatic picturesqueness and historical signifi- cance will furnish themes for the orator and illus- trations for the academic stage of the future. The centennial of the final surrender at York- town which marked the end of the revolutionary war and the close of English rule was celebrated with fitting splendor and appropriateness. The presence of the descendants of Lafayette and Steuben as the guests of the nation, typified the undying gratitude of the Republic for the services rendered by the great French Patriot and his countrymen, and by the famous German soldier. But the President, with characteristic grace and tact, determined that the ceremonies should also officially record that all feelings of hostility against the mother country were dead. He directed that the celebration should be closed by a salute fired in honor of the British flag, as he felicitously said, "in recognition of the friendly relations so long and so happily subsisting between Great Britain and the United States, in the trust and confidence of peace and good will between the 19 two countries for all the centuries to come," and then he added the sentence which might be Amer- ica's message of congratulation at the Queen's Jubilee this summer, "and especially as a mark of the profound respect entertained by the American people for the illustrious sovereign and gracious lady who sits upon the British throne." General Grant was dying of a lingering and most painful disease. Manifold and extraordinary mis- fortunes had befallen him and his last days were clouded with great mental distress and doubt. The old soldier was most anxious to know that his countrymen freed him and would hold his memory sacred from all blame in connection with the men and troubles with which he had become so strangely, innocently and most inextricably involved. Whether his life should suddenly go out in the darkness, or be spared for an indefinite period was largely dependent upon some act which would con- vey to him the conlidence and admiration of the people. Again were illustrated both General Arthur's strong friendship and his always quick and correct appreciation of the expression of pop- ular sentiment. By timely suggestions to Con- gress, speedily acted upon, he happily closed the administration by affixing as its last official act his sis-nature to the nomination, which was confirmed 20 with tumultuous cheers, creating Ulysses S. Grant General of the Army. The news flashed to the hero, with affectionate message, rescued him from the grave, to enjoy for months the blissful assur- ance that comrades and countrymen had taken his character and career into their tender and watchful keeping. PEKSONAL ACCOMPLISHMENTS. There has rarely been in the history of popular governments so great a contrast as in the public appreciation of General Arthur at the time of his inauguration and when he retired from office. The President of whom little was expected and much feared returned to private life enjoy- ing in a larger degree than most of his predecessors the profound respect and warm re- gard of the people, without distinction of party. He was a warm-hearted, social, pleasure-loving man, but capable of the greatest industry, endur- ance and courage. He dearly loved to gratify his friends, but if he thought the public interests so required no one could more firmly resist their de- sires or their importunities. By his dignity and urbanity, and his rich possession of the graces which attract and adorn in social intercourse, he 21 gave a new charm to the hospitalities of the White House. Though the son of a country clergyman and unfamiliar with Courts, in him the veteran courtiers of the old world found all the culture, the proper observance of ceremonial proprieties and the indications of power which surround Emperors and Kings of ancient lineage and hereditary posi- tions, but tempered by a most attractive republican simplicity. He said to me early in his administra- tion, " My sole ambition is to enjoy the confidence of my countrymen." Towards this noble ideal he strove with undeviating purpose. Even in the mis- takes he made could be seen his manly struggle to be right. Once again in private station and resum- ing the practice of his profession, he moved among his fellow citizens receiving the homage and recog- nition which came of their pride in the way he had born the honors and administered the duties of the Chief Magistracy of the Republic. In his last illness he had the sympathy and pray- ers of the nation, and the grand gathering of the men most distinguished in every department of our public and private life, who sorrowfully bore him to the grave, was the solemn tribute of the whole people through their representatives to his worth as a man and his eminence as a public servant. ADDRESS Hon. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW, s Memorial Service by the Legislature of the State of New York, Capitol at Albany, April 2jt/l f 188"/, ©OVERJMOR REUBEN E. fENTON. Gentlemen of the Senate and Assembly of the State of New York : New York lias as a rule been remarkably for- tunate in her Governors. Many of them have been statesmen of national and commanding influence. Two of them have served as Presidents and two as Vice-Presidents of the United States, and two oth- ers were the choice of their party for the Chief Magistracy of the Republic. Their influence upon the policy and course of government has been po- tential. It is proper in this place to speak only of those who have joined the majority beyond the grave. There is no more heroic iigure in revolu- tionary annals than our first Governor, George Clinton. Within an hour after his inauguration he was marching to the post of duty and danger in front of the enemy. His obstinate cour- age, wise generalship and great popularity, did much to keep New York, full as the colony was of royalists, loyal to liberty and the Contin- ental Congress. • John Jay did more than any one save Alexander Hamilton to bind the discor- dant colonies into a harmonious confederacy. De- Witt Clinton by his foresight and energy made 2(5 New York the Empire State and her chief city, the commercial metropolis of the continent. Martin Van Buren for nearly a quarter of a cen- tury was the actual ruler of the Republic, through his control and management of the dominant par- ty, and he gave political form and substance to the anti-slavery sentiment. William L. Marcy, United States Senator and twice a Cabinet Minister, has left an indelible impress upon the history of his time. Silas Wright ranks among our ideal statesmen. He possessed the loftiest character and most signal abil- ity. His ambitions were always subordinated to the public welfare. He could calmly layaside the certain- ty of the Presidency when his duty as he understood it, called him to serve in more hazardous but minor fields, and he was in every sense a modern Cincinnatus. The name of William H. Seward will be among the few of his generation which will sur- vive in coming ages. He was the political philoso- pher of his period who alone of his contemporaries grasped the full meaning and inevitable result of the vast moral questions which agitated the coun- try. His matchless genius for affairs and unruffled judgment in the midst of trial and danger kept that peace with the world without, which alone en- abled nationality to win its victory within. His speeches and state papers will be the exhaustless 27 treasury from which the statesmen of the future will draw their best lessons and inspiration. With- in our immediate memory the tablets upon our gubernatorial mausoleum recall the public services of John A. King, John A. Dix, Edwin D. Morgan, Horatio Seymour, Reuben E. Fenton and Samuel J. Tilden. No other State has been governed by an equal number of men of national influence and fame. It is therefore eminently proper and wise that the Legislature should commemorate and by imposing ceremonial perpetuate the history and characters of its departed Chief Magistrates. EARLY TRIALS AND SUCCESSES. The one in whose honor we are here assembled worthily ranks with the best of his predecessors in office. Repeated and long continued promotions to places of trust by popular suffrage are cumula- tive evidence of merit and distinction. The oppor- tunity to rise from humble station to lofty posi- tions is the common heritage of all, but they only successfully climb the slippery and perilous ascent gathering fresh strength at each station for bolder efforts, who are easily the leaders of their fellows. The early settlers of Western New York were a hardy and enterprising race, and their children 28 roughing it in log cabins, forest clearings and frontier experiences, were by heredity and educa- tion State builders. They created farms out of the wilderness, formed communities and organized government. It is easier for a man of ability to get on in a new country and with fresh surround- ings, than in the neighborhood where he was born. Where everyone has known him from childhood he often is handicapped by the unforgotten frivoli- ties of youth, and reaches middle life before he has outgrown the feeling that he is still a boy, while as a new settler, he starts at once at the level of his ascertained capabilities. It is the peculiar distinction of Mr. Fenton that he over- came these prejudices before he was of age, that he became the choice of his fellow citizens for posi- tions of trust as soon as he obtained his majority, and passing his life at his birthplace, he earned at a period when most young men are unknown, the confidence of the people among whom he had grown up, and carried it with him to his grave. He saw Western New York expand from the for- est into one of the most beautiful, highly cultivat- ed and richest sections of the State, teeming with an intelligent and prosperous population, which had founded cities, formed villages, erected schools, endowed colleges and planted by every stream 29 flourishing manufactories, and he remained throughout all this growth and until his death the foremost and most distinguished citizen. He was seven times Supervisor of his town, and three times Chairman of the County Board, for five terms a member of Congress, twice Governor of this great State, United States Senator, and the choice of New York for Vice-President in the convention which first nominated General Grant. This proud career was not helped by accident, or luck, or wealth, or family, or powerful friends. He was in its best sense both the architect and builder of his own fortunes. When a lad of seventeen his father failed in business, and the boy dropped his studies and profes- sional aspirations to support the family and re- trieve its credit. Self reliant but prudent, courag- eous but cautious, his audacity subject to reason, he quickly measured his powers and then boldly struck out for himself, lie traversed the virgin forests, selecting with unerring judgment the most productive tracts, and for years following, his life was spent in logging camps and piloting his rafts down the Alleghany and Ohio rivers. The adven- tures, exposure and perils of the work gave him an iron constitution and knowledge of men, and developed his rare capacity for business. An 30 omniverons and intelligent reader, he became, by the light of blazing fires in the forest and pine knots in the cabin on the rafts, well educated and widely informed. At thirty-one he had x^aid his fathers debts and secured a comfortable competence for himself. Then came the inevitable internal struggle with himself of the man who has early in life achieved an independence. He feels his strength, the ardor and fire of vigorous manhood enlarge his vision, and he sees no limits to his ambitions. The divergent roads to untold wealth on the one side, or honors and fame on the other, are before him, and to lead the crowd, his best energies will be required for whichever path he selects. Mr. Fenton determined to devote his future to the public service and henceforward his life be- came identified with the history of his times. A LEADER OF THE NEW PARTY. He had always been a Democrat, but the great question which was to destroy the Whig and divide the Democratic Party, met him at the outset of his congressional career. Stephen A. Douglas had introduced into the bill organizing the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska, a section repealing that portion of the Missouri Compromise of 1820, 31 which forever prohibited slavery in the new ter- ritories lying north of latitude thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes. In a moment the whole country was aflame. The slumbering conscience of the nation awoke with an energy which rocked pulpits, and revolutionized colleges. The oration, the tract and the madly exciting novel were potent forces in the storm. The young congressman must choose and at once between his convictions and the caucus. He did not hesitate. He was never afraid oi* his beliefs, and faith and courage with him always stood together. His maiden speech was for the inviolable preservation of the boundaries so solemnly set by a former gen- eration to the encroachments of slavery. It was the first speech made from either side in the House of Representatives against the pending crime, it was made by a member of the Party then dominant in the government, and its clear notes of independ- ence and defiance rallied about him a determined band of young democratic representatives. From that day he was one. of the leaders in the formation and afterwards in the conduct of the Republican Party. When Mr. Seward announced the death of the Whig and christened the young Party — Re- publican, and when at its first State Convention there fraternized under that name, old Whigs and 32 Democrats, Barnburners of '48, Free Soilers and Liberty Party men of the days of Martyrdom, Reuben E. Fenton was unanimously elected as their presiding officer. It is difficult now to realize the duties and re- sponsibilities of a Member of Congress during the civil war. He was investigating estimates and mak- ing appropriations of such appalling magnitude, that he had no precedents to guide him and no standards for comparison. Amidst the tension and strain of great battles, of victories and defeats, of the result oft times in doubt and the Capitol itself frequently in peril, he was uprooting by legislation, wrongs and abuses which had been embedded in the constitutions, the laws, the decisions of the Courts, as well as the approving judgment of the people since the formation of the government, and prepar- ing for the reconstruction of a new upon the ruins of the old Republic. Fundamental principles of human rights were pressing for immediate and fin- al settlement, while the carnage, slaughter and suffering without and the financial and administra- tive perils within the Capitol were unparalleled in the experience of nations. But widely known and with a sympathetic heart he was counselor, friend and brother, for the mother searching for her dead, for wives looking for loved ones left wounded upon 33 the field, for parents seeking furloughs for their boys in the hospital, that they might carry them home and tenderly nurse them back to life and health, and by the soldiers bedside he gave relief, encouragement and strength, or received the dying message and the last embrace to be tenderly borne to mourning and broken households in the peaceful valleys of the distant North. There were many men in Congress of commanding eloquence and great power in debate, who received general atten- tion and applause, but Mr. Fenton did not excel in either of these more attractive fields. He was a man of affairs, one of those clear headed, construc- tive and able business managers, whose persistent industry, comprehensive grasp of details and power to marshall them for practical results, made him invaluable in committee where legislation is per- fected and all important measures are prepared. The people rarely know the debt they owe to the careful, plodding, alert members, who ceaselessly working in committee rooms, with no reporters to herald their achievements and no place in the "Con- gressional Record for their work, detect frauds and strangle jobs, mould crudities into laws and develop the hidden meaning and deep laid schemes of skill- ful and deceptive amendments, ascertain the needs of government and devise the statutes for meeting 34 them. They are the reliance of the Cabinet Minis- ter and the safety of parliamentary government. There are always three classes of Congressmen, the leaders who organize the forces of the administra- tion or opposition, and by speeches profound or magnetic give opinions to their party and educate the country to its views, the able and conscientious committeeman and watchful member, and the drones whose public use- fulness is lost between yawns and naps. Mr. Fen- ton was an ideal representative of the second type, with some of the qualities of the first. He master- ed his subject so thoroughly, and understood so well the causes and effect of pending issues, that his calm and lucid statements made him, upon the floor, a strong ally and a dangerous enemy. His speeches uxwn pensions, internal improvements,the regulation of emigration, the payment of bounties, the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law, and the financial measures for carrying on the war, and funding the national debt, attest the extent of his acquirements and the wisdom of his views. But his distinction during this period was, that he came to be pre-eminently recognized as the " Soldiers Friend." The bill to facilitate the granting of furloughs and discharges to disabled soldiers ; the bill to 35 facilitate the payment of bounties and arrears of pay due wounded and deceased soldiers ; and bills granting pensions and those making the ap- plication for them easy and inexpensive, were among the results of his patriotic and thoughtful interest. He kept lonely vigils by the hospital cots at night, and by day was ceaselessly and tire- lessly tramping from the War and Navy Depart- ments to the Executive Mansion. The New York Soldiers Aid Society in recogni- tion of his eminent fitness and meritorious services elected him its president, and the beneficent work of that society is recorded in grateful hearts and registered by happy firesides all over our state. When as governor, he welcomed home the return- ing regiments of the disbanded army, the formal words of his official proclamation spoke the senti- ments which had guided his actions. " Soldiers," said he " your State thanks you and gives you pledge of her lasting gratitude. You have elevated her dignity, brightened her renown and enriched her history. The people will regard with jealous pride, your welfare and honor, not forgetting the widow, the fatherless and those who were dependent upon the fallen hero." 36 GOVERNOR OF NEW YORK. The Presidential canvass of 1864 was one of the most interesting in our history. The radical ele- ment in the Republian party had nominated a ticket after denouncing President Lincoln because he was too slow and conservative. Governor Horatio Seymour, while voicing the thought of the Demo- cratic National Convention, in one of the most able and masterly of speeches, as its Chairman, had de- clared that Mr. Lincoln's administration had been a series of costly and bloody mistakes, and under his guidance the war had been, and would continue to be, a failure. To carry New York, Mr. Seymour accepted a renomination for Governor, and entered upon the canvass with his accustomed vigor and eloquence. Whether we differ from, or sustain his political opinions, we must all admit that Horatio Seymour was one of the most brilliant and at- tractive of our New York statesmen. The purity of his life, his unblemished character, his com- manding presence, and his magnetism upon the platform, made him the idol of his party and the most dangerous of opponents. It was vital to Mr, Lincoln and his administration, and to Mr. Seward, the Chief of his Cabinet, that New York should .sustain them, and repel these charges. To meet 37 this emergency, and conduct this campaign, Reu- ben E. Fenton was nominated by the Republican Convention for Governor. The wisdom of the choice was speedily apparent. Mr. Fenton' s un- equalled abilities as an organizer were felt in every school district in the Commonwealth, and when the returns showed the state carried for Lincoln, and Fenton leading by some thousands the Presi- dential vote, the new Governor became a figure of national importance. Within four days after his inauguration he raised the last quota of troops called for from New York with this stirring appeal : " Having resolutely determined to go thus far in the struggle, we shall not falter nor hesitate when the rebellion reels under our heavy blows, when victory upon all the methods of human calculation is so near. Believing ourselves to be inspired by the same lofty sentiments of patriotism which ani- mated our fathers in founding our free institutions, let us continue to imitate their bright example of courage, endurance and faithfulness to principle in maintaining them. Let us be faithful and per- severe. Let there be a rally of the j^eople in every city, village and town." A few months afterwards the happy lot and unique distinction came to him, following the sur- render at Appomattox, of being among the immor- 38 tals, who will always live as the War Governors of •our civil strife, who in Thanksgiving Proclama- tions returned to Almighty God, the devout ac- knowledgments of a grateful people for the end of war and bloodshed, and the victory of unity and nationality. That he carried the State for his par- ty at each recurring annual election during his two terms as Governor proves the popularity of his administration and his skill as an organizer. By temperament and training he was admirably fitted for executive position. No one ever understood better the peculiarities and surroundings of men. He was apparently the most amiable and con- ciliatory of public officers, but never yielded an essential point. He possessed in an eminent de- gree the rare faculty of satisfying applicants and petitioners without gratifying them. The immense state and local indebtedness following the war, the wild speculations incident to an unstable currency, and the perilous condition of public and private credit he thoroughly understood, and with great sagacity and judgment devoted his powers to re- moving the dangers and preparing for the storm. He gave the state what it most needed after the drain and demoralization of the civil war, a wise business government. So profoundly impressed was the convention which met at Syracuse in 1868 39 to send delegates to the National Convention at Chicago, with the strength of his administration that it unanimously and enthusiastically instructed the delegates to present his name for Vice-Presi- dent, and for five ballots in that memorable con- test he was second on the poll. SENATOR OF THE UNITED STATES. Senator Morgan realized when it was too late to either gracefully retire or to avert defeat, that the power which Thurlow Weed had held for thirty years, and upon which he relied, had passed away and the Governor had become the master of the party forces in the State. Governor Fenton became easily the choice of the Legislature as Mr. Morgan's successor, and entered the Senate at a period when measures were pending which he thoroughly under- stood, and in their solution could render most valu- able and enduring service. The bent of his mind was towards financial and business subjects, and the debt, taxation, the currency, banking and revenue were the pressing problems of the hour. No meas- ures since the adoption of the constitution have had such permanent and beneficial influence upon the growth and prosperity of the country, as the acts relating to finance from 1869 to 1875. The 40 national credit was impaired, the interest upon the debt was exorbitant and threatened the gravest complications, and Jiat money induced the wildest speculation followed by its natural sequence, gen- eral bankruptcy and business suspension. With rare courage and wisdom Congress declared that all the obligations of the Government should be paid in gold. Instantly the shattered credit of the Republic was restored and its securities advanced in all the markets of the world. Taking advantage of this good name and reputation bills were passed fund- ing the debt, at a rate of interest so much reduced that a burden of over fifty millions of dollars a year was lifted from the taxpayers. Commerce, manu- factures and all industries soon responded to this great relief, and the stability and healthy expan- sion of the vast business of the country were as- sured. But steady and reputable occupations, and the inauguration and completion of the enterprises which were in the years to come to de- velop in such a rapid and limitless way our ex- liaustless resources, were impossible with a fluctuat- ing and uncertain currency. The full fruition of this grandest scheme of finance of modern times came with the resumption of specie payments. That the losses and destruction of the civil war have been regained, repaired and forgotten ; that 41 the Republic is many fold richer in every element of wealth, prosperity and promises for the future due to the wise foresight which prepared and per fected this harmonious and interdependent system. While Senator Fenton did his full share and occupied an honorable place in this grand and statesmanlike work, he originated and promoted with all his ability, thoroughness and persistence the abolition of the moiety methods of collecting the revenue. The evils had long been apparent, but no one had the boldness to attack them. They originated when the young Republic was too poor to pay adequate salaries, and continued until the enormous receipts at the customs gave to the reve- nue officers a fortune each year and retired them with large wealth. They were intrenched in the cupidity of incumbents and the hopeful dreams of aspirants. Those in possession and those who expected to be in the ever varying tides of political fortunes were alike hostile to a change. The sys- tem was fecund in spies, informers and perjurers, and merchants were at the mercy of legalized blackmail. The final triumph of this benelicent reform will be remembered to his lasting honor. 42 FENTON AND GREELEY. No record of Governor Fenton's life would be complete which failed to give the facts of his separ- ating from his Party for one campaign, and no memorial honest which ignored its discussion. He supported the Republican Candidates with all his might from the formation of the party till his death, with the single exception of his vote lor Mr. Greeley. Before this event bringing into the canvass all the forces of the organization then under his control, and after it, returning again within the regular lines, and giving his whole time and influence for the success in each succeeding canvass of Hayes, of Garfield and of Blaine. No organization was either large enough or elastic enough to hold in harmonious relations and views two such opposite, original and positive men as General Grant and Horace Greeley. All condi- tions in the beginning conspired to urge Greeley to independent action, as in the latter part of his can- vass they united for his defeat. The rise of his tidal wave until a vast majority of the voters were apparently drawn into the current, and then its sudden collapse, followed immediately by his sleep- less watching for weeks by the bedside of his dying wife, brain fever, delirium and death, form one of 43 the most dramatic episodes and romantic tragedies in American politics. Mr. Greeley delighted in po- lemical controversy, but he hated war. For more than a quarter of a century this strong thinker and master of the most vigorous English had furnished opinions to and done the thinking for vast masses of his fellow citizens. In the anti-slavery move- ment, in the struggle for temperance legislation, in all moral reforms he was the most potent factor of his generation. Shocked and outraged beyond re- straint when the first shot was tired at the flag, he demanded that the rebel soil be plowed with can- non balls and sown with salt, and his clarion notes rang through the land like a trumpet blast calling all loyal men to arms. But when he thought he saw a prospect of peace with slavery abolished, he recoiled appalled from further bloodshed and cried halt. Unlike most strong natures he harbored no re- sentments and was incapable of revenge. When the rebellion was crushed he went upon the bail bond of Jefferson Davis as a protest against death penalties and confiscations, and in the hope of amnesty, reconciliation and brotherly re- union upon the basis won by our vic- tory in the war. He so impressed and imbued Abraham Lincoln with his views that 44 only the assassination of the President prevented their public announcement. He had been a de- voted follower and passionate lover of Henry Clay, and three times had seen him set aside for the availability of military popularity. While most cordially conceding to General Grant position as the foremost Captain of his time, Mr. Greeley mis- trusted his administrative ability in civil affairs, feared the result of his inexperience and intensely disliked his advisers. To President Grant, on the other hand, the great editor seemed something more and little less than an inspired crank. After the unfortunate results of some of the temporary and tentative State administrations in the South, Mr. Greeley conceived the idea that if the late rebels and slaveholders could be induced, in return for the full restoration of their State governments and universal amnesty, to accept the amendments to the Constitution, the freedom and citizen- ship of the slave, the inviolability of the debt and all the results of the war, with hearty loyalty to the flag waving over a Repub- lic reconstructed on these conditions; and as hostage for their faith would take as their candi- date for President a lifelong abolitionist and Re- publican, the problem of reconstruction and peace would be solved at once. Responding to this idea 45 the world beheld the amazing spectacle of these people in convention assembled, solemnly declaring that the obligations of the Republic to the abolition of slavery, to the civil and political rights of the freedmen, to the honest payment of the national debt, to the repudiation of rebel loans, and to pen- sions to Union soldiers, were unalterable and sacred, and then nominating for President one who had said more harsh and bitter things, and through his writings and speeches done more effective work for the overthrow of all their principles and traditions, than any man living or dead. That the South, without giving the evidences of re- pentance then promised, has been granted and now enjoys even more than Mr. Greeley proposed, is the answer of the succeeding political generation to the fierce assaults made at the time upon his theory and anticipations. That a large majority of his party associates were converted to his hopeful view at first, and many followed him to the end, was natural, when the movement was inspired and led by so masterful and commanding an intellect which had braved defeat and death for the rights of men, and been always the first of the forlorn hope of liberty and reform, in the assault upon the almost impregnable positions of wrong, immorality and oppression for over a quarter of a 46 century. That he was defeated and General Grant elected, the backward view over the events since 1872, which is not difficult for most men to safely and correctly take, proves to have been a wise and fortunate result. He was killed by his defeat. I stood near as the clouds began to gather in that active and mighty brain. He thought that a life unselfishly given to mankind would be judged a failure by posterity, and that the fame which he had hoped would rest uj3on the praise and the gratitude of the humble and oppressed, was already permanently injured by the prejudices and distrust aroused in them by the calumnies of the canvass. Though his controversies filled the land, this great fighter for the truth as he understood it, was the most morbidly sensitive of mortals, and weakened by the sleepless strain of the struggle and domes- tic affliction, his reason and life succumbed to ridi- cule and misrepresentation. We have seen death in many forms, and for most of us it has lost its terrors, but to witness a great mind suddenly break and go out in helpless and hopeless darkness was the saddest scene I ever saw, and its memory is as of the most painful of tragedies. Horace Greeley was the last of that famous trium- virate of Editors, Greeley, Bennett and Raymond, whose genius and individuality subordinated the 47 functions of a great newspaper to the'presentation of their opinions and characteristics. Their journals were personal organs, but of phenomenal influence. The vigor of Mr. Greeley's thought and the lu- cidity of its expression, carried conviction to the minds of hundreds of thousands of people, and he was for nearly a quarter of a century the great- est individual force in the country. He was so honest and terrifically in earnest, so right in his motives and pure in his principles, that like the spots upon the sun, his mistakes made more evi- dent the loftiness of his purposes. His motives were so transparent that his errors and eccentrici- ties increased his strength, and even when wrong, he inspired more confidence than is reposed in most men when they are right. He made and un- made more reputations than any writer in the land. His untimely death hushed all hearts. President and Cabinet, Generals and soldiers, Gov- ernors and Congressmen, friends and foes, the mighty and the humble, gathered at his bier, and the nation mourned as never before for the loss of a citizen in private station. Mr. Fenton had acted with Mr. Greeley since the formation of the Republican Party. They had been the closest of personal and political friends. They consulted freely and often on all questions 48 and continued in fullest accord on party measures and policies. After the dissolution of the famous partnership of Seward, Weed and Greeley, Fenton cast his for- tunes with the junior member of the firm. His faith in Greeley and constant contact with his aspi- rations and views led to his full agreement with the opinions, and his fidelity, to giving a cordial support to the ambitions of his friend. PRIVATE LIFE AND CHARACTER. After retiring from the Senate, Governor Fenton continued active, and deeply interested in the suc- cess of his party, but was never again a candidate for office. President Hayes sent him abroad in 1878 as Chairman of the Commission to the Inter- national Monetary Convention to fix the ratio of value between gold and silver, and provide for their common use. But his health had become impaired by the strain of a busy and stormy life, and continued precarious until his sudden death while sitting at his office desk. The Gov- ernor and State Officers, and a great multitude of people representing the affection and respect of a large constituency, gave additional significance and solemnity to the last tributes to his memory. 49 Reuben E. Fenton was remarkable for the full, rounded character of his mind and disposition. No matter how iiercely the storm raged about him he was always serene and unmoved. Though it was his fortunes which were at stake, he was the calmest of the combatants. He was the most affable and approachable of men and yet until he acted none knew either his plans or his views. He listened courteously to everyone, but what he heard rarely changed his deliberate judgment. In the heat of the contest, when upon his decision or signature depended results of the greatest importance to powerful and persistent applicants, his manner of receiving them, led to angry charges that he had conveyed false impressions or been guilty of bad faith, but no proof was ever submitted, and it came to be admitted that he was simply under the most tantalizing and exasperating conditions always a gentleman. He was faultless in dress and manners, whether in the executive chamber, upon the plat- form or in the crowd, but this scrupulous exact- ness seemed to enhance his popularity. He loved to mingle freely with the people but he received the like kindly greeting and cordial confidence from workingmen fresh from the forge, or mer- chants in their parlors or counting-rooms. When the history of our State comes to v 50 written, Mr. Fenton will be given rank as its best political organizer after Martin Van Buren. But he possessed a magnetism which Van Buren never had. A most tender, gentle and affectionate nature shone brightly for his friends through the crust of the mannerisms of office and policy. I have met all the public men of my time under circumstances sufficiently close to form some judgment as to the secrets of their power, and he was one of the very few who had an eloquent presence. His touch and look conveyed, if he pleased, such a world of interest and regard, that the recipient without knowing why felt honored by his confidence and encircled by his friendship. It was this which made it impossible to crush him after repeated defeats. When he was under the ban of power, when to act with him was to accept ostracism, when the office-holder was sure to lose his place and the ambitious found all avenues barred if they followed his lead, he came year after year to the annual convention of his party with such a solid, numerous and aggressive host that it required all the resources of unsurpassed eloquence, political sagacity and the lavish prizes of patronage to prevent his carrying off the victory. The char- acter and deeds which redound to his honor and will perpetuate his memory, are sources of just pride for 51 his State and of lasting pleasure to his friends. He was a representative of the people when the most vital questions affecting the welfare of the human race on this continent were at issue and the Republic in the agonies of dissolution, and acted well the part of philanthropist, patriot and statesman. He was twice Governor of this State at a most criti- cal period in its history, wielding the powers of the Executive with wisdom and courage, and as the leader of the dominant party in the commonwealth, exercising a potent, but broad and healthful influ- ence in the affairs of the nation. He was United States Senator during the fruitful period of the re- construction of the government, and left enduring monuments of his fidelity and ability as one of the architects of the new era. As Congressman, Gov- ernor, Senator, there is no stain upon his record, and his public life stands pure and unassailed. The controversies which occupied so large apart of his life are over. The causes which produced them have ceased to exist, and the friends and foes of that period can fight over the old battles without rancor or passion. The ever dis- solving and reuniting fragments of political forces wear off by friction enmities and jealousies, and by the recognition of merits before unknown in our opponents, we are all brought into more harmoni- 52 ous and respecting relations. We can all stand beside the grave of Reuben E. Fenton, and forget- ting for the moment our divisions and contentions, mourn the loss of one who in his day and genera- tion acted so well his part as private citizen and public officer, that the common- wealth and the country were enriched by his example, his character and his work. ^ \ >o LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 013 785 811 3 » peRmaliffe*