pHS^ 
 
ADDEES8 , ^^ 
 
 OF THE 
 
 nion State Central Committee 
 
 TO 
 
 THE PEOPLE OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 AND 
 
 THE PLATFORMS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 TWO POLITICAL ORGANIZATIONS, 
 
 FOR 
 
 1865. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA: 
 KIXCx h BAIRD, PRINTERS, No. COt SANSOM STREET. 
 
 18 6 5. 
 

 «> *>»- 
 

 YLVAil. 
 
 THE VERDICT IST 1864. 
 
 In a short time you -will again be called 
 TiI>on to exercise tlie highest pri^'iU'ge, and 
 pt'ri'orm one of the most sacred duties of 
 Freemen. One year ago our State was 
 deeply agitated by a conflict of opinion 
 wliich was emphatically and unniistak;ibly 
 settled at the ballot-box. Then the public 
 mind was thoroughly aroused by the warmth 
 and ability of the c(mtest. On both sides 
 Avere arrayed men who earnestly, and per- 
 bups in most cases sincerely, endeavoured 
 to persuade their fellow-citizens that the 
 triumph of their views was indispensable to 
 Cie welfare and prosperity of the State, the 
 peace and enjoyment of the people, and the 
 dm'ation and life of the Nation. After a 
 long, well contested and thorough canvass, 
 flie people of Pennsylvania, by more than 
 t;wenty thousand, and the people of the 
 Nation, by more than four hundred thous- 
 EQid majority, rendered their verdict. The 
 lilies were plainly drawn, and the issue 
 dearly and fully made up. It is impopi^ible 
 iQi any one to be mistaken as to the chiirac- 
 ter of Uie trial, or the nature of the verdict. 
 The administration of Abraham Lincoln 
 was on trial. The American people were 
 tlie jtirors. The contest was waged by his 
 friends, under most injiuspicious cir<-um- 
 §tances, and in the midst of unparalleled 
 'djfficulties and trials. No event, in the 
 history of the human race, was so well cal- 
 culated to test fully and completely the 
 capacity of man for self-government. The 
 people were called upon, voluntarily, to tax 
 themselves for the payment of an immense, 
 and daily increasing debt. They were asked 
 to furnish more men for the army ; and on 
 the very eve of the election, President Lin- 
 coln proceeded to enforce a draft to till up 
 the army at all hazards, preferring the sup- 
 pression of the rebellion and the life of tlie 
 Rejiiublic, to his own success at the polls, 
 
 an example of disinterestea patriotism and 
 of heroic action, never surpassed by any 
 ruler named in history. 
 
 The people of the United States proved 
 themselves worthy of such a ruler. Ani- 
 mated by a lofty patriotism, rising above all 
 considerations of selfishness, and having 
 resolved upon their knees,«and in their closets 
 that the noble old Kepublic of our fathers 
 should not perish ; in spite of all our ene- 
 mies at home and abroad, the tyrants and 
 aristocracies of Europe, the kings of the 
 earth, armed traitors in the South, their 
 sympathisers in the North, and all the ene- 
 mies of human liberty, everywhere, they 
 heroically and courageously recorded their 
 verdict at the ballot-box. Both parties went 
 into the contest with their principles plainly 
 inscribed upon their banners, and it is im- 
 possible to suppose that the people did not 
 understand the nature, extent, and true 
 character of the issues which they were 
 trying. 
 
 The Union Convention at Baltimore, 
 which nominated Lincoln and Johnson, 
 declared as follows : 
 
 "■R/solrrd, That it Is the highest duty of 
 every American citizen to maintain against 
 all their enemies the integrity of the Union, 
 and the paramount authority of the Consti- 
 tution and laws of the United States ; and 
 that, laying aside all difierences of political 
 opinion, we pledge ourselves as Union meii 
 auiuinted by a common sentiment, and aim- 
 ing at a common object, to do everything 
 in our power to aid the Government in 
 quelling, by force of arms, the rebellion now 
 raging against its authority, and in bring- 
 ing to the punishment due to their crimes, 
 the rebels and traitors arrayed against it. 
 
 '■'■Resolred, TH&X we approve the determi- 
 3 
 
nation of the Government of the United 
 States not to compromise witli rebels, nor 
 to olfer any terms of peace except such as 
 nia^ be based upon an ' unconditional sur- 
 render ' of their hostility, and a r(!furn to 
 their just allegiance to the Consthutiou and 
 Li-n-s of the United States, and tlu^ we call 
 upon the Government to maintain this posi- 
 t.on and to i)rosecute the war with the ut- 
 most possible vigor to the complete sup- 
 pression of the rebellion, in full reliance 
 upon the self-sacrifice, the patriotism, the 
 heroic valor, and the undying devotion of 
 the American people to their country and 
 its free institutions. 
 
 ^'Eesolved, That as Slavery was the cause, 
 and now constitutes the strength, of this 
 rebellion, and as it must be always and 
 everywhere hostile to the principles of re- 
 publican government, justice and the na- 
 tional safety demands its utter and complete 
 extirpation from the soil of the republic ; 
 and that we uphold and mtiintain the acts 
 and proclamations by which the Govern- 
 ment, in iis own defence, has aimed a 
 deu'th-blov/ at this gigantic evil. We are 
 in favor, furthermore, of. such an amend- 
 ment to the Constitution, to be made by the 
 people, in. conformity with its provisions, 
 as shall terminate and forever prohibit the 
 existence of Slavery Avithin the limits of the 
 juiisdictiou of the United States. 
 
 '■^Besolved, That we approve and applaud 
 the practical wisdom, the unselfish patriot- 
 ism, and unswerving fidelity to the Consti- 
 tution and the principles of Americnu lib- 
 erty, with which Abraham Lincohi has 
 discharged, under circumstances of unparal- 
 leled difficultj^ the great duties and respon- 
 sibilities of the Presidential office ; that we 
 approve and endorse, as demanded by the 
 emergency and essential to the preserv;ition 
 of the nation, and as Avithin the Constitu- 
 tion, the measures and. acts which he has J 
 adopted to defend the nation against its !| 
 open and secret foes. That we approve |l 
 especially the Proclamation of Emancipa- | 
 tion, and the employment as Union soldiers i 
 of men heretofore held in slavery ; and that 
 we have full confidence in his determination 
 to carry these and all other Constitutional 
 measures essential to the salvation of the 
 countr}-, into full and complete etl'ect." 
 
 In ojiposition to the views and principles 
 thus announced, the represi'ntatives of the 
 parly in opposition to the administrati(<n, 
 met at Chicago, nominated McClellan and 
 Pendleton, and erected a platfoi-m Avhich, 
 among other things, contaj.rved the follow- 
 ing : 
 
 '■^Efnohfid, That this convention docs ex- 
 plicitly declare, as the sense of the Ameri- 
 can people, that after four years of failure ' 
 to restore the Union by the experknent of 
 war, during which, under the pretence of a 
 mihtary necessity of Avar poAVcr higher tha,n 
 the Constitution, the Constitution itself has 
 been disregarded in every part, and public 
 liberty and priA^ate right" alike trodden down, 
 and the material prosperity of the country 
 essentially impaired, justice, humanity, 
 liberty and public welfare demand that iiA- 
 mediate efforts be made for a cessation of 
 hostilities, with a vieAV to an ultimate coh- 
 vention of all tlie States, or other peaceable 
 means to the end that at the earliest practi- 
 cable moment peace may be restored on the 
 basis of the Federal Union of the States. 
 
 ^'■Resolved, That the aim and object of tlae 
 Democratic party is to preserve the Federal 
 Union and the rights of the States unim- 
 paired ; and they hereby declare that they 
 consider the administrative usurpation of 
 extraordinary and dangerous powers not 
 granted by the Constitution, the subversion 
 of the civil by military laAV in States not in 
 insurrection, the arbitrary military arrest, 
 imprisonment, trial and sentence of Ameri- 
 can citizens in States Avherc civil law exists 
 in full force, the suppression of freedom of 
 speech and of the press, the denial of tlie 
 right of asylum, the open and avowed dis- 
 regard of state rights, the employment of 
 unusual test-oaths, and the interference with 
 and denial of the right of the people to bear 
 arms, as calculated to prevent a restoration 
 of the Union, and the perpetuation of a 
 government deriving its just poAvers from 
 the consent of the governed." 
 
 PALSE AND TSUE PREDICTIOlfS OP 
 THE CANVASS. 
 
 During the progress of the campaign of 
 1SG4, the speakers, writers and cauA'assers 
 filled the country with their hopes and fears, 
 their opinions and prophesies. In accord- 
 ance with the platform of the opposition, 
 their leaders boldly denounced the war as 
 a failure, openly prociaimed that the South 
 never could be conquered, and that the re- 
 elcKion of Abraham Lincoln Avould certainfy 
 prolong the Avar for at least four years more, 
 and fill the land Avith debt, Avith shame and 
 disgrace, and Avith untold horrors and woes, 
 and finally destroy the Republic of our 
 fathers and rear a great military despotista 
 on its ruins. On the other hand, the friends 
 of the Administration urged that there could 
 be no safety for the nation, except in a 
 vigorous prosecution of the war, and that 
 the re-election of Mr. Lincolu Avould go far 
 
'6 
 
 and do much to hasten the overthvovr of 
 the rebellion. The result is before the 
 world. The promises and i)ledges of Union 
 men made in ISG-i, have all been kept and 
 fulfilled. Those of our political adversaries 
 Ijiave all been dissipated and proved hollow, 
 delusive and false. The ballot-box exhibi- 
 ted a majority unprecedented in the history 
 Of the nation. The enemies of liberty in 
 foreign lands stood appalled at the result. 
 The friends of the Union everywhere took 
 new courage. The rebels, trembled with 
 f^,ar, the heart of the rebellion grew sick 
 g'nd sank in the bosom of treason, and the 
 sjinpalhizerS Avith rebellion in the North 
 hid themselves away from the public gazCj 
 and many of them to-day deny that they 
 ever advocated the doctrines or made the 
 prophesies which they then so earnestly 
 defended, and so confidently proclaimed. 
 
 Thanks to the heroism, courage and skill 
 of American soldiers, sailors and officers, 
 and to the God of battles, the war is over, 
 our nation saved, and the good old Repub- 
 lic still lives. Peace has again spread her 
 gentle wings over our once happy and still 
 beloved land. The sound of trumpets, 
 the noise of cannon and miisketry, the 
 tread of armies,, the victorious cheers of our 
 brave soldiers, and the sickening groans of 
 the wounded and dying are no longer 
 heard in our borders. The nation, as in 
 former times, comes out of the fiery ordeal 
 ttiumphant, and now redeemed and vindi- 
 GSltcd before the world, stands forth more 
 bright than ever before as a beacon to the 
 down-trodden and oppressed of all lands, 
 as a terror to the tj^rants of the earth, as an 
 asylum for the oppressed of all nations and 
 as the wonder and admiration of the lovers 
 of Freedom everywhere. 
 
 The grass which we were told would 
 grow in the streets of northern cities in case 
 of war, is now growing in the streets where 
 the i^rophesy was made. The ruin, poverty 
 £Kid sutferiug which were to overtake the 
 people of the North are resting upon the 
 Ijcople who prayed for such blessings upon 
 OUT heads. The new paradise which was 
 to be discovered to delight the saints of the 
 "Southern Confederacy," is filled with 
 djrrkness and gloom, with sorrow and woe. 
 
 The large and mighty armies of treason 
 h^Jt^ been overthrown and scattered before 
 the larger and more powerful armies of the 
 Republic. Traitors and their friends every- 
 where have been compelled to yield to the 
 gt^atness, the power, the energy, the re- 
 sources of the nation, and the courage, skill 
 and endurance of her heroic sons. 
 
 Borne of the leaders of the rebellion are 
 buried beneath the soil they attempted to 
 desecrate, some »re fugitives in foreign 
 lands, and others are swarming the National 
 
 Capital and crawling into the "White House, 
 begging pardons from the man whom of all 
 others in the land, they have most fiercely 
 denounced, and most bitterly hate. The 
 chief of the rebellion himself from his prison 
 at Fortress ]\Ionroe, surveys the ruin ho has 
 wrought among his own people and silently 
 and sullenly awaits the action of the Nation 
 he vainly attemjited to destroy, to- make 
 known to him, in its own good time, the 
 doom he so richly merits. 
 
 In the North, we have prosperity and 
 plenty, all the evidences of increasing 
 power and greatness, everywhere present, 
 and the nation surely and certainly advan- 
 cing more rapidly than ever belbre in the 
 path of progress. And, notwithstanding 
 all the calamities and sacrifices of four years 
 of bloody war, (made more destructive by 
 the inhumanity and barbarism of our ene- 
 mies) we have just welcomed to their homes 
 more thiin one million of brave men who 
 have saved the nation and made their 
 names immortal. 
 
 THE ISSUES or THE PSESEIJT 0AM- 
 TAIGIL 
 
 After the settlement of the issues of 1864, 
 so disastrously in the field, and so ovei^r. 
 whelmiugly at the ballot-box-- against our 
 adversaries, it would seem most singular 
 that the same questions should be again 
 presented to the people of the Kej'slone 
 State. But they have selected their ground 
 and we willingly and gladly accept the 
 challenge. At the convention of their or- 
 ganization, recently held at Ilarrisburg, it 
 v,'as resolved, that ' ' the men and the party 
 administering the Government since IbOl, 
 have betrayed their trust, violated their 
 sacred obligations, disregarded the com- 
 mands of the fundamental law, corruptly 
 squandered the public money, perverted 
 the whole Government from its original 
 purposes, and thereby have brought untold 
 calamities upon the country." The mea- 
 sures of the administration of Abraham 
 Lincoln, so recently endorsed by so large a 
 majority of his countrymen, are here fool- 
 ishly and wickedly denounced by the mem- 
 bers of this convention, and the people of 
 Pennsylvania arc gravely asked to sanction 
 the act, reverse their own judgment and re- 
 pudiate the verdict of the nation solemnly 
 rendered at the ballot-box. 
 
 The "Sic Semper Tyrannis" of theever- 
 to-be-execrated Booth, uttered as he rushed 
 from the scene of the great crime of the age, 
 conveys no greater insult to the memory of 
 Abraham Lincoln, nor runs more directly 
 counter to the feelings and sentiments of 
 his countrymen than does this utterano© of 
 
6 
 
 the late so-called Democratic Convention. 
 Let the whole army of freemen which 
 marched to victory in 1864, under the ban- 
 ner of Abraham Lincoln, be again called 
 into the field, and march to the polls in 
 October, I8O0, to resent the insult to his 
 memory. Let there be no absentees— no 
 deserters — no straggler — but let all the old 
 soldiers, officers and men with a host of 
 new recruits be on hand, ready for the 
 fight. 
 
 But our adversaries were not content to 
 stop with this resolution. They say in sub- 
 stance and eliect that "war existed as a 
 fact upon the advent of the successful 
 party in 1860 to the scat of pov^er," — that 
 "slaughter, debt and disgrace are the re- 
 sults of our late civil war," — and that " no 
 more persons shall be nnirdered Ij}^ mili- 
 tary commissions." We had thought that 
 it had been pretty well settled by the 
 American jieople that the war was caused, 
 commenced and forced upon us by the 
 actions and conduct of traitors, and that 
 the election of a President according to 
 the provisions of the Constitution and lavvs 
 of the country, was no cause of v»ar what- 1 
 ever. We thought, too, that success, the 
 glory, greatness and renown of our common 
 ^ountry, — the death of treason, slavery, 
 ^tate sovereignty, and the right of seces- 
 sion, and not simply "debt, disgrace and 
 slaughter" were results of the war. As 
 the action of the Military Commission had 
 cost only the lives of a few ot the assassins 
 of President Lincoln, and as only a few of 
 the vilest of the rebels were in danger from 
 similar trials, it is next to impossible to 
 divine a motive for the hostility of the late 
 convention toward military commissions. 
 It would be uncharitable to intimate that 
 it originated in sympathy with such crimi- 
 uais as Wirz or Jefferson Davis. 
 
 lu contrast with this remarkable platform 
 of our political opponents, we have that of 
 our own representatives, which, among 
 other things, contains the following : 
 
 "The Union Party of Pennsylvania, in 
 State Convention assembled, declare : 
 
 "1. That as representatives of the loyal 
 people of the Commonwealth, we reverent- 
 ly desire to offer our gratitud" to Ahnighty 
 God, whose favor has vouciisafed victory 
 (0 the national' arms, enabled us to eradi- 
 cate the crime of slavery from our land, 
 and to render treason against the Republic 
 impossible forevermore ; and next to Ilim, 
 our thanks are due and are hereby tendered 
 to our brave soldiers and sailors, who, by 
 their endurance, sacrifices, and illustrious 
 heroism, have secured to thiir country 
 peace, and to the dowu-troddea every. 
 
 where an asylum of liberty ; who have 
 shown that the war for the restoration of 
 the Union is uot a failure, and whose valor 
 has proven for all time the fact that tins 
 Government of the people, by the people, 
 for the people, is as invincible in its strength 
 as it is beneficent in its operations." 
 
 The doctrines and principles of the psrty 
 in 1864 have been re-asserted by the con- 
 vention of 18G5. It is confidently believed 
 that they will not be deserted nor aban- 
 doned by the people at the polls in October 
 next. 
 
 CONDITION OF STATES LATELY IN 
 KESELLION. 
 
 There exists between the two parties, 
 and indeed among persons of the same 
 political faith, some diff'erence of opinion 
 in regard to the true condition and standing 
 of States lately in rebellion against the 
 Govenmient. It is not proposed to discuss 
 the point of difi"erence which mostly in- 
 volves an answer to the question: "Are 
 the States now, and have they been during 
 the war, within the Union or not V If by 
 "the States" is meant the soil or territory 
 embraced within their boundaries, or the 
 space occupied by them upon the map, 
 then we rejoice to heiipve that not one inch 
 has ever yet been or ever can be taken out 
 of the Union. But it would seem equally 
 clear that the Goveraments of those States 
 have been wholly and utterly subverte<l, 
 and for four years and more have been 
 violently hostile and antagonistic to the 
 Union. We find that on the 20tli day of 
 Nov , 18«0, the Attorney-General of tfie 
 United States, (Judge Black) in an official 
 opinion used the following language: "If 
 it be true that war can not be declared, nor 
 a system of general hostility carried on by 
 the Central Government against a State, 
 then it seems to follow that an attempt to 
 do so would be ipM fiteio an expulsion of 
 snch Slate from t/ui Union-, being treated aa 
 an alien and an enemy, she would be com- 
 pelled to act accordingly. And if ConQvens 
 sJuM break vp the present Union by uncon- 
 stitutionally putting strife and enmity and 
 armed hostility between difierent sectioiw 
 of the countiy, instead of the domeslie 
 tranquillity, which the Constitution wtts 
 meant to insure, will not all the States be 
 absolved from their Federal obligations ? 
 Is any portion of the people bound to con- 
 tribut'j their money or their blood to carry 
 on a contest like that ? If in accordance with 
 this view ^' tlioKC States icere expdled fro-rn 
 the Union,''^ and if " tfi^.y leere absolved fro'tn 
 tlheir Fed^al obi-i</ations,^' it would seem to 
 
b«? pretty cLsai Uiat Uiey vr cr« out of the 
 Union. 
 
 On Ihe other side of tire Siime question 
 we have the same authority. At the con- 
 vention of AuguBt 24th, 1865, Judge Blaeli; 
 Chaii'mau of the Committee on ResoUilions, 
 reported, among other things, the follow- 
 ing ; " That the Statet could rwt iiisoliie tlie 
 pf'jple from tlitir Federal obligaUoiut ; that 
 th-e iStats ordiiiancei of BcMSsivn were nulli- 
 tks^ and therefore Avhen tlie attempted 
 revolution camtj to an end by the submis- 
 sion of the insurgents, the States were as 
 much a part of the Union as they had been 
 belore." it would seem trom these views 
 tJiat when it suited the convenience, the 
 fancy or perhaps the wishes of some {per- 
 sons to have the insurrectionary States out 
 of the Union, then they were out ; and 
 when it was desu'able to have them back 
 again, then they were in and had never 
 been out 1 
 
 We are sometimes told tliat the ordi- 
 nances of secession were null and void. 
 It is conceded that they were illegal and 
 unconstitutional. So it ia to commit mur- 
 der. But you cannot restore the life of the 
 victim by declaring the illegal act null and 
 void. It is unlawful to steal; yet if your 
 horse be stolen you cannot bring him back 
 liy declaring ever so earnestly that the act 
 id null and void. 
 
 Concede that the act of secession was not 
 Oiily illegal and unconstitutional, but also 
 null and void, then, of course, all that 
 iollowed in pursuance thereof must be null 
 and void. If the foundation is removed 
 the superstructure must fall. It is matter 
 of history, however, to every one, that in 
 those- States all the judges. Legislatures, 
 and officers chosen, and all the laws passed 
 since the commencement of the rebellion, 
 W(;re chosen and passed in pursuance of 
 the ordinances of secession Of course, 
 these actions we all null and void. Hence 
 we find these States without Governors, 
 without Judges, without Legislatures, and 
 with their entire government subverted and 
 overthrown. Being, however, a part of 
 tiie soil and temtory of the nation, it is for 
 the nation to provide a Government lor 
 them until their people, freed liom the 
 odium of treason and taught to submit ia 
 good fath to the issue of the contest through 
 whicli they have just passed, shall prepare 
 and adopt for themselves a truly Republi- 
 can form of government, recognizing all 
 the great truths vindicated and established 
 by the blood and treasure of the nation. 
 
 But it matters but little as to the opinions 
 we may entertain In regard to the absti-act 
 question, whether these States ai'c in or out 
 of the Union, because it must be conceded, 
 on all hands, that they liave been recog- 
 
 nized as belligerents. Our political adver- 
 saries were the first to iusi-st that these 
 rights should be conceded to them. For- 
 eign nations seconded the demand, and 
 our Government yielded to it and treated 
 them as suclu Lest some one, now that 
 the war is over, should insist that they 
 were not in the position of belligerents, Itt 
 us examine what Uio highest legal tribunal 
 of the country has declared upon the 
 subject. 
 
 The Supreme Court of the United Sfeites, 
 in the prize crises recently decided, says : 
 ''Uence, in organizing this rebehion, they 
 have acted as States claiming to be sove- 
 reign over all persona and property within 
 their respective limits^ and asserting a right 
 to absolve their ciU2;ens from their alle- 
 giance to the Federal Government." 
 
 " It is no loose, unorganized insuri-ection, 
 having no defined boundary or possession. 
 It has a boundarj'- marked by lines of bay- 
 onets, and which can be crossed only by- 
 force. South of this line is enemy's terri- 
 tory, because it is claimed and held in pos- 
 session by an organized hostile and bellige- 
 rent power." 
 
 Had there been any doubt befoi'e, this 
 would clearly set tJie matter at rest. Hav- 
 ing enjoyed the rights of belligerents, shall 
 they avoid the rci^ponsibilities and duties 
 and refuse to submit to the treatment of 
 belligerents? "What axe some of these lia- 
 bilities? 
 
 "The conventions and treaties madte with 
 a nation are broken or annulled hy a war 
 arising between the contending patties." 
 Vattel, Book 3, Chap. 10, sec. 125. 
 
 In discussing the same point, and after 
 alluding to a former custom which required 
 a formal declaration of war, Phillimore, p. 
 QQ2, sa3^-s : " In the place of it has arisen 
 the general maxim that war, ipso f ado, ab- 
 brogates treaties between the belligerents." 
 
 On the same subject Chancellor Kent 
 says: "As a general rule, the obligations 
 of treaties are dissipated by hostility." 1 
 Kent, 175. 
 
 On this subject Prof. Leibcr says,, on p. 
 8: "All municipal law of the ground on 
 which the armies stand or of the countries 
 to which they belong is silent and of no 
 effect between armies in the field." And 
 
 Sergeant Wildman (page 8) saj's: "The 
 primary efiect of war is to extinguish all 
 civil intercourse, and to place all subjects 
 of belligerents in tiie condition of enemies. 
 Tills principle extends not only to the 
 uatural-bom subjects, but to all persons 
 domiciled in the enemies' territories ; to all 
 who come to reside there with knowledixe 
 of the war ; and Avho having come to reside 
 before the war continued their residence 
 after the commencement of hostilities for a 
 
s 
 
 longer time than is necessary for their con- 
 venient departure." 
 
 For fear some one miglit contend that 
 these principles do not apply in cases of 
 civil war, we add an additional authority : 
 
 In considering this question, \ attel, in 
 liis Law of Nations, on pages 424 and 425, 
 uses this language : 
 
 "When in a republic the nation is di- 
 vided into two opposite factions, and both 
 sides take up arms, this is ca»lled a civil 
 war." " The sovereign indeed never fails 
 to bestow the appellation of rebels on all 
 such of his subjects as openly resist him ; 
 but when th« latter have acquired a suffi- 
 cient strength to give him effectual oppo- 
 sition, and oblige him to carrj^ on the war 
 against them according to the established 
 rules, he must necessarily submit to the 
 use of the term 'civil w^ar.' On earth they 
 liave no common superior, they stand pre- 
 cisely in the same •predicament as two nations 
 who engage in a contest, and, being iinable to 
 come to a7i agreement, have recourse to arms.'''' 
 
 It is therefore perfectly manifest that 
 these late rebels are now in the condition 
 of conquered, subdued belligerents. How 
 mxiy we lawfully treat them V 
 
 When the war has been unjust, Vattel 
 says: 
 
 '" The whole right of a conqueror is de- 
 rived from justitiable self-defence, which 
 comprehends the support and prosecution 
 of his rights. When, therefore, he has 
 subdued a hostile nation, he undeniably 
 may, in the first place, do himself justice 
 respecting the object which has given rise 
 to the war, and indemnify himself for the 
 expenses and damages he has sustained by 
 it." 
 
 "We have a right to deprive our enemy 
 of his possession of every thing which may 
 augment his strength and enable him to 
 ma^cewar." (Page 364.) 
 
 ' ' Every thing, therefore, which belongs 
 to the nation, to the state, to the sovereign, 
 to the subjects — every thing of that kind, I 
 say, falls under the description of things 
 belonging to the encm}'." (Page 125.) 
 
 "A^conqueror may with justice lay bur- 
 dens on the conquered nation, both as a 
 compensation for the expenses of the war 
 and as a punishment." (Page 389.) 
 
 On this subject one of our own authors. 
 Chancellor Kent, saj's : 
 
 *' But, however strong the current of 
 authority in favor of the modern and 
 milder construction of the rule of national 
 law on this subject, the point seems to be 
 no longer open lor discussion in this coun- 
 trj' ; and it has become definitely settled in 
 lavor of the ancient and sterner rule by the 
 Supreme Court of tlic United Stales." 
 Kent's .Com., page 59. Also see Brown v. 
 
 The United States, 8 Cranch, 110. See 
 also Ibid., 228, 229. 
 
 Kent, in the same connection, in refer- 
 ring to the case of the cargo of the ship 
 Emulous, 1 GalUson, 563, in the Circuit 
 Court of the United States, at Boston, says : 
 "When the case was brought up, on ap- 
 peal, bel'ore the Supreme Court of the 
 United States, the broad principle w^as as- 
 sumed, that war gave to the sovereign IVhI 
 right to take the persons, and confiscate 
 the property of the enemy wherever found ; 
 and that the mitigations of this rigid rule, 
 which the wise and humane policy of 
 modern times had introduced into practice, 
 might, more or less, aflect the exercise of 
 the right, but could not impair the right 
 itself." 
 
 TKEATMENT OF EEBELS. 
 
 We have thus seen how we may legally 
 treat those lately in rebellion against us. 
 How should w^e treat them ? All will admit 
 that we should desire to act towards them 
 in such a way as best to promote the wel- 
 fare of the people, and add most to the 
 greatness and glory of our common country. 
 It will depend much upon our action 
 whether the war just closed, the most 
 gigantic in the world's history, shall pro- 
 cUrce substantial results, or whether the 
 blood and treasure of the nation have been 
 shed and expended in vain. W^e must be 
 merciiul, but mercy must be tempered with 
 justice. Indiscriminate mercy to the enemy 
 would be danger and injustice to the nation. 
 We must neither seek nor ask lor vengeance. 
 Whenever our late adversaries come in a 
 true spirit of sorrow and repentance, sheath 
 the sword and agree to obey the law, in the 
 future we will extend to them the right 
 hand of fellowship, and forgive them for 
 the past. After they shall have given us 
 satisfactory security for the future, by a 
 reasonable probation, we will then, but not 
 till then, rt store them to the enjoyment of 
 all the inestimable rights and high privileges 
 which they so recently, so defiantly, and so 
 causelessly trampled under their feet. For 
 defiant and unyielding rebels ; for those 
 who keep the sword still drawn, reeking 
 with the blood of our brothers ; for those 
 Avho refuse to accept and submit, in good 
 faith, to the results of the war ; for all who 
 glory in the part they took in the rebellion, 
 and who still insist that they were right and 
 the nation wrong, we must have confisca- 
 tion, loss of citizenship, and in the end, 
 banishment or the halter. Under the jaw 
 of nations, and by the laws of war, we have 
 a clear right to enforce the great objects of 
 i all wars — indemnity for the past, ancV secu- 
 
d 
 
 rity for the future. This rigid extends to 
 the confiscation of the enemy's property 
 after the war is over. Even as a question 
 of policy and expediency, or upon the 
 ground of humauity, it is by no means cer- 
 tain that some such measure is not required 
 for the security of the future. The -war is 
 not ended until the conquered party has 
 fairly accepted all its results. As we have 
 seen, we hold the late rebel States by the 
 power of war as conquered belligerents. 
 It is not only the right, but the solemn duty 
 of the government, to hold these belligerents 
 in the military grasp until all shall be de- 
 manded and obtained which may be neces- 
 sary to secure the nation in the tuture, and 
 render another rebellion or another war 
 impossible. In accomplishing these ends, 
 who could reasonably complain if it should 
 bg found necessary to confiscate the property 
 (H the rich, influential and active traitors. 
 If the aristocratic element of the South will 
 not be taught to obey the law, let its power 
 aud influence be taken from it by taking 
 away its wealth. What loyal man could 
 ol)ject, that by means of this iund, a few of 
 the comforts, if not the luxuries of life, 
 should be added to the tables of those 
 widows throughout the land whose firesides 
 have been made desolate by the war, or 
 rather by the treason which caused it ? 
 Who would object, that the bounties and 
 pensions of our soldiers, by whom the vic- 
 tory was won and the nation saved, should 
 be increased, and a trifle added to the pecu- 
 niary compensation so justly due them for 
 the sacrifices made? Who could object, 
 that by means of these funds, so justly for- 
 feited, a large portion of our national debt 
 should be paid, and thereby the taxes of all 
 classes of our people diminished, jiind a part 
 of the heavy load imposed upon the shoul- 
 ders of our people by treason, thus removed 
 by treason itself? The rich men' of the 
 South — the aristocracy of the rebellious 
 States, are almost entirely responsible for 
 the rebellion. For ceniuries they have been 
 living in ease and luxuiy, sustained, sup- 
 ported and enriched by the sv^'eat and toil 
 of the slave. Our so-called Democratic 
 adversaries tell us that the war was for the 
 negro, and for the abolition of slavey. If 
 this be true, would it not seem to be a just 
 judgment or decree of an over-ruling Provi- 
 dence, that the fruits of the negro's labor 
 and toll should thus be wrested from the 
 hands of his master to purchase aud secure 
 his own freedom ? 
 
 It is absolutely indispensable to the future 
 peace of the country, that the world shall 
 be made to understand that treason is a 
 great crime, and must be punished. Yet 
 m the settlement of these questions, the 
 reb^" shall receive at our hands all that 
 
 ; justice and safety will permit us to grant. 
 
 Our treatment of them shall be greatly in- 
 [ fluenced by their future conduct aud actions 
 I towards the nation. And in shaping these, 
 
 it would be well for them to remember that 
 ' the war was of their own seeking, and of 
 j Iheir own making, aud that no one is so 
 
 completely bound by a vei'dict as the man 
 
 who sought the advantages of the trial. 
 
 THE SOLDIERS. 
 
 Extraordinary efforts are being made by 
 
 our opponents to obtain the votes of our 
 
 , fellow-citizens recently returned from the 
 
 i service of the country in the army of the 
 
 nation. In these efTorts they should, and 
 
 it is confidently believed that they will fail : 
 
 1. Because a vigorous prosecution of the 
 war for the suppression otthe rebellion has 
 ever been urged by the XTnion party of the 
 coimtry. 
 
 2. Because the war has never been sus- 
 tained or advocated by the leaders of the 
 
 I party opposed to the administration. 
 
 I 3. Because the friends of the Union cause 
 I have always sustained and supported the 
 j soldiers in the field, and the leaders of pre- 
 I tended Democracy have ridiculed and de- 
 ! rided the soldiersof the Union, calling them 
 '; ' ' Lincoln' s hirelings, " " robbers, " " plun- 
 derers," and other epithets unfit for repeti- 
 ; tion. 
 
 4. Because when volunteers were called 
 ' for, they dcmaeded a draft. 
 
 5. Because when the draft came, they 
 opposed the commutation clause, and de- 
 
 1 dared it Avas a discrimination against the 
 
 , poor man. 
 
 i 
 
 ' G. Because when that clause was repealed 
 
 ' they complained that the only hope of the 
 
 poor man was gone. 
 I 
 j 7. Because they denounced the war as a 
 
 negro war, and did nothing to aid or assist 
 
 in carrying it on. 
 
 8. Because they became highly indignant 
 when negro troops were called tor, arid 
 threw the benefit of all their sympathies 
 with the South. 
 
 9. Because they opposed every measure 
 tlie government found it necessary to -adopt 
 for the suppriaaaion of the rebehion.- 
 
 10. Because thej'- magnified every' rebel 
 
1,0 
 
 success, and deprecated every Uniou vic- 
 toiy. 
 
 11. Because, in 1864, they declared the 
 war a failure. 
 
 12. Because, in 1865, they declare that 
 the fruits of the -war are "deht, disgrace, 
 aud slaughter." 
 
 13. Because they tried to prevent the 
 extension of the right of suffrage to soldiers 
 in service. Their leaders opposed it in 
 almost every form. Senator Wallace, now 
 Cbiiirman of their State Central Committee, 
 said, (see Record of 1864, pages 335, 339,) 
 '■ 1 vote against this bill upon principle, as 
 well as for form. It is said that so meri- 
 torious a class as volunteer soldiers should 
 not be disfranchised. To this I answer, 
 tliat neither the Constitution of 1790, nor 
 that of 1838, conferred this privilege, and 
 the act of the soldier in taking upon himself 
 duties that are from their nature incompat- 
 ible with the right of suffrage, deprives him 
 of this privilege. lie dinfranchises himself 
 wlien lie Manes to be a citizen^ and takes vpoii 
 JiunAelfthe duties of a soldi-er.^^ When the 
 amendment of the Constitution was sub- 
 mitted to a vote of the people, many of the 
 so-culled Democratic counties gave majori- 
 ties against it, while every connty in the 
 State, (and it is believed every election pre- 
 cinct, ) which gave Id Abraham Lincoln a 
 majority of its votes, gave a majority in 
 favor of the amtndmenti. 
 
 14. Their leaders almost invariably op- 
 posed giving bounties to volunteers, while 
 the friends of the Union party always sus- 
 tained and supported these measures. 
 
 15. Even since the war is orer, they em- 
 ployed their ablest lawyers in an effort to 
 declare the bounty laws unconstitutional, 
 aud really persuaded their two friends on 
 the- bench of the Supreme Court so to hold. 
 
 16. When men were grcatJy needed to fill 
 up the ranks, and the Government ordered 
 a draft, they resisted, and all of their repre- 
 sentatives upon the bench of the Supreme 
 Court declared the law authorizing the 
 National Government to take men out of 
 the State, by draft, was unconstitutional 
 and void. Men were only obtained, and 
 the nation s.aved because their party was 
 defeated at the polls in 1863, aud the act of 
 three of these Judges rebuked by the 
 people, and one of their plac«e fillctl by a 
 loyal man and sound judge.; 
 
 17. Because they have tried to injure the 
 credit, and disparage the currency of the 
 
 country, by means of which the pay, boun- 
 ties, and pensions of the soldier can alone 
 be paid. This point they also pressed be- 
 fore the Supreme Court of the State, and 
 failed by a division of three to two. 
 
 18. Because the platform of the tThion 
 party recognizes the services of the soldier 
 — declares that the war was commenced by 
 rebels — that peace was the result of the 
 courage and heroism of the Union arjny — 
 that the cause in which he fought was lioly 
 and sacred, and that honor, glory, and 
 prosperity to the country, and not 'debt, 
 disgrace, and slaughter," are the legitimate 
 fruits of his toih 
 
 19. Because when Union men exptressed 
 the hope that our troops might soon be able 
 to conquer the South, even by their exhaus- 
 tion and want of food, those leaders of the 
 new Democracy declared that "we could 
 never conquer the South," and that "they 
 had more to eat in the South than vis had 
 in the North." 
 
 20. Because when rebels were starving 
 our brave soldiers l)y the hundred at Libby, 
 Belle Island, Andersonville, and elsewhere, 
 these same leaders excused or mitigated the 
 crime by declaring that " they fed our pris- 
 oners as well as they did their own men-;" 
 that "owing to the unconstitutional block- 
 ade of the tyrant Lincoln, they could not 
 obtain a suflficieucy of food." 
 
 PEESIDENT JOHNSON AND 'fSE 
 OPPOSITION. 
 
 The opposition has not been so consistent 
 in their course towards President Johnson 
 as they have on the subject of the war. 
 Prior .to his re-nomination, they abused, 
 vililied and denounced him. From the time 
 of his nomination until the election, no 
 epithets were t-oo coarse. From the in- 
 auguration until the death of President 
 Lincoln, they continued in the same strain. 
 After that they begun to flatter — tlicn to 
 approach. When he ordered the execution 
 of the assassins, they sent Ibrth a loud 
 howl of indignation. When he ordered a 
 trial of the Andersonville wholesale mur- 
 derer, and talked of trjdng Jefferson Davis, 
 tlicy were about to give him up in dt^pair. 
 But now thev profess to grow a little mo»e 
 confident, 't'hey endorse him in Maine 
 and New York. They endorse him (pro- 
 vided he will do as they wish) in Pennsyl- 
 vania. In 1863, they spoke of him thus : 
 Senator Lamberton, Record of 1863, page 
 369. "But then he was Andrew Johnson 
 the Democrat. Now, however, he has 
 
11 
 
 deserted Lis post of duty in Tennessee ; he 
 is stultifying his past record ; he has htcuvie 
 aj^ensioner on powei\ and a defender of the 
 vsurpaiions of Abraham Lincoln; aud he 
 appears among us to-day as an itinerant 
 peddler of aboHtioniim.''^ ' Senator Wallace, 
 page 37'i : " During all the existence of the 
 rebellion, where is Andrew Johnson ? In 
 the Senate of the United States, seeking 
 ^protection for himself and his fellows under 
 the bayonets of the soldiers of McClellau. 
 He. is never found in arms in defence of liis 
 State, or valiantly fighting in defence of the 
 liberties of his people, against the armed 
 cohorts of the rebellion. " Never, never!" 
 Senator Clymer, page 377: "I say, sir, 
 that his'' (Johnson's) "appointment, by 
 the President of the United States, to that 
 position, Avas a usurpation of power on the 
 part of the President." * * * * "That is 
 my position, so far as concerns this pre- 
 tended Governor of Ti;nnessee. But with- 
 out regard to any question of his official 
 p;Ositiou, take Andrew Johnson a$ an indi- 
 vidual. * * * I never, by my vote, will 
 allow a man to come into these halls and 
 from this place speak to the jjeople of this 
 great State, in support of what I know to 
 be illegal, unconstitutional and tyrannical 
 acts of the Federal Government. 1 know, 
 sir, that Andrew Johnson has gone as far 
 as the farthest, and is ready to go still 
 further, U) deHroy, to -uproot, to upturn 
 every principle upon which this great and 
 good Government of ours was founded. I 
 know that he has bent with suppliant knee 
 before the throne of power ; / know that for 
 pelf, or some other consideration, he has 
 succumbed to ever;/ measure presented to him 
 for approtal or disapproval.''^ 
 
 These political leaders now are simply 
 watching their chances, hoping that some- 
 thing may turn up which may enable them 
 to return to povv^er. In New York they 
 adopted a platform at variance with all 
 their past professions, and actually refused 
 to condemn negro suffrage ! They hope to 
 use President Johnson to subserve their 
 selfish purposes. 
 
 TEE- OEAKGE OF NEGEO EQUALITY. 
 
 For many years our iwlitical opponents 
 seem to have a large investment in slavery 
 and the negro. Now that slavery is pretty 
 generally admitted to be dead, it was 
 thought that they might allow the old sub- 
 ject to rest. But not so. They return to 
 the question with as much apparent zeal 
 and warmth as ever. With a full know- 
 ledge of the fact that negro sulFrago and 
 negro equality are not, and could not pos- 
 sibly be, an issue, in the October contest. 
 
 they are making extraordinary efforts to 
 mislead and deceive their fellow -citizens 
 into a contrary belief. They think that 
 our hostility and prejudices against tlie 
 negro are so great, and that they have so 
 often appealed to these with some show of 
 success, that it is only necessary to repeat 
 the effort in order to accomplish their de- 
 signs. They tell you that elforts are being 
 made to elevate the negro, and to plac« 
 the two races on an equality. They seem 
 to be very much afraid that some ])Oor (te- 
 graded negro may outstrip them in the riiOQ 
 of life, 'f hey tell us that these negroes are 
 weak, ignorant, and inferior to the whitos. 
 If so it would seem that they needed our 
 help and .assistance to educate and instrutt 
 them. The only danger of equality we 
 can see is, that some white men, by contin- 
 uing longer in such a course of argumeui, 
 ill utt(;r disregard of truth, experience, and 
 history, for tho base purpose of reaching 
 the prejudices of the thoughtless, may al 
 last succeed in bringing themselves down 
 to or beneath the level of the negro. Tlw* 
 time was when they confidently declared 
 that the destruction of slavery would send 
 swarms of negroes into our midst to drive 
 away white laborers. Experience has 
 shown that the few we had here ran away 
 from slavery in the South, and that htwl 
 there been no slavery there these negroes 
 in the North would liave long since moved 
 South. They told us, too, that in case of a 
 war, the slaves would aii fight for their 
 masters. Neither Southern masters nor 
 their Northern allies have any faith in this 
 doctrine now. But these politicians cannot 
 live without the negro. He comprises 
 nearly their entire slock in trade. Orie 
 year it is one phase of tiie negro question ; 
 another year it is something else. The 
 great work of Bishop Hopkins was oiKJe 
 one of their standard works. It is rather 
 dull salo this year. The conduct of thex 
 politicians towards tlie poor degraded ne- 
 gro, would be past all comprehension, had 
 wti not a memorable example of the same 
 Itind in the early historjr of the human race. 
 All the troublesome and deadly plagUQg^of 
 Egypt, including the death of all the firs^ 
 born of the land, were not sufiicient to 
 reach the heart of Pharoah, nor to per- 
 suade the Egyptians of the errors and sins 
 of slavery, bo that, even after the slaves 
 had left the country, led by a pillar of a 
 cloud by day, and a pillar of fire by night, 
 the ruler and his hosts of subjects followed 
 them even into the midst of the Red Sea. 
 Our nation has suffered more than all tlie 
 plagues of Egypt. As the law of prinK)- 
 geniture has be-eu alwlished among us, the 
 deaths vrere not all of our first-born, but 
 nearly one of every household ; yet these 
 
12 
 
 deluded hosts, led on by hfird-lieartcd and 
 •wicked Phuroahs, as leaders, arc still pur- 
 suiuG; even into the midst of the Red Sea. 
 Will'not the "waters standing as walls of 
 safely to the slaves, return again and cover 
 Pharoah and his hosts, and'all that come 
 into the sea after them, until there shall re- 
 main not so much as one of them V" 
 
 OUS CANDIDATES. 
 
 For Auditor-General, we have presented 
 the name of Major-Geneval JOHN F. 
 HARTP.ANFT, of Montgomery ; and for 
 Surveyor-General, that of Col. JACOB ^I. 
 CA]\[PBELL, of Cambria. As biographies 
 of these two gentlemen have recently been 
 jiublished and circulated among their fel- 
 low-citizens, it is only remarked here, that 
 they are both brave and gallant soldiers, 
 and especially ciualified for a satisfactory 
 discharge of the duties of the rpspeclive 
 offices tor which their fellow-citizens have 
 nominated them. 
 
 IMPOETAITOE OP THE ISSUE. 
 
 It is not to be disguised that there is a 
 large number of persons both at the North 
 and at the South, who have not finally 
 abandoned the hope of the ultimate triumph 
 of the principles of the late rebellion. '^I'hey 
 hone to secure by the success of their views 
 at the ballot-box', that which they failed to 
 accomplish by armed force. It may de- 
 pend upon the decision of Pennsj-lvania on 
 the 10th of October, whether the war shall 
 prove, at last, a failure — whether its fruits 
 are to be only " debt, disgrace and slaugh- 
 ter," or whether it is to have substantial 
 results in the death and burial of slavery, 
 state sovereigntj' and the right of secession. 
 
 It is a well-established fact, that tL*3 con- 
 test was long protracted by reason of the 
 hope and belief entertained by the South, 
 that they would receive aid and syinpathy 
 from the North. It is now all important 
 to the South, that they should be assured 
 that this hope is fallacious, and that the 
 North will adhere unfalteringly, to the doc- 
 tiines, principles 'and views which carried 
 them triumphantly through the four years 
 of blc^dy war. It is best to let them know 
 
 at once and forever, that there is no Tiope 
 for the final triumph of the doctrines and 
 measures, for which they contended in the 
 field. 
 
 We have seen that the men among us 
 who were first to urge upon the Govern- 
 ment to hold the rebels in the light of bellig- 
 erents, are now the first to strive to relieve 
 them from the consequences and penalties 
 of their belligerency. Those who were con- 
 stant in their predictions that the "war 
 would never end," and that "the South 
 could never be conquered," are now most 
 ready to insist that the war is over, and 
 that its objects and results shall not be 
 secured, but that rcbds shall be instantly 
 restored to all their former rights under the 
 Constitution and laws of the country. These 
 same men who are now appealing to the 
 soldiers for their votes, oflJicially denounce 
 as "murderers" all those engaged in try- 
 ing and punishing by military commission, 
 the iiuthors of the wholesale slaughter of 
 their companions in arms. All this and 
 more they do with a full knowledge of the 
 law of nations, and the laws of war, which 
 declare that these men have forfeited all 
 their rights under the Constitution, and 
 that they now lie prostrate at the feet of 
 the victor, as conquered, overthrown and 
 subdued belligerents ; with just such rights 
 and no more, as a kind and merciful Gov- 
 ernment may choose to vouchsafe to them. 
 Let the people rally to the polls and sustain 
 by their votes, the great cause so nobly and 
 bravely defended and sustained by the 
 soldier in the field. The future will then 
 declare that the " Great War of Freedom " 
 was not a " failure," but our children to 
 the latest generation, will learn to read with 
 the warmest glow of patriotism, those pages 
 of our nation's history, Avhich describe the 
 skill and heroism of th« officers and soldiers 
 of this great struggle, and never cease to 
 venerate their memories. The greatness, 
 power, resources and energy of a free peo- 
 ple displayed in our great struggle for the 
 preservation of the nation's life, will only 
 be equalled by the future greatness, pros- 
 perity and success of the nation purified, 
 regenerated and reclaimed by the fiery 
 ordeal through which we have just passed. 
 
 By order of tlie Committee. 
 
 JOHN CESSNA, 
 Chaimmn. 
 
i=» Xj jQl T* le^ o 3R- 3va: 
 
 tJNION CONVENTION, 
 
 Unanimously adopted at their Convention, held at Harri&burg, 
 on the 17th day of August, 1865. . 
 
 Fil^sT. That as representatives of the 
 loyal people of the Coramouwcaltli, we 
 reverently desire to olfer our gratitude to 
 Almighty God, whose favor has vouch- 
 safed victory to the national arms, enabled 
 us to eradicate the crime of slavery from 
 oiir land, and to render treason against the 
 Republic impossible forevermorc ; and next 
 to Him, our thanks are due and are hereby 
 tendered to our brave soldiers and sailors, 
 who, by their endurance, sacrifices, and 
 illustrious heroism, have secured to their 
 country peace, and to the down-trodden 
 everywhere an asylum of liberty ; who 
 have shown that the war for the restoration 
 of the Union is not a failure, and whose 
 valor has proven for all time the fact that 
 this Government of the people, by the 
 people, for the people, is as invincible in 
 its strength as it is beneficent iu its opera- 
 tion. 
 
 Second. That revering the mcmorj' of 
 Abraham Lincoln, the great martyr of 
 liberty, we cannot show greater honor to 
 his name than by a generous support of his 
 feliow-patriot and successor, Andrew John- 
 son, the President oftho United States, wlio 
 has been called to complete the task which 
 he left unfinished. His unbending patriot- 
 ism in the past is a sure guarantee that iu 
 tJie momentous future the authority of the 
 Government will be upheld, and the rights 
 and liberties of all the citizens of the 
 Republic secured. 
 
 Tdikd. That the mild and generous 
 
 method of reconstruction offered by the 
 President to the people Jately in rebellion, 
 iu the judgment of this Convention, haa 
 not been accepted in the spirit of honest 
 loyalty and gratitude, but "with such evi- 
 dence of defiance and hostility f^s to impel 
 us to the conviction that they cannot safely 
 be entrusted with the political rights which 
 they forfeited by their treason, until they 
 have proven their acceptance of the results 
 of the war, by incorporating them in con- 
 stitutional provisions and securing to all 
 men within their borders their inalienable 
 right to life, liberty and the pursuir oi 
 happiness. 
 
 Fourth. That having conquered the 
 rebellious States, they should be held in 
 subjection, and the treatment they are to 
 receive and the laws which are to govern 
 them, should be referred to the lawmaking 
 pov/er of the nation, to which it legiti- 
 mately belongs. 
 
 Fifth. That as the late rebellion was 
 wantonly precipitated by the propejty 
 holders of the South, it is but just that they 
 should pay the expenses of the war, antl 
 Congress should declare as forfeited and 
 vested in the Government the property of 
 all rebels whose estates exceed the sunk of 
 $10,000, and that the proceeds of the pro- 
 perty so confiscated should be applied to 
 increase the pensions of those entitled 
 thereto by the casualties of the war, to pay 
 the damages done by the enemy to loyal 
 
 13 
 
14 
 
 citizens, and to reduce t.be burden of the 
 national debt. 
 
 Sixth. That it is the duty of Congress 
 so to revise the revenue laws a» to afford 
 increased protection to American industrj- ; 
 to secure the develojimr nt of the industrial 
 ■wt'alth of the people ; to render labor pro- 
 titable and rt'munrrative ; to build up home 
 markets for agriculturists ; to attract capi- 
 t-jil to the mineral fields of the country, and 
 to provide revenue for the maintenance of 
 the public credit ; and this Convention 
 recognizes the chief cncm)- to a pobcy of 
 protection in that European power ■which, 
 for four j^ears, has furnished piratical rcs- 
 sels of ^va^ to the rebels, and thus en- 
 deavored to drive our commerce from the 
 seas. 
 
 Seventh. That any attempt by foreign 
 nations to establish a monarchical govern- 
 UKUt on this continent is evidence of a 
 design to destroy Kepublican institutions 
 Regard for our oAvn safety and for the 
 future security of the Republic demand that 
 no such attempt should succeed. 
 
 Eighth. That it is Ujc duty of Congress 
 to? secure the full Federal bounty to all 
 honorably 'discharged soldiers, irrespective 
 of the date of their enlistment. 
 
 Ninth. That vre recognize in Edwin M. 
 Stanton the fearless, hon-est and able head 
 of the Department of War, a public servant 
 ■vrtio has deserved Avell of his country, and 
 bas borne himself so clear in his great 
 office as to merit the earnest gratitude of 
 eil loyal men ; and we tender to him and 
 to his distinguished colleagues in the Cabi- 
 net our thanks for their valuably scrvicca in 
 UiQ cause of liberty and law. 
 
 Tenth. That the c-onstant devotion of 
 Gdvemor Curtin to the best interests of the 
 State and nation, during the last four years, 
 and his indefatigable efforts on all occasions 
 to pay the just debt of gratitude we owe 
 our national defenders, not merely by words 
 but also by deeds, entitles him to the thanks 
 oi' every loyal citizen of Pennsylvania, 
 
 Eleventh. That this Convention, repro- 
 sonting the loyal people of Pennsylvania, re- 
 co^izes the claims of our citizen soldiers 
 on our confidence and gratitude ; and that 
 in nominations for offices especial regard 
 sJiould be paid to the claims of those who 
 have faithfully served their country in the 
 army or the navy in the suppreesion of the 
 rebeUion. 
 
 TwELVFTH. That the leaders of the Dem- } 
 
 ocrntic party stand arraigned befoJt the 
 people of Pennsylvania for constantly ob- 
 structing the efforts of the constituted au- 
 thorities to maintain the life of the RepuL!>«. 
 They did this 
 
 Bj- inflaming the passions of their igno- 
 rant followers against the legally electt^l 
 officers of the Federal Government, and r%- 
 fraining from all reproach against tr<;ason 
 or armed traitors. 
 
 By procuring a decision from th? I>en>o- 
 craiic judges of our Supreme Court, deny- 
 ing the right of the Government to the ser- 
 vices of the citizens of this State for the 
 defence of their imperilled countiy. 
 
 By discouraging men from volunteering 
 into the armies of the Union ; thus render- 
 ing it necessary to succumb to treason, or 
 to pay large bounties, and so burdening 
 every ward, township and borough in tins 
 State with debt to fill the ranks of our 
 armies. 
 
 By opposing the enlistment of negroes 
 for our defence, although one white man 
 less was required for every black one w!k) 
 could be enlisted, and this at the very nio- 
 ment when the battle of Gettysburg wa« 
 raging on the soil of Pennsylvania, and t'se 
 result of that decisive battle was uncertain. 
 ,^,By denying to our soldiers the right to 
 vote while fighting for the flag of our fathers, 
 on the plea that such rights were not 
 allowed by our constitution, and by op;x)- 
 sing an amendment which removed tlxir 
 objections, and relieved our brave sokliei* 
 from this disability. 
 
 By exaggerating the public indebtedness, 
 denying the public credit, and teaching that 
 the financial resources of the North weisa 
 unequal to the suppression of the rebellwon. 
 
 By a shameful opposition to measuies 
 for extending relief to the families of Union 
 soldiers, and by a malignant effort by tlic^* 
 means to secure the success of the rebels in 
 the field, or such a protraction of the v.'ar 
 as would exhaust the nation in its efibrt to 
 subdue their friends. 
 
 By Tu>w heaping abuse upon the Go^^rn- 
 ment for punishing atsassins and their ae- 
 complices; by demanding the release of i 
 leading traitors, by frowning down all at- 
 tempts to bruig to punishment the ficacis 
 who starved our soldiers, and by assuriiig 
 rebels that neither in person or property 
 shall they be punished for their crimes. 
 
 And if anything were wanting to -ooni- 
 plete their infamy, we have it in their deter- 
 mined opposition to free labor, and to a 
 tariff which, wlule it would make labor pjo- 
 fitable by protectmg the workingmen of 
 Pennsylvania from British competition, 
 would largely increase the revenue essen- 
 tial to the maintenance of the public faith 
 and credit. 
 
3E=* Xj .<^ "27 :F^ O :E=5. IVE 
 
 D-EIOCRATIC COMENTIOI, 
 
 Unaninioiisly adopted at Harrisburg, August 24th, 1865. 
 
 t;' 
 
 Wliereas^ It is the imperative duty and || 
 ghould be the exchisive desire of. every 
 American citizen intrusted with the power 
 of controlling pubUc alTairs by his vote or 
 otherwise, to see that they are administered 
 with a sinrcle eye to tlie great objects wliicli 
 CRir ibrefethers had in view wlien they laid 
 tiie foundations of this republic, viz. : To 
 form a more perfect Union; establish jus- 
 tice ; insure domestic tranquillity ; provide 
 for the common defense ; promote the 
 .general welfare, and secure the blessings of 
 libcity to ourselves and our posterity. 
 
 "WTifreas^ The men and the party admin- 
 istcrmg the Federal Government since 1861 
 have betrayed their trust, violated their 
 sacred obligations, disregarded the com- 
 mands of the fundamental law, corruptly 
 squandered the public money, denied jus- 
 tice to the people, perverted the whole 
 Government from its original purpose, and 
 tliei'eb.v have brought on untold calamities 
 upoai the country ; therefore be it 
 
 I^solved, First. That we, the Democracy 
 of Pennsylvania, arc now, as we always have 
 been, faithful to the Union of the States, 
 (^posing the seces^on of the South with 
 jfll our influence, and having no sympathy 
 Off association whatever with that party in 
 t3i& Nojth which plotted against the Union 
 ajjji pronounced the Constitution "a cove- 
 nant with death and on agreement with 
 helU" 
 
 Second. That if the counsels of the 
 Deiaocratic party had prevailed, the Union 
 would have been saved in all itajintegrity 
 
 and honor, without the slaughter, debt and 
 disgrace of a civil war. But when the for- 
 mation of sectional parties in the North and 
 in the South, and the advent of one of these 
 parties into the seats of power made wtir a 
 fact which we could not counteract, we 
 sustained the Federal authorities in good 
 faith, asking nothing at their hands except 
 a decent respect for our legal rights, and 
 some show of common honest}^ in the man- 
 agement of our financial afi\iirs, but in both 
 these particulars we were disappointedand 
 betrayed. 
 
 Third. That the Constitution establKhed 
 by our revolutionary fathers is entitled t.o 
 our unqualified respect and obedience ; tlie 
 oath to support it is binding, religiously, 
 morally and legally, at all times, under all 
 circumstances, and in every part of the 
 courttry ; upon all public ofiicers, from the 
 highest to the lowest, as well as uix»n 
 private citizens ; it is only by a strict ob- 
 servahce of its provisions, and a rigid en- 
 forcement of its obligations in all the States, 
 that we can hope for union, liberty, or 
 peace. He who wilfully violates it, or 
 counsels violation by others, is a public 
 enemy and dishonest man. 
 
 Fourth. That among the rights gunscin- 
 tied to U3, by the plainest words of the 
 Constitution, are these : Free press, freedom 
 from arbitrary arrest and illegal imprison- 
 ment, trial by jury, the ■vrnt of habeas 
 corpus, the perfect immunity of all per&ons 
 not in the army or navy from any species 
 of punishment for crime or pretended crime 
 which is not the legal consequence of a 
 legal conviction by an impartial jurjs, the 
 
16 
 
 abiolute subordir.ation of all mililaiy power 
 to the civil autiioiitj-, and the privilcj^e of 
 white cilizjns to vote at the State elections, 
 acconling to the laws of the State. 
 
 Fifth. That we fully concur witli Presi- 
 dent Johnson in the conviction expressed 
 by him in 18G0, and repeated several times 
 since, that the Federal Government is sove- 
 reign within its proper sphere ;- that it acts, 
 not through or upon the States, but directly 
 upon individuals ; that the States could not 
 absolve the people from their federal obli- 
 gations ; that the State ordinances of Seces- 
 sion were nullities, and, therefore, when 
 the attempted revolution came to an end, 
 by the submission of the insurgents, the 
 States were as much a part of the Union as 
 tJiey had been before. Their people were 
 bound to the same duties and clothed Avitli 
 the same rights, excepting, of course, such 
 rights as individuals among them had 
 Icgallj' forfeited by their own acts in the 
 meantime, and we hereby declare that so 
 far as we can prevent it, the resumption of 
 their proper places in the Union by those 
 States, some of whose citizens were lately 
 in Rebellion, shall not be impeded or de- 
 Inj'cd by the unlawful interference of that 
 Cictioii at the North which was always 
 hostile to the Union, which now pro- 
 nounces it legally desolated, and which is 
 still malignantly laboring to prevent its 
 restoration. 
 
 Sixth. That the effort now making by 
 certain persons to use the power of the 
 Geiieral Government with a view to force 
 negro suG'ragc upon the States against the 
 will of the people and contrary to existing 
 laws, is not only a high crime against, the 
 Constitution, but a duliberate and wicked 
 attempt to put the States of thistJnion (all 
 of them more or less, and some of them 
 entirely) under the domination of negroes, 
 to Africanize a large portion of the country, 
 and degrade the white race, morally and 
 socially, as well as politically, to the low 
 level of the black. We will not acknow- 
 ledge ttie incapacity of our own race to gov- 
 ern itself, nor surrender the destinies of the 
 country into the hands of negroes, nor put 
 themselves under their guardianship, nor 
 give up to them the political privileges 
 which we inherited from our lathers, and 
 we exhort our brethren in other States to 
 t^ake up the same attitude and maintain it 
 firai\3\ Jft 
 
 SEVE:>Tn. That we will support Presi- 
 dent Johnson in every just effort he may 
 make to place all the States in their proper 
 positions, to .give to them a fair representa- 
 tion in Congress, to save them from the 
 
 curse of negro equality ; he shall have our 
 hearty approval when he inflicts legal pua- 
 i^hmtnt b}'' means of legal tribunals Upon 
 offenders against the United States, and we 
 will be with him in every means which 
 looks to the maintenance of the publle 
 credit. But our full approval of his admin- 
 istration can be founded only in the beliref 
 that he will execute the law, the whole Eiw, 
 and nothing but the law^, in all parts of tb^ 
 country ; that he will not allow the military 
 to interfere with State elections ; thAt h^ 
 will punish kidnapping and robbery through 
 the legal authorities, whether committed By 
 Fedc'-al officers or private citizens, and tha4, 
 lie will sulfcr no person to be muvdered by 
 Militai-y Commission, and upon these meas- 
 ures there can be no compromise ; "he that 
 is not for us is against us." 
 
 Eighth. That in view of our enoritwus 
 national debt, the great weight of our Statse 
 taxes, and the local burdens imposed upon 
 us in divers ways, economy and retrench- 
 ment becomes an important duty of all our 
 representatives, and to this end the vast 
 standing army now on foot ought to be dis- 
 banded, the navy should be reduced, and 
 the corrupt and extravagant practices lately 
 introduced into the Government should be 
 totally abolished. 
 
 Ninth. That our revenue laws neM to 
 be carefully revised in such manner that 
 while the public credit will be maintained, 
 and the national honor preserved, taxation 
 will be equal and just. 
 
 Tenth. That the gallant soldiers oftbe 
 Republic, who so nobly risked their lives 
 in defence of the Union and the Constitu- 
 tion, merit and will receive the undying 
 [ gratitude of the American people. Living, 
 [ they shall live in our warmest affections, 
 [ and dying, their memories will be cherishecl 
 I for all time to come. To say, as our polifi- 
 j cal opponents do, that they fought and bled, 
 I and died mainly for the freedom of the 
 j negro, is a gross insult on their patriotism 
 and an outrage which will be indignantly 
 resent ed by their surviving comrades thifgugh 
 the ballot-box. ' 
 
 Eleventh. That the noble mann?^ in 
 which the Democratic press of this (^m- 
 monwealth have contended in the defpg^^ 
 of the liberties of the nation, amid trials ana 
 difficulties almost unparalleled, is deserving 
 of our grateful recognition, and should en- 
 title it to the encouragement of every Oon- 
 stitutiou-loving citizen. 
 
 TwELUTH. That we reafl3rm our 
 rence to the Monroe doctrine. 
 
 adbe- 
 
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